The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 5, Mt

SECOND EDITION•

oUN OFFICE, HALF-PAST 4 o'CLoCK.

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Usher
Reindeer

LIAPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening,
The LORD CHILI\ CELLOR took his seat On the woolsack
at the usual hour.

scarcely a throne that was not subverted. The King of
Denmark, in his character of a sovereign prince of Ger-
many, was affected by that great movement. The popula-
tion of Germ,ny, under the influence of the very peculiar
excitement of that time, were impelled to redress the grie-
vances, as they alleged, of their fellow countrymen in the
dominions of the King of Denmark, and who were, of
course, his subjects. The Duchies of Holstein and Schles-
wig were invaded, A cruel war was excited by ambitious
princes in that country, under circumstances with which
we have become familiar. Ultimately, I believe, the whole
of the Continental dominions of the King of Denmark were
occupied by Austrian and Prussian armies. In 1851 tran-
quillity had been restored to Europe, and especially to
Germany, and the troops of Au-trig ultimately quitted the
dominions of the king of Danmark. That they
quitted them in consequence of the military
prowess of the Danes, though it was far from inconsider-
able, I will not pretend to say, but they quitted them under
certain conditions, and under the influence of Russia,
which was as that time irresistible in Germany. The
niditiens under which they quitted Denmark were con-
cluded by the King of Denmark and the Courts of Berlin
and Vienna; and under those conditions the King of
Denmark entered into certain arrangements, with a view to
remedy the abuses complained of; but he never performed
or accomplished the engagements thus entered into—
partly, I have no doubt, from negligence, because we
know it is not the, habit of mankind to perform disagree-
able duties when the pressure is withdrawn, and partly, I
have no doubt, from the re culler character of the engage-
ments themselves. That was in the year 1851. In the year
1852, tranquillity being entirely restored, the treaty which
regulated the succession was negotiated. In that treaty
there was not the slightest reference to tha engagements
which the King of Denmark had entered into wish the
German Powers. It was a municipal, a domestic, or as
we now call it, a Federal, and not an international, ques-
lion. Notwithstanding that it really related only to the
King of Denmark and the Diet of Germany, once more it
attracted the attention of the Government of England and
the Ministers of the great Powers generally, who were the
signataries of the treaty of 1852. For some time after the

treaty of 1852 little was heard of the Federal question and
controversy between the Diet and Denmark. After this
' exertion and exhaustion the queston slumbered, but did
not die. Occasionally it gave evidence of vitality ; and not
tong after the accession or toe present Government to office
the controversy between the Diet and the king of Denmark
gave evidence of very great activity and life. Her Majesty's
Ministers thought it their duty to interfere in that contro-
versy. ‘Vhethar they were wise in taking that course of
conduct the house can decide as well as myself. I confess
my own impression is, and always has been, that it would
have been much better to have left the Federal question
between the King and the Diet to have worked itself out.
But her Majesty's Ministers were of opinion—and no doubt
there is much to be said in favour of that opinion—that,
inasmuch as the question, though a Federal question, was
one which probably, ire its execution, might lead to abuse
which would make it an international one, it would be
wiser and better to interfere by anticipation, and prevent,
if possible, that Federal execution ever taking place.
oho cones quence of that extreme activity on the part of
her Majesty's Ministers is a mass of correspondence which
has been placed upon our table, with which many gentle.
men may hase some acquaintance, though they may have
been attracted and absorbed by the interest of more
modern correspondence which has within this year been
presented to the house. I should not be doing justice to the
Secretary of State if I did not boar testimony to the un-
wearied perseverance and extreme ingenuity with which
he conducted that correspondence. The noble lord found
in that business, no doubt, a subject which is genial to h,s
nature, viz , the opportunity of drawing up a constitution
for the Government of communities. (Laughter.) The
Secretary of State is almost as celebrated as a statesman
who flourished at the end of the last century for that
ability. I wilt not quarrel or criticise any of the lucubra•
tions of the noble lord at that time. I think his labours are
well described in a passage I observed in one of the de-
spatches of a distinguished Swedish statesman—l think the
present Prime Minister—who, when he was called upon to
consider a scheme of the English Government for the ad-
ministration of Schleswig, which entered into minute de-
tails, and with that power and prolixity which only could
have been acquired by a constitutional Minister who has
long served an apprenticeship in the House of Commons,
said—" Generally speaking, the monarchs of Europe find it
difficult to manage one Parliament; but I observe, to my
surprise, that Lord Russell is of opinion that the King of
Denmark will be able to manage four." (Laughter.) The
only observation which I shall make upon that folio
volume of 300 or 400 pages which is on the table, and which
relates to the affairs of Schleswig and Holstein, is this—
hat I observe that the other Powers of Europe, who were
equally interested in the matter, and equally bound as sig-
notaries of the treaty of 1852 to interfere if required—do not
interfere as the English Government interfere. That they
disapprove of the course taken I by no means 'wish to
maintain. When we make a suggestion upon the subject
they receive it with cold politeness. They have no objec •
tion to the course hich we announce we are going to take,
but they confine themselves, with scarcely an exception,
to that conduct on their part. The noble lord follews a
afferent course; but it is really unnecessary for me to
dwell on this part of the subject. We may dismiss it
from our mind. I have
-only touched upon it 'to com-
plete the picture which I am bound to lay before the house,
in consequence of the events which very speedily occurred.
Ail this correspondence—this elaborate, and I will venture
to say, not using the term offensively, but accurately—this
pragmatical correspondence—(a laugh)—was conducted in
the perfect ignorance of the people of this country, who felt
very little interest in this subject. I may say, even in Eu•
rope, where affairs of d ploulacy always excite more atter.-
tion, little effect was ever produced. This correspondence,
however, culminated in a celebrated nespatch, which ap•
peered in the autumn of 1862. Then, for the first time, a
very great effect was produced in Europe generally, and
certainly in Germany and France, and some interest began
to be excited in Esgtand. Tne effeet of the noble lord's
management of these transactions had been this. It had en-
courageu-1 wilt not now et ip no, it quire whether it was
intentions) or not—but it is a tact that, it had encouraged the
spread of the views of what is called the German party in
,his contest. This had been the effect of the noble lord's
general interference, hut especiaby of this despatch of the
autumn of 1802 But something shortly and in consequence
occurred which renewed that impression. Germany twine
almost agitated on the subject, and England at last having
her attention called to the case in. 1863, which began to pro-
el
atevc
e
e dthisegiruittettitedneiloaanddigreecatteldemtoenthoef sthubisjelacot,uasnedbetghiensntiantge
ofto
ethers a shortly before the prorogation of Parliament amount-
ing to a degree of public
anxiety,
it was thought necessary
tnut an inquiry should be made of her Majesty's Govern-
ment and ,hat some means should be taken
to still that disquietudeu
prevailed in this country by
n
obtaining from her ike
saj,sty's Government a declaration of
their policy generally with respect to Denmark. That ap-
Peal was riot made in any party spirit, or in any way onthesiecL
„tic,
ani-
mated by that disciplined arrangement with which ques-
tions are by both sides brought before the house. It was
at the end of the session, when few were left, and when the
forward(Hear.)brought ) ythose subjects with the authority of
my hon, friend (Mr S. Fitzgerald),
who always
spa
one who knows what he is saying. (A laugh.) A conionu•
nication was made to the First Minister on the subject, and
it was understood on this side of the house, from a previous
declaration of the noble lord, and from our experience of his
career generally, that it was not an appeal which would be
disagreeable to him, or which would be an occasion which
ue would have any desire to escape. The noble lord ages not
taken by surprise. He himself fixed the moment—it was a
morning sitting--when he would come down and explained
the views of her Majesty's Government. I am bound tc say
the noble lord on that occasion spoke with that perspicuity
and complete detail in which upon diplomatic subjects we
acknowiedge him to be a perfect master. The noble lord
entered into the question, and gave to the house, who knew
little about it, a popular but accurate account of the whole
question. He described the constituton of the Diet, and
elso, tor the first time, what a Federal execution was, He
was a little unhappy in his Prophecies of what would hap-
pen with regard to the Federal execution. It is the only
mistake which the noble lord made. He said he did not
think there would be Federal execution; and if there were,
he thought we might be perfectly easy that it would not
lead to any disturbance in Europe. The noble lord described
tne position of Holstein as a re
- —e7man duchy of which the
King of Denmark was the sovereign prince, and by that
means a member of the Diet and subject to the laws of the
Diet. He showed that the Duchy of Schleswig was not a
German duchy, and the moment that Schleswig was inter-
fered with an international consideration would arise.
(Hear.) He told us, in a re-assuring spirit, that his views
upon our relations with Deniteark were the same as they had
always been. I will read an extract from the noble lord's
speech, not because it is not familiar to the house, but be-
cause upon occasions like this we should refer to documents,
that we may not be accused afterwards of having coloured
or garbled statewests. The noble lord's concluding
observationanvere—o We are asked what is the policy and
courae of her Majesty's Government wide respect to this
,tispute. We concur entirely With the hon. gentleman
(Fitzgerald), and I tun satisfied with all reasonable men in
reurope, including those in France and Russia, in desiring
that , he independence and integrity and the rights of Den-
:cork may be maintained. We are cow:ince:l—l am con-
vinced, at least—that if any violent attempt were made to
overthrow those rights, or inteefero with that indepen-
dence, those who made the attempt would find in the result
that it would.not be Denmark alone with which they would
have to contend." (Cheers.) Now that is a clear, manly,
statesmanlike declaration of policy. It was not a hurried
or hasty expression, upon a subject of that importance, of
hat character—on which the noble lord never makes hasty
declarations. Ho is a master of his subject, and he could
not be taken by surprise ; but on that occasion there was
not a chance of his being taken by surprise. The occasion
was arranged beforehand, and the noble Iced was perfectly
informed of our object. He sympathised with that object,
of soothing the disquieted mind of Europe, and he knew he
could Out arrive at such a deEirable result more b,ppriiy than

by a frank exposition of the policy of the Government. It
is my business to-night to vindicate the noble lord, who has
treated this declaration as one used only to amuse the House
of Commons. lam here to prove the sincerity of that de-
claration—(hear)—beeause we have now on oar table re-
cently and long since this speech was delivered, the diplo-
matic correspondence which was then pursued by her
Majesty's Government on this subject. The ri,3ht hon.

gentleman then proceeded to quote from despatches written
by Earl Russell to our ministers in Berlin and Vienna,
stating that if Germany persisted in confounding Scillies-
wig with Holstein, the other Powers of Europe might con-
found Holstein with Schleswig. That reassuring state-
ment of the noble lord was, I think, a wise and judicious
policy at that time, because he knew that then France
was perfectly ready to co-operate with him in any measure
which he thought proper to pursue, with respect to
these transactions between Denmark and Germany; nay,
not only that France was ready, but that she had
spontaneously offered to act with us in any manner
which we liked. The right hon. gentleman quoted a de-

spatch from Lord Cowley in support of this assertion, in
which M. Drouyn de Lhuys expressed himself as desirous

of acting in concert with us in this matter. He then went
on to inquire how this change of feeling on the part of
France had been brought about. For when in September
Earl Russell had reminded the French Government of their
offer, and reqw?sted them to act in concert with us in event
of matters in Denmark requiring intervention, the applica-
tion had beets first coldly received, and hnally refused. He

then went on to say, I stop now to inquire what has caused
this change in the relations between the two courts. Why

was France, who at the end of the session was Lo cordial and

ready to co-operate with us, at the end of two oz three shor
months entirely changed P At the commencement of lasi

year an insurrection broke out in Poland. Unhappily, in,

surrections in Poland are not unprecedented. This insur-
rection was extensive and menacing, but there have been
insurrections in Poland before quite as extensive and far
more menacing—the insurrection of 1831, for example. For
at that time the Poles possessed a national army, second to
none for valour and discipline. Well, sir, the qu:stion of
Polish insurrection in 1831 was deeply considered by the
Government of that day. They went thoroughly into the
matter, and felt the soundings of that question. It was in-
vestigated and maturely considered, and the Government m
that day—the Government of William the Fourth—arrived

at these two conclusions, that it was not expedient for Eng-
land to go to war to restore Poland; and, secondly, that if
England was not prepared to go to war, any interference of
another kind would only aggravate the calamities of that
fated nation. (Hear, hear.) These were the c .nclusions at
which the Government of Lord Grey arrived, and they
were announced to Parliament. This is a question which
the English Government has had more than one cpportu-
nity to consider, and on every occasion they have considered
it deeply and completely like men. The Polish question
occurred again in 1855, when a conference was sitting at
Vienna, in the midst of the Russian war. Again, her,
Majesty's Government—the Government of the Queen—had
to consider the question. It was then considered under the

most favourable circumstances to Poland; for we were at

war with Russia. But, after performing all the duties of a
responsible Ministry under such circumstances, her Majes-
ty's Government arrived at these conclusions—that it was
not only not expedient for England to go to war to restore
Poland, but it was not even expedient to prolong war for
that purpose. And equally they arrived at the second con-
elusion, that any interference on our part, without action,
would not be just to the Poles, and must tend to increase
their difficulties. Thus this very question of Poland has in
the present century, within the last 34 years only, been
twice considered by two Governments ; and therefore when
I remind the house that when it was considered by the
Cabinet of Lord Grey in 1831, the individual who filled the
office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and who of
course greatly guided the opinion of his colleagues upon such
cl question, was the present First Minister—and when I also
remind the house that the plenipotentiary at the Conference
at Vienna, to whom and upon whose responsibility in a
great degree the decision was then art ived at, was the pre-
sent Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—l think Eng-
land had a right, when the great difficulty of last year arose
with respect to Poland, to congratulate herself that in a
situation of such difficulty, at an emergency when a mis-
take might produce incalculable evils, its fortunes were re-
gulated not only by two men of great abilities and experi-
ence, but by statesmen who -upon this subject possessed a
peculiar experience, who had thoroughly entered into the
question, who knew all its issues and the contingencies

,tiat possibly might occur in its management, and who, o

the two occasions 'when it was submitted to the decision of
England had been the guiding Ministers in the wise decisicn
which was then arrived at. Now, sir, I must remind the
house that what is called the Polish question occupies a dif-
ferent position in France to what it does in England. I will
not admit that in deep sympathy for the Poles the French are
superior to the, English. I believe lam only stating accu-
rately the feeling of this cluntry when I say that among
people of all classes there is no event which they look back
to with more regret than the partition of Poland. (Hear.)
It is universally considered and acknowledged by them as
one of the darkest, if not the darkest, page in the history of
the 18th century. (Elear, hear.) But in France the Polish
question is not one which merely interests the sentiment of
the millions, It is a political question, and a question of
the higheseclass in France. It. is a question welch inte-
rests ministers, and catinets, and princes. There is a be-

lief in France which has made the restoration of Poland a
traditionary policy is that country, namely, that that re•
storation would tend to add to the power and the glory of
France. In France it is also a practical question, because
there are men now alive who can remember when the eagles
Fiance floated over the ancient capital of Poland. But I
think that their feelings of pride must be dashed with a
sentiment of remorse, if they really value so much the re-
storation of Poland, when they remember the opportunity
they then lost. Then the hcuse must recollect that when
an insurrection occurs in Poland, it is a different affair in
France to what it is in England. It is not an affair that
merely interests those wh) frequent the cafes and casinos,
but it at once strikes into the secrets of cabinets and prin-
ces. Well, Sir, the ruler of France, a sagacious prince end'
a lover of peace, as the Secretary of State has just informed
us, was perfectly alive, of course, to the great issues in-
volved in what is c tiled the Polish question. But France
knew very well that England had twice had an opportunity
of considering this question in the completest manner, and
had arrived at a settled policy, and, with characteristic cau-
tion, the Emperor exercised great reserve, and held out but
little encouragement to the representatives of Polish feeling.

He knew well that in 18513 he, then being our ally, had
urged this question upon the English Government, and that
under the most favourable circumstances for the restoration
of Poland ; and he knew that we had then adhered to our
traditionary policy, which was neither to go to war nor to
pursue a war, and therefore the Emperor of France and the
French Government generally exhibited a very great reserve
on the subject. But what, in a short time was the astonish •
went of the Emperor, when ho found the English Govern
merit embracing the cause of Poland with an extraordinary
fervour ? The noble lord the Secretary of State, and the
noble lord the First Minister, but especially the Secretary
of State, announced their policy as if it were a policy new
to the coesideratiou of statesmen, and about to lead to im-
mense results. The noble lord the Secretary of State sent
a copy of hie despatch to all the Courts of Europe who were
eignataries to the Treaty of Vienna—from the King ut
Portugal down to the King of Sweden—calling Russia to
account for the posi; ion of affairs in Poland. We know very
well that for three moni.les Europe believed there was to be
a general war on a great eelle, of which the restoration of
Poland was to be one of tho leading objects. Is it at all
surprising that the Government k:f France and the Freneb
people should have responded to such k: simulating proposals?
(Hear, hear.) It was not only natural--Lt was inevitable.
We know the noble lord (Earl Russell) fooled them to the
top of their bent. The House recollected the nob:e lord'e
six propositions, to which he called the attention of the
Emperor of Russia in the most peremptory manner. The
House remembers the closing scene, when it was arranged
that the ambassadors of France, Austria, and England
should on the very same day appear at the hotel of the
Minister of Russia, and should present notes of the mos'
cordial tone, ending with three identic paragraphs, to show
the agreement of the three Powers. It was generally be-
lieved there was to be a general war, and that France,
Austria, and England would unite to restore Poland. The
house remembered the reply of Russia—that the Russian
Minister replied to all this with haughty sarcasm and with
indignation which deigned to be ironical. Well, Sir, there
was only one step to take, according to the view of the
French Government, and that was action. They appealed
to that England which had itself excited agitation on the
subject and raised expectations; but England recurred to
the traditionary policy of this country, and confessed it was
a momentary indiscretion that had animated their counsel,
and that they never meant anything more than words. (Op-
position cheers.) A month afterwards they sent a despatch ;
but this did not alter the position of the French Emperor
and the French Government. He had been induced by us
to make promises which he could not fulfil. He was placed
in a false position to the people of Poland and the people of
France, and therefore I am not surprised that when the Sec-
retary of State was a little alarmed at the progress of affairs
in Germany, he thought it discreet to reconnoitre his posi-
tion; and that in September he should have been received
at Paris with coldness, and that ultimately his despatch was
answered in this manner: Mr Grey, writing to Lord Rus-
sell, said, on 18th September, 1853, " The second mode of
proceeding suggested by your lordship, viz , 'to remind
Austria, Prussia, and the German Diet, that any acts on
their part tensing to weaken the integrity and independence
of Denmark would be at variance with the treaty of May 8,
1852,' would be, according to the opinion of M. Drouyn de
Lhuys, in a great measure analogous to the course pursued
by Great Britain and Franco on the Polish question.
(Laughter.) He frankly avowed that he should so speak to
the Emperor as to place France in the same position with
reference to Germany as she had been placed in with regard
to Russia. The formal notes addressed by the three Powers
to Russia had received an answer which literally meant no-
t ping, and the position in which those three great Powers
were now place d was anything but dignified ; and if Eng-
land and France were to address such a reminder as that
proposed to Austria, Prussia, and the German Confedera-
tion, they must be prepared to go further, and to adopt a
course of action more in accordance with the dignity of two
great l-)owars than ths7 were pow demo in the relish ques-

tion. France was not, his excellency said, indifferent to the
maintenance of the integrity and independence of Denmark
and it was not from any indifference that he disapproved of
your lordship's suggestion. (Opposition cheers.) Well, sir,
that was the intention of the noble lord with respect to
the change in the relations between England and France.
That was significant. (Opposition cheers.) I think it
was one which the noble lord ought to have duly weighed,
when he remembered the position which this country occu-
pied with regard to Denmark—that it was a position under
the treaty which did not bind us to interfere more than
France itself; and, conscious at the same time that any co-

operation from Russia for the same cause, though by dif-
ferent means, could hardly be counted upon, I should have
said that a prudent Government would have well consi-
dered their position, and would not have taken any course
which committed them to any decided line of action. But,
so far as I can judge from the correspondence before us,
that was not the tone taken by her Majesty's Government,
because we have 4xtricts from the correspondence of the
Secretary of State with the Swedish Mir later, the Diet of
Frankfort, and Lord Bloomfield—all written in ore fort.
nieht which elapsed after the receipt rf that despatch of
Mr Grey which notified the change in the feeling of the
French Government. It is highly instructive, and we shall
see what effict it produced on the policy of her Majesty's
Government, Immediately after the receipt of that despatch
the Secretary writes to the Swedish Minister in the follow.
ing terms :—" Her Majesty's Government set the highest
value on the independence and integrity of Denmark. . . .
Her Majesty's Government will be ready to remind Aus-
tria and Prussia of their treaty obligations so respect the
integrity and independence of Denmark." Now this is to
Sir A. Malat, the Minister at Frankfort, on Sept 29, that
is, nine or ten days after the receipt of the French de-
spatch. "Her Maje,ty's Government, by the Treaty of
London of May 8, 1852, is bound to respect the integrity
and independence of Denmark. The Emperor of Austria
and the King of Prussia have taken the same engagement.
Her Majesty could not see with indifference a military
occupation of Holstein, which is only to cease upon terms
injuriously affecting the constitution of the whole Danish
monarchy, Her Majesty's Government could not recog.
nise this military occupation as a legitimate exercise of the
powers of tha Confederation, or admit that it could pro-

perly be called a Federal Execution. Her Majesty's Go.
vernment could not be indifferent to the bearing of such
an act on Denmark and upon European interests. Her Ma-
jesty's Government, therefore, earnestly entreat the German
Diet to pause, and to submit the question in dispute between
Germany and Denmark to the mediation of other Powers
unconcerned in the controversy, but deeply concerned in the
maintenance of the peace of Europe and the independence
of Denmark," (Opposition cheers.) My object in reading
these despatches is to show that, after the first intimation of
a change of opinion in France, the sincere policy of the Go-
vernment was not modified. (Cheers.) The Secretary of
State, on the 30th of September, 1863, writes thus to Lord
Bloomfield, at Vienna :—" Her Majesty's Government trust
that no act of Federal execution to which Austria may be a
party, and no act of war against Denmark on the ground of
the affairs of Schleswig, will be allowed to clash with this
primary and essential treaty obligation. Her Majesty's
Government, indeed, entertain a full confidence that the
Government of Austria is as deeply impressed as her Ma-
jesty's Government with the conviction that tee indepen-
dence and integrity of Denmark form an essential element
in the balance of power in Europe." And now I have
brought the case to the end of September, and I hope the
house has clearly understood the course of circumstances.
There is nothing in the month of October to call for remark
at this moment; but we now arrive at the month of Novem-
ber, and approaoh a very important and critical state of
affairs. The month of November was remarkable for a re-
currence of two great events, which completely changed the
character, and immensely affected the aspect, of the whole
relations between Denmark and Germany, and which may
have produced consequences that only can be felt when one
sees the end of it. Early in November the Emperor of the
French proposed a European Congress. His position, as he
himself described it, was a very painful one from various
causes. He therefore proposed a congress. When Parlia-
ment met on the 4th of February I gave my opinion as to
the propriety of her Majesty's Government refusing to be a
party to that congress. As a general principle I think
that a Congress should precede action, If you wish
any,happy and permanent results from a Congress, it should
rather follow the great efforts of nations, and, when they
are somewhat exhausted, give them an honourable relief.
And, sir, I did not think it my duty to conceal my opinion
when her Majesty's Government had felt it their duty to
refuse a proposal of that character. But lam bound to say
that, had I been aware of what has been communicated by
these pq pers —had I been aware, when I spoke on Feb. 4,
that only a week before the Parliament met—only a week
before we were assured by the speech from the throne that
her Majesty was continuing to carry on negotiations in the
interests of peace—that her Majesty's Government had
made a proposal to the Government of France which must,
if accepted, inevitably have produced a groat and enduring
European war—l am bound to say I should have given my
approbation in terms much more cautious. But, whatever
difference of opinion there may be as to the propriety or
iwpropriety of her Majesty's Government not acceding to
the Congress, I tbitm there was not then, and I am sure
there is not now, a second opinion as to the mode and man-
ner in which that refusal was conveyed. (Opposition cheers.)
The noble lord, when he vindicated that curt, and, as I con-
ceive, most offensive reply, dilated on the straightforward-
ness of British Ministers, the candour of their language,
and the clearness with which they were determined to con-
vey their meaning. I wish that that straightforward lan-
guage and that spirit had dictated acme of the despatches
and declarations made to Denmark. (Opposition cheers.)
It is a great pity we did not have a little of that rude frank-
ness when the fortunes of that ancient kingdom were at
stake. But there was another great event happened, let
me remind the house, in the month of November. The
King of Denmark died, and the death of the King of
Dennaiirk entirely changed the character of the question,
both as regards Germany and Denmark, and es regards
this country and Germany. The question had been a
Federal question before, when the noble lord in his de-
spatches threatened to have recourse to arms ; but, after
the death of the King of Denmark, it became an inter-
national question, because the controversy was with the
Diet of Germany, which had not recognised the change iu
the succession to the various dominions and states of the
King. It was an international question of magnitude and of
a menacing character, and it was under these sir cumstances,
and when the question became European, and immensely
magnified and multiplied, that the offer of a Congress was
made on the sth. of November. The King of Denmark died
on the 16th November; and on the 27th Of the same month
England declined to accept the invitation to the Congress.
It was, therefore, with the complete knowledge of the in-
creased risk, and the increased dimensions of what was at
stake, that the noble lord sent that refusal to the Emperor of
the French. (Opposition cheers,) It became her Majesty's
Government at this moment to consider seriously their po-
sition. With the Congress offered, with the death of the
King, it is my duty to remind the house of the manner in
which the Secretary of State addressed Europe. Neither of
these events appeared to have modified his tone. On Nov.
19th, the King having died, the Secretary of State wrote to
Sir A, Mallett. On the 20th he wrote letters of menace to
the Governments of Saxony and Wurtemburg, setting forth
t hat, as a matter of course. they would recognise the King of
Danmark as the heir to all the States which were comprised
in the Treaty of 1852, and which were held under the
sceptre of the late King. On the 23d November, four days
before Lord Russell refused the invitation to the Congress,
he wrote—" Her Majesty's Government expects that all the
Powers who signed the treaty of 1852 will acknowledge
King Christian as the King or Denmark ; and it' the troops
of the Confederation entered Holstein, the Powers who
eigneeithe treaty of 1852 world have aright of interfering."
(Hear, he,:r.) On the 30th of November he wrote again to
Sir A. Paget, proposing the sole mediation of England. Re
wrote another l'..'tter to Sir A. Buchanan, saying that he
eeould leave to Gern..lnY the responsibility of raising a ge-
nera; war in Europe,
watch the Diet appeared bent on pro-
yoking. That was the tongwhich her Majesty's Govern-
ment, after due consideration, after refusing the Congress,
after the death of the King of Dent,2ark, which changed the
Federal question into an internationa; question—that was
the menacing tone which her Majesty's Ministers adopted
towards every Court of Germany. (Opposition cheers.)
Now, after the death of the King of Denmark, it became
her Majesty's Ministers, instead of following that coarse, to
have maturely considered their position. There were two
courses open to them, both equally intelligible and equally
honourable. It was open to them, after the death of the
King, to have acted as France did—France, that occupied
a position in this matter so dignified and satisfactory that
she has received the compliments of our baffled Minister.
(Cheers and laughter.) It was open to the Government to
have adopted the same course as the other neutral Powers,
and that course was frankly announced to the English
Minister by the Minister of France. On Dec. General
Fleury stated to Lord Wodehouse, in Copenhagen, that the
only instruction which he had received from the Emperor
was not to take part in any negotiations there, but that he
was to tell the Danish Government explicitly that if Den-
mark became involved in war with Germany, France
would not come to her assistance. (Cheers.) I say that if
England had adopted that course it would have been indtebl •
ligible and honourable. (Cheers.) We were not bound
she y
the Treaty of 1852 to go to the assistance of Denmarkrf
As flarancaetoef the ter.
became involved in war with Germany. No one ever
pre-
tends that we were. (Hear, hear.)
high
policy, much as we may regret any distiutoryo
of this country
policy
'there were no high
uosftil'ay
great England
Euro-
peanin
ritorial arrangements of Ewuhriochphee,w theou
expense l
being one of tranquillity and peace, ac .
considerations of policy
we could have counted upon.
going to war, and incurring t
another course equally
(H e (Hear, ahreawri.)thoTutbaelrleies
wasth that
intelligi-
ble and equally honourable.
this
I am bound to say that I
would have recommended country to take the same
course as France adopted. If the noble lord and his col-
leagues are of opibion that the balance of power was en-
dangered by the quarrel between Denmark and Germany,
they were
upon them
perfectly justified in threatening Germany,
and taking
the general management of the
affairs of Denmark; but they were bound, if war did take
place, to anPre t Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) Instead
of that, they invented a process of conduct which I hope is
not easily to be exampled in the history ot this country, and