The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

AN IRISH ROMANCE.

The Cork Examiner vouches for the truth of the
following bit of romance in real life :—On Tuesday
week one of the largest audiences ever assembled
in Cork Theatre was attracted to it by the promised
attendance at the performance of the fox-hunters of
the south of Ireland in fall hunting costume. Con-
nected with this incident is a story which contains
a strong spice of romance. A gentleman residing
in Cork, of considerable eminence in the scientific
world, as well as distinguished in the hunting field
and in social circles, was recently at a ball near
Queenstown, at which a young lady of great beauty
was present. In the course of the evening the gen-
tleman, who had been but a short time previously
introduced to the lady, managed to monopolise her
conversation so much as to excite some little annoy-
ance among various other gentlemen present. Among
these were two English offizers, one of whom in the
course of the evening made a remark to the Irish
gentleman, which, by implication, meant that he
would not be as successful in more manly contests.
The Irish gentleman at once accepted the implied
challenge, and said that it the lady would give him
her bracelet to wear as a gage at the next day's
hunt, which was to come off near Fermoy, he would
undertake to come in at the finish before either of
the two officers, and would then write a song to be
dedicated to the lady, and in her praise, which he
would get set to music, and afterwards have sung
befere one of the largest audiences ever assembled
in the Cork Theatre. The wager was at once ac-
cepted, £2O being the sum staked. The lady with
much spirit gave her bracelet, the hunt came off,
the gentleman wore it, and rode in triumphantly at
the head of the field. He afterwards did compose
the song, and got it set to music, and this was the
pretty ballad which Mr. Bowler sang so charmingly
after the opera. To secure the large house on that
night the patronage of the foxhunters of the south
of Ireland was obtained by the gentleman who
played such a prominent part in the transaction,
and the highly successful result was to be found in
the crammed condition of every part of the build-
ing. The next morning a letter was delivered to
the hero of the adventure, containing a check for
£2O, from his rival, with whom he had made the
bet, who thus acknowledged our countryman's supe-
riority as a courtier, a cavalier, and a poet.

FEDERAL AGENTS IN IRELAND.-A telegram
from Queenstown says :—" Several persons, one of them a
professional recruiting agent, arrived by the Now York
mail steamer on Saturday, and are now in Dublin, with the
avowed object of paying the passages of emigrants to
New York."
Persons in debt may obtain instant protection against
Imprisonment or seizure of their goods, and an entire release
from all debts and liabilities without publicity, by application
to Messrs. Marshall, solio.tors of the Court of Bankruptcy.
Charges under £5 payable by easy instalments. Offices—
(established 1830),12, Hatton-garden. City branch-0, Moor-
gate-street, Bank.—AovT.

Herr von Bismark and the Prussian Chamber,
The following is the reply of Herr von Bismark
to the speech of M. Schulze, in the House of De
puties :—" Gentlemen,:—The last speaker has given
a new meaning to the London protocol, and draws
from that document the right of succession of the
house of Augustenburg. The speaker grounds his
conclusion on the assumption that the protocol
maintains the rights of the Diet, as far as they de-
pend upon treaties. But that cannot, under any
circumstances, be the meaning of the London pro-
tocol. The principal article of that document, Art.
2, establishes the right of the eucecssion in favour
of Christian IX. to all lands under the Danish
sceptre. It would have been useless to come to any
conclusion had it been intended to annul one para-
graph by another. The last speaker has reproached
us with doing nothing for' Germany.' Gentlemen,
there must be a great charm in the word 'Germany'
—(very true)—for I see that every one wishes to
speak of it, endeavouring to :turn it to advan-
tage for party purposes. We have seen times
when it was German to turn to the Diet for
support, and when it was time to pursue a pro-
gressive policy towards it. You have reproached
us with having ignored Germany in order to
promote private interests. I can return the same
reproach : you ignore Prussia because it suits you
to do so—you wish to consider Prussia as a domain
of the National Verein, because it suits your interests,
The last speaker has brought forward an entirely
new phrase—he said that the minor Stites inclined
to Prussia for the maintenance of their indepen-
dence. The history of the last 15 years teachesquite
the contrary; the minor States have inclined to
Austria since the treaty of Bregeuz, because they
considered their independence was more endangered
by Prussia than by Austria. We have long had to
contend at the Diet against the latter in consequence
of the coalition caused by the natural anxiety of the
minor States for the sovereignty, and I have myself
participated in these contests. A new state of Schles-
wig-Holstein, such as they wish for, would in a
great measure look to us for support, for we should
have a country which would be in the same position
towards Denmark as a re-established Poland would
be towards Prussia. Our object is to live in peace
with the Scandinavian States. How are we to attain
this object, if it is to be attained, does not depend
upon us. The speech of the mover, and the con-
clusions which he drew from the present state of
things, compel me to go further into the discussion
than was my intention. We may presume, as we
consider the speaker the representative of the ma-
jority, that you will reject the loan, and that I was
deceived in =the confidence that I placed in you.
Your principle motive for rejecting the loan is your
want of confidence in the present ministry. I have
therefore asked myself,' What must we, th7T'rus-
sian ministers, do to gain your confidence ? It
would have to completely ignore the Prussian
constitution, the Prussian history, and the feel-
ing of the Prussian people, by consenting to
establish the despotism of this house over
Prussia, and sealing the continued depen-
dence of the crown upon this house by with-
drawing the counter-signaturesj of the Ministers.
You have plainly expressed this in the report, and
a previous declaration from me that it was a ques-
tion of a struggle between the House of Hohen-
zollern and the House of the Representatives has
been confirmed. It is impossible to conduct a calm,
orderly discussion with words with which the
speakers combat us, for you will admit that that
which would be allowable in individual deputies is
is not suited to me in this place," The Minister
then passed on to different parts of the report of the
committee, and said—" At page 7 you make the
right of the Crown on war and peace depend upon
your vote. At page 8 you express a resolution to
force the Government to action. That exceeds your
constitutional rights. If anything can wrest the
constitution out of the hands of the Crown it is
this word. One dares no longer say, I act in the
interests of Prussia, and I act as a Prussian. An
open avowal of attachment to Prussian interests
and Prussian nationality is on your part impossible,
and well understood interest is naturally such as
you understand it. At page 15 you say that at
your bidding the King should carry on a war of
conquest in order to win Sleswig for the Duke of
Augustenburg. If we wish to gain your confidence
we must giae ourselves up to you. What then
would the Ministers be other than Parliament
Ministers, but with God's help it will not come to
that. According to your version of our constitu-
tion, the King would be a personage with less in-
fluence over the affairs of Prussia than any influen-
tial functionary. with whom it is necessary to
negotiate in order to obtain a majority. You dis-
avow our glorious past in not recognising our posi-
tion; and in placing Prussia under the majority of a
Diet, you place party interests above the interests of
the country ; you do not feel, and your resolution
proves it, for the Prussian people. This is why you
wish to express certain suppositions in reference to
the condition of the Prussian army, that very thing
shows how far you are from the people. If the
Prussian people felt as you do, I should have to say
that Prussia had outlived herself. But we have not
yet come to that. I remind you that Frederick
William I. declared that before all he would break
the power of the Junkers, and that he would sub-
stitute in their stead the sovereignty as a rock. This
rock, gentlemen, is still in existence, and it forms
the basis upon which rests the position of Prussia
as a great Power, and that you shall not shake
either by your resolution, your votes, or your
National Verein.