The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-01 00:00:00

The French Press on the Conference.

The Ministerial statements in Parliament have
not given rise to any difference of opinion in Paris.
All agree in pronouncing them the most humiliat-
ing confession of impotence that could be expected,
even on the part of a Ministry whose abject pusil-
lanimity had already reduced the prestige of Eng-
land to zero. The Constztutionnel has a very able
letter from M. Paulin Lirnayrac, in which the
writer points oat with unanswerable logic that the
English Government knew perfectly well when the
Conference met that France would not go to war,
and therefore that it is but a poor-spirited, mean,
and sneaking excuse to allege the inaction of France
as au excuse for their own. The Constitutionnel
says :—" The British Cabinet pronounces unequi-
vocally in favour of peace. It dces not intend to
go to war to protect the continental possessions ot
Denmark, and thus leaves the German Powers to
act within those limits. It is only in the event of
war being transferred to the Danish Islands, of
Copenhagen beirg attacked, or King Christian
being muds pr.soner, that England would depart
from ber reserve, and reconsider the matter.
These declarations m2de are precise, but
are they prudent also ? Do they not give
too wide a field to one of the two bel-
ligerent parties, which now knows how far it
can go without provoking the intervention of Eng-
land, and is it not even told in positive terms that
it may not go farther ? Moteover, are these d-cla
rations in accord with those previously male ? and
does not the motive for this new attitude, as ex-
plained by Lord Palmerston, when he said that
England was not disposed to bear the whole bur-
den of the enterprise unaided,' appear more like a
Pretext than a reason ? Has not the Cabinet of St.
James's long known the feeling of the French
Government, always sympathising with the wi
but recognising the legitimacy of national aspira-
tions, and having no interest of honour or any ot
those material interests which connect England
with tno Dano-German conflict ? The attitude and
language of France have been such from the very
origin of the conflict that no mistake on the sub-
ject has ever been possible. All Europe admits this,
and the
.English Ministers candidly a=cknowledged
the fact when, in suggesting arbitration as a means
of ending the dispute, they pro,Josed t'ae Emperor
Napoleon as arbitrator. Every one knows that we
nave rendered full justice to the last efforts of Earl
Russell and Lord Palmerston, but it is imposeiba,
for Us ❑ot to remark the distance existing between
the resolutions which those statesmen have just
taken, and the policy which, by the press, by public
speeches, and by despatches, excited passions which
it was not to satisfy and indulged iu menaces which
were to remain without effect."

The Pays is instructed to hold forth in the same
sense, and, in addition, points out that England, or
rather the English Government, has taken up a most
peculiar position, aggressive towards both bellige-
rents, scolding and threatening both by turns,
trying to protect Denmark by bullying Germany,
and endeavouring to restrain Germany by bullying
Denmark. The Pays also points out (not without.
some satisfaction) that England "appears to have
laboured to unite passions, to smother resentment,
and to strengthen conflicting pretensions. She is
reaping what she has sown. At Copenhagen spite
and distrust. At Berlin and Vienna hatred and
contempt. It is now her shame to see that her
promises henceforth will not be regarded more
seriously than her threats." At Paris, the Pays
might have added, the feeling is contempt, largely
mingled with exultation at the hurnidation of a
rival.

The Opinion Nationale is more vigorous and
earnest :—" It the humiliation of England were
calculated to cause us joy we should 11,..ve but little
to desire. It ❑ow stands recorded that the protec-
ion of England means nothing—that her alliance
' is powerless—that her name At the foot of a treaty is
no guarantee—and that the map of Europe may
be constructed without consulting her views
any more than those of the dueny of Baden the
kingdom of Wurtemberg. Those who have E 0
long been wearied with the interminable enumera-
ration of the merits end superiority of England
could easily turn the tables now, and point out the
sad spectacle of that decline—the destinies of Eng
land left to the decision of the wits, an aristocracy
in its dotage, an unwieldy middle class bursting
with fat and egotism (This is text uel—e. g , crevant
de graiese de richessre, etd egoisnze); a people so
absorbed by money-making as not to have time to
see that England is struck from the roll of the
great powers—all this might afford ample scope to
the jealous malignity of the rivals of England.
But, unfortunately, we remember that the humi-
liation now endured by England, we suffered
ourselves last year. What is now taking place
is but tit for tat. L►st year, by refusing her
co-operation, England forced U 9 to iliac
lion; now, France by bbsteining condemns
England to deep degradation. Last year wo wert-
corupelted to undergo the polished im, ertinence o/
Prince Gortschekeff; we DOW oblige her to bow
beneath the coarse insolence of Count Bismirk. is
not this a policy worthy of two great countries P
Does it not give them claims to the gratitude of
humanity and civilization ?"

The Patric is still more bitter. In an article
headed, " Sauvons la eaisse ! " i.e.," Save the cash-
box," it charges England with b, jug actuated by
purely sordid motives, and predicts for her the fats
of Venice and Holland, and also other countries
which place their material welfare far above con
siderations dictated by honour and duty.
The Debats expresses itself in these terms
" The whole meaning and bearing of the reserve
made by England amounts to this—For thc-
Cabinet to believe the moment come not to inter-
vene in favour of Denmark, but to deliberate on tht
question as to whether it shall do so or not, Denmark
must be attacked either in her islands, in the heart,
of her States, in her capital, or King Christian
must be a prisoner io. the hands of the Germans !
That is the final decision—the great secret, the
manifesto of Lord Palsae:ston ! The Daily News
appears not less edified ; alone the Post and the
Herald utter an indignant protest."

It is remarked that the second series of guess
invited to Fontainebleau contains not an single Englist,
name.

THE " TIMES" AND THE VOTE OF CENSURE.—
A critio ought to have a long memory. he Times yes
terday was very sarcastic upon the terms of Mr Disraeli,
motion, and falls especially foul of the expression tha.
" the just influence of England has been lowered." Tbt
limes asserts that there is no such thing as lowering or
lessening a " just influence," since if not exerted it cease,
to exist. Mr Disraeli has doubtless laughed to himsel
that the leading journal can extract nothing worse out 0
his motion then a bit of verbal refining. Ha will tang,
the more heartily if he turns to the 22:2r.,e.2 of June 21, tti,
first leader of which asserts that " if ibis wunlry
allover
the war to begin again the just infidi lace of England
be wiciasiy impaird,"—Liperlo:4 Dai'Y (*Curter.