The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN,

A letter from Kiel, dated Jan. 21, says :—The
Saxons left us here this morning between seven and
eight o'clock. There is only one railway line at
Kiel, the one going southward to Altona-Hamburg.
This line meets, at Neumunster junction, a short
hour from this, the line which leads from Altona
to Randsburg. From Rendsburg the line proceeds
northward to Klosterkro, where it again splits into
two branches, of which one soon ends at Schleswig,
the other striking off to the westward, to Oersted,
Husum, and Tonning. At Oersted another line goes
northward to Flensburg, the utmost limit reached
hitherto by the railway in this peninsula. All that
we know hitherto is that the Saxons have gone to
Neumunster ; whether from there they will con-
tinue their journey to Altona, or whether they will
turn to yards Rendsburg, is yet matter for specula-
tion. It has been said that the King of Saxony had
offired to the Frankfort Diet the aid of his troops
to repel the Austo-Prussian invasion ; but the Com-
missioners at Altona have as yet no orders from the
Diet, and it is quite impossible to believe that that
body would give its sanction to a proposal which
would lead to a civil collision between Germans on
the eve of a war with a foreign foe. The probabi-
lities are that the troops of the Confederacy will
keep out of the way of the advancing forces of the
two great Powers. The Prussian vanguard was to
reach Neumunster to-day, and we may expect to
see some of them here to-morrow. Before the end
of the month, it is expected, an imposing Austro-
Prussian army will be stationed on the frontier of
the Eider. The commander-in...chief of the Austro-
Prussians is old Field-Marshal vou Wrangel, and
General Falkenstein is the head of his staff.

All is quiet enough here, but people look with no
little anxiety on the possible issue of a contest to
-which the Austro-Prussian interference comes to
add. such an unutterable complication. The move-
ment thus far had been, in the eyes of the Schles-
wig,aolsteiners, comparatively simple and natural.
'They grounded their rights both on the principles
of freedom and nationality and on those of justice
and legality. For them, Prince Frederick of Au-
gustenburg was, by right of feudal succession, the
only legitimate heir of the two Duchies. The at-
tempt of Denmark to denationalise the Schleswigers
had filled the measure of the people's ill-will against
that Power, and they deemed themselves justified
in proclaiming their absolute separation from the
Danish Crown, and the accession of their lawful
sovereign. Mind you, Ido not by any means assert
that they could be borne out is all these assure?.
:,ions. I am not called upon to give an opinion as to
the legality of the Prince's claims, nor as to the pure
German nationality of all Schleswig, nor on the right
pzocle may have, under all circumstanees, to set up
national rights against long established dynastic
pretensions. All I mean to say is that such were
their views, and that in these views they believed
they would be supported by Germany in so far as
Germany may be said to be represented by the
Frankfort Diet. They were in daily expectation of
a recognition of their Prince on the part of that
Diet, when, by establishing a Ducal Government
and raising an army, they thought they could pre-
pare themselves to make good their Duke's rights
in Schleswig no less than in Holstein.
So far, what was contemplated was merely a na-
tional war between the Duchies and Denmark,

which si;ould decide upon whom the sovereignty o

S.:hies wig-Holstein should devolve. Whatever
friends Denmark might be able to enlist in her
cause, the Duchies felt sure of the support of all
sny in a quarrel which involved, as they
though;, universal German interes►s. But now
the two great Powers of Prussia and Austria,
making up between them much more than two-
thirds of the might of Germany, take the affair
into their own hands, and occupy the Duchies with
views not altogether friendly to Denmark, but no
less at variance with those of the Frankfort Diet
and of the generality of the German people. With

Austria and Prussia there is no question either of

nationality or of disputed succession. They are
t unprepared to recognise the integrity of the
a 'Monarchy ; nay, they are in a certain man-
rler pledged to support it ; only they think them-
selves entitled, r.nd even obliged, to meddle with
the internal affairs of the I) finish Government, and
demand the repeal of a Constitution which the
King, perhaps. deemed necessary to the safety and
noel'-being of his State.
Again, I do not wish to sit in judgment upon the
conduct of the King of Danmark. I have no pre,
sumptifin to decide how far he was bound to abide
tat tiie Treaty of London, how far the November
Constitution violated that treaty, or how far he was
induced by pressing necessity to depart from the
engagements then and there entered into. My only
desire is to lay the whole question open berme the
reader, not from my own point of view, bat from
that of these good Schleswig-Holsteiners, who con-
ceive they have a right to be heard, and are, they
say, determined to make themselves heard at any

rate.

Some sympathy, they think, might be shown to
the Schleswig-Holsteiners, who, after all, only
claimed that right to dispose of themselves which
begins to be acknowledged as common to ail the
families of mankind. Some regard might be due
to the sentimental, though perhaps not wholly un-
ambitious, aspirations of the Germans, who availed
themselves of the opportunity offered by a case of
what they deamed indisputable right to take the
first steps towards a strenuous assertion of their
nationality ; but it is utterly impossible to under-
stand the ground and aim of the present Austro-
Prussian movement, equally indefensible, as it
is hire thought, on the score of old diplomatic
maxims and of modern liberal principles.
Austria and Prussia invade the Duchies with an
intent to recall the King of Denmark to the terms
of the London Treaty. But other Powers were
parties to that Treaty, and it is not said that these
have commissioned the Austro-Prussians to act in
their name and with their consent. Austria and
Prussia, moreover, acted in 1851-2 as representa-
tives of the German Confederacy, and they are now
pursuing a course not only not imposed upon them
by the Confederacy, but in a bold and wanton
opposition to its wishes. Those two Powers
have, in point of fact, the whole world against
them—Denmark the Dachies, the German Diet
and people, and the framers of the London Treaty.
It is not in a matter of international policy that they
move at all ; they interfere in the internal manage-
ment of an independent State. The world would
soon come to a pretty pass if one or two Govern-
ments, on the more strength of their superior armies,
were to take upon themselves to decide questions of
the home affairs of another Government. It is not
from Berlin, and not from Vienna, that men can
give sentence upon the difficulties which beset the
rulers at Copenhagen, and drove them from one con-
stitutional experiment to another in the hope of re-
conciling the irreconcilable. To give a Prince the
sovereignty over a people, and to prescribe the limits
of the power to be exercised over them, is to attempt
impossibilities. The dissensions between a Sove-
reign and his subjects are matter of private concern,
and interference with them is as unwise as media-
tion in conjugal quarrels. Constitutions in behalf
of a people have often been made the theme for
diplomatic stipulations. The Constitution of Sicily,
that of Hungary-70f Poland, &c., rested on the faith
of treaties, but the violation of such compacts was
in all cases effected with impunity, unless the peo-
ple, Nho alone were the interested parties, had
power to demand their due. It well becomes Prussia,
indeed, to Stand up for the people's rights, and it
well incenses Austria to be a stickler for national
Constitutions and the non-incorporation of provinces.
It is only a pity Denmark or some other stronger
state does not turn the tables upon them and take
up the cause of the oppressed nationalities groaning
e der their yoke. The very Schleswig-Holsteiners,
who are bitterest in their enmity to Denmark,
hat she is unfairly dealt with, and that Prussia
.
sr a Austria have absolutely no other ground of
t her than the immense preronderance

aver

of ter lore:

However superior the forces brought against her
, most people hero still ezpect that Den-
rk will make a stout resistance, and, if the
present thaw centinues, by no means an ineffec-
tual resistance. Neither are people at all sure
that Denmark. ;rill be left eingic-;sanded in the

may b

struggle, nor have they abandoned all hope that
Austria and Prussia may soon find out that there is
a limit even to German patience, and that the dig.
nity of the Diet and of the nation is not to be out-
raged with impunity. The people here, in short,
rely not a little on the chances of foreign interven-
tion and domestic revolution. Already the move•
ment in the South of Germany has found powerful
and daring leaders, and some of the minor Govern-
ments there are said to be contemplating the con-
vocation of a national German Parliament. Unable
to cope with the might of Prussia and Austria, and
to unite their votes for the choice of a powerful,
able, and popular leader, the minor German Powers
look up to the French Emperor as their protector,
and there is no doubt that a cannon will not be fired
on the Eider if that great monarch raises a little
finger to forbid it.

In the midst of all these doubts and perplexities
the position of the proclaimed Duke of Schleswig-
Holstein and that of his Government will not be
materially altered. The Austro-Prussians, at least,
have engaged to interfere with none of the present
arrangements of this Duchy. I have already stated
my opinion that Prince Frederick of Augustenburg,
after giving a proof of excessive daring in coming
to this place at first, condemned himself and his
people to inaction from no perceptible reason at all,
unless it was a natural lack of energy and enterprise,
or a somewhat inopportune regard for legality, or,
again, deference to the King of Prussia, by whose
favour the Prince is said to set great store. It is
questionable whether the advance of the Austro-
Prussians will inspire with good courage and resolu-
tion people who have as yet shown bat little of it.
They still hope that the Frankfort Diet may now be
induced to recognise the Duke, in which case the
organisation of the army will be immediately pro-
ceeded with. They complain of the great difficulty,
not to say utter impossibility, of finding arms at
any price. Some of their best friends,:however, are
sure that they could have had not only arms,
but officers and materiel, and even whole corps and
armies, from some of the minor German Princes,
who were ready to go to all extremities for the
Duke if he would only bestir himself, and act with
readiness and decision. Bade; Coburg, Brunswick,
and others, I know, were among the most earnest
and pressing in offers of that nature.
The expected advance of the Atiatro-Prussians is
looked upon as a national calamity by the people of
Kiel, who have taken down all their flags in sign of
monrning. A very cold reception awaits the troops
to-morrow. Upon the abandonment of the line of
the Eider Canal by the Saxons and Hanoverians,
the frontier will be guarded to-night by youthful
volunteers from this city, who have been mustering
up into battalions of national guards for the pur-
pose. The Eider Canal, as I before told you, runs
at the distance of only three or four miles from
Kid, and the Danes, who are on the north bank of
the canal, could carry the town by a coup de main
were it left altogether unprotected.

P.S.—The Saxons and Hanoverians are concen-
trating at Hohenwestedt, between Rendsbnrg and
itzehoe.

Mr. Doulton and his Constituents.

Last night Mr. F. Doultou, M.P. for the borough of
Lambeth, addressed a meeting of his constituents at the
Horns Tavern, Kennington. Mr. Freeman, of Camber-
well, occupied the chair.

Mr. DOULTON, 1t1.P., commenced his address by thank
ins the electors and non-electors for attending in such a
large number. In the present day it was gratifying to find
that there was so numerous an assemblage to discuss purely
political questions. He was not one of those who believed
that the last session of Parliament was either useless or un-
profitable. (Hear.) If he thought that, he should be
ashamed to hold his present honourable position. He
thought the past session would compare favourably with
any of the previous Parliaments. Ho should say that the
results of the last session were both positive and negative.
Good measures were passed, and bad ones rejected; and it
was something to reject mischievous measures, whether
they were introduced by the Government or by private
members. (Hear, hear.) There were many results of a
negative character—the proposition respecting the pur-
chase of the Exhibition building—(hear, hear)—and he
considered that this was a decided triumph, especially
when they recollected that the motion was backed up by
" Court influence." It was one of the most important
votes given during the session. It showed that there was
an honest and independent party in the House of Com-
mons. (Applause.) There was another negative result,
viz., the Churchward contract. (Hoar, hear.) He gave
the bill introduced by Mr, Somes the best consideration in
his power, and felt bound to oppose it, (Hear.) Although
he differed in this vote from the opinion of some of his
friends, he acted according to the dictates of his censcience.
He took it that the budget which was brought forward by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer was of a character which
of itself was sufficient to redeem the session from the charge
of being unprofitable or useless. The passing of that budget
was a step in the right direction, and such a step had not
been taken for the last 30 or 40 years. It was a reduction in
taxation. (Applause.) It assisted the working classes by
the reduction upon tea, and was specially acceptable to the
middling classes by the reduction of the income tax. In
1835 the expenditure was £44,900,000; and in 1862,
£73,210,000 ; therefore it was time that some check was
given to the increase in expenditure. (Hear, hear.) But al-
though this increase from £14,900,000 to £73,210,000 was a
very large one, they must not fancy that, because the ex-
penditure had increased, they were, to use a vulgar expres-
sion, "going to the dogs." They must bear in mind that,
although the expenditure had increased from £44,000,000
in 1835 to £73,000,000 in 1862, yet the material prosperity
of the country had increased in a still further ratio. (Hoar,
hear.) For while in 1835 the total value of their exports and
imports was £106,000,000, in 1862 they had positively in-
creased to no less a sum than £394,000,000. (Applause.) It
must be understood, however, that he did not quote these
figures in justification of a large expenditure—(hear, hear)—
but because when they considered a question of this charac-
ter it was well they should bear in mind the actual position
of the country. It was evident, then, that though they had
so large an expenditure, they were better able to pay the
£73,000,000 in 1862 than they were the £44,000,000 in 1835.
In referring to domestic questions Mr.Doul ton said the House
of Commons had twice affirmed the principle that the taxa-
tion on fire insurance ought to be abolished. He took it that
this was a very important matter; and unless he misunder-
stood the character of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he
would recollect the House of Commons had twice condemned
the taxation upon fire insurance when he had next to pro-
pose a diminution of the burdens of the people. (Cheers.)
He approved of the strict observance of neutrality which
England had adopted with reference to the American war.
The House of Commons had also had brought before them
church rates, the ballot, the burial bill, and such like ques-
tions. It had occurred to him whether it was wise to bring
these questions periodically before the attention of the
House of Commons. After Parliament had more than once
or twice given its opinion on questions of that sort, it was
best that they should allow them to rest—(no, no, and
hear, hear)—until another opportunity was afforded the
people of expressing their opinion with reference to them.
No one could doubt, however, his conviction as to what
ought to be the settlement of the church-rate difficulty.
Was any one sanguine enough to suppose that they were
to have a Reform Bill during the present Parliament ?
(Laughter, No, and Hear, hear.) In 1860 the Queen from
her throne commended the desirability of passing a bill
which should place the representation of the people upon a
broader and firmer basis. He little thought then that the
way the House of Commons would respect that sentiment
would be by scorn and derision whenever the word " re-
form" was uttered. Yet so it was. No one could rise in the
House of Commons and propose a measure directly or indi-
rectly leading to the question of reform, but it excited the
contempt and derision of the House of Commons. And the
contempt and derision came not alone from those who re-
presented the exclusive interests—not from those alone
who owed their position in that house to territorial or ducal
influence—but that contempt came most keenly from those
who were supposed essentially to be the representatives of
the middle classes of this country. That was a fact which
no one could fail to observe who watched the movements
of the House of Commons with reference to this mat-
ter. What was the history, the miserable history, of
this question during the past few years ? How came the
present Government into power ? Why, upon the ques-
tion of reform. It was they who ejected the Government of
Lord Derby, because the Reform Bill ho proposed was not
wide enough for the wide sympathies of Lord John Russell.
He would remind them of the resolution which Lord John
Russell proposed when he ejected Lord Derby from power :
—" That it is neither just nor politic to interfere in the
manner proposed in this bill with the freehold franchise as
hitherto exercised in the counties of England and Wales,
and that no readjustment of the franchise will satisfy this
house or the country which does not provide for a greater
extension of the suffrage in cities and boroughs than is con-
templated in the present measure." (Hear, hear.) That was
the resolution upon which Lord Derby's Government was
' cxelnled from power. Ho was ono of those who sincerely
regretted that the Hence of Commons did not accept the
bill, as he considered that it was a step in the right direc•
lien. (Ikar, hear,) Although the present Government came
into power upon the resolution of Lord John Russell, the
bill which they themselves introduced was talked out of the
house. (Hear.) The Government did not adopt the course
which they ought under the circumstances, "not because
they loved reform less, but because they loved their places
more." (Cheers and laughter.) And so it came to pass that
they were now further off from reform than they were four