The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-03 00:00:00

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LONDON, T-u-URSDAY, MARCH 3, 1864,

Although the Danish Papers now published have
brought the diplomatic correspondence down to
the close of January, they really and
truly throw
1111 policy
pursued no light whatever upon the ant
eliey
pursued by this Government in regard to the Deno-
German question. Upon the probable sequel et
that policy now that war has been carried not
merely into Schleswig, but, beyond the northern
frontier line of Schleswig, into the purely Danish
province of Jutland, these four first instal-
ments of the Blue Book shed not even a
glimmer. Turning over the pogo, bewildered
as to what is in any way likely to follow—it is idle
as yet to attempt conjecturing the precise course
about to be pursued in the matter of this lament-
able and most unjustifiable invasion of Denmark
by the banded armies of the two chief
Powers of the Germanic Confederation. The
belief grows upon 118, more and more strongly,
that Ministers themselves would bo puzzled
they were in any manner
to explain, euppusiug
constrained imperatively to attempt explaining,
the exact nature of the policy before them—
the precise future of their diplomatic proceediege.
And, for this simple reason they would be thus
puzzled, we believe—because they don't in the least,
et this present reoment, know it themselves. They
leave the complications of the future to suggest a
policy to them as the war now raging progresses.
They watch public opinion in this country to catch
a notion, if possible, as to what it is that is expected
from them by the generality. 'kilted in this endea-
vour, they again and again ironically demand of the

Conservative Opposition confronting them, whether

they will be good enough, frank and manly
enough, loyal and patriotic enough, to indicate
what it is that they, the Opposition, would wish
to see done in this emergency. A course more
unworthy of Et great Government has hardly ever
we should supposed been witnessed ; has cer-
tainly never once been witnessed in our
recollection. Why, even in the first be-
wildered stage of Lord ABERDEEN'S Govern-
ment, before the country had actually drifted into
the Russian war, but was beginning to give
ominous signs and tokens of such drifting
Ministers then had the gropings after,
and the glimmerings of, a policy. Such as it was—
t';ey had a policy. They saw before them, confusedly,
if you will, and through a mist, the course it would
be incumbent upon them to pursue. Bat not SD,
assuredly is it at this present juncture, with the
actual occupants of the Treasury Bench. They
are manifestly at this present moment on the look
out for a policy and their one endeavour
now to postpone everything that can be postponed
(even an explanation of their conduct) as long as
may be in any way practicable or possible, in the hope
that somehow somewhere something may come of
it all, that will help them to the discovery of a
Policy that they are clearly unable to contrive for
themselves.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE was fully justi-
fied in moving for a return of any " reports that
might have been received by her MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment respecting recruiting irt Ireland for the
North American army." The noble Marquis ex-
plained the reasons which induced him so to do.
For the last two years recruiting for the Federal
States had been carried on in Ireland, and her
MAJESTY'S Government did not appear to take
any notice of the proceeding. Besides other proofs,
there was the incontrovertible evidence of the
noble Earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs him-
self having adverted to the fact in his despatches
to the Government of the United States. He men-
tioned that " if a balance were struck of the
assistance given by British subjects and by the
supply of the munitions of war to the contending
parties in America, the balance would be found to
be greatly in favour of the Federal States.'' Lord
CLANRICARDE mentioned a case in point, in which
he himself was engaged as a magistrate. A man
was brought before him by the police who had
been going about various parts of Ireland and
giving out that he wanted some hundreds of men
to employ in America, but it was well known that
they were meant to serve as soldiers when they
arrived there. This man had very little money
about him, and when he was asked how ho would
pay those he engaged, he referred to no railway
contractor but to the American Consul. lie was an
Irishman who had served in the American army.
Lord CLANRICARDE very aptly reminded the House
of the very inconsistent conduct on the part of the
United States, when, in 1855, they refused to per-
mit British subjects in America to return home
for the purpose of serving in the army or navy of
their country, Earl RUSSELL, with that consum-
mate assurance which is alike irritating to his
opponen is in debate, and insulting to the House
in which he sits, declared his intention at the out-
set of his speech not to advert to the point as to
whether the conduct of the American Government
in 1855 was proper or not. He further had the
impertinence to say that he thought the drift of
the argument of the noble lord was, that we are to
act improperly now, because the American Go-
vernment acted improperly in 1855. Can anything
be more preposterous than this mode of argument.
It is totally unworthy of a Minister of the Crown,
and cannot possibly serve the cause of the mis-
taken politicians who adopt it. It would be more
consistent if Lord RUSSELL had said that her Ma-
jesty' Government approved of the enlistment, and
did not consider it incumbent upon them to check
it, than to make fair-sounding excuses which no one
of any acuteness or observation can possibly credit for
a moment. If the noble lord was so anxious es
he declared himself to be, why did he not at once
accede to the request of the noble lord and agree to
his motion. Also, further, what can be more
outrageous than for the Foreign Secretary to state
that he wished to act the same to both sides engaged
in the American contest. It is seleom in the annals
of our country that such assurance has been mani-
fested by those in authority, as has been unblush-
ingly displayed by Earl RUSSELL since the come

mencement of this session. The man who is all on
the alert at the least whisper of a rumour concerning
Confederate agents in this country, is blind, deaf,
and totally impervious to conviction, when the most
flagrant cases of Federal attempts to enlist British
subjects are brought under his notice. The days
are over when Ministerial clap-trap and the Govern.
nient affecting virtuous indignation can take in
Parliament or the people either. There is too much

communication going on all around, news is trans.

mitted too quickly, and the general intelligence of
the nation is too much awakened to relapse into the
shadow of that ignorance, or the false safety of that
confdence which, in earlier times of our history,
men were wont to rest content in. Lord RUSSELL
sees no reason for taking part either with the North
or the South, and he and his colleagues are determined
to maintain a course of impartial neutrality. This
will not do when the evidence of the:last two years
flatly contradicts that assertion, when the tyranny
and oppression that a Cabinet can exercise are being
used against British subjects, on the suspicion of
their being engaged in Confederate interests. Tho
law of the land has exonerated them from the
charge, but the Ministers of the Crown refuse to
submit to the authority they themselves appealed
to. Now we discover that if the subjects of this
country are supposed to have compromised them-
selves with the Confederates their doom is sealed.
Nothing bat commercial ruin awaits him, and they
can expect neither justice or mercy from their Go-
vernment, but if they are wise enough to make the
proper selection, and to enter the ranks of the

Federals, nothing will hinder them, but difficulties
will bo smoothed out of their way. This is what
the Ministers of the foremost country in the world,
in the most enlightened age that the world has
seen, call strict and impartial neutrality. It has
often been said that truth is stranger than fiction,
and really Earl _RUSSELL seems determined to verify
the adage.

The Report of the joint
committee of the two
Houses on the Railway projects for the Metropolis
will be looked to with great interest by all classes.
A:good many of us have been living in anticipation
of having our homes or our places of business
pulled about our ears, or of swing our property
in some way seriously affected by the innumerable
lines and counter-lines. A natural curiosity is
also felt with regard to the report by those not
immediately concerned in its verdict, since it is a
matter of public interest, and if the new lines are
really in the proper localities they
will of course
facilitate traffic greatly. lye have no longer cause
to apprehend that one-fourth of the city will be
; nor need
swallowed up by railways and termini
the inhabitants of London fear, as they
might ra-
tionally have done at one time, that they will be
compelled to take refuge in ilia remote suburbs,
and leave the streets and squares of the mighty
Babylon to the undisputed possessio of guards and

stokers. That there was urgent need for some care-
ful examination into the matter by parties of dis-
erection and independence is abundantly proved by
the report, which tells us that in so limited an area
as the metropolitan railway district the schemes
proposed would in the aggregate have extended
over 174 miles, involving the raising of a capital of
nearly £33,000,000 in shares, and of L 11,000,000.
These miles, too, were not to be laid down in quiet
or out-of-the-way localities, but were to run through
the very heart of the city and to interfere, " during
the construction of the proposed works, with many
important public thoroughfares." The committee
appear to have discharged their difficult task with
prudence and intelligence. They have had a due
regard to the public convenience by sanctioning the
admission of many railway schemes to the conside-
ration of the Lower House, while they have pro-
tected the interests of property in refusing their
sanction to those which, from various reasons, would
cause unnecessary interference with business with
no commensurate good. The bills which are not
to be proceeded with during this session are nine
in number, and among them we perceive the Ox-
ford-street and City project, which caused so much
alarm among our West-end shopkeepers. This and
Victoria Station, and Thames Embankment, were
to have been worked on the pneumatic principle,
hitherto untried as applied to railway passenger
carriages, and the committee justly think such lines
bad places for experimenting. As other lines of the
inner circuit will tend to relieve the traffic in these
parte, there is also less reason for adopting these
schemes. Three of the rejected plans require the
construction of bridges across the Thames, one of
them a high level bridge, and therefore our ship-
ping has certainly gained by their delay. We are
glad to find that the committee approve of the
utilising of the Thames Tunnel, as we have long
ago recommended. The railways north and
south of the Thames can be better connected
by such means than by the formidable
high level bridge which was part of the
project of the Metropolitan Grand Union, and
which was to be thrown over the river below Lon-
don Bridge. The report points out that there are
already several means of connecting the several
railways, and therefore such a plan has nut any
urgent necessity to recommend it. With regard to
the approved schemes the committee very strongly
approve of the method of making now streets at the
same time as the underground railways. This has
many advantages without additional expense,
greater security and speed being among them. The
committee advise that the Hammersmith, Midland,
North Western, and Charing Cross Junction shall
he allowed-to proceed on condition that the new
streets which form part of their plan shall be con-
structed contemporaneously with the railway.
This company proposes to form three new streets,
one of them being, as the report says, " of a very
important character." It is to be a continuation of
Tottenham-court-road from Oxford-street down to
St. Martin's-lane, thereby cutting straight through
S'e:Giles, and providing what is now much needed,
a direct and respectable highway from the North-
West district to Charing-cross. This will be a great
advantage to the traffic of this busy neighbourhood,
and we hope may be carried out. The question of
providing the labouring classes with some means of
obtaining better dwellings has also occupied the
attention of the committee, who appear to have
discharged their arduous office with good sense and
moderation.