The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-28 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S—LAST EVENING.
NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE.
2to 1 agst abler Ou (taken)
9to 4 agst Baktitchi Serai (taken)
Bto 1 agat Alice (offered—take 9to 1)
100 to 8 agst Lady de Trafford (taken)
ICO to S agst Oldminster (taken and offered)
Limosina, Found Again, and Sir Roger are struck out,
the latter at 5.15 this afternoon.
NEWCASTLE, Tuesday.—Found Again was scratched
fox the Northumberland Plate by some one who had not
power, consequently he remains in.
GOODWOOD STAKES.
10 to 1 agst Thalestris (taken)
10 to 1 agst Myrtle (taken)
12 to 1 agat Madcap (taken)
12 to 1 agat Major (taken)
12 to 1 agst Bally Edmond (taken)
12 to 1 agst Highflyer dam colt (taken)
THE DONCASTER ST. LEGER.
4to 1 agst General Peel (taken)
100 to 6 agst Ely (offered)
THE DERBY OF 1865.
Bto 1 agst Liddington (offered)
10 to 1 agst The Duke (offered)
33 to 1 agst Wild Charlie (taken)
33 to 1 agst Koenig (taken)
40 to 1 apt Le Mandarin (taken)
50 to 1 agat Sortie colt (taken)
50 to 1 agat Longdown (taken)
1000 to 15 agst Rufford (taken)
50 to 1 agst Gladiator (taken)
55 to 1 agst Friday (taken)

BETTING AT MANCHESTER—MONDAY.
There was a good attendance at the Subscription Rooms
to-day, and some spirited betting on the Northumberland
Plate took place. Sir Roger opened first favourite, 3 to 1
being taken freely, but he gradually receded, until 100 to 7
was laid against him. Baktchi Sersi was in force at sto 2,
and 7 to 2 was the largest offer against Caller Cu. Alice
was in request at 9 to 1, and 100 to 8 was laid on the field
bar three. There was no St. Leger or Derby betting. Clos-
ing prices

NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE.
5 to 2 agst Baktchi Serai (taken freely)
7to 2 agst Caller Oa (taken)
9to 1 agst Alice (taken)
100 to 8 agst Trust (taken)
100 to 7 agst Sir Boger (taken)
100 to 7 agst Oldminster (offered)
16 to 1 agst Lady de Trafford (taken)

WORCESTER SUMMER MEETING—JUNE 30.
The Worcester Stakes, One mile and three furlongs.
Age st lb
Burgess
!.Irs Somerville
Manchester
Moulsey
Vacuna
Lord Lltland 3 6 3
Outlaw
Fisherman's
Daughter
Olivia 3 5 13
Farnham
Under the Cloud 3 6 7
Wildman 3 5 7
The Tyke
Queen of Trumps 3 5 9

Age at lb
Fairwater
Umpire .. a 8 ]2
The Monk a 8 12
Johnny Armstrong 5 8 9
Dollar 4 8 8
General Hess
Twilight
Exchequer
King of Utopia
Loiterer a 7 10
Beverley
Fantail
Myrtle
Fontenoy
Chaff 4 7 0
Canzonett©

LIVERPOOL JULY MEETING—JULY 13.
Aoc,eptances for the Liverpool Cup, value 200 sous, added
to a handicap sweepstakes of 25 soya each. Two miles.
Age at lb Age at lb
Dollar 4 8 12 Lord Zetland .... 3 6 6
Limosina
Golden Pledge
Tippler
Stanton 6 7 2 Claret Cup
Black Deer
Fontenot'
Thalestria
Major
Bacchus
The Clown

The highest weight accept:
raised to Bst 121 b, and tho oti

ing being Sat 81b, it has been
sere in proportion.

.E GOONVOOD Cup.
to June 14.)

(
Claremont .. 3 7 7
Bel Demonio 4 7 0
Bacchus 3 7 7
Glendusk Age at lb
3 7 7
The Little Stag 3 7 7
Myrtle
Lord Zetland
Hollytox
The Major.. 3 7 3
Molly Carew 3 7 3
Esperance 3 7 3

THE DANA-GERMAN WAR,
THE MINISTERIAL STATEMENT.
Earl RUSSELL, after laying on the table the protocols
of the recent Conference, was understood to commence by
referring to the course pursued by the Government of Lord
Liverpool in 1823, after the invasion of Spain by France,
which was followed by the Conference of Verona, The
Government of that day had declared that the invasion of
Spain was contrary to the interests of Europe, and lead pro-
tested against it, while at the same time they thought it
advisable to preserve peace, and declare neutrality between
France and Spain. Upon the present occasion (continued
the noble earl) I have to discuss a question of a very com-
plicated character, and one which it was hoped might have
remained in suspense for many years without exciting any
conflict. For the last year it has, however, been in a very
critical state. In 1852 a treaty was, as 3 our lordships are
aware, concluded, with reference to the succession to the
Danish throne. It is necessary, however, not only that a
treaty should have the signature of ministers and the rati-
ficaitons of sovereigns, but that in its wording it should be
made to agree with the sentiments and wishes of the people
who are to be governed by it. Unfortunately the treaty and
the arrangements previously entered into in 1851 were in
their operation exceedingly unsatisfactory, It has been
alleged against Denmark, both previously and lately in the
Conference, that, contrary to the treaty and to sound policy
she endeavoured to make the people of Schleswig change
their nationality—that she interfered with their churches--
that she kept up a perpetual vexation and irritation, and
thereby violated the spirit of the treaty. It is certain that
great discontent prevailed in both Schleswig and Holstein
in regard to the manner in which they were governed. The
fact, I am afraid, is, that by an impolitic course at all events
the Danish Government produced a feeling in Germany
that the German subjects of the King of Denmark wore not
fairly treated. Oppression there was none. The Govern-
ment was a free Government, and generally speaking, the
people were well off. But there was in the two Duchies
much of that irritation which prevailed in Belgium previous
to its separation from Holland. On the other hand, Ger-
many, instead of asking that which might have fairly been
asked, that the engagements of 1551 and 1852 entered into
by Denmark should be kept, made proposals which were
inconsistent with those engagements, and would have ren-
dered Denmark subject to Germany. One of the chief of
these proposals was that the 900,000 people said to be of
German race in Schleswig and Holstein, and even the
50,000 people in Lauenberg, should have a representation
equal to that of the 1,600,000 people in the kingdom of
Denmark. This was so unfair, and would have been so
destructive to the Danish nationality, that Denmark refused
to accede to it. The consequence of these disputes was, that
there was a kind of never-ceasing irritation, and as Germany
was immensely more powerful than Denmark, it was only
too probable that Denmark would have to suffer one day on
account of the complaints to which she gave rise. It was
in consequence of seeing this that, in September, 1862, I
made certain proposals which, if they had been accepted by
Denmark, would have put an end for ever to the demand
that at Copenhagen there should sit a Parliament containing
a majority of German representatives, and would have satis-
fied the people of those Duchies that while remaining under
the King of Denmark their self-government should not be
subject to invasion. Unfortunately the Danish Government
rejected that proposal. At length, in October, 1863, :the
German Governments declared at Frankfort that they
must proceed to Federal execution. : Had that been
grounded on the misgovernment of Holstein, and on
the violation of the rights of the Confederation
in Holstein, no power could have complained of it
or contested it. But the Federal execution was in fact
based upon complaints much wider than this, and which, in
the opinion of the British Government, did not form the
proper ground of Federal execution, Matters, however,
remained in suspense until the death of the King of Den-
mark, which promised an entire change in the state of affairs.
It was then contended, on the part of Germany, that they I
should at once proclaim that the King of Denmark had no
right to succeed to the Duchies; and that, by the Federal
law, the Prince of Augustenburg was heir to the crown.
This declaration was adopted throughout Germany by per-
sons of all parties and all ranks ; and every Government that
pretended to adhere to the treaty of 1852 was denounced as
traitors to the cause of Germany. Austria and Prussia, in
the beginning, declared that they would proceed to Federal
execution ; thereby, to all appearance, making the King of .
Denmark responsible for all that was done by the late king,
and thus acknowledge his title over Holstein and Schles-
wig. They at the same time, somewhat privately and with- 1
out the knowledge of Europe, declared that they reserved
the question of succession. It did not appear either to the
Danish Government or the English Government that
Federal execution could be resisted without increasing the
evils of the situation, Bat presently Austria and Prussia
declared that they must occupy the duchy of Schleswig
to obtain the fulfilment of the engagements of 1852.
Your lordships are well aware that, shortly before that
communication was made, the Government of Denmark
declared that they were ready to repeal the constitution
of 1863, which was apparently the cause of the proposed
measure. Unfortunately, they had not acceded to that
proposition when Lord Wodehouse was at Copenhagen,
and when the concession might have been of some use. The
German Governments, in a hurry to go to war and to
gratify the German sentiment, took no heed of the proposal
when it was made by the British Government, supported by
France and Russia, that a protocol should be signed, bind-
ing the different Governments and Denmark to the repeal
of the constitution. The Austrian and Prussian troops
entered the duchy of Schleswig. It is impossible to have
but ono opinion as to that. It is evidently the invasion of
territory which did not belong to Germany, and to which
Denmark had the fullest right. Your lordships are aware
of the subsequent events of the war. The Austrian Govern-
ment had always said that they were ready to have a Con-
ference. The Prussian Government adhered to that pro-
posal. The Austrian Government not only proposed, but
constantly urged the putting a speedy termination to hos-
tilities. The English Government therefore proposed that
a Conference should take place. The Danish Government
expressed their readiness to enter a Conference, but in the
first instance refused to consent to an armistice. Eventu-
ally, however, they agreed to this. The German States
and France wished that a plenipotentiary from the German
Confederation should attend the Conference. This was
assented to, and the Conference met on the 25th April.
Some delay took place with the view of obtaining a sus-
pens owno lfd a rnmo ts aegr r eaen toar ma
ins t crem. i s tTi chee, but
tn is h
wouldG o
av
ge rrnc a-
in matters so intricate, and in which pass
to a suspension of arms for a limited period. It sovaaas
haddif-
ficult,
been so much aroused, to come to an agreement. But
i
ty,oinn the
ihnetre
re
tsMajesty'or
peaces a
aGcoe: etronmp
reoncte
etdh otuog hat
12th of May, after the suspension of arms had been
Ci to
ntheir duty, in the
interests of peace, to proceed to a Conference.
agreed to, I asked the Austrian and Prussian Governments
to declare what they required in the interests of peace.
Be it observed that although the Prussian and Aus-
trian Governments had continually declared that
they had certain engagements to insist upon which had
not been fulfilled, they never agreed to specify what these
engagements were, or what the terms were with which they
would be satisfied. When Lord Wodehouse went to Berlin
on his way to Copenhagen he endeavoured, in accordance
with instructions he had received, to have an explanation
from the Prussian Government on this point. The Prus-
sian Government first replied that the Danish Government
should first repeal the November constitution, and " we will
then," said they, " see what arrangements the Danish Go-
vernment proposed to put in place of it. We must consider
those arrangements before we pronounce our opinion upon
them." Nothing, I must say, could be less explicit or less
a justification of the course they were pursuing; because,
at the same time, they were ready to carry war to an extre-
mity, and use all means to invade Schleswig with all the
dreadful consequences, but without making an express de-
claration of their demands. When, however, the Powers
were assembled at the Conference—when Austria and
Prussia were obliged to meet the plenipotentiaries of France,
Russia, Sweden, as well as those of the other neutral
Powers, they found themselves obliged to make some state-
ment of their claims. Be it observed that, up to the 31st of
Janr'ary, the two German Governments had declared that
they adhered to the treaty of London, and the execution
and occupation were proof that they adhered to the integrity
of the Danish monarchy. Her Majesty's Government,
therefore, had no reason to suppose that their propositions
would be of a different character. But we were told—alpthoau.
though not officially, yet upon what seemed to bean
rity—that there was an intention of proposing what is
and
called a personal union, namely, that Holstein
navy of the latter were to be separated frm
-bovD
Schleswig were to be united, and that the armyeaanmdarteo;
that the Duchies were to have a complete self-government
and that the King of Denmark was scarcely to have any
e-ernment •
influence over them. At one of the meetings of the Con-
ference the Danish plenipotentiary declared that if that per-
sonal union had ever been proposed it would have been im-
possible for Denmark to agree to it. Therefore, though
nominally adhering to the integrity of Denmark and the
treaty of 1852, the proposition of a personal union would
be an actual separation of the Duchies from Denmark under
an independent Government. That, however, was not the
exact proposal of the German plenipotentaries at the meet-
ing of the Conference on the 12th of May. The PILIPSiau
plenipotentiary declared that what the Austrian and Due-