The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-15 00:00:00

ebrieltina

LONDON, MONDAY, STARCH 15, 1852.

A candid Ministerial statement is looked forward
to this evening by the people of England, and it must
be observed that the multitude are by no means dis-
posed to receive as adequate for the occasion remarks
as evasive as those which on Friday morning proved
insufficient even for the lenient constituents of
Aylesbury. Reflection must already have carried a
rather uncomfortable conviction of this to the mind of
the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER• lie must be
perfectly aware that the nation at large cannot rest
satisfied with explanations so-called, which in reality
are no explanations whatever ; and that more espe-
cially the House of Commons will require some definite
and explicit announcement of the policy proposed to
be carried out by the new Cabinet, even before voting
the annual supplies or getting through the routine
business of the country. Of this there can no longer
be the smallest doubt whatsoever. The Government
formed by the Earl of DERBY, aided, or we might go
so far as to say inspired by the genius of Mr.
DISRAELI, must, as a matter of justice, as a matter
of fair play, as a matter of common sense, tell
the population of the United Kingdom, through
the medium of their Parliamentary represen-
tatives, what are the precise principles upon
which they propose to carry on the affairs of the
British empire. From the House of Commons the
Ministers of the Crown will, in Accordance with the
constitutional regulations of the Legislature, have to
obtain the votes of the moneys essential for the main-
tenance of our institutions. Without those supplies
being in the customary manner granted by the House
Of Commons, a great deal of confusion of a temporary
character must, of course, be brought down upon the
head, of the different departments cif the Administration.
While such is unqaestienably the ease on the one
side, it must on the other be admitted that the annual
supplies cannot reasonably be expected from the
House of Commons le fore the Members of that
House have heard from the lips of the chief per onege
in the Gevernment some clear and straightforward
account of the nctual intentions of the Adminis-
tration. To-eight, therefore, it is believed that the
Ministerial statement will become more comprehensible

than it has hitherto been through the dubious
inuendoes and bewildering generalities indulged in
by the principal candidates in their electioneering
speeches. More secure: may we feel that such will
really be the event, now that the Opposition has re-
solved upon extorting from the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER, or from one or other of his colleagues,
something more than words of mystery
and preva-
rication.

Nevertheless, while we insist that some candid
avowal as to the exact nature of their policy may
be looked forward to by the House of Commons
from the Right Hon. Gentleman the Financial Mi-
nister of the Government, we must still continue to
maintain, as we have strenuously and dispassionately
maintained from the outset, that it will be nothing less
than factious to place any serious or insurmountable
obstacles at the present moment in the way of her
MAJESTY'S Government. That the House of Com-
mons should know before voting the annual supplies
what are the precise tendencies of the Cabinet whose
members demand those supplies from the Legislature
is, of course, reasonable enough under every point of
consideration. Yet, it must be allowed, as in every
way equally reasonable, that Ministers situated as
the present Ministers are should not be prevented
froui carrying on the business of the country simply
for the gratification of party feeling, or for the con-
solation of certain powerless and disappointed ad-
ministrators. The good of the country, the peace of
the country, the prosperity of the country,
the happiness of the country, require that
the ordinary estimates should be made in
due course before the newly coustructed
Cabinet be forced into a deadly fight for its existence,
a contest such as must inevitably lead to an imme-
diate dissolution of the present Parliament. Now
a dissolution taking place at this particular
juncture—before the supplies have even been
whispered of in the House of Commons—would,
under all circumstances, be little else than disastrous.
Besides—it should be borne in recollection, if
only out of motives of honour, not to say
of magnanimity (about which Lord JOHN Rus-
SELL appears to know absolutely nothing), that some
regard la this matter more than customary should be
bad in reference to her MAJESTY'S Ministers, seeing
that their call to office is attributable not to their own
eager and factious exertions to obtain power, but to
the exigency of the moment, to their own
acknowledged surprise, and in compliance with the
demands made upon their loyalty by their SOVE-
REIGN. Remember, upon this point the late Cabinet
was broken up,. not by any blow directed against it by
the Protectionists, but by the trenchant and
avenging brand of the great political chieftain—the
AEON of the recent Government according to the
graceful panegyric of the celebrant of " King Arthur"
—the knightly champion who
" Rode to war no vizor on hie helm,"

the administrator of whose chivalric patriotism it has
been inferentially said—

" Who hated Cymry, hated Aron most:"

and yet one who, notwithstanding his genius, his
civism, and his valour, had so very recently and so
very heinously been treated by his colleagues with
insult and ingratitude. The Russell Government
was destroy ed, therefore, we repeat, not upon
any motion of Mr. DISRAELI, but upon a motion
made by Lord PALMERSTON—not upon any ques-
tion relating to the revival of the corn-laws,
but to one referring exclusively to the re-organization
of the militia. Consequently we maintain that senti-
ments of honour as well as sentiments of patriotism
impel the representatives of the people of England
to place no embarrassing obstruction at this
particular juncture in the way of the present Govern-
ment. Hear what its members have to relate as to
the nature of their intended policy—elicit from
them some accurate statement as to their inten-
tions, in the event of their revealing any disposition to
evade inquiry—but do not, for the sake of the
general welfare, do not, out of motives at once
of honour and of magnanimity, interfere with the
course of the routine business of the country,
by placing a factious obstacle in the diffi-
cult path just adventured upon by the ruling
Administration. While we persist in upholding this
view as the most generous and the most advisable
in the present instance, we cannot conceal
from ourselves the fact that Lord Jorns RUSSELL
has the intention (after having advised her MAJESTY
to send for the Earl of DERBY as his successor) of
factiously, perversely, and petulantly—upon a silly
pretext that free trade is in danger—administering
at this early period a death-blow to the but recently
created Government. Should this somewhat paltry
intention of the Noble Lord be frustrated his will
still be the guilt. Scelus intro se taciturn qui cogitat
facti crimen habet. For the good of the nation)
however, let us still hope that after the Ministerial state-
ment of this evening, the estimates may be brought
forward in due course,. and the routine business of
the country be deliberately accomplished, instead of
a dissolution of the House of Commons being pre-
cipitately forced upon her MAJESTY'S Government.

The summary dismissal of Colonel OUTRAM from
his situation as Resident at Baroda, by order of the
Bombay Government, will, we have no doubt, lead to
inquiries of the most stringent and searching
character, the result of which must necessarily prove
exceedingly important at the present moment, when
the renewal of the Charter to the East India Company
is about to be brought under the consideration of the
Imperial Parliament. The investigation cannot,
however, be restricted to a single case. Colonel
OUTRAM, as a British officer once highly favoured,
nominated to a position of great trust and considerable
emolument, having many influential friends, and
the, means of sustaining and vindicating his
character, will unquestionably obtain the fair
trial which is the privilege of every British sub-
ject, and which should be accorded to every indivi-
dual who has been in any degree injured by the Bri-
ti,h Government, or any person deriving authority
under or through that Government. If there be any
feeling that prevails beyond all others in the hearts of
Englishmen, it is an inherent love of justice and fair
play. Accustomed to a public administration of the
laws by men of great learning, of vast experience, and
of unimpeached and unimpeachable honour and inte-
grity, they can scarcely conceive the possibility of
any corruption on the Judicial Bench, or of any of
their grave and venerable judges being in any
degree influenced by improper motives, or of the de-
cisions of a high tribunal being affected
by pecuniary bribes to the presiding magistrates.
Any charges on such points are therefore regarded
as almost incredible, and it is not until after a strong
Prima facie case has been established that they will
be deemed worthy of even serious consideration.
But there is another point on which the feeling is
equally decided, and that is that no man shall be con-
demned unheard, or without having a full opportu-
nity of hearing every matter that may be alleged
against him,
and of rebutting the accusations by
every legitimate means. When that constitutional
right—the very foundation of our national liberties—
is withheld or tampered with, full and ample relief
will be afforded, and
every honest man, however
abilities ed he may ayonbea,mwpliell
redress
odrtehses
deeply d or rej •
accorded to the aggrieved
party
utmost bexiatsesnet of hisP
as
powerfthepowerful
I,dl
..and
dte
rnadt eiorns
earnestoo or
being accorded
we
do not come forward
We merely allude
to his case as
system
twhich
apologists for Caonlootnheelr OaunTdatta
against which we
prevails under the
Athneorijnuds
solemn
have repeatedly recordeditaifinub(leovernmeno,urand
unfortunate
and SINGII, the
and deeply injured P deposed
protests, in reference to the case of the
Raja of Sattara, who was not only deprived of his
dominions and consigned to what was practically
little better than incarceration at Benares, but whose
bona fide private property was confiscated, in delibe-
rate violation of the unequivocal assurances of the
Resident and the solemn pledges of the Bombay Go-
vernment. The inquiry that has been so constantly and
perseveringly demanded has hitherto been evaded on the
most frivolous and insufficient grounds, but we
cannot conceive how it can be denied when the in-
evitable investigation into the causes of the dismissal
of Cclonel OUTRAM shall be instituted, more espe-
cially as it will go far to justify the report, for which
the ex-Resident at Baroda has been so severely
treated.
We shall only briefly refer to the causes which led
, but which will
to the disgrace of Colonel OuTaaai
be amply sufficient to establish the imperative necee-

sity of a Parliamentary inquiry. It appeare. that
general rumours were circulating, and strong. sus-
picions entertained of the existence of gross. and
habitual bribery and corruption, not only in the• local
tribunals but also in the superior courts of the
Bombay Presidency. It was loudly asserted that the
course of justice was but too frequently perverted.., and
that wrong could prevail over right, if sufficiently
liberal douceurs could be conveyed to the judicial
authorities. We do not say that these grave charges
were well founded, but they undoubtedly received
considerable circulation, and even particular instances
were
.cited in which it was declared that gross in-
justice had been practised.

These rumours at length reached the Government,
and a circular was issued to the principal officers
throughout the Presidency, requiring information on
the subject, and among others to Colonel Our-rnAm,
as Resident at Baroda, where one of the most promi-
nent cases was said to have occurred. Colonel
OUTRAN, as in duty bound, returned a fail and
explicit answer to the inquiry, although it
was by no means palatable to the authorities.
There can be no doubt but that if the ratswer
bad been of a favourable character—it would have
been confidently appealed to as decisive on the point,
and as conclusive against the validity of the allega-
tions. But, contrary to expectations, Colonel
OUTRAM declared that " the suspicions referred to
were currently and, practically operative throughout
the whole district within his cognizance," and he also
declared a strong opinion in favour of parties whom
he believed to have been seriously injured by un-
warrantable and unjast decisions.

Now, if this report had been made maliciously., or
even on trivial or insufficient grounds, it would, in-
deed, be deserving of severe censure and stringent
punishment. But the officer by whom it -was
made should be allowed to set forth the reiu.ons
by which he was actuated in arriving
at such a conclusion, and establishing the bona fides
of his opinion. No such opportunity was permitted
to Colonel OUTRAM. He was at once superseded
from his lucrative and important situation, and. the
dangerous precedent was established that, if puNic
officers do not decide the questions referred to them
in accordance with the wishes of their superiors, they
must be content to suffer the most serious co) ise-
quences. If this be a recognised course, we can
readily conceive how useless must be the testimo n y of
officials when favourable to the Government, and what
weight should be attached to the honest remonstriu Ices
put forward by conscientious men, regardless of the
too probable results of their earnest and eners etic
appeals.

Considerable light is now thrown on the ME es of
the severe reprimand inflicted on a gallant and i tseri-
torious officer, Major CARPENTER, the Goveii sor-
General's agent at Benares, for having dared, w hile
rendering the explanations which were required from
him, to offer his disinterested and unprejudiced ,opi-
nion as to the entire innocence of the royal prisoncr—
an opinion the expression whereof must necessn rily
prove exceedingly prejudicial to his own future p ros-
pects, and which nothing but a strong sense of juKtice,
and an earnest determination to suffer no merely :pri-
vate or personal motive to interfere with his imps ra-
tive duty as an upright and honest man, could "lave
elicited. The statement of the gallant officer in. :this
respect is so straightforward and conclusive, that we
cannot refrain from transferring it to our colunine.
lie says—

When the Raja was consigned to my charge, early
in 1840, I considered it necessary, for the efficient dis-
charge of my duties, to make myself fully acquaiz aced
with the causes of his dethronement, his general re p uta-
tion for intrigue, and other circumstaeces connected with
his character and conduct, to enable me to form a just
estimate of the man with whom I had to deal, anti to
guard against the consequences that might arise fi -Om
any laxity of surveillance on my part. To this end I
carefully studied the whole of the voluminous documents
connected with his case, and the result was a belief us his
innocence; and this belief has been confirmed beyom d a
doubt by subsequent disclosures, and by his pledginy him self
to prove it, if permitted to do so, in his letter to Sir henry
Hardinge, of the 12th of
..December, 1844, forwal ded
through me, and which pledge I am fully persuaded lie is
able to redeem."

For this he was strongly censured, being informed
that the assertion of his conviction of the ex-112..7A's
innocence of the charges of which he had been c on-
victed, and of his (the RAJA'S) ability to prove his
innocence, was "as unbecoming as-it was uncalled
for ;" and again, that whatever his (Major CAR VEN-
TER'S) private opinions, and whatever the real fa :.-4,s of
the ex-RAJA'S guilt or innocence might be, such con-
duct and communications were " entirely inconsimtent
with the position of agent to the Governor-General
charged with the care and superintendence of the
ex-RAJA and his domestic arrangements ; and
with the execution of the Government orders ia re-
spect to his treatment and position." Fortunately for
Major CARPENTER, the illustrious captive was then
living, and it did not suit the policy of the Angles-In-
dian (;government to have the public attention drawn
to his case. Had it been otherwise that gallant and
high-minded man might more bitterly have exiziated
his military frankness in revealing unwholesome and
inconvenient truths.

But it was not only by persons on the' spot
that the severity with which the injured Prince was
treated, and the bad faith and duplicity exhibited to-
wards him, was unequivocally condemned. Wo find
that many even of the directors recorded on the
minutes of the court their earnest and solemn protests
on the same subject, when Major-General ROFSERT.
SON, Sir ROBERT CAMPBELL, Lieut.-Colonel S
Major OLIPHANT, and Messrs. SHEPHERD, PLONN-DEN,
and LOCH, entered their deliberate dissents from the
course adopted by their :colleagues on the same. sub-
ject. Mr. SHEPHERD boldly referred to the instruc-
tions contained in the letter from the then GOVE rnor
of Bombay, Sir J. R. CARNAC, to Lieutenant-Colonel
OVENS, the resident at Sattara, that the RAJA was to
be treated " as an object of sympathy, not of punish-
ment and to the pledge of the Governor that '" his
(the RAJA'S) private property should not be inter-
fered with," and pertinently inquired, " could. any
usage, or precedent, justify the breach of this pro-
mise?" The Hon. Gentleman added, "To me,
therefore, it appears that the confiscation and transfer
of his (PEaTeun SINGH'S) property to the present
RAJA is an additional penalty inflicted on this unfortu-
nate Prince, not warranted by any considerations what-
ever." He also contended " that the act was ILLEGAL,
the regulations of our Government guaranteeing to all
our subjects the free possession of the property held
by them, until they shall be deprived of it by the
judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction."
The protests of Major OLIPHANT and Major-Gene-
ral ROBERTSON are, however, even more important,
referring as they de to the mode in which all inquiry
into the; charges preferred by KRUSHNAJEE StIDA

sEw BumEr, one of the principal accusers of the
unfortunate Prince, was suppressed on the report of
Lieutenant-Colonel OvEns, the party chiefly impli-
cated, and that although " the said KRUSHNASEE
had entered into heavy recognizances, him-
self in 5,000 rupees, and a friend in 1,000
rupees, to prosecute the charge, with the
certainty of being subjected to severe punishment, if
found guilty of defamation," and having even fur-
nished a list of the witnesses, whose evidence would,
as he asserted, confirm the accuracy of his statements,
these statements accusing Lieutenant-Colonel °viols
of personal bribery and corruption, declaring that
" he had obtained from the Raja of SATTAEA (An-A
SAHIB) payment of the sum of 1,500 rupees per
mensem, to his (the Resident's) father• in-law, which,
on his death, was transferred to the Resident's
brother-in-law, and that when the Resident's lady and
children proceeded to England, gold bullion and Ve-
netian necklaces were purchased and given to the
Resident to the value of 50,000 rupees," acquire
additional significance at the present moment, in con-
sequence of the dismissal of Colonel OUTRAM, and
the grounds of that dismissal.
We do not say that these grave accusations were
well founded. Go]) forbid that we should condemn
any man without allowing him to make his full de-
Terme.
But we hope and trust for the honour of the
British name that when the case of Colonel OUTRAM
is investigated
KRUSHNA-
the numerous petitions of
JEE SUDAsEw B
HIDEY and the case of PERTAUB
SINGH may also be considered, in order that the
memory of that much_
wronged Prince may be vindi-
cated and tardy justice accorded to his lawful heir
and successor,—and that the character of England
for fair play may be
re-established in the
eyes of the natives of Hindostan
taught that truth will —that they may be
ultimately prevail,
however powerful the influences by
Which it may for

a time be suppressed. Let it be remembered, more-
over, that it has been observed to the central adminis-
trators in Leadenhall-street, " The facts and figures
furnished by the Indian Government— _ .

" Will convince every man who reads them what the
real object of your conduct throughout has been,
in appropriating all his dominions on the pretext that
he left no male heir, while you yourielves make prisoner of
the heir, Shahoo Rajah, and forcibly detain his person at
Benares; fourth, in starving that lawful heir and
adopted 80/1, and the Rajah's widow, whom also you hold
captive, into a written renunciation of their right to
those dominions, of which you nevertheless proclaim to
the world you have assumed lawful possession;' fifth,
in keeping that helpless lady and child prisoners at
Benares, pending the pleasure of the Bombay Govern-
ment."

We cannot conclude without quoting from our
contemporary the Times, of the 10th instant, the
statement " that all representations must be re-
ceived with caution from such astonishing pro-
ficients in forgery and deceit." If this be so, and
we cordially concur in the accuracy of the assertion,
how essential is it that the inquiry so strenuously, so
and so incessantly demanded by the
reign during his lifetime, and by his
dp ee rp soes ve edr i nsgol
vye,
representatives since his death, should be conceded
even at the eleventh hour.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of Saturday
and yesterday.
Yesterday's Moniteur contains a decree for convert-
ing the Five per Cents, into a Four-and-a-Half per
Cent. Stock. This decree is founded upon a report of
the Minister of Finance, which, after a series of pre-
liminary considerations, proceeds to propose that the
New Foureand-a-Half per Cents. be guaranteed for
ten years against right of reimbursement, which would
be sufficient to induce holders of Five per Cents. to
accept the conversion, nor could they have any in-
ducement.to exchange into the Three per Cents., which
pay no more. The report then shows that to meet
reimbursements, should such be demanded, the Trea-
sury possesses 120 millions, and which, after payment
of the dividends due the 22d March, would still be
nearly 100 millions. It also has 150 millions' worth
of railway securities, of which 100 millions could
promptly be negociated, and it might easily double
the 80 millions Exchequer-bills which are now out.
In fine, if necessary, it could negotiate rentes. As
fora S
illu-
sion—the only proper means for reducing debt being
an
exceisnskoinfg Fund , the Minister thinks it an
receipts—but, for sake of reserving the
question, on account of there being Sinking Funds
attached to the other species of stock, he transfers to
the New Four-and-a-Half per Cents. the Sinking
Fund which belonged to the Five per Cents.
A decree conformable to these principles follow ac-
cordingly.
The contest for the 4th arrondissement of the city
began yesterday. The candidates are M. CANNOT
and M. MOREAU. This is one of those elections
which have had to be recommenced owing to an in-
sufficiency in the
number of voters. M. CARNOT,
although he had a considerable majority over M.
MOREAU, yet he was below the number required by
law to render his return valid. Should M. CARNOT
be completely successful on the present occasion, it is
not thought likely that he will avail himself of his
right to sit in the Corps Leg islatif, He quitted
France with his family immediately after the 2d De-
cember, and has taken up his residence in Belgium,
where he devotes himself to the education of his
children. The only effect of his being elected would
be to show that in the 4th, as in the 3d arrondisse-
Went, which elected General CAVAIGNAC, there is a
majority hostile to the Government.
The Moniteur says—" The accounts of the receipts
of the taxes and the indirect revenue for the month of
February have just reached the Ministry of Finance.
They show an increase of nearly two millions as
compared with the receipts of the corresponding
month of 1851. This result is the more remarkable,
as it far exceeds that of January last. It fully con-
firms the hopes which the re-establishment of order
and authority gave rise to."
The Constitutionnel says—" We learn that the
difficulties which have hitherto prevented the statutes
of the Paris and Lyons Railway Company from
being approved of have just been removed. The
company has now come to a perfect understanding
with the Minister of the Interior, and it is more than
probable that the delivery of the definitive shares
will take place before the liquidation of the 15th inst.
The Debuts has an article on the decree authorising
the establishment of Mortgage Banks. The writer
appears to be decidedly favourable to the project, and
predicts that it will render most important services
to agriculture, provided that the precautions that are
necessary to prevent an abuse of the facilities accorded
be adopted.
It is stated that the opening of the Senate and the
Legislative Body will be preceded by a Mass du
Saint Esprit, at which all the great bodies of the State
will be present, and that tie opening sitting will take
place in the Salles des Almeehaux at the Tuileries, as
under the Empire.
It has been incorrectly stated, says the Patrie, that
the places in the Legislative Body were to be drawn
for by lot. Nearly 200 deputies have already marked
the seats which they wish to occupy.
The Public says :—" it appears certain that the
costumes of the deputies of the Legislative Body will
only be worn by them on state occasions."
It is stated that the health of AB-DEL-FADER again
gives cause for uneasiness.
The funeral ceremony of M A
amItMAND MARRAST,
who was President of the Constituent Assembly and
a member of the Provisional Government, took place
on Friday, in the Church of Notre Dame de Lorette.
The hearse was followed by about 500 persons,
amongst whom were sIM. de Lamartine, Gamier
page, Pagnerre, Goudebaux, Bastide, Jules Fevre,
Senard, Cormenin, de Beanaset, Jourdan, Pelletant,
&c. The cords of the pall were held by General
Cavaignac and MM- Marie, Havin, and Corbon.
After the service in the church the body, followed by
the same number of mourners, was carried to the
cemetery of Montmartre. No funeral oration was
delivered. M. MARRAST was only 51 years of age.
We read in the Public :—.« According to informa-
tion derived from a source which we are bound to
regard as certain, the fusion has been concluded on
the following conditions and bases :—the national flag
is to be such as it was adopted by the sections of 'B9,
namely, tri-coloured, quartered with fleurs de
The reign of Louis PHILIPPE is to be recognised for
the eighteen years during which it lasted. As preli-
minary acts, the Duke nE NEMOURS is to go to Frohs-
dorf to pay an official visit to the Count DE CIIAM
BORD. In his turn, the Count DE CHAMBORD is to
present, either in London or at Naples, his homage to
Queen MARIE AMELIE."
The Five per Cents, fell on Sunday to 100 f. 100.
They, however, subsequently_
y recovered, and closed
at 101 f.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK RY
--CHANGE, MARCH 13.
Boulogne and Amiens, 121i—Namur and Liege, GI,(—
Northern of France, 20%--orleans and Bordeaux, 101,9—
Paris and Lyons, 9;R—Paris
and Strasbourg, 204—Tours
and Nantes, 9%.