The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-08 00:00:00

contest. Both deolare themselves for a continuance
of the war until it effects the restoration of the
Union, and both let it appear they are not wholly
unwilling to consider the possibility of peace. The
chance of the Democrats managing any future
campaigns more skilfully or with better luck is
scarcely worth dividing upon. With these suc-
cesses in the field, Mr. Lincoln can afford to drop
the fanatics of his party, and rely on the moderate
men, who may possibly be joined by considerable
numbers of the Democrats, who, like General Fre-
mont, admit the unwelcome necessity of the time.
The second defeat of the Confederate army of
Virginia will incalculably strengthen Mr. Lincoln's
political position, though it may by no means fol-
low that the check will be disastrous to the Southern
cause in the same proportion.
POST.—If Baron Bunsen defends his country with
more zeal than discretion, still his patriotism does
him honour, and while the confidence he exhibits is
refreshing, the sentiments he expresses are—from
a Prussian point of view—in the main unobjection-
able. Englishmen like to see a man who stands
up for his fatherland. They can comprehend his
inspirations, and enter into his feelings. But,
when he endeavours to impress upon their minds
the convictions he himself entertains, that is quite
another affair. We must decline to follow the
Baron into a discussion of the causes which led to
the SchleswigsHolstein quarrel. It is too late to
examine the merits of the case. The German
Powers have solved the question by an argument
which has simply established their might, and the
less that is said about right and justice the better.
When, however, he tells us that it is matter for re-
gret that Prussia and Austria assumed the exclusive
conduct of the war, we are, we confess, somewhat at
a loss to comprehend the drift and consistency of his
argument. These Powers, he affirms, as we appre-
hend him, have acted in defiance of the interests of
the SchleswigaHolsteiners, who ought to have been
left to fight their own battles, or at all events to
choose their own destiny; and yet, condemning the
means, he rejoices at the result—a result, be it re-
membered, which has been arrived at by means that
ignored the interests of the parties most interested.
After this it was altogether unnecessary for Baron
Bunsen to add that he was a member of the " loyal"
Prussian Opposition. Whether the interests that
were defied in the war have been met and satisfied
in its conclusion, we are not distinctly informed.
On that head the Baron seems disposed to content
himself with the hope that, in a few months at
least his friend the Prince of Augustenburg will
publish a second edition of the English constitu-
tion in the Duchies. He does not, however, state
that Count Bismark, who is, we suppose, revising
the forthcoming work, has authorised this prelimie
nary advertisement, and it may therefore turn out
to ba a premature, if not an exceedingly sanguine
speculation. The Berlin edition, to which Baron
Bunsen contributed, has we presume been confise
cated. The Baron states three objections to the
Prussian policy which represent, as he assumes,
the prevailing feeling in this country. First, the
result is said to have been obtained by sheer
numbers, and not by the bravery of the troops em-
ployed; and the numerical superiority being indis-
putable, it is conveniently skipped over, and we
are told what the Prussians think of their army.
They are proud of their soldiers, which is very natu-
ral and proper, and they believe they are a match
for the French, which, seeing that the Austrians,
who hold themselves to be more than a match for
their German allies, were defeated at Magenta and
Solferino, is, to say the least of it, a rather arrogant
assumption. The indiscretion comprised in the
remark is obvious, and Baron Bunsen need not have
explained that he was no diplomatist. But the
reference to the " breech-loaders and rifled cannon
which were the astonishment of the world" was
alone sufficient to prove all that had ever been ob-
jected to the magniloquent Prussian proclamations.
'The truth is, Prussia has economically revived her
military reputation, and the transaction, like cheap
bargains generally, will wear well enough in time
of peace. It is something to talk about, and that is
all. The most boasted exploits have, we know,
been lampooned in Vienna, but in Paris they have
really attracted no notice. Next, in answer to the
objection that the Prussians have behaved merci-
lessly, we have, not a denial of the fact, but a to
quoque which, if it applied, would not even ex-
tenuate the conduct which has been reprobated.
But it does not apply at all, for the wanton cruelty
which is charged against Prussia was committed
not in war, but during an armistice, and to crush a
Power that wes suing for peace. It was not that
Duppel was bombarded, but that the vanquished
were ruthlessly trampled upon, and that, while
Denmark was negotiating in good faith, measures
of military extortion were directed avowedly to
drive her to accept any terms that Prussia might
impose. Baron Bunsen should know that the
Ministerial journals in Berlin are now actually con-
gratulating their Government on the success which
hae, they assert, attended these execrable proceeds
ings. As to the money levied being spent for the
most part in the country, that is merely begging
the question. It is, in effect, confessing and excusing
a crime which can neither he denied nor justified.
Then, with respect to the idea that Prussia has con-
templated the annexation of the Duchies, Baron
Bunsen, it is true, contradicts the suspicion with
remarkable emphasis. He states, not indeed in the
name of the King, but as being able to speak with
certainty as to his intention., that anything so
"shameful and abominable" was never conceived,
and will never be carried out. It is not usual fora
member of the Opposition to be so well informed
of the policy of the Government; but we accept
the declaration without regard to its inspiration.
There can be no doubt that Baron Bunsen honestly
believes that the King of Prussia is incapable of
the action he denounces, and happily his anticipa-
tions accord with indications which possess more
significance than any affirmation emanating from
the Cabinet of Beriin. Baron Bunsen is a foreigner,
but not a steanger in England, and though we can
understand that he, and many Germans wleo think
as he does, desire an intimate alliance with this
country, it should be evident to one who is ac-
quainted with English public opinion that the two
nations are not at all agreed upon the principles to
be obeyed for the promotion of civilisation and pro-
gress. There can be no feeling in common between
the people of England and the people of Germany,
as the latter are represented by the Prussian Go-
vernment. Baron Bunsen is certainly, as he says,
attached to the Opposition, but as far as we can
see his party have not merely supported, but in-
cited and urged on, a war unnecessary to begin
with—for any legitimate object it had in view
could have been otherwise attained—and which
very nearly disturbed, and has materially endan•
gered, the peace of all Europe. We can have no
sympathy with aspirations which are so expressed.
Our associations, more than our interests, induce us
to wish to keep on friendly terms with Germany ;
bat the alliance must, to be permanent, have a more
solid basis than at present subsists. Baron Bunsen
is in many respects almost an Englishman, but the
sentiments he entertains and avows are not, as we
have reason to believe, the sentiments of the great
tody of his nation. Moreover, the very policy he
has coma forward to defend compels us to seek for
alliances that offer the best securities against its
repetition. International law has been set aside
and repudiated to subserve the ambition of Prussia,
to exhibit her breech-loaders and rifled cannon, and
to exercise her troops, as it would now appear, in
the face of France. England can take no part in
such action. We can perceive what it is tending
to, we can estimate its consequences, and in the
aggression upon Denmark, as in the manner in
which it is being consummated, we plainly recog-
nise the approach of events that are big with cala-
mities for Europe, as well as retribution for Prussia.
In the apportionment of the responsibility that will
hereafter have to be made we are ready to take our
own share, and we know what that is; but for the
policy we have protested against we will not be
held answerable. Prussia has disregarded our ad•

vice and abused our forbearance, and we can only
hope that she may discover the error of her ways
while there is yet time to turn from them.

The Union announces of the death of Mme. the
Dowager do Corday, at her residence the Chateau du Re-
nouard, near Vimoutiers (Orne), in her 89th year, having
been bt.rn on the 30th November, 1775. The deceased was
of the same family as Charlotte Corday, the Norman heroine,
being a distant cousin. Though ten years younger than
Charlotte, she knew her well, and always spoke of her "as
a young person usually serious and reserved, having the
manners of a well-bred lady, according to the usages and
traditions of the Corday family, but who could laugh on
occasion, was very fond of children, and loved to share
their amusement.

SINGULAR CIRCUMSTANCE.—On Monday, as Mr
Stuart, banker, was driving from Swiney to Wick,
the sudden brushing past of a bird attracted his attention,
and he observes a large hawk closely following his vehicle,
and eagerly watching the movements of a lark that had fled
to the earth, hotly pursued by its enemy. The hawk did
not venture to approach the vehicle so as to endanger its
own safety, but the poor lark crouched near the wheel, and
on Mr Archibald Meccalister, who was with Mr Stuart, dis-
mounting, the lark quietly allowed him to lay hold of it,
preferring, we presume, the tender mercies of man to those
of the hawk —Northern Ensign.
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