The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—There are many who when they are told
that the Conference meets again to-morrow will
only think that a solemn and well-intended, but
ueeless ceremony is to be repeated, and that England
is to persist for a time longer in the unappreciated
and almost ridiculous task of peacemaker. The
German Powers have certainly given but too much
reason for this depreciation of the assembly which
now resumes its sittings. They have shown that
neither respect for treaties, nor regard for the tra-
ditional alliance between England and themselves,
nor generosity towards a weak State, nor a sense of
shame in attacking it, nor a fear of endangering the
peace of Europe has been sufficient to restrain them
from gratifying their pique against the Danish
nation, and endeavouring to earn a cheap renown
by crushing its armies. At last we may truly say
the cup of their wrongdoing is full. They have
not only occupied Holstein as a part of the German
Confederation, but they have overrun Schleswig,
with which they have legally no more to do than
with Kent. But, as if this were not enough, they
have now advanced beyond the limits of the
Duchies. Fredericia ie abandoned before their
legions, which have pushed into Jutland, and are
now reported to have imposed a war contribution
on the inhabitants, to be paid in 48 hours. They
calculate on pursuing the broken remains of the
Danish army into Alsen, and possibly into Funen.
The desperate courage of the Danes favours the
plans of their pitiless enemies. Prussia and Ausa
tria could wish nothing better than that the
generals opposed to them should be forced to hold
their positions through fear of the wrath of Copen-
hagen, and that a King and Cabinet should think
an overthrow better than a retreat. The German
Powers, to whom success is a rare gratification, have
been too successful to turn back at the bidding of
justice or prudence, or anything but a manifesta-
tion of superior force ; and if they persevere there is
nothing to prevent still further victories, involving
even the destruction of the Danish nationality.
Denmark proper may be said to be in their hands.
They are spreading over Jutland, and from the
Jutland coast they can cross into Funen, and thus
occupy one of the two chief Danish islands. Nor
is there any reason that they should stop there. An
Austrian squadron has passed up Channel ; it may
well be that the campaign, if continued, will extend
into Zealand itself, and the alleged wrongs of Ger-
many be avenged under the walls of Copenhagen.
When high-handed Sovereigns, not accustomed to
much loyalty at home or any great triumpns abroad,
see the opportunity of winning popularity and
military credit at the same time, it is not wonder-
ful that they should yield to the temptation. Only
the fear of sharp intervention by some great Power,
capable of inflicting humiliation, is likely to restrain
them. This deterring force has been wholly absent
on the present occasion. Lord Russell did, indeed,
speak loudly, according to his wont, but the only
effect of this was to bring about the calamities he
sought to avoid. The Danes thought they would
have a protector; Germany knew they would not.
The natural tendency of a weak State is to rely on
its neighbours, and to thinin that good will and
amity mean an alliance offensive and defensive, was
exemplified in the confidence with which the Copen-
hagen Government appealed to arms. The Germans
knew better. They were aware that thor.gh Eng-
land might, as was the case ten years ago, enter into
a war when some great and paramount interest,
involving the fate of Europe, was at stake, public
opinion would not consider the transfer ot a province
to so inert a body as the German Confederation a
sufficient reason for drawing the sword. That Eng-
land would not fight was from the beginning plain
enough. The press was against :gar; it was certain
that the House of Commons would be against it ;
the Cabinet itself could hardly have seriously enter-
tained it. Thus encouraged the German Powers
persevered, and the result shows that they judged
with sufficient discernineat. It would require
something more than the mere occupation
of the Duchies and the expulsion of the Danish
army from the mainland to bring England into
the strife. fiente the diplomacy of our Minister
has been in vain, for his expostala-
tions:have been disregarded as those of a Danish
partisaz and his threats as the utterance of one
unable to move a ship or a regiment. It may be,
however, that the two Powers count too far on the
forbearance of England. A nation like ours is
generally guided in its policy by a calculation of
what it can effect and what it must fail in. The
invasion of Holstein and Bchleswig by Germany
was a movement which could only be opposed by
England putting forth all her strength. The way
was open, and must be defended by large armies
prepared for a regular campaign. No doubt Eng-
land, tng6Zher with
,weden? might have success-
fully held the Dannewerke ; bat public opinfon in
England would never have sanctioned the waste of
so much blood and treasure in such a cause. Now,
however, the case is different. The Germans have
occupied the mainland of Denmark, and are sus-
pected et a desire to make themselves masters of
one or more of the islands. The last design could
emily be prevented by the presence of an English

fleet, and though we would still counsel a peaceful
mediation, the knowledge that the Channel Fleet is
in the Downs and ready to sail at 24 hours' notice
should warn the German Powers that we have the
power at very slight cost of protecting the inde-
pendence of part, at least, of the Danish posses-
sions. But, in an enumeration of the reasons which
have led to the obstinacy of the German Powers,
it would be wrong to refrain from noticing the
position of France. For some reason best known
to himself, the French Emperor has thonght fit to
encourage, or at least to avoid discouraging, the
pretensions of Germany. His Majesty is not so
much the friend of Prussia and Austria as the
patron of the minor States, the friend of German
nationality, the Liberal statesman who would settle
the future of the Duchies by a plebiscite, Yet for
the two great Powers also ho has kind words, and is
even said to have congratulated the Prussian army
on the fall of Dybbol. The influence which the
Emperor possesses in Europe, the belief that on the
Continent no war is possible without him, and the
fact that our own pacific policy was in a great
measure the consequence of Napoleon's disinclina-
tion to stir,have filled the Germans with the notion
that France is on their side, and that consequently
they need fear no check. Yet it tis not difficult to
see a sufficient reason for the French Emperor's con-
duct. The irritation against England caused by the
rejection of his Congress may have had some effect,
but there are doubtless other and more weighty
causes. It would be an affectation not to allude to
the darling wish of every Imperialist—the extension
of France to its former boundaries by the possession
of the left bank of the Rhine. That this is espe-
cially the desire of Napoleon 111. he would pro-
bably himself not think of denying. This standing
danger ought to warn the Germans bow they weaken
the bonds which join them to England ; it ought to
teach them:that France can never wish them to pur-
sue any policy but one which will so weaken them
as to compel them to part with the most historic and
famous portion of their soil. Can they not imagine
that the half-encouragement they receive in this
affair is intended to widen the breach between them
and the people of these islands ? The events of the
last few years have produced an estrangement be-
tween the people of the two countries which, if not
remedied, will turn to a settled antipathy. The
conduct of Prussia in the Crimean War, the Hun-
garian and Italian policy of Austria, the Russo-
Prussian alliance of last year for the repression of
Poland, not to mention other trivial but not the less
irritating occurrences, have caused such a feeling in
this country that we verily believe, if it were not
from regard to the independence of Belgium and
Holland, nine Englishmen out of ten would see the
French in Cologne with the most complete indiffe-
rence. We sincerely regret this state of things, and
hope that wisdom will at last visit these self-willed
Sovereigns and their subjects. They are now break-
ing up that mutual confidence and respect which
have, much more than armies, preserved the peace
of Europe. A time may assuredly soon come when
they will repent the example they set of annexing
provinces by force. If the Danes succumb in this
unequal struggle, they may be sure that the day of
retribution awaits their enemies.

HERALD.—The gravity of the position into which
England has been forced by her present Ministers
can no longer be denied or concealed. Last even-
ing Lord Clarence Paget admitted that the Chan-
nel fleet had been concentrated in the Downs, with
a view to political contingencies. It would be
worse than idle to discredit the rumours which on
every side are gaining ground. We hear nothing
of the Conference, or of its tendencies, except that
an agreement between the Western Powers, Ger-
many and Denmark, seems impossible. What we
do learn is, that Austria and Prussia remain in
their obstinate mood ; that the other states of con-
tinental Europe—France excepted—submit to fol-
low them, and that the negotiations now on foot
have not the remotest chance of success. The
British fleet, then, is ordered to the Downs, with
what object of menace or bluster it might be
hazardous to surmise. An Austrian squadron, at
any rate, precedes it to the Baltic, with a Prussian
vanguard, in quest of a Scandinavian Sinope.
What is to come out of all this ? Are we, at the
eleventh hour, beginning to remember our national
dignity ? Has Lord Russell been forewarned that
demands will be made on the part of the German
Crowns, to which not even Whig diplomacy can
condescend? These questions are just now unan-
swerable An Admiralty official can raise a cheer
in the House of Commons by declaring that our
iron-sides are prepared, whether for a voyage to
the Gulf of Mexico or for an expedition to the
Baltic ; but we desire to know what policy under-
lies these manceuvree. At whose command is our
Channel fleet in readiness ? Whose are the sailing
orders which the admiral in commission will obey ?
Are they to be French or English—lmperial or
constitutional? We have, as a nation, passed
through many vicissitudes ; but it has seldom
happened that our navy has coquetted to the
discretion of a foreign Power. Who doubts,
however, that England is now at the disposal of
France—that peace and war depend, for us,
upon an alien arbitration that a single word
pronounced in the Gallic language would set
cur broadsides ablaze, and turn, for us at all events,
the current of European affairs ? This may be
strategic, but it is honourable ? Are we no longer
to hold a policy of our own ? The House of Com-
mons, when an Admiralty official stated that the
Channel fleet of Great Britain had been bold enough
to anchor in the Downs, heard the announcement
with bated breath,-as though so signal a mark of
independence were incredible in the career of a pro-
fessionally patriotic statesman. The resolution,
however, is not so startling as upon the first blush
it might appear. Lord Palmerston and Lord Rus-
sell have descanted upon the necessity of peace, and
have not preserved it. Whether or not a general
war breaks forth they have not preserved the peace I
of Europe. They have trifled with it, gambled
with it, made it alternately a bugbear and a pre-
tence ; and now, when the second assembling of the
Conference is ticketted to take place, on the third
day of May, they inform the House of Commons
that the British fleet has anchored in the Downs.
This may, or may not, be on a par with all the
other hollow brag to which the English public have
listened. We are not asked, we suppose, to believe
that either the Premier or the Foreign Secretary is
a simpleton. We are not to believe that either of
them is more foolishly or helplessly blind than ordi-
nary observers of public affairs. Then why a threat
to Germany upon the eve of a solemn deliberation
with the principal states of Europe ? Is it a hypo-
critical vaunt, or is it a confession of the real danger
which exists ? For ourselves we fear that the direc-
tion taken by the chiefs of the Conference is not in
favour of European peace. Would to Heaven that
the ironclads in the Downs were the only shadows
cast athwart the dial-plate of public affairs. The
country is deceived by the Government. Steps are
taken, invidiously, and not honestly, to expose by
degrees the peril in which we stand ; but the
storm is darkening over England, and may even now
find her unprepared. On what side has she an ally ?
In what quarter can she look for a friend ? France
is loyal. That is the Ministerial creed. France is
loyal. That is the vulgar hope. But who is in
command of the British fleet in the Channel? Is
it a British admiral or a Parisian Minister? The
time has arrived for plain speaking. We have
watched the gathering of German squadrons in the
Baltic ; we have followed their pirate flags across
those waters which the German representatives at
the Conference would set free for Federal adven-
turing alone; but have we ever yet seen our navy
in a subaltern, dependent, tolerated position,
anchoring in British waters, with foreign colours
virtually flying at the flag-ship's peak ? This is a
matter for Englishmen to think upon. England
is not mistress of the seas. No country, it may
be, should arrogate that position. But England is
not mistress of herself. In the name of glory, what
is the national pride which permits us to play the
part of grand chamberlain in a ceremony which
introduces to Europe the Emperor of the French
as her arbitrator? Not that the English people
undervalue the French alliance. They prize it;
they regard it as a guarantee of whatever of right
and law may be re-established in Europe after
the existing complications have been dissipated ;
but France is not our citadel; the Imperial Cabi-
net and the British fleet have still their separate
existence. We are all in these islands for peace ;
yet we had rather not be told that our fleet, how-
ever pacific its demonstrations, awaited orders from
the Tuileries. There need be no mystification as to
the crisis at which the affairs of Europe have
arrived. We are hovering between peace and
general war. The Conference, instead of pouring
oil upon the waters, may prove a f,relaaderdd.ly So
e
far as diplomatic diselosneea go, it can t'
anything else. But behind all thik; chance-medley
of fatuous negotiation where can we perceive the
distinct outline of English policy abroad At
present we can trace nothing except vague hints
of contingent meddling and vulgar paradings of a
phantom fleet. In the meantime however, the
Flying Dutchmen of Austeie. and Prussia com-
placently lea-se their anchorage in the Downs,
politely giving place to Admiral Dacres, and steer
on their course unmolested to the Baltic. We may
not interfere with them. Perhaps that in itself is
a circumstance not to be regretted. Bat we may
not interfere in anything, We are tabooed. Europe
ae clese4 egainet us. 14ogland has been " cut " by
her neighbours, and must go begging to France
for a fresh introduction. This may be what is
called a pacific policy. It may postpone the evil
hour, It may substitute degradationijoliey foarcedeapubelre.
But in the long run will it he a
to Englishmen Time was when a signal, " The
fleet is in the Downs!" would have sent a thrill
through millions of Znglish heArte. Now the

tidings are received with incredulit y. The fleet in
the Downs ! What then ? To wh at base use may
our navy be put ? Is an Englishman or a foreigner
at the helm ? At best, we scarcely Eke our fleet to
figure at the fag-end of an abort lye Conference.
The Conference meets once more this day, and the
fleet, as the Admiralty tells us, sheles its canvass
over the Downs. We wait for bot h ; we wait for
the Conference to prove itself better than a sham,
and for the fleet to deserve a higher eulogium then
can be bestowed by his Grace of Somerset, or
echoed by that most jaunty of Whig s—Lord Paget,
his deputy—in a House of Commons, which per.
mits the Admiralty to believe that, of two public
institutions, the British Admiralty is a necessity
and the British navy an accident.