The Sun.
London, England, 1852-01-22 00:00:00

THE SILENT FRIEND.

IN SIX LANGUAGES-FORTIETH EDITION.
CONTAINDIG THE REMEDY FOB PREVENTION OF DISEASE.

Lll;uteated by One Hundred Anatomical Coloured Engravings.
03 PHYSICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENERATIVE INCA-
PACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE.
A Hew Edition, enlarged to 196 yaps, price 2s. iid. by post, from

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THE SILENT FRIEND, a Medical Work on
._ the exhaustion and physical decay of the system, produced by
cessive indulgence, the consequences of infection, or the abuse of
rry„,''reurY, with directions for the use of the preventive lotion, fol-
.—. by observations en Marriage, ana the disqualifications which
Prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured Engravings. By R. and L.
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Year I. treats of the anatomy and physiology of the re-:.reductive
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4,,l:_seer 11. treats of the consequences resulting from "cent" in-
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• producing
tr,,,,a1 and bodily weakness, nervous excitement, and generative
'etPacity. Illustrated by 10 Explanatory Engravings.
thPAzr 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infection, either in
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ag i
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eS ‘r treatment. This section s illustrated by xp
62 Coloured DIVAN,-
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Admission—ONE SHILLING.

PATRON—H. R. H. PRINCE ALBERT.
ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
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by the pirates in whose existence he refused to believe.—•
Guardian.

MONEY MARKET.—The quotation of gold at Paris
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THE
MNEEETNIVNGREAOLERE.
MDSBILL.
On Tuesday night last a large and.iefluential meeting
was held at the Music Hall, Leeds, oti the question of
Parliamentary Reform, but more especially to elicit the
drn
e n by of
James e be
viees of the different classes of Reformers in the bo-
rough on the scheme of Parliamentary Reform as
agreed to at the late conference hell in Manchester. The
meeting included all sections of the Re 'onn party. John
tWbedeshenairE. ofsqu.n(donewas surrounded
the
a
Mar-
shall, Esq., M.P., IL
Lu-
cock, Bower, Garbutt, and Pease; councillors C. Marshall, Esq., Aldermen
Joh,
Marshall, Wainman' Morgan, Carter, Kettlewell, George
tha borough), r
Garthoug r xok
.
end Heaps; John Wilkinson, Esq , Eiuurd Baioes,
Esq , Churl: s Naylor, Esq.,
Robert Adams, Esq ,J. C.
Barrett, Esq., &e.
The CHAIRRIAN, in opening the buiiinees of the even-
ing, said—lt has been urged in some quarters that such
meetings are unnecessary, or at
any rite premature,
and that it would be better to wait till we have the Go-
vernment measure before u 3. To this doctrine I entirely
dissent.—(Bear, hear.) I think that it is much better
that all large constituencies should speak out in a firm
and decided tone as to the character of the mea-
sure of reform which they are looking for, and
which they think the country is entitled to before
the Government are publicly committed to any mea-
sure of their own.—(Applause.) Nothing can be more
unwise than for Government to resist reasonable and
safe practical reforms; and nothing more impolitic than
fur people to make rash, unreasonable, and ieapracti-
cable demands. If we want eta exueiple, the lesson is
before us. Look at France. r
Fee,._
anee,li er the auto-
cratic, conservative, selfish, grant-nothing olicy of Louis
Philippe, became so desperate that they upset the whole
fabric of Government and established ea republic—a re-
public which lasted from 1848 to 1851, during which
short period some strange transact Ons bok place—
(Hear, hear)—and now, at the verykcommencement of
1852, under the specious name of a /republic, they are
reaping the worst fruits of despotism,
(gear, hear)— a
despotism so hideous that, with an enlightened people
like the French, it is impossible it can long remain.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Let us profit by their expe-
rience, and let Government take warning by their ex-
perience.—(Hear, hear.)
J. G. MARSHALL, EST, RE, said—Great is now the
necessity for the middle and working classes to continue
to act in earnest and in concert.—(Cheers.) I trust that
the disposition so to act is widely felt among Reformers.
On the one hand we ought to demand that this measure,
if agitated at all, shall contain a really large and liberal ex-
tension of the franchise among that intelligent and indus-
trious portion of the community whose conduct since the
last Reform Bill has so eminently entitled them to the
support and confidence of their fellow-countrymen. On
the other hand, we must take care that in our proposed
changes we keep within those ancient and recognised
principles of our mixed and tempered Constitution,
which are essential to safety and to unity of action.—
(Hear.) I need hardly say that I have ever been a firm
advocate for a large extension of the suffrage, both before
I entered Parliament and since I have had the high
honour of being one of the representatives for the im-
portant constituency of this borough,--(Applause.)
Acting on this principle, I have always given my y vote in
the House of Commons in favour of Mr. Rume,s motion
for household suffrage—(Hoar, hear)—triennial Parlia-
ments—(Applause)—vote by ballot—(Loud applause)_
and a more equitable apportionment of the representa-
tion.,—(Renewed applause.) This seemed to me the best
general definition of a measure of reform, at once based
upon old constitutional principles and landmarks, and
large enough to ratify the just demands of the improved
intelligence of the people. Much, no doubt, will depend
upon the framing of the limits and details of these prin-
ciples as embodied in a practical measure. What we
ought to aim at is such a liberal extension of the fran-
chise as without swamping the existing constituency
shall satisfy the just and moderate expectations of the
people. -- (Hear, hear.) He moved the following resolu-
tion;_" That this meeting having considered the existing
state of the representation of the United Kingdom, is
desirous to see such changes effected as will satisfy the
just and moderate expectations of the people, and render
the Rouse of Commons, in conformity with the spirit of
the Constitution, a fair representation of the property,
the industry, and the intelligence of the people; and
that while aiming at this object, it is moreover anxious
to adhere to the ancient landmarks of our representa-
tive system, end within their limits to introduce such
changes only as experience has shown to be wise and
safe."

. E. BAINES, Esq., seconded the resolution, and said—l
agree with the sentiment that, when the Prime Minister
of this country has announced that it is his intention
to bring the representation of the people before the con-
sideration of Parliament,
ahtis it is right for towns and consti-
tuencies so lu a
g° to take that subject into their
meet to
own consideration,
thether to, discuss it, and to
present their own view of quevion to the Minister,
in order to assist him in the formation of his measures.
—( Applause.) I think,
Leetoo, that ir is must-wise-and
proper that the torn ofds should meet on such an
occasion, and my only regret is that we have not met at
an earlier period in order to set an example to ether
towns, which would, I believe, have been the case if we
could have met some week
have seen a Prime Ministsernogf9E. I rejoice, Sir, that we
be the measure England,whatever may
he mayultimately bring' for ard, adopt
the wise course of
the representation of the bringing the question of a reform in
at a time of agitation -_when before Parliament, not
to the importunate demands
he is forced to yield
such a way as to have the ndp3 of the people, and in
tent assent to what he coins not of
giving a ratio-
a time of general peace and not fully agree to—but in
country has at any
to me to bo true wisdom, previoushperiod known. It appears
likely to excite public opinionvYern any
is to be brought forward, measure which is
that the
any considerable degree
tran-
quil are the circumstanceat the more calm and
t will it be not only s on which it is advanced, the
the continued tranquillit for that question, but also for
—(Hear.) It is a y and happiness of our country.
the people can thus happymeet, circumstance for England, that
statesman, to consider hounder the sanction of her first
gra-
dually reform their constitution,wthey can wisely and
tend and strengthen the safeguards
and how they can ex-
especially when We see saareguarde of public liberty,
jumping 'so convulsively from°many nations in Europe
revolution, from the establishment revolution to
demo-
craticcounter-
institutions to the ishment of the most
and absolute despotism.—(Hear
extremes of military
' be admitted that up to the( ear, hear.) I thinktit must
small !that.:
few exceptions, the' World present period, with come
I had but a very g classes of England have
in the constituencies of the
kingdom.—(Hear, hear.)
exception to that And it is not any great
old freemen in some principle,() that many of the
constituted of that the ancient boroughs were
notorious that owinworking class, for it is unhappily too
to the
g
ruption or intimidation wh %stein of bribery and cote-
extensively prevailed, these h have so uniformly and
freemen have been but tools
in the hands of the more w
the erthless classes,
places have made who in then©
representation, of the people a
farce. Neither do I thin
I agree with my lion. think the Reform Act, which
Marshall), was the greatest Friend
who preceded me (Mr.
centuries—which
change which
has taken place for two
mea-
sure full of wisdom, and
ontueies_which was a
taijsantaining an abundance of
valuable and practical de
that Reform Bill brought —neither can I think that
working classes into the enjoyment
large portion of the
(Hear.) By extending to all 1O
of the suffrage.—
al. householders the right
to vote, it mainly gave, I
deem, the representation
into the hands of the middle That was a most
valuable change. It was infinitelyass•
of Leeds
better to bring such
large constituencies as those eede, Birmingham, and
other similar towns, which had
previously no represen-
tatives, into the eujoyuaens of
matte elective franchise, than
to confine it to those in
of that boroughs ; and this led
to the salutary workinA
great change to which
my lion. Friend ( r. Marshai2 referred when he
said that they had seen during e last twenty years
more practical and salutaryy reform than had previously
been known (during
period, or during
anon cried five times as long, in 1.,
history of Eng-
land. But still, I believe that a co the
taratively small por-
tion of the working classes have be
Put into the enjoy •
meat of the political franchise in aEngland,iti—(Hear, hear.)
The question, then, which presents
whether these classes are calculated tose.f
etaercise the tofran-
my mind is,
chino so as to make it wise and right izi bestow it upon
them. I must in all candour say that
amongst the working classes of Eng' believe there is
I ehe, hear.) I should
degree of intellectual cultivation.metrl, a very high
uld exceedingly
very much wish to see it higher, and
veo.rking classes in
wish to see a larger proportion of the
Institutions of a
our mechanics' iustitutions, and otheerr
their time and like nature,
s and a muc
pendinh smal
theirler y
mone numb
g
in of them wasting
IPublic-houses.—
(" Hear. hear," and cheers.) But while
24Y this I am at
observe-
the same time deliberately convinced, closefroen
tion and inquiries of a number of
have been carried on in a spirit of acregat i which I may say
me—l am perfectly convinced that there impartiality by
mense progress in the attainment both of general 8 been an im-
p knowledge amongst the workingclasses
and poli-
country. The general conduct, too, of thesses of this
working
classes of this country for the last twenty ye
ars has been
such that wo may now safely claim for there the posses-
sion of much discrimination, virtue, and
4 ver
y consider-
able amount of knowledge. It seems, then
while tho intellectual cultivation of the ~e, to me that
pat le is not
nearly so highly as we could wish it to v
be, as
it will yet be, still there is such an amount we hope
toof cultiva-
tion both in virtue and knowledge, Its clearly
very large proportion of the working classes
st entitle a
be admit-
ted to the exercise of tharanchise which will °
.enable them
to exercise an influence in the Parliament of Chair
—(Hear, and cheers.) I think, therefore,
that country.
very
large and bold extension of the franchise is h a
both safe
and wise; and certainly I think it is safer and
wiser to
grant such extension than, in the preterit state of the
class to which I have alluded, to leave them without
I believe with the present amount of _
ental power
it.
ul
and intellectual capacity which we see amongst the
working classes, you could not with safety , Y and wisdom
leave them much longer without isle elective
franchise.lfyou did this, and kept these excluded from h
po-
litical privileges which they desire. and which they
others of their fellow-countrymen in possessioney see
of, it
would necessarily create in them a great amount of dis-
content; i
and this would lead to a divided and disunited
State Of the country, to want strength, a state of things

which it was exceedingly undesirable to see, especially
in any period of domestic travel, which, whether from
home or from foreign circumstances, this country might
' even be placed in. Nor do I think it desirable we should
blame this feeling of discontent which arises from the
exclusion of deserved political privileges.—(llear, hoar.)
It seems to me to be an object of praise rather than of
blame, for I can see that it arises from a love of
liberty, from a loge of that which belongs to the niainte-
nance of liberty; and Ihold that there is not a nobler ohs-
racterietic than that the people should be attached to
their rights, and entertain a high and exalted sense of
political liberty.—(Cheers.) We must all even wish
there had been a much higher sense of the vaiue of
liberty amongst Frenchmen. If there had been amongst
them a firm and steady sense of the value of political
liberty, I don't think we should have seen those rapid
and mighty fluctuations and convuleions in that country,
and above all, I,don't think we should see them discredit
themselves so much as to make them participators in the
overthrow of all their own liberties, and agents in the
establishment of the military deepotism of Louis Napo-
leon.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, we come to the con-
sideration of what measure of reform is desirable in this
country.—(Hear, hear, and That's it.) It is known
to most of you that certain resolutions were proposed at
a meeting held at Manchester; that was a very icluen-
tial meeting, convened by gentlemen of great respecta-
bifity, many of them gentlemen of great wealth, many of
them I have known for a number of years, having taken
part with them in other struggles, men of tried patriot-
ism and of great influence. That meeting, as I have
said, passed certain resolutions, of which I ap-
proved in spirit and in substance; but, as most of you
know, I did not approve of all the details,—(Cries of
" But we do.") The question then arose with me whe-
ther, as I did not approve of all the details of the Man-
chester resolutions, I could with consistency of principle
attend the meeting here, at which these resolutions were
brought forward, And I answered this question to my
own satisfaction, but I don't know whether to yours or
not, that I could, with consistency of principle, attend
the meeting on those grounds. First of all, I approve,
as I said, in spirit and in substance, of these resolutions,
and of almost every point in them. Secondly, I was
convinced I could with propriety and consistency attend
this meeting, because it did not seem to me to be at all
necessary, when we agreed in substance and in spirit,
that there should be perfect unanimity of opinion in all
matters of detail, and I felt convinced that if I candidly
and freely stated the points on which I differed with
those resolutions, I chould be respectfully listened to,
while the observations I made would receive all the
weight to which they are entitled.—(Hear.) Thirdly,
because I thought it highly desirable that men who
differ on some of the details should meet together and
freely state their opinions, that those who went beyond
those resolutions, and those who did not go so far, should
frankly state their views to each other. This mode of
discussion had a tendency to enlargement of mind and
to communication of useful and valuable information
from one mind to another. Now, sir, I have said I do
not entirely agree with these resolutions. But I agree
with all my heart in desiring, as I have already ex-
plained, a very large extension of the franchise, an ex-
lion which will bona fide give to a large proportion of
the working classes of England that franchise which
they are so well qualified to exercise, and to which I
think they are most righteously entitled.—(Loud cheers.)
The point on which I do not agree with the Manchester
resolutions is the extent to which it is proposed the
franchise should go—that was, to the extent of house-
hold suffrage, without defining the length of residence,
merely stating that it should be such a length of resi-
dence as would satisfy the person who had to form the
register that the residence was real and bona fide. Now,
the view I have taken and expressed for some years is,
that we could with safety go to the extent of the muni-
cipal franchise, making the Parliamentary franchise co-
extensive with it.— (A cry of "A bit further.") My
friend says a bit further.—(Hear.) I was not disposed
to be so nice as to atop at the municipal franchise,
but to go, as my friend says, a bit further.—(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) But my reason for preferring the munici-
pal franchise I will state to you in a few words. First
of all I thought it desirable to adopt this franchise
because it has been actually tried in practice, and there
is a strong disposition in the people of this country to
look at precedent; that has been tried, proved to be safe,
and may be adopted with the greatest ease. Secondly,
because it would bring into the possession of the fran-
chise a large proportion of the working classes. I have
said this ought to be done.—(A voice, "And we should
have the ballot.") To be sure.—(Cheers,) He then
proceeded to state, that the adoption of the municipal
franchise would in Leeds increase the number of electors
from 5,000 to 15,000, making the increase threefold.
This he thought would show them he was not a very
timid reformer, as the increase would give a preponder-
ance to the working classes. The suffrage might to
further extended afterwards, and he argued that the
more gradual the extension was, the firmer would be the
constitution, of which the suffrage formed the founda-
tion. 4n conclusion, he expressed himself favourable to
vote by ballot, the which he considered indispensable;
to five years' parliaments, though he should not object
to triennial parliaments; and to the abolition of pro-
perty qualification for members. He hoped a large and
bold measure of reform would be granted such as the
country required, and such as the country would sup-
port.—(Loud cheers.)
The resolution was adopted.
Mr. Alderman CARBUTT moved the second resolu-
tion—" That in the opinion of this meeting the elective
franchise should be widely extended, and so simplified
as to admit of the easy formation of an honest register
of voters; it therefore recommends that the franchise be
based upon occupation and liability to the poor-rate,
with such limitation as to period of residence as shall be
necessary to afford a guarantee that the occupation is
bona fide. It would, moreover, urge the retention of the
40s. franchise for counties, and its extension to the
owners of property of that annual value, whether de-
rived from freehold, copyhold, or leasehold tenures.
The whole constituency would thus consist of occupiers
rated to the relief of the poor and of owners of property
of the annual value of 40s. This meeting would rather
record its opinion that no extension of the franchise
will make the House of Commons a fair representation
of the nattoa, without a considerable change in the die•
tribution of the electoral power. It therefore strongly
urges that, where practical and convenient, small
and neighbouring boroughs be united, and form
ono borough; that where such union is not practica-
ble, small boroughs cease to return Members, and that
the existing constituencies merge in the constituencies
of the county in which they are situate; that correspond-
ing to the extent to which small boroughs shall be
united, or shall cease to return Members to Parliament,
new boroughs be created from the populous towns now
unrepresented, and that additional Members be conferred
on the metropolitan and other first-class boroughs in the
United Kingdom."
Mr. DAvID GREEN next addressed the meeting. He
demanded universal suffrage, because it took away the
plea of injustice; having that, he would have better
hopes that they would become ashamed of spending
40,000,0001. per annum in foolish tobacco and worse
drink, and spend their money in, a thousand better ways,
which intelligence and education would teach them.—
(Cheers.) Some persons had supposed that it would
be dangerous to give universal suffrage. Such would
not be the case. Supposing the franchise to become
universal, they must not imagine that those persons
who had made a great noise on political mat-
ters would be the sole persons enfranchised.—
(Hear, hear.) Persons had run away with the
idea that with universal suffrage they would have
a Chartist Government; but that was a great mistake.
At no time did the Chartist body embrace two-thirds of
the working classes of this country; and that at a period
when many people imagined that by gaining the Charter
they would secure everything. Give universal suffrage,
and it would not be the Chartists only, or the Radicals
only, who would be enfranchised, but that very large
and influential body of men—those quiet persons who
never publicly expressed their political opinion—would
come in to exercise their power, and it was great indeed
—greater far than that of the noisy politicians, because
their number was greater. The greatest power in this
country was the unseen power—the power of those men
who remained quietly at home until the time for action
arrived, and then as quietly performed their duty and
retired, As for himself, whilst in favour of universal
suffrage, he would accept with thankfulness the house-
hold suffrage now proposed, and would unite with the
middle classes to get it, believing that with it in posses-
sion the working classes would be the better able to ge
all they wanted. He should, therefore, with great plea-
sure, second the resolution.
expressed
Mr. JAMES HENDERSON, a working man,
himself dissatisfied with the resolution not going further
than household suffrage; and, though regarding2r.
a great boon, he thought they ought to declare for h
t
hood suffrage, and he therefore moved an amendment
that effect. the
Mr. Jona FIRTH, a working Want
amendment. tot his amend-
Much discussion ensued in reference
dently being in
mant, a great part of the meeting e
;lair. Henderson
favour of its withdrawal, and at length
consented
according'
consented to withdraw it until the
the meeting. The
Mr. Alderman Carbutt had been
resolution proposed by Mr. Carbutt put
resolution moved by
and carried unanimously.
persons on the rate
proposed his resolution
Mr. HENDERSON then again_
P,that, while it was
in a slightly altered form, declaring
g to all
;the people to have manhood
politic to give the
his right to have this
was unable to decide which
books, it was yet the rsingffhttas
suffrage. He insisted le a
oge hands being taken,
amend-
mentTh epuctE,
AainadmoAnNassahidowbe
of hands, when a further d.
had the majority—
the yeas or noes. He was about to
urgingn mover of the amend-
ment the
iscus-
scallio n arose,fo anothermany
parties
it,
brought' baroa propose it again when the
before
resolutionst
the meeting had
other
withdraw
to be disposed of-
declined
was consequently taken, on which
The
ON
to do this, and a second
show
Mr. HENDERS
e declared that in his opinion the
amendment
s decidedly lost
wa
Mr. Councillor MARSHALL moved, and Mr. J. C.
ofChsasildnag
BA.RSETT seconded the,, following resolution, which was
adopted thePted ballotthat is indispensable to an honest representa-
tion, that it would greatly repress the demoraligi
ng prat=

REFORM MEETING in BIRMIN GRAM.
A meeting, " to consider the subject of Parliamentary
Reform," was held at Birmingham on Friday, on behalf
of the National Parliamentary and Financial Reform
Azeociatien. The speakers wore Sir J. Walmsley, M.P.,
Mr. G. Thompson, M.P., Mr. G. Dawson, and a few
others. It was stated that Mr. Geach. M.P., was pre-
vented attending by an engagement in Paris, while Mr.
Hume, M.P., and Mr. Joseph Sturgo sent letters of ex-
cuse. But the most remarkable event in the proceedings
was the production and reading of the following letter
from the borough Members, which, according to the
Birmingham Journal, was received with hisses:—
" Birmingham, January 16, 1852.

" Sir,—When some short time since we accepted an
invitation to attend the Reform meeting which is to be
held in the Town-hall this evening, we were under the
impression that the movement was a perfectly sponta-
neous one, receiving its impulse wholly from the inha-
bitants of the borough.
"It would now seem that the meeting owes its origin
to other than local influences, and that it is to be used
not simply as a means of eliciting the public voice on
the important subject of reform, but also for the pur-
pose of disseminating the political and financial views of
a body of gentlemen acting under the name of the Na-
tional Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association.'
"Emphatically disclaiming all feeling of hostility to
that body, and willingly acknowledging the zealous ex-
ertions of its leaders, and their desire to promote the
causo of good government, we cannot consent to iden-
tify ourselves with plans and principles in many of which
we do not concur, or sanction any extraneous interfer-
ence with the independent expression of the opinions of
our fellow-townsmen.

" Under theso circumstances, and being anxious to
avoid anything which can disturb the proceedings of the
meeting, we deem it the more respectful course to ab-
stain from taking any share in its discussions; and we
are, sir, yours faithfully, " G. F. BLINTZ.
" To the Chairman. W. SCHOLEFIELD."

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
CHRONICLE.—One of the most important
questions connected with the subject of our national
defences is that of fortifications. There is, we are
aware, a prevalent opinion that the improvements
which have been effected in the art of gunnery since
the last war have made fortifications useless ; but
those who hold this notion entirely misconceive the
nature and objects of the latter. The proposition that
the powers of attack are greater than those of defence
is capable of mathematical demonstration. If there
is no interruption, and if time enough is allowed, an
army must ultimately take any town which it be-
sieges. But it is not the object of fortifications to
make a place impregnable—their great use is to de-
lay the advance of an enemy, and to give detached
bodies of troops an opportunity to harass his rear,
and to interrupt his communications, his foraging
parties, &o. A strong fortification is in itself
an army. At any rate, it fulfils one of
the most important functions of an army—it
effectually hampers, embarrasses, and restrains
the movements of the enemy, and affords a rallying
point after defeat. The examples of the importance
of fortifications are so numerous that we are surprised
that the nation should have so long been blind to the
necessity which exists for availing itself of tl e;r
protection. The defence of Gloucester and the cap-
ture of Bristol were the two great causes of the
triumph of the Parliament over Charles I.; and the
sieges of Namur and of Turin were productive of
far more important events than those which took place
on Uncle Toby's bowling-green. To come to later
times, the defence of Verdun gave Paris a respite of
inestimable value during the
.invasion of the Duke of
Brunswick. In all human probability, the fate of the
world was decided under the walls of St. Jean d'Acre,
and the history of Europe might have been altogether
changed if Paris had been sufficiently fortified in 1814
to hold out against the Allies even for three days.
In like manner, the repulse from before Granville
sealed the ruin of the Vendeans ; and if we look for
examples in our own days, we have but to remember
the sieges of Peschiera and Vienna. In matters of
practical warfare we may almost always take les-
sons from our Continental neighbours. They have
had a far more extended military experience than
ourselves, and, if not our superiors in actual fighting,
they certainly are superior to us in all the precau-
tions by which defeat is averted or retrieved. Let our
readers call to mind the defences of Paris. Even sup-
posing an enemy to have overcome all the obstacles
which would obstruct his march thither, he would
find the capital almost impregnable, even when under
its walls. To attempt to storm the lines which sur-
round it would be in the last degree hazardous, whilst,
in case of failure, the garrison of Mont Valerien and
of the other posts in the neighbourhood of the city,
would havo no great difficulty in rendering the in-
vader's retreat impossible. Such being the importance
of fortifications, let us see what our own resources are
in that respect. We need hardly say that, except
Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Chatham, we have scarcely
a fortified town in the country. Fort St. George,
indeed, might stand a siege ; but the protection of
Inverness, however important, cannot be reckoned
amongst the most pressing of the matters which
claim our attention. If a French army were to
land on our shores, it might march from Dover
to Liverpool without any obstruction from forti-
fications. Yet, if these are important in wars car-
ried on between two nations, each provided with
large bodies of regular soldiers, they are infinitely
more so to a country which, like our own, would have
to defend itself by means of troops hastily raised and
imperfectly disciplined. All raw levies are liable
eto
panics, and nothing is so re-assuring to inexperiesneci
troops as the consciousness that they can/ i
need, shelter themselves within the walls of
a
place. Suppose a great battle to be fought
somewherees to be de-
csatrong
near the south coast, and suppose our
feated, an energetic enemy might, es
present, almost march into London
fonrttheir heels,
matterse stand at
But if there were a fortified place
and within which the fugitives could rally, the march
of the invaders would either be retarded till' they could
bring up heavy artillery to attack it, or else they
would have to evade it, and march on, leaving an
enemy in their rear who might afterwards act against
them with fatal effect. Tt will be said that Wehave
fortified, or ought to fortify, our coast. 'this may be
true, but camps and batteries distributed along an
immense coast line would always be inadequately sup-
plied with men and guns, and they would be unable
to support each other. They might be very use-
ful for the purpose of protecting our shores from in-
suit, of
giving prompt warning
of invasion, and for
other such ends; but the great object which we have
to provide for is the construction of rallying points
in the heart of the country. Suppose, for example,
the Tower of London were
a real fortress. It is
obvious that, even if London
itself were in the' hands
of an enemy, the presence of
a garrison in the heart of
the city would greatly disturbthe invaders, whilst it
would most essentiallyaid all
made for their dislodgment.h
efforts which
wish,migt be
We have no how-
ever,. to advocate
any large or costly system of fortifi-
cations ; but surely, in the critical times in which we
live, something ought to be done to afford us the
means of retarding and embarrassing the movements
of a hostile force. We need not say that, in dwelling
on this subject, we do not for a moment forget that
our first and chief arm of national defence must ever
be our navy;
and that no kind or amount of military
preparations can be of equal value with the posses-
aim of such a maritime force—fully available at
the very shortest' notice—as would render any at-
tempt at invasion visibly hopeless, and therefore
impossible. But, while we emphatically recognize
this all-important truth—and whilst we rejoice to see
those signs of vigilance and activity which the Ad-
miralty have at length begun to display—we must not
the less prepare ourselves for all emergencies, and
amongst the rest, for that of a campaign in the heart 1
of the land. Having neither marshes nor mountains
to defend us, we must call in art to remedy the de- j
feats of nature ; and a sufficient number of fortified
positions, judiciously disposed at suitable points, might
be of incalculable value. People seem to have at
present a fixed idea that if a French army were to
land at Newhaven or Shoreham, they would imme-
diately march to London. We are, however, by 11.0
means sere that they would not play a more forma-clable game. The steamers which carried the Flr_i
troops in such numbers to Rome might soon, i
lan"
30,000 or 40,000 men on our coasts. SuP oge that,
instead of marching towards London, they were