The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-25 00:00:00

FRIDAY

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
TIMES.—The neighing of a horse, the flight of
birds, height of stature, strength of arm, or length of
beard have in various ages and countries served to de•
termine the choice and election of rulers over mankind.
But even these expedients of barbarous or superstitious
nations led them in all probability to results less sudden
and unexpected than the modern ballot-box, as it is
used in the United States. For that singular en-
gine of popular election positively brings about
the exclusion of all the most prominent candidates,
and as a necessary consequence, the selection of
some person whose abilities and former services had
hitherto kept him in a condition of relative obscurity.
The principle of hereditary monarchy is perhaps not
m e
n t
turn
ehneote
fhrr the whole
easily to ,be reconciled with abstract considerations of
pure reason applied to the transmission of sovereignty
over a free and intelligent people. Nothing appears
" Let such a nation elect the
o rule over its destinies and
Yet experience shows
that hereditary monarchy has for' some thousands
tmoo
worthiesredsiirme
direct
of its
thaniittits policy."
e itptoi
ozilsncaysy.,,t,
of years, and under very different phases of
civilisation, produced less uncertainty and anomaly
It is based upon tradition,
experience; but it is still more forcibly,
recommended by the startling absurdities and the per-
plexing results of the opposite system, as applied by
andthan
jtuhsetiefileedc elective system.
certain Republican States under our own eyes. Popular
election has just given, for instance, a Louis Napo-
leon to France; and it has suddenly raised a gentle-
whom nothing was known
in Europe till yesterday, and who
was
only
known in
America as a respected member of the Legislature, to
man of Novo Hampshire, of
the exalted position of candidate of the Democratic
Presidency of the United States. The
par
in this
form of election by univer-
sal suffrage necessarily depends on two trials. The
candidate must first be chosen and accepted as the solo
partyhpisartywhich has thus adopted him must
possibility
sueeess.
throughout the country; and,
scoeabcntoadniinddaltythe'etomhfeajority, over its antagonist at the regular
required by the Constitution.
election, conducted under pri-
vatebinding only by the obligations
of party honour, is indispensable to ultimate success,
for if either party were divided in the choice of its
representative, the Viet_
ry
0 would remain with the
other side; and,
aßnudt decisivethe
arrangement,preliminary electron
and
in Point of fact, although the sub-
sequent and formal election decides the contest of
important
par-
ties, the previous convention settles the still more de-
licatequestion of persons. At this
electoral proceedings it might, therefore,
that
, personal merit would have the utmost
are supposed to represent the same political opinions.
sb teag e
weight,o end n
as
s conceivede
all
candidates submitted to this trial
Yet the recent determination of the Democratic Conven-
tion at Baltimore has again proved, as had been pre-
viously shown upon the election of Mr. Polk in 1844,
that it is easier for an untried man to attain the summit
of political power h
-1 such a process than for a man of
the highest standing in the country to overcome the jea-
lousy
of absoluteMonteuieu has said that the prin-
cracies is honour. monarchy is fear, and that of aristo-
the principle of o speak in the same general terms,
raitvaplsassion for equality, which they democraciessome-
timesT is envy. Envy is the true
the proscription of greatness; for, by the operation of
nlouuins)e'
oiofnfa:nits.hlge. "On by the sacrifice of freedom and
elec-
tions, it is easier to insure the defeat of a rival than to
and the mechanism of popular ,
of a friend.. Such is the result which
these Caucus elections in the United States frequently
exhibit. By the form and rule of their proceedings, the
candidate who obtains the votes of two-thirds of
suenciuv
re
er universal
the
suffrageretu,rn
the delegates is to . e
b proclaimed the candidate of
the whole party, and
will suppose that two or more candidates of eminence,
accepted by the rest. We
such es Mr. Buchanan and General Cass, are the fa-
vourites, as the minor competitors drop off after the
first ballot. A
-.3 long as there is a third party on the
to the other hope that his votes will be transferred
them the requisite number of votes. Bat suppose that
may
pbreincipal candidates, so as to give one of
-we names remain one has 60 and the other
40 votes out of 100, 67. being the number required to
make a majority. The contest rages with violence
and pertinacity, but with no result. Whatever is
to happen neither side will pats over to its imme-
diate rival; and the passion for excluding him
In this way 40 or 50 ballots take place. Parties become
mitigates the sense of its own failure.
and mitigates
and fall into the state of men ready
Compromise which will save them from
Political defeat. At that moment a comparatively small
body of voters, who have kept their own counsel
and purposely
thrown away their votes on other
candidatestw:tietaawdryeoipgathnasdn yi
n the earlier ballots, may by good mana g e ~
secret candidate. In the present instance this manceuvre
whole election in favour of their own
has been skilfully perform©d by the electioneering
dexterity of the men of Virginia, and as they
verFyrasnbkorPtietrimceeattbtehet;crrmiticoafl
compromisemoment, h e
waob
bfehcl
unanimity
n eitseo
thusin collect
ao
al factions, and was chosen with a degree
that bodes well for his ultimate success as
the United States. As far as we are
llect information respecting a gentleman
raised to a more prominent position than
he had before occupied, the lot has in this instance
; and if the chances of success are—as
we
ellen w
supposeell them to be—in favour of the Democratic
candidate, we greatly prefer General Pierce to
either General Cass, Mr. Douglas, or Mr. Buchanan,
speaking, of course, principally with reference to the opi-
nions and policy these gentlemen are believed to enter-
tain as to the relations of the Union with this country
and with foreign Powers. General Pierce is said to pos-
sess the first and greatest quality of a statesman—high
character. He has the good fortune not to have been
mixed up with the feverish agitation and the puerile
pledges by which the candidates of the Democratic party
are wont to court popularity. He has not made speeches
for M. Boesntb, or promised the annexation of Cuba.
He has had experience of public affairs in the highest
assembly of that country the Senate of the United
States; and, to descend to minor particulars in his
political creed, he is at once a man of New
England and yet a decided champion of free
trade. Mr. Rufus King, the Democratic candidate
for the V
fihaving filled the office of American Minister in
Paris, where, however, he left no very high impression
of his iiincsel•ipreesstii presidency,
c Y'isbetter known to us from
though he was justly more
e
predecessor, General Cass. The ulti-
ms?teemsuccess h
tan
his
of these gentlemen depends, however, on
the result of the Presidential contest, which can only be
aid fairlyow
to
n beginn and wen both parties have named
their candidate. The cneice of the Whig Convention
i doubtful. The march of
events in each succeeding year convinces us
more and
paid
still
unknown
more that there is no occurrence
beyond
an influence theu limits of the British empire, and
out of our control, which exercises so great and impor-
tant
a welfare, and on the general
progress of the world, as the character and policy of the
American Government. It is not, therefore, without
the deepest interest and solicitude that we watch the
fle on our ow
somewhat capricious operations by
which the composi-
tion of that Government is to be determined for the
next four years. The relations of the British em-
pire and the American -Union have gradually twined
themselves into a connexion, strengthened by common
interests and common freedom, which is alike distinct
from the close and sometimes onerous ties of a mother
and from the frigid or politic
States. Between ourselves and
the United States there is no dependency, and, strictly
speaking, no alliance
country
alliance
ofto two her colonies,
foreign
; but there is identity in the first
interests of industry, of peace,
and of mutual respect.
intercourse. efe more sacred than those of diplo-
matic There is identity in ties
We are told that a favourite
staple of the inferior press
this country. It
good may be so, for whether what
they say of us beof America is abuse of
or bad it
there, it is not one
it seldom falls under our
notice; but if such be
the r
we are disposed to imitate. It becomes us rather to set
the example of expressing
p
our habitual respect for a
country whose greatness we desire to see increase next h
to that of England
herself •' and althouh we may criti-
cize the institutions of the united States as freely as we
do our own, we are not the less conscious that these in-
stitutions Transatlantic growth of our liber-
ties, our laws, and our language, sprung from one root,
and bred by one People.
are but the
DAILY NEWS....Check the second has been felt by
4 December he had things all his
own way—the army
~ managed that—but when amongst
decrees
his shower of decr
, Came out one confiscating the pro-
perty of the Orleans family, the lawyers of France
I
Louis Napoleon.
ventured to question the legality of hia spoliation, and
in the proceedings that ensued the despotic Pre-
sident of a
nominal republic met his first
serious rebuff. P
-41nbued with the determination to
-
remain the absolute master of France, Louis Na-
poleon, however,
thought it politic to surround himself
by the semblance of
view he arranged his set of puppets as members of a
Council of State
last Week
of a Legislative Body. To the latter
of these he mist week sent for the second time his Finan-
c
ial Scheme for the coming year, with the understand-
constitutional forms, and with that
ing that by
to adopt it as
chiefly his friends
a Whole. Bat the members, though
freemen to venture,and nominees—being dignified with
the title of and
Le • tau); and enjoying the dig-
nity of law makers 914
noeowTeCeosndestituotpiooon
e theydiscussion
boundof
the
items placed before them fory'approval. Whilst busy
in this task they —felt enough of the spirit of
were not unwatched. In an obscure
part of the
gallery of the House—" in the corner of on©
of the reserved tribunes, in such a position as to be con-
cealed as much es possible"—sat the usurper himself,
that he might
Bee how his Chamber behaved itself. A
member urged
objections to the proposition to adopt a
budget to which no amendments could be made, and
which must be taken as a whole or be rejected altogether,
when M. Billault said the speaker was inveighing against
°nBt
-nn
the C la on—slight murmurs were heard. Another
speaker attacked the budget, when a ,Councillor of
State expressed his astonishment that any one " could
outrage the Constitution which had saved the country." On
this a louder storm of disapprobation arose, when, lo! a
note from the tenant.of the obscure box reached the hands
of the chairman, and he read to the astonished Assembly
" t
theliel p
opinion
da of the President, that they were breaking
On this a profound sensation "—says
rboeurnv:
the reporter for the English
papers—" a profound sen-
sationed the Chamber-, which broke up in con-
fusion." This is precisely what was anticipated. A real
despotism cannot work harmoniously under the whole-
Sera° trammels of constitutional forms. Louis Napoleon
has been tripped up by the difficulty that has again and
again been pointed out, and this very anticipation of such
a result gave treble significance to the news when it yes-
terday reached London. The electric telegraph brought
the intelligence by midday, and our funds were
at once affected; and to such influences they
must again and again, beyond doubt, be liable
whilst France is in the hands .of :the unscrupulous
man who now controls her destinies. Whilst
we have a Minister like Lerd-Mableshni7
for the manager