The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-07 00:00:00

FOR WHICH THE MARSHAL SAT SIX TIMES

IS THIS DAY PUBLISHED,
AT THE SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND,

PRICE SIXPENCE.
Sun Office, Oct. 6, 1852.

UIGFI WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

gig DAY —Morning 15 min. after 7 ► Evening 52 ail n. after 7
to.lloaaavr—Nordin; 37 rain. after 8 I Evening 23 ann. atter 9

THE WEATHER.—Scan OFFICE, OCTOEER 7.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
46—`fighest since noon yesterday.
37—toweet this morning and during the night.
47—this day, at noon.

BAII.OMRT MR, 29.89.
WIND N.N.W.—fresh breeze and hazy, with occasional

sunshine.

D.klLl WEATHER TABLE.

Meta of the Wind and Weather at each of the roliowing
p!ices at Nine o'clock yesterday morning.—The stations
4r- arranged in order of latitude.

HATrnms—Wind N.W., gentle breeze—overcast.
BouTHAmrrott—Wind W.. gentle breeze—rain.
Fotaucarorm—V% ind Vi., light airs—overcast.
TUNBRIDGE—Wind N., calm—overcast.
BASINGSTOKE—Wind W. gentle breeze—rain.
l•vraoot.—Wind W., gentle breeze—overcast.
Im:4l4TO:4—Wind W., gentle breeze—rain.
Cluokirsm— Wind S.W., gentle breeze—rain.
Cssinitinc4v.— Wind S. W., gentle breeze—clnudv.
HoLYITEAD--Wind N.W., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
SNAP—Wind N. W.. calm—overcast.
BitArrocK—Wind N.W., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
l'he returns from the tollowing places indicate the state of
the wind and weather on Tuesday morning at nine
o'clock :---

LEKEFacw—Wind N.W.. gentle breeze—cloudless.
Mer.Loromt—Wind N. W., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
COLCHESTER—Wind S.W., hard wind—overcast.
LANCASTER—Wind N. wlr., strong breeze—rain.
WHITBY—Wind N., strong breeze—rain.
DAE.LINOTON— Wind W.N. W., strong breeze —rain.

at, 4¥>
Qoi ‘J • ;LS"- 4
sp A ft!,
• „,;‹=

LONDON, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1852.

It may be taken fur granted that none of the real
and practical business of Parliament can be done
until next year. After the session commences, a fort-
night will be consumed in the swearing in of both
Houses, and the usual formalities appertaining to the
assembling of a New Parliament. It will probably
be close on December before that unsubstantiality
'yclept "The Speech from the Throne" will be deli-
vered. Then, in both Houses, will follow "The
Address"—a reply to the Speech, which is but its
echo—and, possibly, a debate or two thereon, ending
in nothing. After that, we may expect Addresses to
the QUEEN cn the subject of a public funeral,
with national honours, to the NESTOR of War
and Politics, the Duke of WELLINGTON. No
doubt, in both Houses, men of all parties will be
anxious to bear public testimony to the merits of
" The Duke"—fur this is an occasion when party
spirit will be quiet, there being only one opinion
throughout all ranks as to the public services and
personal worth of the great min whom we have
lately lost. In the Upper House (where, for the
last thirty years,his opinion, and influence, and ex-
perience have had such weight,) we may expect that
the stirring eloquence of BROUGHAM, the rapid rhe-
toric of DERBY, the calm sagacity of LANSDOWNE,
the friendly pleading of ABERDEEN, the affectionate
remembrances of ANGLESEY, LONDONDERRY, and
HARDINGE, the earnest oratory of CARLISLE, and the
deep admiration of many others, who knew and loved
the man, will find utterance. In the Lower House,
as general an expression of lament and eulogy may be
expected. DISRAELI and PALMERSTON, ROEBUCK
and GRAHAM, GLADSTONE and JOHN RUSSELL, cum
xnultzs alus, will probably do as much justice as words
can render to the memory of him who, all things
considered, is entitled to rank as our great man of the
present day. We do not anticipate that the eulogies
on The Duke, coming after the routine of the
Addresses in answer to the Royal Speech, will be
ended before the middle of December—too late a
period for the commencement of political discussion.
Independent of the engrossment of time by the two
public questions we have named, there is the chance
of a third, which, es a matter of course,. would take
precedence of less important subjects. We e find it re-
ported and believed that Baron ROTHSCHILD (taking
courage, we suppose, from the bold example of
the :ex-Member for Greenwich), will take his
seat in the Commons at the opening cf the
session, and thus, summarily And effectively,
bring the question of Jewish disabilities on
the tapes. Had he done this, when the new Parlia-
ment assembled in 1847, this ryuestio verata would
have been settled long since. Mr. ROTBSCITILD ap-
peared afraid of the responsibility which, with his
own full concurrence, the citizens of London had
imposed upon him. Instead of coming forward and
in
boldly facing, his owu person, the difficulty of his
position, he held back, declined taking his seat, and
entirely depended on the efforts of his colleague, the
ex-Premier, to remove the Jewish disabilities.
What those weak and fruitless efforts were
everybody knows. Instead of making the
House of Commons—as was done when Mr. Pease,
of the Society of Friends, took his seat—the arbiter
of its owl practice and the guardian and interpreter
of its own rule of governance, Lord JOHN RUSSELL
brought in a Bill to admit Jews into Parliament, it
being notorious that, let the Commons pass such a
measure twenty times over, the Lords would reject
it. Session after session, accordingly, he got the
Commons to set up this Bill, while, with charac-
teristic and hereditary intolerance, the Lords kicked
it down, as if it were a nine-pin. No wonder
that very many believed there was no
real desire, on the part of Lord Jona
RUSSELL, to *dealt the Jews into Parlia-
ment. A Standing Order of the House of Commons

has potency sufficient to supersede the statute law (as
we have often seen and deplored), and a mere Resolu-
tion of the House, before Lord JOHN'S Bill threw
difficulties in the way, would have allowed a Jew to take
the oaths without the concluding words," on the true
faith of a Christian." What Lord JOHN did was pre-
cisely this—by getting the Commons to legislate
on the question, he committed them to a
practical disclaimer of their heretofore undoubted
power of self-regulation, and he gave the Lords the
right of keeping Jews out of Parliament ! No
wonder that the citizens of London were displeased
with this blundering—if, indeed, it were not some-
thing more than a mere error of judgment.
As a matter of " Privilege," this question of Jew-
ish disabilities will claim, and must receive, the
earliest attention of the House of Commons, should
Mr. Rkernsciamn take his seat at the opening of
Parliament. He may do what Alderman SALOMON 9
did—take the oath up to the words which a Jew
cannot repeat. Oa this inchoate attempt at the ad-
j uration (as binding on his conscience as the full oath
I would be to a Christian) Mr. RoTuscuiLD may take
his seat in the Commons, and vote at the election of
Speaker; fur there will be no House to take cogni-
z ince of anything whatever until it have a Speaker.
Nay, if there were a contest (such as there was in
1835) the one vote of Mr. ROTHSCHILD might decide
the election, and the difficult point would arise whe-
ther the vote, thus making a Speaker, should or should
not hold good.
Whether there be or not a discussion on Jewish
claims, it is doubtful whether we shall have anything
like an exposition of Ministerial principles during the
present year. There would scarcely be time to enter
into a matter of such importance before Christmas.
The Addresses to the Throne, in reply to the Speech,
and concerning the public funeral of The Duke, will
occupy the time of Parliament until December, and
the solemn pageant which will follow will necessarily
suspend public business for a time. The new
year, therefore, will solemnly inaugurate
' the actual assumption of power by the DERBY Mi-
nistry—for as yet they are but an ad interim Govern-
ment. They have a mighty duty to perform, a
1 tremendous responsibility to sustain. Hitherto, they
' have (almost necessarily) done :little more than tread
in the steps of the Ministry whose political felo de
se suddenly called them into power. Henceforth,
they must appear before the world as prepared
and able to initiate and perfect public measures
which will tend to the advancement of the
great nation whom they govern. If they meet
the exigencies of the time boldly, independently,
and honestly, they need not have any fear for the re-
sult. Do what they may, it will be very difficult for
them to make things worse than their predecessors un-
happily left them. The absence of GREY from the
Colonial Office, WOOD from the Exchequer, and
Hoaaouse from the India Board, is a trifold national
blessing, the value of which cannot be too
gratefully estimated. We lament, for their own
sake, that the present Ministry wanted the
boldness to meet Parliament during the present
autumn, as they undoubtedly led the public to be-
lieve was their intention. The delay has had an in-
evitable tendency to cause a sort of distrust in the
public mind—to have it thought that fear or some
sinister motive caused this putting off the day of full,
open, and detailed exposition and explanation of their
intended course. We must now await the re-as-
sembling of Parliament, in the new year, and can
only hope that the Ministerial statements and propo-
sitions will be so clear, decided, and practical, as to
sound the death-knell of Protection.

The Tories, like the Whigs, have just had their
banquet and speeches—Banbury the stage, and
County Members the chief performers ; but what gave
interest to the affair was that the President of the
Board of Trade, the Right Hon. G. W. HENLEY
(whose speech, being the only one of the least interest,
appeared in The Sun of Saturday), was the chief
orator. The healths of Lord DERBY and Mr.
DISRAELI were drunk with an enthusiasm by the
magistrates, squires, clergy, and farmers of the county,
which must be an ample compensation for the neglect
of the burghers of Perth. Indeed, while demanding
the ballot as more needed by farmers than perhaps by
any other class of electors, we have no doubt that the
most secret voting would have given to the present
Parliamert a large preponderance of tried Protection•
ists from the counties. The agricultural mind can-
not yet give up a lingering hope of some special
favours from the Legislature, and vague expectations
are entertained that the men who fought hardest to
retain protection, and who now theoretically defend
it, must be the men most willing, if not more able
than others, to devise something for the farmer's good.
If, in addition, they believe that where there's a will
there's a way, assuredly in this case they will be
utterly undeceived in a few months at best. Indeed
Mr. HENLEY,to do him justice, plainly told them that
he neither had formerly taught them, nor could he now
tell them, that" these questions would ever be settled in
this country in any other way than as they affect the
great mass and majority of the people." "It was
an unfortunate thing—he always knew it to be so—
still he would not deceive them." Mr. HENLEY,
however, gave his audience credit for a generosity and
patriotism which their vehement cheers to such state-
ments as the following show were quite deserved :--
"It would be presumptuous in me to pretend to
point out how much this or that cause may bare
tended to produce this cr that amount of prosperity
in various parts of the country ; nor shall I attempt to
say what that prosperity is. I have lived too long in
this county to suppose that you feel anything but the
greatest pleasure at the prosperity of any portion of
her MAJESTY'S subjects. We feel it not only as
a gratification to ourselves, but, further from this in-
terested motive, that if a large portion of the country
is doing well it must refl?ct some benefit upon us;
and, above all, that they are our fellow-countrymen,
and that their being the better off does not make us
one jot the worse.—(Loud cheers.)"
Now, this is thoroughly English, thoroughly as it
ought to be. These sentences, and the cheers with
which they were received, do credit to the hearts of
both speaker and audience alike. Cultivate such
sentiments in all classes, and the bitterness of the
party strife will vanish of itself. We cordially tender
our thanks to Mr. HENLEY for views which we
have not heard expressed by any of his brother Pro-
tectioaists—at least not in the same peace-breathing
and hearty style ; and if his words be but extensively
circulated, attention invited to them, and as cordial
a reception given them as by the farmers at the
banquet, the Banbury meeting was well worth holding
for the sake of uttering them, As a party advocate,
however, Mr. HENLEY was not even so successful as
the Whigs. Like them, his "future was blank ;" and
taking up the past to disprove that he and his friends
were a Cabinet of "no principles," he was guilty Of
most unaccountable lapse of memory; apparently
quite oblivious of the sad fact that Lord STANLEY had
an active hand in carrying the Reform Bill, and that
he was so destitute of principle as to be a zealous
whipper-In when his leader hunted down the House of
Lords with the pack of fifty new Peers ; forgetful too
of his actually taking the lead in decimating the Irish
prelacy, Mr. HENLEY charged upon the other party
the enormities of having inundated the House of Peers
rather than imperil the Bill, and having given the
Bishops notice to " set their house in order 1" We
imagine the Earl of DERBY will not only freely own
Lord STANLEY'S share in these things, but even glory
in it, however unprincipled Mr. HENLEY may deem
them.

I In his next illustration of Conservative consistency,
be was certainly more happy. On the question of the
appropriation of the superfluous Irish ecclesiastical
funds to secular purposes, Lord DERBY deserted his
Liberal colleagues, and not only that, but, after the
latter had declared their intention to stand or fall by
their famous clause, he compelled them to renounce
the clause, though they would not renounce office. Ha
gained thereby really a double victory for his party ; for
no act of the Whig Cabinet sunk them lower in the
eyes of the public, however diverse its opinions on the
appropriation clause itself, than their clinging to
office to give effect to their adversaries' policy. Mr.
HENLEY will find, however, that many of the fore-
most men of his party were recently favourable to
endowing the Irish Catholic clergy, either out of
Irish Churchproperty or the national Exchequer—a
course which would assuredly not be tolerated by the
country at the present time. On the education ques-
tion, too, Mr. HENLEY was hardly fair. The Whigs
have done the best the country would let them do!

towards giving a secular and religious education
united. They would have preferred, no doubt, a
system similar to the one they and Lord STANLEY
succeeded in establishing in Ireland, but the clergy
here would hear of nothing less than national educa-
tion in those formularies and creeds of their Church
which, perhaps, half England rejects. Lord DERBY,
moreover, has not ventured to innovate seriously on
the Whig Minutes of Council. It was, perhaps, on
the conduct of the Whigs last spring, before they had
well recovered their senses from the fall
which they had given themselves, that Mr. HENLEY
was most successful in his banter. They had declared
a Militia Bill necessary, the House did not like the
one they proposed ; they threw it up in a huff,
and then did what they could to obstruct a more ac-
cep►able Bill. They objected to untried men being
put into office, but the Family clique had managed to
keep so many out of office but themselves, that they
were almost the only persons who had been in office ;
hence there must be an eternal Government of Whigs,
or no Government at all !

On one point we wish we could acquit Mr. HENLEY
of apparent disengenuousness ; we hope it was only
apparent, but if so it is at the expense of his under-
standing. If the President of the Board of Trade
has been attentive to the records and duties of his
office, he of all men ought to be able to recognise the
cause of the prosperity he acknowledges. It is too
bad at this time of day to hear a gentleman in such
an office demand time to ascertain that
cause. His leader in the House of Commons
was far above that. He recounted in jubi-
lant style the triumphs of Free-trade; he minutely
showed Mr. HENLEY, and all of his Conservative
friends whom it might concern, that a vastly improved
revenue, and vastly reduced duties had gone
together ; and proved that commercial prosperity had
kept pace with every onward step of Free-trade prin-
ciples. The PREMIER expressed himself with pride
of the combination of genius with business talents
displayed in his Chancellor's speech ; and it is there.
fore folly of the most useless kind for the subordi-
nates in office to wriggle themselves out of the posi-
tion in which broad facts have placed their former
arguments. A speaker, who intended to conclude his
oration with the admirable views on which we com
mented at the beginning of this article, had no need
to curry favour with the county gentry great and
small, by pretending that he had never even beard
any reasons assigned for abandoning protection, or
for atttempting to throw doubt on the cause of in-
creased national prosperity during the last seven
years.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The Government has received the following tele-
graphic dispatches :
" Toulouse, Oct. 4, four in the evening.
" The entry of the President exceeded in enthusiasm
what can be imagined. The aspect of the city only ex-
hibits colours and gardens. Upwards of 200,000 persons
were assembled. The weather is delightful."

" Oct. 5, six the morning.
"At the Te _Deum his Highness was saluted with en-
thusiastic cries of Vive l'Empereur !' In passing be-
fore him the municipal body cried energetically Vive
l'Emperear! Vive Napoleon III!' The Enthusiasm was
wonderful. More than I,ouo ladies were present in the
saloons of the Prefecture. Men and women cried Vivo
I'Empereur!' Last night the, town was brilliantly illu-
minated?'

" Eight in the morning.
" The streets are encumbered with people. Every in-
stant brings fresh streams of the population. The visages
of all are radiant."

" Oct. 5, two in the afternoon.
" The Prince has passed through the town to go to
the review at Polygone. The ovation has exceeded all
that could have been anticipated; the whole population
uttered one cry alone of Vive l'Empereurl'"
The funeral service of Queen HORTENSE took
place on Tuesday at the church of Reuil. By eleven
o'clock the church was crowded with distinguished
persons from Paris, and the inhabitants of the neigh-
bourhood. Amongst the persons present were the
Ministers of State, the Interior, and the Finances ;
Baroche, Vice-President of the Council of State ;
Generals Magnan, Canrobert, Armanby, and Lce-
westine ; M. Ferdinand Barrot, Abbatucci, chief of
the cabinet of the Minister of Justice; Baron Dutnou-
lio, formerly officer of the Emperor Countess Sal-
vege, who was first lady of honour to Queen Holt-
TENSE, the Mayor of Reuil, &c. After the mass the
whole of the congregation sprinkled holy water on
the tomb of the QUEEN, which is placed opposite that
of the EMPRESS, her mother. The monument of
Queen HORTENSE is surmounted with her statue in
white marble, and bears the following inscription :
"To Queen Hortense, born on 10th April, 1783,
died on sth October, 1837. Her son, Napoleon Bo-
nap srte."
On the PRESIDENT'S passage at Eclose, a village on
the road from Bourgouin to Grenoble, a little girl of
five years of age presented to him a crown of flowers,
saying very prettily :—" Accept, Monseigneur, this
crown ; it is without thorn." Louis NAPOLEON, half
serious, half smiling, raised the child into the caleche,
and placing her on his knees, said ; "Do you suppose,
my child, that your crown is without thorns ?" " Yes,
PRINCE," said the child, "there is not a single thorn
in it." " Poor thing," rejoined the PRINCE, " You
will find out some day that every crown has its thorns,
even a crown of roses. ' He then kissed her cheek, and
gave her a gold pin and a bracelet.
Among the decorations in honour of the PRESIDENT,
at Aix, was a bust of Louis NAPOLEON decorated
with cigars and tobacco leaves, in gratitude for the
decree authorising the cultivation of that plant. The
PRINCE, on passing it, was struck with the originality
of the idea and the mode adopted to thank him for
what he bad done.

The Revue Britannique states that an application
has been made by the French Government to the
English Cabinet for the original will of the Emperor
NAPOLEON, which has hitherto remained in the pos-
session of England.
The A3semblie Nationale discusses at great length
the question of bonding warehouses in Paris, and
generally expresses approbation of the institution, but
at the same time points out the necessity of great
probity on the part of the French merchants, in order
that foreigners may have entire confidence as to the
quality of the merchandise that may be bonded.
`• In this succession of facts which develop themselves
with admirable method and reason in this gradation of
the feelings of the people, there is something providential
which strikes the imagination, and if the future is pro-
phPcied by the past, we may foresee within a short pe-
rik.d the resurrection of the Empire with the charges of
war the less, and the progress of industry the more; but
at least it may be said that Prince Louis Napoleon will
have ascended the throne by the steps of public opinion."
The Legititnatist organ, the Union, in noticing the
manifestations in the south, expresses its conviction
that the Republic has received its death blow, and that
France has recovered her instincts. The Union thinks
it would have been much better if the French bad,
instead of losing fifty or sixty years in running after a
Republic, devoted them to the acquirement of practical
liberty.
The Moniteur publishes four decrees, dated
" Toulon, Sept. 28," containing 61 promotions and
nominations in the Legion of Honour, and conferring
114 military medals. All these promotions and no-
minations relate almost solely to naval men, be-
longing
to the vessels collected at Toulon on the oc-
casion of the PREMIDENT'S visit.

The Gazette du Bas Languedoc states that when
the Mayor of Nismes explained to the PRINCE PRE-
SIDENT the absolute necessity which existed for a
much larger supply of water to the inhabitants, the
PRINCE asked him what was to be the sum required
from the State to aid the town to accomplish that great
undertaking. The Mayor having replied that one
million would suffice, were it even divided into ten
annual grants of 100,000 f. each, the PRINCE said—" I
authorise you, Monsieur le Maire, to announce to the
population that I shall be happy to accord the sum
which you have named, as soon as the municipal
council shall have decided on a definitive plan."
The Bourse continued firm,with trifling variations. The
Fonr-and•a-Half per Cents. opened at 105 f. 40c., and
closed at 105 f. 35c., for the end of the month; the Three
per Cents. closed at 78f. 55c.; Orleans Railway Shares,
1,4501.; Rouen, 900 f. ; Havre, 400 f.; Great Northern,
737 f, 50c.; Avignon, 540 f.; Basle, 328 f. 75c.; Paris and
Strasburg, 765 f.; Paris an Lyons, 865 f.; Lyons and
WAYS AT THE
BAtivSiginvoEns,
5651)0.; ofNEWleNsteyrnoßof FElGraNncite,A6lrrif.
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Oct 6.1
Dijon and Besancon, 3%—Dutch; Rhenish, 7%—Laxem.
bourg, 75A—Namur and Liege (with interest), 81,i—North-
em of France, 291,i—Paris and Lyons, 24,4—Paris and
Straslpleuousre 0
g:l3o:2=lPvaersitse,rCn of F
Caen,
France, l3.Cherbourg, 6 —Sambre
and