The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-24 00:00:00

EVENING, APRIL

with the present great facility of communication with
Ireland, the troops there would biciavailable, and more
especially as there were 12,000 well armed and drilled
constabalery in that country. There was one point stated
by the Right Hun. Gentleman the flume Secretary
which was more satisfactory, end that was, that there
was no urgency with regard to this measure, as our re-
lations with all Foreign States were most amicable, and
in that opinion his Noble Friend (L Jebn Russell)
and the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton had
concurred, while Lord Derby in his first speech as
Prime Minister, had stated that although the army and
navy were never in a higher state of efficiency, yet it
was necessary to increase our defences; but he added
that the • present time was best adapted for
that purpose, because of the amicable relations
which existed between this country and foreign powers.
If that was so, there was no ground for any special
urgency as regarded this measure. The Hon. Gentle-
man proceeded to argue that the proper source of de-
fence to depend on in the case of invasion was the navy
and he should prefer to see a proposition made for in-
creasing its efficiency. It had been said that steam
power had multiplied the means of foreign attack on
this country, but let it be remembered that attack must
be on a circumference from without a circumference, and
he believed that steam had equally added to the capabi-
bilieies of our naval force, and .that by means of that
power our navy would be able to observe, to blockade,
and to destroy any invading flak. The Government
by this measure propose to raise 80,000 men by means
of s bounty of 3/. or 4/. bat in no case to exceed 61, but
failing that there must be recourse to the ballot, and
under what disturbance to the industry and morality of
the country they would hear in the course of this dis-
cussion. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Home Secre-
tary appeared to be very sanguine as to the success of
the bounty, but he (Mr. Rich) very much doubted its
being effective. It was probable that a number of dis-
contented people and vagabonds would take the bounty,
and not be forthcoming when they were wanted. The
system of paying substitutes also would neutralise the
effect of the bounty, for substitutes would cost more
than any bounty, and at length it would be necessary
either to raise the leeinty in proportion, or the ballot
must be enforced. This calling our of men with families
for the militia would have the effect of increasing the
rates, and four-fifths of those rates would fall on the land.
The Hon, G, ntleman then urged that the drill and train-
ing of the militia, as proposed, would not render the
men efficient for the object intended, that of repelling
invading troops. and therefore they could not be relied
on fer the defence of the country. The H Gentleman
proceeded to ob.erve, that there were ample resources
already at hand in the country for all defensive pur-
poses. In the first place, volunteer corps ought
to be encouraged. In the next place, there were
the constabulary of the towns and the rural police,
who might be trained to the use of arms.
Thirdly, there were the pensioners; and, fourthly, tbere
were the dockyard battalions. On the whole, his calcu-
lation was that by these means a reserve force of 200,000
men might be raised and kept constantly ready, so as at
the shortest notice to be disposed over the country; and
on an emergency be concentrated on any given point, the
railways rendering this quite possible. The constabu-
lary would be 10,000, the rural police 15,000; together,
27,000. There would then be 10,000 of the dockyard
battalions; 13 000 of the pensioners, who no doubt,
however unfit for the field, would be the best gar-
rison troops. These combined gave a force of 50,000
men, two-thirds of whom would be able-bodied and
active men, taken from the classes supplying the police,
and therefore of more than the usual intelligence.
In addition there would be the auxiliary force, either
esiablished according to the present yeomanry system, or
what would probably be more convenient, maintained
exclusively upon a volunteer system; and the auxiliary
force (so we understood the Hon. Gentleman) would
make up the reserve force to 200 000 men. To each a
force the country would look with confidence, and in the
presence of such a force foreign powers would admit our
Impregnability. A militia—that is to say, a partially-
trained body—was a mistake, inasmuch as all history
proved that discipline only could contend with discipline.
If a war did break out, the best provision would un-
doubtedly be found in a military reserve, similar to that
adopted for the navy, for the bringing forward of which
the late Board of Admiralty deserved great credit, and
which he hoped would be carried out by the present.—
(Hear.) The system of a military reserve contained the
germ of a more humane and better system of treatment
of the soldiers, and would prove more efficient and less
expensive than a militia. The Hon. Member apologised
for having troubled the House at such length, but he had
felt it necessary to state fully the grounds on which he
opposed the Bill —(Hear, hear.)
The SFE AKER having pat the motion and the
amendment,
' Sir J. WALSH said he could not help congratulating
the Hon. Member who had addressed the House at such
great length on the prodigious relief it must have been
to the Hon. Gentleman that the dissolution of the late
Ministry occurred so opportunely, to save him from
supporting a measure to which he entertained such
strong objections.—(Ministerial cheers.) But the objec-
tions which the Hon. Gentleman had to the present
measure applied equally to that of the late Government.
He agreed with the Hon. Gentleman who had dilated
at such very great length against this Bill, that if they
could have a force of 80,000 men, fully armed and dis-
ciplined, well officered and embodied for months or
years, such a force would of course. in the nature of
things, be more efficient than the militia could be ex-
pectad to be; but what the House had to consider was,
what was possible and what was practicable in the
existing state of things. This was only a precautionary
measure taken against a possibility which they trusted
might never arise. The 11-in. Gentleman had indeed
shadows(' forth a greet multi stiff 'rent sources from
which a regaler disciplined force might be obtained;
bat be would beg to remind the Hon. Gentle-
man that all the measu-es he had suggested woule
certainly require a very considerable period of
time before they could be put in operation, while the
particutir meastve bef .re the House, intended as it was
to meet a pos. hie emergency, must be carried out ins-
urettaiel),—(dear.) It was accordingly the object of
the Gevernment to create, as soon as possible, such a
fares as might he available in any such emergency. The
Hen. Gentleman seemed to have forgotten that when
this subject was first brought under the consideration of
the House the principle of a militia force was almost
generally conceded by Hon Members. It was not only
argued for by the Neble Lord the Member for Tiverton,
out ably supported ny Hon. Gentlemen who were then
On th- Oppn.ttion ride of the House. N iee it appeared
that Hou. Members constituting the present Opp ,sition
were getting up a cry against that very principle of a
mines, again-t which the House, previous to the late
change of Government. had not hears the single shadow
of on argument adduced.—(Hear.) There were two
grounds of opposition which might be taken to this
measure. There were those who were hardy enough to
deny the necessity oi making any increase to our na-
tional de,ences whatever—(Hear, hear)—who considered
that all prospect of danger from foreign aggression
was entirely chimerical—(Hear, bear)—and who con-
ceived that the state of the world was so completely
eltenged of late—that the nature of man was so
entirely altered—teat there was no reason to believe
that what had prevailed since the beginning of time
would ever prevail egain, namely, a state of war. The
other clue of objectors consisted of those gentlemen
who quarrelled with the mode by which it was pro-
posed to augment the armed force of the country.
There was one part of the argument of the Hon. and
Gallant Gentleman opposite (Sir De Lacy
,Evans)
which appeared to him (Sir J. Walsh) fall scions and
defective. The Hon. and Gallant Gentleman referred
to the colonies. and sought to show that some 17,000 or
13,000 men who were occupied in, garrison there were
at present entirely useless, and, in point of fact, a dead
loss to the country. He would, however, remind the
Han. and Gallant Gentleman that it was not in a time
of peace that the importance of a body of armed men
was appreciated. It was in time of war only that the
presence of tr, lops became really advantageous; and if
a wer were to take place they would require the service
of those troops i nameolately for the defence of our colo-
nies. There was one class of very ingenious persons
who wen in the ibubit of addressing large bodies of
people elsewhere, and advocating the absurd doctrine,
in spite of the exp science of six thousand years, that
danger of war nes longer existed in the world.
Such persons ought not to forget that the las:
wars of the Revoluti4m left two great legacies to Europe.

.. .
lex , °Attic:6oon and the National Guard. The conse-
quence of this was, that throughout the whole of the
continent an immense military organization existed, and
that every nation was bristling with bayonets. It was
absurd to talk of " pe see" when the whole of Europe
had been fighting for tb c last four or five years. Blood
had flown like water, th e continent had never been more
disturbed than during the period, and the result wassi
violence
triumph of the military force over democratic v
and anarchy. The immense arrtries which nowis tx°iseted,
and which the rulers of the diffeoetnt countrmneednid, not
please or choose to disband, might at any,
turned aninst the c3untry. The. Hon.
4 ''
when attempt-
West Riding hpi himself Hanle time since, when
for the
ing to teed the House to adopt hisl
the previous
motion on the subject
of peace, pointed out how frequenhtsyd
ten or we've years the country
air. bile:ol7s jt.hwe Walsh
must threshold of some very dangerous w
must aci,l more recentlythese facts he
other circumstances,
From such as the
re-u4ee and the Greek question
Came to the conclusion that them priejloaittieodnstohfartihsecyocnonutridy
with other nations were aosscossfe
from the dangers of
never consider thernselyehsere
was nothing at present in
war.—(Picot, hear.) T
which could induce any person to
the anus of Ear'or -ts w
beliioa that less danger existed than during the past ten
He was reluctant to say anything
whit th could '
or . twelve years.
be considered as a menace to foreign
nazi cuss
Be had great confidence in the friendly feel-
ings which (mime" in the breast of the present ruler of
Fral acA towards this c mull. He did not believe that
he 1+009.3,0d any present &sire to engage in war with
this country; but he saw in that ruler a very energetic
oaracier, great ability, great power of carrying out his
two objects with great dexterity and wisdom; and he
a ix, s‘aw in that mp.moloyed power of the army a great
to II iptation at any rate to use it. He felt confident of
OD e thing, that it the present ruler of France were but to
hoic I up his finger, or engage in a quarrel with England,
he a could be backed with the whole force, spirit, and will
of tl le French nation. Honourable Gantlemen opposited
were , never :fore disappointed
"the
if they thought they l
sum eel in getting up a popular agitation upon
England
" pe .ace cry," or supposed that the people
.I:respect to
woe Id follow them in so wild a career.
the Bill before the House he did not
-t certainly 11P-
not be susceptible of improvement, butsfsiyWtilit at it might
preference over
pea red to him to possess many "Vo:erinent.---(friear,
thy, One introduced by the late.
le.
p of throwing open
i7O sr.) :He approved of the p
'1,4 3 door ,:to voluntary enlistment-rinncoltp-roeuvriiooeuisvotoohfavainnyg
orbe.-
VC) arse to tine ballot, and con.
je china to giving a fair triallato the voluntary system,
vi hieh he believed would 00 perfecily successful. One

g 4,

1852.

important feature of the Bill was that which tended to
give increased efficiency to the militia, in oonseq tence of
its being officered by officers coontroted with the regular
troops, The demands made upon the time of those who
would enlist in the militia would be but small, and he
did not believe that it would be considered unpopular.
He did not believe that the millennium had yet strived,
and thought it depireble that the eff•cts of the coestant
preaching on the subject of peace, by those who wished
only to emasculate the English criaracter, should be
counteracted by the infusion of a little more o• the min-
ter), spirit into the minds of the people. He bhuuld,
therefore, give hie warm and cordial support to the se-
cond reading of the Bill.—(Neer.)
Mr. F. PEEL said that although he had been a mem-
ber of the late Government, acid although he was not an
advocate of what the Hon. Gentleman termed the peace
principles, he was, nevertheless, oppo,ed to the principle
of any militia at all. The Hon. Baronet had admitted
there was nothing particular in the present situation of
affairs in Europe to justify the demand of her Majesty's
Government for as increase of the military force of this
country to the extent of 80 000 men (an expression of
dissent from Sir J. Walsh). But if he were mistaken
in what he attributed to the Hon. Baronet, and the Hon.
Baronet really theught there was something particular
in the present situation of affairs in Europe, then he
(Mr. F. Peel) would say, that tbat was not enough to
justify a measure of this kind, which established a per-
manent standing force, not renewable trom year to year,
not depsnd-nt upon annual grants of the House of
Cemmotis, but to b 3 kept on foot permanently, in eon-
tradic,ion to the principle enuuciared in every Mutiny
Act—that the malutenance of a standing force in time
of peace, against the consent of Parliament, was op-
posed to the laws and the practice of the Constitutiot..
He quite admitted the propriety of taking measures for
completing the defences of the country, and his objec-
tions lay to the particular plan prop. unded by the Go-
vernment, which he thought would establish a force
costly and expensive above all proportion to the qeality
of tee services to be obtained from its—(lear, neer )
He agreed with the Gallant General who had spoken
at au early period of the debate that 400,0001 would not
be the limit to the expense ; but sifter all, the most Im-
postatit part of the vestiun was the manner in which
the force was to be r.lard. The Government had led
the 1/wise and the cenn'ry to suppose that it could be
raised by voluntary enlistments, and that persons would
be found in sufficient burnt:lA.s ready to volunteer their
services, and to enter without compulsion into the ranks
of the militia. H. (1/Ic. Peel) netieved that the antici-
pations formed on the system of volunta,y enlistment
would not be realised, awl that the project would, in
fact, he nugatory and yield no traits. Let
them take the country at large, and obtain their men
from those portions where the materiels were
most abundant and plentiful ; It them take the
ranks of the sat iitia a receptacle into which
they would sweep the low« st and most degraded of
the population ; let them make the new force a re-
ceptacle of all the able-bolted adult male paupers in
the country—even then he did not [AAA they w uld ob-
tain the force they n:pored, bee ruse he observed by a
return la•ely puolished tnat the whole mauler of adult
pamper males—persons who did not .assist by their
own industry, but required to be supported by their
neighbours—did not exceed 35,000, and that of this num-
ber more than one-half wete chargeable in consequence
of accident, sickness, or some other infirmity. He did
riot say there were not 80,600 persons in the country
who might not be willties to enter the ranks of the
militia. That there was that number of persons who
would prefer the idleness of a lite of this kind to the
even tenor of a life of industry and labour he did not
doubt; and, as the Hun. Gentleman had already ob-
served, these would be the parties who would
most likely be engaged as substitutes for the persons
who were so uutortunete as to be drawn by
ballot. During the war, ashen the bonus for a sub-
stitute in the militia was 61., it was a common thing
for people to pay as much as 301. and 401; and so, he
believed, it would be again under the present Sill.
He Was of opinion, therefore, that they would be
compelled to have recourse to compulsory conscription;
and to do that atter voluntary enlistment had proved a
failure would create an oppsition to, and a discontent
with, the measure which would render it inoperative. and
neutralists whatever advantage might have been antici-
pated from its adoption. To have recourse to the ballot
in a time of peace was to establish a principle of un•
justifiable inequality, and to require the same personal
services from the rich as well as the poor man. Both
were told that they had liberty to find substitutes if they
could; but whilst the rich man would easily obtain a
substitute, it might be altogether out of the power of the
poor man to do so. Thus would be experienced at once
all the inequality and all the injustice of a poll-tax.
The measure would also operate as a new law of
d settle-
ment, binding the labouring classes to the soil, pre-
venting them from ens eying treedoin of locomotion, and
free and untettert d permission to choose their do erode
in whatever part of the country then pleased.nre-
over, he thought that, drill and exercise this
evii-ja a, they might, it would never form a
really efficient and serviceable part of the defences of the
country. One alternative they must accept. Either the
militia-men would be as good as the trained and disci-
plined soldiers, or they would not. If they would not,
then his idea of the unserviceable character of the force
would be confirmed; but it they would, then the House
was bound to attend to the consideration to which the
Hon. Member for Manchester drew attention on a
former evening, when he said that we should every
five years eeepouring into the lowest classes of the
people 80,C00 men, who h d been weaned from the
calm pursuits of peace and industry, become habituated
to twittery habits and tastes, and been trained to the
use of arms. He thought he had sh twn that this mi-
litia force would be burdensome to the country on the
score of trxition, and oppressive to individuals ; and
they ought not to consent to exact any personal ser-
vice from individuals, or ithonF.e any burden upon the
country, except for an object a hich would produce
some pensaole advantage. Now, 'what were tbfeobjects
for which the Government asked this fore ? Trey
had heard much about the conssitutional charact r of
the f rot'. Ile did not believe the re was any trace of e
cousti:utionel eh flamer to be tumid iu the litteawents of
tee meatuses The Crown no doubt at one time had the
power 01 issuing a eotrontstioe of d of making
use of the mill for the purpo.e of quelling riots or sup-
pressing an insurrection. But this was the first time in
the history of tee milttie that they were depriving the
Crown of tine plover of making use of the militia force
for those purp,)3 and they said that the force should
only be embodied in cases of ao uel invasion, bi- when
there was imminent danger of invasion. A measure of
that kind, then, in tune to peace, was an uncalled•tor in- -
tertsrence with the industrial ecetiomy of the country.
In tune peace they ought to carry out the principle of
the divisiou of lebour in their defence of the country, so
teat the persons employed as soldiers should d vote their
whole time and life to it and have thus the opportunity
of becoming masters of their professutn; whilst those
who followed their ordinary avocations should be al-
lowed to attend to them without being called on to learn
the rudiments of military knowledge. No position was
more distastsful to a man than that of half-citizen, half-
soldier. He thought that the remarks of L ,rd Cnancellor
Hard wicke, in a spe.oh which he made against a Militia
Bill which was brought forward at the end of' the reign
of George 11., was a very wise one. He said, " Fee my
own part, I was never more convinced of any propo-itiou
in my life than of this, tha, a nation of merchantal ma-
nufacturers, artisans, and hustatidirien denuded by;au
army, is vastly preferable to a nation oisoldiers." That
was the principle upon which he (Mr. F. Peel) would be
inclined to:pre:coed—to entrust the defence of the country.
to the army and naval force. With respect to the naval
firce,_
if properly dispos-d along the coast, it would
afford an effectual security against surprise in
time
l
of peace. He believed that before any foreign
means of
enemy could assemble in sum bent force, I:
bsrs to at-
transport be obtained to convey them in
tack our shores, we could assemble such
faconast in a state
would eifec.ually place our whole line
of
insufficient,
of defence; and if our military
force
e a porti•in of
some arrangement might be made wherebybe
called home,
"'naval force as
the army serving in the colonies
mightorganise a force for
and
the
colonies
he
called
uponhet;olonies were not there
themselves; fur the troop t
useless,
but external detente,
thbeutinfr.ovadtshoosce
sa-
vages.owar f thei militiam h was
a je lead not
tohneiney
for the purposes of
is
internal police, or to guard against
hutvenln dangerous—for
."If there ever should arise a
felse sense
war, they could not heists to
r
danger of invasion or eereeef 80,000, or even 120,000
men.esit
with France they had a militia;
s it
During with a
them ili
war titt
but they did not rely upon that—they had at least
inch
heryby field would be
inch, and field
400,000 volunteers in the diff,rent parts of the c itititry ;
they had train-bands, end there was even a provition for
arming the peasantry. As it was then, so he believed
it wt
Eve Every
house,
tld b
occupied,u and
thw. they should
contest
by fiend against the enemy, and upon that force he should
les disposed to rely rather than upon the militia force.
Under those circumstances they should not wait for the
permission of the Crowe or the summons of the lord-
lieutenant; they sheuld rise as one man in defence of
their altars and habitations, if they were menaced.
Holding, then, those opinions, and considering the
militia injurious to the country in a time of peace, and
believing it to be unserviceable th h
e defence in lime of
war, he could base no hesitation as to the vote he
should give that night. 11e would cordially support
th amendment of the Hen. and Gallant hidmner for
Westminster,—(t
Mr. NEWDEGATE said he could no longerdoubt
Member for
upon which side .he House the EL,n. _
se
__
L4ominste (Mr. F. Peel) sat: hut will he would observe
h, he could
that when he ceard the ilim. Member's speech,
p k agAnst
scarcely believe that he, who
wit
ncrvir-S%criretiry for the
a militia altogether, was the _ls e
name
was
Colonies of the late Government,
whoa
essure which that
recorded as voting tor the radius
bear.)
Government introduced —(Hear,.
heb )
had oat voted.
Mr. F. PEEL said h believeauthority _
f an Hon.
Mr. NEWDEG&TE
"dd
thensulted the division list,
Friend behind him, who ha
.c
dhe eof the
that lot stoo name
ter s.Yihg that upon
.h.t*r.
Yet, on the present cat:-
Hon. Mem'wr
lurFLaP"3“ll'a) speech 'was not against a
e,,e,te his ( gr. F. • the force 1
measure, but against militia a togas
particularAt the commencement of tee session there tens a
n char. At
for the embodiment of the militia, because
there had been a change in the form of government in
France, which had created a sense of insecurity throueh-
out Europe; he was nit aware that the firm of govern.
meat in France had altered since that time. Moreover,
he begged to remind the House thot the country had
been warned by the highest military authority in the
world of its insecurity—that the Duke of Wellington
had pronounced it indefensible from foreign invasion. He
(Mr. Newdegate) only trusted that his (the Duke of
Wellington'.) words would not become too memorable
by their fulfilment. But it was upon his—the greatest
general in the age—authority that he (Mr. Newdigate)
based his vote. Henceforth, from the introduction of a
atom navy, and the smagement of ;alma in France

connecting the coast with the chief railway depote, the
point of c incentraeon for French forces, should they
invade Engheed, would not be the coast of France, but
the coast of England; end be knew that the French
having their point of concentration in England rendered
our guarding the Channel much more difficult than it
ever was heretofore. But in addition to this circum-
stance, there was another to be considered. Not only
bed France changed its form ef government, but it was
right they should recieleci the character of the man who .
wielded the power of that mighia• country. He was
long resident in England, and was ve,ll known here,
and there was this in his charactSr which took him
out of all calculations applicable to other men--that
he was a predestinarian, that he believed himself
destined by Providence to fulfil a great task. Ile'
had said be should be sorry to attempt the siggrele°
sion of Eugland; but what if he thought that to
do so were part or the tulfi ment of his destiny? When
then, they had such a man at the head of France, com-
mending such an army es no other European state pos.
ceased, it would surely be madness for England to leave .
herself in the defenceless position which the Duke dr
Wellington bad de, cribed. He, therefore, had great
hopes that the motion would have the support of the
Noble Lord the Member tor London, who, he trusted,
would not follow the example of those who were re-
cently his supporters, but, actuated by the true spirit of
an Eng ish statesman, would lend her Majesty's Govern..
Went the support necessary for their carrying out of a
measure which, from his previous statements, be must
consider most essential. , Did Members of that House
suppose that if they voted an increase of the regular
army, and there name a season of commercial pressure,.
or agricultural distress, calling for a reduction of taxa. '
tion, such increase could be retained? But, on the other
hand, Hon. Members opposite said no increase was re"
quired and that it would only be necessary to bring back
forces from the colonies. He, however, warned them that
it they withdrew their forces from the colonies they
would not long k-ep the colonies in question; and for ebb
reason-the commercial policy rut sued by us had ren-
dered our colonies' connexien with the mother ceuntrf
no Linger advantageous to them as regarded cemneereiaa,
interceurbe, so that their only remaining tie was that'
England hid net yet reisdi.teri the Jetties at a inetroW.
litan a ate by withdrawing trent her solo ies the pieta' •
lion which she awed them. ate, thetefore, no such
recal, and no increase at the regular army, could tulle
place, be trusted that the ileuse would adopt the opiaiolle
of the Duke of Wellington-that without a motility° °'
this kind the c-ufory was insecure.
theMprr.i.Elco,pD‘eGollb
ji.,cw,liosrh:riwthoiciii hadtter o corroboration
bet-ntion to ire- measure. In the first place, he would, hoW'
some
urgedinop po to
i..
ev- r. call 'he attention of the Huse to the number 0'
petitions against it which had been laid on the tablet
evid ,ncieg, as they undoubtedly did, the general
tion t,f the country. He was convinced that the objec'
tions entertained against a Militia Bill arose from Oe
abatement of loyalty, or else, indifference on the part 0,
the people towards the welfare, honour, and nations'
security of England.-(Hear, hear.) They originated
from the recollection of the seventy of the ballot s),P
tem practised during the la'e war. The regiment ill:
which be served was sent to Ireland during the iron
that prevailed there in 1798 and in 1799, when the/
returned to Eugland, as ceder was sent down to Os"
500 men from the regiment to join the line. The acne
sequence was that the commanding officer wrote to tff.,
clerk of the peace fur the county that 500 vacancies ben
occurred, to supply which a ballot was requetiles foots
the bounty to be given was 61. But what were the mete
Why, that 601. was frequently given fur a substitute!
(Hear, hear.) He knew that sum to have been givert
over and over again. That was a system of taZeilae,l4
the severity of which indisposed the people to retorri',7-
it again. The sums thus expeeded appeared in no pabPl
account, although they amounted to many hundreda o
thousand.. Not more than one main in every twee
who ware ballotted for served; the other nineteen Palo
for substitutes. Such a system naturally dried up Bar.
therefore Tom whence the line could be recruited. cle'
therefore entreated the Government seriously to oast"
der whether they might net be able to adopt some other
measures for the security of the coutitry than by 'having
recourse to this system. He begged toassure them thattl
dislike and resistance to it would let. t subside, but would
increase, and that when perhaps such a measure ntittus
.
be necessary it would be impossible to carry it. Theo
was another point upon which he would remind the*
Desertion was a most frequent crime among the militia' :
men. In the regiment to which he belonged there uteri
themno forlessthdaensesrotOion.
deserters.-(Laughren)
pterucTiist(la.hngt was but
hutHe Inujj,B"h
It went on constantly; and before the offenders
was cured, so great was the dislike entertained to
974
service that they deserted from the hospital, and esea
into some other county.
Sir It PEEL wished to explain what were the Pielo,
tioular view. which he took uptin the important
under discussion. Believing hat they were of o°,o 0( -
gular character, but were shared in b all the peni",.o.
the country, he asked the attention of the House WRefe.
he made a few observations. He had listened verb
te,
elrit,stlebettlei,
tentively to the arguments which had been urn itge •
favour of the G,iveroment proposition, but witlioteegt
ther preface, he begged, at the outset, entirely lOU' for
from the political expediency or practical necessity bts
this measure.-(bear, hear.) Before registeri„pg_ feu
vote, he felt called on to explain his opinions. xi' lazy
q lite sure that as a representative of the people b°oon.
entailing some responsibility upon himself by the dor
testation of that which appeared to be the sense Of
House, and hy venturing tu call in question the d II
totee.
1
judgment itt those wh,,se opinions, as EXPF•fielred.;
men, were entitleif to much weight.-(Bear, nees",,niein
having a public duty to discharge. he wool° e-r ha
what his views and sentiments were, fur in so dolenfitie,
was only speaking from a desire to promote the r their
terests of the people of England, and to secure be
rtool-teal indeeetideuce. In advocating his °Plat ea&
wished, however, tO austel against baviug other. gore
He 'be'
bated to him which he taterly repudiated. see enjelf
begged to separate and entirely dissociate tootle
from those who, entertaining identical 4:130.4.801
upon this subj-ct, entertaitied widely sad
views from his as regarded their great tniliteraysiiioo
naval es tiblishuuents. It would be
et
0r°10P01:„......5tl
to any vote or his ii h
n"
exorbitantly ex-t.;avttgLaunst"ae.7hs eb)li'ab•elpeee,ueetie' re perms
ets opt
re duced.-( neer, hear.) He placed nu taith
'cereal brotherhood of man.-(Hear, bear.) 18ol'eso Of
the impossibility of the adjustment of tbe_ciliedretuottoo
nations by means of at hitration. he was °PP and tater,
who would nearly sweep away the naval
would ever remaia
establishin,lns. Human nature
ssaaminee,albluidioenve:ranbde rthuelatisit;
ill-jtidgett econoinere:-.1-
Tates Sof etem
conquests.P talT°l; rj-
fore it would be an un
dangerous experiment, to reduceperimeutswise'a
our national esteset;
who assume the advent of
.eo
ments, in deterenced
-dog
„web dastruat any attempt eo owl*
o the
nd
.6
Do
cp.
nnoie: mt
fraternal
oteef
hthose
rr
sy
..beynfrtale_finer-r,5..)
He shituld see with
oefP. uch doctrines.'
there was • hie 0' r-
ing the national
no subject caps ,„i Pap'
Theu House
agree with •
acing at the
himserious embarrassment to -the soots' itet
ducing more
watt
a,
f the country than the adoption of r
nomy o
of the national stabluillo
declaring the inefficiency. e
odors'
to secure and maintain the national indePs
a temperate discussion in that Hews ffw eat/
Calm 5" , aim('
,in
8.,n, order that the 4" or or'
abrtihnst
a blint confidence/18 to the unreality dual
aythedatbyheutitshe:umglhy, liebeert.c'.6olo
rOdiftienddgoaeowrr.s.ymlhi!,:tasno,
therefore
ebre,fosrwe
of the late Government was open to much can'iefor
(Hear, hear)-creating as it did and fostering ell) 'IR
minioue panic of foreign invasion.-(Hear,
..11rber for
particularly blamed the Noble Lord the t ors'
Tiverton, for whom he entertained much politicsi,b
patly and much personal regard. He rnrY_ mu of bi:
gretted that the Noele Lord had given the rzetikiutch
name and lent the sanction of his authority or° i;te La"
which his own ex
ignominious panic, and he lamented that the cleh
,a 0 es6'
should have consented to saddle the people sod
penditure which the circumstances did net Julei be efol
necessary. There was to reason why, becallls" tor 'Ol
penence must have told bit they bag
been in the habit of voting large sums of 1330:111,640
sent to vote a further sum
purposea of national defence, and for the .11) old e°o'
establishments already overgrown. that they sho.
It appeared to him that the G°veof 10f
received amply sufficient from the liberality,
re q etsite teer
that was 0 'lament to provide all
improvements wer
national defence. Whatever
of 400,0001. forrt2beeos bin
countries had introduced into the science u" roe
England ought equally peaceful art' OP
was that she excelled in other more
adoo
to have profited by.. tal
What was there in the art of .vati_which this : soddeLt
note qually within her grasp? Yet, wereth)gol, trel.4l-
- Government its very last Gov
to be told by
g larly feliciteus in its relations Wt.- 000.,
meat singularly
they to be suddenly told that the now
five years' tenure of. office, baying. succeeded ft h- foreliFfi
powers-wereretestthe °t Pr
11
sacred shores
dove toe
was inadequate to p
they were an he der ae
easy prey to eee oo ‘,oe
and that
h ibis
r hear
the idea.--(H ea Away, then, with
,reoalleo.
bands of in batialtons.-(Cheere.) I .
minions panic of foreign invasion. It was the" eeP
„A she 80
duty to be very cautious how they eanctione- beabted
desire of large 8L1(138 of money on military eattorente_norl I
they rather impoverished a country than. P' P-000
A Militia Bill at the best made but leigiensteltsr-ete
soldiers, while it ran the risk of encouragina redit4 -to
Cached to the present measure ought to
citisens.-(Hear.) But whatever blame or ~,bute; iti
'administrationed
ipthe
pwld:twit eei
nd GytOhanerdrew:
maintainedit
therefore,
n, .
be
eh elt
itn
jewturhasreots
errors
eobeeeacystsdur
tr.yhgb;:orfocattb:::::::lyipfelerf
predecessors.--(Hear, hub./ .neoca
of their
was, therefore, qtaite natural te suen""
()ceded hastily to power on the spoett"chott"ept
bustion of their adversaries -(Laughter an° the pre:
oo
them, stet recognizing the super Gevernmeut, having scarcely sufficient time rho' joto rot
the
ppesition that sprat epos
vernment bad pone', ul reasons for their WI isite ore
pr .pesly dto adjourn the discussion, its 0 /0000
themselves the responsibility of ibtroducingeittetelin 010
session -(Hear, hear.) As every Hon. Gel: our w
et
addressed the House during the last three Ore elects ,
had done so with a reference to the fortlicoull7o some'
et.
dieupwietegsijo
he trusted be might be permitted to
(Hear.) He admitted that he SSW with
itsriPs__,.tiothd
sa
Noble Lord in his opinion was in a po
.I.svatire Patel'
Lord Derby at the head of the adlninil'or; to tivell
administration hued on liberal eongtee,z. se 0
was opencs_e_ie no e'aed
plea. As an orator he was um quall_o. otsoitiove
of
He said conviction, be en tee h`e,0011!
(Laughter.)
gl ehttetrhs m hope that he
these days might hope to remain long eared to wee
affairs in this country unless he was prerelerneegsa 0
more or less his opinions--(Laughter)-etossecheere2,l4
felt convinced in his own mind that hitact,,eor•
of the times and the temper of the peoW*74l,ird 1/•
policy, the expediency of which he h rr, to
__Jo
remained, howeve Tripe II
acknowledged the' necessity of naaintaeineintogrore nose
tionably doubted. It
tell the people of England that the PAO'

Wit irre voeably secured; and it tho present Goveranaent
! gaited this truth, he thought the sympathies of the
LatlttY would carry them triumphantly through the
rltt Petliement.—(ilesr, hear.) Whether the present
Government adopted this course or not he took his stand
t_e liberal conservative free-trader.—(Cheers.) He
pPolted to give his support to any Administration based
Pon liberal conservatism, and he would support the
resentir_hat.pohe
Gyovernment until they attempted to subvert
-which was ineugurated and eubsequently
ed by Sir Robert Peel, a id which owl endeared his
y‘l4B in thetaffectionate re, ollection of hundreds of
alitanda the people of this country. Re-
:bog to the subject from which he had thus digressed
%thought he had a right to ask the House of Commons
It was the reason of their present most extraordinary
establishment. The drift of public affairs
not explain it. When Prince Schwarz-n-
"
"K wail at Vienna, his well-known enmity to England
„Ight make precaution necessary, and he admitted that
"4011 the-Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton sounded
the
alarm; difficulties did exist, but at the present mo-
. %eta these difficulties had most materially diminished,
and there was scarce left a ripple now on the muddy
Waters of Enropean politics.—(Cheers.) The only plea
• fOr the increase of these military and naval establish-
` it:delves the possibility of sudden invasion by the
i'lliPort of troops throogh the medium of steam power.
$e asserted that this country was in a position co repeat
the lesson of humiliation sae bad ever giv.n to all 'ta-
lking that competed with her. el e would like to know
,What wasseudden invasion? The Noble Lord the Mem-
i.o,er for Tiverton had ventured to give them a definition.
'le said that they nad to provideeteonst a disaster, wltich
might happen not at the and of six or eight months, but
a,..danger which might arise in a fortnight or a month.
tte asked him if he received intelligence that 100,000
1111Anten were to be landed in this country in a tert-
night; would he believe it?—(Hear, bear)—or if he did,
Of whet use where those
who had
memos of diplomacy
e
seen teemed licensed spies, whose dutv it was to maintain
Watchful eyes over the interests of this country ? It was
kapossible that the necessary preparations could escape
their ...downs. Bat there was another check. To his
Personal knowledge the ores.; of this country was sin-
gularlyenergiric in obtaining, and singularly cornet in
its information. Before Government c uld receive of-
ficial intimation of an event the press had made it puolic.
If the watchful eyes of the licensed spies were deceived,
could the vigilance of the press be lulled. He thought
it could not. However, there was a more sensitive
chain for communicating intelligence. He alluded to
those commercial relations which bound nations more
together than the diplomacy of Cabinets or the intrigues
of statesmen. The merchant at (Meese, at Marseilles,
or Manchester, would taro obtain the required informa-
tion, nor would he be backward in forwarding it to his
Government. He was the last person who would wish to
disown the advantages which accrued from a militia. All
he meant to say was, that if there was any danger now, he
Would greatly prefer to see some 10 000 men ad led to the
regular army. He thought that the country would be thus
koreefficiently served, and with less disarrangement to
the social economy of the nation. Teen came that great
difficilty; a standing army impoveri.hed the MOOD.
Sir ft, Peel, upon this subject, in 1841, said:—" What
tel the, advantage of increasing your establishments?
other nations will follow your example, and you will
obtain no real amount of advantage more than you now
Possess. By maintaining a standing army you are de-
riling Peace of half its advantages, and extirpating the
energies of war before occasion regoires." He repeated,
that he had no desire to deprecate the utility of militia-
Lment from personal as well as historical information. he
:01 not feel justified in so doing. He had himself
in the space of four weeks, an army of 100,000
feed and torn from their domestic comforts to engage
Itt battle the call of their country. That strife was
BPPily terminated, and he had seen them peacefully
.
return to their domestic hearths. In the glowing pages
Macaulay they would find recorded the gallantry of
the Sornersetshire militiamen in the Monmouth struggle,
`fie re they drove the enemy from the field, and only lost
victory from a want of ammunition. Lord Mahon, in
his' history of American independence, records the bra-
y"Y of the Massachusetts militiamen, whol gained the vic-
earYst Bunker's Hill; and Washington had gained his
rillient reputation et the head of militiamen. Washing-
first acquired his brilliant reputation at the bead of
,4lttiainen in the Canadian war, and obtained the
Asa..
~"jean of Bunker's Hill with men called out only for
,743'ear.—(Hear.) He made these observations for the
~,._etrPose of showing that with his personal experience,
information derived from historical resources, he was
f: horn depreciating the value or efficiency of a militia
-ae--(Cheers from the Ministerial enches)—eith tis
lialb.differenee, that he only considered them of value h
in
a'l3luntries where there was no standing army. Wnere
rapire was a standing arm y contentions and strifes gene-
ta existed between the regular soldier and the mill-
'.
ea7,l, oswhich it was very difficult, if not impossible, to
rile (Bear, hear.) They had seen it in Spain, and
fop had seen a more marked instance in the struggle
leeethe independence of Prussia. Between 1813 and
Cot t!'l'llelaudwehr was univevady organized, and great
' PrautslitY existed between the landwehr and the regular
an Besides that there was one
or drawback to this, ys:em of embodying a militia
affee4°-tletttve industry of the country was directly
might beby tee withdrawal—however shortly timed it
atie 101•Pendi Y the withdrawal, unless imminent danger
n
their dom. , la, of such a large number of men from
atio hotnes and the ordinary occupations of life.
' --(Cheer
11014. se 8 from the Opposition.) It was for these rea-
• sin ; :14 England in the happy enj .yment of the bliss-
g ot profound peace with an her neighbours., with every
• Europeanobjeni. elate. that he ventured to record his bumble
lona to this Bill. In an economical point of view,
• ;;,vfgretted • this vast expenditure of public money,
• _teti circumstances did not justify nor political expe-
• ; e
'eett necessitate.—((3ear, hear.) And be would re-
. to see this
3010 e
circu Bill abandoned, which, under the altered
. ' . Instances of Government, he considered would be
perfectly insifiable—nay, honourable—to her Majesty's
latent Ministers. Furthi r, be maintained that, far
• 274 b seen' ing peace, it would have a detect tendency to
war) and that they might rest assured the men whom it
Was ' •ee now proposed to embody would be not one iota lees
• 71atble, without these summa drills and preparatory
to respond with patriotic zeal to the call of
air country when neerled.—kOueer, ) And tie was
;quite
:: eertain that if any foreign force should attempt to
Pollute these sacred shot. aof England—it any attempt
should be made with in invading army to ravage, fire,
b. SO Pillage, one ruling cry would re echo throughout
La!rY nook and corner of this island, one spirit would
"hate every British heart and countleot thousands on
the senthern coasts of England would d mend mutat-
- !lend° homage as a nation of warriors called together in
!'2112011t sacred cause—that of national iedependence.—
. (vehement cheering, tollewed by calls for a division.)
Colonel CHATTERTON, as a military man, and in
military point of view, begged to off-r a few observe-
* "'oils upon the matter now under discussion. He was
quite aware of the diversity of opinion existing as to the
itpediency of augmenting the standing army, or em-
. bodying the regular militia. He was quite aware of the
Idtipopularity of the seldiery in this country, and also t hat
Znelishmen did not understand their value; and he
trusted they never would acquire that knowledge by the
dear-bought experience of having a hostile force in pos-
session of any part of our country. He was quite con-
Winced that his Right Hon. Friend had exercised a sound
discretion in bringing forward his Bill, and it should
have his warm support; but in doing so be would beg to
Suggest some amendments fur the con-ideration of his
Right Hon. Friend. Judging from the experience he
had bad and•
the period eri:odfthat not a little, he was quite convinced
of training was tar too limited. Li the short
indeed leatrwentY-eight days an Englishman would
tart' duty.* isleetrY little, if anything, of mili-
Manufacturer ad jther the English peasant nor
'vice which Was
025 that apitude for military Ber-
th() continental nationtesed by the people of almost all
recommend that three molinteh a should, therefore, beg to
as the period of drill, lit an for the first year of
at least, be fixed upon
enrolment, as that time ould events
recruit into anything ltkew a mu:tary shape. He would
, necessary to bring the
also recommend the utandero for
else, if it were continued at the low, to be raised,
inches, he feared his Rion EF,T..Thrizi size of 5 feet 5
weuld.find there-
deluged with a set of
giments (of the first levy, at CZ)
• able dissipated
low, miser , creatures, with which our
districts eboundad
with •
accoutrements
them, and totall •
manufacturing, neither strength,
stamina, nor cbaraotrfto
unable to carry the heavy of a soldier,
oit
use with any eff,ct these cumbrous arms with which our
infantry were encumbered. He begged
to off-r these
suggestions tor his ltghe
.t Hon. Pttend'a consideration
and he would also take leave to ask what meal
he
the prowtion of' the most
intendsd to adopt for , .
onsintens, Ireland, uia
table part of her
would doubtless carry in hie ree '-
Majesty 3 a
Right Hon. Friend
a
lection that that country had been thrice invaded by°
foreign enemy, and no doubt would again upon the first
bPPOrtuuity. At present she was quite in a defenceless
As regarded the
state, with neither army nor navy.
latter, the magnificent harbour of the city he had the
honour to represent had only
with a crew suffi
one line-ef. battle ship
there stationed, a 58 screw steamer,d
o short-handed
cleat to man half her 6 for moment
she could not go to sea. He could not
gang, and
army in their
,-magine his Right Honourable Friend could doubt the
Fayett-
e yof the bid' molten or fear putting
hands in their own country; nor could he
itchmen
• the muchereceived opinion that excluelng bel
panacea
asu.bscribe to
from the operation of this Bill was meant as a psna
•
to calm the wounded feelings of Ireland at this exclu-
sib% He rejoiced at one advantage gained by this Bill,
namely, doing away that most timeless and expensive
establisbment, the militia staff. He ever thought. it a
Most extravegant waste of the public money; keeping it
hp as a nucleus upon which to form the militia was
Perfect farce, compo.ei, as it was of, in general, old, fat,
son-commissioned officers, whose military ardour had
long since evaporated—who would have to commence
uencrvo all drib, to enable them to teach others the newly
adopted military system, and even then they would
Most likely be ineffective. He begged he might not be
misunderstood; he dil not intend to cast either slur or
imputation upen the militia; on the contrary, he ho-
noured and respected that national force—he had seen
their value and knew their utillty.—(Hear, hear.) His
,Right Honourable Friend said, a few evenings ago, that
•he had heard that some militiamen were at the battle
Talavera in their militia uniforms. His Right
kithn
• Friend was perfectly correct, for ever since the
Bill passed allowing the militia to volunteer into the
line, the letter were admirably supplied with excellent
`:7,c_datiteers. He assured the House, in military parlance,
Tat the army greatly regretted those gallant men
.. !wed too late- "to be blooded" at that glorious, hard-
rought, and crowning victory ; where, no doubt, they
would
have proved that the militia, acting together,
were equal in bravery and discipline to any of our ve-
teran troops. He hoped his Right Hon. Friend would
excuse the suggestions he (Colonel Chatterton) had
rah, and he trusted the House would pardon him for
°e"Piecl ratteh of their time in their exPrea-
-4191"-(149‘4 chem.)

t,

•
•

~

r

• ;.

Mr. P. HOWARD should support the motion of her
Majesty's Government,--(Ch,ter,) He had -supporeed
the measure of tkte Nettle L trd late at the heal of the
Government, and in that retearkeble division he was
a follower of the new fallen beuner. The Noble Lerch
hevieg established the necessity of increasing the in-
ternal defence of this country,ee se sometheCitl question
ino
iorl
dil(6)crathiioCan
to consider was, whether, because
in his measure had been made, he (Mr. P. fiewerdl
should new be justified in pursuing si different course,
and voting against the measure ? In hie opinion
it was impossible to do so with anything like coa-
sistency.—(Gbeers from the Ministerial benches.) Perhaps
an increase of the regular army might be a more effec-
tic(' mode of providing for any danger, but it would be
diffi cult, year after year, to maintain that addition to our
force. During the riots in Lord G. Gordon's time the
safety of the metropolis was owing not to the regular
army, but in a great measure to the Northumberland
readyxecu twhichi
vt
eoh restom ig might
Government,h eb e
subjected a
nd responsibilityto
oro
incurf
atuhnpi3s:
politicalmmeilstivar. ooildnieut hmweatF4so
portieg the present measure.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir J. PAKINGTON thought that the course which
fee Hon. Member who had just set down was about to
teke was a mere emasistent course than that announced
by smile who had preceded him. Amid the little rival
schemes upon the paper, and the different objections,
as various as the Honourable Gentlemen who had made
them, to-the measure of the Government, he had
been greatly struck and gratified by the tact
that no gentleman had attempted to grapple
with that proposition urged in such le markable terms
by the Deka of Wellington in 1847, and adverted
to by his Hon. Fiend behind him (Mr. Newdegate)—
eelateh had been urged by the Noble Lord at the head oi
the, late Government, et d was now pressed forward by
the present Ministry, viz,, that the defences of this
come ry were not such as in common._ prudence they
tenths to be.—(Cheers.) After the speech of the Hon.
Baronet (Sir R. Peel) he did not kn )tv how far he
might consider him an exception to the; rale. But he
must look to the high authority of the Dbke of Welling-
ton >is that upon which he must place more weight than
upon the opinion of the Hen Baronet on this question;
and looking ro the state of air/pi and the detences of
this country, he thought we were in policy and prudence
hound to take care that the defences of this country were
more satistiwory than they were now.—(Cheers.)
There appeared to prevail among the leading politic•ans
a general opinion that the most constitutional and best
mode of providing these defences was in some way or
other by the old and approved plan of a militia force.—
(Elear.) To the speech of the Honourable Member
toe Leeminster ( 'de F. Peel) ho owned he had listened
with verygreat surprise.—(Hear, and Ministerial ceeers.)
Tout Hou. Gentle -Dal was a member of the late tio •
vornment. He was one of those who sat oe the Trea-
sury benches when the Noble Lord opposite (Lord J.
Russell) urged, in torong and just language, that to
which the members of the present Government took no
exception. He was bound to suppose that else Hon.
IleeVeer then thought with the Government, and that
he was prepared to eupport them by his vote. Yet, it
now appeered that the Hon. GeeVeinen was opp tied to
the very principle of a Militia Bill.—(Cheers from the
Ministerial benches.) The Hon. Member fair Richmond
(\Er. Rich) was now prepared to vote for reeding the
8.11 a second time that day six months; yet he also was
a member of the late Government, and was, he must
suppose, also prepared to vete on that occasion.—
(Cheers.) This showed the effect of good discipline,
that those Hon. Members should be prepared to support
the late Government althoiagh they now oep iced the
lilitia B111.—(A laugh.) The Honourable Member fur
Richmond said that one of the objections to this Bill
was that it would interfere with the industrious habits
of the country. He (Sir J. Pakington) took the
strongest objections to this mode of stating the ques-
tion. The first duty of every citizen of the Stive was
to take care of the protection of property in it.—(Bear,
hear.) By the Miliiie Bill this protection was proposed
to be given upon the fairest terms, and if they looked to
European countries and to the United States, where the
rights and habits of freedom and industry prevailed to
as great an extent as in any other country, they would
find there the most stringent militia law,--(hear.) The
lion, and Gallant Member for Westminster (Sir D. L.
Evans) did not assert that the defences of the country
were what they ought to be, and it was not upon such
paltry points as he urged that the broad question of im-
proving the defences of our common country was to be
placed. It was said we might strengthen our defences
by recalling our troops from the colonies. But he hoped
that this view would not be taken by the House, that
because we were weak in one part of the empire, we'
were to weaken the more distant parts of the empire.
—(Elear, hear.) The Honourable Member for
beganßich-
his argument with a view which he was
surprisedin°ud should proceed from a Member professing
popular opinions. He said the House ought to be afraid
of putting arms in the hands of the militia; that a
danger of riot and disturbance might arise, and that
then we should be sorry to have intrusted the militia
with arms. Now, he had no such fears.—(Cheers.)
He believed there was no ground for such apprehen-
sions; nor could he subscribe to the Hoe. M nnber's
other objections, that if Parliament passed this law and
embodied the militia they would encourage drunken and
nad habits among a loose and debauched portion of the
people I; was impossible to say what class of volun-
teers might join and take the bounty, and we might
have people of greater respectability than the Hon.
Member supposed. But, if it were otherwise, were net
the beer-houses open to these persons now, and would
habits nI military discipline make them worse citizen",
and subjects than they were at present?—(ll ar.) He
did not understand that the Hon. Member ter Man
Chester was against a militia B;11, but oely that he
wished to pos.pone it until next session of Parliament.
—(A laugh.) But the notice be had read with the
most surprise was that of the Honourable Mem-
ber for Westbury (Mr. Wilson), who said it
was better to make an addition to the regu•
lar army than to embody the militia. When he
read the lion, Member's notice he could not help
picturing to himself the reception which a proposition
for adding 10 000 or 20,000 men to the standing army,
if m'ade by the Geieetiusent, would have experienced
from Hon. Gentlemen opposite—not excepting the Hon.
Member fur Westbury hicnselt.—(Cheers and laughter )
Compared to an addition to the standing army the em-
bodiment of the militia possessed many advantages. lii
the first place, the country obtained the services of 80,000
or 100 000 trulilarnen fur the came outlay which would
make an addition of only 10,000 to the regular army.
Then, uga,,n, the militia, when not embodied, cost the
country nothing. The Noble Lord the Member for Ti.
vertov had alio referred to another reason for preferring
is militia force to an augmentation of the army, namely,
that when a portion of the army was disbanded it could
not be recalled. while the militia could always be ap-
pealed to in case of emergeucy.—(Rear, hear.) Past
experience also proved that the meat expeditious
and efficacious mode of adding to the army, in
case of need, was by draugtiting from the militia-
men already eccustomed to military discipline.
The Home had not, on the present occasion, been
favoured with the views of the lion. Member for the
West Riding and the Peace party, who believed that the
action of armies could be superseded by arbitration.
[hough he could not concur in the opinions entertained
by those gentlemen, he nevertheless could understanii
how they could consistently oppose the proposition of
the Government, or any other plan for increasing our
military establishments; but when the proposal of the
Government was objected to by persons who, like the
lion, and Gallant Member for Westminster, admitted
that our national defences ought to be strengthened, the
House was entitled to expect some better arguments in
support of the objection than any which had been off-red
in the course of the diecuision.—(Rear.) The plan of
the Government was more free from objection than any
other that had been suggested. The Noble Lord oppo-
site (Lord J. Russell) had, on more than one occasion,
proposed
the embodiment of the militia. He proposed
it first, in 1848, when, as was understood, he was in-
duced to abandon it from financial considerations. The
Noble Lord then stated, in the most explicit terms, his

~. .
pinion as to the importance of embodying the militia.
In the course of the present session the Nobk, Lord again
proposed the same measure, and met with no opposition
from the party with which he (Sir J. Paltington) acted.
A difference of opinion arose as to whether the militia
should be general or local, but to the proposition
for the emn,diment of a militia no opposition was
offored.—(Hear, hear.) Her klajests's Goverment con-
fidently believed that under their plan volunteers would
be so numerous that, it would be unnecessary to resort to
the ballot, except, perhaps, to a limited extent. The
Government had framed their plans with the view of
strengthening the defences of the coun:ry in the most
economic .1 manner, and with the least pessitile derange-
ment of the industrial pursuits of the country.—(Herr,
n_
p"ar.) Should the intentiomi exist of offering any serious
(ins to the
0 positiun to th,) Bill, he trusted that it would rest on ar-
g"aeuts were more worthy of the House and the subject
than
~,rnYna,nich had been urged. The Mt-misers of the
ewera conscious of having discharged their
(U. a,.. hoounAtry in bringing this measure forward.
lieved to
upon theni, the
proposed a tneuure which they b.,-
h7tidtitz under the responsibility imposed
whether it ',old
be be!t c't
tr.ehmeiined for the House to decide
view,
and
it
noWit eulated for effecting the object in
leaving the country in itiudn.j."l.ll
his own
o u the continent of Europe.
the responsibility of
the present sta'eF,o,tr
oh,p, art he would not—in the
defenceless state in the face of
ntisurr to occupy—incur the
(Rear, hear.)
position which he had the
wer.e—(Cheers.)
responsibiiity of ebstaiv
defences, I
lion o, this roestsuro on the Reu:em urgiug the adop-
tion
J. RUSSELL—If I
hsecothnd read-
ingthink that the country requires 0. aZieti,-,o` Ithese who
should probably b. n.ady to consentwotoultdbencaause
me
of this Bid. I might say that althoug
sure was not required—althouqh it i
wastene a -
of ~,„ey, yet as no great mischief can arise from it,
and as tb,4 Government had brought it forward on their
was. willing that it should bo read
because I feel that the a
country
' ‘r defences--because thick
I that its de-
requires turt.A.
better organivd tltati they now arcrseec3,P,nudn'tiihnidiet';Y'hint it is
fences ought to be
reading ot. this Bill.,
that I cannot consent to,thhe,;
the ground that I secondbe-
lieve laughter continued fur
of defence, an utter
lieve it would prove, as a measarethat
—(Loud
eotuUnd ec.r)iesl°4;‘o°,tethbe Bill on
we should God at
delusion—because I am convinced
}liar•) I object to
the end of a year or two that it
give any seouri.y to the country.—( ' •
me to
Lufl utt,rlv failed to
the Bili for the same reason which wouli induce
which would burst, or into the hands of cavalry a : t.
object to putting into the hands of infantry musketsw)rl.o
which would break. I object to the Bill, because it is
doing mischief to persuade Parliament and the country
that you are providing for the defence of the coun-
try, when, in fact, you aro not doing so. I
must beg the House to listen to ma while I state
1 wt:at I conceive to be the danger to be encountered,
land what is wanting for that purpose in the present
measure. I do not wish to be mixed up with those who
entertain gpprehousioDA of tbc euddeu arrival in this

dotintry of 50,060 hostile troops in a single night, and of
an ainlyairching;tip to L andoa without notice. These
ar6l7tiins which are foundeckupon panic rather than dii
reasonable calculation.. I_Procae.d. only on the ground
that we have near us a powerful nation with which we
have engaged in warsfour times during the last century.
About a century ago we went to war with France be-
cause she wished to obtain possession of our American
colonies. About 20 years later we again engaged in
war with France because she was disposed to detend our
American rissesslons which had declared themselves in-
dependent of us. In 1793 we once more went to war with
France because democracy prevailed in that country, and
because we feared the spreading of the republican spirit of
cenquest. In 1804 we engagedia hostilities with France
because. she was then'stibjectee a pawerful and despotic
Sovereign, and we dreaded the spiritof conquest under his
sway. I cannot believe that national feeling has so much
changed, that the passions of people are so much assuaged
as to leave no probability of a war arising
between the two countries. Then the question arises—
what will you do to protect yourself against invasion, in
the-event of hostilities occurring? Those who look to
the history of formeiewars will find that they occurred
more than once at a time when we were ill-prepared for
hostilities, when our naval and military establishments
were at an exceedingly low point, and that it was not
until the second or third year of the war that we were
able to make any great efforts against the enemy with
whom we had to contend. It' we examine what has been
going on in the world of late years, I am afraid we
must come to the conclusion that the arts of war us well
as those of peace have been much improved; and it is
;he opinion of all professional men that the operations
of an armed force would be snore speedy and destructive
than they were formerly. If that be the case, it will not
be sufficient to refer to the fortunate chances which
have hitherto saved this country from invasion.
Steam now triunphed over the elements. I do
eat wish to exaggerate the form which an
invasion might assume. There might be 5,000,
10,000, or 15,000 m,n •landing from steamers at
some part of the coast, and, at the same time,
there might be four or five steamers landing more forces
at another part of the country. Then • the question oc-
curs What force have we to meet • such an inva-ion?"
And the answer must be—though my Hon. and Gallant
Friend near me seems to think that our force is much
greater than I estimate it—that we have not a sufficient
farce to meet the circumstances of the case.—(Hear,)
It appears that we have, including the Guards, but
24.000 inf entry in Great Britain, and 17,000 in Ireland,
in all 41,000. As to bringing over these 17,000 troops
from Ireland, I tnink any Elecutive Government would
hardly venture on such a measure, seeing that, if there
was an invasion of this country, nwhing would be more
likely than that it would be followed very soon by an in-
vesion of Ireland also.—(Rear.) To do so would be
taking a most improvident Course, and one which would
probably be attended with very calamitous results. I
must come, then, to the conclusion teat the 24,000 in-
fantry in Great Britain and the 17,000 infantry in Ire-
land, with a force not very considerable of cavalry, is not
sufficient to meet the evil with which we have to contend.
Here I must, at the halerd of wearying the House on
that subject, refer to the measure which the late Go-
vernment proposed, with the- view of providing the
means of additional' efence. The Itight Hon. Gentleman
who spike last, as well as some others . who pre,
ceded him, seemed to be in some doubt as to the.cha-
rawer of that measure, saying at one time that there was
but little difference between that measure and the pre-
sent—though if it be so, I may ask how was it that they
would not allow the late Government to introduce their
Bill, there being so slight a difference between them.—
(Hear, hear.) Or if they . take the other side and say
there is a difference of principle—which is indeed the
fact—between this measure and the one which we were
prepared to introduce, then how can they object to our
viewing their measure with as much repugnance as they
received ours?—(Hear, hear.) Now, in considering this
measure which I proposed to introduce, it seemed to me,
and to those who approved of it, that there are two ways
in which men may become very good soldiers and fit to
defend their country. Tho one is when men of high
spirit and character, moved by some strong religious or
political feeling, or excited by the love of their country,
or by any danger eminently threatening their country,
are induced to become soldiers. Of that description of
men was the force which Cromwell, with his usual sa-
gacity and knowledge of mankind, raised and com-
manded himself, and which he brought to a state of dis-
cipline that enabled him to defeat the bravest and most
spirited cavaliers of the royal force.—(Hear, hear.)
Such a force was the 400,000 men who at the beginning
of this century started up as volunteers to defend this
island against what they believed would be the inva-
sion of a despot who would destroy our independence.—
(Hear, hear.) Of such a description of force were those
who of late years, in Hungary, fought in defence of their
country when they were attacked by the whole force of
Austria and Russia.—(Hear, hear.) But there is
another mode in which our soldiers have usually been
raised, and our army constructed, and that mode is by
taking young men of unsettled. dispositions, who have
a love of military adventure, who have not perhaps any
decided character, but who, by military discipline and
habits of subordinations, are 'brought to be excellent
soldiers and ready to perform the greatest feats of arms.
—(Hea,r,hear.) With respect to this latter description
of character we have some information from an autho-
rity who has been quoted to-night, and whose words I
will lay before the House. Washington says of men
like these:—
"It takes you two or three months to bring new men
acquainted with their duty; it takes a longer time to
bring a people of the temper and genius of these into
such a aubordiunte way of thinking as is niviessary for a
soldier."
And again, "To bring men to a proper degree of (rubor-
dinetion.ie not the work of a day, a month, or even a
year."—( Hear, hear.) To the same effnt in one of Mr.
Pitt's speeches at the commencement of this century, we
find him saying that six weeks or two months is the
least that any military man requires to make a soldier.
Now, these being the different ways in which soldiers are
made, our Bill went on the principle of taking men of
spirit, and of independent character, and asking them
without any bounty ea become part of the militia force
of the country.—(Hear, hear.) But as this kind of ser-
vice is a very great hardship on the community, soften
it as you will, seeing that it diverts men from
the walks of industry, we endeavoured to tem-
per its conditions with every sort of alleviation that
we could devise. In the first place, we said we will
not take married men—we will not take men from
the age of 25 to 35, most of them married and
settled in life—but, we will take young men from 20 to
21 years of age. For the first year we proposed to take
men from 20 to 23, but afterwards those only from 20 to
21.—(Hear.) Tnis made a great limit, and confined.
those who might undertake service for a short time
the ballot to a class of men.who were not settled in life—
toand afterwards engage in industrial occupations.—
(Hear.) In the second place we said, these men in or-
dinary circumstances should not.be moved out of their
own counties. We did not propose to take them to a
distance; but, in the third place, we said this, that even
in the case of invasion, or of eminent danger
of invasion, they should be taken for six months,
or at most for one year only, to defend their
country.—( Hear.) Now, considering
the age of these
men, and the time they were to serve, I think there
was much of alleviation of hardship in these three con-
ditions; and that you might expect, in the case of inva-
sion, that such men would not object to go for one year
away from their homes, to have their places then sup-
plied by the regular army, and afterwards be able to re-
turn and take to such trades and occupations as -they
wished to follow.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") So cone
vinced was I of the necessity of putting in conditions of
this kind, and not resorting to the regular militia,
with its- old form of ballot, that when the Noble Lord
the Member for Tiverton proposed to resort to' the
old form of militia, I declared at once I would be no
party to introducing that measure. (Hear, hear.) I
said it was no slight or insignificant alteration that was
proposed to the House, but a change of the whole prin-
ciple of the measure, that I would not introduce it
myself, and, if introduced by another, that I would feel
myself at liberty to oppose the second reading. (Hear,
hear.). Now let us consider the measure that has been
introduced by the Government; it is a measure worthy
of our consideration, because it is the first coin from the
golden ore from which the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government seemed to think he would derive such
great riches. (A. laugh.) I must say, however, that
in the present case there is considerable alloy, and that
he will hardly find it of such value as he supposes.
(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) In the first place, this
measure loses the advantage of either of the principles
which I have mentioned. What I say is, either form a
force that you can depend upon from their high spirit
wad great love of country, or on whose enthusiasm and
morel energy you can rely; or else form soldiers by
dint of discipline, not caring from what source you get
them. But in the present case you have neither the
one advantage nor the other. In the first instances,
the motive you propose is entirely mercenary. You
recommend tha 61. of bounty shall be given to
those who enlist. By offering this 61. you will
naturally get those men who are most in want, who are
most needy, and who have^ the least prospect of rising
in the world, or obtaining sufficient wages or salary
to enable them to live in comfort. Such men, no doubt,
do make excellent soldiers; they are every day makieg
excellent soldiers; but it is because they are subjected
to the discipline of the army.--(Hear.) When a man
who indulges in a restless disposition, and habits of
idleness or drunkenness, is brought under the excel-
lent discipline of the army, he is taught' that when on
duty he must be sober, when on guard he must be
vigilant, and that at all times he must be obedient, and
thus the restless and unsettled young man of eighteen
becomes at twenty an excellent and obedient soldier.—
(Rear, hear.) What he becomes, indeed, has been
advantage.
seen very lately in the accounts we have of those
t
hvee°tysh the were
St hilelr t was
thanas
brave men who, when the unfortunate vessel in which
ofl
thers.—(Hear, hear.)
partticvvuelnatry.poluacee
rhuen th e risk willingly o
of
sacrificed
endangering
the
liveswn
But you expressly avoid. this
to his
Having got the man whom you can °Wake
easily by money from any quarter—for there is nothil,g
unsettled and restless ;-having taken that man, you drill b ins
say must be a settled inhabitant of 'wry
ays, and then let him off to have re-
course
for
that
former habits, and to relapse into that
strikes one is, hear.) The first impression which
tirithishman will never be a good
h mode of life that induced t Aim to
soldier, and that
heao_tatiat
you
mosfy
your
rb4
ably
yailinnogt
ma
work, p3enaps,
him out to drill any the case
0 itoeept
yohmar.hbitosuanntyd
o
Ileaary hear.) Let
hasfiwlaadn
lad
ad of him--(Hear,ht nioinnt yo
gthat inducedsomewhere
him
else—to
part
:he same
he, iu the mi-
a railway in Canada, or to servo, it
on
litia of Illinois or Arkansas.—(
that a f r
ask this House, is . .0 Ce upon- which - me
tobsiisog
i that
d
can sefely rely?—(Hear, hear.) Now,
su is country
some 80,000 men landed ins distant
and oppose, th4t the C°lalnandeNn-Chict V.', the an

should wish to keep what army he had at -no great
dis-
Lance from the ca.pieal, and from our southern coast.
would- it be sate or wise to collect 10,000 or 12,000 meta
of this character in order to oppose a force disciplined
in the highest degree, who had been in Algeria, in the
actual practice of war, and under an able commander,
prepared to attack a ay army that maybe brought before
them ?—(llear.) I believe you will be totally deoivel
if you expect good service from melt men. It would be
quite a different thing if you had the men whom we pro-
posed by our Bill—men of a vest different character,
settled in their different places of abode, and who, when
drawn for the service, would enter up in it, with a proper
mcniie and spirit.—(Hear, hear,) But then there is
another part of_ the Bill, which contains the ballot. I
should -say of the Bill-that- it consists of two parts, one
of which is inefficient, and the other oppressive.--(Heer,
hear.) All the beginning part, which offers this money
of 61. for bounty, or 2s, 6d. a-mgrth for volunteers,
by wbich yon might get a pauper militia, is certainly
not opPressive, hut would he inefficient. But when you
come to the other part of the Bill—to the ballot--you
have then a ballot comprehending persons from 18 to
35 years of age, which evculd therefore interfere with
persons engaged in all the various occupations of the
country, and which takes the married men who are
already successful in that way of life in which they are
skilled.—(Great laughter.) Yes; in the Case of the
weaver, for instance, or any other man who has some
skill in the industrious arts, you take him from his oc-
cupation -and send him to serve for five years as a
soldier, and thereby inflict a very great hardship on
him.—(Hear, hear.) No man can well deny that to
take a man of 30,- ! 3', or 31 years of age, who is already
settled in life, and to tell him that for
te tl andt
fiverzg
should be a soldier, was a great
ypresr prospering
interference with the ordinary
occupations of life; and
nothing but the greatest emergency could justify you
in so acting. I am so convinced of this, that I am
mper-
suaded, as I stated at the comenenceent, that you will
not have tried your measure for a year without finding
that the country will resist such needless oppression and
oblige tee Parliament, by their remonstrances, to repeal
it.--(Hear, hear.) I am now talking in reference to
the contingency which I think most likely to happen,
that though you might have a great deal of money
to spare, and though, possibly,
you might ply
300,000/. in the way of bounty in the present
year for 50,000 men, yet, in the
next year, you
would find that you would not have 4 force of 80,000
men, which you expect, but would be obliged to have
recourse to the ballot to supply the numbers. These,
therefore, are reasons which induce me to think that the
would be so great and so
present Bill is very improperly fremed for its purposes;
appertainiug to the old militia, which the late Govern-
every ono of the propositions in the Bill a
and I am the more inclined to say so
ment considered and deliberated on, and deliberately
representedre-
jected.—(Hear,
in this House, that the
be able to defend such a measure.
or,ec becausetpioonps 0 almostlthioanv es
jected.—(Hear, hear.) They felt the
overwhelmingG stated,over n amuedn Government
hwe yowuhfleedintntoht at
Therefore the late Government refused to bring for-
v.aid a measure of that kind. The present Government,
however, somewhat thoughtlessly, and without entering
into the consideration of all the circumstances I have
referred to, and without reflection, have adopted all
ffinselpropoeitions. A question, and a very serious one,
then occurs,,aud it is thist—Supposing it be true, as I
say, that we cannot be exempted from the danger of war,
and if war arises that wo cannot have the same provi
sions to meet it as, wo formerly have had—supposingsome force should be required for the defence of the
country (and this measure does not give you the pros-
pect of such a force), what is the course which this
litninleeititugr is n ht too doubt
ptirsuone I say, in the first place, that
thefor the consideration of the
Government. It would not do, as the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman who last spoke seemed to imply, if the House re-
jected this particular measure,' with all the particular
clauses, objectionable as they are—it would not do for
the Government then to say that, therefore, this House
does not care for the defence of the country.—(Hear,
hear.) It is the bounden duty of the Ministers of the
Crown either to produce a measure which they think
suffic
hiciewntioh I took,
rthed
andefenee of the country, or take the
course say, " We will no longer con-
tinue at the head of the affairs of the nation.—(" Hear,"
eot
vasdaoidpt.
that
and laughter.) We all know that is not the course
The
Ne
was willing to submit to any humiliation, to any degree
whichoble
Lordthe aptr
theese ant e
aGd Government rtnhme
Government
er mean
nme t
not
of affront and mortification—(4 No. no")—to any degree
of mortification—rather than advise the dissolution of
Parliament sooner than be thought necessary.—(Hear,
hear.) That is what the Noble Lord stated. I am going
to make an inference—my own—that he is to assemble
Parliament again in October, and until that Parlia-
ment was assembled he would not think of resign-
ing his present situation. In short, the present
Ministers are like pheasants, not to be killed until after
the Ist of October.—(Greet laughter.) That is their
position; and no vote of this House can affect their offi-
cial situations. Then, I say, that they cannot get rid of
the other obligation .to propose such measures to the
House as they think necessary for the defence of the
kingdom. They can hardly say that the present means
for the defence of the nation are ample and sufficient,
and they are therefore bound to declare, after what they
have stated, if this measure does not suit the House,
that they have other measures by which the country can
be adequately defended. In respect to the little I have
to say, I speak, of course, only as an individual Member,
without the sanction of any one but myself ; but, for my
own part, I should not recommend the Government to
make a large increase to the standing army.—(Bear,
hear.) I du, however, think that there are other mea•
sures, partly suggested this evening, by which a much
larger three might be engaged for the defence of the
country than exists at present. I think a much larger
force might be obtained in time from a proper organi-
zation of the pensioners. That was dwelt on by my
Honourable Friend who spoke early in the debate. Sup-
posing that the House has rejected the present Bill, and
that the Government will not propose that plan of mi-
litia which I sketched out at the commencement of the
session (for, if that plan was proposed, I should
give it my support, from whatever quarter it might pro-
ceed, as being the best measure), I then have to consider
what other measures should bo adopted. I should say
that you cannot for some years obtain a sufficient force
of pensioners, even by giving a discharge with a pension
to those soldiers who have served fourteen or fifteen
years; and I should say it would be advisable to have a
force of some 10,000 or le,ooo embodied militia. The
present Bill is not a measure for embodying militia ex-
cept in case of war or imminent danger thereof; but it
you had 10,000 o? 12,000 embodied militia in Great
Britain and Ireland, drilled aed disciplined, then you
have a force as serviceable for the object in view as the
regular army. But it might be said that it you have this
force, it would bo at tho same expense as the regular
army, and therefore would it not be better to have
an increase of the regular army? I, however, think that
there would be a 'great advactago in having the
,em-
bodied militia in preference io an increase of the regular
army. In the first place,. the increase of the army is
liable to the objection that if the army should be
augmented by 10,000 men for one year, the next year
might be a year of distress, and then there would arise
a great cry for economy; rind we should be called on
for the reduction of that force.—(Hear, hear.) I do not
believe, however, if you had a regular force of militia
such as 1 have mentioned; that the principle of the mili-
tia would be abandoned, or that you would be asked to
reduce that force, unless you had other means of de-
fence. Again, when you increase the regular army, th
great part of that increase, unless you should make pro-
visions to the contrary, would be sent to regiments in the
colonies, end, perhaps, to colonies which do not require
further defence, and thus the increased number of the
soldiers would not be for the defence of the United
Kingdom. I am not for diminishing to a great degree,
the force maintained in the colonies, but still the plan
adopted by the late Government, and which they were
about to carry further, might be proceeded with; for in-
stance, you may diminish your force from time to time
in certain colonies not being military garrisons, and
thereby obtain some 6,000 or 7,000 men for the defence
of the United Kingdom, These, with the 10,000 mili-
tia I have just reforrod to, and the 4,000 men proposed
to be added to the army in this year, would make a
force of 21,000 men in addition to the present force;
so that, instead of the 41,000 infantry now in Great
Britain and Ireland, we should have a force
of 62,000. I think that we may then assume that
the 15,000 pensioners may, without any great difficulty
be increased in no long time to 20,000, and so by these
means you would have a force of 80,000 men; and I
think, with the artillery and cavalry, you might main-
tain a force of about 100,000 men in the United King-
dom. This calculation is based upon the supposition
that a certain amount of embodied militia would be esta-
blished; and then there is no part of the force I have
mentioned, tho whole of which would bo effective, which
might not be used at any moment, at the commencement
of war, for the defence of the kingdom. I believe, also,
our forces could be rendered more efficient by better ar-
rangements with respect to our military depots. Those
who see the estimates of cur forces on paper do not con-
sider, perhaps, that part of those forces, consisting of
small bodies of troops, and sometimes the skeletons of
regiments just come home, exhausted by the fevers and
the unhee ithiness of other climates, is hardly fit for any
military operations; but I think that a better arrange-
ment of our depots, and the giving them (as we under-
stow]) officers permanently attached to them, might
mak', that part of the force more efficient. In this way
I think yeti might obtain a much larger force for the de-
fey
co of the kingdom than you have at present. It appears
to me that the- United Kingdom is the citadel of this
great empire, rind that therefore you ought to take
means to secure it from surprise and injury. It has so
happened that in the dangers to which this country
has been exposed the winds' and storms have defended
it, and that adverse invaders have been driven off by
the force of gales, but that in the case of the only in-
vasion intended for the happiness of England—that of
'William llL—the elements favoured it. In the present
state of science and improvement, however,
an enemy
attacking our shores would no longer have to depend on
the favour of the winds, and we could not say that some
eight or ten steamers might not be collected, carrying
1,500 or ") -, 000 men each, prepared to take the chance of
au expedition against this country.--(Elear, hear.)
am persuaded, if such an event should happen, that the
injury done would be far more than the immediate loss;
that the people of this couut ry, brave as they are, would
be struck by so u„eepected_an occurrence, and if any
long time should elapse before the invading force were
captured or driven from our shores, that the apprehen-
sions entertained by persons en
gaged in commerce and
peaceful Pursuits
would cause an irreparable loss. Having
this persuasion, I was undoes to see a good measure of do•
fence provided.lint _
I am extremely sorry that the present
Government have brought forward a measure which It,
I consider so objectionable. was my intention to have
supported the second reading of this Bill—(Hear, hear,,
and a loud cry of
ge!,, from Colonel Sibthorp)--in the
hope that it might have been amended in Committee,
cad made a Bill tending to the sect; ity of tbe country.

If that had been the ease I should have been glad to
have voted with the Hon. and Gallant Mernher for
Lincoln--(Hear, and cries of Order, order")—esho
has taken
_that view of the merits of this that
although objectioneLle in some respects he is in -favour_
of seeing it go into Committee. But I am persuaded
that, at the present time especially, while it would be
most difficult to frame amendments which wore conso-
nant with the spirit of the Bill, it would on the other
hand be exceedingly difficult for the Government to ac-
cept a measure which would require that total alteration
which I think this one requires. I have, therefore, come
to the opinion that, thinking the measure totally futile
end inefficacious, believing that it will not be a good and
efficient defence to the country, I shall vote for the
amendment, and against the further progres of the Bill.
Lord PALMERSTON—I had hoped that when this
House was called upon to consider a measure which had
been admitted in its principle, at least, if net in its de-
tails—in its object if not in its provisions—by all par-
ties, by both sides of the House—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial side, and counter cheers from the Opposi-
tion)—by the Government that was, and by the Govern-
ment that is, to be essential for- the best interests of the
country, the measure would have been discussed
solely
with a view to the defence and security of the realm, and
that no party feeling—(Tremendous cheering and coun-
ter cheering)—that no party feeling would have mixed
itself up with the discussion of the present night.—(Re-
newed cheers.) I confess, Sir, it is with much surprise
and with still greater pain that I have witnessed the line
which the Noble Lord and those of his followers—
(Cheers and counter cheers)—have thought it their duty
to take on the present occasion. The Noble Lord, in-
deed, more practised in Parliamentary warfare, has
stated his objections with much greater discretion and
skill. His intended rejection of the measure is not
the less positive and announced.—(Further cheers.)
But the two Honourable Gentlemen (members of
the former Government) who spoke in the early
part of this debate, advanced arguments and stated
objections which went as strongly against that tonsure
which no doubt they would have supported if the last
Government had continued in power, as'they would pos-
sibly apply to the measure which is now under discus.
sion ; and I must say I wonder the Noble Lord should
have finished the statement he made without reproach-
ing his Hon. Friends for their desertion of that standard
under which they had fought under his command.—
(Hear, and laughter.) I must beg to set right at once
an assertion which the Noble Lord has repeated to-
night, and which he has often stated before—that ho
was prevented by the motion I made and carried from
bringing in the Bill which he had stated his inten-
tion to propose.—(Cheers.) My motion produced no
such effect, except that of determining the Noble Lord
to resign.—(elseers and counter cheers.) If I had pro-
posed that the resolution should be read that day six
months—if I had proposed a negative to the resolution
—that no resolution should be bronght in—then it
would have been true I had opposed and prevented the
bringing in of the Bill ; but the object and effect
of my motion was simply to make the title
of the Bill in harmony with the provisions
the Noble Lord himself had stated, and there-
fore I deny the assertion that the motion I made pre-
vented the Noble Lord from bringing in his Bill. The
late Government, after maturely considering the state of
the national defences, came deliberately to the opinion
that a militia force of some kind was necessary for the
defence of the realm—(Hear, hear)—but we have now
hoard from the Noble Lord that a militia force is not the
proper force—(Loud cheers and counter cheers)—that
it would be far better to have a small amount of embo-
died militia—better to add to your pensioners, and va-
rious other methods, by which it is proposed to have
100,000 men in the permanent pay of the United King-
dom for the purpose of defending the realm. That was
not the measure which the last Government, upon full
deliberation, proposed, and which, being, as they had
foreseen, negatived, they thought the refusal was of such
paramount importance that they could not think they
could longer, with credit to themselves, hold the admi-
nistration of affairs.—(hear.) With regard to the mat-
ter itself, I must say I think great ignorance prevails in
the country both as to the inadequate state of oar defences
and as to the real reality of the danger to which we are
exposed. Tho Noble Lord has very fully explained
how impossible it is, notwithstanding the peaceful na-
ture—the friendly nature—of our relations with foreign
powers, to reckon with confidence that some unforeseen
event may not, from year to year, take place which may
put you in a position in which you cannot either resent
insult or injury, or submit to invasion. Many persona
out of doors, who discuss this matter, seem to think the
question of peace or war depends on the opinion of one
party alone—that it is in the power of any country whe-
ther they should remain peaceable or should take up arms
in their defence. But that question depends not upon one
party alone, but upon those from whom aggression may
be expected—(Hear, hear)--and it has been stated by
many lion. Gentlemen, and the Hon. Member for the
West Riding has been reminded to-night that ho himself
enumerated various occasions in the course of the last
few years, in which this country was brought into a po-
sition in which war might have been unavoidable. Now,
if war be an event against the possibility of which you
cannot provide, then we must consider whether as to
that country especially which, without any unfriendly
feeling towards ft, or without at all anticipating
the real arrival of an event that may place us in
hostility with it, we must nevertheless regard as one
of the Powers with which possibly we may perhaps be
involved in war, circumstances have occurred of late
years which might have some effect on the offensive
feelings that might arise. I have hoard many say,
" Why alarm yourselves about the chances of war; we
have never been invaded since Heaven knows when? We
have during the last thirty or forty years been in perfect
tranquillity. Bonaparte tried to invade us in 1804, and
we alt know how difficult were his preparations to make,
and that it would have been easy to have defeated them;"
but when they refer to that former state of things as a
proof we need be under no alarm as to the possibility of
invasion now, it is as it a person told me that, some
thirty or forty years ago, it took three days and nights
to come from Edinburgh to London, therefore it was
impossible to come now in twelve hours—(Hear, hear)
—that because, thirty or forty years ago a person in
Dublin was for weeks without receiving any direct intel-
ligence from London, therefore it was impossible now
communications might be transmitted, as I have no doubt
they will be, from one town to the other in as many
minutes as formerly it took days, especially in the pre-
valence of the westerly winds. It augurs an entire forget-
fulness of the improvements made in modern times for
any man to argue from what happened 30 or 40 years
ago that it might happen now. The application of steam
to navigation has in effect made a bridge over the chan-
nel and has brought the means of quick attack —an at-
tack on a scale of great magnitude which did not exist
before.—(Hear.) But it is said we should know before-
hand if any preparations were made. I say you might
not know—(Hear, hear)—because, by the internal ar-
rangements of railways the distribution of troops is such
that 50,000 or 60,000 men might be collected at Cher-
bourg before you knew anything of the matter; and
those who have seen what those immense works ero,must
be perfectly aware that a number of men could walk from
the quay into their vessels as easily as they could walk
into their barrack-yard.—(Hear, hear.) A night would
bring them over, and all oar naval preparations, be they
what they might, could not be relied on to prevent the
arrival of such an expedition, as no batteries or gun-
boats we might have on our shores could be relied on to
prevent the landing of the expedition when it had ar-
rived.—(Hear, hoar.) The history of all times and all
nations, and the history of our own nation in especial,
proved that a large force, when it is determined to land,
will land against all opposition whatever.—(hear.) Be-
sides, can you reckon that the invading force shall be
one, and directed against one point only.—(Hear.) There
aro many points against which an expedition may con-
currently sail; one portion of the force might land in Ire-
land, another on a distant part of our own island, while
a third, designed for the metropolis, might land on the
coast over against the metropolis.—(Hear, hear.) Our
limited garrisons would be, in such a case, divided and
distracted—(Hear, hear)—if we heard of an expedition
landing in Ireland, everybody would say, " Send all the
forces to Ireland," and then an expedition landing on
the southern coast would not find a force adequate to
resist it.—(Bear, hear.) I therefore say, that the pre-
sent amount of the standing army, adding the pensioners
—excellent troops, but who from their condition, being
men past the prime of life, have not the respired activity
of frame, and the extent of the augmentation of whom,
moreover, has been greatly exaggerated,—but, including
all, regular troops and pensioners, the amount of our
standing army, I say, is not sufficient to meet an emer-
gency of that kind. As to the marines, on whom some
gentlemen count, they would be required to go on board
ship, and cannot, therefore, be reckoned on as part of
the home garrison.—(Hear, hear.) There are two ways
in which the deficiency I speak of may be made goodl
We may add materially to our standing army, but ,
for one, am utterly opposed to such au addition.—
(Hear, hear.) Tu make that addition to our regular
army would require an amount of expenditure which
the country would not bear, and which the country
ought not to bear.—(Hear, hear.) Tue othebratwaany
organization of a militia, is the
meaning by, t trained only
of reserve, or body of men drilled and
for a portion of the year, and which wouldnotctorsutettpss
one-tenth of what au equal number of regular
hriecg else e
would cost; so that for the expendituretufortbwe
might have an additional, say, 8,000 men
army, we might have 80,000 militiamen
trained.—(hear, hear.) Adopt the planof
en? I'll tell
8,000 regular troops, and what would p
samePthing would
o layd dP ianrgt
you what would happen; just theuul
happen to these 8,000 men that.. w.
edundant where
as it is said, r
colonial troops, who being,TO° Hon. Mem-
d happen to the
they are, it is proposed to havehuhrome.
ber for Montrose, or some Other
of the troops now in
gentleman, has pro-
sbsearllainh.r
Gtheeatcloe:
posed to have a large proporti
the colonies sent home, as beinge,unsundecet
lonies; but let them come
ohrto keep them as addi-
man would next propose,
tion to the borne garrison,rl:bubet
atro.)disAbaandd
so
enidt gwebturlidd
be
them immediztely.— regular troops I have
with the 8,000 su
gemthe House, feeling deeply for the
pp(lEteaentary
pointed to. SalVes-nete of our permanent defences,
moment the inadeq isee
were to agree to addthis.uBeo,opo?bourmlo,ooo men to the regular'
year, perhaps next
army, you would k© L
year, but in the third 3ear there would recur a feeling of
ahsadthceoroi
economy, and gentlwemereengwteotualdpsfaotreL`wvaeshf.e
in-
vasion; these men
them;” they Auld be diss
no invasion we don't wan
banded, cud then for all purposes of defence they would-
be just as though they had never been under arms.
you have 80,000
.militiamen trained this year
But, if
and the next, oven supposing that in the third year some
a bad harvest, a detective revenue
motives of economy, ,
or seine other occurrence should induce the House to
withdraw the annual vote for the training of this
militia,
we should still have a valuable result for our
expenditure; we should have 80,000 men partially
trained, armed, equipped, enregimented, enrolled, and
liable to be called out at ten days' notice, should danger

present itself.—(Hear.) I say, therefore, that 80,000
militiamen would ee a more valuable addition to our
military force than 8,000 men added to the regular
armee—(Host.) For these reasons lam of opinion that
_this ie a good measure—(Hear)—and, really, what is
the difference- bctween —the present meaauressand flea
measure which the late Government made a vital gut s-
tion?—(Hear.) The characteristic of that measure vies,
that compulsory service was the rule, and voluntary
service-the exception. What is the characteristic of-the
present measure? That voluntary service is thorule and
compulsory service the exception.—(Dear.) The ground,
therefore, on which the late
it is
Governmenthot geooemspiunhor
op-
posing the present measure is, that
enough—(Hear)—that it relies, in the first instance, on
voluntary enlistment; that it does not compel people to
serve, and is not, therefore, a measure calculated to
_meet the oneasion.. I have heard of' a great many meet-
ings in different parts of the country, where objections
were urged against the proposed militia; but the gene-
rality of these objections turned on the ballot. The No-
ble Lord says that his ballot differed from the other -
ballot; but ho has not explained in what instance it did.
His ballot is accumulated on one class
of the community, whereas the ballot now proposed is
not only deferred, but is spread over various ranks.—
(Hear; hear.) The Noble Lord says that his was a dis-
criminative ballot, the result of which would be all good
men, moral men, well-conducted men, who would all
return home properly to their families when dismissed,
whereas the other ballot would produce only bad subjects.
—(Laughter.) I am, myself quite at a Las to conceive
in what respect the Noble Lord's ballot is more discri-
minative than any other; or how he can conceive that
a ballot, in its nature compulsory, and which only in
special instances can be avoided by substitution, can he
more oppressive to the country than a ballot which
only
likely in t
oe xo terceumr (
ecla
rt,fhloos
Douse
s 0 hear.) casestol t
bear
eswa•
said,
rai
eateaalsle.—s,
aoCreeUhrost
and, by the by, I must—request use
mind that argument of those who proposed the last
measure, thst they were not altogether in harmony with
each other, any more than the provisions of the Bill
with its tide; for while, on the one hand, the measure
announced by the First Minister of the Crewn went, at
last, on the principle of allowing substitutes to serve, I
remember that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre-
tary-at-War, and afterwards President of the Board of
Control, argued at great length, and evidently with a
strong force of conviction, against substitution at all,
saying that substitutes were good for nothing, were
fellows who would pocket the money for becoming sub-
stitutes, and then, when they were really wanted would
vanish, and become altogether uncomeatable. Now, I
have not such an opinion of Englishmen,—(Cheers.) I
believe you would not find SO,OOO men in this country
who would take the bounty and then go off to America.
—(llear, hear.) I may, in the simplicity of my nature
—(Loud laughter on both sides of the House)—have too
good an opinion of people—( Laughter)—but I do not be-
lieve, making those abatements which must be always
made fur occasional defaulters in great bodies of the
people—there are defaulters even in this body, some-
times, when there is a call of the House—(A laugh—l
do not believe that, if you proceed to raise men by vo-
luntary enlistment for this army of reserve or militia—
call it what you will—you will find the men whom you
have enrolled, who have taken the oath of allegiance,
would absent themselves from the call of the country in
the hour of danger.—(Cheers.) I therefore look on
this measure as one calculated to do essential good to
the State.—(Hear, hear.) But, even if I thought there
were come portions of the measure which might bo im-
proved, this would be no reason why I should refuse it a
second reading.—(Hear, hear.) That would be a rea-
son why I should propose amendments in Committee—
(Herr, hear)—but if I believed that the defensive force
of the country was inadequate—if I believed, as we have
forcewould was bec
a become just heard, that occasions may occur in which additional
threes
forcen desirableecessary to
o f
have,
arbee,lieavhedd
if I thata
militia had
staked my political and legislative existence on a
measure to ithat purpose, I might think a
particular militia measure might be better
in some
respects than it at present was, but I should vote for
its second reading and pass it into Committee, in a
friendly spirit, with a view to improve it—(gear)—and
I should not endeavour to throw the measure out, or
especially in the existing state and condition of Parlia-
ment, postpone, at all events, the initiation of a mea-
sure which in its principle I had proved, by retiring
from office on the question, I deemed to be of paramount
importance.—(Hear, hear.) Ido hope that the example
which has been set by two members of the late Go-
vernment will not be followed by others—(llear, hear)
—I hope there are no other men, who, having been
prepared to vote for a measure involving mainly com-
pulsory service, will object to the measure before us be-
cause it is mainly a voluntary measure—(Hear, hear)
—who, having been prepared to vote for a local militia,
now object to this measure because it is based on a re-
gular militia.—(Hear.) The difference between the
measure of the late Government and that of the present
Government consists rather in name than in reality; if
there be any difference, it is in favour of this measure,
inasmuch as this measure is founded on voluntary en-
listment mainly, whereas the other is liable to the ob-
jection that its essential basis was that of compulsory
service.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. MOFFATT moved the adjournment of the debate
till Monday, and,
Atter a few words from Colonel SIBTHORP, the mo-
tion was agreed to.
The House then went into Committee upon the Re-
payment of Advances Acts Amendment (Ireland) Bill.
Clauses 1 and 2 were agreed to without amendments.
On clause 3, which provided that the Treasury might
cause erroneous charges to be corrected,
Mr. CLEMENTS proposed an amendment, with the
view of enabling the Commissioners, if it should appear
to them expedient, to alter the number of years for which
the annuities charged on the electoral divisions had been
fixed.
Lord NAAS objected to the amendment, on the ground
that it would re-open a question which had already been
settled, and would create great inconvenience and con-
fusion.
After some discussion, the amendment was negatived
without a division.
This and the remaining clauses of the Bill were then
agreed to, and the House resumed.
On the order of the day for going into Committee on
the Improvement of Towns (Ireland) Bill being read,
Lord NAAS observed, that as the measure was of a
very complicated nature and was likely, he believed, to
meet with considerable opposition, he begged to move
that the order be discharged.
The motion was agreed to, and the order was dis-
charged accordingly.
The Sheep. &c., Contagious Disorders Prevention Bill,
the Poor Relief Act Continuance Bill, and the Exche-
quer-bills (17,742,8001.) Bill were severally read a third
time and passed.
Sir W. JOLLIFFE obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
continue an Act for authorising the application of highway
rates to turnpike roads. The Hon. Baronet also obtained
leave to bring in a Bill for further continuing certain tem-
porary provisions concerning ecclesiastical jurisdiction
in England.
The Bills were brought in, and were read a first time.
Mr. lIERRIES moved the re-nomination of the Select
Committee on Indian territories.
Mr. ANSTEY objected to the motion, on the ground
that the selection or Members to constitute the Com-
mittee was one-sided. The Committee comprised seve-
ral Members of the East India Company, three of whom
were directors, while he looked in vain for the name of
the Hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright), and the
Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets (Mr. G. Thomp-
son), both of,whom, it was well known, took great in-
terest in Indian affairs. He thought it was pretty clear
what the character of the report would be, and that that
proposed inquiry would, under the circumstances, be no-
thing but a mockery. The Committee as proposed was
one in which the people of India ought not to have, and
would not have, the slightest confidence.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD moved to strike out one of the
)Moore), in
names proposed (and selected M
that of Mr.
order to substitute that of Mr. Anstey.
i
Mr. BERRIES observed that that lion. and Learned
Committee, and
Member opposed the appointment of the
said he believed it would be useless.
e atived, and the Com-
mittee Scholefield's motion w
• as
%gas follows:—Mr. Her-
mittee was appointed, constitute
Lord John Rus-
sell, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, m
ties,
Sir Charles Wood, , r.
sell, Mr. Baring, Labouchere Sir James
Newdegate, r.
Gladstone, Mr.
Thompson,
Graham, Mr. Alderman Sir William Moles-
worth, v
Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Vicount Jocelyn, Vis-
count Mahon,
2ar-
Cobden, Mr. Hardinge, Mr. Milner
Gibson, Sir James Emerson Tennent, Mr. Mangles,
Sir James Hogg, Mr. Hume, Mr.Bankes, Mr. Vernon
Smith, Mr. Robert Ililyard, Mr. James Wilson, Mr.
Moore, Sir Edward Colebrooke, Mr. Plowden, Mr.
d Mr. Cardwell.
The an
The House adjourned at five minutes past One o'clock,

HUSH RAILWAYS.
COMPLETION OF THE DUBLIN AND BELFAST JUNCTION
RAILWAY.-011 Monday, when the morning mail-train
arrived at Wellington Inn (whence it was dispatched by
road to Newry, and thence to Mullaghglass station, two
miles north of Newry, the intermediate part of the line
is not yet completed), a trial trip took place over the new
works of the railway comprised in the foregoing line.
Sir John Macneill, with four of the directors, proceeded
by engine over nearly the entire space, and, we under-
stand, expressed his satisfaction at the manner in which
the works were executed. The directors expect to be
able to open the line direct by the 10th of May; and
about that period it may be expected that a change in
the receipt and dispatch of, probably, all the northern
mails will take place.—Neicry Examiner.
The 10th of May is named for the opening of the
Waterford and Limerick Railway from Tipperary to
Clonmel, and rapid strides are making between Clonmel
aed Carrick in the progress of the works, and no
.doubt,
need now be entertained of its completion to Dunkitt b)
the end of this year.

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FLOW-
, ERS AND THE FAIR Sex. -- FiOWEITA are
prettily said to be " terrestrial stars, that bring down lleave,
to earth and carry up our thoughts from earth to down
Woman, lovely woman, has been still more prettily define
Hav
as "something between a flower and an angel." ing
both these " gifts" to gladden us, what happymein' tellowS
we men ought to be!-Kidcl'a 04774./oyr/la.

v R.
receive,There i
in the
oinfierasstii
THE _MILITIA FILL,
tlr.t,fl'heiee,hasiint ii:ttieirssnaolfaenodufipdrcompuet;
it igti...slie.4ci.r.,
„::,
Firnerssom the Times-) /e -':
e4Y ..*:.
~...
pthrtolve:toistizinG,do.vbeurntitmei;t.eomTmhebytitymefeyit otnbaetaiafinwiueamtiori-s I,l'
. ~- - f 1 ';?.7,
-1 :, . 41/4.7. k- 9,4 ,
\--, ~ -.....
give up our prejudicein their liteearit-eateeeelyebee—for: --- 'aeell. '- -
reasons that will shako our confidence in their authors. , •-• ..,
ae.
Jteasures of national defence, it is evident, come under IteraVdS at'ef
this categOry: -There is no such very wide difference
between the militia of Lord Jolla-Ewell, that suggested .
by Lord Palmerston'si amendment, and that of the pre- -
tent Ministry. Bat as the Conservatives, with a re-
markable agreement of opinion on an exceedingly ab-
stract and shadowy point, rejected Lord John's measure,
the Whip are quite as strongly aud quite as mysteri-
ously moved to throw cut Mr. Walpole's, The exact
character of the present opposition is betrayed by the
circumstance that when Mr. Rich, or any other Whig
Member, gets up to criticise the Bill now in the House
he inveriebly goes off into a general disparagement of
militias of all shapes and kinds. A militia is neces-
sarily a half and half measure; it is necessarily an at-
tempt to combine the conflicting conditions of peace and
war, of security and danger, of civil and military
life.. As such it must needs be ambiguous and queee
tionable in the strictest sense of those terms. It is in
measures of this mixed and intermediate character that
the authority of Governments and the intervention of
statesmen aro most severely taxed, and so liable are
they in their nature to the most plausible objectioes,
that the mere fact of their being pulled to piotes, and
even covered with ridicule in the arena of the liegish''
tare, need not startle those who ere prepared to Ell yport
them. It would appe.ar to bo an impossibility for ql".
tions of this sor; to be decided upon their own mea`t!.
The state of parties and the general aspect of the pole,
tical world must be taken into consideration. Knowing.
es we do, that it is scarcely possible for the Bill now in
the House to pass in anything like its original form, and
seeing greater evils just now in its discussion than in its
postponement, we are prepared to rely for the present :
on our existing defences, with perhaps some additional
regular soldiers, and to put off for anuther year prepare
tions that, at beet, are prospective. We are prepared
to do so, because there is really no other alternative.
Not the least evil of the present discussion is the ir-
retrievable damage it is certain to inflict on the fair
fame of British parties and statesmen. The moment
the national defences are in the hands of a new and un-
popular Government, it is discovered for the first time by
the supporters of the late Government that it would take
at least a month for an invading army to march from
the coast to the metropolis, that by the time they had
reached the suburbs, if they ever got so far, we could
muster a regular and well disciplined force of 200,000
wmeenb,a vhave with
leastobattaibedthis
a hundredvaetarmfl field b
ld gums,
enlistment, eII that
and b
though
y
iamp pals
possible
btloe selfish fih and
procures l
emercenary l
fmtobtai motives, ens i
u,
mbt
ear. o uelfd
rbee.
spectable men for a few weekslvofa withoutnenuar annual training, ttrhaai nntinkh
thankful
e
gu,land
ballot. Very case
ey well,
of.
invasion,
sfeorripoutir deobafnendce
reliefthe
fi portionbd l theseeogfionsof
discoveries. It
start is no 'int);
defenders st up Bilel'olti
of the holes and corners of the land, frene
dockyards tied decks, from police and preventive sta-
tions, from amidst us and around us, on all sides. Ro-
derick Dhu no soener whistles than every rock, every
bush, reveals an armed friend. But why is this disco-
vered so late? Nay, how does it come to pass that while
supporters and even members of the late Government aro
assuring us that we have nothing whatever to fear, and
that we are in fact a great military power, wanting only
a little more organization, the chief of that Government
still recommends his own measure, and endeavours to
persuade us that it was a much stronger and mare real
measure than that before the House? Our readers will
nut be surprised to hear that this extraordinary scene
has had the very natural effect of raising Lord Palmer-
ston once more into the position of arbiter of parties,
the censurer of faction, and the scourge of his old col-
leagues. How far the new honours of candour and im-
partiality sit gracefully on the brow of the veteran di-
plomatist, it is hardly for us to say; but there can be no
doubt that a great opportunity has been presented to
him, and cs little doubt that he bas availed himself of it
to the best possible effect. Lord Palmerston has, at all
events, retorted on Lord John Russell the charge of gra-

tuitous and malignant opposition.
The most important result of this di3cussion so far
has been the revelation of oar hidden strength, as con-
fessed by the supporters of the first Militia Bill of this
session. Mr. Rich, we can't help fearing, has greatly
exaggerated our present available means of defence, but
even the most moderate estimate is rather roassurieg.
especially when we are told by the hero of actual
invasion, that it would take even a small FreL\Ch de-
tachment ten days to land, with everything in its Ovour,
and twenty days more to reach town. The folio oing
estimate of our present available force, made by a vi`rY
competent and careful authority, may be applied ,40
check Mr. Rich's too flattering picture of our nations"
••• •••
strength:—
Force of all ranks, infantry ... 61,000
Pensioners ... 16,000
and volunteers
Yeomanry 14,000
Artillery ... 7,000
Marines ashore • • ••• 3,000
Coast Guard for land batteries ... 5,000
Dockyard battalions ... 5,000
Add to the regular troops and infantry . . 10,000
Irish constabulary ... .„ 10,000
Metropolitan Police „. 7,000

Total 140,000
The addition of 10,000 men to the infantry is thus
obtained. There are 58 regiments of 850 men, and 9
regiments of 900 rank and file. These 67 regin:ents
might be augmented to 1,000 men without one additiOnal
officer, and the result would be as follows .-
58 regiments, 150 each
9 „ 100 ~

... 8,700
... 900

Additional rank and file 9,600
Hence there are 123,000 men, beyond dispute, mostly
good and trained soldiers. The 17,000 additional men,
consisting of police, are certainly available in case
of emergency, which is all to be provided
against at present. Under these circumstances,
the public need not take it very much
to heart, if they find the House of Commo.us in too di-
vided and agitated a state to pass a Militia Bill this ses-
sion. Should it be suspended, a good commission of
military men and civilians ought to bo appoint:A to exa-
mine into and report upon the present state of Ole militia
law, upon the actual force in the country, and upon the
best and most economical means of national defence from
foreign aggression. At all events, foreign countritA6 v%
ill
learn that we are not in so destitutela state as to icivite
invasion; that, having respectable means of defence, we
can spare time to consider the best plans for future pi 'O-
- if any are called for; and that even now, unprc,-
vided as wo aro alleged to be, we could, without much
delay, rut the Duke of Wellington at the head of a Bri-
tish force larger than he won his greatest victories with
—larger, indeed, than any he ever commanded.

MARKETS. 23.
ITGE.—The improvement which has mani
STOCK EXCHA
share market for the last few days was
of 'Change this morning. The
well supported on th
as follow :—Great Western, 113—Vale of
transactions were
York and North Midland, 2u.
Heath, 3',4 dis--
fest: itself in thLevE
WABYRISSTVAPRmE: .
opßePthnOOL, APRIL 23.
v,rtalecie.—The share market opened this
sroch: —.-
rather better than yesterday, but towards the
morninglof the day symptoms of a decline and inactivity
displayed themselves. The purchase, however, by one or
two leading brokers of stocks at full rates restored confidence,
and the market closes at its best with a fair amount of busi-
ness- The transactions werelas follow :—Ambergate, Not-
am and East Junction, Idis.--Caledonian,n,
gip?,,—Dtitiltotoo,slirneenock, guaranteed,er cent., 17%—i:est ern
and Ifoly-
head, Preference, guaranteed 51/ p
Counties, 9 7-V i—Edinburgh and Glasgow, 33—Lancashre
and Yorkshire, 74—Ditto, Fifths, 6 dis.—Liverpool, Crosby,
and Southport, 2114—London and North-Western, 1241, c.
—Ditto, New Quarters, 5% p.-31anchester, Sheffield, and
Lincolnshire, Preference, 13;i Midland, 69 —South-
Eastern and Dover, 221i—York and North Midland, 25,a
—South Staffordshire, 114 dis.—Dutch Rhenish, 31. i dis.
MANCHESTER, APRIL 23.
STOCK EXClikNOE.—The business to-day was very limited.__
but prices had an upward tendency. The transactious.r3rw
as follow :—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 54_4an,
Kendal and Windermere, 12—Midland, 68.i.—Caleau"
Quarters,
ties, 9 7-16—London and North-Western, 1;-,_e_vf.., (No. 1),
20M—South-Eastern and Dover, 22 15-16—Eastern Coun-
ties,
p.—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 73 N —Blaf:'n'iun'"9`4 N di/.
6 V.—Sheflield, Preference, Catedonial
East Anglians, 4 !,, dis,—Ditto, f; per cent.,
13 3.l6—West
s g ,_
Preference, 8 !,a .
STOCK EXCRANG E. —There was an
aindp a
good bu.4neuis
hibited in the share market to-dTy,
BIRIAINGHAAL
he sales reported were—
has been done at improved pri93:9,-13,
Midland Stock, 66
London and North-Western,e: ~e, 76.._
}e Shrewsbury and
roved feeling es-
STOCK
Union. 3 dis.
Birminghamt(B), 5 '4l—Shropso ) Ariu.nie 21.03. v
Ditto (Birmingham and D

:7

____----- _
EIGHT PERSONS DROWNED.—On Tuesday evening,
as nine persons were coming ashore from a vessel, the Jane.
lying at Benllach, near the Red Wharf, the boat being small
and overloaded capsized, and all were thrown into the water.
The weather at the time was calm, the v,-ator smooth, and
about seven feet deep. They were about a hundred yards
from shore, and their cries for assistance were most
ived
rr heart-
rending; but only a few women were to be found o
an the
spot, and those in a state of distraction. When moo
it was too late to render any assistance to the tudortunatet
sufferers, except one boy, Evan Jones, nine years old, vi,'°T
they found on a piece of timber floating, and succee(.lo,,,T:
saving, who is doing well. Six bodies were found that n '•,""
and the other two next morning.—North Wales Chroniel,:_.
FATAL ACCIDENT AT TUE CAMDEN-TOWN Ss
Chapin,T!,T
—Yesterday, as a goods train belonging to Dlesswri;
and Home, carriers, was entering the Camden-to
it
rec't:itvi°P*
the last truck came in contact with a stone, when
was riding on
a sudden jerk, which threw off Frederick
aged thirteen, the conductor's brother, ;ow was raised up
the truck with the latter. The poe,ri ,onyoyed within the
quite insensible and speechless. and
n;ighbouring surolfon,
station, where he was attended b 3. gentleman's arrival', his
but he was quite dead before that
neckls:,x.-0n Wednesday
bothaenindenberger,
out on the premises of Drs.
establishentof
arrivalth oosfe
the
entelnegminetnss
liacelhiruerst, which at one time threatened to
Newington, At 'is.
FI R E A T TicE brokeni
In broke bytSe U fall.
8 E
destroy
n clv, from the exertions of the people in
but which, fortnna: .
d and the speedy
gnoboene,n
and'funbrid e-w lls
from Ilawkhurst
The g e .., was confined to the
directingb rhoo urni bearing gthhbtev'e gentlemen,
centre of the building.
hhe:uxcer?tti'ot of the villagers,
their perilous situation, and sustained no injury whatever ;
they were accommodated without delay in 4
other premise
connected with the institution. The magistrates, neigh-
rendered v
hgorseea tens
most praiseworthy. The ices sustained is calcu'ated to
amount to 10,000/., but fortunately the whole was insu:ed.
NEW RAIL '
1‘ AY Illus.—During the present aes-.
:Tr; al•c ew
te%
sion 72 railway Bills have been read the second time in the
House of Commons, and referred to Select Committees► s.ta
17 railway Bills have bean read the third time and Pas;"'.