The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

NDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1852.
E SUN, LO

people of Ireland. There might be agrarian crimes, and no
man lamented them more than he could do; but what were
the crimes there, compared to the crimes in this country?
He would venture to say that for one crime committed in
Ireland there were fifty committed in this country. It did
Lot become a Minister of the Crown who wished to have no
amendment proposed, who wished that this House should
wear the appearance of a happy and united family on a large
scale, to place such a paragraph in the Royal Speech. He
would not now enter into the subject, but he thought that
when they talked of a liberal and generous policy towards
Ireland, they might have been told, when the Landlord and
Tenant Bill, which the Attorney-General for Ireland had
promised them, was to be laid upon the table. (Hear.) The}
ought also to have been told whether her Majesty's Govern-
ment intended to have an inquiry into Maynooth , whether
there was any intention to interfere with the noblest and best
institution in Ireland, the national education; for he saw in
the recent appointment to the episcopal bench in that coun•
try of a man who, however estimable he might be in other
respects, was only known to the public by his hostility to the
national system of education—he saw in that appointment an
indication that some new light had beamed upon the chival-
rous mind of Lord Derby, who had formerly established the
system, and that he was now about to alter it. (Hear.) lie
hoped the Ministry would not change their minds on this
subject, as they appeared to be abbut to change their minds
on Protection. And with reference to this latter subject he
must remind them that, if they advocated free trade, they
must do so without entertaining the idea of compensation to
the landed interest at the public expence. The country was
determined that there should be no compensation—they
denied that any injury had been done. If the Ministry
wished to retain power, it must be on these terms ; if on
these terms they wished to live infamous and contented, he
did not envy them. (Hear, hear.) These were the expres-
sions which the Right Hon. Gentleman had used against Sir
Robert Peel. He knew he could not imitate the eloquence
of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but he had used them, he was
sure, with greater sincerity and devotion to the cause he
advocated. (Hear.)
Mr. ADDERLEY deprecated these constant attacks upon
the Ministry before they had had time to develop their mea-
sures. He felt that those attacks would ultimately recoil on
those who made them; but he would appeal to honourable
gentlemen, whether it would not be better for their own cha-
racter and comfort, and more in accordance with the dignity
of the House itself, if they waited to have something to at-
tack, instead of making these debates a gratuitous outlet for
the promptings of pure and simple malevolence. It might
be very well for certain organs of the Press, who were in want
of information, and were in ignorance of the facts, to fabricate
their intelligence, and to have recourse to fiction; but such a
course did not become the members of the Legislature. The
conclusion he drew from the disputed paragraph was—that
her Majesty's Government had entirely, and for ever, given
up the notion of attempting to restore protective duties, but
that they were about to test the opinions of the House, whe-
ther the removal of those duties had inflicted injuries upon
any class, and if so, they would bring forward measures which
were already prepared to give compensation for those inju-
ries. But who were the parties who were opposed to the
Government? First of all, there was the late Ministry, Next
there was a party who were strangely in hostility to the pre-
sent Ministry—the leaders and the staff of the old Conserva-
tive party, of which the present Government formed a por-
tion. And last of all there was the party who ought to
have the full credit of the recent legislation—the party
headed by the honourable member for Wolverhampton, who
ought to receive the title of Friend of the Poor Man, and to
have the credit of those measures for which so much credit
had improperly been given to the late Sir Robert Peel. Now,
for what was it that these parties blamed the present Go-
vernment? For inconsistency and want of purpose. But
he would ask, in the first place, what right had the members
of the late Government to talk of inconsistency; what con-
sistency had they shown on the subject of the appropriation
clause? (Hear.) What consistencehad the Noble Lord
shown only three ~r four months ago on the subject of the
Militia Bill? What consistency had he shown on the sub-
jsct of a dissolution of Parliament, when he first advised her
Majesty against a dissolution, and when he pressed for a
oi,solution in this House only atm days afterwards? (Hear,
hear.) Then, again, for what did the second party to whom
he referred blame them? Because they would not make
such a recantation as Sir Robert Peel, when in 1846 he not
only announced his intention to introduce a measure for the
repeal of the corn-laws, but netted that every argument
,They would all recol-
lect ol-
c which he had used with so mud convincing eloquence in
former years he now recanted.
And what did the Right
Honourable h
owh
t Me
Houseember
for
wase
electrified Carlisle
tral od
when he announced that
the eloquence which he had employed in defence of the corn
laws for a whole lustrum was to be swept away by one
arbitrary sentence—and how they were called upon without
reason assigned to take the new &turn instead of the old
arguments. But this was a recantation which. .was little
the honesty, of the Right Honourable Gentleman. (Hear,
hear.) Theo, with regard to tne Free-traders themselves.
creditable to the salacity, however creditable. it might be to
They seemed to be like the children in the Market-place—
there was no pleasing them. If the Ministry announced
themselves to be Protectionists tsey were not pleased, and if
they announced themselves to beFree-traders they were just
as little pleased. They said that Ministers had given up the
principle of protection. He deni3d that it was a principle at
all. Its
was only a measure founded upon the far weeper
principle of justice—the principle that all classes should be
taxed alike. Now, he consicheed at first, and he still con-
sidered, that taxation pressed heavily upon the land, and
therefore he had supported protection; but now that
protection was thrown aside, the same principle of
justice called upon them to adjust the inequality
which the removal of Protectiot had introduced. (Hear,
hear.) Let him remind the House how the party now in
power was formed. It was formed, after many years of la-
bour, by Sir Robert Peel, and wss perfected in 1841. When
that great man left them, with hmour to himself, as he (Mr.
Adderley) had always maintained, in 1846, the bulk of the
party could not follow him in his alteration of opinion, and
great indignation was expressed that the country gentlemen
did not follow their leader in twt different operations at a
moment's notice. But while he admired the self-denial of
Si: Robert Peel, and was satisfied that the country would
appreciate the sacrifices he had made for what he believed
to be right, still he thought it was hard on the part of those
who admired only the last phase of that great statesman's
policy, that they should condemn the country gentlemen of
England for having been too much impressed with the argu-
ments and the eloquence of his preceding phases to be ready
to give them up at a moment's notice. (Hear, hear.) He
hoped, then, that the Government had said enough to satisfy
the House, and that these attacks would be desisted from,
at least until the Ministry had declared the policy which
they meant to pursue.
Mr. COBDEN said he did not suppose it was necessary
to impress his Honourable Friend the Member for Wolver-
hampton with the propriety of not listening to the advice
which came from the other side of the House. He believed
his Honourable Friend duly appreciated the position of the
country with reference to this question. His Honourable
Friend had faithfully represented the principle of Free Trade
in the House, and now that the Country was occupied with
their discussion on this question, they expected that it
would be brought to some definite result. He would ask ,
plain, honest, simple, fair-
minded
position
people
eof
thish
country
h nt
ttryecould
possibly say that this
sufficient solution of the
fourteen years' controversy that, to his knowledge and
was
clause
p the Queen's Speech was such
experience, had been carried on ? Why, if he read
the paragraph aright, it altogether put the question
into a form which was hot intended to mean any-
thing. The paragraph began with an " if;" it was
put hypothetically, and might mean nothing at all. How
y y
could it be said, then, that this would satisfy the coun-
r .le thought, on
his Honourable Friend had very
wisely pledged himself before the country that within a fort-
nightu sti oen
therefore, in which h
thatich interested?
the were so deepl
he would bring this question substantially before the
Iy a q
House. But now suppose it be true what the Chancellor of
the Exchequer had stated_and he understood that what the
Noble Lord at the heat of the Government had said in
another place was confirmatory—suppose it be true that the
Cabinet had resolved to adopt the principle of unrestricted
commerce, where would be the difficulty and the delay to
which his Honourable friend's resolution bad given rise?
lie would undertake to
say that his Honourable Friend's re-
solution would do no mere than affirm the principle of unre-
stricted commerce. Tee Chancellor of the Exchequer said
that was the opinion of the
Cabinet. Very well. The Right
Honourable Baronet hid only to get up and second the mo-
tion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton—
(Laughter)—and in one short hour—for he could promise
the Right Hon. Gentleman he would not be troubled with
many speeches afterwiedt_the
question would be disposed of.
(Hear, hear.) But thin this:must not be mixed up with other
questions. The Hen Member for Wolverhampton had too
much experience of this House, and had seen too much of
what was required fir the successful advocacy of any mea-
sure, to allow one Hind question to be mixed up with others.
They must have ths
pure and simple Free Trade principle
affirmed—a principle not based upon the casual prosperity of
the present day. The Honourable Gentleman who last
spoke seemed anlfious to allow this question to be settled
for the present, a,
was easy to see how convenient that
would be, becauselion. Gentlemen would then go down to
the farmers' "big and say, "Oh, we only asserted the prin-
ciple for the present. But there is a time coming—only
agitate, keep up your meetings and your subscriptions to
Protection societtes—there is a time coming when, instead
of the present Posperity of the manufacturing classes, they
will be compell.
al to endure adversity, and then we shall re-
verse the pTincOle of Free Trade, and adopt the policy of
Protection. '
es, but the Free-traders did not intend to
allow that. the principle of unrestricted commerce was
true, sound, nue,
and just in all times, all places, and all
circumstances, (Cheers.) If it was tree, it would answer
all these condi
sions—if not, it was not worth the fourteen
years' struggle which had been gone through to establish it
in legislation, He had no objection to see a financialscheme
brought forward- Apart from the principle of unrestricted
commerce—,
epart from the abolition of protective duties—he
thought theta was a wide field open for an ingenious Chan-
cellor of the!Zachequer in the modification of taxes. This
process, to Niue the Queen's Speech invited them, was quite
as interestir-
%, to his constituents in West Yorkshire as it
could be to the landed proprietors. Because his constituents,
whether thty were manufacturers of stuffs or of woollens,
were throat:, into competition with the whole world; and,
therefore, le could not allow it to go forth that this ques-
tion of taxation was a remedy for the injuries which a
certain cless had sustained in 1846. He knew what was
the interest referred to. He knew that the parties al-
luded to nere engaged in agriculture. But it would open a
wide subject if they touched the question of competition

that unrestricted competition is to be the rule of our
commercial policy, while one of bis colleagues says that
he is in the Government to defend the principles which
he hes advocated for the last five and twenty years.
(Hear,-E7iir.) Sir, I hope that whatever decision is come
to by the Honourable Member tor Wolverhnnapton—
whether he shall think or not think it necessary to urge
forward his resolution, or whether he shall think the ne-
cessity at the present !moment is obviated by the dc-
cleration of the Goverhment—l hope that this House
will never, in discussing a secondary and incidental
question, lose sight of the great end for which we are
here. I trust that whatsoever decision may be come to,
or whatever course may be followed, without any reference
to party combinations, the great question upon which
the country expects your answer man not
be lost sight
of, but will receive at your hands an early and a final
settlement. Sir, the peculiar circumstances to which we
owe our birth, render it necessary that we should rest
content with nothing which is open to argument or in-
ference either this way or that way—that we should not
rest content with a paragraph, but that we should know
the determination of her Majesty's Ministers in plain
English, intelligible to every class of the community,
beyond the reach of cavil—not leaving it open for pro-
tectionists to revive the question at their pleasure. I de-
mand that they should give an assurance to the people
of England that there is no party in the State prepared
to defraud or deprive them of the inestimable boon which
has, by the legislation of late years, been conferred upon
them—which has not only conduced with other causes,
but has been the main and grand cause of the present
prosperity of this country—(Hear, hear)—which has
spread abroad that satisfaciiois, that confidence in spirit
and reverent attachment to our institutions which has
been described as strengthening the foundations of the
Tame from which her Majesty has this day addressed
us. (Cheers.)
Mr. NEWDEGATE begged to tell the Right Hon.
Gentleman who had just spoken what the determination
of those societies was, which had for their object the
protection of native industry, It was their determina-
tion, be the decision of her Majesty's Government what
it might, that they would see the measures of the Go-
vernment fairly proposed to the House of Commons be-
fore they pronounced any opinion upon them. (Hear,
hear.) There were some minds so peculiarly consti-
tuted that they could never remain easy unless they
were resting upon some arbitrary dogma. This seemed
to be the pecu'iarity of the Oppositi,m. But he could
assure them it was as much beyond their power to bind
up the future as it was to go against the intellect of pos-
terity. Be the decision of the House what it might, it
could not deprive the people of this country of the right,
either now or hereafter, of legislating upon this question
in such a manner as would meet the exigencies of their
industry. He had no more to say but that the Protec-
tionist societies awaited the announcement of the policy
of her Majesty's Government in the full confidence that
it would meet the, just requirements of all classes.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER, after all that had taken place,
would certainly not have ventured to address them had
he not been so peculiarly alluded to by the Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite. But after what had been stated,
he did not think it would be consistent with his own
character or his position in the House, were he not to
make a few observations in reply. He did not believe
that his Right Hon. Friend would even impute to him
the conduct of holding out opinions to his constituents
whieti he was not prepared to maintain in that House.
In addressing his constituents during the last contest in
which he was engaged, he invariably stated to them his
opinions with regard to free trade, but at the same time
he warned them, and he ventured to warn the constituent
bodies of the country, that the reversal of a free trade
policy did not depend upon an individual, or any set of
individuals, but it must entirely depend upon the
opinion of the country at large whether the principle of
unrestricted competition or the principle of protection
should prevail. (Hear, hear.) And when tae Right
Honourable Gentleman ventured to twit him with
holdilig opinions at variance with his Right Ho-
nourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and
the Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown, he would
tea them he was prepared, upon the fitting occasion, to
show that he had not done that which was insinuated.
He had told his constituents, it the country, after two
verdicts, declared that his opinions were no longer con-
sonant with the feelings of the majority of the people,
that be would feel himself bound to bow to that decision
of ithe country. (Great laughter.) In spite of that
cheer, he maintained that was a safe and a constitutional
principle. For the same reason the Noble Lord oppo-
site bowed to the decision of the country upon the ques-
tion of Parliamentary reforms. There was no question
upon that occasion of the soundness of the principle.
While he maintained that the principles proposed by
Sir Robert Peel were unsound, he was at the same time
ready to confess that a return to protection was im-
possible. But when his Right Hon. Friend twitted him
with inconsistency, he had forgotten to mention one
point. In addressing his constituents he had
stated that if the country were to decide against
the restoration of protection, that her Majesty's
Government would then come forward and pro-
pose measures for the taxation of the country which
might afford relief for the suffering interests. He
trusted that he might be permitted to postpone any
further justification of himself to the time when these
questions would properly come before the House. With
regard to his own position in her Majesty's Govern-
ment, he had no hesitation in saying that he accepted
office from a sincere conviction in his mind, that of all
the statesmen in this country the Noble Lord was the
man most fitted by his great talents for the position of
First Minister of the Crown, and the administration of
the affairs of this great country. Gratified by the dis-
tinguished honour which the Noble Lord conferred upon
him in asking him to join him, ho felt his own unworthi-
ness, and he had assured Lord Derby that whenever he
might have occasion to strengthen his Administration by
the introduction of a person more qualified, ho would
place his resignation most willingly in his hands. He
would not be one of those who would throw discord into
a great party with which he was connected, merely
because his own views were not carried out to the letter.
(Hear.) Upon a future occasion he trusted he might
have a fuller opportunity of justifying his career as a
public man, and defending himself from the imputation
of deserting his principles.
Mr. OSBORNE said : It appeared to him generally un-
derstood upon both sides of the House that the Queen's
Speech was a mere matter of waste pap that it waS to be
the occasion for a sort of shaking of hands before the great
contest came on for decision—that the lion of Montrose
should lie down with the lamb of North Essex, and that the
Queen's Speech was to be welcomed with expressions of
loyalty, bordering upon servility. (Cheers.) It was a pity
that this doctrine was not remembered and acted upon in
the years 1819 and 1850 ; for if he remembered right, having
a seat in Parliament during those two years—if he remem-
bered right, the Right Hon. Gentleman who now deprecated
any alteration of the terms of the Address, the Right Hon.
Gentleman who now held the office of Chancellor of the
Exchequer, having advocated the doctrine of Protection,
that Right Hon. Gentleman moved an amendment for an
inquiry into the burdens upon agriculture. He did not, upon
that occasion, seem to have much confidence in his motion,
tor atter one night's debate it was withdrawn. But in 1850,
another Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Poor-
law Commission, moved an amendment to the Address,
praying for an inquiry into agricultural burdens, and having
more faith in his proposal than his leader, he pressed it to a
division, and got disgracefully beaten for his pains. He
alluded to these things, that new members might dispel
from their minds the impression that it was an unconstitu-
tional course to move an amendment to the Address. He
thought that they would be better doing their duty to their
constituents, better advocating the principles of free trade,
if they bad moved an amendment to the Address, which
seemed dictated by the genius of rigmarole and traced by
the hand of mystification. (A laugh). What was the mean-
ing of this studiously ambiguous and empty paragraph, meant
to delude gentlemen upon both sides of the House ? Would
any intelligent Englishman, when he read it fail to perceive
that the question of free trade was reopened in this country?
(Hear, hear.) It might be very well for them to say that
the policy of free trade was accepted as the decision of the
country ; but had the Secretary of State fur the Home De-
partment, when addressing his twenty-two electors at Mid-
hurst, shown any great belief in it, when he told them that
since the adoption of a free-trade policy both crime and the
poor-rates were universally increasing? But the Right
Honourable Gentleman now came down, and told them
with bated breath, that the policy of free trade was not to
be reversed. Why is not that distinctly stated from the
Throne? Why does not the Right Honourable Gentleman
who is the light of thaCabinet, why does not he who has
screwed up his courage upon many occasions—why does he
not take his physic like a man ? (Hear, hear.) Why does
he permit himself to be tied up with a bundle of incompetent
Marquises, men of honourable but of questionable political
principles? Why does not he come forward and say, " I am
a free-trader; I hunted Sir Robert Peel to the death—l
maligned Sir Robert Peel—but I see I committed a
grievous error, and I embrace the doctrines of free trade."
(Hear, hear.) Let them not talk to him of the spirit of
chivalry which animated the Noble Lord at the head of Oat
Government. He did not believe in it; it did not exist
When that great man, Sir Robert Peel—who was the Wel-
lington of peace, as the other was the Wellington of war—
was hunted to death, why did he stand by and hear those
envenomed attacks of which he was the victim? Let them,
then, not talk of his high chivalry or spirit. He had no con-
fidence in that chivalry or spirit—no more trust than he had
in the sincerity of the creator of the party who sat in that
House. He trusted that the Honourable Member for
North Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate), who ought to have
held a high position in the Cabinet, would adopt a manful
course, and acknowledge the impossibility of a return to Pro-
tection. That was the proper course for his party to adopt
and while saying this, he quite admitted that the member
for North Lincolnshire had nu object to gain in joining the
had

Majesty's Government. Is that, however, a desire to
abrogate the laws which have been recently carried into
effect as the foundation of our commercial system. Is it
Protectionism ? And I would ask the House whether the
Noble Lord has any further foundation for the charge he,
has made of evasion, than those allusions to suffering
interests, which he has himself endorsed by his own
example and his own words, when he was a can-
didate for the City, and 'which many gentlemen sitting
en his side of the house have themselves put forws.rd in
their representations? (Cheers.) I shall not on the
present occasion pursue that topic further. I think the
occasion will soon arrive when we can enter into these
questions more fully. All I can say is this, that it is
the intention of her Majesty's Government to take such
claims, and similar claims into their consideration, and to
endeavour to mitigate the injuries which have been oc-
casioned by recent legislation in the particular instances
to which I have referred, and similar ones ; and we be-
lieve that we can propose measures which may do all
that is necessary in that respect, and alt that can be rea-
eonably required, without in any way disturbing that
principle of unrestricted competition which has become a
Part of our commercial system. (Cheers.) The noble
lord has referred to the course which has recently been
pursued, and represents himself and his friends as the re-
presentatives of a new and enlightened system of commer-
Mal legislation,and which has been invariably and bigotedly
opposed by gentlemen on this aide of the house. (Laughter
and cheers.) The hon. gentlemen who have changed
sides have not lost one of their weaknesses—amiable
weaknesses, I confess—which is, to cheer too soon. The
*noble lord has given an emblazoned catalogue of the
great feats of the liberal commercial party of which he is
the acknowledged chief. Free trade in corn, free trade
in sugar, repeal of the navigation laws—these are the
three enduring pyramids created by the energy and en-
lorprize of that party which the noble lord heads, and of
the different individuals and different sections who side
with the noble lord. (A laugh). But if we look his-
torically at the Case—and I really am only in self-defence
making these observations, for I thought from the tone
of the debate that it would already have terminated—
I cannot help remarking that the Prime Minister who
carried free trade in corn was himself opposed to free
rade in sugar, and that the Prime Minister who fol-
lowed, and who was in lavour of free trade in sugar,
was not et all disposed to have free trade in ships—that,
in fact, the question was not taken up by the Govern-
ment at all, but forced upon the consideration of the
house, and committees of the house, obtained by an in-
independent member—that the question was kept pro-
miently before the house for two sessions before the
noble lord consented to the abrogation of the navigation
laws; and when they were abrogated, they were
abrogated in so unsatisfactory a mode, that the noble
lord, at a subsequent time, as I have reminded
the house, twhen a candidate for the suffrages of
'the citizens of London, confessed that the shipping in-
terests deprived by recent legislation of the protection
they formerly enjoyed, had been left with restrictions
and burdens, for which that protection was the only
compensation. (Cheers.) Neither I nor any of my col-
leagues have any intention to propose any policy which
will give artificial prices, or what has been called by the
Hon. Gentlemen on the other side, compensation for
losses which have been occasioned by changes in the
legislation which regulated the commercial system of
this country. But what we do say, and say in a manner
as distinct as I can succeed in expressing it, with, I
hope, none of those misty words for which the Noble
Lord has given me credit, is, that we think these same
changes have been effected without, at the same time,
those necessary and corresponding changes in our finan-
cial system. (Cheers.) And I say, notwithstanding
What the Noble Lord has asserted, and notwithstanding
the sympathising cheer which he received from his col-
leagues, that these are our intentions: believing that a
proper revision of our taxation has not taken place, it is
our intention to place before Parliament and the country
a policy which will place our financial system more ie
harmony with our commercial system. (Cheers.) And
if the Noble Lord oop site conceives that to be protec-
tion, he will probably not succeed in establishing his
position, when he may favour the House with his opinions
on the proposition of the Government. (Cheers.) The
Hon. Member for Montrose, in that tone of friendly
castigation which he sometimes bestows even upon the
Government he patronises—(a laugh)—has made a most
grave accusation against the Government upon the pre-
sent occasion. The evasive paragraph respecting Free
Trade, which my Hon. Friend caught up from the Hon.
Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers), appears
really to have impressed him with very little importance.
The whole mind of my Hon. Frierd was engrossed by
the Income-tax. He said there aught to have been a
paragraph in the speech announcing that there should
be a continuation of the committee of inquiry on the
Property and Income-tax. We have already had an in-
quiry during two Sessions on the subject, and an im-
mense quantity of evidence. My Friend wants still
move; he is a perfect glutton in this respect. (Laughter.)
I confess at once to my Friend that there is no para-
graph in the Speech on the subject to which be alludes,
and for this reason—her Majesty's Ministers have made
up their minds on the subject—(Cheers)—that subject
which appeared still to tax the abilities of my hon.
friend. Her Majesty's Ministers have arrived at certain
conclusions upon that subject, and they therefore do not
think it necessary to investigate it any further, and they
are prepared to lay these conclusions immediately before
-the consideration of the House. My Right Hon. Friend
the Secretary of State for the Home Department has
adverted to the reasons why we have not to-day fixed the
Meet hour upon which we should solicit the attention of
Parliament to these questions. There are reasons which
have prevented us, reasons which for a few days neces-
sarily make the arrangements of business in this house
less clear and evident than they would have been under
Ordinary circumstances. But I believe if not misinformed,
that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government has
already announced in another place that I shall on the
Part of the Government, take the very earliest day we
can avail ourselves of to lay our policy before the Par-
liament, and ask their verdict upon it. (Cheers.) The
Ron. Member for Wolverhampton has already given
notice of a motion, which really would be a motion re-
quiring an inquiry into the whole state of the country.
1. certainly have no wish to place any obstacle in the
Way of the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. Ido not
think, with this utmost exertion, that I could possibly
take a Government day which would come before the
22d, and if the Hon. Gentleman persists in his motion,
he of course will take it. But I would put it to the Hon.
Gentleman that it would be far more convenient, more
fair, and I think more satisfactory to the country, that
the Government should have the opportunity of placing
their policy before it. (Loud cheers.) The debate
upon the motion of the Hon. Member must neces-
sarily—such a motion as intimated by him—must
necessarily partake of very much the same character
as the debate upon the statement which the Govern-
ment will make. It would therefore be much more con-
venient if the discussion could be so arranged as that
the energies of the house should not be wasted upon two
separate occasions, and one of which certainly, if the
honourable member persists in his motion, will be of a
less practical character than the one which I shall have
the honour to bring forward. The hon. member for
Wolverhampten can, with so adroit a master as he pos-
limes, move an amendment upon the statement which I
shall have to make, if he finds the views of the Govern-
ment unsatisfactory to himself and his friends. The
honourable gentleman can easily bring forward, if he
pleases, a counter policy in the way of an amendment,
and take upon it as long and as elaborate a discussion as
the house may in its wisdom think fit. It is not for me
to attempt to dictate to the honourable member, but I
hope he will not mistake the feeling in which I make this
suggestion. I merely make it for the convenience of
the house, and for the sake of saving time, as well
as for the sake of having a more satisfactory discus-
sion than we should have upon what, after all,
must be an abstract resolution of the hon.
gentleman. I hope, therefore, that the hon. member will
wait till her Majesty's Government can avail themselves
of the earliest opportunity, which they will immediately
take, and that we shall have at least only one discussion
upon a subject which really concerns the general con-
dition of the country, and the future and permanent
principles upon which the financial and commercial
policy of the country ought to be established, I cannot
at this moment fix a day, but I should imagine, con-
sidering the state of public business, that probably on
Zriday the 26th—thus giving fair time to those gentle-
men who had not yet been able to be present, her
Majesty's Governmentwill have the opportunity, through
me as their organ, of calling the attention of the House
to the consideration of our financial condition, and I
shall then indicate to the House those measures which
we think ought to be adopted in the present situation of
the country. (Cheers.) I will not trespass upon the
attention of the House by any general observations upon
the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for the city
of London on this occasion. That Noble Lord has, in
fact, confessed that there is only one paragraph of which
he disapproves, and I think I have shown the House
that that disapproval is not well founded on the grounds
which he urged. I think that all mast feel that if the
Paragraph referred to were really so evasive as some
Honourable Gentlemen have described it, the House
Would not so quietly and tranquilly assent to the sug-
gestion of not having any amendment to the Address.
(Cheers.) Reserving, therefore, to that occasion which
cannot be postponed for more than a few Vlays, when I
shall have the opportunity of vindicating the course
taken by the Government of placing, in a manner un-
mistakeable, before the country the policy—the perma-
nent policy—which Her Majesty's Gavilliament think
ought to be adopted, I shall now no longer press upon
there is

in my position, as a representative of one of the Universi-
ties of the country, I may be perhaps forgiven for ven-
turing a single sentence. I, like many gentlemen oppo-
sLe, was among those who thought that the Noble Lard
then at the head of the Government ventured upon whet
I may term a a stretch of power" in advising the ap-
pointment of a commission of inquiry into the Univer-
sities. But I see no inconsistency in admitting at once
that the results of this inquiry must be considered upon
their merits, wholly irrespective of the abstract or prac-
tical discussions as to the constitutional nature of the
tribunal formed. I come, however, to the main and
important question. Much has been gained by e this
discussion—(cheers)—much has been gained by th
speech of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, to
whom I tender my thanks for his speech. (Cheers.) I
do not doubt but that it was the intention of the Go-
vernment to make the announcement which had been
made by two of :the prominent members of the Govern-
wens; hut in the meantime we should have been totally
in the dark on the subject if it had not been for the
speech of the Hon. Member. (Clanrs.) Now we have
before us a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne
and in the Address in answer to it, upon which the im-
portant—l might almost say, in the present crisis, the
all important—point of the commercial policy of the
country is touched. That paragraph I confess excited
in my mind—as in the minds of others who have
spoken—when I became acquainted with its na-
ture, disappointment and dissatisfaction. (Cheers.) I
thought, and still think. that under the circum-
stances of the case—although I grant that rea-
sons such as have been alleged, as the solemnly
of the next week, ought to be received with respectful
consideration—yet, under the circumstances of the case,
considering that this is the winding up of a great con-
troversy, which has had a place for a long period in the
politics of the country, and is to have its place for ever-
more in the history of the country—considering that the
general election was the final issue upon which that con-
troversy was staked—considering that the Speech from
her Majesty on the Throne is the great constitutional
occasion for recognising the great subjects of Govern-
ment, and the great principles of Government—l think
that her Majesty's Government would have acted wisely,
and have done no more than their duty, it they had
given us, in the course of that Speech, a declaration on
the subject of the commercial policy of the country,
which would have placed for ever beyond dispute the in-
tentions of the party from which that Government is
composed. (Cheers.) lam confirmed in this opinion
by the defence which has been set up on the part of the
Right Hon. the Chancellor of the'Exchequer, for it ap-
pears to me that in defending that paragraph in the
Speech, the Government have defended it upon two prin-
ciples, which are not only not in unison, but which are
totally contradictory to each other. The Right nom
the Secretary of State for the Home Department says
that this was a paragraph suitable for the occasion.
Suitable for the occasion, in what view ? With the
special view, he says, of obviating the necessity for an
amendment either from that side of the House or this.
(Cheers.) Well, then. if you obviate the necessity of
an amendment by declaring nothing that can raise the
question of Protection, I want to know what becomes of
the other defence of this paragraph, which is—that it is
not ambiguous—which is that you may easily draw an
inference that it is not the intention of the Government
to reverse the commercial poliey of 1846. Well, then,
we must remember that iu the language of the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer, there is but one thing categori-
cally declared in that eentence, and that it, that unre-
stricted competition from this time forward shall be the
rule of our commercial policy. But if it be understood
that unrestricted competition shall henceforward be the
rule of our policy, and if that is the thing declared—and
the only thing categorically declared-1 went to know
what becomes of all this delicacy and all this tenderness
for the scruples of Protectionists, of which we have heard
so much, if they are prepared to acquiesce in an Address
which declares, and which categorically declares, that
unrestricted competition shall from hen eforth be the
rule of our commercial policy? (Cheers.) I say, if they
do not stick at this, at what in the world are they here-
after to make a difficulty? (Loud cheers.) Sir, that is
in reference to the defences set up for this ambiguity.
But I must confess I am driven to make a choice be-
tween these defences, for it entirely passes my wit to
reconcile them. The first defence is the best, in my opi-
nion; and that is, that this paragraph is ambiguous, and
that it is ambiguous because the moment is unseasonable.
Why, then, I may differ whether the moment is unsea-
sonable or not. But we are not here to waste our time
in discussions upon minor points of form. The question
is this—do we know the spacial purpose for which the
people have returned us hitner ; and are we here to say
that that purpose shall not remain fulfilled ? It does
not appear to me that it is an ambiguous paragraph. The
words whether " recent legislation, in contributieg with
other causes to this happy result, has at the same time
inflicted unavoidable injury
on certain important in-
terests," have the merit of leaving everything open,
everything undecided. They do not settle whether un-
restricted competition is a final decision or not, or
whether we are to have an attempt to reestablish
Protection. Each and every one of those questions is
left in a much greater degree of uncertainty than it was
before this paragraph had been declared. Ido not mean
to say that you have asserted principles contrary to the
majority of this House ; but I mean to say that you
have thrown a shade and an obscurity about your inten-
tions. (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer said that any motion which
might be made would partake of the nature of an ab-
stract resolution ; and I admired the generosity of the
Right Hon. Gentleman when he invited the Member for
Wolverhampton to make his motion when the Right
Hon. Gentleman submitted his measures to the coun-
try. That is, he recommended the Member for
Wolverhampton to move an abstract resolution as
an amendment to a practical proposition. (Hear,
hear.) But I hope we shall not be driven from the pur-
pose which was essentially contemplated by our consti-
tuents in sending us here, as it was by her Majesty in
dissolving Parliament. Ido not know whether under a
term very different things are not often confounded. I
do not wish to enter upon auchAiscussions—what I want
is, that we should have a full, a final, a solemn sanction
for the system of free trade. (Cheers.) I want that
the party who are now responsible for the conduct of
public affairs, shall now, once and for all, declare their
views upon that subject. (Hear, hear.) When we con-
sider that six years have elapsed since the controversy
of free trade was decided by the adoption of a policy—
when we consider that that controversy has been resus-
citated, and its decision in a manner disturbed—and
when we, moreover, consider the maturity which public
opinion has reached with regard to that controversy, I
say it is not too much, after such a waste of time, that we
should at last make up our minds, and that we should,
iu the way advised by the First Minister of the Crowu
himself, place the question of free trade high and dry
upon the shore, where no succeeding wave may touch it.
(Cheers.) Ido not believe that there is a doubt about
the permanent effects of the great measure which has
been adopted by Parliament. My firm belief is, that
ever since the month of July, 1846, the restoration of the
corn lawe has not been a difficulty, but an impossibility.
And I do consider that it is a great misfortune to this
country that a party containing many men of the higheet
honour and the highest intellgence—a party most valuable
as en element in the constitution of this country—that
such a party should be held together upon a basis which
has no foundation, and by a principle which it is beyond
the width and power of man to re establish. (Hear.) I
say that is an evil which it is time to put an end to. It
is time that the people of this country should understand
what is the meaning of this disturbance of the question
of protection. It is time that they should know whether
it is really within the reach of those who desire to
change our system to reverse it, and to determine the
question of the possibility of the restoration of protec-
tion. For my part, I believe there is no more probabi-
lity of a reversal of the system adopted in 1846 than
there is of the repeal of the Bill of Rights, or the resto-
ration of the hepterchy (cheers). It seems to me that
we want no abstract resolution upon the question; but
we want to set the public mind at ease, by a solemn and
formal acceptance, upon the part of this House, of the
measures of free trade already adopted, and likewise a
declaration that future measures bearing upon free trade
will be framed in'accordance with the principles therein
laid down. Now I do not call that an abstract resolu-
tion. It is a rule of conduct which, in my opinion, the
interest of the country requires should be placed beyond
the reach of further dispute. (Hear, hear.) And is it
unreasonable that we should feel some jealousy upon
this subject? Averse as lam to refer to the particular
circumstances affecting different individuals, I cannot
forget the composition of the Government. We cannot
forget the declaration made by several most respectable
and honoured Members of it. I will go at once to the
case of a Right Honourable Friend of mine, who has
shown the greatest courage and consistency in adhering
to the opinions he has once professed—l allude to my
Right Honourable Friend the Member for North Lin-
es oh ne s hGi
hre een t
as If he
ahthhe
that
the
teal:
ecdr
het ha
wasue
cs
leouenrcehotfohf
tnthhgee
dREe
cixgl
cahhrt
ee
dHci
uoieni
the
ir u-
which
Speech from the Throne—categorically declared—and
that was that unrestricted competition was from hence-
forward to be the rule of our commercial
heard that speech, I ask him w
upon it? How will it coincide witha the constructiond he puts
ht policy—if he
oehisel
aration which
t
my Right Honourable Friend madethcsons?titulndts
upon the last occasion he appeared before
not mean to stand upon any particular word or sentence.
I refer to the tenor of his speech,wehich wasunior
decided, and unequivocal. The Rig ht Honourable Gen-
tleman
dun to chtahnegfiedss aul.
said:—" I am here to maintainur
the opinions which I have formerly urged

them that other people had sustained losses as well as them.
They did not intend to compensate the lawyers for the
loss of John Doe or Richard Roe. (Laughter, and loud
cheers.) It was a well-established rule that where a class
had benefited by the operation of laws; that &ass had no
right to compensation by the change of those laws. It was
said that the Corn-laws were a benefit to the agriculturists.
Ile said that it was a benefit they held with blood-stained I
hands. Whenever they chose to bring forward the question,
he would bring forward, on the other hand, the famines, the
discontent, the turbulence, the misery which had occurred in
1816, 1819, and in 1839—a1l of which he clearly traced to
the operation of the Corn-laws (cheers)—and he must say
that if the law of 1815 had been in operation last autumn,
when they were threatened with the failure of the har-
vest, instead of the present happiness and contentment
of the people, they would have had the same misery and
distress which they had in that year. Let them not ex-
pect, then, that the majority of the House would go into
a financial discussion with the foregone conclusion, that
certain interests were entitled to compensation. (Hear.)
It was always difficult to follow the Right Honourable
Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford, as he
seldom left anything unsaid—(hear, hear) —but on the pre-
sent occasion he thought the Right Honourable Gentleman
had somewhat failed on the one point where he was least
likely to err— he meant his casuistry. (Laughter.) The
Right Honourable Gentleman laid down the principle that
they were entitled to call upon Ministers for a declara-
tion of their policy, but that the House had no right
to put them into the crucible, and call upon them for a
declaration of their opinions and convictions. Now, if he
had a steward, he would like to know what were his views
on that business he was to perform, and, knowing his
views, it might be concluded, if he were an honest man,
that his practice would be in conformity with his
views. It was on that ground he wished to know
the sentiments ash° Ministers, because they were the agents
and stewards of the people. He believed that what there
convictions were their policy would be, whenever they had
the opportunity. To suppose otherwise would be to suppose
that Right Honourable Gentlemen holding office would be
willing to carry out any policy, no matter how opposed it
was to their own convictions. Now that would be a very
compendious mode of conducting party politics, in this re-
spect, that it would greatly simplify proceedings, and put
an entire end to the migrations from one side of the House to
the other; because when Ministers were once in osce, what-
ever their convictions might be, there could be no obstacle
to their carrying out the views of the House. He could more
easily tolerate that doctrine if they had never given any
reasons for their convictions ; hut he could ,not forget that
the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer had
told the House, ;not in the heat of debate in 1846, but he
had told them in 1849, that one ',of the reasons why he was
in favour of protection —why he was especially in favour of
reciprocity—was (and he gave the most elaborate arguments
in proof of his reason), that Free trade according to the
Manchester school, as he was pleased to designate it—(Hear,
and a laugh)—meaning free imports and hostile tariffs, would
degrade the labourer, lower the rate of wages, diminish
capital, and produce pauperism. (Loud cheers). The Right
Honourable Gentleman had told them that most empha-
tically within the Jest three years. He (Hr. Cobden)
was the last to go back to " Hansard" to quote
words against anybody ; but when he was asked to
leave the Right Heneurable Gentleman in office, he could
not separate those arguments from what be believed were
the present convictions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and
what would be his future practice if he could carry them out.
(Cheers.) Besides, he could not forget that on the last
occasion, when the Right Hon. Gentleman alluded to the sub-
ject of Free Trade, he told him (Mr. Cobden) very indig-
nantly, " I deny that I am come to this side of the House to
betray the principles I professed when on the other side ; on
the contrary, I am here to carry out, if it be in my power,
all those principles." (Hear, hear.) He then thought he
was justified, and the country was justified, in asking the
gentlemen opposite what were their present convictions on
this question. (Hear.) He would not subject them to the
ordeal to which they subjected the late Sir Robert Peel when
he changed his opinions. (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentle-
man who spoke last, talked of his (Mr. Cobderys) side of the
House unfairly assailing her Majesty's Ministers; but the
Hon. Gentleman was mistaken, and must have been thinking
of what occurred five years ago, when Sir R. Peel avowed a
change of opinion, (Loud cheers.) The late Right Hon.
Gentleman was not allowed to remain in peace with his newconvictions, though he abandoned office as the price of his
conversion—(Hear, hear, hear)—and he (Mr. Cobden) did
not think the Right Honourable Gentlemen opposite had
any reason to complain of the retribution with which
they might be visited. (Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.)
He had felt often, and had often been on the point of
saying it, and he would not hesitate to say it now,
that he thought the personal friends and political colleagues
of the late Sir R. Peel had shown more forbearance towards
his assailants than they had any right to expect, or than he
(Mr. Cobden) should have been disposed to extend. (Hear,
hear, hear.) But if the right honourable gentlemen opposite
would, upon the motion of the honourable member for Wol-
verhampton, come forward and give in their adhesion, and
say they had changed their views, he (Mr. Cobden) would
give his solemn pledge they should never hear one taunt or
one syllable of condemnation from him. (cheers.) But if,
without that declaration, they were asked how they were in-
clined to trust gentlemen who professed one set of principles,
and earned out another in practice, he could only say for
himself, representing as he did a constituency the largest in
the empire, having a population of a million and a half, whose
opinion was unanimous on the subject—(hear, hear)—they
should never remain in office a day with his consent, or a day
after he possessed the power to turn them out (loud cheers.)
He had only to repeat to the right honourable gentleman
that if he would bring forward a substantive resolution, as
the right hon. member for the University of Oxford hid
said, embracing the right of the people of this country to the
free and unrestricted importation of corn—if he would avow
the principle of Free Trade, and say it was just and politic,
and that it must be maintained and extended in every
practicable manner, or if he would endorse that resolution,
he should never hear a taunt from him; but if the right hon.
gentleman opposed it, he and his colleagues should have his
continued opposition so long as they remained in office. (Loud
cheers).
Mr. E. BALL said he would not hesitate to avow, even if
he stood alone, tbat he had not changed his opinions; that
his views were unaltered; that he was still a Protectionist.
(Opposition cheers.) He might be ridiculed for maintaining
those doctrines—(No)—but he should have some consolation
in knowing that tnere was not a single nation upon the earth
save Great Britain, which did not respond to the principles
which he now advocated. He should have some satisfaction
in recollecting that the greatest men both in America and in
France agreed with him, maintained his views, and carried
out in those countries principles which he believed to be
sound and right. (Cheers, and counter cheers) He should
be further supported by recollecting that this country had
attained that pre-eminence and superiority which she enjoyed
by a maintenance of a protective policy, and under those
principles which it was the fashion now to despise. (Ironical
cheers.) He concurred in what had been said in the course
of the debate, that they had now arrived at a period when
it became necessary for men of all parties distinctly to avow
what their opinions were; but he also agreed with the Home
Secretary that this was not a night to be devoted to political
and party discussions, but a night when they were met to tes-
tify and prove their attachment to her Majesty by receiving
the Speech, and responding to the Address now laid before
them. Surely the case was notso urgent, the matter was not
so pressing, that they could not brook the delay of the few
days asked by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Hear ? ) The
Noble Lord who represented the city of London, whilst giv-
ing his adhesion to much in the Speech, had said there
was one paragraph in it so mystified, so unintelligible, one
part professing one species of principles, and the other ad-
vocating another species of principles, that he was disposed
to divide the house, or at least that he very much disliked it.
lie (Mr. Ball) could understand how a policy might be good
for one portion of the people and not good for another por-
tion. He could understand how free trade might have ad.
vanced some interests, and might have damaged other in-
terests; and he had only to go back two sessions, when the
Noble Lord was in power, to find in the Speech from the
Throne a recognition of the distress prevailing amongst one
class of the community, and a suggestion to the House of
Commons to take their position into -consideration. IL
thought in the same Speech was an acknowledgment that
certain principles were doing good to certain parties, and
were adverse to other parties, but although the Noble Lord
did recognize that proposition, he (Mr. Ball) had not to
thank him for having undertaken to remove the distress
under which one interest were suffering. (Hear, hear, and
Ministerial cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman who represented
a million and a half of people having but one mind— (a
laugh)—a million and a half of people among whom were no
dissensions —a million and a half of people who were in ac-
cordance with him in opinion, the great town of Liverpool
joining in it— (laughter from the Opposition, and an Hon.
Member reminded Mr. Ball that the Hon. Member he
was alluding to represented the West Riding of York-
.hire)—the Hon. Member who enjoyed this unanimity
of feeling with so large a constituency, said, " How can you,
when no part of the community is suffering—how can you
come and ask for any redress?" (Cheers from the Opposi-
tion.) He (Mr Cobden) stated that the farmers were not
complaining—that the wool farmers and the sheep breeders
were obtaining remunerative prices ; but he (Mr Ball) said
those were indications of the destructive policy of Free Trade
principles. (Laughter.) Why were the wool farmeys and
the sheep breeders making money? When the policy of
free trade was- first introduced, sheep were imported in such
numbers that it created a panic among the sheep breeders.
(Oh, oh, and laughter.) They brought a disease, the small-
pox, among them, they tainted all the English mutton, and
what did the sheep breeders do? They killed off their stock
—(Loud laughter)—they ceased to breed in such numbers,
and the very consequence of having imported those horrible
and diseased sheep had been that the stock had decreased,
the supplies had fallen off, and the price had advanced, and
thatswas just the history, in a few words, of why mutton was
now remunerative. (Derisive cheers.) The same consequence
would follow free trade in corn. Less wheat was sown year
by year, and year by year the amount of wheat decreased.
By-and-by a blight, mildew, or blast would pass sod.
By-and-by Continent—corn would then be as mutton was now,
remunerative to the producer—and the country in its ruin
would only have to thank its own folly for having destroyed
that principle under which she had risen to prosperity.
(No, no.) He had nothing to conceal—nothing to with-
draw. He stood before the House, as he stood before his
constituency, a Protectionist, and he would not hesitate to
advocate those principles on all occasions, although Hon.
gentlemen opposite said they were opposite to good sense
and good policy. (Hear, hear.) He was not prepared to
deny that our position as a country with regard to the ques-
tion of Free Trade was different now to what it was two
years ago. But was that the result of the
of Free Trade?
policy? Did Free Trade discover the gold Australia
(Loud Ministerial cheers.) He would not trouble the House
now with a statement from the " Quarterly Review "—(a
laugh) —but in the review of a little work—" Three Years of
electors of Great Britain.

early 15,000,000/. in 1849-50
Your attention, and I can only assure you that le. . - ..,
emnvuicetigenresafeerr ,erimaet
wereona
- s -
no one more anxious to meet this great controversy than cial and commercial policy. Ipateley
eadopted(Raerturd.)whsicirh, jr
years I have rof s ed." ' ei
eee. mischievousAet-elove e
taw
was
partyleeinwi
ehgi c
inh h. - .
the individual who has now the honour of addressing for twenty-five First of all, he denied thai any injury had been Free _ .ads",—addressedwtoertehne _s,
rates in England, which were
I°U. (Cheers.) I frankly admit that lamin no condition to, and have future—as to the bottle problem which they had been prot done. la
dragged t—ith
t
isad they proved their case? They had not was shown that the poor- .
Mr. GLADSTONE—Sir, so much has been said, and no right to taunt another with change of opinion. Like • d—he would say nothing on the present occasion, phut
proved,.,. .
raised—he im wasin the
ee
s. • and he would mention certain circumstances 13,500,000/. in 1845-46,
the in land.lect it "4 '
h t •th '
said d dth inherited traditions
so well upon the solemn subject of the first pars- others I have aban one e of a he warned the House, an e
d h warned the country gentlemen, wilicn stood in their way at the outset. There were several whilst the increase i
Prussia, the
graph in the gracious Speech from the Throne, that I party which, when
lls re la •h k' dom who declared they had not comparison of the same yea
I came to examine them,had h rd so much in 1846, that the Chan- a g 'downers in t e ing
gave way of whom theyeaand that the deposits in the savings'
to those better ' llof the Exchequer might, after all, prove the Flying suffered at all from the operation of free trade. The last they much more numerous;
shall do no more than express my concurrence with beneath my feet, and returnedof. trash- ce or
belonged to the party Mr. Pitt. Theagriculturalinterest; that they
Dutchman of the .
might find had hetrd on tbe suect was from the Duke of Bucc euc hanks a
those who have proceeded me, and state how high a pri- tions which exce tion France,
the occasion to which I
/liege I feel it to be permitted to be one of those who, Right Hon. Gentleman, upon .
.the Right Hon. Gentleman had no other object than his _ James Graham, and Sit who both declared that they had not believed, also, that, without . p ,
suffered either. Those who whole of Germany, and Russia had taken less of our manu-
" the part of the people, carry to the foot of the refer, said that he still advocated those principles with re- own elevation topower, and that their expectations were suffer
. et The farmers had not
farm-
since we had free trade than before. (Hear, hear,
Throne financial policy of this coun- miserably disappoint . ed. (Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yes, but were gaged% in grazing, in the raising of wool, in dairy factures
If these were facts, why should he abandon
tone such a tribute of admiration to the memory of Bard to the constitution and that was not his language; it was only a paraphrase o
f the ing, all tbeze had profiter )
ted by the prosperity of trade and com- and laugh .
last twenty-five
Bo illustrious a man. I would venture, sir, humbly to try which he had advocated for the
the
eaes
mace, They talked of benefiting the landed proprietors. the principles which he professed,
had and incur •
repeat a sentiment which I think was first promulgated years, and be said that he would use his utmost in- used in 1846 towards Sir Robert Peel. (Loud cheers.) H But thcould not contemplate a modification of taxation
fey which would justly attach to him? (Hear, hear.) Nothing,
'ncluding in the bene- he conceived, could give greater
.pain
officetan for a man, coming
Y the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London, fluence as a Member of her Majesty's Government to remarked on that occasion that there was a difference be- to beliet the wheat growers wl ou i
inthat House as the representative rtain principles, to
another place, and say that I trust that, amid the ce- promote their adoption. I s nothing
the GOppositionMinisterf fit t railways, the owners of house property, and, in fact, to , d
from overn tween the le Kier of an and the o a
le another
and eulo 'ofthe achievements and virtues meet which would be disagreeable to them, Dither per--
gies
of the Duke of Wellin tshall not forget that if smelly or politically. I want no profession of internal too strongly with the hour of possession—and that the con- a agricultural property at all. ( Hear, hear.) Besides, what all. In conclusion, he repeated that, notwithstandingthe
those nor ten millions worth of pro- taunts of Honourable Gentlemen opposite, he was a .Pro-
se achievements are placed beyond our imitation, conviction—l do not want an abstract opts 'ion uon the trust at least demonstrated this, that the Conservative party was they to do with the seve
bought . free trade was tectionist, and by that flag he would stand so long as it
there are by ; we 0
d was an organized hypocrisy. (Cheers.) He had no heart petty in Ireland, which:had beensince
many of his virtues, and those not the least policy of protection—that is a thing gone . don free trade should remain unfurled. (Cheers and counter cheers.)
to go into other topics. The Noble Lord had well remarked established? The parties had bought the lan
signal d f 1 r• s which made not an longer ask a man whether he is a Jacobite
:,an ma o those merle qua ale , n Ythat i?Sir. JV. SHELLEY congratulated the House that they
eu-ogynighexhausted th ht of the conditions—where was the need of compensation to then? . J.r
acipies
of
was well
himgreat,andmade him who are called
t..., . - But Ido ask that those man bold
Duke of Wellington. He noble and a highs Betides, there were millions worth of real estate sold through had found one enough to avow the l
was, indeed, a. PHonourable
minded
,11. which are not placed beyond the range of the imi- to power in this country, th se who are to represent,statesman, as well as a greatlwarrior—an Englishman
out the country every year—why should there b® any . p
re- rotection. (Hear, hear.) He trusted, when the .
Lawns ofotion
tha every man—that love of truth and honour— this great country with foreign powers, should
.worthy_by
defini- to be placed the side of Sir Robert Peel. mission of taxation for them? It would be thing Di tech
for Wolverhampton brow ht forward his m , ,
a clumsy ggo.estys Go.
t earnest devotion to the public service—that single- lively, unequivocally, and finally abandon all proposi- But he
.must take exception to the language o , at eriip ,
f the to t tto compensate the growers of wheat, and one or
that Honourable Gentleman, whatever
Her mil rtunity of
mind ri I-, • a-tire which would cover all the .
r.,-5u,,..d. might do, would give them art `).-4,"at teolio.,.
minds and tha,t noble cunte
liti I),' i,'•ltipt of fraud, are qu .
5- do for ft rettru to a proteetive policy Hear, h?ar-) Speech m that Nragraph which related to Ireland. t-1,0 odier „lungs* Is 3 m
....i
.
e 4 w le" i'l open to e.mrY one Of Us to cultivoto, and More I do not feel bound to ask ; less, it seems to mu.
the ear •s• •i • e r ' ' • ( In that paragraph there watrate no dece
Has any ption raal property in tho country. (u/ eers. ) 1 :IA . , ;vii,,; ,
no donied that ' i a di›eitHou an,l ,i,a.‘ he would ,pPose '' •• , i•
h ' • Al. sober credit tor La
---30 " eNp,,,rimentum in vile cm. iore ." , ,•• n,f - , •elv agricultural property could slow Ale r.,u.,,, „,..
and he much re- ,he owners t..c .. if ii . ,
"lam 0: wow. will, , trust, not be forgotten in this country cannot honourably accent. (Cheers.) And • i i , . , ,y e gave I. llt) liououraule e . ...
the midst •\V s tilts 'mod worth less now tuan it was when I manliness with which he had stated his conscientious °pi-
,: • gretLed that her Majesty's Ministers had thought it ~saes- 1 any 10Z6. a dallow him, as
hero. our l,suaeatutious and raises of cite depart d bits
.e.._ course is rendered the more necessary biuCO We /ALM hear.) I • but the ember weal
(Cheers.) 'rho Noble Lord the sary to involve the whole of Ireland in a charge of turbulenceS I Sir Robert Peel brought in his measure? (Hear, 1 mons, Honourable Di
of Member for the city that the Government is formed upon a principle which
He denied that there t b Ithe part of the And even if they established their injuries, he would shoal
e was any ur a enCe on
London has adverted briefly to § /object, upon which, permits their leader in the LIMO of Commons to say - , ,

COUNTRY MARKETS.

EDINBURGH GRAIN, Nov. 10,—We had a large supply
of grain in to-day's market ; sales brisk and prices up.
Wheat on the top 6d down, and the average 9d up.
Barley on the top the same, and the average 3d up. •
Oats on the top 41 up, and the average 8d down. Beans
on the top Is up, nod the average 8.1 down. Uanold
37. qrs wheat, 333 qrs barley, 185 qrs oats,, and beam.

an old Free-trader, entirely to disagree with the reasons
he had given for those opinions, and especially that the
stock of sheep was rapidly diminishing. (Cheers and a
laugh.) He believed the agriculturists of Cambridgeshire
were unfortunate enough to have the small-pox among their
sheep ; but he thought the Honourable Member's constituents
would laugh when they heard the cause to which was attri-
buted the increase in the price of mutton and wool. (Rear,
hear.) To all persons having anything to do with rgriculture
it was notorious that, instead of the number of sheep bred in
the country having greatly decreased, the contrary was the
fact, and that the prices of both mutton and wool had
advanced in consequence of a great increase in the demand.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) NV hen also the Honourable Gen-
tleman took upon himself to say the quantity of corn grown
was less than in the days of protection, he was equally inac-
curate, and he (Sir J. Shelley) could take upon himself to
assure him that sever were such improvements being ear-
-1 ri,d out in agriculture as had been carried cut since the
introduction or free trade. (Cheers.) After they had been
told, as they had been to-night, that never again would the
Government lay protective duties upon corn, he trusted the
Hoe. Gentleman the Member for Cambridgeshire would be
prepared to give his opposition to her Majesty's
Ministers.
(Hear.) With regard to the question to be brought before
the House by the Member for Wolverhampton, he entirely
ae-reed with these who thought the country looked to this
House that the question should at once be settled either one
way or the other. (Hear, hear.) For himself,he was satis-
fied nothing had done so much injury to agriculture, had so
truly been the bane of agriculture, as that protection to which
the Hon. Member even now adhered, and whenever that sub-
ject should be before the House, he would take an oppor-
tunity of entering more largely than at present into the argu-
ments by which that opinion was supported. (Cheers.)
Lard PALMERSTON rose and said—Sir, I wish to make
one or two observations upon the Address and the Speech
prepared by her Majesty's advisers; and I cannot refrain at
the outset from joining my voice to those who have spoken
already, in bearing testimony to the good taste and good
feeling which have led her Majesty's Ministers to place in a
prominent part of the Speech a just tribute to the memory of
th • t great man whom we have just lost. (Hear.) Of him at
present I shall content myself by saying that I believe that
never was there any other man in any country whatever
whose lot it was to render such great and important services
to his country, or who had the good fortune to live so long in
the enjoyment of the universal and unbounded love, respect,
and admiration of his countrymen. (Cheers.) Sirg am glad to
find, talking of the principle of protection, that at least
one application of that principle has succeeded, and that
her Majesty's Ministers have been able to realize the expec-
tations held out as to the voluntary enlistment of men for the
militia service. (Hear, hear.) I certainly feel peculiar
gratification on that point—(Cheers)—inasmuch as it always
was my opinion that voluntary enlistment would answer the
purpose, and that a sufficient number of men could be found
ready to join the ranks of the militia, on the terms which
Government were prepared to offer. (Hear, hear.) I have
received, sir, great satisfaction from the statement which
the Speech contains in regard to the acquiescence and
co-operation of the Government of Brazil in measures
taken by this country for the suppression of the slave
trade. I am happy to think that the suspension of those
measures by which that co-operation was obtained—stated
to be only temporary and contingent on that co-opera-
tion—will be of a more lasting character. (Cheers.) I
should have been glad if her Majesty's Government had
been able to state that the Government of Spain had equally
co-operated in putting an end to the importation of slaves to
Cuba, and I trust that either this evening, or on some future
occasion, her Majesty's Ministers will be able to inform us,
in what degree, during the year now expiring, the slave
trade, by the good faith of the Spanish Government has
either been reduced or put an end to. (Hear, hear.) On
that great question, which has been the main topic of debate
this evening, I think if any doubt could have existed
when we met to-day, as to the necessity of some declara-
tion on the part of this house, aye or no, on the question of'
protection or free trade, that which has passed in debate this
evening would have removed that doubt altogether; be-
cause, that although it appears that her Majesty's Govern-
ment thought the question might be passed over sub silentio,
and disposed of in a paragraph in the Speech, which resem-
bles, in its ambiguous terms, the oracle,
" Ato to cEaicida
Romanos vincere posse,"
which, according as it is construed, may be taken either one
way or the other. (Cheers and laughter.) And although I
do not blame the Ministers for the arrangement of that
Speech, after the excellent reason given by the Secretary of
State, " That it was known there were gentlemen who might
have objected to a frank and explicit declaration as to the
policy to he pursued." (Renewed laughter.) Yet, sir, we
have heard to-night that there are Protectionists still in the
House. (Laughter.) And if the verdict of the country is
to be inferred simply from the debate this evening, it may go
forth that doubts may be entertained what is the opinion of
the majority of the House of Commons on that gseat ques-
tion. And considering the :formal manner in which that
question was by Mr Majesty's Ministers referred to the de-
cision of the country at the late general election, I do think
it is necessary for the public interest that there should be
some formal declaration of opinion—not simply by the mem-
bers of her Majesty's Ministry, satisfactory as that has
been, so far as we have heard this evening—but a formal
declaration by the House itself, establishing permanently
and decidedly that which no doubt will be esta-
blished—the concurrence of the Commons' House of Parlia-
ment in the sound policy of that system of commercial Go-
vernment on which legislation of late years 'has been con-
ducted (Vehement cheers). And, sir, I cannot agree with
the Honourable Gentleman who spoke on the other aide that
free trade is a measure, and not a pr inciple (Hear, hear,
hear). No doubt the imposition or repeal of duty on a par-
ticular article such as corn may be a measure—a measure
emanating from a principle ; but the principle of free trade is
of larger and more extensive application, and must be con-
secrated by the vote of this House as the foundation of all
future legislation (Loud cheers). And, therefore, I heard
with great satisfaction that the question is to be brought
distinctly and separately under consideration. That being
the case, and feeling that Ilshall undoubtedly join my Tote
with others who are prepared to affirm that principle, I shall
not further intrude, but only express my concurrence, not
only in the propriety, but the absolute necessity for such a
proceeding. (Loud and continued cheering).
A great number of Members left the House, and no one
rising, the Speaker put the question, and was proceeding to
read the Address, when
Colonel SIBTHORP rose, and proceeded to say, that he
had intended to express his great disappointment, if he had
not used the expression disgust. at the coarse adopted by
those whom it was his great wish and anxiety to have sup-
ported. (Oh.) He thought himselfcalled upon, after being
so many years a Member of that House, to express briefly,
independently, and fearlessly his opinions. He was from
heart and soul a Protectionist; he came into that House as
a Protectionist, and he would continue in that House alone as
a Protectionist. When he could dare to change those opinions
which he had so often professed in that house, he would at
once resign that situation, and confess his constituents had
reposed an unworthy confidence in him. He regretted
deeply being called on to express those feelings. He said
most distinctly he was unchangeable in opinion and un-
changeable in conduct. He confessed he was astonished at
the manner in which that party, to wnich he had been proud
to attach himself, bad ventured to express themselves in that
House. (Opposition cheers.) He had heard the word " du-
plicity." He was sorry to say that was his—(The word used
to conclude the sentence was lost in the derisive cheers of the
Opposition.) He quarrelled with no man for his political
opinions, whether they be free trade or protectionist; but let
him know who his man was, and on which U le of the House
he was called on to take his seat. He knew he ought not to
have trespassed on the House; but, as an honest man, he
was anxious to do his duty fearlessly, and he could not have
retired to rest without expressing his disappointed feelings,
and his determination to uphold his own principles. (Oppo-
sition cheers.)
The resolution was then agreed to.:and a deputation, on the
motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as appointed to
present the Address to her Majesty.
The House immediately adjourned, at half-past nine
f o'clock.

all sold.
Top of Wheat -
Barley s7lb 32s OA
... Oats 4silb 23s Od"
... Beans
GLASGOW GRAIN, Nov. 9.—During the week past the,
trade bas been quiet, and except in wheat and flour.
not many transactions of importance; tut prices of alt
articles keep steady, and the tendency is rather upward
than otherwise. Wheat meets a brisk demand and flour
of good quality is much inquired for and brings full.
pricea; barrels scarce, and in request.
NEWARK, Nov. 10.—At the Corn-exchange to-day
we had a good supply of grain of all descriptions, and
there was no material variation from last week's prices.
Wheat, white, 44s to 48s ; red. 38s to 44a ; barley,
grinding, 27s to 29s ; malting, 32s to 35s ; oats, old,
248 to 26s ; new, 183 to 22s ; beans. 38s to 41s ; peas,
32s to 34s ; tares, 38s to 4ts ; malt, 56s to 61s per qr.
Boston, Nov. 10.—At to day's market there was a
good supply of rain. For wheat the demand was less
active than of late, and previous rates were barely main-
tained, except for very choice samples. All descriptions
of spring corn met a steady sale at last weeks prices.—
Wheat, red, 34s to 41s ; white, 403 to 455; extra, 475;
barley, 26s to 303 ; oats, 14s to 20 ; beans, 32s to 388;
peas, 28s to 335 per qr.
DERBY SMITHFIELD
.MARKET, Nov. 9.—The supply
of fat stock to day was about the average ; high prices
were asked, and most of the beasts were disposed of.—
The number of sheep was not so large as on some pre-
ceding mr.rkets, most of which were sold. The show of
fat pigs was good, without any alteration in price. Fat
calves were scarce. Beef. 4-id to 5d ; mutton, 5i to
6J ; lamb, bid ; veal, 50 to 6d per lb.; Pigs, 7s 9ct to
8s Od per scure. Rough fat, 4s Od per 141 b; hides, 2d
per lb ; calf skins, 2d to 3d per lb.
CORK, Nov. 10.

Barrels. Curreney
67 White wheat 23. Od to 251 Od 00s Od-20 stone.
86 Red wheat l9s 6d to 22s 3d
56 Ditto 92s 3d to 230 Od 231 Od-20 do
69 Ditto 23s Od to 24s Od
45 Barley 13s 6d to 13. led
197 Ditto l3l 10d to 14s Odf 13s 10d....16 do
85 Ditto l4s Od to 14s 3d
5 Bore— .. --Hs 6d to 00s Od Os Od
636 Oats 9s Od to 9s 8d
616 Ditto ....
271 Ditto lOs Od to lOs 8d
316 Pigs 28s Od to 36. Od o's Od per cwt
Quantity sold at the Highest Prices:
30 barrels white wheat; 3 red; 24 barley; 0 bere; 8 oats;
5 pigs.
Quantity of Grain and Number of Pigs sold last week:—
Wheat, 1,491. Barley, 3,052. Bere, 0. 0at5,10,144. Pigs, SB7.

PRICES OF BUTTER.
CANT. CURAINCY.
First quality
Second quality
Third quality ... 68. Third quality 696
Fourth quality
Fifth quality
Sixth quality 46s Sixth quality
Return of Cattle sold for week ending Nov. 6.

Pigs, 902. Sheep, 239. Co;is, 309.
Coxes.—Flour—First 131 Od to 14s 6d; extra 161 Od;
seconds, 123 0d to 13s Od ; households, 10s Od to 11. 6d ; thirds,
74 to 103 per cwt ; Meal—lndian meal, 7s 9d to 8s Od;
Oatmea), 103 6d to 114 Od; wheat meal, lOs 6d to 11 s per
cwt. Indian corn, 71 lOs Od to 71 15. Od per ton. Bran, 4117 s
6d to 51 per ton. Hay—Farmers, 22s Od to 30s Od; averar,
265; dealers, 3130 d to 383; average 01s per ton. Su aw—Fte-
mars, 12s Od to 24s Od; average, 20s; dealer:, 00. to 00s
Od average, 00s Od per ton. Bread—Wheaten loaf, 6d to Od;
household loaf, 5d to Od per 41b. Froth butter, 9d to
104 per lb. Eggs-5s 3d to 5s 4d per hundred. Coals—
Newport 17s Od ; Lydney 183 • Landore 00s; Culm,
14s Od per ton. Tallow 451 Od to 004 per ow'.
Whisky, 25 0. p., 6s Od per imperial gallon. Meat
—Beef 4id to 7d; mutton 5d to 6d; veal 4d to
6(1 ; pork 4d to Od ; bacon 6d to 7d ; sausages 5d per lb. Hops
71104 to 010 s per cwt. Bangor slates, 2/ 17s 6d to 310. per ton.
Bark, red 71 to 81104 per ton. Fleece wooll6l to 00s per stem.
Hemp 291 to 34/ per ton. Fish—Scotch herrings 16s to 00s; red
ditto, 24s to 00s per barrel ; Newfoundland, 101 Os to 11/ per
ton. Timber—Memel, 70s per ton ; red pine, 315 s ; Tellow
ditto, 3/ 15s per ton; deals, 151 to 181 per 100. Hides—
Market 221 to 28s; salted 24. to 30s per owt ; calf skins
31/44 to Od per lb. Potatoes, white 9d to 10d ; pinks,
lla to 12d. Guano—Peruvian, 101 10s to 11/ per ton. Tar...
Archangel, 19s peT barrel.

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, 1852.-211.8.
SECOND EX A 411 NATION.

FIRST DIVISI 'N.
Medical Schools.
Bridgewater, Thomas King's College.
Cammack, T. Armstrong University College.
Hornidge, Thomas King St. George's Hospital.
Jodan, R. Coane Roberts King's College.
Lister, Joseph, li.A University College.
Littleton, Thomas University College.
Pay'', Frederick William Guy's Hospital.
Rooke, Thomas Morley Guy's Hospital.
Troancer, John Henry-- University College.
SECOND DIVISION.
Gaye, William Thomas University College.
Patfitt, Henry King's College.
Rioe, Bernard St. Bartholomew s Hospital
Roberts, Elias Jones Richmond Hospital, Dublin
In accordance with the recent regulation of the Senate,
that the examinations shall be conducted "by demon-
stration from preparations, and by requiring the candi-
dates to report on cases of actual patients."
The examiners in physiology required the candidates
to name and describe microscopm specimens, illustrat-
ing important points in physiological anatomy.
In surgery, the candidates were examined by demon-
strations from dry and wet preparations, illustrative of
various surgicsl diseases and accidents, and of their
treatment.
The examiners in medicine required the candidates to
examine patients in the wards of a metropolitan hospital.
and afterwards to report in writing on the cases, and
also to examine microscopically various specimens of
morbid products.

HIGHWAY ROBBERY AND ATTEMPTED MURDER,
—A. daring outrage took place in Sutton, near Maccles-
field, on Saturday night last. About half-past ten
o'clock, on that night, as a man named Joseph .Wads-
worth, silk weaver, was returning home from the mar-
ket,
he was overtaken on the high road to Leek,
by a young man, about twenty years old, namedwho
John Riley, silk weaver, of the Watercocte
and then
is considered by the police to bear a bad fleeter.
Riley passed Wadsworth a short distance,W,_ him.
returned and catered into dens,conversatioltnas
ma:.
R:ley said be was employed at Broad's G
wiagh Viradsworth,
tfr of the ceremonies ; and kept p
- ace°ar the Moss Pool.
until they arrived at a lonely
He then put his arm round Wad%
either a dagger or
ct)vntotn_rth's neck, and stab-
bed him with some sharp instrume
9 °making an incision an
a knife—just above the wind
inch and a quarter long
h the left ear, just missing
thrones
his neckerchief. He then
stabded Wadsworth thrhoeuagd,
and made five cats in the
the great artery of thoehead,
one ball an inch deep. Du-
scalp at the hack of th
keep the instrument from Wadsworth's
ring th scuffle to
through Wadsworth's hands, almost
throat, Riley dro.whitt
thumb. In the whole, 14 wounds
cutting off the rig
Wadsworth's person.
Wadsworth
ware inflietedo
knees to Riley and begged for his life,
gke of his wife and family, and Riley's reply
was, ~You
for the 1• I'll finish you. The cries of mur-
der „
der was a.-- ..
not heard, but the assailant after examining
,
Wadsworth s pockets, and taking all they contained, six-
pence halfpenny, a purse. and two knives, decamped,
and left Wadsworth dripping with blood. By some
means Wadsworth scrambled to the nearest house, and
was taken home; but no person dared venture to fetch
medical aid from the town until early next morning,
and he now lies in a very precarious state, his recovery
being doubtful. Informstion was conveyed to the police,
who t% raun:,tely suc^ee.fied in finding Riley, with the
kniv,-; and purse, in Ids flther'a house; and his shirt
was bound much died with blood. He was brought up
on Tuesday at the county police office, before Dr. Swan-
ink, and Was remanded for a week.