The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-25 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY, NOV. 25, 1864.

The public have not now an opportunity of hear-
ing the "unadorned eloquence of RICHARD COB.
DEN" nearly so frequently as was at one time the
case, but ever and anon the hon. member comes
forward to deliver his sentiments upon public ques-
tions and to discuss the politics of the day in that
argumentative style and searching manner which ia
one of his chief characteristics. It is to be regretted
that it is not possible to say that Mr. COBDEN does
this in an impartial and unprejudiced spirit, for it
is notorious that he and his particular friends carry
their extreme notions iuto everything they take up,
and discuss matters that especially call for a corn.
prehensive analysis in a sectarian and narrow man-
ner that greatly detracts from the effect that might
otherwise be produced, and the influence they would
also deservedly acquire. It is alike offensive to the
taste and irritating to the mind to notice the dog.
math, style which pervades all this discourse before
ts, and the arrogant assumption with which the
law is laid down without regard to facts that are
patent to the world, nor to events that stand out
prominently to notice. Mr. COBDEN, in the first
place, expressed his great disapproval of the man-
ner in which our Foreign Office is conducted, and
believes that the object which he has advocated for
30 years, of non•intervention, will be carried out
eventually. He forgets that there are limits to
this, and the reference he made to the impropriety
of Rochdale attempting to manage the affairs of
L:eds or Blackburn is quite irrelevant. In the first
place, it is not the same with regard to different
divisions of the same county, because there is the
unity of spirit prevailing which cannot exist be.
tween separate countries, and,
secondly, the
greatest opponents to a complete non-intervenes
lion po icy never attempt to manage individual
questions, but only those that affect directly or
indirectly the welfare and interests of general
affairs. With respect to Schleswig Holstein the
most inveterate peacemonger cannot affirm that it
was the exclusive appanege of Austria and Prussia
to settle the fate of Dznreark. That country did
not belong to them, and they had no right to
dictate terms which were inimical to the laws of
justice. Mr. COBDEN and his friends do themselves
and their cause a great deal of harm by the
eternal class-feeling that pervades their speeches.
This was apparent on the occasion before us when

he alluded to the House of Lords. It is to the
credit of that assembly that it recorded its vote
against the policy of the Government ; but, of
course, that did not suit the views of Mr. COBDEN,
and so he denounces them in toto, adding what
impertinence he can in the way of comment, by
stating that the Lords never " lose their calmness
or self-possession upon any domestic question." It
is not to the credit of any one to say that he main-
tained these feelings in discussing the late affair
between Germany and Denmark, and those who
were not blindly infatuated with an idea to the
exclusion of higher views and more extended
principles, would have been the first to accord a
tribute of praise to one who, like Lord ELLEN-
BOROUGH, came forward to denounce oppression
and uphold the wronged. When Mr. COBDEN
goes so far as to say that the noble lord furnishes
an illustration that a man " may have oratorical
gifts, and yet be destitute of common sense and
ordinary judgment," he gives occasion for one to
observe that he himself is very much in the posi.
tion of those he satirizes, for it is strange to
witness one with so much experience, and, indeed,
with so much ability, parsisting in putting
forward statements that are so strangely at variance
with the recognised feelings of the country. With
respect toAmerica, Mr COBDEN is, if possible, more
extreme in his antagonism to popular views than
he is with regard to Denmark, and yet he professes
to be very calm and temperate. He is indignant
with others for getting so excited in their discus■
sion, but the reason that he is so quiet is that he
does. not care about them, and takes no interest in
what does not relate to his especial hobbies, It is
injuring the advocacy of desirable measures to in-
troduce them in the wrong manner, and at the
wrong time, and even the hon. member for Roch-
dale might pause before he utters such a remark as
this—" We have heard news from America which,
I confess, has struck me as being one of the most
sublime spectacles in the whole history of the world;
you have twenty-three millions of people spreading
over territories some thousands of miles square,
exercising on one day the right of sufferance upon
a question respecting which currents of blood are
flowing." Can anything be more absurd than this,
and why does Mr. COBDEN, who professes to be so
exact, leave out an important item which relates to
the continuance of the sublime spectacle—namely,
that General BUTLER held possession of New York
on that memorable day referred to, It is a matter
of regret to the many admirers of Mr. COBDEN'S
abilities to see him go to such extreme lengths in his
expressions of opinion. Thus he declares he believes
that in his day he will never see two independent
States on the Continent of North America. The
hon. member talks very strongly about the igno.
ranee that prevails in this country as to geographi-
cal knowledge, but it must be confessed that his
discerning knowledge is far more deficient. And
this shows an important feature of the Man.
chaster school; they are truly, and to all intents
and purposes, " day and date men" ; they never
can or will understand the influence of character,
❑or the importance of national impressions. A
people struggling for independence, a noble disre•
gard of safety, or advantage, are as blanks to them;
they cannot see beyond the interests of trade and
the furtherance of universal peace. Until man-
kind is very differently constructed to what it is
at present, the day will come when such material
instincts will prevail to the exclusion of all higher
and nobler sentiments. Even Mr. COBDEN him-
self is forced to admit that he has been protesting
against war ever since he came into public life, but
that he has never been able to prevent wars all over
the world. As to slavery, the old story was re-
newed of declaring that MTLELLAN had failed
because he did not come for its abolition,
and that LINCOLN was re-elected because he
was determined to sacrifice all for its ex-
tinction. Such arguments will come some
day to be disproved, but in :be meantime, if Mr.
COBDEN really wishes people to keep their temper
in discussing the question of America he should not
try them so far with his one-sided and extravagant
assertions. The few remarks which he made upon
home subjects were characterised by his usual
ability, and he gave good advice to the middle
classes to take heed to reform in good time, and
not leave matters to come to a crisis when an
appeal is made to the people, and they find that
they have a grievance. The annual address of Mr.
COBDEN was very favourably received, and in some
respects it deserved to be so, but it is nevertheless
deeply to be regretted that a man of such ability
should be so sectarian in his views and so bounded
in his policy. A broad and comprehensive course
is the only one that can last nowadays, and when
we see the effect produced already by the dissemi.
nation of the principles of the Manchester School,
we must feel sure that to all intents and purposes
they can never take root in the heart of the coup.
try. They are imbued with such a love of self-
interest, and a desire to keep safe, whoever else is
in danger, that they are inimical to the nature of
a generous people, and if carried out in their en-
tirety would bring about the very evils which they
profess to dread.

We have now before us the draft of the new Con•
stitution proposed for the Canadian Federation by
the assembled delegates who undertook the arduous
office. It is a significant sign of the times that this
important and complicated question has as yet
moved on so smoothly and rapidly, acts keeping
almost pace with words. Within a very brief
time from the date when the project was first
broached, the skeleton of a new Constitution is
ready, and it is not the Constitution of an insignifi-
cant province or of an infant colony which may or
may not flourish, but of a vast nation, which in all
human probability will stretch its mighty arms
from ocean to ocean, and rival in dignity and im-
portance the great foundation of Washington. So
far as they have yet gone the delegates have
shown themselves fully equal to their task, and
have displayed an amount of ability, moderation,
and equity which does them honour. No doubt
their work will not escape criticism and censure;
no doubt individual interests may feel aggrieved'
and local jealousies may manifest themselves, but
the general opinion will, we should imagine, be
heartily in favour of the constitution, and will
admit the principles on which it is founded to be
those beat calculated to secure the liberty and good
government of the States. The delegates have
shown political wisdom pith regard to the future
as well as to the present in selecting for their
model the constitution of Great Britaio. Such a
course hes many advantages, since it not only
gives a precedent of undoubted reputation, but it at
once provides a standard of reference for every dis-
puted point. The selection of their old country as
a guide will at once commend itself to the
hearts and' minds of the people of the various
colonies, and even the French element will not be
likely to regard the charge with disfavour. No
constitution can be more happily framed to combine
individual liberty with public order, and none has
stood the test of time with such triumphant sue.
cess. Admirable in every quarter it is especially
successful when administered by Eigliehmen,
whose faculty of self government i not the least
fortunate of their national character,. tics. By their
open reference to the mother omintr. as their model