The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-03 00:00:00

THE

causes, were effected without danger, without excite-
ment, and were established as by natural causes. Such
reforms he was disposed to commend. There was agri-
culture—one of the most important interests, as a etass
in the kingdom—and it was precisely from t.e very
importance of the landed interest that he lamented the
suicidal reruggle which agitated and unhinged the class
to which he belonged. He was there to express sym-
pathy with a class that indeed merited all their consi-
deration; and so long as he had a seat in Parliament and
a voice to raise in the country, so long would he be pre-
pared to support measures tending to relieve the undue
burdens upon land, providing always that that relief did
not act prejudicially upon those advantages which had
been guaranteed to the great mass of the people. The
policy of 1846 could not be rescinded.—(Cheers.) The
people of England, he believed, were prepared, from a
sense of justice, to accede to whatever might be found
to re-adjust the balance should it be found to have
slightly deviated from its natural bearings. Now,
let him say a word about Parliamentary Reform. After
deep consideration, he bad matured what the princi-
ples were on which henceforth was to be based a
political existence, insignificant as yet, but, perhaps, in
the progress of event destined to—(The remainder of
the sentence was drowned in loud cheering.) Well, the
septennial period of Parliament was rapidly approach
ing, and the House of Commons, as now constituted must
speedily die a natural death, or rather finish an unna-
tural existence. Let them examine the composition
and the constitution of the House of Commons. It vies
public property, and was intended to represent the ma-
jesty of the people. Hitherto it had kept pace with the
progressive spirit of the age. Let statesmen who would
legislate on the question keep in view the wide differ-
ence that existed between keeping pace with and over-
stepping the progressive spirit of the times. Well, then,
we are threatened with Reform—a Parliamentary Re-
form. But whence came the cry for reform? Were
the people of England dissatisfied with their position?
Were they crying out for enfranchisement? He asked
Lord John Russell, " Where is the agitation?" Why,
Lord John Russell himself undertook the agitation, avl
guaranteed the result—(Hear)—but be seemed to have
forgotten the lesson which his experience taught him—
that political agitation was a dangerous engine, which
the will of one man could set in motion, but the efforts
of 10,000 could neither resist nor control.—(Cheers.)
If Lord John Russell did agitate the country, they might
depend upon it that the people would not suffer the agi-
tation to cease until those reforms were introduced which
were generally admitted to be most needed. There were
the colonies, for instance, groaning under maladminis-
tration. There was the Admiralty. He would
say nothing about the Megmra steamer; but he conic
tell them about stinking meat canisters.—(Cheers and
laughter.) That inefficient service entailed reckless ex-
penditure of the public money. Then there was the
much needed economical financial reform. They must
have that before long.—(Cheers.) Then there was
ecclesiastical reform, which he held to be essentially
necessary for the welfare and maintenance of the Pro-
testant faith, and also for the due performance of the
duties enjoined by the Church. But of these at another
time—perhaps before long. At present they were upon
electoral reform. Well, was it patriotism which in-
duced Lord John to bring forward this Bill of Reform?
Was he disinterested? No; the secret of his reform lay
in a lingering thirst for political importance—(Hear,
hear, and cheers)—a mean and shabby truckling for
party purposes.—(Renewed cheering.) Here lay the
magnanimous self-denial of a tottering Government.
Tottering did he say? Why, that which was and ought
to be intended as a public benefit was debased into
the promotion of personal interest. A family coterie
governed the State. And what was the great vic-
tory they achieved? They succeeded in destroying
the only man who gave character anti dignity to their
counsels, who alone among them could secure respect
abroad and countenance at home.—(Cheers.) The Go-
vernment ejected Lord Palmerston—let Lord Palmers-
ton eject them—(Renewed cheering)—and let him seek
in the applause of his fellow-countrymen that which the
Government could not expect, that respect and support
which his talents and courage and manly British heart
entitled him to enjoy.— (Great cheering.) And who,.
was the result of this measure on the part of the Go-
vernment? Scarcely recovered from the effects of their
own audacity, they would fain bolster up their tottering
forces with the assistance of the friends of the late Sir
Robert Peel; but he was proud to say that their
eenerous offers were indignantly declined. Let them
bear in mind how Sir Robert Pcel, on the very last
occasion he addressed the House of Commons, spoke of
the Government:—" I have not," said he, " the honour
of their personal friendship; I never had any political
connexion with them."—(Hear, hear.) Let these
memorable words animate to a recollection of the past
those who might be induced to sacrifice to the hasty dic-
tates of political ambition their own political antece-
dents. If the Government had forfeited the confidence
ot the country, let them give place to others. Let a
Liberal Conservative policy be inaugurated.—(Cheers.)
It would be supported by public opinion; and, surely,
there are those who, perhaps, even once colleagues,
could now, in the present crisis, forget former differ-
ences, which, if nothing else had, time and experience
must have modified and soothed; and uniting their com-
mon efforts for the public good, once again rally round
the popular standard of a Liberal Conservative policy.
But where was the recognised leader? He believed he
recognised that leader in the man so well known to them
all by the name of Stanley.—(Cheers.) He (Sir Robert)
would only add that, whatever might result from pre-
sent emergencies, his most earnest study should be—un-
encumbered by factious scruples and unfettered through
their liberality—so to shape the conscientious discharge
of his public duties as to be in accordance with the
wishes of his constituents and to the furtherance of the
welfare of the nation.—(Sir Robert resumed his seat
amid prolonged cheering )

ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT— THE
ELECTION —MR. GISBO RNE.
(From the Derby Reporter.)
There seems to be a very general expectation that
Lord John Russell will not be able to withstand the
opposition which is preparing its weapons for an en-
counter in the very opening of the session of Parlia-
ment. The question, "who is to conduct the Go-
vernment ? was asked and answered last year ; and
we remember to what straits the Sovereign was re-
duced in her endeavour to re-construct her Ministry
so as to render it the exponent of the prevailing opi-
nion. The issue of the doubtful debate was, that
either Lord John Russell must be reinstated, or
that appeal to the country must be made in order to
decide the differences of parties. A dissolution of
Parliament was not deemed prudent or expedient.
But in the beginning of the forthcoming session it
is certain that Lord John Russell will propose
his measure of Parliamentary Reform. The
consideration of that great change in our poli-
tical status will necessarily take precedence of all
other questions ; and in any possible contin-
gFucy we take it to be certain that a dissolution of
Parliament will occur. Lord John Russell either
will, or he will not recommend Parliament to remove
the abuses and anomalies of our present representa-
tive system, and re-construct it on a really popular
basis. If he does this in a manner and to an extent
satisfactory to the country, his Bill will assuredly
be thrown out, either in the Commons or by that
admirably prescient body which has ever provoked
political agitation by rejecting in the first instance
every great and beneficent change in our institutions :
the House of Lords will probably not depart from
its inveterate habit of obstructing popular progress.
On the other hand, if the Bill of Lord John Russell
should deal so leniently with the time-honoured ab-
surdities, with the vices of little boroughs, and with
the partial distribution of the elective influence as to
satisfy the Commons and Lords, his Bill may pass
the ordeal of Parliament, but will provoke the
severest censure of the public. If Parliament gives
us a Reform Bill, a dissolution will ensue immediately
as a matter of course ; it Reform be denied us, the
nd that the question be submitted
tcoo ui
tnst rayr
bwi
tirl demand
al
- - - - -
tion.

- --- -- -
In anticipation of the approaching trial of strength
in the constituencies, those who have seats and those
who covet them are alike securing their proper in-
terests ; and Mr. Gisborne has been among the first
to give an open intimation of his purpose to test once
more the good will of the constituency of Notting-
ham. He seems to have some confidence that the men
Of Nottingham may have had reason to doubt whether
in preferring Mr. Feargus O'Connor to him at the
last election-theydid what was best for their own re-
putation for
popular cause. We good sense, or for the progress of the
partake this confidence ; for how-
ever DIM love to be consistent in their adhesion to a
principle, and to
Mr. Feargus
by an obnoxious asserter of it,
sweelfiornbogei:ieous to moderate
O'Connor has not made him-
men of Nottingham
byerate politicians er pleasing to the
to those principlesatoo firm and disinterested ad-
herenceso generously by the ec which
were imputed to him
that busy and versatiloeptcilo‘rifsr.iernd
The martyrdom which
endured from public of the people" has
not been won by
his services or his sacrifices in has
came of Chartism.
There are some people exceedill the
representation, we
large extension of the basis of our fearful lest in any
should have Parliament filled: ihriniko'ear.gus O'Con-
blue is that large
rugs, or men like him. The
would com-
of vulgar
constituencies of sensible working
and would reject wooly be deluded by the specious patriotism
the
who would and
and self-seeking political traders,
men of talent, honour, and consistency
could serve the real interests of the
have no such fears; but rather we agree in people.what We
M
Roebuck said in his speech at Sheffield—that larger
.
and more popular constituencies would only ca
more of such men as now serve so efficiently til,
Popular cause. There is nothit:g which distinguishes
the practical turn of the English mind so advan-
tageously as the keen insight into character com-
mon
to all classes among us. Perhaps the
~
common people" are the best judges of the
characterco of public men—for they judge them
by their fruits, and take little note of the factitious
covering by which clever men bide mean motives and
base actions. Theym beand deceived
a time—for who aymnaoytby deluded
and by one's own judgment-clouding hypocrisy and. artifice,?
—but
who
they do not trust menhave been tried and found
wanting. The Chartists have been long seeking, like
Diogenes with his lantern,Wort. honest man. There
are many among them d the name, but I
somehow or other it has happenedthat not one man
has arisen from among them who has long retained or I
ditervid bis pipe is th..e.kleader. we can tell them 1