The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

SPECTATOR.—Parliament was opened on Thurs-
day by commission, her Majesty being still unable
to attend. The Speech is, as usual, very formal
and reserved, and bears ninny marks of composite
wormkanship, In the debate in the Lords on the
Address, Earl Grey made, as usual, a very power-
ful
and slightly crotchetty speech. He could not
believe it the duty of this country to sit calmly by
" while this monstrous act of injustice was being
perpetrated," and he thought that " in these cases
the boldest policy was sometimes the best." He
held that this country could send the Danes, with
comparative ease, most important assistance, and he
believed that, had this course been adopted, Austria,
" considering the state of Venice," would " have
thought twice about attacking an English army in
the entrenched position," the soundest remark made
in the debate. He added an expression of deep
mortification at the little attention paid by the Ger-
man Governments to British remonstrances, and a
total refusal to concur in the terms of the Address
so far as related to Japan. Lord Derby's speech
was, of course, an effective and brilliant attack upon
Lord Russell. Slightly altering the Roman phrase,
he said of the Foreign Secretary, that he left no-
thing untouched, and touched nothing which he did
not throw into confusiore—nihil intactuns reliquit, et
nihil tetegit quod non conturdavit. Instead of none
interveu, ion, " Meddle and meddle" was his maxim.
He was Snug the joiner and Bottom the weaver
combined. He was ready to play anything, espe-
cially his accustomed part of " \loonshice." But his
favourite part was that of the Lion. " I will roar so
that it will do any man's heart good to hear me. I
will roar so that I will make the Duke say, ' Let him
roar again, let him roar again !" He knows, too,
how to " aggravate his voice," and " roar as gently
as any sucking dove;" and, moreover, he had more
than once had recourse to the ingenious device of
letting his face be seen through the lion's mask, as
if to say, " For all my roaring I am no lion at all,
but only Snug the joiner." After this personal
banter Lord Derby, of course, touched as unplea-
santly as he could on the useless offence given to
Russia on the Polish policy, on the offensive manner
in which he held that Congress was declined, and
finally, on the helpless policy, as he chose to call it,
in the Dano-German question. It did not, how-
ever, by any means appear that Lord Derby much
differed from Lord Russell on the Danish question,
or that, if he had been in office himself, he would
have acted differently. He deprecated, as every
one must, the dreadful calamity of a sanguinary
quarrel between England and the whole of Ger-
many, "in a case in which, whether rightly or
wrongly, the feelings of the people of Germany are
enlisted on one side." But he deprecated still more
earnestly " the betrayal and abandonment of an ally
who has trusted to our support," and he made an
earnest and eloquent appeal to Germany," especially
to Austria, to pause before she is stopped in that
constitutional course of growing prosperity which
she has so wisely begun by the mad career of ambi-
tion on which the German Powers appear to be re-
luctantly but certainly entering. Mr. Disraeli, like
Lord Derby, indulged in his speech on the Address
in a tone of bitter sarcasm. His point was that her
Majesty's Government had come down to the house
without a policy to produce, that it was trusting
too entirely to the wisdom of Parliament, and on
point he planted one savage bat thoroughly well-
deserved blow. "It is only recently we have been
reminded, not by the noble lord, but by writers
whom he recognises as great masters of the English
language, that affairs are carried on in a very satis-
factory way as far as the House of Commons is con-
cerned; that the great departments are principally re-
presented by Under Secretaries ; that nobody much
cares what they say or do (laughter); and that
the relations between the Government and the
House of Commons are fast drawing to that satis
factory condition which subsists between members
of the French Chambers and their master. (Cheers.)
Humiliate us if you like, degrade us is we must sub-
mit to it ; but, at any rate, do not call on us to bear
responsibility." (Loud cheers.) The expressions
quoted are from the limes, and similar state-
ments will, before long, tempt the House into
a strong censure on Lord Palmerston's habit of
confining administrative power to his own order.
It is bad enough to be governed by dukes, but to
be told that we ought to be governed by them
alone is simply insufferable. Mr. Goschen, the
youngest member for the City of London, has justi-
fied the expectatisns we expressed at his election.
His speech when seconding the address received the
emphatic approval of the Huse, and bristles with
points, the happiest, being, perhaps, a sarcastic allu-
sion to the "friendly occupation" of Denmark It
is most creditable to him that, although representing
the City, which is as yet opposed to action, he ven-
tured to declare against a policy cf " selfish isola-
tion" in European affairs, and to speak of honour."
The drift of his speech was to commend the Cabinet
for their wise reserve in not coming down to Par.
liament with a statement of all they might in cer-
tain contingencies feel compelled to propose, but
reserving their full policy for the hour in which
it would be necessary to claim the full support of
the country. The independence of his speech was
as marked as its acumen, and if Mr. Goschen suffers
flit' it his seat will scarcely he sought by an honour-
able man. A clever saying is attributed—we know
not with how much truth—to Lord Stanley, with
regard to the Dino-German contest, that England
is no doubt morally responsible to Denmark for
a certain amount of physical as well as
moral oid, but that what Europe wants is
some system of war with limited liability. We
might then, say, take shares to the amount of three
millions sterling in the Danish adventure, but de-
cline to be liable to any greater extent. The idea
is a bright one, and no doubt is already adopted in
the ethics of private friendship, which permit one
friend to assign explicit limits beyond which he
cannot aid another, even in the noblest cause. As
applied to war, however, we fear the idea implies
that England's obstinacy should be as strictly
"limited" as her liability—an assumption which
would be sure to falsify the theory. Late in the
debate Mr. Layard read out a despatch of Herr von
Bismark, which was supposed to contain the assur-
ance that the German Governments would maintain
the Treaty of 1852, The reading excited "loud
laughter," and well it might, for after remarking
that invasion involved the acknowledgment of the
terms of 1862, the most material sentence was this
—" If, however, in consequence of complications
which may be brought about by the persistence of
the Danish Government in its refusal to accomplish
its promises of 1852, or of the armed intervention of
other Powers in the Dano-German conflict, the
King's Government were to find itself compelled to
renoanze combinations which would no longer offer
a result proportionate to the sacrifices which events
might impose upon the Germar Powers, no definite
arrangements could be made without the concur-
rence of the Powers who signed the Treaty of Lon-
don." (Laughter.) In plain English, if the credi-
tor does everything the debtor likes, and Providence
does so too, then the debtor will pay the debt.
That is not quite quivalent to a promissory note at
sight.
SATURDAY REVIEW'—The Queen's Speech and
the first debate of the session were expected with a
degree of anxiety which has not been experienced
on a like occasion for several years. As Lord Derby
truly stated, the present Government has owed its
strength mainly to its conduct of foreign affairs,
and, for the first time since its accession to power,
there seemed to he an opening for a successful at-
tack on iss policy. A tar more serious interest at-
tached to the question whether the country was in
immediate danger of war. It was not absolutely
certain that the Government might not have pledged
itself to afford material aid to Denmark, and it was
barely possible that Parliament might disapprove
of a persistent non-intervention. On the whole,
both the Speech and the subsequent discussion are
reassuring to the friends of peace, and probably the
Ministers are not discontented with the manner in
which their explanations were received. The Speech
itself might, indeed, have provoked the criticism
from which such compositions are conventionally
exempt. In grammar, in style, and in arrange-
ment, its framers bad abused the licence of their
position, especially when they occupied a con-
siderable portion of their limited space with a
string of titles which, as one of the speakers
remarked, looked like a page out of the Gotha
Almanack. A Queen's Speech ought to be
colourless and general in
its terms, but,
as far as it enters into details, it ought to be
correctly expressed. A treaty is oddly described
as " this matter," and the differences between Ger-
many and Denmark have arisen on many other
matters. It is also doubtful whether the word
" Germany" means Austria and Prussia, or the.dis-
senting States, or the Diet, or perhaps all tnese
Powers, according to their respective shares in the
dispute. The curiosity of party politicians will
have been lotme degree gratified by the speeches
of the Opion leaders. Air. Disraeli openly
avows the purpose of attacking the Government, and
Lord Derby indicates somewhat less openly his con-
currence in the intended hostilities. The debate of
Thursday served to reconnoitre the ground, and both
the principal speakers used their utmost efforts to
damage the Government. Their main complaint is,
in substance, that Lord Palmerston and Lord Rus-
sell have, fcr the time, contrived to leave the coun-
try without an ally in Europe. Russia has been
alienated by the abortive remonstrances of last year
against the oppression of Poland. France is angry
about Mexico, about Poland, apd, 'shove all, about
the rejection of the Congress. Finally, both Aus-
tria and Prussia are at this moment attacking Den-
mark. in utter disregard of the remonstrances of the
Englph Government. In reply, it is argued that
Russia and France agree in the English view or the

acknowledge, the obligations of the treaty of 1852,

and that France, tat he-ush a transient coldness may

prevail, has really no grievance to allege against
England. Lord Derby repeated, in a less ob-
noxious form, a mistake of Mr. Disraeli, in

dwelling too elaborately on the differences of
opinion which have arisen between Lord Palmer-
ston's Government and the Emperor Napoleon.
The general wish for a French alliance has
always been modified by a natural jealousy of
a permanent foreign influence. The country is
not unwilling to observe that in many political
questions the two Western Powers are able to act
in concert. Wh( n there is au obvious separatio❑ of

interests, or even a legitimate conflict of opinions,
the adoption by an English Minister of a course of
his own, even if it were inexpedient, would not be
unpopular. The withdrawal from the Mexican en-
terprise was simply unavoidab e, and although the
Polish difficulty was more embarrassing, Lord Derby
himself would certainly approve the determination
to reject all proposals of wer with Russia. The
grievance of the Congress which could never have
met relates merely to a supposed detect of form and
courtesy ; and although Lord Russell's despatches
are by no means models of conciliatory language,
Mr. Disraeli, in a moment of candour or rhetorical
excitement, contrived to be still more disrespectful
to the Emperor of the French. Lord Russell told
the French GJvernment, in an argumentative
answer to the proposal, that the Congress would, for
certain specified reasons, be imprawicable or inope-
rative. It was more courteous to state even a dis.

agreeable truth than to offer an insincere approve
in the hope that the project would afterwards
break down by its own inherent weakness. Mr.
Disraei, with his characteristic fancy for indirect
diplomacy, asserts, not without truth, that the
scheme of the Congress was an adroit manoeuvre to
conceal the check ev,iich the French Government
had recently received from Russia. It would, in Mr.
Disraeli's opinion, have been judicious to humour
the deception, and to leave Europe to find out at lei-
sure that it had been formally invited to meet for an
impossible purpose. The Emperor Napoleon has
shown an unusual want of command of temper in
his subsequent dealings with England; but it
Mr. Disraeli's interpretation of his designs is
correct, any irritation which he may feel has
been occasioned by his own proceedings. As Lord
Russell said, a proposal of a Congress or of any other
plan implies that either an acceptance or a refusal
may be returned without offence. It is tolerably
clear that the Opposition, while it assails the Go-
vernment, has no alternative policy to propose.
Lord Grey and Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald were the
only members of either House who ventured to re-
commend participation in the Danish war. Lord
Derby and Mr. Disraeli were more prudent or more
conscious of responsibility, and when they censured
the unjust conduct of Austria and Prussia they
were less forcible in their language than Lord Rus-
sell. The most questionable act which the English
Government has committed was its participation in
the Treaty of 1852, and the error is practically
exempt from Parliamentary criticism, not only be-
cause it was committed twelve years ago, but because
Lord Palmerston framed the treaty and Lord
Malmesbury signed it.
EXAMINER.—War, or peace with honour for
England, is the question that makes the opening of
this Session of surpassing interest. Lord Derby
asks to be assured that the country is not committed
by the Government to a disastrous quarrel with
Germany on the one hand, or on the other to the
betrayal and abandonment of an ally who has
trusted to our support. To which Lord Russell
most distinctly replies :
" We have given at no time any assurance or even hope
of material assistance to Denmark. The Danish Minister
at her Majesty's Court has repeatedly said to me, We
expect no material assistance from Englwid, but we do ex-
pect sympathy.' That is the extent of our engagements as
regards Denmark; but what the future may bring forth it
would be rash for me to say. I should be rash if I were to
pretend even to make an outline or sketch of what may
happen."
This is so far satisfactory, and takes away all
ground for the argument that the exercise of in-
fluence and proffer of advice by England bind her
in honour to render material assistance to Denmark,
our counsels having unhappily failed of the desired
effect. The point of honour is then safe, Denmark
being aware that she has only to expect moral aid
in the present conjuncture; but for the future Lord
Russell prudently refuses to vouch. We are free to
sot. It is impossible to say we may not be dragged
into war by the madness or worse of Germany, but
it is at least satisfactory to know that we shall not
drift into war. Lord Darby condenses almost into
an epigram the monstrous inconsistency of the
aggressive actors in the present strife,—the King
of Prussia taking up arms in strenuous vindication
of constitutional rights, the Emperor of Austria
joining in a crusade for the protection of oppressed
nationalities. So indeed it seems; but in truth
these, and most of the other German Princes, are
carried away by the tide of popular sentiment set-
ting in to a sweeping revolution. The object of the
war with Denmark is to set fire to Europe. and the
Germans hope to snatch their coveted unity out of
the confusion that must follow. It is another ver-
sion of Charles Lamb's story of the wise people who
burnt down a house to roast a pig, with this differ
once, that after all the roasted pig may be Germany
itself. Let it not be said that such folly is incredible.
The folly of the German sentimentalist much be-
mused with beer and tobacco surpasses all conceps
lion. One of this class will gravely tell you that
the war with Denmark is only a feint, or like the
red flag flourished to provoke the bull to a rush.
Another will assure you nothing is so much desired as
to tempt France to march on the Rhine, as German
unity under one head will be the immediate conse-
quence ; but how matters are to be ultimately
settled with the ugly French invaders is a point
which the sage who loves Vaterland not wisely
but too well does not think it worth while to
consider. And here, by the way, we must remark
the mischief which that pernicious word Vaterland
is doing ; all the wrongheaded sentimentality
coming under the sanction of that pestilent word.
Fire and sword are sent to devastate the Danish
duchies for Vaterland. The Father of every wicked-
ness must indeed rejoice at the evil potency of that
name, a spell for conjuring up all the worst spirits
that can torment the earth. Lord Derby has com-
menced with an out-and-out Opposition speech. A
more comprehensive censure could hardly be ima-
gined. He finds fault with everything that has
been done or ;left undone in foreign affairs. He
ehaiges Lord Russell with making quarrels and
enmities everywhere, and vehemently blames him
for not being always compliant and conciliatory,
yet in the same breath hopes the noble earl will
answer the American claims for compensation for
the ravages of vessels of war equipped in English
ports "in such a manner as to put an end to such
monstrous demands for the future." And if he do
so there will only be a fresh count added to the im
peachment. In one point we think Lord Derby
quite right, his censure of the countenance given to
the emplopeent of British subjects in the military
service of China. We are disposed also to agree
with some of the censure regarding the lonian Isles.
The abandonment of the protectorate is a highly
desirable step, relieving our Government of a most
irksome and thankless task ; but we might have
parted with the lonians in a friendly gracious way,
instead of marking onr departure with the churlish
act of destroying defensive works to the cost of
which the Greeks had in part contributed. As it
the blowing up of the fortifications will appear
tr e rude type of the finale of the protecto-
rate. The turn and temper of the debate
in the two Houses show that there is to
he a real opposition this session, and that the
Ministry will have a stormy time of it. The
impression of the first debate is in their favour, Lord
Russell's answer to Lord Derby's clever speech, and
Lord Palmerston's calm and measured reply to Mr.
Disraeli's attack, being both highly effective. The
leaders of Opposition are in this dilemma, that either
they falsely say more than they think of the de-
merits of the Government, or they do less than they
should be bound to do to bring its existence to a
speedy termination. If Lord Derby really felt, as
he says, ashamed of being an Englishman, because
of the mismanagement of the foreign policy ; and
farther, that the vessel of the State is in incompe-
tent
a state anef endeavour
things?
But to p
nuot, an
it
hands, is it credible that he would let a day
end pass unnecessarilytose deplorable without
is all
LONDON party
R exaggeration.E‘lElN.._frh
speeche delivered in her
Majesty's name, at the opening of the Session of
Parliament,
d
addresses
dre
isssOens to whicheofth
the ost meagre and unsatis-
factory
the two houses has ever
listened. We had at least a right to expect an au-
thoritative declaration of the opinions of the Go-
vernment upon the merits ofthe
quarrel between
Denmark and Germany. We anticipated a frank
and explicit statement of the policy which they in-
tend to pursue, We have neither. All that her
Majesty has been advised t recapitulatdo,e cer-
tain well known h. • istorical events, to set out in due
form the adhesion of nearly every European power
to a treaty, in the negotiation of which England took
a principal share, and then to note the fact that "dif-
ferences have arisen" between Germany and, Den-
mark, and that the efforts of her Government have
been unremittingly devoted to the preservat!on of
peace. The
eso3'el kipeech does not contain a single
wnrd to indicate where,in her Majesty's opinion, lies
the right in this quarrel. For anything h
t at appears,
Denmark may be aggressor and Germany the in-
jured party. For any practical consequences which
is deduced from this pompously reci • ted treaty, it
may have been already cast to the winds. When
the Cioyernment declined even to own an opinion,