The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-14 00:00:00

S 4,LX-
N°.18,741.1 LONDON, THURSDAY %.f.; • . 9 OCTOBER 14, 1852.

Now ready, in 3 Vols., 31's. Gd. boifad,
BARONESS D'OBERKIRCITS
MEMOIRS,
Illustrative of the Secret History of
THE COURTS OF FRANCE, RUSSIA, AND GERMANY.
The Baroness D'Oberkirch, the intimate friend of the Empress
of Russia, wife of rani 1., and confidential companion of the Duchess
of Bourbon, saw much of courts and courtiers ; and her remarkable
memoirs are filled with a variety of anecdotes, not alone of lards and
ladies, but of emperors and empresses, kings and queens, and reign-
ing princes and princesses. As a picture of society anterior to the
French Revolution, the book is the most perfect production of its
kind extant ; and, as such, besides its minor value as a book of
amusement, it possesses a major value a 3 a work of information,
:,hick in the interest of historical truth is, without exaggeration,
almost incalculable."—Observer.
Colburn and Co., Publishers, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

THE

THE QUARTERLY REVIEW,
No. CLXXXII., is published THIS DAY.

CONTENTS:
I. British Baids and St2nehenge.
11. lonian Islands..
111. Irish Salmon.
IV. Dr. Chalmers.
V. Sindh.
VI. Lord Langdale.
VII. Cold Discoveries.
VIII. Parliamentary Prospects.
John Murray, Albemarle-street.

LIFE OF MARY QUEEN' OF SCOTS.
On Tuesday next will be published, 'Volume Third of
MISS AGNES STRICKLAND'S
LIVES of the QUEENS of SCOTLAND,
and English Pr:ncesses connected with the Royal Succession.
This volume contains the commencement of a' personal Life of
Mary Stuart, which it is believed will be found more authentic and
complete than any which has yet appeared. It comprises an amount
of curious and important information hitherto inedited, the fruits of
long and arduous research in the State Paper Offices of England,
Scotland, France, and other nations, and in the charter-chests of the
descendants of the noble families of Great Britain ancestrally con-
nected with that momentous period. The result is a Biography
which is likely to be the crowning work of Miss Strickland's great
national undertaking.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London.

NEW WORK BY THE AUTHOR OF " VANITY FAlR,'''"
PEN-DENNIS," &c.
MR. Mit Li It AY 'S NOVEL,
Entitled
THE HISTORY of HENRY ESMOND, Lg.,
A Colonel in the Service et her Majesty Q. Anne,
WRITTEN BY HISISELF,
Will be ready in a few days, in Three Volumes, crown Bvo.,
London : Smith, Elder, and Co., 65, Cornhill.

NATIONAL PROVIDENT INSTITUTION
for MUTUAL LIFE ASSURANCE, ANNUITIES, &c.,
48, Gracechurch-street, Londen.
SAMUEL HAY HURST LUCAS, Esq., Chairman.
CHARLES LUSHINGTON, Esq., M.l'., Deputy-Chairman.
CONSULTING ACTUARY—CharIes Ansel], Esq., P.R.S.
Extract from the Report for 1851.
"In the year ending the 20th November, 1851, 1,231 Policies
have been issued, the Annual Premiums on which amount to
18,4981. Bs. Gd.
" Since the establishment of the Institution in December, 1835,
13,729 Policies have been effected, and the Annual Income is
189,2401. 2s.
" The balance of receipts over ,the disbursements in 1851 is
114,6231. 3a. 91. ; and the Capital is now 738,4921. 18s. 4d."
The forthcoming Quinquennial Division of Profits will be made up
to the 20th November next, and all who effect Assurances before that
time will participate in the profits which may accrue to such policies.
By a recent Act of Parliament the Directors are empowered to
grant Loans to Members on the security of their Policies to the ex-
tent of their value.
Members whose premiums fall due on the let October, are re-
minded that the same must be paid within thirty days from that date.
The Directors' Report for 1851 may be had on application at the
Office, or of the Agents in the country.
JOSEPH MARSH, Secretary.
September 16, 1852.

MERCHANT'S and TRADESMAN'S
MUTUAL LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY,
5, Chatham-place, Blackfriars, London,
TRUSTEES.

Thomas How, Esq.

Jeffery Smith, Esq
David Fergusson, Esq.
Advantages offered by this Society
Policies Indisputable, except in cases of fraud.
Assurances of every description effected.
Non-forfeiture of Policies.
Assurers unable, or who find it inconvenient to pay their Pre-
miums as they fall due, may have a credit on application to the
Board.

Loans granted in connexion with Life Assurance.
BONUS.
The following Table shows the Bonuses declared on Policies effected
with this Society prior to 9th ➢Larch last :

No. of Age
Sum
Preens. when Annual
paid. Assured. Pre'alum' Assured.

Bonus Amount
now
Added. Assured.

I £ s. d.

5 50 45 19 2 1000
4 40 32 19 2 1010
3 30 24 15 0 , 1000

s. d.
94 13 0
65 0 0
43 14 5

X s. d.
1091 13 0
1065 0 0
1043 14 5

GEORGE THOMSON, Manager.
THOS. MUSGRAVE. Secretary.

ARTHUR WELLESLEY, the Great DUKE
of WELLINGTON, taken from Life during his frequent
visits to the Napoleon 'ldles, at Madame Tussaud's.
" If this figure alone constituted the whole of the Exhibition, it
would well repay the trouble of a visit."—Evening Sun.
Madame Tussaud and Son's Exhihition, Bazaar, Baker-street,
Portman-square. Open,from Ten till Dusk, and from Seven till Ten.

Admission, ls. ; Napoleon Rcoms, 6d.

TO ARTISTS, INVENTORS, &c., &c.
The Directors of the

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INST/TMION,
PATRON—H. R. H. PRINCE ALBERT,
respectfully give notice that Deposits of General Interest are received
and ably described to the public, free of expense.
The Exhibition, and all the popular Lectures, including Mr. Buck-
land's Lecture on Music, as usual.
Admission, Is. ; Schoois and Children under Ton years of ege,
deaf-price. For Hours, see Programme.

LAURENT'S GRAND CASINO,
&RGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street,
St. James's,
Lessee, Charles Emele Laurent, Onslow Abuse, BrOmpton-road,
Licensed pursuant to Act of Parliament, 25th of King George 11.,
Are Re-opened for the Winter Season.
During the recess the Rooms have been entirely Re-decorated, by
G. S. Bryer, regardless of cost.
Laurent's Matchless Band every evening, principal Cornet-a-
Piston, M. Boulcourt.
Admission—ONE SHILLING.
Doors open at Half-past Eight o'clock. Dancing to commence at
Nine, and terminate at Half-past Eleven.

AVERY PARTIAL STATEMENT of the
real fact it would be, were we to mention as many new styles
of dress as would fill an ordinary advertisement, the majority would
then be omitted. E. MOSES and SON'S new inventions for the
Autumnal Season are beyond description, and their universal appli-
cation to every kind of dress renders them successive series of no-
velties, to particularize which is impossible; but it is the plainest
statement they can make, and the most likely to be fully proved—
that their dress for Youths and Children is wholly reconstructed by
artistes they employ exclusivety in that line. Their Overcoat De-
partment presents an array of new styles, securing comfort, gentility
and economy. Dress Suits in magnificent materials all new, and
cut w.cl finished in the highest style. Sporting Dress has received a
complete reformation in Cut, Make, and Materials. The Cut se-
cures comfort, the Make exhibits the most accomplished workman-
ship, and the Materials are novel, waterproof, and elegant, at prices
much below any other Establishment.

. .
ItOYAL SWEDISH RAILWAY COMPANY.
KOPING to DUET, forming the First Section of a Trunk
Lline from Stockholm to Gottenburg.
Established pursuant to Royal Charter of Sweden, with the State
Guarantee of 5 per cent.
Capital, 5,000,040 rixollars each
dol. banc, (416,6701.), in 83,334 shares of GO
d, or 5/. sterling.
Deposit 21. per share, on payment of which certificates will be issued
to bearer. ' •
The shareholders' liability is, by the law of Sweden, limited to their
amount of shares.
PATRON—His Royal Bighnesl the Crown Prince of Sweden and
Norway.
BOARD OF DIRECTORS.
Anders Magnus Brink, Esq., merchant, M.P. for Stockholm,

K.R.O.W.
:obert Gillman, Esq., Bucklersbury
'. M. Lovell, Esq., merchant, Stockholm

John Masterman, jun., Esq, Nicholas-lona
James Rhodes, Esq., banker, Lombard-street
Count Adolphe Eugene Von Rosen, Lieutenant-Colonel K.R.0.5.,

Stockholm _
John Sadleir, Esq., 1.P., Chairman of the London and County Bank,

„
Lombard-street
Charles Frederich Wlern, Es 1., merchant, M.P. for Gottenbnrg.

BANKERS.

Stockholm—Bank of Sweden.
Gottenburg—Join-Stock Bank of Gottenburg.
Orebro—Joint-Stock Bank of Orebro.
Paris—Messrs, Fould„Evlld, Oppenheim, and Co.
London—Messrs. Moat Oman and Co., London and County Bark.
Brokers—Messrs. R. and J. Sutton, 22, Royal Exchange.
Eugineer-in-Chief—Sir John Rennie, F.R.S.

Resident Engineer--Carl Tottie, Esq.
SouMolt—Charles Henry Edmonds, Esq., Eldon-chambers,
Devereux-court, Temple.
Offices, 28, Poultry.
The extension of the railway system on the continent, its Introduc-
tion into Denmark, Norway, and Russia, countries immediately
surrounding Sweden, has rendered it indispensable, in a national
point of view, that the latter should no longer be isolated from the
grand chain of European communication.
To meet this necessity the Government of Sweden has granted a
concession for the construction of a series of trunk and branch lines,
adequate to the internal necessities of the kingdom, and to its foreign

traffic.
The construction of a Grand Trunk. Line between Stockholm and
Gottenburg has been, in the first instance, determined on, compris-
ing an extent of 350 miles, by which means the great design of
URiting the Baltic and the North Seat will be accomplished, and,
connexion with the line about to be established across Denmark, the
journey from St. Petersburgh to London will be aceomplished in half
the time occupied; at present; the navigation of the sound will
be avoided ; and consequently the payment of Sound dues,
together with a saving of fi eight, insurance, and the delay of a long
voyage up the Baltic. The port of Gottenburg, on the North Sea,
being accessible during a greater portion of the year than the Baltic
ports, the navigation to the north of Europe will be continued until a
much later period in the year than at present ; the Russian traffic
from Western Europe and America would, in summer from choice,
and in winter from necessity, add largely to the traffic of this Line.
The object of the present Company, is the construction of the first
section of this Grand Trunk line, to the extent of about 88 English
miles, between Koping and Ilult, which will connect the two prin-
cipal lakes of Sweden, Wenern, and Madam ; the remainder of the
route, between Stockholm and Gottenburg, will be accomplished for
the present by the steam-boats through the lakes.
the concession for the first section has been obtained from the
Government of Sweden, for a term of 40 years, with a guarantee of
5 per cent., on a capital of 416,6701„ thus offering to the capitalist
a highly profitable investment secured on the faith of one of the
most responsible Governments in Europe, without any public debt
whatever, and with an annual surplus revenue. .
From the annual sum of 20,8331. thus guaranteed by the Go-
vernment, 4 per cent. per annum will be paid tothe shareholders,
and the remainder will be applied to create a sinking fund to re-
deem the entire capital at the expiration of forty years.
It is important to observe that the shareholders will be entitled to
the entire profits of the railway, which, it is coufidently expected,
will realize from 8 to 10 per cent. per annum.
Contracts have been entered into with a responsible English con-
tractor, from whom security has been taken for the execution of the
entire works of the line, and to provide all the rolling stock, plant,
and workshops necessary for the efficient working of the railway, on
such terms as will secure the execution of the whole, the payment
of all preliminary expenses, cost of management until the opening
of the line, and 4 per cent. interest to the shareholders during the
period of construction, for the amount of the capital of 416,6701.
Full powers are granted to the Company of establishing an electric
telegraph, with the usual privileges attached thereto.
Four per cent. interest will be allowed to the Shareholders on
their calls, from the day of payment, during the period of con-
struction.
The payment of interest and dividend will take place at Stockholm,
Gottenburg, Paris, and London, at a fixed rate of exchange of twelve
rix-dollars banco to the 1/. sterling.
Applications for shares, is th, accnnpanying form, to be made
to Messrs. it. and J. Sutton, 22, Royal Exchange, London.

Form of Application for Shares.
To the Directors of the Royal Swedish Railway Company.
Gentlemen,—l request you will a•lot to me shares of Si. each
in the above undertaking ; the whole of which, or any less number
that may be allotted to me, I agr. ato accept and pay the sum or
21. per share thereon when request, d so to do, and to abide by the
statutes of the Company.
1 am, Gentlemen, your obedieat servant,
Date• • .... • . ........ . ......
Signature at lull length ..
Residence in full .• •• • • ....... ..... .•
Reference ...

PRAMPTON'S PILL of HEALTH.
The following testimonial is another proof of the great efficacy
of this medicine :

" Winchmore Hill, Middlesex, April 16, 1851.
Sir,—ln consideration of the great benefit I have derived from
taking Frampton's Pill of Health, I feel it a duty that I owe to you
and the publie to send you the following statement. For upwards of
nine years I have experienced the efficacy of this excellent medicine.
I had long previously been afflicted with headache and indigestion,
but a friend having induced me to make a trial of Frampton's Pills,
I now inform you that a few doses gave me great relief ; and during
this long period of time I have taken them in preference to any other
medicine ; and I have the 'happiness of saying that I never had a
better state of health, which 1 attribute to Frampton's Pills. I beg
farther to add, that this medicine is in general use by my family, and
we know of nothing to eqn al it.
" I am, Sir, es pectfully,
THOMAS PROVINCE.

" To Mr, T. Prout, 229, Strand, London.
This excellent Family Pill is a medicine of long-tried efficacy for
correcting all disorders of the stomach and bowels, and are a
pleasant, safe, easy apperient, they unite the recommendation of a
mild operation with the most successful effect, and require no re-
straint of diet or confinement during their use.
Ask for FRAMPTON'S PILL OF HEALTH, and observe the
name and address of " Thomas flout, 229 Strand, London,"on the
Government Stama
Price is. I)4d. anti 2s. 9d. per box.

SEABORNE MAILS-
[N signifies tut the mails are sent from tee. Genera]
by the (light—and Mby the morning—dispatch.)

Post-office

When made made up is' From what When
PLACES, leneralPost-office port dis- duo.
London: patched.
..1.0.1=111.1!I.M....IIIIIIIIII .....1...1.1.1.1•10•••••••••••••••• .............. .............. ...
America (by Brit. pkt.)N Oct. 15 .. .. Liverpool •• Oct .18'
America (by U.S. pkt.) N Oct. 19 .. ,Liverpool .. Arrived
America (by ll.S.pkt.) N Oct. 13 .. .. SotithamPt. Oct. 20
Australia (via South-
ampton) 1 .
_ _ _ lil 20th of each month Southampt. Oct.
Oct. 24
Ditto (via Marseilles) N Bth & 24th of ninth Dover 19
Ditto, via C. of G. Hope N 2d of each month Plymouth.. Nov._3o
Africa (West coast).. N 23d of the month Plyraouth
Alexandria* • • ...... N 19th & 30th of me. Dover .. Oct. 18
Belgium •• .. .. N Daily • • .. .. Dover .. Daily
Brazil .. .. .. NI 9th of the month ,Southampt. Oct. 12
Buenos Ayres •• .. hi 9th of the month ; Southampt. Oct. 12
California(viaChaares)3l Id Ss 17th of month Sonthampt. Oct. 16
Cape of Good Hope N 14th of the month Plymouth.. Sept. 26
Cape de Verdi .. .. N I 4th of the month Plymouth— Sept
26
Constantinople* .... Nl7th 17th 27th ot mo Dover .. Oct. 20
Central America .. hi 2d fa 17th of mon. Southampt. Oct. 16
Greece* ..
Channel Ulu •• .. N Mon., Wed., fkFri.Southampt. Tu. Th• Sat
Chili .. .. .. . Ml2d Ss 17th of moth Southampt. Oct. 16
France .. ~ Mk NI Twice daily .. , Dover .. Oct.
Hamburgh • • .. N Tuesday & Friday London .. Tees. Sat.
Ilunciledait(evnlallearanseiLievis)a
Ilolland .. .. ..
.. .. IC 7th 17th 27th of mo Dover .. Oct. 19
ImnatatitviinasC..o.f G.. !10p..e NN
M Wednes. & Satnr. London .. Sun. TM. rs
Honduras .. .. N 17th of the mouth Sontharapt. Oct. 16
ixelaUd • • .. MPG N Twice daily .. Ilolyhead.. Oct.
India (via Southamp.) 31,20 th of the month Sonthanapt. Oct. 24
NT sthBr.24th efmonth Dover .. Oct. 19
Mediterranean (via 1144tthh
off monthmonth PPlymouth..
Nov.N. 26
Southampton) •• hi 20th of the month Southarapt. Oct. 24
Marseilles) .. .. N fith& 24th ofmonth Dover .• Oct. 19
Mexico .. .. .. 2d of the month.. Southampt. Ist ea. mo.
Ai
Madeira „ •• .. 31 9th & 23d of ninth Southampt. Oct. 12
Malta* ..
.; N r Ith,l7th f monthoth ,19th 1
i27th Dover
I 863 o
Naples* .. .. N sth 15th 25th ofme Dover .. Oct. 22
Papal States* .. .. N sth 15th25th ef mo Dover •• Oct. 22
Peninsula .. • . .. Id 7th 27th of mo Southampt. Oct. 16
Oct. 18
Peru •• .. .. .. M2d & 17th of ninth Southarapt. Oct. 16
Tuscany* .. .. .. N sth l 5 th 25th of mo Dover .. Oct. 22
West Indies .. .. VI 20 & 17th of ninth Southampt. Oct. 16
Van Diemen's Land (see
Australia).
* The mails to those countries thus marked (*) are conveyed b:
French neck of vie bf argentite-
- - ," - ...,d1 the Peninsula, will
.1)

ad (*) are convoyed by

The mails for the West
made up on the morning
12th falling on a Sunday

tiiidies, Pacific, an,
of the 18th instant

n 1
ihe Peninsula, will he
t. n consequence of the

RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.
THE GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY.— (Miles in work, 28
.Return of Traffic for the Week ending Oct. 3, 1852 :
Passengers, parcels, carriages,
horses, dogs, and mails ... £7,666 17 1
Merchandise and minerals ... 6,510 17 4
548 0 8
Cattle ... ...
----,--

Total .. ... ... £14,725 15 1
Corresponding week, 1851 (241% miles) :
Passengers, parcels, &c. ... £8,311 9 8
5,354 4 2
Merchandise, Cattle, &c. ...
----

Total ... ...£13,665 13 10
LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY. (260 miles
open.)—Traffic for week ending. Oct. 10...£17,068 6 7
Corresponding week in last year (260
miles open) .. ...X19,647 3 0
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY...arab for the
week ending Oct. 10:

RAILWAY.
Passengers, parcels, &c.
Goods

... £2,631 8 2
728 9 1

... £3,359 17 3

Total

•• ••• •
STEAM-BOATS.

.... £340 12 3

Passengers

TOTAL.
Passengers, parcels, &c.
Goods ... .•• •••

... £2,972 0 5
728 9 1

g 66
Correspiroontdaing week lasi.y• year :
CORK. AND BANDON RAILWAY.—(2O miles open)—Return
of Traffic for the week ending Oct. 9, 1852:—
Passengers, parcels, &c. ... £135 13 7
Merchandise, cattle ,&c.... ... 57 5 3

Corresponding Twoteaelk i
lc i
851 (
Passengers, parcels, &c. .. ... 33 17 10
Merchandise, cattle, &c.... ... 0 4 8
.1.0 miles open) i 92
:_ 18 10

Total

... £34 2 6

"A IT I UNCLE WALTER." BY MES. TROLLOPE.—•Jd.'
novel readers will hail with pleasure the publication of a new'
work from. the pen of this most popular and celebrated of
our writers of fiction. That eminent critical authority, t? 'le
Quarterly Review, has observed with truth that "
Trollope is, beyond a doubt, one of the cleverest and mo st
remarkable writers of the day. With a quickness of obse r-
Tation which takas in the whole sublect at a glance, an
ii i-
sight into motives that seems instructive, a keen perceptit m
of the ridiculous, and strong powers of humourous delineation,
she is the person of all others to expose pretensions or un-
mask hypocrisy." " Uncle Walter," it is generally
es-
pected, will achieve even a greater success than the author's
"FatherEustaTcreo'iopites brilli
antv
aiied sketches.-forming
n ofi cgh a roancet
of—tfho:
which Mrs.
'gawp • • Al attractions of the work,

,:

SPIRIT of tie PUBLIC JOURNALS•

FROM TUE 'MORNING PAPERS OF TRIO DAT.
TIMES.—The journals of the continent appear una-
nimously to regard the late declaration of Louis Napo-
leon at Bordeaux as the most important incident in his
progress through the south of Femme; and while the
mere devote d adherents of the Buuntspaltist Govern-
meet hail with satisfaction his open acceptance of the
Empire, the opponents of his Governmtnt cannot with-
hold th, ir approbation from 80 praise and positive a de-
claration in favour of the policy of peace. In a country
where no security romaine but the personal assurance
of the ruler, such declaraeions are all Fe have to rely
on; and without attaching to them more weight than
they deserve, they at least put an end to the ominous
silence on these topics which left a door open to the un-
favourable inferences. But we cannot forget that on
several former occasions Louis Napoleon has volunteered
to make declarations equally emphatic and equally well
received by those to whom they were addressed. His
messages to the National Assembly were remark-
able to the last for the forbearance and tics con-
ciliatory spirit which it suited him to affect while he was
slowly preparing the annihilation of that body and of all
public liberty. Nor did he hesitate to assure the nation
that nothing would ever divert him from his duty as an
honest man, bound by his oath to respect the Constitu-
tion, though he was guilty at that time of premeditated
perjury. The penalty for these offences against the first
law of duty is that we cannot attach to his words the
same confidence we should wish to place in him.
Speaking in one of the first commercial cities of France,
whom interests are absolutely identified with the main-
tenance of peace, the most ordinary prudence might
have suggested the pacific assurances which have ac-
companied this announcement of the Empire. But no
trace of the language employed at Bordeaux was per-
ceptible at such places as Strasburg and Toulon. There,
on the contrary, vast military demonstrations appeared
to favour very different passions. Freda), pontoons flung
over the Rhine—a vast naval armament collected at
Toulon—prodigious activity in all the naval de-
partments—and the extension of the fortifica-
tions of what is already one of the strongest
places in Europe—aro proofs that however highly
Louis Napoleon may value the blessings of peace
he has not ceased to prepare and augment his
means of war. The Emperor Napoleon himself, and
the most warlike Sovereigns who have ever lived, con-
stantly laboured to convince their subjects and the world
that they were dragged into wars entirely against their
own will, and that the maintenance or resteration of
peace was the solo object of their policy. On one point,
however, there can be no doubt and no incredulity,
Louis Napoleon has thought it—and rightly thought it
—a stroke of good policy to endeavour to convince the
French nation that the second Empire is to be an mra of
peace, and the enthusiastic response which the country
has given to his assurance on this point is a strong indi-
cation that he cannot violate this engagement without
irritating public opinion and wounding the principal in-
terests 01 France. The most absolute Sovereigns aro in
truth not much more able to despise and surmount pub-
lic opinion than those Governments that live under its
incessant control. If Louis Napoleon is satisfied that
the public opinion of the French people is strongly pro-
nounced in favour of peace, it is to be presumed that he
will not, for any paltry object of his own, fly in the
face of an obligation which is ono of the conditions of
his power. War may be too unpopular at home, as well
as too dangerous abroad, for him rashly and wantonly
to provoke it; and perhaps there is no guarantee of the
general tranquillity on which we can rely so well as on
the repugnance of the French themselves. to disturb it.
The Bordeaux speech was, doubtless, intended to encou-
rage or to flatter these hopes amongst the less warlike
portion of the French, and, at the same time, to disarm,
as far as possible, the distrust with which the re•
storation of the Empire is watched by foreign States.
But if we are to take this declaration as perfectly sin.
cere, the reception it cannot fail to meet with both in
France and in foreign countries furnishes a conclusive
argument for acting uponab
sthe line of policy it f
all the pre-
scribes.conti-
The military est
e tal Powers have grown toli the most oppressive mag-
nDitnude. They are kept up, or rather forced upon, the
several Governments, by mutual distrust. The revolu-
tionary storm of 1848 no longer affords a decent pretext
or a reasonable motive for the permanent maintenance
of the largest armies the world has ever beheld. The
question of peace or war in Europe rests mainly—we
might almost
say exclusively—with France, for in the
present state of things we entirely concur in the
remark of Louis Napoleon, that "if France is
satisfied the. world Is tranquil." No Powc
can be so much as suspected of the slightest desire to at-
tack her territory or to contest her rights, though no
Power feels at this moment an equal degree of confidence
in the intentions of the French Government towards the
territory and the rights of its neighbours. It is, there
fore, for Louis Napoleaa and for Franco to take the
lead, if these assurances be trustworthy and sincere, in
the highly honourable task of restoring the world to that
peace establishment which was never more needed by the
finances of all Europe. There is not4aing in the con-
quests he • spoke of the other day which requires the
presence under arms of half a million of soldiers. No
neon which ho can confer upon the rural population of
Franco could at all be compared to a mitigation of the
conscription, which now annually takes from 80,000 to
100,000 men from their
;I,w: homes; an
that hie power would gain infinitely
we are satisfied
.ly more internal so-
lidity and external respect, by divesting it of its menac-
ing military character, than by au unseasonable display
of idle hosts that might overrun half the provinces of
Europe. Fur ourselves, we are quite ready to apply
and to abide by this teat of the wisdom or folly of his
policy—of the truth or the worthlessness of his promises.
But while we see the whole army of France in the
highest state of preparation for any undertaking, and
with a considerable addition to its effective force; while
we know that unusual activity prevails in all the French
dockyards, and that the navy has received within the
last few months a vast augmentation to its strength, we
are unable to reconcile these facts with the declared in-
tentions of the French Government; and this palpable
inconsistency naturally increases the distrust with which
the new Imperial Administration may be viewed. if
these suspicions
are erroneous and unjust, as they art
certainly onerous and inconvenient to all the world.
it rests with Louis Napoleon to disarm them; but we
cannot attach very great importance to any verbal
declaration, unless
some of the measures which ought to be and would be
its immediate and inevitable consequence. If it be,
as we suppose it is,' the object and the desire of the
future Emperor to take a place among the chief
Powers of the world, we venture to affirm that he
will find it far more easy to recover the natural
influence of France, to contract alliances, to command
respect, and to conduct negotiations when be has laid
aside the sword which he still brandishes over the French
and in the face of Europe. His own speech is a full and
complete homage to the principle for which we are
contending. Foreign countries having no direct con-
cern
with the internal Government of France, are
merely interested in seeing him act up to these decla-
rations in his relations to themselves. If " the Empire
means peace"—to use his own emphatic expression--it
means the unreserved acceptance of the territorial limit,:
of Europe and of all existing treaties; and it means the
reduction of the present enormous military establish-
ments to the peace footing. There can be no question
that these two measures would be hailed with gratitude
by a large proportion of the French nation, and with
just satisfaction by the rest of Europe. On such terms
the renovated and altered Empire of the French might
indeed inaugurate a period of prosperity and repose;
but these measures are in themselves so obvious, so de-
sirable, and of such easy accomplishment, that until
some such steps are taken we must be permitted to re-
tain doubts, if not apprehensions, which nothing short of
experience can entirely remove.
HERALD.—Lord John Russell, Messrs. Cobden and
Bright, Sir James Graham, Mr. Joseph Hume, and
Messrs. Keogh and Moore, are the respective leaders
of several sections in that political medley to whom the
present Government is in a greater or less degree dis-
tasteful. Lord Palmerston deserves better than to be
ranked with the centurions; and we omit his name for
the reason that made Hannibal omit Scipio's in the enu-
meration of the general whom he was asked to charac-
terise. The approach of the session, in quickening the
movements of the various parties which thus constitute
Opposition, exposes their dis-array, and even multiplies
their difficulties. An Opposition, indeed, in the re-
ceived sense, exists not at all; there is a stir among
many bodies, now blending partially, now dispersing in
still wider divagations, like clouds in the uncertain sky.
The Parliamentary divisions hostile to the present
Ministry are hostile to each other. Disagreeing
among themselves respecting the principles which
ought to preside over the management of
the national business and regulate the ser-
vice of the Crown, they might possibly—let us grant
this for argument's sake—be rallied for a moment to
subvert one Government, but confessedly they never
could unite to establish and maintain another. If they
could even effect the forced or transacted combination of
a day, that day's work must be demolition: it could not
be followed, at least at their hands, by the construction
or the re. construction of anything. We are stating a
plain fact, recognised or confessed by every person of
ordinary intelligence throughout the country. A regu-
lar, or constitutional, or intelligible opposition exists
not; but some parties exist, each of which, would desire
to be in office, not one of which dare count the rest as
adherents in such a contingency, and all of which taken
together possess precisely that sort of power that they
might obstruct others in dispatching the necessary affairs
of the empire, but yet could not themselves resume the
interrupted business. Gone from their broken ranks is
the power of party; they retain but the privilege of fac-
tion. Every step taken by the more noted men, and every
word uttered by their accredited organs, reveal the absence
of ice ruling mind; and, as in she hasty effort totesuirphy
h t:
art, of a
any given deficiency, others are often broue
so the desperate endeavours, on the one tp
ruined chief to levy recruits er lure corneefeedreeruatdesiff,
on the other, of those very forces top
leader, betray the
and an abler, as well as more fortunate eP'renndt,
and for principle
contempt which is felt for consistet
by the very persons who aro most
oes
r fairness against Lord
nvceyciferous in making
a similar charge without truth
lance for a moment at
Derby's Government. Let u
incidents which have only jusstgnoactciuQrnrefdr.QuaLobredhiJnodhna
Russell makes an appeal to the

public dinner-table at Perth. As a programme of his
future policy, this appeal says roundly that he wants to
place himself at the head of a democratic movement, to
overthrow a Conservative Government which had shown
itself sincerely and practically disposed to press all
real and just reforms, and of which Lord John's com-
plaint is, that some of the reforms which it did press and
carry were those which he might have effected himself;
if he had wished. So much for the general principles
by which he would rouse the commonalty in his favour.
But, besides principles, or rather in exchange for prin-
ciples, he needs persons—persons of some public
notoriety. And to whom, of all men, after
his democratic prolusion, does he make his bow?
To whom but the Peelites ? His compliments
to them—the flattery which he lavished even on their
beaten candidates at the last elections—conveyed a very
intelligible tender. No consideration of the somewhat

" advanced" character of Lord John's last profession of
faith deterred these self-styled Conservatives from in-
stantly testifying their sense of the honour which they
had received. They placed their political organ in the
service ef the volunteer leader of democracy, and became
the apologists of his past fame and present position.
He had virtually intimated his readiness to receive theta
into his camp, and they at once began to arm in his
defence. But, at Carlisle, when Sir James Graham was
asked what " its " he was, he replied that he had been a
Pcelite; but now that he was no " ite " at all—meaning,
doubtless, that others were Grahamites. Thus, it seems,
he reckoned upon a fickle and wavering loyalty; for, at
the first encouragement, his followers were ready to
change the prefix of their political patronymic,
and to become Russeliites. But this is not all. The
severe virtue and inaccessible principle of the Liberal-
Conservative nymph is not yet fully delineated.
She is, it appears, not only easily won, if boldly wooed,
but capable at the same time of wooing askance, or
transversely, on her own account. Scarcely had Lord
John Russell-had thme to congratulate-himself On the
triumphant effect of his courtship, when he beheld his
frail beauty lavishing her blandishments on Lord Pal-
merston, who had sought no such favour, and who even
requited the faithless encouragement with something
beyond indifference, and very like contempt. Just after
the Peelites had shown their readiness to coalesce with
Lord John Russell, their organ, in a sudden panic, lest
Lord Palmerston were about to join the Government,
addressed to the latter Noble Lord a solemn admonition
on the value of patience, and quoted the French proverb,
that " all is well for those who know how to wait"—
tout tombe Lien a qui snit attendre. In other words,
they want Lord Palmerston for their next Government,
and will guarantee him a place. Tempting offer! to
which one of the most eminent statesmen of the
age is strangely indifferent. A similar offer had
previously been tendered to certain Irish Mem-
bers by the same cosmopolitan party. We
have spoken more particularly of the Peelites
than of some others in the incongruous agglomeration
which we suppose must be called the opposition—not
merely because the Peelites have been tho most oistru-
Si" in qualifying themselves as the only or the ablest
statesmen of the country, and in vaunting their scrupu-
lous adherence to principle; but because it seems we
have hurt their feelings. They accuse us of not being
ca,rsen lost, and
in our language; they suggest that friends
and those whose forbearance might have been
expected are estranged and irritated by bitter words.
Falstaff preaching sobriety, Algernon Sydney extolling
disinterested patriotism, Robespierre or Couthon expa-
tiating on the sacredness of life, or the Emperor
Nicholas, like Marcus Antoninus, delivering lectures,
and choosing for his subject the excellence of municipal
institutions, would less startle us than to hear the organ
of the Grahamites deprecating any political criticism
that is not conciliatory and dignified. In the
very article in which this expostulation is
conveyed the favourite style of that journal is fully il-
lustrated—a style which alternates between pedantry
and slang. Of the latter character we had no difficulty
in culling such samples as we may here fitly introduce
In passing. This organ, which is all for conciliation
and dignity, tells us that Mr. Disraeli is "a mystery
man, who has a new dodge of some sort;" and " he is a
Caucasian going to do the quart-bottle feat;" and tho
Quarterly Review " twaddles about cooked statistics,
increasing to the tune of so and so." Further,
" Disraeli is an ingenious Caucasian," and " a poli-
tical quack," and "a young Jew named Hoffer, con-
victed at a police-court," and he
is " the political bio-
grapher," and his dupe is "an old gentleman named
John Bull;" and a sort of off-hand mention is intro-
duced of the "political biegrapher's blunted percep-
tions of right and wrong," &c., Sec. So many proofs
toes one !eat:line. article of our " dignified" contempo-
rary afford of how easy it is to be abusive without being
witty. With all this there is so much pretence to ex-
elustvo posececion of political wisdom and of literary
accomplishments, that our readers will psi don us for
having loitered a moment on the subject. Those who
would find fault with Lord Detby for having formed
Its Government must advance what literally amounts to
this proposition, that no Government is necessary in
England. On use other hand, those who would censure
he manner in which his Administration have adminie-
'ered the public affairs since accepting office must sot
themselves against the unanimous voice of all hottest and
impartial persons, and deny facts to which we will allude
more at large on an early occasion.
DAILY NE WS.—Mejote Beresford has again been
enlightening the Essex Protectionists. His lecture came
off at the dinner of the Hiuckford Agricultural and
Conservative Club, and may be taken as a kind of
elinisterial indication of what is in store for us. The
.ntroductory note to the speech was very instructive,
and if it did not convey a warning to the infatuated sup-
porters of the Ministry, who were so unsuspiciously
drinking the healths of their betrayers round the well-
filled table, we must attribute this to the strength of
he landlord's wine or the thickness of something in
Essex. This note was sounded by Mr. Vicars, who pro-
posed the health of her Majesty's Ministers, and in the
course of his speech took occasion very strangely to be-
secch his hearers to forget that they were agriculturists,
end to try and think they were something else. "If,"
said Mr. Vicars, "ho understood aright the position
which they occupied, it was not the honourable one,
Amply of owners and occupiers of the soil, but they
appeared in the yet more exalted character of English-
men, with English feelings, and patriots with high aspi-
rations." The plain English of all this is—don't
oother the Major about Protection and such matters
sow, drink your wine, and listen to what he will tell
you about patriotism and aspirations, and all that sort
of thing. The Secretary-at-War, before the confused
agriculturists had had time to make up their minds as to
the extraordinary advice which had just been given, at-
tacked them in the same strain, and no doubt clenched
the impression made by his friend. He told his hearers,
in high-sounding terms, that if they looked at that pe-
riod during which his party had held the reins of Go-
vernment, they would find that they had not flinched
from doing their best to improve—at the same time that
they had maintained—the ancient institutions of the
country. He assured them also solemnly that they in-
tended to stand by those institutions, whether civil, mi-
litary, or Protestant. After this magnanimous but
rather vague declaration of what his party would do, he
considered that his hearers were in a fit state to listen
to his own version of what they would not do, prefacing
this with a brief account of what they had not done.
First and foremost ho told the bewildered guests
her Majesty's Government did not come into office
on the ground of protection. " I deny that position
in iota. I know no reason that any man has to say that
the Government are Free-traders; and I deny the other
position also, that they did come in, in the slightest
degree, upon the principles or Protection." That is a
strange thing for us to say, but it is not less true. . .
" When called upon to form a Government, which we
could not have contemplated, we were accused that we
came in upon the principles of Protection. But no, we
were called upon to form a Government because Lord
John Russell was unable to manage his own party." Of
course it was not the Major's business to answer the
question," How came you and your party to be of suf-
ficient importance to be called in to do what Lord John
was incompetent to do?" How came Lord Derby—who
has been the mauvais sujet of each Ministry
he has been connected with—to be called on
in conjunction with Mr. Disraeli—a mere dashing
guerilla—to form a Ministry? Why—when the
Government of the country went a-begging was
it offered to a wayward earl, and a literary politican?
Why?—but because these two men had by
violent party
speeches in both Houses of Parliament, by equally vio-
lent addresses out of the Houses, by attacking in the
most unscrupulous manner for his free-trade measures
the greatest statesman that England has seen for
.tm wanays
years, gained the sympathies of a large and t(atistlparty
thought) powerful party in the country h
being the Protectionists. Lord Derby and ltr.
They
obtained power by flattering the Protections their hey
assumed an importance in the country
to but as the ac-
position would not have entitled them
arty. In the
tsJisraeli
knowledged heads of the Protectionistsp
olicy, they
unscrupulous following out of their
nment fell, they, the Protectioni
..h.
weakened the Whig Government;
very of the State
'on of the rata, me
sponsiblo for the carrying
sptaanide,a whenitrs, twhearteGroe:
throw the onus of the
All this, of course,
his purpose much betterrinoi
pled Ministry upon the
formation of this unprincipled Major Btoeresford shirks. It suits'
be brought fora end as a shield be-
Queen. Neither ho nor phis chivalrous leader are con-
" We came in at the corn-
tHenert tileishieosatnystoweorsatble for their own position in office.
mand of her Majesty port her in her just prero-
gative, and not to tween them and th:lclootwuontthsruye
p.
official business of the coun-
tryand his Irish assoctateg, or. Mr.
haonfd
° Cobdenf Sir
James
a andmes theGr ahMan-
chesteram school." This
to be thrown into. the
which the Derhyito
is simply a most barefaced shuffle
to get rid of the responsibilities. .
party
tionis's. "We may be Protectionists still," says the
have incurred by their connexion with the Protec-
IMajor—. I know," he continues in another part of his
speech, " that Lord Derby was a Protectionist in
1 I the commencement of the present year, but that has
nothing to do with the question. Her Majesty
rushed into our arms to save herself from Sir James
Graham and Mr. Cobden; hold your tongue until we
have delivered her." How the listeners might have re-
ceived this advice, if they had been allowed time to
ponder over it, would be difficult to say. It is not im-
probable that after a little reflection they might have
lowe to the conclusion that they bad—to *oak plainly

—been cheated. Before, however, they had time to
come to any decision on the subject, the speaker fairly
cut the ground from under their feet, by telling them
that whatever they might think of Protection, he knew
that it had not a leg to stand on. The game was all up.
"By the office,' if I may so call it., or rather by
the situation which I filled so long for that party, I
am, alas! too well acquainted with the lists, majorities,
and minorities of the House of Commons. not to be
able, in taking up a list of the Parliament which
has just been returned t) perceive tha' there is a de-
cided majority of Members in the lower House inimical
to the feeling and to the measure of protection to agri-
culture. If I differ, as I certainly de, from the wisdom
and justice of their views, yet, notwitbstinding, I
must acknowledge that I myself and those who think
with me are in a minority, and I ask is it wise or pru-
dent to force forward a question which can but involve
those whose interests you wish to the utmost of your
power, and at every fair risk to uphold—is it wise, I
say, to force that forward when you can gain no advan-
tage ? They say—it is a scriptural phrase—that it is
useless to kick against the pricks, and I firmly believe
that in this instance, if we were to stir this
question, and to moot it in an unfortunate
moment, we should only throw further back
the interests of those for whom we would make any
sacrifice." Who talked of the folly or the sin or"kicking
against the pricks" when they were out of offiee? Did
the farmers think of the author of evil, who is said to
be able to, quote Scripture to suit his own purpose, while
this Conservative partisan was sporting his scriptural
knowledge? Who influenced the minds of farmers and
country gentlemen at meetings? Who talked of civil
war to maintain Protection, and speculated upon the ser-
vice the mounted farmers might do to the good cause?
What party is it that for the last few years: have been
speechifying, writing, cooking statistics, making use of
every Winnable artifice toperapada thj,74agifiatitiargisP,
TeYests that was no hope for them but in Protec-
tion? Who but these very men who, having now ob-
tained all they were aiming at, by the efforts of their
poor dupes, now coolly turn round and tell them that
there is no help. The utter denial of any obligation on
the Government to forward the views of the Protec-

tionists, and the positive assurance that such an attempt
would be futile, are two of the greatest impertinencies
that were ever offered to a deluded party. In the mean
time the Liberals have fair ground for triumph, and it
is to be hoped that the next semi-official announcement
of the Derby Ministry will be as consolatory as Major
Beresford's declaration that Ministers have abandoned
Protection.
POST.—The speech of Louis Napoleon at Bordeaux
will create a great sensation throughout Europe. For
the first time he distinctly declares his intention of ac-
cepting the Imperial diadem, and of pursuing that
pacific policy which hitherto he has carried out with
such notable success. On the return of the President to
Paris, the Senate will immediately take steps to carry
out tho unanimous wishes of the French nation, and a
solid and permanent Government will be established
among our neighbours. It is a thing desirable for
England and for Europe that a monarchical and stable
Government should exist in France, rather than an im-
potent and ever-shifting Republic. To France herself
the benefits will be incalculable. The whole people are
now enthusiastically determined on placing an here-
ditary crown on the brows of a Napoleon, simply because
he has wrought such great deeds far their benefit—be-
cause he has stifled faction, and has amazingly advanced
the commercial and social prosperity of the country.
They thirst for more victories and more glory. The
people press forward as " his soldiers," to aid him in con-
quering and bringing " to religion, to morality, and to
opulence, that still numerous portion of the population
which, in acountry possessing a faith, has no knowledge of
the precepts of the Saviour, which, in the bosom of the
most fertile territory of the earth, scarcely obtains the I
common necessaries of life." Such are the conquests of
the future empire, whose chief has again and again re-
cognised peace as " the desire of France"—peace, which
will permit her "to cultivate her waste lands, to open
new routes, to render her rivers navigable, to terminate
her canals, to complete her network of railways, to assi-
milate to herself the vast kingdoms which she possesses
in Africa, to bring her western ports nearer to America
by that rapidity of communication yet lacking, to restore
ruins, to overthrow false gods, to make truth triumph."
Such, according to Louis Napoleon, are the purposes of
the empire. And who can doubt it? In these few words
are not the necessities of France truly pourtrayed? Is
it to be believed that when her interests lie so plainly in
one direction, she is likely to rush forward in another?
As the President most truly observes, " War is not made 1
for pleasure, but from necessity." And war is next to
impossible, because the necessities of France point directly,
as we have again and again shown, to peace—not that
we inculcate any blind confidence in the duration of
calm, which must always to some extent be subject to
the influences of any sudden popular passion, though
far less so under the Empire than under the Republic.
We have always advocated reasonable measures of pre-
caution, and regard it as England's first duty to insure
herself against the consequences of any accidental broil
with any foreign power. We cannot forget that the
French are full of vanity, and vastly fond of military
glory. We cannot forget that there are historical dis-
asters connected with the fall of the Empire that French-
men have lung wished to retrieve; but as years roll by,
the irritating remembrance of those facts becomes less
vivid, and the increasing intercoure of England with
France tends to foster better feelings, and we hope
stronger ones. At any rate, it is not feeling alone that
can insure peace or cause war. Interest is, with all
mankind, the greed motive power, and the interests of
the two countries cry aloud for peace. The nations and
their rulers wish it, and nought is distrusted save the
name of " Napoleon." " What's in a name !" Glory,
indeed, is almost synonymous with her hero in the
mouth of France, and the nephew of the Emperor claims
the heirship of his glory and intends to sustain it, not by
war, which he " does not inherit," hat by establishing
" confidence in the present and security for the future."
We cannot find terms strong enough to convey
the sense of disapprobation, and the feelings of disgust,
with which Englishmen regard the language of certain
of our contemporaries in relation to the present Govern-
ment of France. They level the whole volley of their
utmost abuse at Louis Napoleon, and at the whole
French nation, for no other reason, that we can see, than
that our neighbours prefer a positively French constitu-
tion, in accordance with their characteristic requirement
for a love of discipline, to a wretched imitation of
American institutions, patched with a few English ideas,
totally at variance with their social policy. The false-
hoods and the slanders which have been uttered by the
English press are astounding from their magnitude and
their emptiness—windbags, which are so frail, that they
cannot even make a noise when they explode. Why, to
instance but one—the public has already forgotten the
prodigious nonsense that was set forth by our contem-
poraries about the European Powers marching armies
into France in the event of the reestablishment of the
hereuitary empire; in order to vouch for this, our con-
temporaries published dispatches and treaties which
never had any real existence, any more than the truth
or honour of their authors, or the sense of their pub-
lishers. But the principal of these wilful calumniators
does not even confine its foul abuse to foreigners. It
dares attack the loyalty and the courage of English-
men, saying that " the great reason why Englishmen
won't have a democracy is, that beyond that demo-
cracy they see a certain vision of cold-blooded despo-
tism. These are the words of the Times, and anything
more stupid than this was never uttered even by the
thundering stupidity of our contemporary. Where is.
there beyond the American democracy a vision of cold
blooded despotism ? and why should not that which is
good for America be good for England by the
land
is
rule which would insist that what is good for E
ng
good for France? We need not point out
d_
what is apt
118 apt to
the sense of all, that Englishmen dislike e
principle which the
like afraid of the consequences of a pro
dmire. In
Times and Mr. Cobden pretend that h a
a thing bad in itself, and not because they are coward-
like
that the present Government of
tnihueesharnase
manage-
ucopnontem„puoprhaor
reliesh things,
gas s'
I sand
y France
ngall
this time last year
when compared with the Fivfe
miles of 1 new rai ways
below 90? or are hundreds o
anything way
our
manage-
ment." Are the Four per Cents.s, at 106,50 upholstery,
contemporary,
with relief from taxation,
the great towns, together
be called stage man. g
g e ment ? No; such folly is
—solid improvements in a.gricu tu. re and in all
to
contemporary—who, in its present notions of democracy,
fit alone for the pages of Victor Hugo and of our
as in, its rapid changes generally, seems likely soon to
rival that miserable revolutionist, once the fulsome adu-
lator of the Bourbons, now the defender of the impious
murder of Louis XVI. The currish and barking ani-
mosities of such as they can signify but little to the
ruler of France, or to the French people, as they know,
that, in these matters, our contemporary no more repre-
sents the feelings of England than does M. Viotor Hugo.
Did our neighbours not understand this,
we might fear
that, in the event of any "petty misunderstanding
between the two powers, the passions and feelings to
which we have already alluded might be rousedb to a
g
of the counsels of interest—by the contemp
dangerous point of excitement—oven to the over
arand,
bitter language of journals whose insolence 1
is ue a
match for their folly. The Government ofE alone
land,
tuo_uebs .
and all the European Governments representing the true
feelings of their respective nations, will, no doubt, respond,
in terms full of confidence and cordiality, to the noble
and patriotic views of the President. And now that
Franco appears about to become settled in Government
and steady in policy, we may hope to see her exercise
her due influence in European councils, and display a
wholesome spirit of competition for much of the world's
commerce. She may contribute to, nay, almost ensure,
the due maintenance of order throughout the continent, ,
whilst we sincerely trust that she will not tail to pro- I
e xdt of
ea then
a reaction
pa continental
th s
m
of
y
mote a liberal policy to which now a freer scope may be
atake
a eo
absolutism, rl
c achs
e
afforded. It was a dread of new disturbances in Franca
ttahonci chieflyatw rushe
ev xiviolently
eeicinittdlnyuociwendttohtitia many o
As to France herself, we believe that
will find her interest and his own to lie in a continual
extension of the constitutional liberties of the people, and
a steady and judicious advancement of their mental and
moral education. By
such gradual
means, we hope to
see, at no distant day, in France, political freedom ex-
isting, as completely as it does in our own happy coun-
try. To merit such liberty, the French must conquer it.