The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-17 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY

he would expect the concurrence of the House in pro-
moting a remedy and thereby advancing industry and
protecting honest men, and putting down crimes so den-
gerons to society. This result would be beneficial, not
only to Ireland but to the empire at large.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HATCHELL did not object to the motion; in-
deed, it was perfectly plain, from the statement made by
his Right Hon. and Learned Friend, that it ought to be
acceded to generally by the House.—(Hear,
hear.)
Neither did he object specially to the form of that mo-
tion, as it was clear that the mischief for which a remedy
should be discovered in these three counties would be
equally met in every other part of Ireland. It would
appear to the House that the crimes and outrages alluded
to have not sprung 'up of late date in Ireland, inasmuch
as there had existed in that country analogous societies
for at least thirty years. The Governments of Lord
the lon
House o urabl e t
haa and
Grey, Lord Melbourne, and Sir R. Peel bad endeavoured
to keep within the limits of the law, and meet the dis-
turbances by special commissioncommissions.He (Mr. Hatchet!)
would apply himself to some of the late outrages adverted
wto
bu
yl
d hisb e clearßight t o I Learnedd
any party w
office of Crown prosecutor in Ire'placed in a
very difficult position. It was impossible of late
Ireland was
lh'oriehnedld.
the
times to obtain convictions under any circumstances.
With respect to the two ineffectual trials which were
still standing over in the special commission,
he would not speak of them minutely, but he
would say, in one case, he' did advise the special com-
mission; it was a case which ought to be prosecuted, as
the evidence was sufficiently strong. He was alone re-
sponsible for that advice, not the late Lord-Lieutenant,
as had been incorrectly asserted. The case, however,
had been transferred to the Queen's Bench, there to be
tried according to the proper forms of
the court. In the
case of the outrages at Louth, in one case of outrage a
second• trial had to take place. At that second trial the
sister of the murdered man came forward and contra-
dicted the previous evidence of the Young woman who
had sworn to the identity of the prisoner, and thus pro-
cured the acquittal of the prisoner. In the case of Mr.
Eastwood he had advised the postponement of the trial,
because he was not in a condition to produce a material
witness. The gentleman was now in a condition to
prodUce that witness, and the case might be removed
by certiorari if the Honourable and
Learned Gen-
tleman wished. His general instructions were to
get proper jurors, and not to take Persons who were
under the influence of fear or other causes. But
he utterly denied having violated any of the fundamental
features of the jury law. He had throughout respected the
principles of the jury law in all his proceedings. There
was no doubt that 'ifibbonism existed
a wide con-
spiracy in parts of Irelana, not for any one particular
purpose, but for a variety of objects. In One
case the
Ribbon confederacy had been used for the purpose of
coercing trade, and in one instance a man had been mur-
dered who had not conformed to the rules of that con-
federacy. At present the confederacy directed its views
to the relations of, landlord and tenant. He hoped the
Select Committee would prove of advantage by inquir-
ing into the cause of crime in the counties referred to.
Mr. HALLE WELL said the question involved not
only the materialimprovement of that country, but the
very character of the people. There was no country in
the world which preiented such a state of things as Ire-
land. He was satisfied finless the law was made to be
the terror of evil-doers, that evil-doers would become a
terror to the law. He strenuously advised a rigid en-
forcement of the law.
Mr. M'CULLAgII concurred in the remarks of the
Right Hon. Gentleman with regard to the prevalence et
crime in Ireland and its debasing effects on the popula-
tion. But if this was admitted on one hand, they were
bound to bear in mind on the other hand that equality
and law had never been the same in Ireland as in other
portions of the empire. With respect to the tenure of
land several discussions in that House had taken place,
and though nothing definite had been decided upon, yet
most Hon. Members were agreed as to the expediency
of making some modification which it was anticipated
would soften the asperities between tenant and landlord,
It had already been urged on the House the propriety
of altering the law of ejectment in order to give some
advantage to the Irish tenant; but it was opposed on
the ground that it would not be right to give the Irish
tenant more advantage than the Scotch and English
tenant enjoyed, lSinee that proposition was refused, a
large number of evictions had taken .place, and this
had led to the increaie of crime and the impossibility
of obtaining justice. He did not think it would
answer any good purpose to have a Select
Committee, if they wore to narrow their ob-
ject to that class of witnesses only which the Honour-
able and Learned Gentleman proposed to call before it.
In 1817, the present Lord Chancellor of Ireland, then
Chief Justice Blackburne, succeeded without any extra-
ordianary measures in vindicating the law in the county
of Limerick, when a worse state of things existed at
the time than lately 'prevailed in the north. Since then
Limerick was perfectly tranquil. Let not the House,
therefore, be led away by the belief that it was neces-
sary to change he fundamental principles of the law in
Ireland, because in certain districts there had been no
convictions. In the first trial, that for the murder of
Mr. Bateson—there were four justices of the peace
on the jury, and amongst its other members were se-
veral owners of property—the jury, in fact, was not
composed of doubtful persons, or of men of the inferior
class, and yet nine were for acquittal, and three for con-
viction. On the second trial, seven were for acquittal,
sad three fur conviction. The evidence was of a
character to raise great doubts in the mind of any men—
the whole ; question being one of identity. It
was not, therefore, by altering the constitution
of juries that they could effect an improve-
ment. There was much in the management of pro-
perty, and in the state of society, which caused great
irritation. and it was an improvement in that
source of action they. shonldilook for an amelioration
of the subject matter of complaint. He did not, how-
ever, in the observations ho• had made, mean to raise
any question about the appointment of the Committee,
but he had thought it his duty to express his • -dissent
from some of the views of the R d Gentle-
on. and Learne
man opposite.

Mr.'OROGAN, in a voice scarcely audible, protested
against any attempt on the part of a Member of that
House to palliate the outrages which had been committed
in the recently disturbed districts of Ireland.
The motion was then agreed to.
THE ANNUAL INDEMNITY BILL.
On the motion of Sir W. JOLLIFFE,
to bring n this Bil, accordingly
and read a first timle.and it was introduced leave was given

COMMITTEE ON EXPIRING LAWS.
On the motion of Mr. G. A. HAMILTON, the fol-
lowing gentlemen were nominated a Sweet Committee on
Expiring Laws:—Mr. G. A. Hamilton, Mr. Mackenzie,
Mr. Attorney-General, air. Bernal, Mr. Stafford, Ste
W. Jolliffe, Mr. Freshfield, Mr. Hume, the Marquis of
Chandos, Mr. Greene, Lord 11. Lennox, Mr. Aglionby,
Sir J. Young, and Mr. Hayter.
FRIENDLY SOCIETIES.
On the order of,the day for the second reading of this
Bill,

Mr. SOTHERON said that his object in seeking to
legislate on this subject was to render permanent the
Act which had been passed twe years ago,
rary measure, respecting it, and therefore he begged
leave to withdraw the present Bill, and gave notice that
he would to-morrow (this day) move for leave to bring
in a Bill to continue the present Act for a couple or
years longer; and, it he should have a seat in the next
Parliament, he purposed bringing in a measure of a per-
manent character on the subject as a tempo-
The order of the day for the second reading of the
Bill was accordingly discharged.
SUPPLY.
The report of the Committee of Supply was brought
up, and the following resolutions were lorreed to:—
employed for the sea service
1. That 39.000 men be
for the year ending the 31st day of March, 1853,
in-
eluding 11,000 Roy al Marines and 2,000 boyii, and that
a naval reserve of 5,000 men be established for the like
period.
2. That a sum not exceeding 1,469,0541, be granted
to her Majesty, to defray the charge of wages to seamen
and marines, including the naval reserve, which will
come in
the 31st day courof Marcse of pa m
h, Iyent
853, during th© year ending on
•

3. That a sum not exceeding 506,5781. be granted to
her Majesty, to defray the charge of victuals to seamen
and marines, in her Majesty's fleet, which will come in
course of payment during the year ending on the 31st
day of March, 1853.
The report of the Committee of Ways and
Means was
brought up and agreed to.
The
Duties, report on twas agreed to. he Suitors in Chancery Relief (Stamp
Adjourned at Eleven o'clock.

THE REV.
ahRiRCH.
EGSLACDOSuTROTN.E IN THE
The Arches' Court was yesterday the scene of unusual
excitement. So mmch public interest has not been ex-
cited in any case pending in this court since the Gorham
case. The doors were no sooner opened than the space
appropriated to the public was immediately filled. We
noticed some of the clergy present. The Reverend
Gentleman had previously met a few of his more imme-
diate supporters at the Craven Hotel, Craven-streec,
Strand.

nraise
opened
been theta k case,e ,
end de-
tailed
Dr. Bayford appeared on behalf of the Bishop, and
theß A Ica
tFeopuanwhichhad already
having briefly
Mr. Gladstone defended himself.
Dr.
question as to whether the articles which were admitted
the
in the Consistory Court, in the case of Dr. Dillon,mittd
admissible in this case. were
The Learned JUDGE directed Mr. Gladstone to keer
o
to that point first, as it must be determined before
thing else could be gone into. an v_
Mr. Gladstone, ou the understanding that he
should
have a fair opportunity of going into the general ques-
tion on a future day, proceeded to deal with the point
in band, and to take up several points in which he con-
sidered the articles in question to be inapplicable; but
on being,reminded by the Court, that by admitting the
articles he did not admit the truth of them, and
that it
would effect a considerable reduction in! tliG costa of
the
slut if he. admitted certain things, which must other-
wiNe be pi:oved at a great expense—an expense which,
if
the case went against him, he would have to meet—the
Rev. Gentleman admitted the articles.
Adjonrned til Friary •-Pdr.
______---......••••

f'l
Carter,iisn g
published
}'ills an
—Davidu n
ItermAj3edyv
c irL f:::tijoxrn
in his paper of the 16th January, 1852, the following ex_
tr aardinary cure which lately came under his notice. A gen-
-1., proprietor of the Ballyshagnon. Herald,
tl eman of the Barony of Tyrhugh had suffered for years from
a disordered liver, accompanied by a dreadful cough. He had
1.1;111-1 :fits :111d°Indaigegstro
medical advice for three years without deriving any benefit.
At length he had recourse to Holloway's Pills, and this excel-
lon t medicine soon gave him relief by easing the cough and
per hitting him to enjov sound and refreshing sleep, After
con 'tinning their use a little time, they effected a perfect cure
of I tis malady and restored him to good health.—Sold by all
Dra iggists and at Professor Holloway's gstablishment 244,
SO; wtcl,Loncloza.

fAr I'

EVENING,

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRADFORD
REFORM ASSOCIATION.
(CONTINUED ON MONDAYS AND WEDNESDAYS.)
Sir,—On Monday the 15th, attention was on the
stretch, to hear the questions and answers touching the
measures to be pursued by the new Government.
The answers, atript of much skilful arrangement of
words to conceal the ideas, were,—That the more the
now Government is asked what it means to do, the
more it will not tent—That it is not pledged to impose a
five-shilling duty, or do any other given thing, unless it
likes it better;—That its present idea is, not to reverse
but to modify the policy of Free Trade, by " reversing"
meaning taking away the whole, and by " modifying"
taking away ninety-nine hundredths or any other frac-
tion. This is what the oracle vouchsafes to leave to be
gathered from the interpretation of its words; and there
is no doubt that the oracle has every claim to success
which superior cleverness can give.
One other thing is distinetly to be collected from the
oracle; sad that is, that the oracle desires to postpone a
General Election. A reason which in tho near balance of
motives pro and contra, justly determines the opposing
parties to take the otnerside. The Protectionists, although
immeasurably the abloat players on the board, cannot
avoid letting out, that they count on the progress of the
influence which attends possession of the government.
Another point which they probably aim at, is to try
their hands on next year'stßegistration. As they have
been allowed to win the greater piece which is the
haiine the Election, they will probably win the less,
which is the Registration.
One -enormous advantage the Protectionists have
always had, and entirely owing to their own supe-
rior generalship. They never allow a debate, how-
ever remotely connected with the question of Free
Trade, to pass without making a full and formal parade
of ,their theory of Protection, such as it is. In this
manner they drill one another into the best attainable
knowledge of what is possible to be said for their cause,
and impress on the public, and especially on waverers,
that they are the men who can render a reason for what
they demand. And their opponents, or those who ought
to be, take the precisely opposite coarse. They throw
up their brief and refuse to answer, on the plea forsooth
that it is not the question before the House. It is this
which has lost the Free Trade cause; to the extent at
all events of replacing the enemy in the citadel. And
this will be sufficient to keep it lost, or to lose it over
and over if some interference of Providence should re-
store the chance of trial.
The strange thing about this Course of conduct, is that
it is so diametrically opposite to what obtained the po-
pular victory of the Anti-Core-law League. The.
League obtained its success, because young men and
maidens were.put in possession of the reasons why Pro-
tection was a babyism as well as a cruelty. They were
accustomed to see the reasons on one side weieted
against those on the other, and the result was that Pro-
tection kicked the beam. There is no wonder that
when the process was inverted, the result should be also.
It was gratifying on Monday to perceive an outburst
of something like a different policy, and from the
4eutter where of all ()there it is most capable or being
made effective. Lord John Russell spoke of the in-
creased export of manufactures, as " implying an in-
crease of native industry and capital, and thereby just
the contrary of the statement of the supporters of
Protection." There is the " Open, Sesame," which if
applied in time would have prevented all the
mischief. And there is the secret, which it
would be a pardonable outbreak of ill-humour
to say, has been as religiously kept by theFree-Traders
in the House of Commons, as if to utter it were treason
I aiOnst God and man. If the Noble Lord would listen
to an old practitioner, on the same principle that he
would do so to a dentist, an oculist, or any other who bad
attached himself for a series of years to a particular
branch of business, he should be counselled to do by
himself, what apparently nobody else will do for
him, and push the Protectionists with this the
grand infirmity and inherent rottenness of their
entire system, consisting in requiring of men to ignore
the fact that things obtained through foreign commerce
are just as much the results of British industry as things
created at home, and with the further result upon the
final balance, of giving an advantage to the consumer
measured by the difference of price. One industry may
reside in one county and the other in another; and the
childish fallacy of the Protectionists consists in re-
presenting that the industry of Lancashire and the West
Riding is not British indus try, and ought to be put down
whenever anybody else can. be found to say they would
profit by it. The war is in fact against Foreign Com-
merce, or against all that part of it which consists in
bringing goods cheaper from. abroad than they could be
made at home. It is a war against the trade with Por-
tugal fur wine, to favour those who say they could make
it in hothouses at home. 'The Protectionists dare not
face this example; all they- can say on it is, that though
it might bo impolitic to lose four or five hundred per cent
on the price of wine, it is politic and expedient to lose
forty or fifty on the price of corn. •
I repeat it, with all inettginable respect, that if the
Noble Lord desires to try has opponents at close quarters,
he must say this for hims elf, for it is experimentally
proved that nobody will say it for him. He tried the
key in the lock last night, mid if he will try it again as
shall be required, he may walk out of Protection's
castle of Despair, and set poor pilgrims dancing about
the giant's head upon a pole.
But to return to you and yours, to whom I feel
more certain of access, I sue distinctly that the trust of
your opponents is in a new".Eleclion. They wish to post-
pone it, and therefore the o ter side wishes to bring it on;
on which, since you can do nothing either to promote or
hinder, there is no more to be said than that the longer
it is postponed, the readier you must be. The lion has
been let in, and it is left to you to turn Lim out
again. You are to go to the Election witn
a power of ten to one agaiaist you; that is to say, your
opponents, in the aggregate., are to have something like
a vote among three or four buindred, and yours among
three or four thousand. Your opponents are to pull at the
long end of the steel-yard, and you at the short; and if
you can, so beat them, you are to win. I know of no help
at the present moment; but never forget it in time to
come, and the time is coming when you may remember
it with advantage. For th.e present, do what you can
to make your horse win, thoutgh he is to carry ten stone
to your adversary's (me. Remember that all
you are ever to have, in every possible way,
depends upon it. If you have desires be-
yond corn, as doubtless, you have, remember
that you might as well hope to gain those objects from
Louis Napoleon's grenadiers if they were installed in
the House of Commons, as ask for them from the pre-
sent tenants of power. If there are simple men among
you, they will run some one way and some another
as was done in France, end heave the Elections to go in
tevour of thegenerai adverss r; y. Exactly la prepurtion as
you are free from such, will lee the unanimity with which
you will use., the chance you have. You are acting
against these who will give you nothutt; you
want, and take away ev es ything you Lave. You
are pulling for your lives„ and there is no use in
stopping to . say you have got a leaky boat.
Get home in her to Plymouth, end another time you
may have a better. But the thing is, to get home now.
Work therefore while there is the chance. There is no-
body but can do something; and many a little makes a
mickle.' Stir vigorously, stir all; or by-and-by you will
lift up your eyes where stirring is of no use.
On one point I want to enter a protest, iu the name
of as many Free Traders as shall agree in opinion; and
as I am not likely to have the opportunity of doing it
anywhere else, I do it here, and ark you to put it for-
ward and support it. Our opponents have a tolerably
firm persuasion, that it they are beaten in the next
Elections, their chance is over for ever. But it does not
follow that if we are beaten our chance would be over
for ever; on the contrary, we should from the first hour
set ourselves to well heart and soul to recover the lost
ground by every means that time or chance should ever
place within our reach. It is therefore quite natural
that the opponent should be anxious to include our side
in an agreement that the d ecision shall he final; but it
is not at all according to the rules of the wars, that our
side should agree to it. I therefore protest against having
ever made any such agreem ant, and declare the directly
contrary intention. Ido this in the name of so many
as shall think with me; end if the time comes, we
will not be slow to act upon it.
On Tuesday the moat note-worthy proceeding was a
movement from the Ministerial side, for a grant of public
money to make a railway in the Western Highlands;
which their own Chancellor of the Exchequer, with the
feelings natural to a purse-bearer, would not support.
So the debate was adjourned for a fortnight, to be em-
ployed in overcoming his resistance.
I am, Sir, yours very sincerely,
AN OLD REFORMER.
Blackheath, 17th March, 1852.