The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

POST.--Alr. Bright has proved himself a friend
at need to the Federal cause. The advocacy of that
cause has demanded the sacrifice of much which
Englishmen hold in honour—the love of freedom,
hatred of oppression, and contempt for hypocrisy
and double-dealing; but the member fir Birming-
ham has steadily supported a war which the public
opinion of this country deplored and deprecated.
Still, people were hardly prepared for the latest
evidence of his infatuated attachment. It is no
secret that President Lincoln's recruiting agents
have for some time past been evading the provisions
of the Foreign Enlistment Act. Tne population of
the Northern States has been terribly thinned by
the war ; their fighting men are becoming as scarce
as their gold and silver; and, now that the Germans
are likely to find occupation nearer home, the so-
called Irish and English emigration has acquired
new importance. The true character of this emigra-
tion is pretty well understood. It is, in so far as the
emigrants are concerned, a delusion and a sham. If
they are exported from this county as labourers, they
are imported ;II America as recruits for the Federal
army. The want, however, is pressing; and the
end, be it the Union or the emancipation of the
slaves, is pleaded in justification of the means.
Nevertheless, it must have required more than
usual courage to flaunt the enlisting ribbons as Mr.
Bright did at Birmingham. We do not say that he
infringed any provision of the Foreign Enlistment
Act ; it is very difficult to say what is or what is
not an offence under that Act. But Mr. Bright
did, by his speech, endeavour to promote emigration
to the Federal States of America, and enlistment
in the army and navy of those States, by represen-
tations calculated to mislead and betray the work-
ing classes of this country. We are quite aware of
the meaning and the gravity of this allegation ;
and we undertake to prove out of Mr. Bright's
own mouth, and by his own words, that he
is guilty of attempting to prejudice the minds
of the labouring men of this country against
the institutions and laws they live under, with
intent to serve the cause of the Northern States
of the American Republic. We will take the
intent first. There can be no doubt at all that Mr.
Bright desires to raise a prejadice in the minds of
the working classes against the laws and institu-
tions of this country. He may demur to the form
of our definition of his design, but he cannot deny
the intention it affirms. He may say that, believ-
ing these laws and institutions to be unjust and
inimical to the interests of the working classes, he
is entitled to denounce them as he does; but he
cannot, and we apprehend will not, seek to evade
the fact. The doubt is, not about the intention to
disparage, but as to the intention of the disparage-
ment. Now, although Mr. Bright masks his de-
signs, till they are ripe fur execution, under a
cloud of rhetorical verbiage, he is a thoroughly
practical man. It may be taken generally that
he means more than he says. We shall not be far
wrong, perhaps, if we infer that his present in-
tention is twofold; that he thinks he has picked up
a stone which will kill two birds; and that, in
initiating an agrarian agitation in this country,
which will be a work of time, he can immediately
render some much-required assistance to the coun-
try of his adoption and the cause he has embalmed
i❑ his affections. So with this double object in
view, he tells the working men that they can go
over to America in twelve days; that the voyage
will only cost them a few pounds ; and that there
are at this moment so many millions of acres of
laud surveyed, mapped, and set apart for anybody
that likes to settle upon them. He takes up " The
Homesteads Act," as it is called, which is one of the
measures President Lincoln's Government have
adopted since the commencement of the civil war,
no doubt to meet the exacting necessities of the
situation, and proceeds to explain its beneficent
provisions—" Any man or woman of twenty-one
years of age, or younger, if"—and we beg particular
attentio❑ to Mr. Bright's own words—" if the man
happened to have been for a fortnight or a month
in the service of the United States, whether in
the army or navy, may go into these territories,
may choose what is called a 'section,' which is
one hundred and sixty acres of land, being one
fourth of a square mile, and on payment of a
fee of ten dollars, which is equal to £2 Eng-
lish, he may apply and have his land con-
veyed to him, for no other payment, for five years."
We have not seen a copy of this act, and therefore
take Mr. Bright's description of it, though the fort-
night or month's service is absurd on the face of it.
This statement can only be read as a direct invita-
tion to emigrate, the advantages of enlisting iu the
Federal service being plainly enforced. A profes-
sional recruiting sergeant would probably have said
—" My lads, your laws won't allow of our paying
your passage, but if you have two or three pounds
you can go over and enlist under our flag, and, after
serving a month, for two pounds more you can
have one hundred and sixty acres of land conveyed
to you." Mr. Bright, as an amateur, and a member
of the Peace Scciety, was more prosaic, but what he
said was equally to the point. The solicitation was
not direct, and in so many words, but the ribbons
were there all the same. Nor is this all. The Fede-
ral States offer, Mr. Bright says, more than land to
their volunteers. They offer social equality. They
offerpolitioal equality. They offer free education. Of
course he said nothing about the conscription, or
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. He said
nothing about the possibility, not to say the pro-
bability, of a national bankruptcy. He made no
reference to the victories of the Confederate armies.
Mr. Bright had the candour to hint, in passing,
that there would be rough work to be done in
America, but he instantly concluded that the state
of things in this country was such as to make the
temptation to leave it irresistible. And to those
who think as Mr. Bright thinks we can well be-
lieve that it is. To those who look at England
through American spectacles we make no doubt
the appearance it presents is not at all attractive.
Far be it from us to say that the condition of the
working classes in this country is one to be viewed
with satisfaction. On the contrary, we not only
admit, but urge that their condition claims
the consideration of their employers, and,
above all, of themselves. They can help them-
selves a great deal better than Mr. Bright
can help them. They have now, however, heard
the reforms he proposes in behalf of those
who must remain where they are; and they
have heard him suggest to such of them as are
young, able-bodied, and fit to pass the surgeon of a
Yankee recruiting depot, that a new country on the
other side of the Atlantic is ready to receive them
and provide them with scant burial on the battle-
field, or, if they escape, some few acres of barren
land, which they will have no capital to cultivate,
and which would never be sold to them for a song
if it was worth keeping. We believe the great body
of the men of this country will see through these
hollow deceptions, recognise their untruth, and feel
that they are being played with by those who would
fain be regarded as their only friends. As for the
Federal Government, the working men of England
who violate the law of their own country by enter-
ing into foreign service will assuredly meet with the
same treatment the slaves it has emancipated are
now receiving at its hands, and, we must say, will
deserve no better. They will be used and thrown
away. The land they get, if they get it at all, will
not be worth its conveyance, and the title to it will
be found to be of about the same value.

TIMES.—To judge by appearances, the Austro -
Prussian campaign, the object of which is to obtain
that which has been already conceded, is being
urged on with the utmost expedition. The only
news from North Germany relates the hurrying for.
ward of troops and stores, the mixed feelings with
which the Germans see their champions pass, and
the speculations as to the resistance which the Danes
will offer to the invasion, It depends on the resolu-
tions adopted by the two Governments during, the
next few days whether blood shall be shed in Schles-
wig and another period of European. trouble begun.
Of the Councils of Vienna it is difficult to speak.
The Government there is more independent, and its
acts accordingly represent more nearly the designs
of the persoa in power than is the case at Berlin.
But still there is reason to believe that the will.
ingness to engage in this hazardous enterprise is
becoming less with increase of reflection. Austria
cannot but be aware of the satisfaction with which
the prospect of war has been viewed by the re-
volutionary party in Europe, and the thinking
politicians of the Empire are not reassured by the
unwillingness of France to interfere actively at this
period of the dispute. Though the Austrian troops
are being sentin large numbers northward, it is
probable that the readiness of the Vienna Govern.
ment in the cause is even less than is attributed to it
by the general suspicions of Germany. At Berlin
the King and his Ministers have got rid of the
Chamber, which had lately transferred its sympa-
thies from a policy of economy to one of conquest ;
and the King, M. Von Bisniaik, and his colleagues
are now able to act more nearly as their own judg-

ments prompt them. Unfortunately it may prove
that there is a divided opinion, and that the more
warlike policy may recommend itself to the Sove-
reign, who has caught something of the spirit
which animates his Royal brethren. It is quite
possible that there exists a section of the Cabinet
anxious to repudiate altogether the Treaty of
1852, and to join the minor States in depriving
the King of Denmark of the southern por-
tion of his dominions. It may also be that the
King inclines to this view. But it iis hardly
likely to prevail, as the opinions which M. von
Bismark is supposed to hold have been made
the basis of the Prussian representations to foreign
Powers, and to them the Government is pledged.
Prussia, according to its own diplomatic statements,
enters Schleswig only to exact a material guarantee,
and not for the purpose of depriving the Danish
King of any portion of his dominions, since the
Berlin Government upholds the treaty and is ready
to recognise King Christian when he has made
proper reparation for the faults of his predecessor.
Neutral Powers are asked to believe that Prussia, in
fact, only wants an opportunity of enforcing the
Treaty without outraging German feeling, and that
she hopes to find it by taking possession of Schles-
wig, and satisfying German pride by a victory over
a stubborn enemy. An interference is deprecated
on the ground that Prussia and Austria will do no-
thing that Europe can disapprove, if they are left to
themselves ; but that if opposition is attempted and
the struggle prolonged, the obstinacy of Germany
will be engaged in the quarrel, and the occu-
pation will be perforce converted into conquest.
It is in such circumstances as these, and dealing
with such opponents, that the British Government
has had to direct its course during the last few
weeks. No wonder that as the crisis draws nigh
Cabinet meetings succeed each other : there was one
yesterday ; there is to be one to-day ; and there
will certainly be no failure in the efforts of the
Government to bring about a peaceful solution if it
be possible. But, indeed, it is not easy to see what
more remains for us to do. We have engaged the
Danes to concede all that their enemies have ever
asked or expected. We have almost pledged our-
selves that they shall give up the November Con-
stitution. We have, on the other hand, remon-
strated with the aggressors in terms so strong that
DO diplomatic representations can add to them or
make more fully known the opinions of this Go-
vernment and nation. In this state of things it is
difficult to do more than to leave the considerations
we have advanced to have their effect on the
moves of the two German States, trusting that
they will be convinced of the evil consequences
which must very soon follow the execution of
their designs. The state of affairs is simply this,
that France and Russia, though entirely agreeing
with the view England has taken, decline to inter-
fere further, and leave to this country the task of
opposing if advisable the action of the German
Powers. Whether this is a case in which our honour
and interests are so much concerned as to require
us to proceed further than mere remonstrances, is a
question on which opinions are likely to differ, and
happily the meeting of Parliament in a few days
will enable the judgment of the country to be ex-
pressed on a matter of so much importance. Of the
general sympathy of the House with the little State
which is the object of the aggression there can be
no doubt, but the practical case is whether Eng-
land can do more in support of the Treaty of
1852 than remonstrate with those whose conduct
directly tends to a breach of it. By Thursday
next the Government will no doubt bo able to
describe to Parliament the efforts they have made
to prevent the shedding of blood in Schleswig, and
what course they think it necessary to follow here-
after. In the meantime the matter approaches its
solution, either warlike or peaceful, on the Conti-
nent. If at the eleventh hour the two Powers think
it best to take the advice which has been so gene-
rally given them, the dispute between Germany and
Denmark can be quietly and effectually arranged
with the same sanctions as accompanied the Treaty
of 1852. If, on the contrary, they persevere in their
warlike policy, it may be that the first days of the
meeting of Parliament in England will be contem-
poraneous with some obstinate fighting along the
Danish line of defence, in which it may be that the
weaker party will be able to inflict on the aggres-
sors defeat and humiliation, and gain for themselves
a still wider sympathy.

LAW INTELLIGENCE,---(Jan, 29.)

COURT OF DIVORCE.
(Before the Judge Ordinary.)
HALL V. HALL.

Emily Hall prayed for a dissolution of her mar-
riage with Samuel Hall on the ground of adultery,
coupled with cruelty. The respondent pleaded a
denial of both the charges, and condonation.
The Queen's Advocate and Mr, Hannen appeared
for the petitioner; Dr. Spinks for the respondent.
The Queen's Advocate stated that the petitioner
was the daughter of a wealthy merchant named
Allhusen, of Elswick-hall, near Newcastle-upon-
Tyne. The respondent was the son of a clergyman,
and his family lived at Terrington, in Yorkshire.
He was formerly a lieutenant in the 12th Regiment.
He had always been addicted to excessive drinking,
and this unfortunate propensity was the main cause
of the misery which followed the marriage. After
the marriage, which took place in October, 1860,
Mr. and Mrs. Hall lived together, first at Torquay,
then at Plymouth, and then at Clonmel. They
afterwards made a tour in Normandy, stayed for
some time in Paris, and then returned to Yorkshire.
There were two children, of whom one was living.
The cohibitation continued until March, 1863, and
during the whole of that period the respondent
treated his wife with great cruelty. She had on
some occasions been obliged to have persons in the
house to protect her, and she had more than once left
him, but had returned upon his promises of amend-
ment. She finally separated from him in Mareh, 1863,
and she afterwards discovered that he had frequently
been guilty of adultery during their cohabitation.
Mrs. Had stated that about six weeks after the
marriage she noticed a change in her husband's con-
duct. He tried to alarm her by saying that he had
been married before, and his first wife was living.
He took to drinking to excess. In December, 1860,
at Plymouth, he one day ordered a servant to leave
the room. She told him to stay. He then seized
her arm, and took up a tableknife, and she escaped
from him and got out of the room. He retired from
the army. In 1861 they went to Normandy. When
they were at Caen he one day said that everything
was to be packed up and they would be off to Paris
that night. She said she was not well enough to do
the packing, but he insisted, and he was so violent
that she yielded. She fainted twice while she was
doing the packing. Before she had finished he called
her into the next room, where she was sitting, and
when she went in he threw a travelling rag at her.
She went out of the room, and he called her in a
second time; he then threw a large tin lucifer
matchbox at her, and it struck her under the eye.
He threw it without saying a word. While they were
staying in Paris he scarcely ever dined at home, and
he used to stay out until 5 or 6 o'clock in the morn-
ing. He very often asked for poached eggs after he
came home. On one occasion when ho came home
at 4 in the morning, he told her to get up and sit
with him while he was eating the eggs. She got up,
and the servant, John Kelly, cooked the eggs over a
charcoal fire, and he ate them. When he had finished
he knocked over the table and threw the plates and
dishes on the floor. He was partly intoxicated.
She ran out of the room, and stayed upon the com-
mon staircase until he was quiet. When she went
back into the room he took up some pieces of red-
hot charcoal in a pair of French tongs, and was in
the act of throwing it at her, when Kelly seized his
arm and prevented him. She ran upstairs and
stayed upon the landing for about two hours, and
then went down into the drawing-room. She told
him she could not bear his ill-treatment, and she
must go home. He said she could have a separate
room, and she had one, but he was never out of it,
so that she was no better off. On one occasion he
was kicking her clothes about, and ho gave her a
kick on the leg which bruised her very much and
lamed her for a few dap. From Paris they want to
Switzerland, and then to London, and then back to
Yorkshire. In August, 1861, they were staying at
Elswick. He was perpetually getting tipsy, and
he said he was not fit to be a married man, and
proposed a separation. He left her to go to America,
but he came back in a day or two before he got to
Liverpool, begged her forgiveness, and promised
that he would never drink again. In March, 1862,
they went to live in a furnished house at Thorp-
grange, near Barnard .castle, and they stayed there
until March, 1863. At 2 o'clock on the morning
after their arrival the landlady, Mrs.Haswell, called
her out of bed, and she went down into the kitchen
where her husband was. She told him he had
better go to bed, and she went upstairs. He followed
her, and when they got into the bedroom, asked her
how she dared go into the kitchen, and struck her
on the arm. He then put his back against the
door,
she rang the bell, and he seized a hyacinth
glass which was on the chimney-piece and was in the
act of throwing it at her, when the servant came
into the room and stopped him. She then escaped
from
the room. He frequently threatened her with
the poker or a knife. She wrote to her family, and
an arrangement was made there man should be
engaged to attend him and to protect her from his
violence. His habits of intoxication continued, and
fho or
he va s very violent when he was intoxicated. In
March, 1863, they removed to Walshford, and his
attendants left bim. When they arrived at Walsh-
walked about the room and said that now
they had a house to themselves he would shoot her
if she did not obey him in everything, but he thought
the quickest way would be to cut her throat. lie