The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-26 00:00:00

Will of the Late Mr. William Earle.

The will of the late Mr Wm. Earle was proved in the
Liverpool District Probate Court on the 20th inst., by Tiles.
Earle and Wm. Langton, nephews of the deceased, and two
of the surviving executors named in the will, to whoiu
power of administration was granted. The value of, the
property is sworn under £200,000. The deceased, who was
childless, directs the bulk of his property, less about £30,000
specially bequeathed, to be converted into money and di-
vided equally per capita among his nephews and nieces, of
whom 18 are named. It bequeaths £5,000 to his wife, being
the sure he received with her on their marriage; but this
is subsequently otherwise dealt with, in consequence of the
death of that lady, who is continually referred to in terms
of the most affectionate remembrance. The same instrument
bequeaths £4OO to his sister, Mrs. G. H. Lawrence ; £5O
each to several old servants; Liverpool Infirmary, £100;
Northern Hospital, £5O; Southern Hospital, £5O; District
Provident Society, £lOO, to be paid, free of legacy duty, out
of the personal estate ; £5O to each of his nephews and
nieces; an annuity of £lOO, under certain conditions, to
Anne Bradish, niece of his wife; £l9 19s to each of his ser-
vants at the time of his death, or such as the executors
may think fit.. The freehold estate at Wharton and Hilt=
Lane, in 'Lancashire, is given to his brother, Hardman.
Earle. The first codicil (October, 1854) is made after the
death of,his wife, end deals primarily with the £5,000 pre-
viously bequeathed to her. No memorandum or other
direction having been left, the testator deals with the sun
in accordance with what he believes would have been her
wishes, and leaves it to her relatives, viz., to her brother,
William Bradish, and his wife Rebecca, £5OO each—to
Alicia, wife of Samuel Smith, then of Philadelphia (new of
Liverpool), £2,ooo—and to her sister Abigail, wife of Edwin
Lister Maw, £2,000. He then leaves £lO,OOO to Margaret
Bradish, niece of his wife, and gives as :a reason for these
bequests, "As my own family are well provided for, I hope
I show no act of unkindness or want of affection towards
them by this mark of respect to the memory of a most loved
and affectionate wife by placing those who iwere dear to
her, but have been less fortunate in the world, in such c%
position that they shall not suffer from want." He next
proceeds, out of his property, to carry this sentiment ail'
further, by leaving £l,OOO to his brother-in-law, the afore-
said William Bradish, and the interest of £l,OOO for her
separate use, to his wife Rebecca Bradish, £2,000 to Abi-
gail Maw, and £2,000 to Alicia Smith before mentioned,
all free of legacy duty—to Miss Jane Leatham, sister of es
late partner, £so—to the Liverpool Blue-coat School,
£5O. The second codicil (Feb., 1856) relates to a sum of
£2,000 which had been placed in his hands by a Miss Har-
riet Cadet to do with as he might think proper, and is for
the purpose of restoring it to her relatives ; if none survive,
it goes to Liverpool charities. The codicil (April, 1861)
leaves a further sum of £lO,OOO to his wife's niece, Mar-
garet Bradish (who resided with him), his carriage, and one
of his carriage horses, his cellar of wine, and £5OO for the
purpose of furnishing a house for her ("my own being un-
fit"), with the direction that the present house shall be
maintained for her use fcr 12 months, if she desires it.
Further bequests are made to Richard Bradish (£2,000),
and Alicia Smith and Abigail Maw (Sl,OOO each). He
directs £lOO to be paid to the widow of hie nephew Hard-
man Earle, and £lOO each to his cousins, the Rev. Richard.
and Harriet Gwyllin; to the School for the Blind £lOO
and £5OO to his nephews, Thos. Earle and Wm. Langton,
for their trouble as executors to his will. He revokes the
bequest of the Wharton and Hilton-lane property to his
brother Hardman Earle, with succession in certain events
to another relative. One half of his joint interest in the
seed crushing and oil mills of Messrs. T. and W. Earle is
left to his nephew, William Langton.—Liverpool Courier,

Foreign Mail Packet List.

MAILS DUE.

Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. .. Nov. 18:

- via Marsoilles Nov. 12,
Brazil and Capo Verds, by British packet Nov. 4.
Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Oct. 29.)
China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Nov. 2.
via Marseilles Oct. 27. j

Falkland Islands ..
Gibraltar, via Southampton Oct. 27.
India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.. Nov. 2.
via Marseilles Oct, 27.
India (Bombay), via Southampton .. 0et.,27.
via Marseilles Oct. 21.
Portugal....
4 11
Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton ...... Oct. 21.
N Mal: cilium ....... 2
M .

Newfoundland ,
Oporto and Vigo
......
...
U. S. find britieh N. Autexica, by B'it•Ptleket . Oct. 26.
by L.S. packet....
by Canaflian paeket.Oet. 28.
All parts of West Indies, melliclinis, (;iiiii i.).m
California, and British Culunibia, , , j Oct.

EMIGRATION TO MEXICO. ,The Press of Vienne.
states that about 400 indigent families established at
Vienna have decided on emigrating to Mexico. A plan
was at first conceived of raising the funds necessary for
their removal by means of R lottery of 300,000 florins. That
proceeding was not, however, approved of by the finance
department, and the intention now is to raise a sub3crptioxi
in the capital for the purposes

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OUT. 26, 1564.

It is difficult to define the limits of the Schleswig-
Holstein question, or to say when the world will
hear the last of the plots and counter-plots, the
rumours, propositions, and arrangements which
seem all but interminable. Perhaps the censpirae
tors believe that by complicating the affsir they
may mystify people, and finally throw a doubt over
their minds as to who is right and wrong in the
matter. When a question comes before German
Diets it is generally to be predicted that its solu-
tion will not be very simple or very rapid. There
are so many forms and ceremonies to be gone
through, so many prejudices to be humoured or
conciliated, that a satisfactory adjustment is tedious
and prolonged. It does not seem that the present
will afford any exception to the rule, and the meet-
ing at Weimar of the delegates and the committee
of the assembly of members of German Diets does
not Appear to have made much progress, or to have
advanced very far towards the destined goal. There
is a recapitulation of the old story, and great stress
is laid upon the moral force which urged on the
great German Powers to fulfil the wishes of the
people of the Duchies, and of other States, to secure
the succession of the legitimate heir to the throne.
It is wearisome to go over the well-trodden ground,
hut it is impossible to understand the tactics c f the
Germans without doing so. To what and they per-
sist in reiterating the same thing the uninitiated
might be puzzled to know ; but this is the wily
purpose of all aggressors, to persist in their self-
laudations until they have won over all waverers
to their standard. It is late in the day for the com-
mittee to declare that they estimate rightly the im-
portance of the success gained by the liberation of
the Duchies, and the gain that has thence accrued
to Germany, The reason for this satisfaction is
still more strange that it is due to the national
will, and in conformity with the national desires.
Much the Cabinets of Berlin and Vienna troubled
themselves as to whether the people cared for the
undertaking or not: the thirst for self-aggrandise-
ment, the greed for more possessions, urged them
on, and no idea of bowing to the dictates of the
national will or the expression of the popular feel.
ing. All is not secure we learn, however, as we
proceed, fur the separation of Schleswig-Holstein
from Denmark was only half of the national pro-
gramme, and " even this was only attained by a
course diametrically opposed in more than one
direction to that desired by the nation, and marked
out by right." So much fur the great sentiment of
magnanimity which should unite the German minds
in unison. It is now put forth to the world that
their justice is won by injustice, and that their
apparent attempts at unity of action and combine.
tion of design are in reality but very lame and im-
potent conclusion!. It is well known that there is
no one like a candid friend for telling one of one's
faults, end dilating upon unpleasant consequences.
It would seem so indeed in the case of this inspect-
ing committee, who have continued to speak their
minds pretty plainly as to what has been done
smiles or left undone by the German Powers. It
is said that the real sire is not yet accomplished,
namely, to constitute an independent State of
Sehkewig-Holstein. Against this various obstacles
interpose themselves, and it is further stated that
the proceedings of the two great Powers "con-
stantly challenge anew the distrust of the nation."
This is to the point at any rate, and all must agree
as to its verace.e. " As they declined to allow the
people of Schleswig-Holstein to participate in the
conflict, a.. 1 they subsequently refused it a voice to
in debating the terms of peace, so they still with-
hold from it the execution of its right to participate
in the decision of the internal future of the
country." This is ono of the best strictures
yet furnished against the insincerity of the set'.
disaia friends of the Duchies; and Coming from
such a quarter the sting of its satire is rendered

more sharp, and its reproof becomes tenfold more
cutting. The war was undertaken ostensibly to
please the Schleswig•Holsteiners, and now they are
held up as objects of pity, because they have not
been allowed to enjoy their rights and share in
their inherent privileges. The inhabitants of the
Duchies will, doubtless, long deplore their infatua-
tion in endeavouring to separate themselves from
Denmark. They have brought their own fate upon
themselves, but this does not justify those who have
been acting under a mask. It must be gall ani worm-
wood to the wily diplomatists and astute statesmen
of Prussia and Austria to find their motives called
into question, and their intentions thus impugned.
They must see the awkward position in which they
are placd, and the disadvantages under which they
labour by the attacks proceeding from such a quar-
ter. These home thrusts are difficult to parry, and
there is little gain and glory in seeking to do so.
The purpose of the committee is se far a worthy
one, that it suggests the carrying out of an un-
deniable claim, and urges the enactment of
measures which are intrinsically just and
straightforward. There is no doubt that unless a
very different leaf is turned over, the Schleswig.
Holsteiners will have very little voice in the
arrangement of their own affairs, and thus will
henceforth be comparative dummies among States,
instead of, as they fondly hoped, an independent
and unmolested kingdom. It cannot be expected
that much sympathy will be felt for them because
they have played a very insincere part; but jus-
tice is the same in any case, and nothing can possibly
excuse the conduct of Austria and Prussia in deceiv.
ing andimposing upon the credulity of unsuspecting
States, and taking advantage of their dissatisfac-
tion to work out the selfish ends of their own de-
sires. The committee are not likely to effect much,
however right may be their views or decided their
tone, for this affair is pre-eminently one of those in
which might has triumphed over right throaghwat.
It cannot be that any State which has been insane
enough to trust Prussia with its cause, and suffer
her to be the arbiter of its destiny, can possibly
e❑joy rights, privileges, or peace. It seems cer-
tainly unfair that the people of the Duchies should
not settle their own future, but that by no means
makes it certain that such will be their lot. It is
too late now for any attempt to mend matters by
any confederation. But still it is so far satisfactory
to notice that disaffection is rife in the camp, and
that where it was vaunted universal concord pre-
vailed. We witness anything but harmony—in
fact, the germs of discontent that may yet produce
a sad and serious effect on the offending Powers—
a more striking instance of mismanagement has
seldom been witnessed than this Schleswig-Hol•
stei❑ affair—and it will only be a just retribution
that sees all the parties concerned in the transfer
of allegiance, utterly disappointed, and griev-
ously deceived. The frustration of such efforts as
theirs is only what is to be expected in the long.
run from their discordant elements.

The enforced retirement of the popular and re.
spected Earl of CARLISLE from his Viceregal dig-
nity has brought up egain a question of consider-
able importance to the sister kingdom. The total
abolition of that costly and profitless office has long
been hinted at, and by degrees the. whispers have
grown into open suggestions. Men ask for what
purpose the Lord Lieutenancy is retained, without
obtaining a satisfactory answer. It cannot bo said
to fulfil any legislative office which might not be
otherwise provided for, while so far from gratify-
ing the Irish it appears to be looked upon with
suspicion and disfavour by a large body of
,the
people, who openly assert that it indirectly favours
and fosters those national and sectarian jeAlousies
which are the bane of the country. If we ate to
accept the views of an anonymous Irishman, who
has recently indited a pamphlet* on this subject,
as at all representative of the feelings of his coun-
trymen, the retention of the viceregal establishment

is very little kindness to the people of Dublin, or
indeed any part of Ireland. It is not very likely
that the Whigs, while in office, will see fit to
abolish so convenient a piece of patronage and so
comfortable a sinecure, but in waiting for the days
when the cold shade of opposition awakes their
dormant energies in favour of reform, it may be
worth while to examine into some of the arguments
of the gentlemen who choose to assume to the extra-
ordinary pseudonym of " Eblanensis., Separating a
great deal of wordy declamation and extravagant
imagery from the more substantial and businesslike
portion of his essay, we find the principal charges
which he brings against the office are its inju-
rious icfluence on the administration of public jus-
tice, its inevitable dragging of the dignity of the
Crown into partisanship, and the unwitting en-
couragement which it gives to the warfare between
rival creeds and factions, These would be very
serious evils could they only be brought forward
against great and commensurate good, but when
there is really nothing to show beyond empty
form, Englishmen and Irishmen alike may well
pause and inquire why there should be a Lord
Lieutenant at all ? The accusation as to the bad
effect of the Viceroyalty upon public justice, the
writer substantiates at some length, maintaining
that from the very constitution of the Irish
system, justice is subject to influences in its dis-
pensation which " necessarily corrupt it, destroy its
even-handed character, and break the confidence of
the public in its purity." He contrasts the un-
biassed position of the English Home-Secretary
with the situation of the Lord-Lieutenant. The
former, responsible to the Crown and to Parlia.
ment, subject to rigid cross questioning on every
official act, obtains all his information through the
regular channels, and would b© insulted were
it proposed to bring him in contact with
irresponsible parties. The latter, from the
very circumstances of his position is easy] of
access to all interested in the furtherance or the
hindrance of a cause. It is difficult for the most
impartial to preserve a strict neutrality, while the
general public preserve no neutrality at all. When
a crime is committed, says the writer of the pam•
phlet before us, the first question asked is, whether
it is an agrarian outrage ? followed by an inquiry as
to the respective religions of the parties coneerned.the
amount of the Government reward, and the degree
of official energy with which the case is taken up.
Upon these facts being ascertained people range
themselves naturally on either side as with us in a
political contest, and " the parties interested on one
or other side of the question throw their force into
the future proceedings, as if it were a game of skill
to be decided, not on the merits of the case, but by
the adroitness, energy, and perseverance of the
backers on either side." In cases of civil right the
same partisan and religious prejudices come iuto
play, so that instead of all creeds and parties laying
aside their differences to join in the punishment of
the evil-doer, the offence is made an occasion of
displaying those differences to the utmost, and
right and wrong, by one common consent, made
subservient to the great Ends of party triumph
and defeat. It is this unfortunate state of
things which the anomalous position of the
Viceroy fosters instead of discouraging, and
his combination of the duties of bead of
the executive and representative of Royalty

" " Appeal to Cesar ; or, Ireland's Last ter Struck Off,''
By gblauelasis, Bcoue, NOW 130nd•ttreet, 1564.

is altogether anomalous. The QUEEN, as the critic
reminds us, can do no wrong. She is irresponsible,
and as such is lifted above the whole arena of party
conflicts and mar oeavres. " Yet her representative
in Ireland may be a keen partisan, a prominent
Minister, an active political agent, an ultra one.
sided politician, pressing every nerve and muscle
into the political conflict." It is true that the same
union of representative with executive functions
is visible in the heads of our self-govern-
ing colonies, but it is with an important
distinction. The colonies legislate for themselves,
so all the complex machinery of Dublin influence
is out of the question. When representative as-
semblies step between the Viceroyalty and the
people, there is little fear that the popular interests
will not be efficiently protected. In the case
.of
India, again, the delegated dignity is inevitable,
although it is kept in check by the English official
head, which at present seems likely to carr
its interference to an unwarrantable length.
Bat the arguments on behalf of these distant coun-
tries entirely fall to the ground when considering
a land so near to us as to be veritably part and
parcel of our own country. The cumbrous machi-
nery of Dublin Castle 5s certainly not needed to
interpose between the seat of Government and the
Irish people. So far from the extraneous dignity
being complimentary to the sister kingdom it is
regarded more as an insult, as a proof that Irish-
men are not to be trusted to take care of
themselves, but are still regarded as inhabitants of
a conquered country. One of the pleas generally
brought forward in favour of the maintenance is
that the citizens of Dublin can ill afford to lose the
£20,000 spent annually from the Castle, and the
stimulus to trade consequent upon its festivities.
But to this our author has several answers ready.
He maintains, having certainly no great partiality
for Lord Lieutenants as a rule, that a great propor■
tion of this much vaunted £20,000 is not spent
amongst the Dublin traders at all, being either laid
out to the benefit of the imported train, or reserved
for subsequent use when the Viceroyalty is over.
Again, he contends that the Castle establishment,
far from adding to the gaieties of the Irish capital,
in reality detracts from them, by diminishing the
residence of thu nobility and gentry in the city.
" Peers," he says, " of higher titles and more ele-
vated station little relish doing homage to one
lower than themselves on the rank-ladder. Those
of adverse politics will not do service to the
man whose policy they disapprove." It is likely,
however much may be said against it, that the
Lord Lieutenacy will yet endure some little time
longer, but it is as well that the topic should be
freely discussed, that the way may be prepared for
the change. The less distinction made between
the Irish fellow-subjects the better, and the more
direct the influence exercised from the central au-
thority the better. In these days of rapid transit
and lightning communication there can certainly be
no need for this costly and unprofitable interlude ;
and if, so far from increasing the peace and pro-
sperity of the Irish capital, it actually proves disad-
vantageous, the sooner the Viceroyalty is sus.
panded the better.

The Asia has at length arrived with news from
New York to the 13th instant inclusive. She must
have had a stormy passage, for she is three days
overdue. Her news is decidedly in favour of the
Confederates, not only in Virginia, but in Georgia
and Missouri. It appears that General LEE made
a bold attack on the Federal force on the north of
the James River, drove them from two entrenched
lines, capturing ten guns, and gaining a complete
♦ictory, besides driving them five miles further from
Richmond. This occurred on Friday, the Bth. It
would appear that General GRANT was summoned
to Washington on this account, but he returned to
Petersburg by the 11th. General SIIERTDAN has
retreated to Strasburg, pursued by the Confede-
rates. During his retreat he destroyed every-
thing in his power, committing all the ra.

vages of war with a fiendish delight in the
savage work of mischief. He reports that
he made the whole country one scene of
desolation—so as to render it untenable for the
Confederate army. He destroyed 2,000 barns and
70 mills, containing all sorts of provisions, stores,
and farming implements, If this be the mode by
which President LINCOLN hopes to secure his re•
election we heartily trust that he may be ignomi-
niously disappointed and utterly disgraced, not
only in his own day but in all time hereafter. It
sickens the heart of humanity to hear of a general
boasting that in retaliation for the loss of a subor.
dinate officer, who was shot by the Confederate
guerillas, General SHERIDAN should destroy the
habitations of the farming people for five miles.
This is barbarity unworthy of a Republic boasting
of Freedom, and of being a pattern for mankind.
Nor is the day of reckoning only becoming darker
in the north for GRANT and his heeeroge-
nous army, but SHERMAN in the south
now finds that he has caught a Tartar,
for his rear is completely closed, in by the concen-
trating armies cutting off his supplies and closing
all around. His beleagured army is now cooped up
in Atlanta, in his turn, with little hope of a safe
deliverance. In fact, he confesses as much himself,
although he consoles his army with the assurance
that they have plenty of provisions to sustain their
courage. In Missouri General PRICE pursues his
victorious career, and promises to give a good ac-
count of the Federal forces in that quarter, lie
has proclaimed his intention to remain in Missouri
after he has captured Jefferson, the capital of the
State. The other operations of the war seem by the
present general accounts, for there was little time
for particular details, to be in favour of the
South. Indeed, according to some of the
Richmond papers, it is stated that they had
received favourable news from the north of
Georgia, but declined to state the circum-
stances, no doubt for some very good strategic
reasons, the knowledge of which might enlighten
the Yankees farther north, and give them a hint
as to their own do.ngs in the present rather con-
jectural conjuncture of their fortunes. The im-
pending Presidential election is now the main
point of the war and of the day. Even what may
be termed the preliminary State elections that are
taking place are looked to with the most intense
interest, for the decision in but one of these is
considered as indicative of the final paramount
decision of all. Hence, the elections in Ohio and
Indiana are hailed with acclamations just as the
tide of opinion rolls its wayward course—neither
inclining to any settled state. The election
in Pennsylvania appears to be more in
favour of the Democratic party--only await.
ing the arrival of the soldiers' votes to
decide the contest fur that State. Much
as mon may treasure up the ambition of their after
life, we do not envy Mr LINCOLN the glory ef his
present position, poised on the hours of hope and
doubt in the most critical period of his life. The
coming events of the war for the next three or
four weeks may undo all the victories that he has
garnered up in his fancy, and open to the gaze of
his bewildered and disgusted countrymen the true
character of the man of blood and recklessness
with whom they had been blinded to believe was
the saviour of his country, and the restorer of
that Union, which was, bat can never be again.