The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-03 00:00:00

fleet, and though we would still counsel a peaceful
mediation, the knowledge that the Channel Fleet is
in the Downs and ready to sail at 24 hours' notice
should warn the German Poweru that we have the
power at very slight eost of protecting the inde-
pendence of part, at least, of the Danish posses-
sions. hut, in en enumeration of the reasons which
have led to the obstinacy of the German Powers,
it would be wrong to refrain from noticing the
position of France. For some reason best known
to himself, the French Emperor has thought fit to
encourage, (it at least to avoid discouraging, the
pretensions of Germany. His Majesty is not so
much the friend of Prussia and Austria as the
patron of the minor States, the friend of German
nationality, the Liberal statesman who would settle
the future of the Duchies by a plebiscite, Yet for
the two great Powers also he has kind words, and is
even said to have congratulated the Prussian army
on the fall of Dybbol. The influence which the
Emperor possesses in Europe, the belief that on the
Continent no war is possible without him, and the
fact that our own pacific policy was in a great
measure the consequence of Napoleon's disinclina-
tion to stir,have filled the Germans with the notion
that France is on their side, and that consequently
they need fear no check. Yet it lis not. difficult to
see a sufficient reason for the French Emperoa's con-
duct. The irritation against England caused by utte
rejection of his Congress may have had some effect,
but there are doubtless other and more weighty
causes. It would be an affectation not to allude to
the darling wish of every Imperialist—the extension
of France to its former boundaries by the possession
of the left bank of the Rhine. That this is espe-
cially the desire of Napoleon 111, he would pro-
bably himself not think of denying. This standing
danger ought to warn the Germans how they weaken
the bonds which ,join them to England; it ought to
teach them:that France can never wish them to pur-
sue any policy but one which will so weaken them
as to compel them to part with the most historic and
famous portion of their soil. Can they not imagine
that the half-encouragement they receive in this
affair is intended to widen the breach between them
and the people of these islands ? The events of the
last few years have produced an estrangement be-
tween the people of the two countries which, if not
remedied, will turn to a settled antipathy. The
conduct of Prussia in the Crimean War, the Hun-
garian and Italian policy of Austria, the Russo-
Prussian alliance of last year for the repression of
Poland, not to mention other trivial but not the less
irritating occurrences, have caused such a feeling in
this country that we verily believe, if it were not
from regard to the independence of Belgium and
Holland, nine Englishmen out of ten would see the
French in Cologne with the most complete indiffe-
rence. We sincerely regret this state of things, and
hope that wisdom will at last visit these self-willed
Sovereigns and their subjects. They are now break-
ing up that mutual confidence and respect which
have, much more than armies, preserved the peace
of Europe. A time may assuredly soon come when
they will repent the example they set of annexing
provinces by force. If the Danes succumb in this
unequal struggle, they may be sure that the day of
retribution awaits their enemies.
HERALD.—The gravity of the position into which
England has been forced by her present Ministers
can no longer be denied or concealed. Last even-
ing Lord Clarence Paget admitted that the Chan-
nel fleet had been concentrated in the Downs, with
a view to political contingencies. It would be
worse than idle to discredit the rumours which on
every side are gaining ground. We hear nothing
of the Conference, or of its tendencies, except that
an agreement between the Western Powers, Ger-
many and Denmark, seems impossible. What we
do learn is, that Austria and Prussia remain in
their obstinate mood ; that the other states of con-
tinental Europe—France excepted—submit to fol-
low them, and that the negotiations now on foot
have not the remotest, chance of success. The
British fleet, then, is ordered to the Downs, with
what object of menace or bluster it might be
hazardous to surmise. An Austrian squadron, at
any rate, precedes it to the Baltic, with a Prussian
vanguard, in quest of a Scandinavian Sinope.
What is to come out of all this ? Are we, at the
eleventh hour, beginning to remember our national
dignity ? Has Lord Russell been forewarned that
demands will be made on the part of the German
Crowns, to which not even Whig diplomacy can
condesceed ? These questions are just now unan
swerable. An Admiralty official can raise a cheer
in the House of Commons by declaring that our
iron-sides are prepared, whether for a voyage to
the Gulf of Mexico or for an expedition to the
Baltic; but we desire to know what policy under-
lies these manoeuvres. At whose command is our
Channel fleet in readiness ? Whose are the sailing
orders which the admiral in commission will obey ?
Are they to be French or English—lmperial or
constitutional? We have, as a nation, passed
through many vicissitudes ; but it has seldom
happened that our navy has coquetted to the
discretion of a foreign Power. Who doubts,
however, that England is now at the disposal of
France—that peace and war depend, for us,
upon an alien terbitration that a single word
pronounced in the Gallic language would set
our broadsides ablaze, ab,d turn, for us at all events,
European ? This may be
the current of
strategic, but it is honourable is Are we no longer
to hold a policy of our own ? The House of Com-
mons, when an Admiralty official stated that the.
Channel fleet of Great Britain had been bo;t1 enough
to anchor in the Downs, heard the announCement
with bated breath, as though so signal a mar.'‹ of
independence wore incredible in the career of a pre--
fessionally patriotic statesman. The resolution,
however, is not so startling as upon the first blush
it might appear. Lord Palmerston and Lord Rus-
sell have descanted upon the necessity of peace, and
have not preserved it. 'Whether or not a general
war breaks forth they have not preserved the peace
of Europe. They have trifled with it, gambled
with it, made it alternately a bugbear and a pre-
tence ; and now, when the second assembling of the
Conference is ticketted to take place, on the third
day of May, they inform the House of Commons
that the British fleet has anchored in the Downs.
This may, or may not, be on a par with all the
other hollow brag to which the English public have
listened. We are not asked, we suppose, to believe
s'hat either the Premier or the Foreign Secretary is
e
a eiti:,nleton. We are not to believe that either of
them is a; ore foolishly or helplessly blind than ordi-
nary obaerveo of public affairs. Then why a threat
to Germany upo:1 the eve of a solemn deliberation
with the principal saeetes of Europe? Is it a hypo-
critical vaunt, or is it a ces. nfession of the real danger
which exists ? For ourselves we fear that the direc-
tion taken by the chiefs of the Conference is not in
favour of European peace. Would to Heaven that
the ironclads in the Downs were the oely shadows
east athwart the dial-plate of public affairs. The
country is deceived by the Government. Steps are
taken, invidiously, and not honestly, to expose by
degrees the peril in which we stand; but the
storm is darkening over England, and may even now
find her unprepared. On what side has she an ally ?
In what quarter can she look for a friend? France
is loyal. That is the Ministerial creed. France is
loyal. That is the vulgar hope. But who is in
command of the British fleet in the Channel ? Is
it a British admiral or a Parisian Minister? The
time has arrived for plain speaking. We have
watched the gathering of German squadrons in the
Baltic; we have followed their pirate flags across
those waters which the German representatives at
the Conference would set free for Federal adven-
turing alone; but have we ever yet seen our navy
in a subaltern, dependent, tolerated position,
anchoring in British waters, with foreign colours
virtually flying at the flag-ship's peak ? This is a
matter for Englishmen to think upon. England
is not mistress of the seas. No country, it may
be, should arrogate that position. But England is
not mistress of herself. In the name of glory, what
is the national pride which permits us to play the
part of grand chamberlain in a ceremony which
introduces to Europe the Emperor of the French
as her arbitrator? Not that the English people
undervalue the French alliance. They prize it;
they regard it as a guarantee of whatever of right
and law may be re-established in Europe after
the existing complications have been dissipated;
but France is not oar citadel; the Imperial Cabi-
net and the British fleet have still their separate
existence. We are all in these islands for peace ;
yet we had rather not be told that our fleet, how-
ever pacific its demonstrations, awaited orders from
the Tuileries. There need be no mystification as to
the crisis at which the affairs of Europe have
arrived. We are hovering between peace and a
general war. The Conference, instead of pouring
oil upon the waters, may prove a firebrand. So
far as diplomatic disclosures go, it can hardly be
anything else. But behind all this chance-medley
of fatuous negotiation where can we perceive the
distinct outline of English policy abroad ? At
present we can trace nothing except vague hints
of contingent meddling and vulgar paradings of a
phantom fleet. In the meantime, however, the
Flying Dutchmen of Austria and Prussia com-
placently leave their anchorage in the Downs,
politely giving place to Admiral Dacres, and steer
on their course unmolested to the Baltic. We may
not interfere with them. Perhaps that in itself is
a circumstance not to be regretted. But we may
not interfere in anything. 'We are tabooed. Europe
is closed against us. England has been " cut "by
her neighbours, and must go begging to France
for a fresh introduction. This may be what is
called a pacific policy. It may postpone the evil
hour, It may substitute degradation for danger.
But in the long run will it be a policy acceptable
to Englishmen ? Time was when a signal, " The
fleet is in the Downs!" would have sent a thrill
through millions of English hearts. Now the