The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-24 00:00:00

;SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM TIIE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
lIERALD.---We have now the pleasant task of an-
nouncing to our readers that Lord Derby has completed
the formation of the Cabinet, and settled most of the
Minor arraneements usually consequent upon a change of
Administration. We are confident emongst reflecting
men of every class—whether commercial, manufac-
turing, or agricultural—it will he readily admitted that,
environed. as the country it, both at home and in the
colonies, with social evils of no ordinary kind, and with
a cloud of danger impending over our head abroad, it is
desirable that we should have a Minister at the helm of
the State who has sagacity and talent to weather the
storm and to pilot the vessel through the breakers
which surround us; and we fearlessly ask where can be
found in her Majesty's dominions a man better qualified
for the arduous task he has undertaken than the Earl of
Derby—a man of tried administrative ability, and of
unblemished honour, who has associated with him a no
Hemet', the descendent of one of cur most talented di-
plematists, whose name alone would secure the respect
of foreign Governments, but who has already earned for
hicleeli, both in and out of Parliament, a character for
talent and, ability worthy of his illustrious descent—we
mean Vie Earl of Malesesbury. Such men as these
cannot fail to conduct the affairs of this great country to
the satisfaction of her Majesty, and, we doubt not, with
advantage to the mass of her Majesty's loyal subjects.
What, then, has become of the prophecies of those
would-be leaders and conductors of the public mind,
who told us, not only months ago, but even lately, that
" Protection was dead;" " that to see a Protectionist
Ministry sitting in Downing-street was a simple impos-
sibility;" and "Lord Derby was the last man to whom
the Queen would entrust the management of the Go.
vernmena" At this very moment the Earl of Derby
—totallyunlike most Modern statesmen—who is utterly
incapable of sating one thing and meaning another--
who will not trim his sails to suit the purpose of the
rebmerit—Lord Derby, we say, is at this moment, with
his Cabinet formed, quietly settled in Downing-street,
and prepared to carry those measures be conceives best
for the honour and dignity of the Throne and for the
public interest. Are we to be told then, as we have
been, and may be told again, that to restore protection
to native industry is to set class against class, manufac-
turer against agriculturist? Very likely such may
be the game that will be attempted by some
of the rabid Free-traders to gull and mislead
the public ; bat Englishmen like fair play,
and 'we bate no fear for the result. Lord Derby has not
the slightest intention of setting class against class, of
creating a monopoly for the landed interest and depress-
ing the manufacturing; on the contrary, he is thoroughly
convinced that all the great interests of the country,
shipping, commercials manufacturing, and agricultural,
are intimately connected each with the other—that ma-
nufacturers cannot prosper if farmers aro starving, and
that agriculture thrives most when trade and commerce
ere prosperous. Lord Derby is, therefore, desirous
that each class should have that fair protection and as-
sistance from the State as may be most conducive to the
advantage of all, establishing no monopoly, but taking
care that British labour and British capital should be
encouraged and protected in preference to that of the
foreigner. Should Lord Derby carry on the Govern-
ment in this spirit, as he has told us be will—and who
can doubt the assertion of a man of such nice and scru-
pulous honour?—we ask again, fearlessly, will not the
British people prefer such ,a man, and such a Govern-
ment, to the late set of wretched incapables—men who
were for unsettling everything and consolidating nothing
—men who have retired from office, we may say, almost
by universal consent, and hardly leaving a friend behind
them?
TlMES.—There is all the difference in the world be-
tween a fact and a scheme—between an historical and a
projected Administration. The former is a thing of I
waking life—the latter has the pale hues and shadowy
consistency of a dream. The late Cabinet, with all its
increasing deficiencies, dwindled, petrified, and cast off,
nevertheless stood out in all the relief that long and
great personal services could impart. Hardly a name
in it but has been a household word among us for a
whole generation, or the representative of others still
more known in their days. Compact and united almost
to a fault, and dwelling in an atmosphere of its own, it
seemed rather an estate of the realm than a party in the
political world. It could show an unbroken tradition
trom the body of men who had stood lace to face with
the younger Pitt, who bad guarded the Constitution
under all the Georges, and in a manner founded it
under William 111. Its own chief, when called on to
improve and enlarge it, or, in the language of the day,
to infuse fresh blood into it, found it as im-
possible to interfere with its natural development as
to add new branches to an oak or limbs to
a man. Was it not a living thing, and was it not perfect
and complete ? It was easy to reform the House of
Commons, to create Peers ad libitum, to remodel the
Constitution, or even to change the dynasty; but impos-
sible to mend a Whig Cabinet. With this solid and
familiar existence we have now to compare a sheet of
paper inscribed with some respectable names. From
some known quantities in it, and some comparatively
unknovin, we have to calculate as well as we can the
probable value of the unknown result. In such a com-
parison, by the force of nature itself, almost everything
is in favour of the past, compared with the future. A
man who depreciates an old Administration risks his
own character in the attempt; but it is scarcely possible
not to depreciate those whom we have known only as
youths, adventurers, upstarts, tyroes, and sciolists. But
common sense, if not charity, should suggest that office
shows the man, and even makes the man; while it requires
no common penetration to see the full-grown statesman in
the rising young member, and the faculty of governing
in a few Parliamentary harangues. The consciousness
of these jealous and unfair tendencies should teach us to
regard with something more than indulgence the list of
men to whose guidance the good ship of the State is
now committed; and, after some involuntary expressions
of surprise, we have little doubt that the list will be ge- '
nerally so regarded. Such considerations will qualify
and mitigate the general results of criticism, but of
course they cannot prevent it. No one can read the list
before us without applying some measure of fitness and
standard of ability, and in the remarks we have to make
we merely anticipate the spontaneous reflections of most
of our readers. No one can doubt that Mr. Disraeli is
the man to lead the House of Commons, but he certainly
has consulted rather his ambition than his genius in his
selection of office. It is very true that he has dived
into the depths and flown to the heights of finan-
cial theory ; but the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer has not merely to make projects or elucidate
maxims of finance ; he has also to learn and
comprehend the numerous relations between the
commerce and the revenue of the country,, to make ela-
borate financial expositions, and to be prepared with re-
plies on any complicated 'question of details which con-
venience or even malice may suggest. Ig preparing for
such tasks Mr. Disraeli will at least work against the
grain, and he will possibly find it difficult to be both a
wit and a Chancellor of the Exchequer. Perhaps this is
not his own choice. Mr. Thomas Baring has declined
the post for the reasons we mentioned yesterday, and we
must say that in so doing he has neither done justice to
his party nor to his own character. A man who claims
a political position is bound to make sacrifices and to
run risks. If Mr. T. Baring thinks the Chancellorship
of the Exchequer a "let down" for a wealthy merchant,
or if he has a slight opinion of his party's prospects,
and will not inconvenience himself for a short period of
office, he is scarcely eating up to the British estimate
of political or party obligation. His absence from
the list is likely to be a serious injury to his
friends, as they cannot but feel. Mr. Walpole is
a man of talent and attainment, but his fitness
for the Home-office is far too speculative a ques-
tion to be discussed in this place. The Earl of Malmes-
bury descends from a diplomatists, and is said to be a
sensible and clearheaded man; he is certainly not defi-
cient in good temper; but he has undertaken an office which
did not pass from Palmerston even to Granville without
misgivings, and which some recent incidents, as well as
the whole state of things in Europe, seem to prove the
most responsible in the British Cabinet, if not in the
world. But the two most disproportionate terms in this
list are Sir John Pakington and the Colonial-office. It
is a great demand on:our faith to suppose the active Wor-
cestershire magistrate equal to the task of governing our
fifty colonies, all more or less in a state of disaffection.
However, we are ready to believe, if we can. The names
of Sir E. Sugden, the Earl of Lonsdale, and Lord Lynd-
hurst require no comment of ours. Mr. Herries is pos-
sibly as competent to the Board of Control and the con-
struction of the new Indian charter as his predecessor,
though that is more than we should venture to say in
his favour. Mr. Henley's appointment to the Board of
Trade is as good as any in the list. Lord John Manners
may easily manage the Woods and Forests as well as
any that have gone before him; nor need the Duke of
Northumberland be ashamed to sit in the seat of his
predecessor at the Admiralty, while the Earl of Hard-
w ickee is undoubtedly equal to the duties of the Post-
office. We must confess to one regret. There has not
been much dignity, still less sentiment, in the public
surrender of power from the old Cabinet to the new.
There was very little of a scene in either House yester-
day. Lord Derby was not in the Lords to "explain,"
and the task of acknowledging Lord Lunsdowne's leave
of office was scarcely adequately discharged by his sub-
stitute. A public life which has literally embraced the
first half of this century, and which was last night
most gracefully concluded, deserved an ampler and
richer tribute than our new Foreign Secretary seemed
able to bestow. Lord John Russell spoke well, bat be
took care to leave some bequests. He left the words'
" Free Trade," " Extension of Suffrage," and " Peace,'
as the grounds on which he meant to take his stand, in
or out of office. Very well. It was natural to say this.
It was more; it was unnecessary. But we trust these
are notthomere
to sonicwatchwords of a war to be immediatey
forced on the new Government, because, if they are,
ICLE
are not the mere watchwords of a war to be imtncdtatey
forced on the new Government because, if they are,
the they may possible-,
purposes.
UHRON
.—The
circle, with incredulous
had
oft
n oet extent,
better
et w ,
astonishment. dme fi en ai t e
rl
wtr
hloniwiet nh
we this day publish, willy
political probably be received, in every
baeretrtioteldt,haint LaortdonDe Derby
with; but the poverty of his resources
materials to build
eorfsuspicious condour, that the new
appreciated now that the new edificeree is will only be fully
completed. We
tolairtrial;may w
and, undoubtedly,
all Governmentpers
persons,
underentitled
circumstances,elahielr, no
to be
aeelt with fairly. Lofd Derby will receive,
unfair treatment at our hands; but fairneses to
country, also, must not be forgotten, and kindly anhcle
generous sentiments towards individuals must not
be
indulgeddut
duties. With
theN prejudice of public interests and
public Vith every disposition to deal
justly with those who have snddenly been clothed
with the rank and the responsibilities of states.
men, we cannot, in the present state of the country
and of Europe generally, view the formation of such a
Government without the most serious alarm. We arc
perfectly willing to put a candid construction on their
administrative acts, and to give a frank consideration to
any new and original line of policy which they may