The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-03 00:00:00

that, even if the gigantic power of Britain over India should
in the course of years —but centuries must first elapse—

fall to the ground- by the operation of their own hands,
it would have been an achievement worthy of a nation like
this to have rescued the native population from the state of
ignorance, superstition, and debasement in which we found a
large portion of them sunk, and to have placed them, at the
expiration of the period of our dominion, in the capacity of

administering the affairs of their own country as an inde-
pendent nation ; but, under the influence of those laws, those
principles, and those sound maxims which they ought ever
to entertain gratitude to this country for having with care
and pains instilled into their hearts.—(Cheers.) My Lords,
I say this is not a work of months, or of years, it may be
of centuries; but, though we may not live to see it, that
does not absolve us from the duty, while we carefully abstain
from placing in the hands of an ignorant population power
which they are incapable of wielding for their own benefit—
it does not absolve us from the obligation of endeavouring to
raise that population in the social scale, and care-
fully to intrust them with such an amount of
the administration of their own local affairs as

not to their detriment but to their benefit, they
may safely be enabled to carry on.—(Hear, hear.) The
whole of the details of the judicial arrangement, and the

extent to which the admission of natives-has gone, every
detail which Parliament may desire, will freely be laid be-
fore the Committee, should it be your Lordships' pleasure
to appoint one to inquire into the working of the existing
system. There will also be laid before you matters of not
less importance than those which I have enumerated—the
steps that have been taken for promoting the :material pros-
perity of the country, the improvement of the communica-
tions, the formation of roads and canals, the clearing of the
country, the irrigation of districts which, from the want of
it, were subject to all the horrors of periodical famine -these
will be set before you, and it will be for you to consider
whether the directors of the East India Company, under
the control and superintendence of the Government here,
and through the administration of the various Governors-
General who since 1833 have held the supreme power
in the country, have or have not been faithful and
efficient stewards of the great interests committed to
their charge.—(Hear, hear.) It will then be for you,
having inquired into the practical working of the existing
system, to consider how far it is wise to continue, either
in the whole or in part how far altogether to abrogate—
how far to alter or to modify in detail— the system which
at present prevails. But, undoubtedly, one principal
point which you will have to consider is, whether there
be advantage or detriment to the public service in retaining
that intervening authority between the Board of Control,
or the Government of the day, and the people or Govern-
ment of India, which now subsists in the Court of Directors.
The Court of Directors have little substantial power,
but their functions are neither few nor unimportant. They
meet weekly for the purpose of considering and replying to
the various dispatches which are received from the Go-
vernor-General of India in council, and from the various
committees by which the affairs of government are con-
ducted in India. They give to her Majesty's Government
on all occasions their willing and cordial co-operation and
assistance. I believe the Noble Earl opposite (the Earl of
Ellenborough), and all those who have filled the high situa-
tion which he lately occupied, will cordially and readily ac-
knowledge how much advantsge they have derived in the
administration of the affairs of India from the talents, abili-
ties, and experience of those gentlemen with whom they
have been brought into contact, and by whose advice they
have been iu many respects guided. But, as I said before,
the Colart of Directors, if they have no substantial power,
have a large amount of patronage. Now, is it desirable, or
is it not, that that patronage should rest in the hands which
now hold it? I; it desirable that the patronage of an
empire like India, extensive as it is, and comprising every
variety of employment, should be vested in those who now
exercise it, or should be placed in the hands of the servants
of the Crown, changing from time to time according to the
political changes in this country? In the first place, my
Lords, I think that to bestow upon the Government of the
day the whole amount of the patronage of India would be to
place a very dangerous and unconstitutional amount of power
(Hear, hear)—practically in the hands of irresponsible
ahnodwel-e r
sincere
Ministers. lam quite sure that no Minister of the Crown,
honesthisdesire
mi ht t
ob be d
mhis n intentions,ister
thatpatronage
ohowever r truethe
benefit of India, could administer it with as much know-
ledge of the circumstances and exigencies of the country as
a permanent body, the great majority of whom are inti-
mately and personally connected, with the affairs of India.
—(Hear, hear)—and who have an accurate knowledge of
the country, of its legislation, and of its inhabitants.—
(Hear, hear.) I have said that the Board of Directors con-
sists at this time of thirty gentlemen—that is, including the
six who went out last year; and the fact is, that of these
thirty gentlemen—although there is no necessary qualiflca•
tfau except that of being the possessor of a certain amount
of stack—of these thirty gentlemen there are no less
than twenty-one in office at this moment, who have
served the Company with distinction in the various
branches of the civil service, and who bring, conse-
quently to the discussion of Indian affairs the whole of
their experience and knowledge with regard to the condi-
tion and requirements of that country. With regard to an
empire like India, it is a matter of infinite importance that
the controlling power should, as far as possible, be kept aloof
from political squabbles and party quarrels.—(Hear, hear.)
That object, as is well known, is practically obtained by the
system which now prevails; for, although undoubtedly there
may be, and there are, influences connected with the patron-
age of that depatment which may connect it in a certain way
with political considerations, yet it is notorious that, although
the politics of the Directors, some of whom have seats in the
Legislature, are of various shades, there is no political bear-
ing whatever influencing their conduct with respect to the
affairs of India. But is there no further advantage with re-
gard to the selection of those who are to form the civil ser-
vice of India? The civil service of India is a service alto-

gether apart. Be it the civil service or the military service
of India, it is a profession taken up at the earliest age; and,
to become qualified for that profession, to rise in that pro-
fession, to receive the honours of that profession, is the first
and early ambition of the youngest cadet or writer who goes
out to India. Now, there surely is a great advantage in this
respect with regard to India. I know, with regard to the
colonial administration, with which I was long familiar, how
great is the disadvantage arisingtfrom the impossibility, within
the limited scale of each colony, of finding persons in the colony,
or connected with it, properly acquainted with the colony,
and able satisfactorily to assist in conducting its affairs. But
the small: ecale of each of these colonies—the small scale, com-
paratively speaking, even of the Colonial Department alto-
gether—independently of the widely different interests of
different colonies, precludes the possibility of setting aside
such a school for colonial service as is wisely and moat bene-
ficially set aside by existing arrangements with regard to
the Indian service. Nor do I think it is a matter of any
complaint, a matter of any grievance, a matter to be de-
plored, much less condemned—nay, on the contrary, I
think it is the subject of congratulation and rejoicing—if
we find a man who, at the age of 15 or 16, has entered the
East India Company's service, who has been himself edu-
cated for the special service of that company in establish-
ments maintained, and most liberally maintained—at the
expense of the company itself, whose fitness to enter upon
his duties has been tested by an examination, the strictness
of which has been much increased, before he was even per-
mitted to go out to the scene of his future life, who had
spent the best years of his life in India, who takes a deep
interest in the affairs of that country—though, like all Eng-
lishmen, he has always looked forward to the period when he
might return to this land, which he never ceases to con-
sider as his home,—who, upon his return, brings with him
Indian recollections and Indian interests, and can apply to
the administration of the affairs of India the knowledge and
experience which be has there acquired, while, at the same
time, he obtains personal distinction and reward for his past
at. ,ices by a seat in the direction,—l consider that, so far
from its being cause of regret, it is a subject of congratula-
tion that there are the means of bringing forward within
this country a body of men so formed and constituted to
advise and assist the Government.—(Hear,, hear.) It is
also a matter of congratulation and rejoicing that, at the
close of his life, each of the old and faithful servants of the
company has, by the exercise of his patronage, the means of
introducing to the same honourable career, and launching
upon the same creditable course, his own son, or nephew, or
grandson, in whom may be instilled, from their earliest
years, a love for and an interest in India, and who may be
prepared to run the course which he who gives the appoint-
ment has honourably and creditably run before. There
must be, and always are, wherever you vast patronage, in-
dividual cases of its abuse. But this I believe, that it' by
holding out a premium—a most cheap premium—for the in-
, valuable services of tte men who serve you, I had almost
said, without any other reward, for I believe their service is
almost gratuitous—if you can obtain such advantages by
living to those best qualified, from their knowledge of
ndia, to exercise patronage, the advantage of that patron-
age, it is for the service of this country and for the benefit
of India; and if those gentlemen do apply such patronage,
in some instances, to place in the Indian service those in
whom they have near and personal interest, I say that it is
not a corrupt exercise of patronage— (Hear, hear)—it is not
an exercise of patronage which ought to be deplored and
condemned, but, on the contrary, it is an exercise of patron-
age, as I believe, beat calculated to promote the welfare
and advantage of India. This subject, however,
is one which your Lordships must consider, if
von consent to the appointment of this Committee.
You will have to consider whether any modification should
be introduced in the existing system, and upon the part of
her Majesty's Government there will be no indisposition to
lay before the Committee, in the fullest detail, all the infor-
mation they may desire with regard to the working of the
existing machinery, whether in the political, in the judicial,
or in the social system of India, in order that your Lordships
ma' have the means of coming to a deliberate and impartial
decision upon that vast and momentous question—namely,
by what means, and by what instrumentality (remembering
that this is no party, no political question—it is a question
of empire), the great and important interests of that over-
whelming empire of India can beat be promoted and most
steadily advanced. I will not further detain your Lordships
with any further expression of opinion on my own part, be-
cause I concur with the Noble Earl opposite in the caution
which he gave both to me and to my Right Hon. Friend at
shonurldsertlheaserttilainpllyedegne.
en-
tertain a
the headourselves ofw with
he
regerd department,
to any
thatsp we e
ci
fie en
• strong opinion as to the course of policy which it
may be desirablee hands of p
forParliaermlumiut. B
Parliament teop pursue,
, thebutreports of h
thatquesttione
will rest in the
CommitteesMaje,sty's Governe
and to those Committees must be deputed
ofthims
eanntdatrheeroetandeyr
teHboeusgeniodfedPianrlitahmeenctouhreeer
they task' of considering how the affairs of India
the important
best conducted.—(Cheers.)
shall hereafter be
OROUGH observed, that his Noble
Earl of ELLENB
The Ear
d with very general correctness the able
Friend had described with
of India was at present con-
will pursue
tem upon which the government
ye ncem
generale nt er or
error
rhis
f
con-
ducted, The Noble
speech, had taken occasion
the East India Company's h the question now before Parlia-
mentcommon parlance, by which
of the "renewal" of
was described as being a question
had done afterwards with
his Noble Friend, entering as he
E'aornLtoat correct t he
commencement
ivemr
between the Court
very great correctness into the relations
not also avoided
of Directors and the Board of Control, had
charter. He was surprised that
the very general error in common parlance, by which the
Company was described as governing India. The Company
might nominally reign, but the Company
did not govern
India. —r 11 For about seventy years the Court ofDi-
rectors had, in point of fact, been no more than the council of
the Board of Control; and
what Parliament had now to con-
sider was, whether it was expedient still to continue that
Par-
liamentary fiction, or whether it might not be better to adopt
a more direct course for the government of India. He did
not know whether his Noble Friend, who had spoken of the
psirtojogrnmin wwhhiicchhltnhdaita had made during the last twenty
' years, had taken into his consideration the very peculiar po-
sition
ot that power they
the Seikh power had alto ether changed the position of India.
r
Before the destruction t rival,
country now stood. The destruction of
and there was every reason to expect, at no distant day, a
most serious conflict for supremacy in India. That rival,
however, was now destroyed, and they stood in the position
had a great
in which Rome stood after the destruction of Carthage,
when, all fear of rivalry in the field having been removed,
those evils began to operate which led to the destruction of
public liberty, to the ruin of the commonwealth,
and to the
ultimate annihilation of the empire. Thehad now arrived
, In o
at a position when they could not with safety go beyond
I their present territorial limits. Indeed, • his fin opinion