The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-25 00:00:00

of our continental relations—a man who manifests day
by day his sympathy with the despots who are ranged
on one side in this great controversy—every move-
ment of foreign tyranny becomes of vital importance
to us in relation to our own libeitties. Already our honour
has been put up to auction in the streets of Florence.
Already we have been insulted by the production in our
Perlialnent of the proposed French. Extradition Bill, by
which Lord Malmosbury showed has willingness to lit
England be made the cats-paw of the French usurper in,
recovering obnoxious French citizens. The resistance of
our Peers had some substance in it, but too much smooth-
ness for such times. However, the Bill is withdrawn " for
the present," and we must be on the watch for its rein-
troduction. More serious still is our relation to the French
Government with regard to the liberty of our press.
With this Lord Malrnesbury has, thus Aar, had no con-
cern, as far as is known, but that which he shares with
the members of the late Government—that of censuring
the out-speaking of cur press about the conduct of
the dictator who is crushing Feaace. But can he
be depended on for upholding our liberty of speech
in the conflict which Louis Napoleon has thought
fit to begin? If Lord John Russell and Earl Grey
exposed themselves to rebuke six mouths ago for
their low tone about the action of the press, is it to be
expected that a Melmeshury will take a higher stand
after a six months' confirmation of the usurper's power?
The representative of England in Paris has thus far
done well. Lord Cowley ratted like a true Englishosal
on the spot, and deserves all commendation; and we
must look to it that he is not embarrassed by
the head of his department acting like a French-
man at home. We shall presently be without
a Parliament. There will be an interval long or
short, during which Lord Malmesbury may do au infinity
of mischief, if ho be not given to understand distinctly
that the people of England will not be trifled with during
this interval; that they have no sympathy with foreign
despots, whatever he may have, and that every misre-
presentation of English ideas and feelings of which he
may be guilty, will be visited upon him as soon as their
representatives meet again. The worst of it is that the
man himself has no choice whether ho shall serve unfaith-
fully or not. It is not that ho is acting in one way while
he is thinking in another—yielding to any supposed
necessity against his own convictions—it is that his
sympathies are, as far as ho has yet shown, with
the ruling powers abroad;—that he does not under-
stand English liberties, nor share English feel-
ings, nor perceive the position that England will
choose to hold in any coming struggle for freedom
in Europe. The danger lies in the character of his mind.
We cannot change that. The thing that we can do
is to change the man. This it is that the people will
look to, wnilo wo are without a Parliament. Lord
Telalesesbury will be doing what he will in the Foreign-
office; the people must be doing what they will in the
elections; and their will must be to put a true English-
man into Lord Malmesbury's place. There is a time
coming—the time of the next European struggle—when
our island may be—with all the sins and woes that lie
within it—a sort of island of the blest in the midst of a
hemisphere swept with storms; an open air, where men
may still think, and say what they think, of virtue and
vice, in high places and in low; a solitary kingdom
where monarch and people may understand and love
each ether; a lofty platform, where the national honour
so shines amidst the surrounding gloom, that any sha-
dow allowed to pass over it would be an eclipse to the
nations. If such a day should be coming, wo cannot
look too soon to the soundness of our State, nor pro-
vide too vigilantly for its integrity. If ouch a day
should come, we shall hardly choose to have a Malaies-
bury for the watchman on our tower.