The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1652.

the agricultural and manufacturing labourers, more
especially of the manufacturing labourers, is to
be attributed to that legislation, combined with
other causes, which has given to them the advantage of
cheap and abundant food, and which, at the same time,
other circumstances have prevented from being accom-
panied by those concomitant evils which we undoubtedly
apprehended. If your Lordships ask me what are those
other circumstances to which I refer as baying netvra-
lizEd the injurious effects of, while permitting to come
into full operation the advantages to be derived from,
that system of policy which made the provisions of the'
people cheap and abundant, I do not hesitate to say that
I concur in a great measure in what fell from my Noble
Friend behind me, and in thinking that two causes have
had a material effect on the result, viz., the extensive
discoveries and production of gold in different parts of
the world ; and the emigration which, partly arising
from those discoveries of gold, and from other induce.,
ments, has taken place to an enormous extent, and to a
still increasing extent, in the course of the last two

years. (Cheers.) But it certainly was an apprehension
which I entertained, and which I am happy to find from
various causes has not been realized, but which was until
very lately entertained by a great body of those who are
acting with me—that a fall in the price of provisions,
other things being as they were, would lenci to
a corresponding, or to a more than corresponding,
reduction in the raw of wages. I think that is
s proposition which may be theoretically made clear,
and which, but for the circumstances to which I am al-

tutting, might perhaps hare been practically proved to

deinonatration (Hear, hear.) And here 1 may say—
though I may have read an erroceous report—that I
read with considerable surprise a statement attributed
the other day to a Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Macaulay)
whom I rejoice to find in a such a state of health as to
be enabled again to devote his talents to public life, and
in whose brilliant capacity I think the New House of
Commons will have made a great acquisition. The
statement of which I speak is in a speech, the eloquence
of which I greatly admired, although a considerable
portion of that speech was directed, and in a manner
hardly worthy the Right Hon. Gentleman's talents, against
myself, and against those with whom I act ; and
I must say that if that speech is correctly reported,
I am compelled to give the Right Hon. Gentleman
greater credit for the brilliance of his oratory than for the
soundness of his judgment. [The Noble Earl here pre-
ceded to reply toMahlacaulay'a argument, that inasmuch
as wages were high in Ohio, and yet provisions were
cheap, the Protectionist theory was erroneous, by say-
ing that between a thinly inhabited and virgin soil
country like that of Ohio, and a thickly populated highly
farmed country like England, there could be no rational
comparison, England (added the noble earl) could only
be compared with England herself, and in the past cir-
cumstances of England would be found facts sufficient
to justify the former apprehensions of the protectionist
party. He then returned to his general argument.] The
circumstances of the country, then, have been widely
altered by the two important causes, I have enumerated.
In the first place, the large production, and the increas-
ing production, of gold must not only have its effects to
a certain extent on the money prices of all articles of
commerce, but by making money cheap and abundant
and consequently the rate of interest low, it enables the
employers of labour to make exertions they otherwise
could not have made, and so to furnish an amount of
employment which throws the balance in favour of
labour, by diminishing the apparent number of the com-
petitors for employment. But beyond, and independent
of this, you must look to the emigration which has been
going on during these last two years. I hold in my
hand a return of that emigration, and I find that, taking
England and Ireland together, there have emigrated from
this country in 1850, 220,000 persons ; in 1851, 273,000
persons ; and in 1852, 305.000 persons—making a total
in three years of 830,000 persons, most of them, be
it remembered, being in the prime of life, and all
of them being competitors in the labour market. Don't
suppose that this emigration has taken place exclusively
from Ireland, I will show that it has not. Of
course Liverpool must to a certain extent be left out
of the calculation e for though the returns include it
as an English port, nine-tenths of the emigaatton pro-
ceeding thence is Irish. But assuming that of the emi-
grants sailing from( Liverpool, only one-tenth are Eng-
lish, that is, 18,000 out of 187,000 persons, we find that
there has emigrated from England alone in the list year
a body of 80,000 persons. It is impossible, then, but
that these two circumstances combined, the large amount
of gold discovered, making money cheap, and rendering
the means of employment easy—and, on the other hand,
the concurrent diminution of the number of competitors
in the home labour market—must have had the effect of
keeping up the rate of wages of the labouring classes,
and thereby so altering the state of affairs contemplated
in all parties' calculations as in a great degeee to pre-
vent the occurrence of those evils which, but for those
mitigating circumstances, would have attended the fall
in the prices of provisions. (Cheers.) But, my Lords,
in reviewing the results of the new system of commer-
cial policy, working, as it does, more advantageously for
the working classes than .we had anticipated. I am bound
to look, not so much to th e causes, but to the practical
results themselves—to the facts as I find them, produced
as those facts have been b y a variety of causes, some of
which were never calculated on by any party. (Cheers.)
And I am bound to look altso to the deliberate expres-
sem of the opinions and oi: the feelings of the country.
(Cheers.) When at the *early part of the last Session
of the last Parliament I ha d, most unexpectedly, the hon-
our of addressing your Le edships from the place (the
Ministerial benches.) In ow stand at, I stated that it
would be my desire to be enabled to conduct the busi-
Inas of the country throu.gh the Session then in progress
without any reference to those important questions upon
which a difference of opi Won prevailed with regard to
legislation—that that mu st be a point referred to the
deliberate consideration o f the country, as it would be
tested by the results of •the general election—that by
the results of that gen,aral election I and my col-
leagues were prepared t o abide—and that we should
abstain, unless we should t hen have the full sanction and
support of a large majorit 37 of the country, from propos-
ing even those measures v rhich we ourselves in our pri-
vate judgment might deem the most advantageous for
the empire. My Lords, le iat appeal to the country has
• been made; and I have rto hesitation in saying to your
Lordships that, with rep' rd to any imposition of any
duty on corn, or on oche r provisions of first necessity,
not only is there not that large majority, without which
I declared I would submkt no such proposition to the
consideration of Parliame, et; but that the country, by a
very large and very and moubted majority, including a
very considerable number of the representatives of agri-
cultural districts themselv 'Es, have declared that whether
desirable or not it might b vave been as a matter of policy,
yet that in the present st. rte of the country they are de-
termined not to go back f tom that system of legislation
which has been establishe Kl, and that they will not con-
sent to the imposition of o a ty tax on the introduction of
articles of provision. toad cheers.) My Lords, I
think that question meanie t t with it the whole financial
policy of the country. It; might have been possible to
have adopted the system o f free trade, as it is commonly
called, and to have mad( a these particular articles ex•
ceptions from that systems but it is not possible to lay
down a system of policy b, y which you would have free
trade in corn and provision s , and by whieh you would not
follow up as far as possible the same system with regard
to the other principal net :I masities of life. If I under-
stand that which is inten eled to be said by the com-
mon expression " free tre ele," I understand it to mean
this—that you will not i impose a tax for the purpose
of the protection of in d ividual or local interests;
that you a ill impose a tax for the purpose of revenue
and for revenue only; and that in the imposition
of taxes for revenue you a have especial reference to
lightening the burdens wh it di may be impied on these
articles which mainly mete r into the consumption of the
great mass of the people.. (Loud cheers.) Now my
Lords, in that system Ism much advantage; but Ido
not deny that I see much (difficulty and future embar-
rassment. I see great p r esent advantages; but I am
not sure—and God grant that I may be wrong—that
that system may not lead t. o future embarrassment, by
the necessary consequence: a of the complete change in
our whole financial systeo . But I do not hesitate to
say that after the opinion which has been pronounced
by the people, whatever nit f, y be the views of myself and
of my friends as to what N v ould have been a desirable
policy, I see that a concurs v 'nce of the majority in such
a policy is in itself imprac icable; and that, if it were
practicable, it would still b undesirable to raise such a
question for controversy among large classes of the
people. (Loud cheers) On the part, then, of myself
and of my colleagues, I sas f that I bow to the decision of
the country. (Loud cheer se) And having so bowed, I
declare, on their part and on mine, that—while desirous
to the utmost of our pow. er to mitigate that inevitable
injury which the adoption of the free-trade policy has
inflicted on important cite oes—l do not adopt that po-
licy with any reserve wha lever. I adopt it frankly as
the decision of the count' era, and honestly and fairly I
am pr. pared to carry it t mt. (Loud cheers.) I hope
that the Noble Marquis a .nd other Noble Lords will see,
after I have said thus in Etch, that there has not been
any faltering or hesit• stir n in declaring our intention to
to the country. It iv( mid -obviously be improper for me,
on the present OCCO :ion, to enter into any detail of
t i measures
classes
hwalivi.
)cl3 ;spokenv r:e believeof haeyi
fn
bj injury r yto
mitigated_the par-
ticular
mitigated, we believe, without interfering with the
I to
suchgeneral
d eecatsed that I should now
;of
But I have ato satialact.on stating to your
tails it wall
enter.
desatnotl o'iabadexp
and the f coonuen tarhyo
short
fortnight—
(Laughter)—on rht
na
ivge h t the
patience
f ptso, thatwait
forif ytoht:
period
(Laughter)—on the pi art of her
of the Exchequer Majesty Government,
my Right Hon. Friteat I the Chancellor
financial measures which,
liament, in full detai J., those financial
Majesty's Govern-
in the present state of affairs,
will be prepared to 111 my before the other House of Par-
liament,
any opinion. t
ment are prepared e recommend.(toaruogbhhtiepro.)wilynatoi.
stain from expressing or pronouncing
that period shall arri re, I trust your
trust that your Lord: ships
and I trust
that you will give adm 'liberate and dispassionate conside-
rationrward You
will at all events hear the
views her Majesty's ( tovernment entertain ;
to the measur' us we may bring ,o •
may—or the other H use of Parliament may—dissent
from our views, or th et' may adopt them. If they dis-
sent, and think fit to act on that dissent. they may—if
they can collect among themselves a sufficient ',umber
of gentlemen ready t deal with this subject, and in a
different way, and re a, ly to deal with the other subjects
in which the great in. ts nests of the country are concerned
—they may in that c' ass m prevent the adoption of the policy
which—without an 7 I lifferonce of opinion among them
—without any hes; itat ion subsequent to the decision of
the last general elemeti on—the Government deliberately
adopted. But I belt' there will be that good sense and
that moderation he Pa element that they will not sacri-
ifincepethrseognarel ecartirnle ,restsof the nation for the purpose of
points., or for the purpose of indulging
iminations or individual accusations. I
hraoipseinagnprsdelboenia;l ,eve that on all sides of the House there
will prevail tb at spirit of which we see so satisfactory
sad hOlioartibl ewn inatauoe is the speech to-night of the

Natiio Marquis—a spirit which will induce members of
Parliament to look at great subjects of national import-
ance—not through the medium of this or that section or
party, and not through the medium of private interests;
but that they will look at them as that great man we
have so lately lost would have looked at them, through
the medium of that which would, on the whole, be for
the advantage of the great interests of the country, of
those interests of which not a Ministry alone, bat of
which both Houses of Parliament are the natural reposi-
tories. On that point, my Lords, I need say no more.
With regard to the question on which I have dwelt so
long, I have frankly stated that we will endeavour as
honestly to carry out that policy to which we formerly
objected, as far as we had been the authors of that
policy; and, on the other hand I say as distinctly, that
I will abstain from no effort which, in my judgment, and
in that of my colleagues, may be calculated to lessen the
inevitable injury inflicted on those who suffer from the
effects of that policy the nation has finally adopted. (The
Noble Earl resumed his seat amid general cheering.)
The Address was then adopted.
On the motion of the First Minister, Lord Redesdale
was re-appointed Chairman of Committees of their
Lordships' House.
Their Lordships then (at a quarter to eight) ad-
journed.

peaded on the discretion or the decision of Ministers
what tone might be taken. or what turn might be
given, to the discussion on the Address, because Minis-
ters, being responsible for the Speech, having the selec-
tion of the topics contained in tt, having the choice of
the friends who were to expound the policy of the Go-
vernment, and knowing the desire of the House to be

iriormpd of the views- of the Government respecting

_
the condition of the country, the state of toreign
relations, and the policy to be adopted at home,
there could be no amendment proposed to the ad-
dress, or angry discussion take place, unless there was
some omission of matters on what the House decired to
bo informed, or some statement of policy which it might
be deemed desirable to oppose. It was under these cir-
cumstances that he rose to complain somewhat of the
Address which had been moved that evening. He did
not say that he complained of much that was contained
in it. There were in it matters which spoke for them-
selves, facts on which they all agreed, and in which he
rejoiced. First of all he might speak of the reference
made to what he might term the national bereavement;
and he was sure that the House would respond to every-
thing which related to that great man, that great mind,
which had left them, with the greatest cordiality and the
deepest emotion. (Hear, hear.) But there were some
other matters of deep interest to the country at large, and
on which it had been anxiously looking for some informa-
tion on that occasion. They had met there at a very un-
usual season; and thore was not a man assembled there,
and hardly a mita in the country, who hsd not in-

quired wh;reicra they were assembled. The circum,
stances were so notorious under which the last par
liament was dissolved, and under which the presen,
one was assembled, that it was hardly needfu.

For him to refer to them ; but in order for him to estab

lish the ground on which be intended to complain o
what ho considered deft ctive information in the speech
it was necessary just to mention what occurred ; and
this brought him back to the formation of the present
Government. It was well known that when the Go-
vernment acceded to power, there was an avowal on the
part of the new minister that he held opinions which he
was not willing to abandon, and which he admitted were
at variance with those of the majority of the House of
Commons. (Cheers.) That minister—he alluded to the
first minister of the Crown—admitted the justice of the
doctrine, that it was not constitutional for any ministry
to administer the Government of this country whose
opinions did not coincide with the majority in that
house. (Cheers.) "But," he said, " without abandon-
ing my opinions, and without doing violence to the Con-
stitution, I am willing to take a course which I think
will be approved by all men under existing circum-
stances. I will not interfere with the business which is
required to be done in this house ; I will put the coun-
try to as little inconvenience as possible ; but I will
dissolve this Parliament, I will take the opinion of the
country, I will ascertain with the least possible delay,
whether or not my opinions coincide with those of the
majority of the electors, and whether or not, therefore,
I am a fit person to govern the country." (Cheers.) Now,
these were the facts, and they were met at that unusual
season in consequence of a declaration of the Minister
that he would leave it to the country whether be was fit
to be at the head of affairs. There were two ways in
which the difficulties admitted and avowed by the Minis-
ter might have been overcome. One was that the
majority in that House should coincide with the Minis-
ter, the other that the Minister should declare some
change of opinion on his own part. They were all
assembled that evening, and the country generally
believed that they were met for the purpose of ascer-
taining whether that coincidence existed. They had
looked to the Speech, and they had listened to the mover
and seconder of the Address to ascertain whether there
was a coincidence of opinion as between the majority of
that House and the present Government, and be com-
plained that they had no information on that subject.
There was a paragraph which referred to the subject on
which a difference of opinion had existed, namely, the
commercial policy of the country; there was a reference
both to recent legislation and to the present condition of
the people; but he could not find a clear, distinct, intel-
ligible avowal on the part of her Majesty's Government
that they were reconciled to that policy. (Hear.) Why
had they given no assurance that in no way would they
attempt to reverse or to modify it, and that the country
might rest assured that it would be permanent? (Hear.)
In order to relieve himself from any charge of pre-
sumption in intruding himself thus early on the House,
or asking for explanations which were not needed, he
begged leave to state to the House—a House containing
many Members who were not in the last Parliament—
that, from the strong interest which he had taken for
many years in this question, on the first accession Of this
Government to power, knowing the opinions which
they had propounded, knowing the active part which
they had taken throughout the country in condemning
the policy which now existed, and the pledget, he might
say, which they had also given to reverse that policy—
(Cheers)—he did feel an apprehension that they would,
on acceding to power, use the enormous influence which
their position as a Government gave them to carry out
their views, and that they would make some attempt if
not to reverse, at least to modify, their policy. Ho
therefore put a notice of motion on the paper in the last
Parliament, which bound the Government to a con tinu-
mice of the existing policy—having been requested to de
so by Members of great influence, because representing
vast numbers of their fellow countrymen in that House;
but at the request of that party who succeeded in chang-
ing the commercial policy of the country, and of the
whole House, he consented to withdraw that notice after
the speech of the First Minister of the Crown, assented to
by the Ministers in that House That speech was to the
sffact which he had stated. The First Minister avowed that
he was in a minority in that house, and declared that
he would take the opinion of the country. On tits se
grounds he (Mr. Villiers) withdrew the notice. He
anxiously awaited the assembling of a new parliament,
for the purpose of having this matter decided, because
it was the promise, the assurance of the minister at that
time that be would call an early session for the pur-
pose of deciding it. (Hear, hear.) Nobody could doubt
the importance of the subject ; it was appreciated on all
sides, whatever view might otherwise bo taken of it.
Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that unless the ex-
isting policy was reversed, or at least modified, inevitable
ruin must followes They (the Opposition) had declared it
was their opinion that the well-being of the country was
contingent on its continuance. The minister of the crown
said:—" 'This is a matter of too great importance to be
left unsettled ; it shall be decided, and decided finally;
so that every man in this country, and in the world, may
feel assured as to what the commercial policy of this
country will be." It was for this purpose, as he under-
stood, that they were assembled at this unusual season
of the year ; and he rose, not to depart from what he
knew to be the custom of that house, and believed to be
he wish of members generally, namely, that of avoiding
an amendment to the address,—that was not his purpose
—bathe wished to call attention to the fact, that up to
that moment they did not know whether or not the
ministers of the Crown had abandoned their opinions on
the subject of protection. (Hear, hear.) He did assert,
and in d dog so he was supperted by the opinion of the
first minister of the Crown, that it was essential that
his matter should be decided. It could not be decided
by coinciding with the address. The language was
vague. (Cheers.) He would be very sorry to introduce
anything like au angry discussion on that occasion, but
he might almost say it was deceptive. (Hear, hoar.)
There was an allusion to the great prosperity of the
industrious classes, but there was also an allusion to
measures for the relief of industry. Why, if the indus-
trious classes were well off and satisfied, what was the
meaning of a declaration that something should be done
for industry ? (Hear, hear.) It was an opinion en-
tertained on that side of the house by all who had
advocated the policy of Free Trade that Protection
was an unqualified mischief, that not only was it
an enormous mischief to the community at large,
but that it was even injurious to the interests sup-
posed to be protected. But when the question in-
volved also the protection of what was called the landed
interest, to talk of protecting the industry of the country
by restoring a monopoly of food, he should hardly like to
say what he thought of such talk as that. (Hear, hear.)
It was almost an insult to the people of this country to
talk of any person being injured by the removal of the
grossest of all injuries which had been inflicted upon the
community. (Hear, hear.) But the whole phraseology
of the paragraph was indistinct, vague, and confused;
and it depended on the tone and views of Hon. Gentle-
men on the opposite side of the House what interprets
Lion was to be put upon it by the House generally.
There was mention made of recent legislation. Why
not use plain English? Why was not the language in-
telligible? (Hear, hear.) If great advantages had been
reaped by the working classes from the repeal of the
Corn-laws, why not state it?—(Cbeers)--and if any in-
jury was done to anybody by repealing the Corn-laws,
let them have that made clear, distinct, and unequivocal.
(Hear, hear.) They (the Opposition) would have the
decision of the House on that matter—(Cheers)—
and be had only risen now for the purpose of stating
that be, for one, having taken a great interest
in this subject, and believing that others, who had
,sken a far more eff.c,ive part, would agree with
him, was dissatisfied with the statement made as to
the causes of the present condition of the country.
(Hear, hear.) They wanted to know distinctly what
were the opinions of her Majesty's Government on the
great question which had been in dispute—the policy. of
Protection or Free Trade; and without further detain-
ing the House, be begged leave moat distinctly to give
notice that he should submit the matter to the House—
(Cheers)—that he should put the question on so clear
and intelligible a footing that their fellow-countrymen
out of the House would afterwards feel no doubt with
regard to the future. He believed that the 22d of the
present month would be about the most convenient day
for taking the opinion of the house on that subject.
(Loud cheers.)
There was here a pause, during which were hoard
occasional cries of " Booker," which elicited laughter.
The Speaker was about to put the question, when
Mr. HUME rose to address the House. He said he
had waited with great patience in the hope that, a -
some Hon. Gentleman opposite
iso to answer the speech of the Hon. Gentle-
man who bad just spoken. His Hon. Friend had
cordinggivenwould
ra
to
us
challenge, but no one seemed to have
spirit to answer. Why did not Hon.
Gentlemen op-
posite came forward like men? (Laughter.) How was
it that none of them had the manliness to stand up and j
admit that the acknowledged prosperity of the labouring
classes arose from the repeal of the corn-laws? (Hear,
hear.) He begtvd pardon—the seconder of the Address
did admit that he was a Free-trader. (Laughter.) The
devernment themselves, however, ought to have stated
their views. Having had nine months, which was a long
period—(Laughter)—to make up their minds, why did
they not admit in intelligible language that they bad
been wrong—(Hear, hear)—that they found by experi-
ence that the existing policy had been productive of
overbalancing advantages to the mass of the community ?
He confessed that he felt deeply disappointed. Although
great difference of opinion had existed, he did believe

that the Government would have the manliness to avow
their error. HA ltkd a fair stand-up battle, and not a
fight from behind hedges, and under equivocal language
and expressions, whicti nobody could understand. The
country demanded a decision of the question. He had met
with a great many fanners who had not only made up
their minds that the change was good for the country, but
who said that they would be sorry to go hack to Pro-
tection ; but there were others who looked for some
secret measures by which farm,rs were to be benefited;
I and for the sake of such persons, it was absolutely
nAcesaary the question should be decided. (Haar, hear.)
While he agreed with bis Hon. Friend that it was not
desirable that there should be an amendment, the ad-
dress being regarded as a compliment to her Majesty,
he had to complain of some omissions in the Royal
Speech. The preceding Parliament declared by a vote
that there were certain taxes in existence which were

most unjustly and anomalously levied, and that the time
bad arrived when there ilbould be a general revision of
taxation. That was, he believed a wise declaration ;
but the speech did net contain one word in reference to
the question. Did the Government mean to oppose or
shrink from inquiry with regard to the Income Tax,
which, in the words of the Right Hon. Gentleman (M.r.
i)israli), amounted in many cases to confiscation of pro-
perty ? He hoped the Government would state whether
this omission arose from accident or from a
determination not to grapple with the gees-
7ion. There was another omiseion, He had
anticipated that the Government would declare them-
aPiVPA opposed to any fariher Parliamentary Reform.
Why had they not taken the position assumed by Lord
Derby in another place, when he declared it to be his
intention to oppose any further extension of what were
termed popular rights, and when he censured the demo-
cratic principles of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Rusted)?
(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord's measures appeared to
the Noble Earl dangerous, and if he still meant to oppose
their enactment. why was not that stated in the Speech
from the Throne? (Hear, hear.) There was another
important omission. What had become of the clamorous
outcry for the repeal of the malt-tax and other taxes
which were peculiarly odious to farmers? The silence
of the Speech declared that there was no intention to
repeal them. He regretted that the question of taxation
was entirely omitted. In conclusion, he wished to tell
lion. Gentlemen opposite, if they were not aware of it,
that there was a strong opinion in the country that elec-
tions could not be conducted in future as they had been
lately. He wished to see established a regular repre-
sentative Government; ho wished to see popular power
exercising that influence which it ought to have in the
proceedings of that House, while at the same time the
just privileges of the different classes of society were
properly guarded; and he regretted that in a time of
peace end quiet the Government did not seem prepared
to come forward and propose those reforms which the
country required. The question of Free Trade must
soon be settled one way or other; and it would then be
time to introduce other questions of national im-
portance.
Mr. WALPOLE said—l did not :rise, nor did any
other member of the government rise, after the observa-
tions which were made by the hon. member for Wolver-
hampton (Mr. Villiers), because it was our duty to see
whether any amendment to the address was likely to be
moved before we gave any opinion in reply to the remarks
which fell from him. As, however, the hon. gentleman
did not move an amendment, and as no one else has risen
to do so, it appears at present unlikely that any amend-
ment will be moved; and I have, therefore, risen for the
purpose of replying to the observations which the hon.
gentleman has made. (Hear.) Now, I certainly agree
with him, that we are met together at an unusual season
of the year, and for a special purpose. That purpose
unquestionably is, that the financial and commercial
policy of this country shall be finally settled and de-
clared. (Cheers from both sides of the house.) The
hon. gentleman complains that in the address there is a
certain passage referring to the subject which is ambigu-
ous; and I think he called it evasive and deceptive.
Sir, I can assure the hon. gentleman that no evasion and
no des- ption was intended by that paragraph; but it has
been worded carefully in that way—which meets an ob-
servation which the hon. gentlemen himself has made—
it has been worded carefully in that way to prevent at
this moment what might possibly be a warm and heated
discussion, and so as to avoid the neces•ity of any amend-
ment being moved to the address either on this or on that
side of the haute. The hon, gentleman says, however, and
so does the hon. gentleman the member for Montrose—
(An inaudible observation was here made by Mr. Vil-
liers.) Well, it is in mtntormity with the natal custom
that-you did endeavour to avoid an amendment. I think
the Hon. Gentlemen himself said it was the custom. I
believe it is recognized to be a good custom; and cer-
tainly we wished that as tar as possible that custom
should be observed on the present occasion; but we ere
prepared, if you wish to move an amendment, to take the
discussion at the present time. (Hear, hear.) Well,
now, the Hon. Gentleman went on to remark, and so
also did the Hon. Gentleman who has just eat down,
that we ought to have declared our policy in the speech,
and that we ought also to have been prepared with the
measures which we intend to propose. Now, I tell the
Honourable Gentleman that we are prepared with all
those measures. (Ministerial cheers.) And I tell him
that we intend, and have always intended to take the
earliest opportunity of submitting those measures to the
consideration of the House. But there aro circumstances
with reference to our present meeting which have cer-
tainly made it unadvisable that they should be taken in
hand until the funeral of the Duke of Wellington shall
have taken place. (An exclamation of " Oh," followed
by cheers.) As soon as that tribute of the nation is
paid to the greatest of its heroes, my Right lion. Friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer will rise to bring before
the House and the country the views which the Govern-
ment take of the financial and commercial policy tehich
ought to be established in the country. But I think there
is sufficient in the speech from the Throne, and in the ad-
dress in answer to it, for everybody to draw this inference
from, that we are not going to propose to reverse the re-
cent legislation which has led to those improvements in
the condition of the industrious classes of the commu-
nity to which the speech refers. (Loud cheers from the
Opposition benches.) More than this, I think, the
House will hardly expect me to say; because it would, in
tact, be expecting me to announce the different measures,
which my Right lion. Friend will announce on a future
occasion, and the views which be takes in reference to
that subject. (Hear, hear.) But I thought it right to
make that declaration iu the first instance; for it is a
declaration which the Government intend to abide by;
and I du say that those measures which the Government
intend to introduce will be brought forward on the ear-
liest occasion. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said—lt is consoling that on this
occasion we have to consider an Address which begins
by condoling with her Majesty on the loss of that great
man the Duko of Wellington; that we are not obliged
to have a long debate upon topics on which the House
might be divided, or to have a division on those topics.
Sir, with respect to the first part of the Address, I cer-
tainly will not attempt to add anything to what has
been said by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman
who moved and seconded the Address. With regard to
the Duke of Wellington, I feel that while it remains for
the country and for history to do justice to his great
merits, it remains for her Majesty's Ministers, for the
House of Lords and the House of Commons, and for
the country at large, to deplore the loss of those
counsels which always inspired that good subject
and ardent patriot. It remains fur us, in confor-
mity with the intention of the Crown, to show that
We are not an ungrateful people, and that we
duly appreciate the services which have been ren-
dered to the country by that illustrious man. (Hear,
hear.) Sir, passing from this subject, lam glad to find
that the Ministers of the Crown- can congratulate the
country on the ready coming forward of so many men,
amounting, as the Noble Lord said, to 30,000, to serve
in the militia. I trust that her Majesty's hopes will
not be disappointed, and that these men will prove an
effectual aid to her Majesty's regular forces. With re-
ference to any Other measures which may be necessary
for the defence of this country, I feel sure that her Ma-
jesty's Mitlisters will give them due consideration, and
that they will propose from time to time such measures
as they may think advisable, to which I shall always be
ready to give a favourable hearing. Ido not know that
there is any other topic either in the speech or the ad-
dress to which I need more particularly allude. But I
must say a few words respecting what the country has
so impatiently looked for, namely, some explicit declara-
tion as to our financial and commercial policy. (Hear,
hear.) I must say that on this part of the subject
participate in the disappointment which my Hon.
Friend the Member for Wolverhampton has so well
expressed. It seems to me that with respect to our
commercial and financial policy, there were two courses
open to the Government, either of which would have
been perfectly plain and clear, for the Noble Earl in
another place and his colleagues in the Government.
The one was, they might have maintained the opinions
which since 1846 down to the present time, or at least
until February, 1852, Lord Derby most loudly and con•
fidently expressed, and from which he declared with
eloquence and energy that nothing should induce him
to shrink. (Hear.) Another course would have been for
the Government to have stated that they had been mis-
taken in all their views, that the country had prospered,
and that the cause of that prosperity was the operation
of those measures which they had thought would be
nationally ruinous. (Cheers.) They might have ad-
mitted that these beneficial results were recognised
throughout tbo country, and manfully have declared
that they had changed their opinions, and were pre-
pared for the future to act according to the principles
which they had hitherto opposed. (Cheers.) I con-
ceive that they have adopted neither the one nor the
other course, and the House and the country must be
prepared to form a judgment on their declarations.
Instead of either of the courses I have described, we
have a continuance of that perplexity and ambiguity, of
that doubt and hesitation, which for the last nine
months have vexed the country, and made it difficult to
gather what was to be the real policy of Government.
(Hear, hear.) If one of the Ministers appeared to be in
favour of free trade, we had presently from another a
declaration that protection had not been abatidoned.
(Hear, hear.) The Secretary of State,
although he must
not say that the principle of protection is a sound one,
yet we find him speaking of the increase of crime end of
the poor rates, and endeavouring to throw some slur
upon the prosperity which free trade has produced_
trying, if
possible, to
i induce the country to depart from
the course which t has fluidly adopted. (Cheers.)
And even now, continuing on the same course to the
end, we have in this address some sentences favourable
to free trade, and, in another, words intimating an ,
approval of the principle of protection. (Hear, hear.) I

To compleie the whole, we have moving the address a
Noble Lot d who is a firm adherent of protection, while the
Hon Member who seconds him speaks boldly and de-
cidedly for free trade. (Cheers and laughter.) Usual
be the ambiguity practised by the Government and its
adherents, I think it is full time we came to a settle-
ment, and—in the words of the Hon. Member who
spoke last—that the commercial and financial policy of
this country ;.should be finally settled. ( Hear, awl
cheers.) Let us then have some declaration to settle
that policy; let us have some declaration which shall
serve as a point of departure for future Ministers of the
Crown, and enable them safely to direct their policy.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The country has been Bps
pealed to, and you know the result; and it is for you. the
Ministers of the Crown, to declare manfully the feelings
and opinions you entertain on this great subject.
(Hear.) And when I say " This great subject," it re-
minds me that its the doubtful sentence to which I have
alluded, the importance of that subject has been stu-
diously diminished. To illustrate the greatness of the
subject, let us see what has been done in the way of
commercial and financial reform during the last ten
years. The whole system of corn laws which the
country had endured for so considerable a time, has
been totally repealed. A tariff of exorbisant duties has
been reduced within moderate limits. Our taxes have
undergone an extensive system of revising, and when
Hen. Gentlemen opposite talk of revision cf taxation as
a novelty of their introduction, I would remind them
that revision of taxation has been going on since the
time of Sir Robert Peel, and has been carried on in
such a way, that while the taxes were reduced, they
—although for a moment le wing a void in the r. ceipts
—soon restored the revenue by the general buoyancy
they communicated to tee general interesta of the come-
try. (Hear, hear.) Let me add to this, that the defer
ential duty upon sugar has been equalized, and the people
of England have consumed 300,000 tons of sugar in the
year at a cost of five millions less than they would have
paid had the duty continued as before. (Hear.) I mai
add that the consumption of sugar has so increased that
the revenue at the reduced rates will in a few years be
double what it was previous to the reduction of the duty.
Add to this that we have had the navigation laws re-
pealed, and I have enumerated a whole system, I will sag
not only of great importance, but, taken as a change of
policy adopted by a great country, a change than which
nothing since the revolution of 1688 has been more im-
portant in its effects, not only upon this country, but
upon the commercial policy of all civilized ntstions.
(Hear, hear.) Because, although I was not one of thoso
who wore sanguine enough to expect that the moment vro
declared for Free Trade, and abjured Protection, all the
nations of the world would follow our example; yet, en
the other hand, it is my confident belief that, if this
country continues to flourish under the system of Fro
Trade—if its Governments declare themselves satin'
fied with the consequences, and that they mean to
persevere—there is no nation that will not, by fro'
quent discussions, come at last to the conclusions
to which we have arrived, so that ultimately there
will be derived, not only a great increase of the wealth,
but of the peace and harmony of the world. (Cheers.)
Well, then, if such be the importance of the OP
tem, if such be the gravity of the stake ; and if, 00
the other hand, there are many persons who still main'
tain that the system of free commercial policy is le-
furious, it is not enough to say of it that it is one of the
causes—putting in a parcel of nameless other causes'
(cheers)—by which the industrious classes of this coup"
try have received great and important benefits. I affirm
that her Majesty's Ministers ought not to evade the
question in this way—(loud cheers)—that however ne-
cessary it may be to avoid division on the present aces'
sion, a night should not pass over without the Menus
of Commons giving its verdict on the question. (I-103r:
hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman who has hie'
spoken says that there is no intention on the part of the
Government to revert to the policy that prevailed Pre'
vious to 1846. I was very glad to hear that declare'
tion; but there are certain words in the paragraph to
which allusion has been made about artificial props an
artificial prices, which are only the principle of protec'
tion disguised in another way. Therefore it is noes:
eery that we should have something clear and decided,
and that we should not allow ourselves to be enveloped
in one of those mists in which the Chancellor of the P'
chequer, like some goddesses we have read of, likes to be
worshipped. (Laughter.) The Speech and Addres.
next speaks of the state of Ireland, and I am glad tcl
see recommends the adoption of a liberal course i
policy towards that country, but in a previous porde?
of the paragraph there are words to which I am unall
to attach a precise meaning. I mean those whin&
refer to an unhappy spirit of insubordination an„,
turbulence in that country. There were insubordi
nation and turbulence in Ireland during the electil
which has just been decided, but that there is any ePirts
or insubordination and turbulence in that country
present, is a statement to which I am not prepared to
give my assent. (" Hear" from the Irish members.)
believe that with a due and proper execution of the led
the state of Irelend may be considered to be a state,
tranquillity. (Hear, hear.) And I must say thien'o3
trust that that country, having suffered so severely Oyer.
famine in 1847, is now about iu some measure to recovho
as there are symptoms which encourage us to hope t'"o,
at length the labourers of Ireland will obtain that re-
ward
tor their labour of which they have hitherto ble
so sadly deficient. With regard to that portion of .'"to
address which refers to the commission to inquire lee
the state of the Universities of Oxford and Carabridf
I am rejoiced that those commissions, which were el,
matised by the noble lord at the head of the Golfer d,
went as illegal commissions—(hear, hear)—wbeD I %a
wised their i,sue, are now acknowledged to be prodtlet"j
of good, ants, instead of being cast aside as an 'liege'
body, are to be referred to the universities themselve!'
while we are to be asked to pass laws to enable the nal
s to carry into effect the recommendations of
these very commissions. (Hear, hear.) Whether the
me eau, es so contemplated will be sufficient I cannot
say, but I am glad that the attention of the minister'
of the crown have been directed to the subject. I lit
sure nothing can be more important at this pro!'
time than that the whole question of education, begllici
Ding with that of the higher classes at Oxford and
Cambridge, thence to the middle classes, all
comprehending also the education of the workil
classes, should be promptly and fully considere
(Hear, hear.) With respect to this part of the subjeethe
am rejoiced to hear thattit is intended to extend to
means for instruction in practical science as appliedees
the general business of life. lam also glad to hear
some measures on the subject of secondary punishnle°/
will be proposed, so that transportation to Van Dietnelj,
Land may at the earliest possible period be abolis".lo
There are two circumstances to be considered in
treatment of that question—one, that we have given ;II
presentative institutions to our Australian colonies; 11-f
the other, the recent discoveries of gold in a portion
' cir
ne
those colonies. It is quite obvious that these two
cumstances render it cessary that we should revise thy,
whole subject, and I am glad that the Right Hon. 13arbo
the Secretary for the Colonies—to whom I took Li
e
liberty some time since of speaking on the subject--'!' 0
come to the wise conclusion of not confining the qustl,
to transportation to Van Diemen's Land, but that the
case as regards the whole of the Australian colont 0
should be reconsidered. (Hear, hear.) Of course, the.„rb
are other subjects connected with our penal laws Whlo'd
must be discussed in company with this question, 00,
which will no doubt occupy the attention of Gore
meet; but, upon the whole, I am rejoiced to find thil;
with the exception of the topic of commercial policY,,to,
question of the great C 330 between Fret, Trade and I rso
tection, there is nothing in the Speech or the Adclre;o
which calls for more than the few slight remarks I hent
made. I trust that when the policy of the Govern
on that subject is declared, it will be to secure N,
permanently our present universally-admitted SOo
tages. (Hear, hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I ee,111;
not help fancying, Sir, if the only paragraph of wh'e.g,
the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London
approv©d in the answer to the Queen's Speech was reed
so evasive as some Honourable Gentlemen had st;
that an amendment to the Address would have bee
made. Ido not think that the constitutional delicacy led
my Honourable Friend who has addressed us ernnh'io
have deterred him from taking a course for which P.,
well-stored memory and ample experience would he's
furnished him with sufficient precedents. (A laugh.) „,
cannot say that I concur with the Noble Lord tm-
Member for the city of London, or his friend, is th
version which he has placed upon this paragraph, syll'efn
they have described as so evasive. It appears to ins
be perfectly well adapted to the circumstances tleclbe;
which we meet to-day. (Laughter.) I mean by to
circumstances under which we meet to-day, tbdi
there are two parties in the House which arc be-,,
indisposed to come to any collision on the Addreig
(Hear, hear) Certainly, with that feeling, I thin
the paragraph is framed in a manner which can leeyon
no mistake upon the impartial mini as to the into-'
, for
tions of the Government upon the subject. (Ilear.)„0-
the only point which is laud down in this paragreP •
specting which there can be no evasion, is the desarTo
tion of the principles upon which the commercial sYstbieee
of this country is recognized and established by the m,
verntnent, and that is the principle of unrestricted —the
petition. That is the only distinct expression in that
paragraph describing the views of the Governmeat%iern
the legislation which gradually has produced that eY„- oed
of unrestricted competition has in its operation eiteial
Y
injury to certain classes of the oeuntr oginiste•
of
cheers). The Noble Lord the Member for. the nitleci
e
London says this is Protectionism. But I read re
dress of the Noble Lord, recently ublished, Pet b 0
the
the(,o n
811 t
u e dissolutionnt
s of
theof the
greatest
city
in addressed
th.ie gp
dom, and there I found
that the merchants and cne-
owners of London were reminded that they wer''ts'
ite'criaedl che)egrsr)eat burdens end unjust restrictions (elicitotsl
—burdens andrestrictions which only i ntion
be consid, eel such by the action of recent legi'':os
Therefore, the noble lord was of opinion, when "
candidate for the city of London, that it Was ;tern
possible to maintain unimpaired that commercial lido,
founded upon the principle of unrestricted coenPedene
and yet to remove those restrictions and those barich,
which one great interest was suffering from, arid
,)toeco,d
by his own acknowledgment, were virtually o
by teeent legislation. (Cheers.) Was that athen'
tionist declaration of the Noble Lord ? Well', to nie
very recently I have had representations rana,"),..,eo of
by bodies of merchants and shipowners—eeetaf'neoted
ex,rense liberal opinions, upon all subjects ceu.,flosite
with commerce, some of them sitting upon
side of the House, and certainly. so far as I
tinted
;he country, they will be extremely dissatisfied
they offer,
contented, if the restrictions under whichn into
not taken her
and the burdens which they bear, are „rya
consideration by any body of men who may theaoFcroilect