The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SPECTATOR.—The British Government has taken
another step in the Dano German affair, and en-
countered another humiliation. It is a fixed idea
with Earl Russell that if people can only he induced
to meet and talk over their quarrels they are sure
come to an arrangement more or less acceptable.
He acknowledges, indeed, when the proposition
comes from the Emperor of the French, that dis-
cussion very often only embitters dispute ; but then
a French proposal and a proposal by a I% hig chief,
you see, are such very different things. Accordingly
he proposed to all the Powers at war that they
should conclude an armistice, and with the Power
engaged but not at war, the Diet, and the Powers
neither engaged nor at war, should hold a confer-
ence, and settle the dispute upon some new basis.
The only part of this proposal which was beneficial
was the armistice, for nations once cool are at all
events less likely than before to rush again into
battle. The Austrian and Prussian Governments
were well aware of this, and they therefore declined
the armistice, but accepted the conference, being
ready for any amount ot talk provided only they
could go on killing, occupying, and decreeing un-
disturbed. Indeed, the talk was rather an advan-
tage, for it might amuse bystanders, who were very
quiescent, but beginning to get rather an eager look
in the eyes. The Government had the meanness to
eccept even this wretched concession, France gave
way in some disdain, and if little Denmark will
only consent, which is doubtful, and the Diet will
reply in the affirmative, which would be for it a
humiliation, then a conference wiil be held. What
is it to chat about ? It cannot re-affirm the Treaty
of 1852, for that document already has the signa
tures of a majority of the German States, of Den-
mark, and of the five Powers, and while not one of
them has yet made an effort to carry out its letter
two are acting in direct defiance of its spirit. To re-
affirm its provision would be merely to stultify
the recent action of the Diet and of the enemies of
the Diet, to reduce the occupation of Hoistein to an
absurd display of official impudence, and to show
the invasion of Schleswig in its true light—that of
a crime committed in order to give Prussia and
Austria a position of great advantage in Germany.
Nor can the conference be called simply to secure
the concessions from Denmark, upon which, accord-
ing to Count Rechberg and Herr von Bismark, their
obligation to keep faith depends. For England,
arance, and Russia have already offered to guaran-
tee the performance of those conditions, and a new
treaty in that sense would be only a renewal of the
pledges in spite of which the Germans commenced
killing the Danes. Cocsequently, some new basis
must be found, and it can only strengthen or weaken
the Danish monarchy. The former theory is out
of the pale of discussion by men responsible for their
time, and the latter must be in some form or other
the intention of the proposers. England, therefore,
after advising the Danes to evacuate Holstein, after
promising to compel them to revise their internal
constitution, after, there is too much reason to fear,
preventing Sweden from marching to their aid,
after exciting the wrath of all Germany by recom-
mendations to moderation, is about to legalise that
diminution of Danish strength which she 12 years
ago framed a treaty in order to prevent. 'Tat, to
begin with, is a pleasant result of Earl Russell's
diplomacy ; but that is nothing, the point being the
extost of this diminution. It cannot be that Hol-
stein is to be assigned to Germany and Schleswig,
to Denmark—for that compromise would be rea-
sonable, and perhaps just, might have been secured
at any moment without war, and would not give the
Germans full oontrol of Kiel. Besides, it would
make the invasion of Schleswig as absurd as it was
wicked, and though the military tyrannies care little
about crime, they are aware that vitriol will bite
steel, and fear ridicule accorlingly. It is barely pos-
sible that the basis may be the surrender of Holstein
and South Schleswig, for that proposal has in it
Aufficient of the necessary flavour of violence—
South Schleswig belonging to Germany, just as
Alsace and Heligoland do—and it would cover
Kiel. But then what becomes of the indivisibility
of the two Duchies, and the rights of the Duke of
Augustenburg, and the pretensions of the Diet, and
the Treaty of 1852 ? The Diet, at least, will not
consent ; and if they do not consent, then, on the
next
help
l
opportunity, say next time it freezes, the Diet
will
war,
and Austria and Prussia will
p
will then take the affair out of their
hthreatenthem,
ai
a d
hands, and Schleswig will be overrun, and the old
swindle will once more be a basis for a fresh con-
ference called to legalise illegal plunder. That can
hardly be the solution, and we greatly fear that one
whispered about is the only one that will ever be
proposed. This one contemplates the junction of
Schleswig and Holstein into a single Duchy as a
German State, with full self-governing powers,
King Christian to be Duke, and the Augustenburg
family to be declared next in succession to his own.
In other words, England, in her fear of income-tax,
is to propose that the most violent act of aggression
committed in our time shall be triumphantly suc-
cessful, that the nation she has tried to protect shall
be stripped of a vitally important province, which
the nation she has tried to resist will acquire in
full sovereignty. The war begun nominally to pre-
vent a few Germans continuing within a free but
Danish monarchy, is to end in piecing many Danes
under a German and very much less free Duchy,
under, indeed, a Diet which is controlled by des-
potic sovereigns, and is created, as the fundamental
articles of the Confederation avow, in the interest
of the Princes. And all England will be called
upon by a Premier, whose single claim to rule is
that he protects English honour abroad, to sanction
and approve a voluntary initiative taken by Eng-
land towards betraying an ally. We are not only
to he " friendly bystanders while our friend is
being garrotted, but to suggest to the ruffian that a
handkerchief would be a quieter instrument of
compression than his arm!
LONDON REVIEW.—The tragedy of Monday last
recalls perhaps to some older men now living
the Newgate scenes which were more common in
the days of our fathers and grandfathers. For 36
years London has seen no such sight. The wretched