The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-10 00:00:00

The, Danish Despatches.

The following is the conclusion of the second
series of despttcl aes recently laid before the Danish
Rigsraad
EXTRACT FROX A DESPATCH OF THE DANISH MINISTER
AT STOCKHOLM TO X, HALL, PRESIDENT OF THE COUN-
CIL AT COPENN LAGEN.

" Dec. 4, 1863.

"M. le Mini stre,—ln reply to the communica-
tions I have been charged to make to the Stock-
holm Cabinet, conformably to your excellency's
orders in des patches Nos. 27 and 28, Count Man-
derstrom hag. addressed a despatch dated the day
before yestei day, to Count Hamilton, which the
latter will have already brought to your excellency's
knowledge be fore the arrival of this report. You
will, therefore, be aware that the Stockholm Cabi-
net does not consider the present time opportune
for proceeding to signature of the treaty negotiated
in the course of the summer.
"The explanations which Count Manderstrom
gives of the point of view of his court are in complete
the indications I have been in a position to forward
to your excellency. I could, therefore, confine my-
self to referring thereto, but I request permission to
profit by the opportunity of the departure of Major-
General von Blucher, who has kindly offered to take
charge of this report, to have the honour of adding
a few words which I particularly request your ex-
e:liency to regard as entirely confidential.
" Since I have been aware of the project of a
treaty of alliance with us, I have suspected that
Connt Nla.nderstrom took part in it mainly to cover
the responsibility of the king, who had gone too
far in his conversations with his late Majesty King
Frederick VII. For I know that, notwithstanding
their sympathy with our cause, the great majority
of the Swedish nation was not thoroughly pene-
trated with the conviction that the well•nnderstood
interests of the country might counsel active co.
operation in a conflict which did not in the main
touch it very nearly. Thus it was impossible to con-
ceal from myself that the idea of a treaty of alliance
•enth us, even under such circumstances as obtained
(hiring the past summer, was unpopular enough.
The Scandinavian party alone, which is not unmet.•
ous, entertained this idea. Others, who considered'
it a means of augmenting the military farces of the
counL`ry, did not oppose it. With few exceptions,
however, the majority is content to have discovered
a pretext, plausible enough in its eyes, to abstain

from the signature of the treaty. 1 will not be
understood to say that the face of affairs is so far
changed that we could no longer count upon the
sympathies, and, up to a certain point, also upon the
assistance of this country, Upon the contrary, our
course is considered just. They are indignant at the

perfidy of Germany and of the Government, bat they

- :
are rejoiced that an expedient has been found which
permits Sweden to withdraw with honour from the
elogagements she was on the point of contracting with
tta. Count Manderstrom has frequently told me,
and he has repeated in his despatch of the day be-
fore' yesterday, that the position of affairs was no
longer the same now as in the summer. While at
that time the matter was a special case of aggres-
sion against Denmark upon the part of :.Germany,
under pretexts sought in Federal relations, the
question has now assumed larger demensions—it
has become European. Sweden is interested in it
in the same degree as the other signitary Powers of
the Treaty of London ; and further, she has duties
to fulfil not only towards her neighbours but also
towards herself. Ttie conjuncture of political
affairs is of the most critical character. If we are

unwilling to believe in an alliance between Prusia,
,Anstria, and Russia, it is not judicious to lose sight
o f the possibility of an alliance between Russia and
France. If I were r.ot apprehensive of repeating
what has been said I would point out that Count
INlcuderstrom is most desirous of avoiding the isola-
tion of Sweden from the action of the other Powers,
seeing especially the fatal influence such an isola-
tion would exercise upon the course of events when
the time shall have arrived for having recourse to
mediation in our dispute. 1 venture to add that I

believe Count Manderstrom sincere in the wishes he
expresses for a fortunate issue to the struggle in
which we are engaged. His despatches, his official
language, and his private conversation affords proofs
of that sincerity, and I believe that he worthily re-
presents his country alw from that point of view..
(Signed) " W. SCHEEL-PLESSEN."

EXTRACT FROM A DESPATCH OF THE DANISH MI-
NISTER. AT STOCKHOLM.

" Dec. 10, 1863.

Actuatel by the alarming news brought
the day before yesterday by the telegraph
according to which a Federal execution in the
Duchy of Holstein appeared imminent, I have
thought it my duty to represent once more to Count
Manderstrom the opportun'sness, nay the necessity,
of coming to our aid. The count listened to me
with marked attention, assured me of the lively
interest he took in the present state of affairs, but
repeated the same reasons as he brought forward
when upon a previous occasion I endeavoured to
decide the Stockholm Cabinet to active co-opera-
tion. While thanking the count for the diplomatic
steps he had taken in our favour, I asked him if he
did not think the time had arrived to go still fur-
ther. Unfortunately he was not of my opinion. In
the long conversation we had upon the subject, and
which clearly showed the sympathies he felt, the
count among other things said Without the
means of proving 'the fact, I believe that Austria
and Prussia have promised England and France not
to exceed the limits of a Federal execution, un-
founded as this extreme measure be. I believe also
that the withdrawal of the patent of the 30th
March will stop the march of the Germa❑ troops,
but I fear lest another pretext might be discovered
by Putting forward the Federal decree of the Ist
October, which has now no longer any reason to
exist.

The
rerl(S. igned) "W. SCHEEL-PLESSEN."
to the minder of this series of documents relates
negotiation between Denmark and Russia. ;
In reference +
~o therethe report of the Political
gfihseßrana6dsisaawyseescarcely
:
"Our relations witt
by the rejection of changed
of Franc last
English
the position proposal, and
acceded to the Englishe. proposal of the line of the
While Baron Brunnow
Schlei, and himself brought
a project of
frontier line, he opposed
forward .
partition with an Undefined
the proposition made by France on the 22d June.
indications are found showingthat he was inclined
ttofie thate pursued at the
to take up a different course
Conference. Thus he said in the
the proposition
of June
9 that, far from rejectinghave
been
ProPoaltion for
a personal union, he would
support it, having instructions in that sense
to
his Government. This statement coincides
from
is shown from another quarter to have beenes with
view of the Russian Government at the Conference,
It will be interesting to see how this view repeat-
edlyle appears.
"A despatch from the Danish Minister at St.
Petersburg, dated April 2L, says that a Russian
statesman, whose opinion deserves attention, as,
sumes that the Danish Government is not inclined
to make the required concessions, which would run
counter to the prevalent opinion in Denmark.
France doeobot wish for war, but as is universally
believed in St. Petersburg, fora condition of affairs
which would ultimately facilitate the execution of
her plans, and especially render possible the appli-
cation of universal suffrage, by which means she
would be able to obtain territory in Germany, if
even of quite an unimportant bartioter. It is even
asserted that the Swedish armaments result trow
French infletuce, that Sweden way &rive Borne
advantage from possible events.
"Upon the 10th May the same ambassador writes'':
—' The Vice-Chancellor (Pcince
ofGotrte ischla k o ff) has
h
used the expression, " the unionhehies" to
Imo tor tte firat titneohearvinze that Germany
w°9l6
not renounce thi cottlitien, but than
advantmgcoul eireumstancs mir-i"t remit or
nleistss
ezecution, and that Russia will ''
.her aesiste
ance in this regard. T
'.t must be for us
continued
the Paince, ' by not being too stet:. you,'
born, to the con-
ference, to reader the task of the friends of Den-
mark easier.'

upon the 27th the ambassador writes :—"l'he
vice-Chancellor told me that from his information
be mint fssevae the diamt:eibt.n.elit of the monarchy

would be preferred by Denmark to personal union,
which would render the maintenance of the in-
tegrity possible. With regard to the London
treaty, Prince Gortschakoff declared that he, for
his part, could not accept any reproach ; that he
had warned us of the dangers our policy was pre-
paring for us, and that he had neither notified
before the war, nor at the present time, that we
attached great value to the integrity of the mo-
narchy. . . It is my impression that if the
King's Government endeavoured to obtain the per-
sonal union unreservedly and complete, Russia
would support this combination without going to
war. Russia would consider this the only means,
under existing circumstances, of maintaining the
integrity of the monarchy. . . Your excellency
will be already aware that the idea has at last oc-
curred to the Cabinet of Vienna to propose to Den-
mark to enter into an alliance with Germany. liy
this means the integrity of the monarchy would be
preserved. To judge by the prevalent opinion
among us (the Danes) this idea would unquestion-
ably be rejected; but provided we could lay aside
a feeling which, perhaps, may not outlive the pre-
sent generation, it must be admitted that the
plan might faring forth good fruits without neces-
sarily injuring the Danish nationality. It would
not cut as off from future development ; it would
give us a prominent place on account of our naval
strength ; it would permit us to keep on the most
friendly footing with our Scandinavian neighbours ;
it would possibly place Sweden in the same relation
to Germany as previous to 1848. Of all the great
Powers it would only be distasteful to France, but
the part played by that Power at the present crisis
does not seem such as to require one to take into
consideration what she may think convenient. The
ambaesador goes on to state that in case the
monarchy should be dissolved, the Russian Empe-
ror would probably declare for the Grand Duke of
Oldenburg, and that his claims would also be advo-
cated by Prussia.
" Upon the Ist June the ambassador reports :
' Now that England has abandoned the Treaty of
London—a course at which France is not displeased
—Russia cannot stand alone in its maintenance.
The Russian Emperor has, under these circum-
stances, determined to make over his rights to the
Grand Duke of Oldenburg, who, according to the
opinion of the Imperial Cabinet, would be a less mi•
pleasant neighbour than the Duke of Augustenburg,
the latter being to a certain extent a rebellious sub-
ject, and having taken up an unquestionably hostile
position towards Denmark. . . The sudden and un-
foreseen attitude of England with regard to the
London Treaty, it is assumed here, results from the
English statesmen having found no inclination
among us to consent to personal union with the two
Duchies, by which, in their opinion, as in that of
the Russian Government, considering the situation
brought about by the war, the integrity of the
monarchy could only be preserved. It is considered
here that the integrity of the monarchy hae been
sacrificed to considerations of internal policy.
Considerations of foreign policy would not
have brought it about with absolute certainty.'
The ambassador then refers to the line of separation,
and continues :—' Provided the settlement of the
frontier produces difficulties, the opportunity would
not then present itself for returning to a basis, which
unreservedly accepted, might still maintain the
monarchy in its integrity.'

" A despatch of the 9;h June says:—
'Prince Gortschakoff assumes that the Holstein
Estates will be convoked as to the future of the
severed portions of the country, and that there are
influential men in Holstein who have not declared
in favour of the Prince of Aug,ustenberg. With
these he considers negotiations might be carried on,
so that the autonomy of the separated portions might
be secured while the integrity of the monarchy was
preserved, as an expression of opinion of these men
might be made use of by the Cabinets.'"