The Sun.
London, England, 1852-07-12 00:00:00

ELECTION N
ON ITELLIGENCE,
btfTROSE.
the nomination of Mr. Hume for the Forfar district
'targhti took place at Montrose on Friday. There
a very large assemblage of electors and non-electors,
Uume was very cordially received.
tweet Potter, of Forfar, nominated Mr. Hume, and
D. Gu-hrie. of Brechin, seconded the nomination.
'he SHERIFF then took a show of hands, and, there
etteg no other candidate, declared Mr. Hume duly
elected.
Mr. Ilya= then stood forward, and was loudly cheered.
said; townsmen and brother electors, it is
to me a matter of the highest gratification to be thus
received in the town of my nativity, and, after the
lengthened period for which I have occupied the proud
situation of representing my townsmen and the ether
electors of these burghs, to be able to appear before you
without being afraid that any man will challenge me for
having ever made a promise or given a pledge which I
have not fulfilled.—(Cheers.) This to me is a great
satisfaction. Thirty-four years ago I made certain pro-
fessions of political opinions, and was sent to Parliament
by you, on the strength of those professions and
opinions, a young man with many temptations to take
an ambitious course. To those principles I have ad-
hered, and I intend to adhere to them while I live.
Ili hen I stated my early opinions the times were of a
eery dilerent character from those under which we live;
and by meat nunibzes my opinions were considered to
b 3 rather novel and startling; but I have lived to see
some of them partially espoused by men who then
opposed me, and others wholly embodied in measures
which are now the law of the land.—(Cheers.) MY
vtews were stated - and my propositions advocated in
open day in the House of Commons, and without regard
to the frowns of the Tory or the smiles of the Whig;
and, by the power which you gave me in placing me in
that House an independent Member, I was enabled to
persevere until converts were made from the ranks of
the enemy, and support consolidated among
.tholse of my
friends. When I entered Parliament politica parties
were stronger, and acrimonious feeling more bitter than
now, Abuses, too, were thew more rank, complaints
more rife and well-founded; and the man who could set
himself to face these influences, and work out an inde-
pendent course of financial and political reform, re-
quired both a strong nerve and a willing hand. And it
is no small satisfaction to those who first sent me to the
House, and who have kept me there, to find that, without
attaching myself to the Tory party in power, or the
Whig party seeking power, I have never flinched
from the opinions I first expressed to them, and
never departed from the rule which I laid down for
my own guidance—viz., to faveur no one particular
class or body, however inflaential, and, while
ing to the local interests of my constituents, always to
act on the princithat
p.a the —onse of Commons is for
the whole nation, and should legislate for the common
good.—(Cheers.) And I now stand here to-day to chal-
lenge any man to say if I have ever flinched in the hour
of trial, or truckled to gain a position, or been afraid at
any time to beard the Tory or face the Whig.—(Cheers.)
History will do me justice, and history is to
that hich,
as your representative, I proudly appeal- But let by-
gones be bygones. We shall look now to the future. For
40 years I have been a political agitator, endeavouring
to put down monopoly and to do away with sinecures;
and in this work I have good experience. I go to Par-
liament again, then, with a new lease of power, not
without a knoviledge of what has been done, and what
has yet to be done; and, although we have achieved
much, I am greatly mistaken if we are not now about
to enter on an era when we shall achieve more. I have
an impression that we are about to enter on a momen-
eons session of Parliament. I think I see things " loom-
ing in the distance," as the saying now is—(A laugh)
—which will soon be nearer at hand, and if I had
only a new lease of life, I should be delighted to
devote it to my country's good. My life is
not one of ease and indolence, nor is it always
one of pleasure. My time is fully employed and m
duties are arduous. I have had my share of abuse, and
that is not a pleasant thing; and my share, too,
for lof dis-
couragement, and that is yet more unpleasant,
have sometimes seen my friends, whom I had supported
19 times,turn round when I went against them in the 20th,
and they would have kicked the old lion if they could.
—(Cheers and laughter.) And no man was mere ready
to do 33 than the late chief of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, and vet I have a w
Russell. ma warm feeling for Lord John
rt.e, by his dilly-dallying and see-sawing
he lost the confidence of mys:lf and (Less, who turned
from him in disgust, but I c
annot forget what he has
done; and, having willingly and cheerfully acted under
his banner for years, I should be a recreant to my prin-
ciP" if I did not acknowleige his great services, and
say that no man can have rejoiced more on his return
for the city of London than I have done.—(Cncers.) And
I hope I ehall get some good out of him yet. I owe
him much fur what he has already done—for the public,
not for myself, for he never did me a favour.—(Hear,
hear.) And I never asked him for a favour. You know
my principles on that point. If any of my constituents
demand a right, I atm ready to support that demand; but
if any one asks a favour, I have none for him. To ask a fa-
vour in the forenoon and then vote against the Ministry
who grants it in the afternoon would never do. But it
it is no easy matter to be in Parliament and to act thus

independently. Nor is it an easy matter to get into
Parliament and act thus independently. Yet such has
bean my happiness, and such is_to your honour. I

would not be in the House of Com-Mons a month to

be tied and pestered as many Members there are. I
never would tie myself up, and never will go there but
as au independent Member.—(Cheers.) But I have
said that I believe moat momen►tous events will show
themselves during the next few years. They loam
strangely in the tutu.'e. We have a Government that
has DO (minion of its ovn, but one which holds opi-
nions in abeyance which, ii it can only get the power,
swill s)on net on theta, and attempt to impose new
taxes on those least able to bear them.-=(Elear.) My
aim shall be to oppose all oppressions. And now let !Le
refer to some of thcma. shall begin with the pounds,
shillings, and pence, because they have far more power

izi okaying raen'A actions than reason or common, sense.

—(A laugh.) Talk of the puunds, shillings, and pence,
and most men will listen to you with interest, but talk
to them of reason and common sense, and especially in
the Heusi) of Commons, and you will find
that whet you say goes in at one ear and
out at the other.—(Loud laughter.) Well, on
the peunds, shilling.e and pence subi,ct I have spoken
to satne advantage, for I bud that during the rime I
have b, en in Parliament I have had the good fortune to
get three Coimmittees of Inquiry appointed on financial
affeirs, and resolutions, based on the reports of those
Committees, carried effecting a reduction of sinecure of
the annual value of 500,0001. I have had my difficulties
in labouring for these financial reforms, but the public
feelina supported me. and now the elation has got thus
far, that no man is paid a salary without doing duty for
it, excepting always those pensioners whose sinecure in-
comes were spared to terminate with their lives. Aye,
and must except another class of sinecuritts with whom
;
I have always had the greatest difficulty to contend when
labouring for a redress of grievances—I mean the Church.
—(Laughter and cheers.) But I have not been altogether
nnsaeeessful in the department of sinecures. Thirteen
years agti I proposed to Lord Derby, then Lord Stan-
ley, to abolish twenty bishops—(A. laugh)—that was a
bold proposal; but there is nothing like doing things
boldly, for then only can you expect to succeed. I did
not succeed in getting twenty bishops put aside as
uselen, but we abolished ten.—(Loud cheers.) That
was in connexion with the Irish Establishment, and
if I had the opportunity I should like to try my
hand at a few more.—(A laugh.) I hope the
time is no; far distant when neither in the Irish Church
nor in the Engli, h Church will there be any sinecures,
and that no longer will that Church be open to the re-
proach that there are many in it who do deity and are
not paid for it, and many who do no duty, and are over-
a a few words on our
pnitaivt—e(nCdhmeeilristLyleswtaibl now say
They are enlarged
beyond all legitimate bounds. You know that a kind of
panic or infatuation took possession of many people in
this country a short time since, and that a large increase
to oar mastery establishments has been the result.—
(Hear.) Now, I am prepared to show that that panic
was really an infatuation, and that our country had never
more armed men to defend it than it had at the time
when the Duke of Wellineton and others wrote pamph-
lets to show that the French might be expected to cross
the Channel some lino da breakfast at Canterbury,
y,
and dine in London.—(Laughter.) The French are .no
such fools. The President of the French has quite
enough to do at home.—(Hear.) But, wh:l°lce
account for the sentiments of the Duke of Welling-
ton and others of his class and connexions, I really
am astonished at the course which Lord Palmerston
has pursued. In 1816, when the Noble Lord was
examined before a l
Comcase 'tt which I got Lord Castle-
reagh to grant at the clo oefe,
Sher we might
the
war, to inquire whe"
atshais reason,
favour of
,annadiaTigda)tv:then reduce our forces, he was in
viz , that among others for it—
therefore her Government should a()and
t a military country,
conquest, but seek to y never aim at military
mato ee
nzacturing
ritime. commercial,
e.arendeng and establish her ma
that Noble Lord is
pric-frightened people,
Power But now
and got the Government n set
crease of arms Burk the dhig alasy a 'notion for an in-
in this direction. and have at 19 tibl: had ae*-itching '
disgraceful and discreditaatei state of thin onsiant.,ra.,6,Bt
Duke of Wellineteer 'resat the head of the -r-;`,l
our military expenditure has been increased c've
quire 6,000,0001. a-year of additional income," "e"
quire ad that you taise by the ?rapc and to re-
this expenditure alone. Lord J 'ha firstßusrstrYlittia.zto meeteen
posed to raiee a militia of ISO,Qoo
men —chat
at lost hi
his party and his place. The te-xt Government was
wise to retain, all, but too cunning not to take a large
o
share. Hence they proposed to raise 80,000; 50,000
to be drawn this year, and 30,000 the next, with
Power to raise 20,000 more if required; all of
wham have to be armed, drilled, clothed, and paid out of
the public flied-4 In 1832, on the principle, I suppose,
Vier, " a new broom sweeps cleln," the Whigs reduced
the fe:itimates, arid hut the other year, when the financial
reform movement pressed on them. they_ made ano her
attempt at reduction, and did some good; out the broad
fact *tends out on the public records of the nation, that
at the very time they were stirring up this military panic
they heti a larger military force et commend than France,
seed wore seleiers and sailors to defend 27,000,000 of ci-
vilized
subjects than were required to govern m India
more than 100,000,000 of semi-barbarians.—(Cheers.) I
shell make tht,3 niain. In 1835 rv,s had 81,271 infantry,
.
cavalry, t regular miiiria; 8,319 ordnance carps,
ar
t
il
l
e
r
y
, e'4giT'ers, Ste, ; 27,000 seamen and marines;
marling a total of
116,590 Men. Now, in 1852, we
had 101,937 infantry, cavalry, and regular
15,582 ordnance corps, artillery, engineers, Ste.;
39,001 seamen and marines—total 156,519; showing
an excess of 39,929 men in these departments
alone. But to these must be added, as available de-
fentrived forces, the militia staff, via., 18,500 enrolled
per,sioners, 9,200 dockyard battalions, 14,600 yeomanry
c shaky, 5,717 coastguard service, 12,321 Irish police-

THE

constables, 13,202 police in England and Wale's, and ,
8 442 Channel Islands police—being a total of 11,982 , ,
men; and if to these again you add those who are to be
raised under the new Bill, you have a total force of
above 318,000 men, to which may also be added 40,000,
which the Bill gives power to raise, if still more be re-
quired—making in all above 350,000 men.—(Hear )
Now, was it fair, was it just, to say that this country
was in a weak and defencelesa state, when such facts
were known to the panicmongers theroselvers? . But
this is not all. We-have the naval forces in commission.
Taking the same years as before, I find that while in
1835 we had 167 ships afloat, and 20,287, out of the
27,000 marines, in 1851 we bad 235 pennants flying,
with 39,124 out of 42,000 marines in the service. Now,
the total number of all the armed forces in France, in-
cluding the gendarmes and every kind of available force,
did not number so high as this, and was
it not, there-
fore, a monstrous injustice of this country to try and
raise the panic that we were defenceless?—(Cheers.) In
India the total number of the Queen's troops was only
25,500 with 269,000 of native troops, and, as I have
already said, these are all that are required to protect
100,000,000 of semi-barbarians, while we need 350,000
men to protect and govern 27,000,000 of Christianst—
(Shame.) Oh, but it is said, we must have troops to
govern our colonies. Well, but Lord Grey tells us that
we now give the colonies free representative Govern-
ment, they must provide for their own defence. If so,
then surely we require but few troops for tho coast of
Africa and other services in which we are neither very
creditably nor very profitably engaged. I ask you, then,
in the face of these facts, if such an oppression be not
sufficient to ruin any country, and how can we expect to
get taxation reduced when we go at this rate adding to
our expenditure? Mr. Hume then read a number of
calculations to show that the expenditure of our naval
and military forces had increased 6,000,0001. in ten years,
and contended that one of the first questions which
would force itself on the re-consideration of the
new Parliament would be that of reducing these
establishments. He then enlarged on the subject of
taxation, using the same facts and arguments which
he employed on Wednesday, and spoke warmly
in support of free trade. He had obtained a Parlia-
mentary return showing, that although the late Sir
Robert Peel had abolished protective duties that were on
700 or 800 articles, there were yet 233 articles of
foreign manufacture paying duty. to the amount of
434,1341.; also 42 articles of foreign agricultural pro-
duce, producing 916,435/.. which he hoped to see re-
pealed before long. And then, with a reduction of bur-
dens by which various interests were yet oppressed, an
equitable system of taxation, and economy, and re-
trenchment in every department of the public service,
they would have free trade in the proper sense of the
term, and be able to compete with all the world. But
to insure this they. must have Parliamentary Reform.
They. all knew his scheme for amending the representa-
tion,
it.io
things? n ,
Howa n da
n could
o yu elthereforehedt,baencya u
mansewouldhe
dwenafoes
defend
sofdo r
tmah
t)ni neupwtreealsyrerneat
present
egt
statee
arrangement,
cm eunnntotof,
coun-
try had
into beensciva chargedr (liwith(ala ugha design.)
In
tsiuopn Mr. Hume-
ricotonccluu
ptheacntekdedsootahe taomrso,ngantdhenitoladcptahiezfotrh,attohealqiu.tteex-
toelbece
appear-
ance, the new Parliament would again,
last long.
The usual thanks were then voted,
separated. and the meeting