The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

POST.—Prussia and Austria have lost no time in
availing themselves of the advantages of winter,
which favours their strategy, while it prevents the
friends of Denmark from hastening to her aid. We

have reason to believe that the German Powers pro-
fess to enter Schleswig, not with the object of dis-
membering Danmark, but only to seize a material
guarantee for the performance of stipulations which
they pretend they have a right to enforce. M. von
Bismark and the Prussian Cabinet remain in office,

and the Ministerial crisis is over, as the King has
consented to consider the Treaty of 1852 as still

binding, though we believe this assent is clogged
with conditions. All this, however, amounts in

reality to mere comedy. The Germans have per*
petrated an act which can only be considered, and
will be resented, by this country as an urjustifiable
aggression. It remains to be seen whether the
gallant Danes will have to succumb to superior
force, or whether they will be able to hold
the Danewirke till assistance can reach them.

The Rubicon has at length been passed. The
Eider no longer separates the armies about to con-
tend for the possession of Schleswig, and the doubts
which may have hitherto existed respecting the
aggressive intentions of the German Powers are
finally resolved. The first cannon shot has actually
been fired, and the peace of Europe is definitively
broken. We must regret what has taken place, but
we cannot pretend to be surprised at it. Others,
imbued with that peaceful policy which we have so
long and so consistently pursued, believed that the
Germans would not dare to attack Danmark and
risk the ultimate consequences of a European war.
Such was the train of reasoning by which they
lulled themselves into that state of fancied security
which has now been so rudely disturbed. They
never attempted to realise the sentiments of the
German nation, nor to estimate the force of the
impulse by which they are actuated. They had a
general hazy notion that Groat Britain would never
permit the disintegration of Denmark, and felt
assured that Germany was possessed with the same
idea. But their premises were, to say the least,
extremely hypothetical. Austria and Prussia may
not unreasonably have come to the conclusion that
England would not interfere. They knew that
the English were averse from war, and they must
have found that the Cabinet of London gave much
support to the German Powers by pressing Den-
mark to make every concession which was demanded
of her. At the request of England Holstein was
evacuated, and the army of the Confederation ob-
tained possession of the Duchy without striking a
blow. The constitution of November, which has
been made the ground for occupying Schleswig,
they found openly denounced in the despatches of
the English Foreign Secretary, whilst at the same
time they saw an English diplomatist at Copen-
hagen exercising all his influence to procure its
withdrawal. Under all these circumstances Aus-
tria and Prussia had some justification for conclud-
ing that they had little to dread on the ground of
English interference. Thus have the Cabinets of
Berlin and Vienna reasoned, and the entrance of
their troops into Schleswig is only the logical se-
quence of their deliberations. War having thus been
aeclared between the leading Powers of Germany,
and Denmark, what, it will be asked, will be the po-
licy of the English Government? Will England,
despite of ancient associations and of modern ties,
quietly stand by and see a brave and chivalrous nation
overwhelmed by odds, to which only the gallantry of
despair can possibly dictate resistance ? The an-
swer to this question will be given, not only by
Government, but by Parliament; and, unless we
are very much mistaken, we can predict with ease
what that answer will bee There are times when
arguments based upon a narrow-minded egotism
lose their weight, and when the human mind rises
superior to considerations of a purely selfish nature.
Suoh a time most undoubtedly is the present. A
man of figures might with great plausibility cone
tend that the English nation would not be justified
in increasing its debt or adding to its present bur-
den of taxation for no other object than that of
securing to the Danish Crown a sovereignty over
the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. But, unless
we much mistake the feelings of the British people
at the present moment, considerations of this kind
will have with them but little weight. Without
inquiring into the truth of the theory that the nor-
mal condition of the human race is one of war, it

may be sufficient to say that the expediency of war
is not necessarily to be judged by the material ad-
vantages accruing to those who engage in it. There
are such sentiments as those of honour and friend-

ship, and that will be indeed an evil day for any
nation on which it determines to ignore them. It
is with nations as it is with individuals, and the

same maxim which inculcates the duty of furnish
ing mutual help applies in the one case as in the
other. England has for centuries held a proud posi-
tion among the nations of the world. She has long
preserved unquenched that sacred spark of liberty
which has again and again been extinguished in
every other State in Europe. She has not ostenta-
tiously set herself forward as the champion of weak
and oppressed nationalities, but in the hour of trial
none other has furnished such stanch or such sted-
fast support. Why at the present crisis we should
prevent the annihilation of Denmark it needs no
arguments to show. We took up arms under pre-
cisely similar circumstances for Turkey ten years
since; and though w 3 did not enrich ourselves, we
had no reason to regret the result. But, towards
Denmark we are bound by ties which between us
and the Turkish nation were entirely wanting. A
common lineage and a common religion, common
associations and common pursuits, are surely bonds
which we cannot entirely ignore. The race from
which we have inherited that adventurous spirit
which has made us—notwithstandin g the mere speck
our island home appears on the map of tin world—
the first maritime nation in the universe, is surely
entitled to our gratitude and our fellowship.
We are rich, we are powerful, and hitherto we
have been influential, and it now remains for us to
say if we will consent to fall from our high estate,
and live henceforth solely for ourselves. On purely
selfish grounds it would be easy to demonstrate that
Great Britain ought to make many sacrifices before
permitting a maritime nation like that of Denmark
to be absorbed by the central Powers of Europe.
But, independently of those considerations, every
sentiment of honour, every obligation of duty,
prompt us to furnish to Denmark the assistance of
which she stands in need. Great Britain has a
glorious prestige, and, notwithstanding much 1 hat
has lately occurred, she still has a name which is
venerated and respected by the Powers of Europe.
The moral weight which she possesses in the coun-
cils of nations has not unfrequently effected much,
and it now rests with her whether henceforward it
will no longer beacknowledged. To those to whom
the honour of their country is dear, and who would
in the interests of peace still wish to see Great Bri-
tain hold that place which she has so long occupied,
no doubts can suggest themselves as to the coarse
which she ought to pursue. Regard for our own
reputation and for our own interests, compel us to
furnish such material support as may still avert the
destruction with which the Danish monarchy is
threatened.
TIMES.—On the morning of Sunday last Marshal
Wrangel summoned the Danish commander to eva-
cuate
Schleswig, and at midnight the Austro-Prus-
sian force began its advance. The troops crossed
the river at various points, and their movements are
described is the despatches we publish to-day. Thus
have Austria and Prussia finally committed them-
selves to the chances of a conflict with the Danish
monarchy. Ho Never it might be hoped, it could
hardly be expected that they would refrain from this
step in spite of the earnest remonstrances they have
received from the British Government. The rulers
were too much bound to their own subjects and to
the Germans generally to have any free will in the
matter. For two months a movement almost equal-
ling in violence that of 1848 has prevailed through-
out Germany. The Princes have been in part the
leaders, but have been in a still greater degree the
instruments of the popular pressure. At any rate,
it has not been thought by any of them profitable,
or even possible, to withstand the patriotic current
that had set in. The Prussian and Austrian Go-
vernments have been, perhaps, proud to show their
superior powers of resistance, but even these have
found that their leadership in Germany depended
on their carrying out to some extent the desires of
the nation. We may, then, expect that any further
overtures of the British Government, if Lord Pal-
merston's Cabinet should think it dignified to re-
monstrate further, will be disregarded, and that the
Allied Army will persist in its scheme of driving
the Danes out of Schleswig,. Yet at the last moment
the Powers have moderation on their lips, and are
binding themselves by reiterated and solemn state-
ments of their intentions. It is to take Schleswig
as a material guarantee, to hold it until King Chris-
tian convokes the Rigsraad and repeals the Novem-
ber Constitution, and then peaceably to restore it to
him, that the allied farce, according to the assertions
of the two Governments, has crossed the Eider.
With the Federal corps of occupation in Holstein
they have nothing to do the nroceediugd of the

Prince of Augustenburg they ignore and con-
demn. All that they require from the new King is
the completion of the engagements entered into by
the old; and their only reason for seeking a gua-
rantee is that they are convinced of the obstinacy
and deceit of the Danes. Such is the position of the
two invading Governments, and they aro somewhat
angry that full credit should not be given to their
assertions. The means taken for the accomplish-
ment of their task are such as in their ()Onion must
insure success. They desire that the Danes Should
be convinced of the hopelessness of resistance, and
for that purpose they are bringing into the field an
army which is probably more than twice as nume-
rous as their enemy. If the Danes have at the most
from 35,000 to 40,000 men, the two Powers will, if
necessary, march to the Schleswig frontier a force
of 80,000 to 100,000. Seldom have German govern-
ments at any crisis shown such alacrity. France
herself could hardly set her legions on foot more
speedily, or press them on more actively to the scene
of war. In a week or 10 days more it is probable
that the whole Austro-Prussian force destined for
the campaign will be to the north of the Eider. It
need hardly be said that the very efficient prepara-
tions of the Danes for resistance have been mainly
the cause of this promptitti4e. The two Govern-
ments have not been without a ssespicion that the
demand for time by Denmark arose mo:e from mili-
tary considerations than a constitutional peruple.
They found that the Danes were fortifying night
and day, and using every means to free from ice the
waters which they look upon as a protection from
invasion. Frost could not be relied on late in
February, and it was desirable to take advantage
of whatever remained of it. Fortunately for the
Germans there has been a fall in the temperature,
and the Schlei and Treene may once more become
useless to the Danes as moats to defend the castle
of their nationality, During the next week the
Governments of the two Powers will no doubt
hurry forward their troops, and endeavour to
strike a blow before the Danes are again favoured
by a thaw. Rumours in such a case are vari-
ous. In the opinion of most observers, the pro-
vince will be defended with spirit; but some think
that, if pressed by a vastly superior force, the Danes
may retire, and leave the two Powers to carry
out their intentions, whatever they may be. As-
suming that the allies gain possession of Schleswig,
either by the retreat or the defeat of the Danes, it
will become a matter of interest to know what course
they will take in following up their advantage;
whether they will strictly limit themselves to their
programme, and only occupy Schleswig until the
stipulated conditions are fulfilled, or whether they
will endeavour to coerce Denmark more speedily by
an entrance into the northern part of the peninsula.
At such a time it is interesting to call to mind the
progress of the campaign of 1848, when General von
Wrangel marched into Schleswig in the same man-
ner as the allies are now entering. After the battle
which took place in April of that year near Schles-
wig city, that place was captured by them, and soon
after Flensburg also fell into their hands. The
Danes then left the main land and retired to the
islands of Alsen and Funen. No sooner was this
done than the Prussian General, though he had
come only as the liberator of Schleswig, sent a large
part of his army into Jutland, which is pure Danish
and Scandinavian territory. This led to the inter-
ference of Sweden, which made strong remon-
strances to Prussia, and went so far as to land a force
on the island of Funen, the Russian Government
following up the movement of its ally by sending a
fleet to cruise in Danish waters. The result of these
proceedings was that the Prussians were compelled
to withdraw from Jutland, and the tide of events
turned in favour of Denmark, which was enabled
for fifteen years longer to keep its antagonists at a
distance. We trust that the memory of this failure
will check Prussia in any desire to repeat the events
of the last war. On the assumption that victory or a
military arrangement gives them and their ally pos-
session of Schleswig, it will be their wisest policy to
be content with the programme already put forth, and
to abstain from carrying further this bootless war.
Unless, however, unforeseen circumstances inter-
vene it is likely that the Danes will make a stand for
the Duchy of Schleswig, and if the Austro-Prussians
can be brought up in force before the frost comes to
an end, the great preponderance of their numbers
must give them an advantage
against which
patriotism and courage may possib;;" avail little.
At present there can be little doubt of th:4 determi-
nation of the Danes to defend the province. Bishop
Monrad, the President of the Council, in his speech
to the Rigadag, says—" I will tell you, gentlemen,
for what we are about to fight. We are about to
fight to prevent a foreign Power forcing itself into
Schleswig; we are about to fight to expel those
from the province who intrude into it." And,
again—" The programme is not to allow a single
German soldier to pass the Eider without offering
the best resistance in our power, and to use every
Effort to expel from Schleswig all who shall venture
to intrude." Thus, while the Rigsraad is summoneJ
for the purpose of repealing the Common Constitu-
tion, the King and his Ministers are omitting
nothing which will enable them to resist the enemy.
Whatever may be the course of events, the courage
and resolution of the Danish people are worthy of
all praise.