The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-21 00:00:00

1861 by 144 millions, and those of 1862 by 53 millions, I
certainly did not expect to hear the same day that the
treaty of commerce with England was ruining our mann-
factures,lour merchant navy, our agriculture, and our com-
merce. A people able to pay such considerable sums in
voluntary taxes, instead of being almost ruined, must be in
a high state of prosperity. M. Pouyer-Querties said that
our exports had declined since the treaty of commerce,
whilst those of England had increased 600 millions. In the
first eleven months of 1863 our exports amounted to 2,230
millions. They were 1,975 millions in 1862, and 1,700 mil-
lions in 1861. The difference in our favour was therefore
530 millions between 1863 and 1861, and 270 millions between
1863 and 1862, notwithstanding the war in America. M.
Pouyer-Quertier compares these figures with those of 1859,
the last year of protection, when our exports were 2,266 mil-
lions, but from this total we must deduct 151 millions for
corn. Nor is that all. In 1861 our trade with America
suffered greatly; from 368 millions in 1859 it fell to 88 mil-
lions. To make the comparison fairly we must strike off 206
millions from 1869, otherwise we should take no account of
the effect produced on our manufactures by the American
war. Then again the returns for 1863 only include eleven
months, and must be increased in proportion. Alter making
these allowances, it will be seen that our exports have in-
creased considerably. On a fair calculation, it is evident
that we gained 700 millions at least since the treaty of com-
merce. It has has been said that France is impoverished
by being compelled to export specie in payment for foreign
produce. This is a mere repetition of the exploded fallacy
of the balance of trade. Wanting cotton, we are obliged to
get it from Egypt, Turkey, and India, countries which will
only take specie, and we gain by the exchange, as it enables
our operatives to live, and promotes trade at home. (Hear,
hear.) We are not so badly off as was asserted yesterday.
Look also at other industries. Our coalmines now produce
10 millions of tons yearly, which they never did before.
The ironmasters too have made great efforts.
The Duke de Marmier —And suffered considerable losses.
M. Chevalier—l do not admit that any trade is long
continued at a great loss. Certain industries may be in a
suffering state; I deplore the fact, but, in a great country,
we must take things on the whole. Thanks to great
efforts and improved processes, the iron manufacture has
increased 4'J per cent since the treaty of commerce. The
question lies between those who would maintain and those
who would suppress the treaty of commerce. As to the
woollen manufacture, the explanation given yesterday is
inadmissible. Two years ago the representative of Roubaix
repeated here the lamentations of the chambers of com-
merce, But what has happened since ? Never has Roubaix

enjoyed such prosperity as at present. We are told that
this prosperity is owing solely to the scarcity of cotton. On
this head I reply that we now export woollens to the value
of 100 millions more than in 1859, which shows that we are
fully able to compete with England in that branch also.
With regard to cotton goods I have to remark that England
has sent us one half less this year than last. Our markets
are, therefore, not overwhelmed with English products. I
will show you what sacrifices the country makes under the
protective system. The other day we heard great lamenta-
tions about the expense of the Mexican expedition. Well I
if France economised only one half of the mysterious bounty
which she pays in a year to protected industries, it
would cover the cost of the war in Mexico. I will ex-
plain my meaning. Previously to the treaty of commerce,
the importation of cottons and woollens was prohibited,
and when the treaty was under consideration, tho manu-
facturers of those goods, as well as the ironmasters, de-
clared that they could not live without a protective duty
of 30 per cent. Let us see what that costs the country.
The yearly production of cotton goods is estimated at 800
millions, and 30 per cent en that sum is 240 millions.
Woollen manufactures amount to 900 millions, and a pro-
tective duty of 30 per cent. on that sum comes to 270
millions. So that on these two branches alone protection
coat above 500 millions. The duties have since been re-
duced to 10 per cent., and that sum levied on 1,000 millions of
woollen goods now produced amounts to 100 millions. I say
nothing of cotton under present circumstances. If to this
100 millions we add the sums paid on iron and other pro-
ducts, it will be seen that protection now coats France at
least 300 millions a year.
M. Pouyer-Quertier—That is not correct.
M. Chevalier—lf you say 100 millions, that is still too
much. The treaty of commerce has reduced the occult
bounties paid under prohibition by very considerable sums)
which have been expended in the consumption of other
articles to the great increase of the general well-bring. To
the relief thus occasioned, I attribute the greater part of
our in'teased revenue. I now turn to another subject, and
I regret that our eminent colleague M. Thiers, should be
leaving the Chamber, as what I am about to say will, I
believe, interest him. [M. Thiers, who had risen to go out,
immediately sat down near the speaker.] The amendment,
continued the hon. gentleman, has received considerable
support by the signature of our illustrious colleague, of
whom I shall never speak but with the greatest respect.
Most of those who have attached their names to it are men
who pretend to guide us in the way of liberty, in which
they think we are behindhand, and nevertheless in my
opinion the amendment is an attack on liberty and on pro.
perry. (Exclamations on several benches.) Our eminent
colleague has pointed out the conditions necessary to con-
stitute liberty in free countries, but he has forgotten the
most important of all, and one inscribed among the great
principles of '89—liberty of labour. It is one which pre-
sents no danger, for it requires order and security. Eng-
land is every day held up to us as an example : why not,
therefore, follow that country as regards freedom of coin.
merce and labour ? No branch of manufacture is there
protected; the customs' tariff of England is,
sin ce
most simple of all, as it is contained on a single 1
sheoet of
paper, whilst our fills a volume. The former bears on the
86, the
corn, currants,
following articles—Chicory, chocolate, coffee,
figs, pepper, raisins, and prunes; spirits of different kinds,
raw and refined sugar, molasses, tea, tobacco, wine, and
timber. In those articles, which produce a sum of 600 mil-
lion of francs, there is not a single branch of manufacture

protected.
A Voice—The English do sot require protection.
M. Chevalier—That is Imre easily said than proved. I
have resided in that country a long time, and I can assure
you that 25 years were required for it to achieve commer-
cial liberty. The silk manufacturers in England long de-
manded protection against ours, but they at length found
that competition would lead to great improvement in their
articles, and they gave up their opposition. I have said that
the amendment is an attack on property, and I will endea-
vour to prove it. The suppression of the sliding scale was
voted, and very properly.
M. Tbierz—No. That I deny.
Id. Chevalier—Our agriculturists atone langer protected.
but when they require to purchase i armin' implements they
must pay a duty, and they are in that manner attacked in
their property. Igo further, and say that France has no
need of protection. She has 38,000,000 of inhabitants, o
whom 20,000,0000 are agriculturists, who do not ask to
protected, and there are 8,000,000 of workmen who do not
ask for it. There aro moreover 8,000,000 of persons devoted
to the liberal arts, physicians, advocates, &c., who ask; for
nothing except that they may not have to pay dear
for what they want. Ask the remaining 2,000,000
of men employed in large manufactories whether
they stand in need of protection, and they will reply in the

Lord EDWARD HOWARD presided on 'rues:le:3- night over
a large social meeting of Roman Catholics, held in the Town
Hall, Birmingham. His lordship was eupperied by the
Right Rev. Dr. Ullathorne, Roman Catemlic Bishop of
Birmingham ; the Right Bev. Dr. Amherst, Bishop of
Northampton, and other leadine Catholics of the :Midland
district. After some introductory remarks, the Prosi•lert
went on to say—As we are here in the centre of one of the
largest Catholic districts in Erigl,ind, I wish to say a few
words to you—not, however, thet I have anything very iei
portant to say—about our position as Catholics at the pre-
sent time in the country. (Hear, and applause.) I dare say
you, occupied as you are from morning till evening, do tot
consider the struggles which Catholicity has before now had
in this district as in the rest of England. lam not going
to dwell upon them ; they are things which are gone by ;
but we ought not entirely to forget, in the happier days in •
which we live, the position in which men were in former
times, especially when we remember that we are in the im-
mediate vicinity of where that excellent man, that model of
a bishop, Dr. Milner, lived—(applause`,—that also you have
that excellent and old-established Catholic institution, the
college at Ascott--(applause)—from which so many well-
educated men and so many earnest and energetic priests
have gone forth to minister to the wants of the Catholic
body. When I remember that excellent school which is
now growing np at Egbaston, and when I remember also
that Mr. Pugin has done so much in Birmingham for
Catholic art with the help of the energy and talent which
he found here, and by which his ideas were carried out,—.
when I remember that the firm of Hardman, and others,
'wllllo7l-- toPeacalkizTarity, have.been prominent,
so earn ss.se, i:%-_ey have changed the system
of chuiett building and ehureaa, decoration—Caneleeee)--I
cannot but call your attention to such striking facts. But
what is it we are now ? Whom have I the honour of seeing
before me? Here is the representation—and the very large'
representation—of the very large Catholic body of this town.
Now I have the great pleasure of seeing before me as happy
looking, as industrious-looking, as well-to-do-looking, a
number of persons as my eyes have ever seen. It looks as if
you were happy, as if you were well-contented, as if you
had not much to complain of in this town. Unfortunately,
even in these days, there prevails a good deal of feeling
against the Catholic religion. I am not going to dwell upon
it, and I only speak of it for the purpose of regretting it;
but I believe that in the manufacturing towns, and in Bir-
mingham especially, the Catholics find more consideration.
and more kindness from those of other religions than they
do in almost any other place. (Applause.) I think I have
read in our Catholic papers about the death of a venerated
man who was in his lifetime atown councillor ofßirminghate,
and I think I have also read in the papers of some one's death
very recently who was a member of the corporation of Bir-
mingham. I believe that in no town are the Catholic clergy
so freely allowed access to the charitable institutions as in
Birmingham. (Applause.) If anything can commend itself
to the Catholic heart, that is the thing. You will obeervo
that it is not any preference, not any favour, that Catholics
want. When they ask for facilities in such matters it is
simply for the clergyman to administer to the dying or the
sick members of his flock that consolation which he alone
can administer in times of affliction and distress. (Cheers.)
You have all these things here. It is true that the Catholic
body throughout the rest of England wish to see some other
things accomplished. Whether they will get them accom-
plished or not I don't know. There is a good deal of preju-
dice yet to be overcome. Persons imagine that we wish for
these facilities through other motives than those by which
we are really actuated; but this I will venture to say—that
the more facility there is given the priest to enter the work-
house or the prison the greater facility will the constituted
authorities find in keeping peace and order among those
who are committed to their care. (Applause.) It is not the
first time that I have had to speak on these matters, and I
have invariably said, "You may depend upon it that the
more you allow the Catholic clergyman to be brought into
connection with the Catholic criminal or the Catholic pau-
per the more easy will it be to reform the one and seethe
and comfort the other, and keep order among all." (Ap-
plause.) I trust that before long the small glimmering of
liberality which has been shown by some counties in respect
to the admission of Catholic priests into the prison fur
the purpose of visiting the Catholic prisoners will be de-
veloped, and that the injustice which Catholics now exec-
rience in that respect will be done away with. (Applause.)
I shall not intrude upon your time by going into the par-
ticulars of this question, but there are one or two matters
connected with it which are not, but which ought to be,
generally known. Arc you aware that if a Catholic crimi-
nal in the prison, wishing to keep hi: religion, which
of course is the only means of reforming him, says he does
not wish to go to the prison chapel, he is, being in conse-
quence of that locked up in his cell, subjected to a month's
imprisonment more ire the year than his Protestant fellow
prisoner who attends morning and evening prayer and goes
to the chapel on Sundays? Again, it is said that the Ca-
tholic prisoners do not wish to see their priests ; they do not
ask for them. Well, the reason of that we have over and
over again repeated, and I shall confine myself here simply
:o saying that of course a poor man of that kind who goes
to prison would be the last to like to see the priest at first ;
ho would be most ashamed; but if there is one man on the
face of the earth able to reform him it is his priest. (Applause.)
We all know that if we have respect for a man and have in-
jured either him or what he holds to be good and holy, that
is the last person we wish at a certain time to be brought
into contact with. The Protestant chaplain is obliged to see
all the Protestant prisoners. The Catholic chaplain ought to
have the same facilities, and that shamefacedness of the Ca-
tholic prisoner, which is to the man's honour, ought not to
be turned against him, nor the only chance of reform taken
away from him by the assertion that he is giving up his re-
ligion when we all know it is not so. I hope sincerely that
persons will be brought to a better consideration of the
question. I have, perhaps, gone into this matter too long.
I shall only once more advert to your local affairs. You are
met here to-night in the most laudable manner to encourage
the schools of this district. (Hear.) What a blessing it is to
see so much enthusiasm about your schools ? All your
schools are, I understand, managed by one committee, and
this no doubt is the cause of unity of feeling among you, and
makes you all feel an enthusiasm about your schools which
may not be felt in other places where each school is con-
fined to a small sphere, and there is nothing to connect with
any but one small neighbourhood. There seems to be a
general feeling of pride among you about your schools, and
an eagerness to support them, and this it is to a great ex-
tent that has brought you here to-night. You all of you
know, and I am not going to enlarge upon the importance
of education. You know it is education which must give
the young a chance of growing up to be good and useful
members of society, and which must assist them to continua
so, and to keep them out of the prison and the workhouse,
and thus prevent all these obstacles which we now have
to contend with. While everybody else is being educated,
Catholics must not hang back. We must endeavour to hold
our own. I want no more than that; but I want to see the
Catholic body not inferior to other bodies of men. (Cheers.)
I want to see them have their proper place in society, I
want to see them—not by gambling or speculation or any-
thing of that sort—get their own place in society, and then,
if they do that, they will not only have the means of sup•
porting themselves and their families in honour and credit,
but will be able to support their churches and chapels, their
schools, and the poorer members of their society. This is
what we all of ns ought to have at heart. It is good for
each of us to wish for the time, and to endeavour to bring
it about, when none of the poor Catholics of England, of
whom there are so many, should be without their chapel
and their school. (Applause,) I wish you to remember this
—that as Catholics, whether as the large body you form in
this large town or as individuals, the eyes of many are upon
you, and that you should always behave yourself with a
view to do honour to the religion in which you have been
nurtured. If you do that you will do much to dispel pre-
judice ; but am sure you must all of you feel that if Catho-
lics are seen to appear much et the police offices, if they are
brought up as drunk and disorderly, if they are seen to be
spendthrifts, dishonour is thrown upon the whole body, and
people on the lookout to abuse us say that those who belong
to the Catholic religion are always in broils and troubles.
Let us feel that as we walk along the streets wo walk along
as belonging to the Catholic religion, and let us feel that
when we are respected members of society the Catholic,
religion is Ithen ,respected through us. (Applause.) I
need only further remark that, while we as Catholics aro
proud of our religion, and do all we can to advance it
among the members of our own flock, we ought always to
behave with the most perfect friendship and kindness to
those who do not agree with us. (Hear, hear.) While we
avoid their errors and do not agree with them in religious
matters, there will be often many other matters in which we
may ogres with them, and in which we may always be
friends, and thus eentributo to the groat Christian benefit
of a well-organised community. (Anplauec.) As we respect
our own feelings, let us always respect the feelings of others.
That is likely to conciliate and of t:lin for us thos•-) yet re-
maining things which the Catholic body so very much de-
sire to obtain.
After a few further observations the noble lord resumed
his seat, and was heartily applauded.
be

_
THE GREAT EASTERN.—Another suit in the
the commander, tir.s
Court of Admiralty has been cornmenced npinst
the Great Eastern. Captain Paton,
caused the vessel to be arrested ter the bum oc
There are now two arrests in great force against t 1 e~
one at the suit of the owners of the late
000shtp Jane for £3,000
and the other by Captain Paton for £2,,