The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-08 00:00:00

_
UtAirninit
AUL

LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 8, 1852.

METTBILNICIft3 downfal involved the imperial
councils of Austria in embarrassments which seem
to have been recently completed by the sudden death
of ScuWARZENBERG. To the young EMPEROR it

must be no slight calamity to lose the advice of one
whose sagacity, during a period of very extraor-
dinary emergency, has proved so serviceable in con-
solidating his despotism. To the subjects of FRANCIS
JOSEPH, on the contrary, the loss cannot prove so irre-
parable. It will be regarded, we feel assured, rather
as ta blessing than as a misfortune throughout
the whole of those motley dominions which consti-
tute the realm of the Kaiser. Born on the 2d of Oc-
tober, 1800, and elevated to supreme power in the
Cabinet of Vienna on the 21st of November, 1848,
Prince FELIX SCHWARZENBERG cannot be said to
have died otherwise than prematurely for a states-
man, though it must be confessed that he bad sur- '
lived much too long for his credit as an adminis-
Iratn iondono..r. From the intelligence received yesterday
it was learnt, nol• without surprise, that
the Prime Minister of4
Austria
in existence—
h
rter of
aving expired at Vienna on Monday,
was no longer
the sth of April, from
ministration of the affairs
stroke of apoplexy. The ad-
bat that an the Austrian Govern-
ment
thrown for a while into
confusion, such as might for
been inextricable, time to come have
rather summary way of proceeding
ruler bas a
under such cir-
cumstance—a method which trirtl
conuttr': •of
at any rate be allowed the reaewwking must
conve-
nience. It is seldom that a
to such crises as those resulting from' 711 subjected
of the actual leader of the Government, demise
the ease in America on the death of Z:c Was
TAYLOR, and in England on the assassination
of SPENCER PERCIVAL. The mechanism of free inn
stitutions is less liable, however, to interruptions from)
occurrences of this kind, thAnks to the propors;ionate

division of labour in the manifold offices of adminis-
tration. The responsibilities of Government being
diffused among Secretaries of State and other officials
of an influential character, are not, of course, so
intimately affected on these occasions as when
they are concentrated in a single grasp—which
grasp becomes abruptly relaxed by dissolution. Here,
nevertheless, as we have already intimated, the
prompt exercise of the unrestricted powers of
tyranny comes to the rescue of the State with a re-
solute hand and an iron will. A single decree, or
ukase, or pronunciamento is sufficient to bind toge-
ther again all the reins of authority which, for the
moment, had become loosened. Ministerially (as of
yore royally from the Palace windows of the Tui-
leries) it is still—" The King is dead ! long live the
King !" The Minister is dead! long live the Minister !
Whoever may be the successor of SCHWARZENBERG,
it is tolerably certain that, like that eminent adminis-
trator, he will still continue to be influenced in the
conduct of his policy by the antecedents, and it may
be also by the secret advice of the veteran—we
cannot by any possibility say venerable—Prince
METTERNICH, secluded as that political octo-
genarian is at his residence among the vine-
yards of Johanisberg. That the departed chief
of the Vienna Cabinet was guided in a very
great measure by the example, and, as many have sur-
mised also,: the direct or indirect councils of his pre-
decessor, was sufficiently manifest, we conceive, from
the extraordinary resemblance, we might even say the
actual identity, of their systems of carrying on the go-
vernment. Before applying himself to the study of
statecraft he had almost exclusively dissipated his ener-
gies in the delights of frivolous amusements, occasion-
ally, it is true, participating in the duties of
a military career, in which he rose to the
dignity of Lieutenant Field-Marshal in the Imperial
forces, having served, and not without credit to him-
self, in Lombardy, under the orders of the brave old
RADETZKY. Besides these duties, SCHWARZENBERG
had filled others of a very different nature, inasmuch
as he was Austrian Ambassador at Turin, and subse-
quently at Naples, where he was still exercising di-
plomatic functions in the March of 184 S, a month
rendered memorable by the outbreak of the revolu-
tion. Summoned to the helm of the Government at
a moment when the vessel of the state appeared to be
foundering in the midst of democratic storms and
insurrectionary darkness, SCHWARZENBERG for the
first time displayed those administrative energies
which had been long dormant, and which speedily de-
clared him to be in ability the not unworthy succes-
sor of Prince METTERNICH. Between the downfal
of METTERNICH and the rise of SCHWARZENBERG
variety of Ministerial changes had taken place
at Vienna—each successive appointment prov-
ing, if possible, only more and more disas-
trous in its consequences. FICQUELMONT showed
himself as incapable of conducting the toils of ad-
ministration as WINDISCHGRATZ had shown himself
incapable of struggling in the field of battle against the
prowess cf the heroic Hungarians. Wassmeneao
displayed yet more apparently his incapacity as
leader of the Government. And it was in a
kind of despair of discovering any man able
to cope with the political difficulties at Vienna
as vigorously as RADETZKY had struggled
with and ultimately conquered the military
difficulties in Lombardy, that SCHWARZENBERG
Was at last sent for from the Court of Naples, and
induced, in spite of the perils of the position, to as-
sume the supreme administrative pest as leader of the
Austrian Government. Since the moment of his ele-
vation to that dangerous altitude, on the 21st of
November, 1848, he has preserved the power of his
imperial master intact, grasping the reins of office
with a firm hand until the hour of his death by apo-
plexy. By his capacity, therefore, he has earned a
right to admiration ; while by the rigour of his
policy, by the cruelty of his acts, and among these,
more especially by the ever-execrable murder of
Count LOUIE BATTHYANI, he has given cause to the
races of Christendom to regard his name with exe-
cration.

There is at this moment no property or income-
tax.
The unequal and oppressive impost expired on
Monday last. Had it been more fairly and equitably
assessed it would probably have been regarded as one
of the best modes of collecting a large proportion of
the public revenue, but as it was actually apportioned
it could only be viewed as cne of the most stupendous
monuments of national injustice ever perpetrated.
The evils of class legislation were never more power-
fully illustrated than under that iniquitous law which
was permitted to encumber the national statute-book
for ten years without modification or alteration
Innumerable complaints were from time to time put
forward, but these vie:e directed against the details,
rather,,than the principle f the measure. The commu-
nity was favourable to direct taxation. There would
have been no objection to even a much higher charge
than sevenpence in the pou.ld on accumulated and
realized property, provided that equivalent reductions
were made on other more obnoxious charges. But a
deep and burning sense of injustice was felt by those
who earned their daily bread by physical or intellec-
tual labour, and who naturally complained of
the hardship of being chargod as highly as
those who had a far greater command over the
necessaries and luxuries of life than themselves, no
allowance whatever being made for the precarious
and fluctuating nature of their rese urces, or fcr the
necessity of providing for any casualties that might
arise in the way of death, want of employment, or
mental or bodily incapacity.

Unfortunately the late CHA:NCELLOR of the Ex-
CIIEQUER, with that peculiar intellectual obliquity
for which he rendered himself s o painfully conspicu-
ous, could not, or more probably would not under-
stand the real cause of the general, outcry. Although
his attention was repeatedly directed to the subject,
he continued, with a strange perversity,
to as-
cribe every objection made to the apportion-
ment under Schedules D and. E to a dislike
to the entire code. He would sanction no amendment;
it should be accepted with all its defects, or rejected
in toto. This was one of the chid ,causes.of the over-
throw of the late Government, and the almost un-
paralleled odium incurred by its members. Many
of Sir CHARLES WOOD,
we believe there can be but little doubt that the con-
ductinl referenceeof— itfo
ntohte—ptrhoe-
rnsanoadfttieirn:csoicmoaenntriibuntil to incr ease the effect, but
•vax occupie,.. OD
from this burdenisowwi
most nrominent position' in producing the Ministerial
el
will
however, hop©
fhaonpye
great/1 l that live cannot, h our exemption '
Al-
though thereduration.
exceeding
3,000,000/, in thea handsome "taPlus7
national
Exchequer, we could
not afford t^give up'
half millions. which produces in round
numbers five and a ha
forward to its revival, at lest uaill3.°lls.
We must look
and perhaps we cannot reasonably
a limited period,
being placed on a permanent foundation
look forward to its
present session. But although aundation during the
equitable arrangement may be impossible, and
completely
reason why we should not endenvPoible, there is no
obvious improvements—wby the moreur to
make some
ances might not be in some degree rem glaring grieve
the 19th inst. the CHANCELLOR of tbaaveExc
d.
useUER
is to fix a day for making his financial statement, and
he will then explain his views on this interestingu and
important question. We can scarcely p
the Right lion. Gentleman will, in powesr, suppose
lend his
that
support to matters which he formerly s
em-
phatically denounced. He is too clearheadedo to fall
into so grievous an error, nor is it probable that he
would neglect the opportunity of acquiring a high
degree of popularity, even if he could do so without
inconsistency. We may also infer, from the tone of
his reply to the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Mon-
trose, on Monday evening, when he stated that " he
should be very glad if the Committee now sitting on
the subject should have reported before that time, but
if they had not, it would not prevent him from going
on with his statement." This short sentence would
seem to indicate that his mind is already male up on
the subject; and when we consider that he was a
prominent and painstaking me mber of the Committee,
and, as such, well acquainted. with the views and
opinions of its leading members, we can easily conceive
that he is fully prepared on the topic.
It will, then, be for all parties who feel aggrieved
by the present iniquitous system to lend their moat
energetic exertions to its modification. They must
closely observe the course that may be adopted, and if
it be not such as they have reason to anticipate,
4114 115 the justice of the ease may require) WI oppor-

tunity will speedily arrive of ensuring the attentive
consideration of the Legislature. The battle is to
be fought at the hustings. No elector should
record his suffrage in favour of any person
who will refuse a distinct and unequivo-
cal answer on the subject. Whatever may
be his qualifications in other respects, no
man can be a fitting representative who would
lend his sanction to so gross and palpable
an act of injustice as that which, having
been maintained for ten years, may now be num-
bered among the things that have departed.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
M. EMILE DE GIEARDIN has brought a hornet's
nest about his ears by his recent effusions in the
Presse. The organs of the Royalists of the two
Bourbon dynasties are greatly scandalized at the
insinuation thrown out by him against the Royalist
party as being capable of resorting to attempts at
assassination to get rid of the empire in the event of
its being formed; and M. DE LA GUERROISIERE, who
was for a long time co-editor of the Presse with M.

DE GIRABDIN, falls foul in the Pays of his ancient
comrade. After sundry professions of personal esteem
and respect for the delinquent, the writer in the Pays
expresses his profound surprise and regret at finding
an imputation proceeding from his pen " which tends
to stigmatise not only the whole of an honourable
party, but, to a certain point, the political opinion of
the country, made responsible for crimes which, thank
GOD, are not of any party." M. DE GUEERONIERE
then quotes the article in the Presse which has proved
the rock of offence, and thus continues :—" We do

not hesitate to say that these are detestable arguments
to preserve the Republic. No ; whatever may happen,
whether we remain in the Republic or leave it, in
order to enter on the Empire, there will not be an
ALIBAUD in the Republican party, nor a MERINO in
the Royalist party, to avenge the democracy or to
restore the monarchy. Such monsters, if they could
live again in their miserable imitators, would engage
only their own name and hand before the justice of
GoD and of history. They would not engage any
party. There would be a crime at the charge of a
single man, but that responsibility, altogether of an
individual character, could not imply any moral
complicity with one of the honourable parties which
contend for their convictions and opinions."
The Union pitches in more lustily, in the fol-
lowing style :
" In the opinion of M. de Girardin the establishment
of the Empire would be the signal for the most exe-
crable crimes, for those crimes which are the disgrace of
society and of an age, and the sad prognostication of
which we for our part prefer to leave to the editor of
the Presse. We leave him alse the honour of his decla-
mations against royalty, against that royalty which,
according to his account, would not return but to bring
back slavery, and those abuses and intolerances which
would allow us most the Parliamentary regime of the
Etats generaux assembling every 175 years. Such non-
sense does not merit discussion, it only causes universal
derision. And yet this is what M. de Girardin
does not disdain to call his conclusion. Your
conclusion ! Allow us to say that you promised
more—you promised us the receipt
us
sr
something
preserving the
we heleexpupebelit it. u
Republic. Thapt
toretcheiisptiiniteheyroeu-
fore, we want,
have attacked Empire and monarchy—hitherto you have
proceeded by the `.path of negatives ; it is time for you
now to come to affirmatives, and to tell us how you mean
to preserve the Government which has your preference.
That would be true conclusion, and the real solution of
the problem which has been put forth in the Presse."
M. DE GIRARDIN appears again in the Presse of
yesterday. The article is a reply to the Independance
of Brussels, which had spoken of him as having rallied
to the Government of LOUIS NAPOLEON. He says—
"' If I have rallied,' it must be admitted that the
President of the Republic does not look towards the
Empire; and if he does so, it must then be admitted that I
have not rallied' to him. It is necessary to choose be-
tween one or the other of the two affirmatives. The
truth of the case is this: Called back to Paris by im-
perious and urgent business, I only yielded to the voice
of personal interests in stating my personal convictions,
in perfect independence, and at the risk of oppposing
personal views, which it is supposed and pretended are
decided on, and expecting to receive a fresh order to
return, at my choice, either to Belgium, Germany, or
England. My trunks are ready, but before starting I
wished to state to democracy the result of my two
months' reflections in the solitude of exile. The more I
have reflected on it the more convinced I feel that pes-
simism was the strictest, and consequently the shortest
road to arrive at legitimism. Anything rather than the
European restoration of the last century. It is for this
reason that, although marked with the seal of ostracism,
and injured in the most serious manner in all my inte-
rests, I have never ceased to write from Brussels to
Paris. Let there be no pessimism.' As to the sus-
picions which were not spared towards me before my
return, and even before my departure on the 14th Ja-
nuary, I have paid dear enough during the last year
(more than 500,000 f.) for the right of
_disdaining them,
and I shall make use of that right.":
The Bank of France is henceforth to publish the
returns of its general position on the second Thurs-
day of every month, instead of weekly. This notice
will give much satisfaction, especially as it will tend
to remove the suspicion that the suppression of the
weekly report was for the purpose of concealing com-
mercial depression, as proved by the low state of dis-
count of bills of exchange.
The Patric publishes the following communicated
note :
" The continual increase of business rarely permits
the Prince President to grant audiences, and requests for
them must be addressed direct to General Roguet, com-
mandant of his military household."
The strongest demonstrations of gratitude have
been testified by the inhabitants of all the parts of the
country through which the railroads which have
lately been conceded by the Government are to pass.
The municipal councils of Strasbourg, Beschwiller,
and Lauterbourg, have voted addresses of thanks to
the PRINCE PRESIDENT on the subject. The town of
Gray, in the Haute Saone, hailed the announcement
of the decree of concession of the line from Besmes to
that place with a salute of twenty-four guns, and an
illumination, and the Chamber of Commerce of the
town voted an address to the PRESIDENT of the Re-
public, expressive of their gratitude and devotedness to
him. An address of thanks has also been presented to
the PRESIDENT from the municipality of Limoges for
the prompt completion of the Central Railway.
Mortgage banks, according to the basis laid down
by the decree of the PRESIDENT of the Republic, are
being formed in the departments of the Loiret and the
Cher. The names of the most wealthy and influential
persons of the departments are mentioned as con-
nected with these banks.
The PRINCE PRESIDENT has commuted the sen-
tence of transportation to Algeria, pronounced against
Dr. LEPINEUX, for the part that he took in the insur-
rection of the Allier, into banishment into another de-
partment of France.
M. LATOUR-DUIHOULIN, formerly chief editor of
the Courrier Francais, has been appointed director
of the printing department of the Ministry of Police.
The Gazette de France says :—" A rumour is cur-
rent that the two Grand Dukes of Russia, MICHAEL
and NICHOLAS, are about to come to Paris on a visit
to the PRESIDENT of the Republic.
Viscount DE TOURNON is in a fair way of recovery
from the effects of his accident at the steeplechase on
Sunday last.
An entire change has taken place in the mode of
lighting the Palace of the Tuileries. The bougies
havc been suppressed, and replaced by magnificent
lamps attached to the lustres.
There was very little business transacted in Govern-
ment Securities at the Bourse. Railway Shares were
more active. The Four-and-a-Half per Cents. opened
at lolf. 40c., and closed at 101 f. 30c. for the end of the
month; the Three per Cents. closed at 71f. 60c.;
Orleans Railroad Shares, 1,182 f. 50c.; Rouen, 735 f.;
Havre, 288 f. 75c.; Great Northern, 6535 f.; Avignon,
277 f. 50c.; Viorzon, 565 f.; Bale, 242 f. 50c.; Bordeaux,
605 f.; Paris and Strasburg, 575 f.; Tours and Nantes,
357 t. 50c.; Paris and Lyons, 630 f.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE

LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, APRIL 7.
East Indian, 213A—Laxembourg, 4—Namur and Liege,
(M—Northern of France, 23—Orleans and Bordeaux, 141%
Paris and Lyons, 13 .i—Paris and Rouen, 28,E Paris and
Strasbourg, 22,Y6—Rouen and Havre, 113/—Sambre and
meuse, 434—yours and Nantes, 11—West Flanders, 2:;',
Western of k ranee, 71/2.