The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-21 00:00:00

SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, 1852.

was essential to keep up a good feeling amonst them.
He hoped they would give the board their authority for
carrying it out.
The meeting unanimously agreed to leave it to the
discretion of the directors, and after a cordial vote of
thanks to the chairman the meeting separated.

IMPROVEMENT IN THE ADMINISTRA-
TION OF THE POOR-LAW.
(?RODI A CORRESPONDENT.)
BOLTON, FRIDAY.—On Thursday evening a public
meeting of the inhabitants of Bolton, Lancashire, was
held for the purpose of taking into consideration the
propriety of petitioning Parliament in favour of such a
change in the present administration as will do away
with the present system of keeping paupers in complete
idleness or useless task work, and enable the
guardians to avail themselves of the best means
within their power to render the workhouses self-
supporting, by employing the distressed in works of a
remunerative nature. The meeting took place in the
Town Hall, the body of which was well filled by the
middle and working classes, the platform being reserved
for the magistrates, clergy, poor-law guardians, &o. The
chair was taken by Robert Heywood, Esq., J.P., who
briefly addressed the meeting, and introduced Mr. G.
Stark, who appeared as the representative of the Poor-
law Association, to expound its principles. Mr.
Stark, after an address of considerable length, in
which he vindicated the abstract right of every
human being to labour for his own subsistence,
demonstrated the failure of the Poor-law Amendment
Act to carry out the designs of its framers—showed that,
notwithstanding this promise held out that the measure
had been passed to mitigate the evils of pauperism and
relieve property from the pressure of poor-rates, pau-
perism still existed, and nearly 100 millions sterling had
been wrung from the people for its support since the
Passing of the measure—proceeded to refer to practical
illustrations of the advantages of the reproductive
system as presented in different unions, parti-
cularly in Cork and other Irish unions. Although
they were in the habit of despising anything that ema-
nated from Ireland, asking, as it were, " Could any good
come out :of Nazareth?" still,; he contended, the Irish
people bad the common sense to take the initiative in
this matter, and the English people, in dealing with their
poor, would follow the example of these few Irish unions
if they had any regard for humanity and economy. Mr.
Stark referred to various objections that had been raised
by so-called political economists and mock philanthro-
pists against the principles of the Poor-law Association,
and resumed his seat amidst considerable applause.
Mr. EDMUND ASHWORTH, J.P., proposed the first
resolution, to the following effect:—
" That in the opinion of this meeting the substitution
of reproductive employment of tie destitute instead of
compulsory idleness or useless and degrading task-work,
is not only calculated, under judicious management, to
ameliorate their condition, by preparing them for a life
of industry and self-reliance, but that it is fraught with
great advantage to the community by reducing the bur-
den of poor•rates, and diminishing the number of per-
sons exposed to the temptations of crime."
Mr. J. WINDER, an influential and painstaking mem-
ber of the board of guardians, seconded the resolution,
and in doing so made a statement of the number of able-
bodied persons (about a thousand), both inside and out-
side of the workhouse, who were supported by the com-
munity, and not permitted to contribute, by their labour,
to their own support. In very forcible terms Mr. Winder
denounced the absurdity of .the present system. He was
convinced that the poor people were not only able, but
most willing to support themselves.
The resolution was supported by Mr. Parkinson, T.C.,
Mr. Richardson, several working men in the body of
the room, who made excellent speeches, and it was car-
riee unanimously.
Mr. RICHARDSON moved, and Mr. CULLEN, J.P.,
seconded, a petition to both Houses of Parliament in
favour of the general enforcement of the reproductive
employment of paupers.
The petition was serried unanimously, and ordered to
be entrusted to Sir Joshua Walrosley in the House of
Commons, and the Right Rev. the Bishop of Ripon in
the House of Lords.
A vote of thanks having been passed to the Chair-
, man, and another to Mr. Stark, the meeting separated.

MURDER IN SC OTLADID. very determined
murder, arising out of a quarrel, was committed on Satur-
day evening, in Dunfermline, one of the principal towns in
the county of Fife. The parties implicated in the quarrel
were an Englishman and an Irishman, both of whom were
employed in the malleable iron works in the neighbourhood
of Dunfermline. During the week they had quarrelled se-
veral times, and on Saturday last, which was pay-day, the
quarrel resulted in a fight, in which, according to report, the
Engiishman had the worst of it. This fight took place at an
early period of the evening. The Englishman, thirsting for
vengeance, went into a butcher's shop at a subsequent period
of the evening, and on pretence of requiring to cut some
meat that he had previously purchased, borrowed a knife
from the butcher. Armed with this formidable weapon, he
walked about the streets for several hours in quest of the
Irishman, whom he unfortunately discovered in the High-
street of Dumfermline about eleven o'clock, when he ran up
to him and thrust the knife into his side. The Irishman,
who was a very young man, immediately fell, and was carried
into a shop close at hand, where he expired in the course of
twenty minutes. The murderer made his escape out of town
without delay, but was apprehended in a wood, about four
miles from Dunfermline, in the course of the following day,
and lodged in gaol.
HOOFING COUGH.—In Cornwall a slice of bread
and butter. or cake, belonging to a mtrried couple whose
Christian names are John and Joan, if eaten by the sufferer
under this disorder, is considered an efficacious remedy,
though of course not always readily found.—Notes and
Queries. _ . .

AFFAIRS IN CHlLL—Letters from Valparaiso to
the 26th of December mention that on the Bth of that
month a battle took place on the plaits of Longomilla be-
tween the insurgents under Cruz and the Government troops
commanded by Bulnes, in which upwards of 3,000 men
were put hors de combat. The engagement resulted in a
kind of compromise favourable to tie Government. It is
said that in the heat of the trs4lee the )pposing parties threw
away their firearms and fought with their knives.

THE LONDON GAZETTE, Feb. 20.
BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED.
Crawford•etreet, Marylebone.
Flartetse,ma ncobb, grocer, Canterbury.
draper,
BANKRUPTS.
Simon Abraham Kisch, tailor sad robe maker, Bed-
ford-street, Covent-garden, to surrender March '2 and
Frederick William P
30, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham,
official assignee; Laurence, Bread-street, City.
William Elphs Holland, brewer, Portland-place, Ken-
nington, March 5 and April 2, at eleven, at the Court
of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-
lane, Lombard-street; Lawrence, Hews, and Boyer, Old
Jewry-chambers.
Job Clark, bolt manufacturer, Willenhall, Stafford-
shire, March 2 and 24, at half-peat eleven, at the Bir-
mingham District Coyrt, v
a-PY, official assignee, Bir-
mingham; Brown, &Awn; Hodgiora, Birmingham.
Thomas Myring, bridle cutter, Walsall, March 1, at
half-past ten, and March 27, at me, at the Birmingham
District Court. Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham;
Thomas, Walsall ; Hodgson, Birmingham.
George Greenstock, milliner, Bristol, March 9 and
April 6, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Miller,
official assignee, Bristol. Cornish and Parnell, Bristol.
William Savage, druggist, Bradford, Yorkshire, March
9 and March 30, at eleven, at tle Leeds District Court.
Hope, official assignee, Leeds; Foster, Bradford; Porritt
:and Swithinbank, Leeds.
Francis Ingham, grocer, Dcncaster, March 6, and
;April 17, at ten, at the Leeds District Court. Freeman,
lofficial assignee, Sheffield; Smith, Doncaster.
Christopher Steadman and Charles Siddall Bakewell,
joiners, Manchester, March 5 end April 2, at twelve, at
the Manchester District Court. Mackenzie, official
assignee, Manchester ; Sharp, Verulam-buildings, Gray's
Inn; Rowley, Manchester.
DIVIDENDS.
At the Court, Basinghall-street.
W. Levy, White's-row, Spitalfields, maccaroni and
vermicelli manufacturer,
March 12 at eleven-O. Gray,
Great Tower-street, City, builder, March 12, at one-
C. Holthouse, Great Tower-street, City. sugar broker,
March I'2, at twelve-W. Powell, Jeffery's-street, Cam-
den-town, builder, March 12, at eleven-J. Boniface,
Eastergate, ',Sussex, malster, March 12, at twelve-L
Boyd, Spital-square, silk manufacturer, March 16, at
twelve-C. J. Sanders, Collingwood-street, Blackfriar's-
road, provision merchant, March 16, at one-S. Lock
Stoke D'Auberton, Surrey, auctioneer, March 12, at
half-past eleven-C. Walker, Basingha-street, and of
Leeds, woollen cloth manufacturer, March 12, at eleven
R. Fowke, Wolveihampton, chemist and druggist, March
18, at half-past eleven.
In the Country.
E. Leigh, Glossop, Derby, cotton manufacturer, at the
Court, Manchester, March 15, at twelve-R. Heardman,
Manchester, wine and spirit merchant, at the Court,
Manchester, March 15, at twelve-T. Brighouse, Liver-
pool, contractor, at the Court, Liverpool, March 15, at
eleven-J. Warburton,
,Liverpool, tailor and draper, at
the Court, Liverpool, March 16, at eleven-R. D.
Reeves, Liverpool, and R. H. Dawson, Oxton, Chester,
wine and spirit dealers, at the Court, Liverpool, March
15, at eleven-R. H. Dawson, Horton, Chester, wine
and spirit dealer, at the Court, Liverpool,
March 15, at eleven-R. Reymour, Sunderland, linen
and woollen draper, at the Court, Newcastle-upon-
Tyne, March 17, at eleven-J. Richards, Merthyr Tyd-
vil, Glamorgan, woollen draper, at the Court, Bristol,
March 17, at eleven.
PAYMENT OF DIVIDENDS.
E. Hyrorns, John-street, Tottenham-court-road,
pianoforte manufacturer, Is., Feb. 23, or any subsequent
Monday within six months, between eleven and three, at
the office of Mr. Cannan, Aldermanbury.
J. Griffiths, Strand, linendraper, 'lid., Feb. 23, or any
subsequent Monday, within six months, between eleven
and three, at the office of Mr. Cannel], Aldermanbury.
J. Limbird, Strand, stationer, Is. 9id., may Wednes-
day, between eleven and three, at the office of Mr. Whit-
more, Basinghall-street.
T. Wallis, jun., and Swan Wallis, Leeds, linen
drapers, Is. 74d., any Wednesday, between eleven and
three, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Basinghsll-street.
W. 1.1, Luekins, Kennington-lane, coachmaker,
any Wednesday, between eleven and three, at the office
of Mr. Whitmore. Basin hall-street.
G. G. Coldrey, Lawrence-lane, merchant, 2d., any
Tuesday, between eleven and two, at tho ,office of Mr.
Pennell, Guildhall-chambers.
C. S. Smith, Louth, draper, lid., any Tuesday, be-
tween eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Pennell,
Guildhall-chambers.
M. L. Benausan and Co., Great Prescott-street, mer-
chants id
, any Tuesday aetween eleven and two, at
the office of Mr. Pennell, Guildhall-chambers.
NOTICES OF CERTIFICATES.
In the Country.
J. Williams, Bristol, shipowner, March 2, at eleven,
at the Court,.Briatal.....R, Seymour, Sunderland, linen-
-draper, March ,12, -14 v-eleven, at the Court, Newcastle-

upon-Tyne—D. Boobbyer, Tavistock, Dew onshire, iron-
monger, March 16, at eleven, at the Court, Exeter—E.
Wilkinson and T. Bentley, Liverpool, tailo-rs, March 15,
at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—J. Cooper, Liver-
pool, butcher, March 16, at eleven, at the Court, Liver-
pool—G. Brear, Wakefield, innkeeper, March 16, at
twelve, at the Court, Leeds—S. Maion, Newcastle-
under-Lyne, draper, March 17, at half-past eleven, at the
Court, Birmingham—T. U. Anderson, Wellington,
Shropshire, mercer, March 24, at half-past eleven, at the
Court, Birmingham.
CERTIFICATES GRANTEEI.
J. G. Watson, Sunderland, Durham, grocf?r, certificate
of the third class, twenty-one days after 3?eb. 10—W.
Young, Newport, Monmouthshire, victualler, certificate
of the first class—J. Warburton, Liverpool. tailor and
draper, certificate of the first class—C. Pfiget, Wigan,
Lancashire, scrivener, certificate of the first class—T.
Birch. Manchester, common brewer, certificute of the se-
cond class—R. Fowke, Wolverhampton, chemist and
druggist, certificate of the second class—T. Carr, Don-
caster, innkeeper, certificate of the third class, twenty-
one days after Feb. 13.
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.

J. M‘DonaTcland If. 141'llonald, Liucoln, drapers—J.
Mawdesley and J. Holt, Tottington Dower End, Lanca-
shire, cotton spinners—J. Briggs and J. Colbock, Hud-
dersfield, Yorkshire, teazle and pelt dealers—J. L.
Torey and S. L. Torey, Spitalfields, cap peak manufac-
turers—O. Gilkes, W. Bouch, E. Gilkes, J. Wilson, and
C. A. Leatham, Middlesborough, Yorkshire, iron foun-
ders (so far as regards 0. Gilkes)—T. S. Gladstone and
P. Serjeantson. Liverpool, brokers—W. P. Dudden and
E. Dudden, Coventry-street, St. James's, woollen dra-
pers—J. C. Austen and H. Austen, Wadhurst, SuQsex,
auctioneers—G. Halbeard, J. Wellings, and T. Stamps,
Birmingham, papier macho manufacturers (so far as re-
gards J. Wellings)—A. Sheard, G. S. Dyson, J. Wild,
J. Jessop, T. Newhill, J. Smith, J. Wilby, J. Wood, H.
P. Pontey, and J. Berry, Dalton, brewers—R. R. Sale
and W. Williams, Liverpool, block makers—F. Wilkin-
son, H. Wilkinson, and T. H. Greaves, Nottingham,
dyers (so far as regards T, H. Greaves)—G. Robinson
and P. Kelham, Manchester, merchants—J. R. Cattell
and R. Hills, Hood-lane, City—J. Pearson and W.
Daly, Stockport, Cheater, cotton manufacturers—E.
Collier, F. Collier, and H. Collier, New Broad-street,
City, merchants (so far as regards E. Collier)--41. Ayre
and E. Calder, Bristol, solicitors—W. Smith, C. E.
Crever, and W. F. Smith, Hemel Hempstead,
Hertfordshire, solicitors (so far as regards W.
F. Smith)—W. Mott, G. Mott, and R. Mott,
\Vhitechapel, grocers—J. Ainley, J. Taylor, and J.
Shaw, fulling millers (so far as regards J. Shaw) J. Du-
rance and J. Durance, jun., Lincoln. stone and marble
masons—J. Broad and G. Gulliver, Windsor, coach iron-
mongers—T. Towns and C. Packer, Oxford-street,
pianoforte manufacturers—J. Bacon and W. Bull, Ox-
ford-street, licensed victuallers—J. R. Macfarlane and
J. D. Pritchard, Warrington, Lancashire, manufacturing
chemists—F. Pettit and T. Argrut, Newmarket, St.
rMuagry Su
h.,
Liverpool, oolhrn , awheoslsesamleakgerros—oorJs_.
JG.aHrd.invver and H.illiamson
and J. White, Manchester, oil merchants.
INSOLVENT PETITIONERS.

R. F. Jennings, Holswortb, Devonshire, attorney.
W Stephens, Gellygaen, Glamorgansbire contractor.
J. Bland, Denbigh, Denbighshire, chemist and druggist.
A. Atherton, Yatton, Somersetshire, innholder.
James Unmoral, West Derby, Lancashire, journeyman
cabinet maker.
Joseph Smallman, Strood, Kent, wheelwright.
Joseph Smith Laceby, North Killingholme, Lincolnshire
S. Birkit, Barton-upon• Humber, Lincolnshire, hatter.
W. Knott, Brigg, Lincolnshire, vessel owner.
SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS.

W. Shaw, Glasgow, jeweller, to meet Feb. 24 and
March 16, at twelve, within the Glasgow Stock
Exchange.
G. Smith, Leith, merchant, to meet Feb. 26 and March
18, at twelve, within the New Ship Hotel, Leith.
G. Dunlop. Kilbagie, Clackmannon, distiller, to meet,
Feb. 26 and March 8, at two, within the Royal Oak

Hotel, Alloa.
W. Donald, Aberdeen, distiller, to meet Feb. 25 and
March 16, at twelve, within the Royal Hotel, Aberdeen.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 20.
LOCAL MILITIA ACTS.
DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY.

On the order of the day for bringing up the report o
the Committee on the Local Militia Act,

Lord J. RUSSELL said—Before the report is re-
ceived I wish, as there appears to be some objection to
allowing me to bring in the Rill, to recapitulate what are
the principal provisions of the Bill which I propose to
bring in. I said the other day that we meant to prc-
ceed on the basis of the local militia in organizing the
force we mean to call out. Not, however, in exact con-
formity with the provisions of the Local Militia Acts,
which do not appear to be suitable to present circum-
stances, but modifying them as appeared requisite. The
object is to obtain a considerable force and number of
men who shall be trained for a small portion of the year,
and who, in case of war, may be so disciplined and so
far useful as to be brought to the coast, so as for some
months to supply the place of the regular troops and allow
the army to be recruited. This Bill is to accomplish that
object by means the least burdensome to the country.
In the first place, then, we propose that instead of
taking the ages of those who are to serve either from
18 to 30 or 45 years, to take them from 20 to
23, and afterwards from 20 to 21 years—an age
of life when men are not usually married, and therefore
not taken away from their families, and whilst it is less
burdensome to them, it is also a less expense to the
country. Having these men chosen by ballot in the
proportion of one-fifth of all who are of the prescribed
age, we then say that with regard to the substitutes we
do not adopt the provisions of the Militia Act or of the
Local Militia Acts, but we propose that the persons
balloted for and chosen should be at liberty to find sub-
stitutes, but these must be taken out of the same lists—
that is, the lists of the same district and age to which the
perions chosen belong—but as it is only one-fifth we
ding
would
to take, there would be no great difficulty in
finding those
substitutes. The number proposed to be
trained ld be, in the first year, 30,000, then aug-
for the first year, of 28 days, and
mentieg in slumbers each year until a force of 150,000
men was obtained. We propose that they should be
duringtrai ne e
d abyeach
a
of peace; but the object is to secure a force which may
be made immediately useful in time of war. The pro-
visions of the Local Militia Acts referred to called
out that force in ease of actual invasion or the
e fsetrhveice subsequent,
to serve of 14 days. What I have stated applies to a time four years which they are
enemy appearing on the coast, and they only allowed
the local militia to be called away from their own coun-
ties during the time of actual invasion, or whilst the
enemy was on the coast, and for six weeks after either
of these occurrences took place. It is obvious that in
any war in which we may in future be engaged with any
of the great powers of Europe, or with the United
States, that provision would not be sufficient for the pur-
poses intended; and, therefore, we must deal with the
matter as the change of 'circumstances requires. What
we propose then to do is, that in case of invasion, or
apprehended invasion, the Government may call out
thoae local bodies far a period not exceeding six months
with the provision that that period may be extended to
twelve month.s in case Parliament should deem expe-
dient. We conceive that if this body were thus or-
ganized, having been originally trained, they would be
a force exceedingly valuable for the purposes of the
defence of the country from invasion, and at
the same time there would be every facility afforded
both for calling out the regular militia, if that
were thought desirable, or for greatly increasing the
army to such extent that there would be no longer
danger of there not being a sufficient force to defend
the country. With respect to the officers, I have al-
ready stated it was intended that the lords-lieutenant of
the counties should have the power of naming two-
thirds of the officers, while the remaining third, includ-
ing the field officers, would be appointed from the half-
pay regiments of the line. These, I stated, formed a
general outline of the plan embodied in the Bill, but I
feel that it is impossible for the House to judge of the
plan and of its efficiency—whether it will furnish a
sufficient force, and in a manner least burdensome to the
country—without having the Bill before it; and all I
ask of the House is to allow me to place the Bill on the
table. I shall be quite ready then to discuss the plan—
either to pass it as proposed, or to adopt any better pro-
visions that may be suggested. But Ido ask, as a Mi-
nister of the Crown, to be enabled to place the Bill be-
fore the House, and let the House and the country decide
upon it. I should say likewise that we propose in this
Bill to repeal the existing Acts with regard to the
local militia, and therefore this Bill would be
complete in itself. The present mode of 0b-
...

taining men for the Militia is exceedingly
dilatory, and would require not less than ten weeks for
the purpose.; it is desirable, therefore, to make the pro-
cess
_
more speedy and effectual than it now is. It wouldlikewise be necessary to introduce a Bill for amending
d
and consolidating the militia. I understood th enasoton-
Member (Mr. Hume) wished to raise the question
whether the militia force ought to be called out, t a
cnarn
that reason I postponed the report ofesttion nd for
beingittee die,
for the purpose of admitting of the q
:adduced the other
cussed, and I think that the arguraenn, especially the ar-
night in support of the measure, a a
guments of the Noble Lord p ember for Tiverton
thciusive upon the subject.
(Lord Palmerston), were
et°lonat the House would ever
There being no prospect
adopt a measure for adding some 30,000 or 40,000 men
e United Kingdom, it is necessary that
to the army 0- the
there should be body of militia to enable the country
to prepare for a
immediatebr defence in case of attack, with
ready and partly trained, so as to be at once
available. I should propose also that in case of war
they might be sent to any part of the United Kingdom.
Lord PALMERSTON said, it was not a part of my
wish to prevent the Government bringing in a Bill to
provide a force which may be required for the defence
of the country. On the contrary, I wish to promote such
a measure; but I think it of importance to the public
service and to the convenience of the House, that a Bill
containing several details should be brought in founded
upon a right principle; for if a Bill is brought in, founded
upon a wrong principle, it takes more time to work it to
a right principle than if it had been introduced originally
on a principle applicable to the purposes for which it was
intended. From what the Noble Lord has just stated, I
think there is an essential difference between the title he
means to give his Bill and the substance and provisions
of the Bill. And the object of one of my amendments
which I propose to move is simply to place the title and
the provisions of the Bill in harmony with each other.
With regard to the first amendment it is quite u119140Q

tionable, according to what we have just beard, because
whether the Bill to be brought in shall relate to
the regular militia or to the local militia, it must be a
Bill to amend and consolidate the existing militia laws,
and from the statement of the Noble Lord that he in-
tended to repeal the existing Acts, and to consolidate all
the legislatioa on the subject, the addition of the word
" consolidate" is necessary, for simply amending would
not accomplish the purpose. But the main point is
whether the measure we are to have is to be founded on
the regular militia or the local militia. There is a very
essential distinction between the two, and that distinc-
tion has been entirely lost sight of in the observations
just made by the Noble Lord; for in proposing to bring
in this Bill, which is to be totally founded upon the local
militia, the Noble Lord has very nearly described a Bill
founded upon the regular militia. Now what I humbly
conceive requisite is this. We are in a political and
geographical position which exposes us--I hope not with
much probability—to the possibility of finding ourselves
involved in war; we are liable to be invaded in case of
war by a very considerable and formidable force. We
have not in time of peace a regular army sufficient, in
my opinion, to meet an emergency of that kind. It
would not suit the habits of the country, or the finances
of the country, to follow the example of the military na-
tions of the continent, who, in times of peace, maintain
a standing army sufficient to defend them, et all events,
in the commencement of any war they might be in-
volved in. With respect to our regular army, that por-
tion of it at home is necessarily small in time of peace,
and insufficient to meet the various contingencies to
which we may be exposed on the breaking out of the
war. And be it remembered that the change which has
taken place in navigation by steam renders the clanger
more imminent on the breaking out of a war than it
was formerly. We have, then, to provide, not tor a
danger which may happen at the end of six months, but
at the end of a fortnight or a month, upon the declara-
tion of war. And how is that danger to be provided
against? The only rational mode is to have in time of
peace a considerable force organized of officers and men
drilled, disciplined, armed, (quipped, and ready at the
shortest notice to come to the aid of the regular army at
the breaking out of a war. That is the first thing. I
want a force which shell be ready trained and suffi
cient for ordinary purposes, end which you can lay
your hand upon at the shortest possible notice. So tar
it is immaterial what you call it, whether local militia
or regular militia, provided it be equipped, armed,
and trained, and liable to be called out at an Early
period. But the local militia is not such a force—as,
according to the law under which it is formed,
it is not liable to be called cut except in cases of
actual invasion, or the enemy appearing in force on the
coast.—(Hear, hear.) But that would be too late. It
would be shutting the gate after the steed is stolen
--
(Cheers and laughter)—barring out the robber after he
has got into your house.—(lieuewed cheers and laugh-
ter.) If you are not to call out your defence till the
enemy has landed on the coast, or is lying iu Torbay, it
will not come in time for the purpose you want it for.
So far the local militia is thrown over by the Noble
Lord—still he preserves the title. The next point I
would enforce is, that the force so called out in time,
armed and equipped, should be liable to serve in any
part of the United Kingdom in which its services may he
required.—(Cheers.) We are two islands, and we must
not disguise from ourselves the danger that may impend
in consequence—that there may be a landing of the
enemy, not on one part, but on two or three different
portions of the coast, and therefore your defensive force
in aid of the regular army must be applicable to every
portion of the United Kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) The
local militia is not so. The Local Militia Acts distinctly
provide that the force shall nut go out of Great Britain.
The Noble Lord then says his local militia cannot be
local—(Laughter)—that is, that it can be applicable to
the whole of the United Kingdom.—(Hear.) It is, in fact,
a name which dues not describe the new character of the
force. I highly approve of that change in the Noble
Lord's plan, that the force called out should be appli-
cable to all parts of the kingdom ; but such a force so
called out is not a local militia—it is a regular militia.—
(Hear, hear.) In former times the militia of Ireland
was liable for service only in Ireland, and that of Great
Britain only in Great Britain; but in the year 1814 an
Act was passed by which the militia was made liable to
serve in every part of the United Kingdom. I wish this
force to be such a one.—(Hear, hear.) Having some
little interest in Ireland, I am anxious that that count' y
should be safe from invasion. It would be no satisfac-
tion to me if the enemy landed in Ireland to tell me here
there are 200,000 local militiamen in England, and
you must do what you can for yourselves in Ireland, by
means of whatever voluntary force may be afforded you.
Then the Noble Lord has so far abandoned the form
and character of the local militia that the force which
he has described as that which he would organize is a
force identical with the regular militia, and distinct from
the local one. There is another point equally essential
—namely, that the force so called out should be liable to
remain embodied so long as was necessary fur the de=
fence of the country and the public service. The local
militia was not such a force. It was liable to be called
out after the enemy was landed or actually in force on
the coast, and it could be kept embodied no longer than
six weeks after that enemy had been expelled or been
prevented from landing. That I humbly conceive is not
enough; for your liability to danger does not cease with
the sailing away of a squadron from the coast, or with
the expulsion of a body of troops who may have landed
on some part of our territory. Your local militia then
is insufficient. But here again the Noble Lord throws
over the provisions of the Local Militia Act, though he
still retains the name. Here then we come to the great
practical defect of the plan of the Government. It is
neither one thing nor the other—it is neither a local
militia nor a regular militia—it is to be so far a local
militia that it is to be different from the regular militia.
And you will have a regular militia, besides this local
force of 200,000 men, to be kept embodied for 6 months or
longer, so as to facilitate the augmentation of the regular
army. Now see what you will involve yourselves in. On
the breaking out of a war you will have 200,000 men
engaged for this local militia. At the same time you
will proceed by a double process to a large enlistment
of men for the regular army, and also to ballot for she
regular militia. You will be recruiting men for the
regiments of the line, and at the same time ) ou
will send out the militia ballot to bid against and coun-
teract that enlistment.—(Elear, hear.) That is a very
unwise and unmeaning proceeding. It would he far
better that you should have in time of peace an adequate
'force as a reserve to your regular army, which you
'should call out in time of war, and when you have got
it embodied you should keep it, being a trained and dis-
ciplined force, and let it remain as a part of your garrison
in time of war. It would relieve you from the necessity'
of going into the market and bidding against the recruit-
ing service for the organization of a great body of men
for a temporary purpose. In the course of the last war
it never happened that you were able to add more than
25,000 men to the regular army by voluntary enlistment.
But you would require a larger number than that if you
were engaged in war. You would have to send rein-
forcements to your garrisons abroad, and to augment
the home defences; and it would be at least two years
before, with any degree of safety, you could dispense
with the embodiment of that reserved force which
would be dormant in time of peace, to be brought into
activity in time of war. For these reasons it appears
to me that what the country wants is that we
Should call out " the militia."—(Hear, hear,) It
is a force which has existed in much the same
shape that it has now assumed since the year 1665,
It was remodelled in the time of George 11., and was
improved in the time of George 111. Various Acta have
been passed since, all of which may be conveniently put
into one; but there is a system which has existed nearly
two centuries, and in the preamble of the Act which
constitutes that force its purposes and objects are dis-
tinctly explained. The Act says, that, " Whereas the
militia force under the command of officers within Great
Britain (it would be within the United Kingdom accord-
ing to the present law) is essential to the defence of the
kingdom, and by virtue of its constant readiness to
render effective service has been found of the utmost
importance as a national defence of these rdalms,"
These are the terms on which the militia was founmdebd
•
The local militia was perfectly different. The preamble
of
p
of the Local Militia Act states that 66 Whereas it
the
ex-
pedient in the present circumstances of Europe
local militia should be established, and under
ease of
restrictions in England be called forth force, may
certain
inva-
sion in aid of her Majesty's regTuhlaer ne
locala militia was
it please your Majesty," &c.
militia, and not a
element of the
thus a resource for the regular
kingdom. It was net the
substantive force in itself, forming an
permanent defence of theoow
require—namely, a
species of force which
de reserve, to be brought
force that would form a sere)!
e circumstances rendere it
into immediate immediate use in casow
into any details alto sub_
I will not go n
cessary. y o ject,
stitutes and local 0 arrangements—that is not na b.
impress upon the House that the
What I wisehtis'elie regular militia, and not a force which
regular militia nor a local militia. The force
force we wa.._ is
is neither a
inothing new; the regular militia
I speak of
trained
in the years 1821 and 1822, and again in the
As to the arguments which I have heard
year 1831.Yadevancad against the character of the regular militia, I
do not think them of any force. I have heard it said
that the regular militia is a bad thing, because of the
substitutes; that you cannot rely on the substitutes—
that in England they
"roules not come out when the regi
wants were embodied—that in Scotland they would not
like to serve against the enemy—and that in Ireland you
could not trust the men enrolled—that is to say, that in
England the men are unpatriotic; that in Scotland they
are cowards, and that in Ireland they aro traitors.—
thes.
(Hear.) All the objections I have heard against .
militia are founded upon a radical distrust of the people
of the United Kingdom. Now,
ontiint contrary,
I am
of this
prepared to confide in the people—(Cheers)—but
of
I am BUN, that if you cannot trust the population n
er
you
had much better
the country to defend themselv(ecs;lers.
) If you cannot
trust the people of
give up the matter at
England°Ce to come to their standard
when their standard is in vaded—if you cannot rely upon
the people of Scotland to
fight against the enemy with
their ancient bravery, or
upon the people of Ireland to
defend their own country from attack, let us at once
force.—(Cheers.) Let ua send for
send for a Ittiss-an
an Austrian gerr ison,—(Renewed cheering.) And
with shame and confusion confess
let us that
England isno longer England, and that the people of this country
have no no
longer the spirit to defend themselves,
and their families, from the ene-
th;i.r homes,
(Loud cheers.) Sir, that is not my opinion.
In-(Enthueiastic cheering.) I am convinced that the
people of this country have a full sense of the value
of all they possess—that theythave a spirit to defend
it, and a spirit to maintain independent the
liberties of their country, and that they are not
likely to give way to any foolish and unreasonable
fancies, bat that they are prepared to guard them-
selves against dangers which may be possible, if not
immediately probable.—(Hear.) I am convinced, if the
Government and this House appeal to the people of F.iog-
land and chow them what danger, they an liable to,

open their eyes to the value of the stake they have to,
defend, and call upon them for moderate exertions for
its preservation, you will not find the tubstitates in Enp.
land falling away from their colours; nor in Scotlaods
less disposed to show the manliness of their character;
nor iu Ireland will you find them betray the country to
which they belong. But you will have a force which,
costing very little, will, at the same time, show to ail the
countries of the world that you are prepared, in case of
need, to detend the land you live in; and by that means
you will oppose with effect any attempt at invasion,
which a local force could not resist; and you will main-
tain the country in that position of respect to which on
every account it is so eminently entitled. I beg, there-
fore, to move, in the words of my amendment, to insert'4
atter the word " amend," the words " and consolidate;,,
and to omit the word " local" before the word "militia."

The Noble Lord rebucced his seat amidst, loud cheers.

The question having been put from the Chair,
Mr. M. GIBSON wished to say a few words on the
question. He regretted it should be thought necessary
to macro those appeals to the voluntary contempt of
danger which was said to pervade all classes of her Ma-
jesty's subjects. He had no doubt that it was so, but be
did not think it necessary to go into that question. All
those statements which they had heard of a common-
place character threw no light upon the question be-
fore the House, which was a matter of the expenditure
of the public money. It was a matter of regret that it
should be deemed there was any necessity fur applying
any part of the existing surplus of revenue to increase
cur army. Looking at the position of this country,
with its growing population, and the great difficulty
there was of providing remunerative labour for a large
portion of the labouring classes, it appeared to biro
it would be very di-sirable, if possible, to supply the sur-
plus, as far as they could, to rei,eal such taxes as
stood in the way of the employment of labour—(°ll'
oh)—or of the happiness and contentment of her Ma-
jesty's subjects.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") It would be s
wiser policy, if a surplus existed, to apply it to the re-
peal of the most oppressive taxes, and thereby to pro-
mote the interests of the working class. If a case was
made out, however, for an recreate in the national sans'
merits, he (Nlr. M. Gibson) would Lot object to enter-
tain but no suck case had been made out, and yet the
Howie was culled upon to increase the armed force
either in 'he maaner proposed by her Majesty's Govern-
ment or by the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton.
Few or none of those who had spoken on this question
seemed to be aware of the source of the danger propos"'
to be met, or of the probable cmployment of this /11.-
creased force; but, never,h-less, the House was called
ou to reverse a course of policy which had been pursued
by this country for thirty-iieven years with signal suc-
cess, and to vote a large arm( d force on some vague stir..
mises of something that might possibly happen. The
special reason adduced fur this act was the maintenance
of the balance of power in Europe—the continents'
equilibrium—that was the statement of the Noble Lord,
at the head of the G overnment; while the statement or
the Noble Membk r for Tiverton was, that England bad
political interests in all parts of the world which it was
necessary to protect. and defend. Was the House pre-
pared to give its sanction to this principle of the Euro-
pean equilibrium? It they did, it was quite clear that
this country might be called on at any moment to inter-
fere in continental politics. He (Mr. Gibson) for
one disputed the policy of the balance of power, err
posing it was capable of being maintained; but he 318°
disputed the practicability of keeping the nations 0f
Europe within the limits, either of territory or power,
which the treaties on which this equilibrium was bases
propounded. He objected also to ice political interest
alluded to by the Noble Member felt Tiverton. The
poli-
tical interests of England in his (Mr. Gibson's) opinion,
lay altogether within the shores of the United Kingdom'
and he could not consent to step beyond those bboree
with an armed force. He was, therefore, against poll-
deal interests in different parts of the world; and be pro-
tested strongly against all interference, on the part of
this country, in the internal affairs of other nations.
(Bear, near.) The Noble Member for Tiverton wen"
a regular and not a local militia; and he asked, ell
the Government afraid to trust the people of Scotian',
and Ireland—whether this one were cowards or the other
traitors? If the people were to be armed, he (Mr. Gib-
son) son)did not know whether it would not be wise policy 113
hesitate before arming the people of Ireland—(cries of
"oh,") not that he for an instant disputed the loyalty of
the Irish people or devotion to the Crown, but because
be was not quite sure they might not feel dissatisfied
with some of their p-culiar institutions. For instauc.e,
could it be expected that a Catholic people with arras 1°
their hands would fight for the maintenance of a Prates'
Cant Church, which cost them immense sums of mooch
and was not of the slightest advantage to them, 'lle
Noble Lord (Palmerston) would, however, send the
English militia to Ireland, and bring the Irish militia to

England.
Viscount. PALMERSTON—Yes.
Mr. GIBSON—That, however, showed that the Noble
Lord had no confidence in the people of either country.
The Rome Secretary had said that a regular militia was
an offensive force," and that he was not therefore
prepared to agree to it. If the militia was armed
ac-
cording to the proposal of the Noble Lord
(Palmerston)
it would be an e` offensive force," calculated to alarm'
Europe. He (far. Gibson) was surprised at the great
discrepancy cf opinion that prevailed on the subject
under discussion. The Noble Lord at the head of the
Government told the House he had consulted the Duke
of Wellington and the Master-General of the Ordnance
on it; but the Noble Lord had certainly not taken
Duke of Wellington's advice; for in the letter written
by that illustrious individutt some time ago it
stated ho had advised the militia to be increased and or-
ganised to the same number and in the same manner aso
in the last war, which would give a force of 150,000
men, and so effectuelly to esoablish the strength °,s
the army. He (Mr. Gibson) thought the Hong
was clearly
at least consider the possibility of peace. Fur 37 years
a particular policy had been acted on by this cotintrit
through which peace was maintained. A differeans
policy was now proposed, and yet no special reason
assigned for its adoption which would not have P
equally valid at any time in that long period. Beside
this, there had never before been a large increase of
national armaments contemplated without allusion being
made to it in the Speech from the Throne. That SPeech-:
however, said that all the foreign relations of this cobultolid
try were pacific; and the Noble Lord Palmerston) h
boasted that he lett England in a state of
amity with
aotghre,rat nations.pertien Aefndtnyeettitinhee Ninoble Lord said that thr° cobs
stantly urging on her Majesty: aecsotGni on, nvi
Government
Tilteb
safetye e n r
that
e.
ered
cHoeun(trmyr. wasG inbostnnsa)fehaidn
always
eayclabsence of a iiiiiitiaicr
of
beat e guarded by
twothe
yneaavyrs,
ago w
o
and thess rtePt,°t,
(EltgtlidendCowmasme eerefore
same effect. The arming of the militia conk, thici, the
only be the first step towards that past policy wTheely,
Committee in question so strongly condemned with the
the interfetence of Engla, as a military paier'ord ga"
nations of the Contineue—(Hear.) The Noble 11e0st be, •
no instance of any country which England we': appeared
treaty to protect, except Portugal; but it no of the
that Portugal was leftdefenceless by the wither 4-, only
British fleet from the Tagus, especially as it iv' euesion
short time since the Portuguese fleet was sold by
by the Government of that nation. If he (Mr. LiesFbou_u_id
was obliged to vote on the question at issue, he n
prefer the proposition of her M,ajjer:teyrs'atoGroo=taanesnet:s:
that of the Noble Lord (Lord 1 a .
is country
to an
considered the latter es inviting
nd at the HOD. Member for
of-
fensive policy. ThepHstaraMe
sneered at the peace e
;embulatte rd
ifdo for
hat Middlesexon .ebniad,
should
onualtdi national
avoided?ble slo the West Riding of Yorkshire;
her
t dwYa ostfhnaottthe Government bed,
nb er r
thatm e an
war.to v inferas riot th that puce
ohpsel
The Noble Isoerds
atspeech on the subject, which might be
however, mad
o
a pace-meeting, when he talked of the ab.
88 pll dkietny :t
f nations meeting to shoot each other with
minis rifles and needle-guns. He (Mr. Gibson) was
right glad the principle he espoused was supported by
The Hon. Gentle-
manthe sanction of such high authority,
the country defenceless, but the contrary, when the 12e-
concluded by repeating
nationy
wn
he
cme es ns tt of aßd
the however,s
eehoffol
ur y forl
;tet
haaes
3ne
7ddhv ee different
ar ssv toh armament.
Govern-
ments r
:Tr
funds for its could not agree
in a vote which would be a direct censure on the
emi-
nent persons who comosed those Governments, and
whose duty it was to seep that these funds, amounting
16 millions a year, were duly expended'. He believed
f.
protection
entrusted
e increased
a: t be had no wish to leave
the country to be in an adequate state of defence; be
believed the present panic had no foundation, and that
it was got up for political purposes; and 'he hoped,
therefore, that the House would not agree to the general
proposition nor to the amendment.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I can well understand the course
taken by my Right Hon. Friend and those Hon. Mar
beta who usually act along with him. My Right Hon.
Friend, as well as the Hon. Member for Montrose, con-
eider the country is sufficiently defended by the naval
force. Now, with every respect for the efficiency of that
force, and with every belief in its bravery and
galloull
do not at all think it would be prudent for us to rest
all the hopes, all the safety of England upon that force
alone.—(Hear.) 1 am not doubting for a moment that
they would encounter any enemy they might meet with
their usual bravery and success; but, considering the
state of the elements upon occasions, and considering,
also, the manoeuvres which such enemy might have re-
course to, Ido not think that it is always possible Shel
would chance to meet with that enemy. I cannot'
therefore, now, any more than in 1848, express it as ~
belief that it is safe for this country to rest her security
exclusively upon her naval detences.—(Hear.) We W.
then, the army; which, according to its numbers,
02!.:
I am free to admit, a most valuable and efficient fo.refi
But the army is not sufficient in point of nu
eehZrd
to cover the wide extent of coast presented_
.0 by
this country; and therefore it is not, so far, capstPt.ht
preventing invasion. I therefore differ from my Ince
Hon. Friend as to the necessity of an auxiliary
ter
such as is proposed in the militia. I shall not now
ea
into the queetion of the balance of power raised by vr
Right Hon. Friend, further than to say, that, aft!e_o,
the whole rests upon the:question of national .nd Utu,
dence.—(Cheers.) We put it every year into thnei_lo,o
tiny Act, and it is the principle of that indepe.
that there should be no power in Europe of such
.;113.,
ture or magnitude as to menace the tranquillity:
o_e_ub
dependence of other powers.—(Hear.) But 03 Itght
IIY, 133139 V
clearly understand the position taken up by.Bi.v
Hon. Friend, as opposed on principle to the 1
neitien
the
confess that I do not at all understand
teg to
taken up by the Noble Lord (Palmerston) ionuredia
it. For the Noble Lord has come forward
casion, not to dispute the second reading o.fa
there;ection or
the ground of principle—not to propose it J. 911 the
hut to Isar
alteration in any of its other stages; - oe bop
Minister of the Crown that he shall not PrOPQ