The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-01 00:00:00

secured. He was appointed a first• class pilot, and has
served us with zeal and fidelity, and has lost his
vessel, which went to pieces on Ship Island. I
commend him to the department. It gives me
pleasure to refer to several officers who volunteered
to take any situation where they might be useful,
some of whom were on their way North, either by
orders of the department or copdemned by medical
survey. The reports of the different commanders
will show how they conducted themselves. I have
already mentioned LieutenantaCommander Perkins,
of the Chickasaw, and Lieutenant Yates, of the
Augusta. Acting Volunteer Lieutenant William
Hamilton, late commanding officer of the Augusta
Dinsmore, had been invalided by the medical sur-
vey, but he eagerly offered his services on board the
ironclad Chickasaw, having had much experience
in our Monitors. Acting Volunteer Lieutenant P.
Giraud, another experienced offir:er in ironclads,
asked to go in one of these vessels, but as they were
all well supplied with officers I permitted him to go
on the Ossipee, under Commander Le Roy. After
the action he was given temporary charge of the
Tennessee. Before closing this report there is one
other officer of my squadron of whom I feel bound
to speak—Capt. T. A. Jenkins, of the Richmond,
who was formerly my chief of staff—not because of
his having held that position, but because he never
forgets to do his duty to the Government, and
takes now the same interest in the fleet as when he
stood in that relation to me. He is the command•
ing officer of the second division of my squadron,
and as such has shown ability and the most untiring
zeal. He carries out the spirit of one of Lord Col-
lingwood's best sayings—' not to be afraid of doing
too much ; those who are, seldom do as much as
they ought.' When in Pensacola he spent days on
the bar placing the buoys in the best positions; was
always looking after the interest of the service, and
keeping the vessels from being detained one moment
longer in port than was necessary. The gallant
Craven told me only the night before the action in
which he lost his life, 'I regret, Admiral, that I
.have detained you, but had it not been for Captain
Jenkins, God knows when I should have been here.
When your order came I had not received an ounce
of coal !' I feel that I should not he doing my duty
did I not call the attention of the department to
an officer who has performed all his various duties
with so_much zeal and fidelity.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"D. G. FARRAGUT, Rear-Admiral, Com-
manding West Gulf Squadron."

The South and Peace.

(From the index.)

The split in the Democratic party is not a subject for sur-
prise or regret. The Chicago Convention was a hollow truce-
Forbearance and compromise are indeed essential to the
existence and usefulness of a party, but to compromise on
the most important issue before the country is simply
absurd. New, this was done at Chicago. The Peace
Democrats and the Wsr Democrats, after long negotiation,
entered into a compact to join forces against the Republi-
cans. It is fair to say, however, that the peace men never
consented to any sacrifice of principle. The arguments
by which they were won over were very plausible, and the
terms offered were perfectly fair, and such that, as patriots,
they were bound to accept them. The War Democrats de-
clared that they were determined to have peace; that they
would strive to restore the union by diplomacy; but if that
failed, then they were prepared to recognise the indepen-
dence of the South. These terms, we say, were proffered
by the War Democrats to the Peace Democrats, and they
were fully endorsed and pertinaciously urged by those who
are known to enjoy the confidence of General M.Clellan.
So at Chicago the War Democrats voted for a pacific plat-
form, and the Peace Democrats voted for the favourite can-
didate of the War Democrats. The election being so near
it was expected that the alliance would last until the new
President was chosen; but General M'Clellan has been
driven by the moves of the Linc)lnites to forthwith discover
his game, and consequently, the friends of peace will not
have to endure the mortification of securing the return of a
war President. Much to General M'Clellan's disgust, he
found that Mr Lincoln was bidding heavily for the peac e
and non abolition votes, Mr Seward made a pro-slavery
speech, and Mr Lincoln buzzed about that he was solici-
tous to put an end to hostilities. Alarmed at these com-
mon place manoeuvres, and fancying that the fall of
Atlanta would evoke some martial ardour, General
M•Clellan promptly and rashly adopted the strategy of
his opponent. Mr Lincoln was going in for peace, there-
fore General 11‘Clellan came out boldly for war. Grie-
viously has the general blundered. Fie will not get any
Neputatean votes. He has certainly lost the support of an
influential section of the Democrats,

We need hardly observe that, as far as the South is con-
cerned, it matters not whether a War Christian or a War

,ernocrat is the next President of the United States. And
we may add that it matters not to the North. If Rome is
to be burnt, it is as well that the conflagration shculd be
directed by a fi Idling Nero as by a graver tyrant. If Ame-
rica is doomed to another four years of bloodshed and de-
vastation, it matters not whether the master of the White
House is a second-rate jester or a second-rate soldier. Gen.
M'Clellan says that he will abide by the constitution, Mr
Lincoln made the like promise before the war began. The
truth is, to carry on the war against the South necessitates
the violation of the constitution. It is in vain to try to
compass the evil end by righteous means. Whilst the
North is seeking to trample on the liberty and rights of the
South, she must needs forego her own rights and liberty.
This Gen. M'Clellan knows by experience. During the
whole of Mr Lincoln's Administration there has not been a
more flagrantly illegal act than the arrest and imprison-
ment of the Maryland Legislation. Who suggested and
effected this iniquitous business ? Why, it was Gen. M'Clel-
lan who planned and carried out the most arbitrary pro-
ceeding of the present Federal Government. But General
M'Clellan is not without an excuse. He pleads military
necessity and incorrect information. But this is Mr Lin-
coln's—it is the universal—plea and excuse for tyranny.
Whether a War Christian or a War Democrat, whether
Lincoln or M'Clellan is President of the United States, so
long as war is waged against the South, so long will acts of
despotism:be necessary. We are therefore neither glad nor
sorry to hear that Gen. M'Clellan has much less chance of
winning than he had a month ago. We are, however, con-
cerned to hear how far the prospects of puce have been
affected by the Democratic split.
There are now three parties in the United States. We
do not count the Fremont party, for that is virtually ex-
tinct. In many respects there are striking analogies between
Fremont and M'Clellan. Both want power. Both favour
the prosecution of the war. Both assert that they can carry
re
now capacity
on the war without violating the conetitut!on, although each
ofo n themti in
n his
grossly violated the
tuti
informedhas that Fremont is about
to retire from the contest, and we dare say that he will not
constitution. W military
e a
go unrewarded for the sacrifice.
The Republican party has—or rather let us say the Lin-
colnite party—has thrown off all disguise as to the object it
has in view. Does any one suppose that the Lincolnites
wage the ferocious war out of love for the Union? Let such
a one mark what has lately occurred. From the pulpits,
platforms, and presses of New England it has been declared
repeatedly and passionately that if a Republican was not
elected President, then the struggle for the Union was ever.
At one moment, after Mr Lincoln's letter " to whom it may
concern," it was suggested that a candidate more popular
should be put forward. Now let us ask why the restora-
tion of the Union would be in greater jeopardy if a War
Democrat should be chosen for President. M'Clellan is as
much for the Union as Lincoln is. Yet the Republican

leaders were sincere and candid in declaring that they should
treat the election of a Democrat as the signal for giving up
the contest. If a Democrat had to bestow the patronage of

the Government, the war, instead of being a profit, would
become a burden to Republican citizens. Hence, if some
unforeseen accident should give M'Clellan a majority, and
the master of legions should respect the decision of the bal-
lot-box, the Republicans would at once advocate peace. Or
is it suggested that the Lincolnites are fighting for emanci-
pation? Why, Mr Lincoln has been most careful to avow
that with him emancipation is merely a war measure, and
this month his chief minister, Mr Seward, has stated that
his party do not intend to interfere with the institution of
slavery after the conclusion of peace. It is not for the re-
storation of the Union—it ie not for emancipation—that the
Lincolnites are working. Their object is the retention of
power. The Republican party is for emancipation or f..)r
the perpetuation of slavery, it is for Union or disunion, it
is for any principle or for any policy that will secure a re-
newed lease of power.

The War Democrat or M'Clellan party is actuated by
precisely the same motive. It deplores the war, and will
carry on the war. It talks of peace, and rejects the only
means by which peace can be obtained. It talks about the
rights of sovereign States, and is prepared to fight against
the sovereign rights of the Southern States It changes
and shifts with every gust of popular passion. Now the
people are weary of the war, and the War Democrats are
for peace. Anon Atlanta falls, Farragut gains a naval vic-
tory at Mobile, the shoddy contractors get up a little show
of martial ardour, and forthwith the War Democrat is for
war. The INlTlellan party, like the Lincoln party, has but
one object, and that is at any cost to get power and patro-
nage. _ .

The third party is the Peace party. Now, we do not say
that this party, like its antagonists, does not covet power.
All political parties aim, and rightly, to obtain office, for that
is the very purpose of party organisation. But the Peace party
has a distinct and definite policy. It stoutly maintains that
whilst it hates the war it loves the Union, but it is prepared
to recognise the separate government of the South if the South
declines to re-enter the Union. The present strength of the
Peace party is unknown. Probably it is in a minority, and
the 4th of November is so near that it may bo that there