The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

EVENING,

-.TTIESDAY

„,
Friends and-my colleague .in the Government for tharoall'a
ness with which they answered to the call, felt that. in the
then state of this country, internally and externally, the
country might not, 'and should not, be left without a Go-
vernment.---(Loud cheers.) My Lords, when that division
took - place which was -the --ostensible canoe- of the fall
of- the late 'Government-the real came was very diffe-
rent, and, perhaps, the Noble Earl opposite, whom I sea
taking a note (Earl Grey), may be somewhat aware of that
cause-(Laughter, and;Hear)-when,
I say, the late Govern-
ment had been placed in that minority, the Noble Lord at
the head of the Treasury announced to Parliament, that sub-,
sequently to that decision he had consulted his colleagues as
to the propriety of their resignation, or of a dissolution of
Parliament, and thati he had come to the eonclusion that
under the circumstances of the country a diesOluti°ll was in-
expedient.-( Hear, hear.) Inexpedient for whom, my.
Lords? Inexpedient for the Noble Lord and his colleagues,
or inexpedient for the interests of the country ?-( Hear, i
hear.) I will not so far impute such unworthy motives to
the Noble Lord as to suppose that it was to the convenience i
or advantage of his colleagues and himself that he looked.-:-
(Hear, hear.) I must consider that he and his colleagues
had come to the conclusioo that a dissolution of Parliament
at the present moment -whatever results it might have upon
the future constitution of parties-that such a dissolution of
Parliament was not °lily inexpedient, but that it would be
most dangerous to the interests of the country.- (Hear.)
Then, my Lords, I ask with e hat face can any man or body
of men who had declared that a dissolution was inex-
pedient-who had declared that they were unable them-
ue
oestitti.eosr3i;
selves to conduct the Government-who had advised the
Queen to send for me to undertake the duties of responsible
Minister of the Crown- with what face, or upon what pre-
they know, if they succeeded in d
text, I say, can any man, or any body of men, call for a pre-
mature dissolution of parliament which they themselves had
condemned ; or seek to embarrass that Government which
estroyine,
have the means of re-building, or of building another in its
ofe i thetb either
r cwo ren
ought. laws.
place.'-(Loud cheers.) But the Noble Baron said that upon
to have declared that, having now obtained office by the
ttahkiseupaoruteicouflittrwoq
support of those who call themselves the Protectionist party,
we threw down the ladder by which we have mounted to
office, and in that case he would be the last man to taunt us
with our inconsistency ; or else, that we ought to come for-
ward at the present moment, state in the fullest and coni-
nletest detail the course which we intend to recommend to
Parliament, and which course we have ourselves declared
that we have no intention of recommending to Parliament
until another Parliament has fiEsembled.-(llear,. hear.) I
will ask the Noble Lord to look back to the last occasion
when a change of Government took place in this country.
In 1846 the late Sir R. Peel's Government was ejected from
office by an adverse vote upon an important Irish question,
which was introduced and supported by the gentlemen who
succeeded Sir R. Peel in the Ministry. In 1846 a motion in
opposition to the policy of the then Government was carried
successfully against Sir R. Peel. There was the usual inter-
vening period between the fall of the old Ministry and the
formation of the new, and at the end of a fortnight's time,
precisely the same as under the existing circumstances, Lord
J. Rosen appeared in the House of Commons as First Mi-
nister of the Crown, and stated what those Bills lying on the
table of the House were •with which he intended to proceed,
and what those were which he
, proposed to abandon. On
that occasion Lord J. Russell was taunted by one of those
Hon. Members who is now supporting him-the Hon. Mem-
ber for Finsbuty, and he was called upon by the House to
state the principles upon which he intended to conduct his
Government, and the course which he intended to pursue in
regard to a particular measure. Nowi commend to the
attention of Noble Lords opposite the very clear and elabo-
rate answer made then by Lord J. Russell, standing in
the position of First Minister of the Crown. He denied
the right of Parliament to put such
questions to him,
and he denied that it was the duty of the Government to
answer them.- (Hear, hear.) He declared that upon those
questions he would give no answer whatever. He refused
to pledge himself to a particular course in regard to im-
portant measures of reform, and of those relating to the
ar•) But the
Irish Church.- t lae . Noble Lord went further;
for with regard to the measure relating to the Church of
Ireland, he used these remarkable expressions :-” I do
not say that I am satisfied with the existing state of
to
things. I may desire reduce the revenues of the
Protestant Church ,in Ireland • I may desire to endow
the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland. I retain the
opinions I have expressed upon both those questions; but
the people of England entertain different opinions, and I
will be guided entirely in my course by the recorded opinions
England:-( Hear'
of the people, of _ hear.) And I will not
pledge myself a .
s to the course which now, hereafter,
or at any time I will take upon the important and vital
its
questions-the maintenance in integrity of the Protestant
Church in Ireland and the endowment of the Roman Catholic
Church."-(1Iear; hear.) Now, these were the doctrines of
John Russell in 1846. These were the doctrines in which
the Opposition of that day acquiesced, and willingly ac-
quiesced.
These were the principles, without let or hinarance,
upon which Lord John Russell and his Government took
office in the middle of a session of Parliament. These
were the princip. les'upon which they were permitted to go
on to the close of the session without any factious interrup-
tions, and to
dispose of the business that was pressed upon
s of
the immediate consideration Parliament. My Lords, I
ask for no one measure, I ask but for justice-
not to me or my
colleagues-but justice to the great in-
terests of our common country.-( Hear, hear.) I ask
not to be nrecladed from making the necessary financial
arrangements for the public service. I ask not to be pre-
cluded from placing this country in a permanent state of
internal organisation against the danger of foreign invasion.
I ask you not to permit any unnecessary interruptions to
the progress of public or private businesalor any interference
with those useful law reforms which have been already
so ably sketched out, and upon which the hearts and the
minds of the people are fixed.-(Hear.) I call upon you,
my Lords-indeed, I ought to beg pardon of my Noble and
Learned Friend on the bench below me (Lord Lyndhurst) in
alluding to this subject, because the Noble and Learned Lord
the other day, in dwelling upon these important questions,
made a most able and elaborate statement, in which he
showed all the inconveniences of a dissolution at this period
of the year. And lam conscious how, incapable lam after
such an eloquent and unanswerable speech to press those
topics upon your consideration, and to enumerate the evils
that must arise from a premature interruption of these pro-
ceedings. If Noble Lords opposite, and Hon. and Right Hon.
Gentlemen in the other House of Parliament, have really no
objection to wait for the pronoucement of the verdict of the
country, I ask where is the anxiety-where is the alarm-
where is the uncertainty that are said to prevail in the
public mind as to the policy of the existing Government?-
(Hear, hear.) I have already told your Lordships that in
regard to financial measures I do not intend to make any
proposition that could in any way- disturb the present
state of things. I tell you now, as I have told you before,
that the next election must finally and conclusively decide
the course which we shall take, and-that in the meantime we
shall not propose any measure that could call for such op-
position as is now threatening us. I shall say ao more; but
if the business of Parliament be interrupted-factiously in-
terrnpted-in this House 'I have no fear of any such interrup-
tion, and I trust that in the other House better councils will
prevait.--but, I repeat, if the Government are to be inter-
rupted by discussions upon mere abstract questions-if the
necessary naeasures waiting for our consideration are to be
impeded in their Istogreess-then I say, the just censure of
the country mast ,
fall upon the heads _
of those who have so
wantonly interfered '
any government being
in preventing
carried on. But vie told that there is much anxiety,
alarm, and uncertainty arein the public mind as to
the intentions of her ,t prevailing
Majesty's Ministers. where, I ask,
are there any indications of -riusc'h feeling? The country ap-
pears tranquil, peaceable, and
there a more accurate bar ofpublic apprehension than
moment
the public funds at this rometer?
And yet will the Noble
,
Lords opposite •
Pinta out a single moment during
the whole • held office when
period in which they
the public securities were so steady, or had
shown a greater tendency to advance than at this moment?
Yet, according to the Noble Lord's statement, the country is
in a perfect panic,-_( Hear hear.) Now the question of the
t
commercial and -
financial
, concerns.of this country is not, as
the Noble Lord seemed to infer, a mere question of the impo-
sition or non-imposition
of a moderate duty upon foreign corn, nor is there a 1137 question raised as to the total reversal
of the policy of the late Sir Robert Peel as far as regards the
imposition of a duty upon
fore ign corn, or the repeal of the
navigation-laws, or
any of those great measures in the po-
licy of which though I do not concur, yet I do not desire to
see reversed. Ido thinkver, h ver, that that policy has
been carried to an unn ' , owe
dangerous extent. The
himself NOble Lord him ecessary and a
admits that to one great class of the
community they have occasioned serious evil, and that much
injury has been suffered by such class, in consequence not
only of the adoption, but also the mode of adoption of the
principles of free trade. My Lords, I think that other inte-
rests have suftered-equanv with the land, not to the same
extent, perhaps, but i -
count do I desire tomanner. But on that ac-
count the same
. .
few' years?all legislation of the last
a go back upon
A recollect perfectly well at the time the
measure for the repeal
discussion, Inavigation-laws was under
warned
of the . .
your Lordships against adopting that
measure, and' among
your adopting it 1 asit urged d other reasons
ud
didb by
irrla erereiuncset
to the imposition of titlhoaset whatever
duties, tbyo e
principle of that
b
measure respecting the navigation • -a I ws if once assented to
would be final and irrreevocable, and you could never again
hope to reverse it. 1
opinion now.-(Hear,
hear.) Ido not desirePetaoirt
go the
back same
to
the law of 1846 as
regards corn. Ido not de • to go back to the law of 1842.
t
8
I desire your Lord h' se
Ps and the country to consider-not
by ' means of agitation-not t through the agitation
of persons who, -no . .
perhaps, make more noise than
they possess influence, •
who bring down large amounts
of subscriptions upeie, Paper who have exercised and
perhaps still exercise a '
most dangerous influence upon a
portion of the community, and who may succeed by such
influence he creating local apprehensions;
but I say it is a
question which ought to be considered b3' Parliament deli-
berately and calmly discussing,much whether a
mode of relief might not be adoptedt by imposing not
so a moderate
duty upon corn, but whe
not to the reversal of ourther nu will apply your minds,
commercial such modifications might not be system, but whether
hether
lighten
made in it as shall g
the blow and alleviate the • •
Injustice inflicted upon those
interests which you confess have suffered
by our recent
policy.-(Hear, hear.) I have announced frankly my opi-
nions upon this subject, and I believe ues coincide
with me iii these-views. I expressedmy cellos g
y nion that for
the relief of the farmer, without any In
seriouso- difficulties and
expenditure being incurredby
thrown upon other classes, ,• and
the .
I.
a moderate !mon ion
of duty would produce a large revenue, and
thereby enable other taxation to be taken ° ff.-(Hear,hear.)
That such a duty would hardly produce appreciable
effect upon the price of food, and th • an
at it would thereby be
the most just, economical, suet for the country the most
advantageous mode of affording relief.- hear.) But
at the same time I think that that ' (Hear?
which no
Minister should bring forward is a proposition
unless he was sure of its
being called for not only by a - largee majoety in Parliament
bu also by the concurrent opunon deliberatelyi expressed
throughout the country.- '9•-( Hear, se-ear, bear. 1 Lords, I
a But, my
say that that is Only one portion of a great uestion-I say
it is the duty of the Minister who feels and thinks with me
to devise and carefully to deliberate upon such measures as
lie thinks best calculated to alleviate the injustice, and to
mitigate the distress, of a large portion of the country. But,
I say, that in taking into 'consideration the course which the
Government ought to pursue under such circumstances they
are bound-not, as was suggested by the Noble Lord oppo-
site, to fling down some months before a definite and fixed
proposition as to the precise mode of ,operations which for
five or six months to
_come may give rise to angry agita-
tion-but to commend the cause of the suffering interests,
not to certain advocates, but to the calm, deliberate sense of
the country.-(11eala) They should ascertain the deliberate
sense of the people upon the question, and upon such base
those measures which they Propose as remedies for the
evils complained of, even though, abstractedly, • and in
their own mind, the Government might not think them
the most desirable that could be framed, yet such as
they feel they could carry into effect with the general
Parliament and • nista,
concarrence of , . without raising attar a
like
rehend that this is a h tatesman
muc more 5
feeling. I aPP hich th agg
name, ests-
-course than that w _ e N oble Lord opposite s
urpose
ly, that of introducing a proposition for the pto
the
of being negatived,
0I
tived, and then hastily appealing . _
ent of the
electors for the Purpose obtaining we judgra