The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-13 00:00:00

H E

likely to be provocative of the slightest difference.
Beyond the circumstance, however, of the abrupt
resignation of the Whig .Ministry, and the conse-
quent formation of a Conservative Government, there
were a multiplicity of other and scarcely less cogent
reasons why remarks such as those above indicated
should be avoided in the course of yesterday's festive
proceedings. Our proximity at this moment to the
crisis of a general election, and the probability, there-
fore, of the whole country, including of course the
capital of the empire, being plunged before many
weeks have elapsed into an extraordinary ferment of
agitation, were reflections sufficient of themselves to
point out the imperative demand of circumspection
in the observations made last evening in the principal
toasts of the festivi►y. Nothing, indeed, could possibly
have been in better taste than the graceful and merely
compliment:ry remarks with which the chief magis-
trate of the metropolis introduced the name of
the Prime Minister : while the reply of the Earl of
DERBY was worthy in many respects of his ingenious
and finished oratory, and of his sedate and dignified
statesmanship. The Noble Lord, as a matter of
course, avoided with snore assiduous caution than is
customary on these occasions the utterance of any-
thing in the slightest degree calculated to hive an in-
vidious meaning from its political character. He
asserted, indeed, at the very outset of his
brief but pithy observations, that it would
be more than ever inexcusable if he were
to attach to the kinkiness with which the names of
her MAJESTY'S Ministers were received any single
topic likely to raise an angry feeling or even a
feeling of conscientiously different opinions. He
consequently restricted himself to the expression of
those sentiments of gratification with which the pub-

lie man unbends a mind harassed by the perpetual
difficulties of office, by participating in this very
agreeable and gratifying species of relaxation,
It was not, however, to those merely idle generalities
that the Earl of DEBBY restricted himself in address-
ing the guests of the hospitable head of the London
Corporation. There was one portion of his speech
which had reference to a matter of somewhat more
import than the reciprocation of after-dinner compli-
ments. The allusion here implied had reference to
the recent change in the Administration—" a
change of government so total," said the
Earl of DEBBY, " could in some countries have
been considered only as next to a revolution." There-
upon the Prime Minister spoke in terms of unaffected
exultation of the tranquillity with which these extra-
ordinary political transmutations have taken place,
" without ruffling," said he, " the serene aspect of
society, and without disturbing (I say it with still
greater happiness) for a single moment the personal
friendship of political opponents." The only possible
ill-consequence of which is suggestive that in these
political displays of enthusiasm there is just thefaintest
imaginable flavour of hypccrisy, and that when the
occupant of the Treasury benches shakes hands
with the Leader of the Opposition in the lobby
of the House of Commons, it is le ithin the
limits of possibility that their previous ardour
in debate may have been less attributable to the force
of sincerity than to 6dnsummate skill as actors and
elocutionists. As the " world wags," however, it is
a source of satisfaction in the abstract to
witness the quietude with which these changes
of the Government occur in England—changes such
as in almost any other country is Europe would, ac-
cording to the truthful remark of the Earl
of Darn y, be almost tantamount to the disaster
of a revolution. The Noble Lord traced this
beneficent tranquillity of the people, in the midst of
these convulsive movements in the administration of
the affairs of the empire, to a very different cause in-

deed than that hinted at, by the traducers of modern

state-craft, as hypocrisy. To what, he asked, may
this unruffled condition of the country be attn..
. .

buted ? "It is to the institutions of the country
itself," be exclaimed—"it is to the confidence that
every man in this country feels that, be the
Minister who he may, in the light of the Con-

stitution he must walk, by the light of the
Constitution he must be guided, within the limits of
the Constitution his course must be directed."

Those are noble words words worthy to
have fallen from the lips of the [Prime
Minister of England words worthy to have

fallen

from

the lips of one to whose

charge the mighty interests" of this great empire

have been committed. They will revive in some
measure the confidence which bad latterly been dimi-

nished by the reluctance of the present Cabinet
first to afford the nation the merest conjecture
as to its intended policy, and subsequently to inti-
mate the probable day for the dissolution of Perlia•

meat. By the utterance of those noble sentiments
the Eirl of DERBY has summoned again

into life the respect of the community for the feel-

ings which induced him at a moment of uncommon

emergency to take upon himself the toil, the anxieties,

and the responsibilities of government.

We are not yet done with the Monmouth boroughs.
The recent election is likely to become "a leading
case," which will not speedily be forgotten. If Mr.
LINDSAY'S crushing letter had been the only com-
munication on the subject, it might have been a
" nine days' wonder," attracting some attention at
the moment, but speedily involved in oblivion.
However, Messrs. DAVIS, PARTRIDGE, and BAILEY
have apparently resolved that the matter shall attain
a further, and, according to our views, a most unen-
viable notoriety.
The attempts to rebut have, as in the great
mejority of similar cases, not only served
to confirm the accuracy of the original
statement, but still more powerfully to prove
the imperative necessity of some measure that would
at the same time afford protection to the conscientious
voter and free the unconscientious candidate from
temptation. If a man vote secretly, if he deem it ex-
pedient to conceal his real sentiments, lest he might
offend his landlord, customer, or employer, why
should he be compelled to publish them to the world,
to gratify what must be either a useless or an in-
vidious curiosity ? If he desire to take a prominent
part in political matters he can do S. The
poweractive
of exercising his high privilege of bestowing
will
hisnot suffrage
f ino r
cfe avour of the most deserving
candidate,silence or debar him from
privately
en
explaining his views, or acting openly and above
board. But he may keep his own counsel, and avoid
the injurious results of any political difference with
his patron. He cannot be ruined because he has
voted for the man whom he considers best qualified
to represent his opinions in the Legislature. Few
men will expend their money in bribery, when they,
can have
reted
have cor
no securit that the man whom they
gained, may la , for whose vote they have bar-
deceive them They can scarcely depend
on his honour, that
e
would be too good a joke to be
even spoken of. The
scarcely
be person
d who
formance of any promise. The most venal elector
therefore should be cont.
ented to vote in accordance
with his real views and feelings, When there is no
one to purchase, he cannot,
however
s
enabled to sell. Where there is
n o
don pfl odr
ra
et sehedel ebbrei
birthright could
for sale must be retained. market, the article
But it is not merely as to its effects
corruption that " the ballot"
Wouldonbbribery and
e Valuabl©.
It is still more essential in order toprey
tion, either from individuals or from
theent inticnida;
signifies nothing from what source that intimidation
i
ation
may emanate, whether it arise from " thernid few" or
" the many," it is equally objectionable in any shape
or form. It is a matter of but little consequence
whether "Reds" or " Blues" were in fault whether
e n de d w
it was " the Parrot" or " the King's Arms," " the
Angel" or " the Cherry Tree" that was demolished ; the
simple fact of rioting on the part of the multitude is quite
sufficient to sustain our argument. If the vote were
privately given, there would be no excitement on
either side, simply because no practical result would
he produced thereby. We should hear nothing of
bludgeoneers cr prize-fighters, or of persons in the
commission of the peace endeavouring to preserve it
by bringing some hundreds of miners, armed with
life-preservers and anything that could be converted
into a weapon cf offence, into collision with their
opponents. mob, however infuriated, would do
but little mischief if left to itself, and without any
species of contradiction to the predominant views
being offere
d. It is the oppwition that leads to dis-
ill— to bloodshed, and no rational
turbance and even eventually
man could stlPP°se thut the presence of either 200 or