The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC 'JOURNALS.

TlarEs.—A general survey of the events in Ame-
rica reveals nothing so distinctly as the incapacity
of either belligerent to prevail against the other.
At every point one commander is held in check by
another, and neither can obtain any decisive advan-
tage. In the Shenandoah Valley the Confederates
assume the initiative and make occasional raids into
Maryland and Pennsylvania, but they are neverthe-
less compelled to retire at intervals by the advance
of a Northern force. In the vicinity of Richmond,
where the main armies of the belligerents are en-
gaged, the Federals represent the invaders, but are
absolutely incompetent to accomplish the object of
the invasion. They can scarcely be said even to
occupy the Confederate army, for Lee despatches
whole divisions of his troops to the North or to the
South, wherever they may be wanted, with perfect
unconcern. On the other hand, Grant cannot be
driven away. He still hovers about Richmond in
force enough to pounce upon one point after another,
though to little purpose, and if he has failed of suc-
cess he stubbornly refuses to acknowledge his
failure. Exactly the same deadlock recurs at At-
lanta. Sherman cannot take the place, but Hood
cannot compel him to relinquish the attempt.
Even at Mobile, where it might have been expected
that the result would have been more promptly de-
termined one way or the other, the same suspense
prevails. Admiral Farragut halts in mid-victory.
He effects an entrance into the harbour and destroys
the Confederate flotilla, but when we look for in■
telligence of his further operations we find nothing
but an official report of the operations previously
reported. In the whole of this vast field of war
there is not a single point at which events even pro-
mise to be decisive. At Richmond Lee is as much
master of the situation as ever ; at Atlanta Hood is
rather gaining than losing ; at Mobile Admiral Far-
ragut finds that his chief work is yet to be done.
We have recapitulated these facts in order to apply
them, if possible, to the elucidation of politi-
cal movements in the North. It is now clear
that whereas the Confederates are as numerous as
ever in the resolution to resist, the Federals are no
longer of the same mind as to the continuance of
the attack. 'There is a strong party desirous of
raising the great question of peace or war at the
approaching Presidential election. From the de-
scription which has been given of their policy, it is
obvious that they are not unprepared to accept the
condition of peaceful separation from the South if
nothing better can be done. The resolution is dig-
' guised under a proposal for a general Convention at
which the question may be discussed, but as it is
known that the South will insist on independence,
thoaa who commence a parley with this conviction
oust necessarily be prepared to surrender. Now,
the question to be asked at this moment is, what
will be the effect of such events as we witness on
the views of the contending parties P The answer
will give the Confederates two chances against one.
A battle may be either won, or lost, or drawn. If
the Federals Grant takes Richmond, Sher-
man Atlanta, and Farragtit Mobile—we may anti-
cipate that the peace party w:11 be discouraged, and
their opponents enabled to proems:to the war. If,
however, the Confederates win, and the Federals
experience any signal disaster, the war party will
be overpowered, while a similar result would pro-
bably follow even if neither party won and things
remained exactly as they are. This is the strong
point in favour of the South. If they can only pre-
vent the balance from being turned decisively against
them, the advantage of the campaign will be theirs.
In this event we cannot but anticipate important
consequences in the Northern States. It may be
admitted that what these may be is at present a
matter of conjecture, but it appears impossible td
imagine that the impending election will not raise
the great issue of peace or war in soma shape or
other. Nobody can well anticipate that Mr.
Lincoln would be re-elected without a contest,
or that the contest would be otherwise than
desperate. But a desperate contest implies con-
flicting principles, and Mr. Lincoln's principles
have been distinctly pronounced. His policy, as
at present avowed, is war—war "to the bitter
end," and it is on the party professing similar views
that he has hitherto relied for support. But this
adoption of the war on the part of one political
section leaves the other with no alternative but to
adopt, in some shape or other, a policy of peace. It
may be transformed or concealed under various dis-
guises, but to this end it must come at last. Who-
ever condemns President Lincoln's policy must vire
tuaily condemn the war. It is vain to talk of the
prosecution of the war on better military principles
or a more skilful plan. All plans and all principles
have now been tried. Every General: has had his
chance in turn, and all have failed alike. M'Clel-
lan's scientifio caution fared no better than Grant's
invincible obstinacy, except that under the former
commander there was not so great a sacrifice of life.
That the war has been wasteful beyond all prece-
dent is perfectly true, and if exceptions were taken
to the prodigality with which blood and treasure
have been lavished, they might doubtless be sus-
tained. But though the war might have been
managed more cheaply, we do not see how it could
have been conducted more vigorously. No Minister
could have raised more men than Mr. Stanton, or
more money than Mr. Chase. No Chief of the
Republic could have kept "pegging away" at
the war more indefatigably than President Lin-
coln, or rejected more bluntly all proposals of
compromise. If the Republicans with their un-
sparing efforts could do nothing against the South,
it is not to be imagined that the Democrats, with
their half-and-half police, could do any more. If
M'Clellan is to be their champion, we know already
what may be expected. The armies of the North
would be more prudently handled, and after a check
would be more expeditiously withdrawn, but they
would certainly make no more impression on the
South than the armies of Grant or Hooker.
It appears to us, then, that if the Democratic
party make a fight for power they must do it sub-
stantially on principles of peace, and the events of
the next few weeks will probably enable us to an-
ticipate the result. If either Grant or Sherman
should achieve any signal victory, or inspirit the
North by any important conquest, the Democrats
might be deterred from taking the field, and either
Mr. Lincoln or the conquering General himself
would be left to win. But if the achievements of
the Federals fall short of this success, there is such
an opportunity for the South as has never occurred
before. This is what gives such extraordinary and
exceptional importance to the events of the present
campaign. It is not that they affect directly the
issue of the war more than the events of the last two
years, but that they are occurring on •the eve of a
Presidential election. Last autumn the Confederates
held their own, but only to see the war recommence
in the spring. If they can do as much this autumn,
next spring may possibly see affairs in good train
for peace.
POST.—The Turkish Government has prepared a
Report to the Sultan on the state of administration
and finance throughout the empire. It is both volu •
minons and comprehensive, and it embraces the
actual and the projected reforms in nearly every
department ; while it also affords a clear synoptical
view of the national progress. There has been so
much predisposition to look upon the reforming
declarations with which the present Sultan began
his reign as either exaggerated or evanescent, that
the public in this country have naturally, perhaps,
waited for some actual results before they gave
entire credit to the change which was then com-
menced. This document, therefore, will be found
very seasonable, inasmuch as it details a state of
things which goes far to make good the declarations
that accompanied the Sultan's accession. It extends
over finance, administrative reorganisation, road
making, telegraphs, cotton cultivation, and other
matters of less general interest. The financial ques-
tion, however, is dealt with in less detail, because a
Budget is about to appear which will do justice at
length to that department. It is stated, however,
in the present Report, "that the Budget about to
be submitted to his Majesty, with a view to pub-
lication, will show that the expenses of the
various public deparments have been less thEt°
the estimates, and they will be subjected to still
greater reductions during the coming financial
year." This intelligence is satisfactory, not simply
as concerns the credit of the treasury, but because
it also affords a pledge of the sincerity of the Sultan.
He announced, some time ago, that when the then
existing Montenegrin war was terminated, and his
difference with the Princes of Servia and Moldavia
were arranged, he would reduce his expenditure
and bring it largely within the current income of

the State. These questions being now happily
settled, the Sultan has made good his pledge. While
the revenue under the same degree of taxation has
increased, the expenditure has diminished, and the
reign of economy appears to have at length begun
in earnest. I❑ spite of the pressure for money that
was experienced during the Montenegrin and tiyrian
wars, not a shilling has been added to the public
debt of Turkey since the accession of the present
Sultan, with the single exception of the fund for the
Maronite indemnities. The loans which have been
since either created or consolidated represent just
so much local debt, floating debt, and inconvertible
paper together. So that the total liabilities of the
empire are now, in a consolidated form, very much
what they were on the death of the late Sultan iu
1861. Of this we may be able_ to speak in greater
detail on the arrival of the Budget. We cannot
attempt to do justice to so elaborate a document on
a single occasion, and must be content with sketch-
ing a few of its salient points. It adverts, in the
first place, to the results of the labours of the Im-
perial Commission which the Sultan despatched
some time ago into both the European and the
Asiatic provinces. This commission organised a
variety of reforms in all the local centres of govern-
ment that it visited. It has now established a
financial organisation for the regular collection of
taxes after the European method, and abolished the
old and extravagant system of farming the revenue.
This has taken place already in a very considerable
proportion of the provinces, and the change will be
extended into the rest of them as soon as the staff for
the working of the new system can be obtained there.
It appears also that a wholesale revision of the staff
of local administrators has taken place, the Sultan's
commissioners having ejected the idle and dishonest
officials of his predecessor, throughout the provinces,
without mercy. The system of village management
and the church property have also been reformed,
and these instances may serve as examples of very
many improvements of a similar kind into which
we cannot now enter. The Government appears to
be fully convinced that material reforms are quite
as important as improvements either in administra-
tion or finance. A portion of the report states the
progress that has been made with roads and tele•
graphs. Nearly 1,100 English miles of highway
have been either created or repaired during the past
year. This refers to European Turkey alone ; fresh
roads having also been constructed in Anatolia and
other provinces of Asia Minor. All these are now
wide carriage roads, where, only three years ago,
there were little more than mule tracks or ruts.
Coach services have been established, and the trans-
port of passengers and merchandise is now as easy
as it is by road in most continental States. A
similar progress has been made with regard to the
telegraph. Nearly 800 miles of telegraphic wire
were laid down during the past year alone, and are
now in working; 900 miles, besides, are in course
of construction, and there are 76 centres of commu-
nication in working. Much of this road-making
nativity has been stimulated by the demand for
Turkish cotton, and the report states the measures
that the Government have taken for promoting its
growth. By these means the cotton grown in the
interior will be brthight down to the coast with little
difficulty and at a trifling cost, more especially in
Asia Minor; and a very large revenue is expected in
the course of a year or two from its cultivation. The
silk manufactures and many other branches of
industry have been promoted in a similar way ;
steam navigation companies have been started with
new powers ; the lands have been drained ; in the
fertile plains of Mesopotamia dykes and water-
guards have been built to free them from inun
Lion, and cotton-growing has there been set al,
in earnest. All this industrial reform will reture
hundredfold into the pocket of the country and
the Government. The working of several recen•
discovered mines has alsobegun with fair prospee.
Ten concessions have lately beer, made for
bushing cotton-ginning factories at Sm•

Adrianople and other Cities. The concessir
several railways have also been lately made.
the works have already been begun by the
tractors. In the primary schools for educe
great change in system has taken place ;
ministration of the law has been freed frog

of its complication and injustice, and so o
cannot, however, touch upon more of the
that are here recorded ; they serve to prose
key as a State in the short space of three )
greatly changed as to have passed almosc
Asiatic to a European community. The t
now finds Stamboul and the Bosphorous
like a European capital every night ; wheieus,
three years ago, he found nothing but darknessur'
dogs, and cut-throat outcasts of every
Th change which he sees at Constantinople
to be little more than a fair example of the
which he will soon be able to detect wher
travels throughout the empire.