The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-28 00:00:00

protocol having been quoted by the neutrals, they accepted
that reference—the reference of the question in dispute to a
friendly Power—provided that they were to reserve their
decicien—latightefl—es to whether they would accept or
reject—(laughter)—the line that friendly Power might
assign. (Cries of " Oh, oh.") Well, that was et vari-
ance with the proposal of my noble friend and all the
neutral Powers—(hear)—because my noble friend, as the
organ of the neutral Powers, in recommending the adop-
tion of reference suggested by the Conference at Paris, dis-
tinctly stated that it was for that purpose that a friendly
Power should decide and determine between the two par-
ties. (Hear, hear.) Therefore the answer of the German
Powers would have been more frank and candid if they had
simply declined the proposal, instead of accepting it with a
proviso which made it null and void, (Hear, hear.) The
Danes, on the other hand) who throughout the whole trans-
actions have certainly clung mare to their :deoisions than
they have shown, perhaps, great aptitude in adapting them-
selves to the force of circumstance—altogether declined the
arbitration. They said' they had accepted the line of the
Schlei, and further north they would not consent to go.
(Hear, hear.) This seemed to put an end to all further
attempts towards a good understanding, but the ambas-
sador of 1, lance, by order of his Government, made another
and a last effort. He proposed that, whereas the Danes
agreed to give up the Schlei, and the Germans would not
come further south than Appenrada, an appeal should be
made to the population of the mid districts in order to ascer-
tain first of all the relative nationality of districts, and then
what their wishes were. To that proposal the Prussian
plenipotentiary agreed, but that proposal was negatived by
Denmark. A proposal of the same sort had been

made in the earlier stages of the negotiation, and had not
found favour with an; party except Prussia; but Austria
and Russia decidedly objected, as well as Denmark, to
ascertain the wishes of the population in the matter. Thus,
then, the labours of the Conference were brought to a close.

We had laboured by every possible means, in conjunction
with the other neutral Powers, to endeavour to bring the
two parties to an agreement. We felt it as a calamity, as
everybody must, that war should begin again for a matter
which might so easily, have been adjusted, and for a
question not involving the existence of a nation or of a
government, but simply relating to the division of a com-
paratively small district of territory. Well, then, that
having unfortunately happened, it became the duty of her
Majesty's Government to take into serious consideration
the course which it behoved them to adopt. We felt great
sympathy for Denmark. We felt that, although she had
in the beginning been in the wrong, yet as another sove-
reign had succeeded to the throne, as a different Ministry
had the direction of her affairs, and as there had been ma-
nifested by acts a strong desire to set that right which had
been wrong—(hear)—we felt from the beginning to the
end of these last events, and from the first to the last, that
she had been used—(cheers)—that might had overridden
right. We knew also that the sympathies of almost the
NC holc British nation—(hear)—were in favour of Denmark.
There is a natural disposition in all mankind who have pro-
per feelings to take part with the weak against the strong—
(cheers)—especially if the weak are oppressed, and if the
strong are unjustly oppressing the weaker party. (Hear.)
We should, therefore, for these reasons, have been glad to
have found it possible to recommend to our Sovereign to
take part with Denmark in the approaching struggle. But
then, on the other hand, it was to be considered, whatever
wrongs Denmark had sustained—and they were many—
that she had in the origin been wrong herself. (Hear.)
That she had at the end, and at the very last Conference,
rejected a proposal reasonable in itself, which, if it had been
accepted by the two parties, would necessarily have led
to a peaceable solution of the difficulty. (Hear.) Her
fault in that indeed was equally shared by her antago-
nists—(hear)—but still, in considering the position which
England ought to adopt, that matter could not be left out
of sight. Well, then, it was to be considered what really
was the matter in dispute for which hostilities were to be-
gin, and it did not appear that that matter was one of very
great importance to the independence of Denmark, as it
event very little beyond what she herself had agreed to, and
consisted simply in the question to whom a portion of ter-
ritory should belong. On the other hand, any men who
were considering what advice in a very important—l do not
disguise its importance—European question should be given
to their Sovereign and recommended to Parliament, could
not possibly lose sight of the magnitude of the object, and
of the magnitude of the resistance which had to be over-
come, and of the comparative means which England and its
supposed antagonists would be able to bring to bear on the
question. It had been ascertained early in these transac-
tions that France, for reasons of which she was entitled to
be the judge, had declined to take any active measures in
support of Denmark. We knew that that disposition still
continued unchanged. We had ascertained that Russia,
for reasons cf which she also was entitled to be the judge,
was not inclined to take any active measures in support of
Denmark. The whole brunt of the effort, therefore, what-
ever it might have been—namely, the effort to dislodge the
German troops and those who might come to their assist-
ance from the rest of Germany from Schleswig and Holstein
would fall upon this country alone. (Hear.) Well, sir,
we have not thought that it was consistent with our duty
to give our Sovereign advice to undertake such an enter-
prise. (Hear, and murmurs.) We know the honourable
sympathywhich the people of this nation feel for the unhappy
condition of Denmark; at the same time we did not think
it consistent with our duty to recommend that Parliament
and the country should make those great exertions, and to
undergo those great sacrifices, which would be the conse-
quence of entering into such a conflict with the whole of
Germany. (Hear.) I assume that in the present state of
things, upon which our decision was made, the real contest
lies between Germanyand Denmark, with regard, I am afraid
I can hardly say that part of Schleswig in dispute, because
it is impossible to say that the dispute may not apply to
the whole of Schleswig—it will be more honourable on the
part of the German Powers to be content with that which
they demanded; but we know that strength and success
frequently carry men beyond thaa, line which, on cooler re-
flection, they might stand upon—but still the conflict is as
regards Schleswig, and not as regards the independence of
Denmark or the capital of the Danish monarchy. Ido not
mean to say—and I think it right to put in that reservation

—that if the war should assume a different character, that
if the existence of Denmark as an independent Power in
Europe should be at stake—l do not mean to say that if we
were to find reason to expect that we should see at Copen-
hagen the horrors of a town taken by assault, the destruc-
tion of property, the sacrifice of the lives not only of its
defenders, but of its peaceful inhabitants, the confiscation
which would arise, the capture of the sovereign as a pri-
soner of war, or events of that kind—l do not mean to say, if
any of these events were likely to happen, that the position
of this country might not possibly be a fit subject for recon-
sideration—(oh, oh, and Ministerial cheers)—or that other
counsels might not be taken. But this I say, on the part of
the Government, that if any 3hange of policy were thought
desirable, such change would be communicated to Parlia-
ment, if Parliament were sitting—and if Parliament were
not sitting, the earliest opportunity would be taken of ask-
ing for the judgment of Parliament on the subject. I have
to apologise to the house for having detained it so long, It
is not my wish to provoke discussion, My desire was to
explain as fully as I could the state of the matter. The
papers which will be in the hands of members to-morrow
morning will contain a full account of all that passed in the
Conference. All events which took place before the Con-
ference are already recorded in the papers which have been
some time before Parliament. Every member, therefore,
will by looking at those documents be capable of forming a
proper opinion as to the conduct of her Majesty's Govern-
ment in the management of these difficult negotiations.
(Hear, hear.)

Mr. DISRAELI—I quite agree that it would be inconve-
nient that the house, on this occasion, should be led to
enter into a general discussion respecting the transactions
which have taken place between Denmark and Germany,
and the relations which the English Government bear to
those transactions. I trust the house will not be induced to
enter into a desultory discussion on that important subject.
One of the reasons why I rise to-night is to remind the house
of the exact position which it occupies with reference to this
matter. The house will recollectp hat, as far as the nego-
tiations of the Government in these questions between Den-
mark and Germany are concerned, the house has incurred
no responsibility whatever. (Hear.) Since the end of the
last session the house has given no opinion on the subject.
As I had some part in bringing about that position of the
house, perhaps it will not be considered presumptuous on
my part now to remind them of it. On the first night of
the session I reflected the feelings of gentlemen on this side
of the house in expressing my want of confidence in the
foreign policy of her Majesty's Government (Conservative
cheers)—and my disapprobation of the manner in which
negotiations had been carried on, especially in the North of
Europe, and the results which even then had been realised.
Had the papers been presented to the house on the meeting
of Parliament, according to custom, there would have been
no difficulty, probably before the month of February had
elapsed, in asking the opinion of the house upon the con-
duct of these negotiations. Indeed, what has occurred in
the Conference, judging from the narrative, perspicuous
though not satisfactory, given by the noble lord of what
otherwise has undoubtedly met the ears of many gentlemen
e.
what has happened in the Conference has really very
little to do with the great question on which I think the
house ought to come to a decision._thte noble lord, That Conferenceh b is'h note been Conferencein
its
o wasrig
a
in
accuratelyme:i n whichl
represented thick,
by
yy y, has
was not called at the desire of the neutral Powers, but by
one neutral Power alone, viz., Great Britain. It met
without a hope, end it closed without a hope. It met
without a basis, and therefore it led to no result. Let me
remind the house that from the period Parliament met
until the meeting of the Conference, the house had given
no approbation whatever of the conduct of the Government
with respect to these transactions. On the one occasion
alone that any opinion was sought by a formal motion
in the shape of a vote of want of confidence by an hon.
member opposite—on that occasion I myself interfered,
and moved the previous question, on the ground that
the circumstances which then pre ailed rendered it,
in my opinion, not expedient that Parliament should
give any opinion on the subject. Therefore her Majesty's
Ministers did not enter the Conference with the confidence
of Parliament, but with the previous question. That was
the position, as far as Parliament was concerned, upon
which they entered into that discussion, It is necessary