The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-04 00:00:00

THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1864.

THE SUN, LONDO

LORD CAMPBELL AT MANCHESTER,

On Thursday evening a public meeting took place in the
Town Hall, Manchester, on the Polish question, and drew
a crowded audience. The chair was taken by the late
Mayor, Mr. Alderman Heyee ood, at half-past 7 o'clock.
On the first resolution, via., " That the past and present
struggles of the Poles entitle them to the support and ad-
miration of Great Britain," Lord Campbell, who had been
invited to attend, said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentle-
men—After the eloquent and ample way in which the
resolution has been presented by the mover and seconder,
you will not require many words from me in its support ;
but you will make allowance for the difficulty which a per-
feet stranger naturally feels when for the first time he comes
before a large and crowded audience of your city. (Cheers.)
Great as is the pleasure with which I see that audience, as
a measure of the sympathy with Poland and of the zeal in
her behalf prevailing in this district, it is fair to aver that
neither I, nor those who have acted with me on the Polish
question, had any part in calling it together. On the con-
trary, I even ventured to dissuade those with whom it has
originated from their effort. My impression was—as older
and wiser men had frequently explained to me—that the
people of the country would not grant their ear and their
attention to two points of foreign policy or even of domestic
policy together ; that while Denmark was an object of
solicitude, Poland must be for the time forgotten and un-
interesting ; and that by making an appeal on Poland at
this moment we should only court—although the deep
convictions of the public were unaltered—apparent cold-
ness and ostensible discouragement which might be rather
dangerous than conducive to our purpose, Your presence
here to-night, the spirit you have shown, and the addresses
you have listened to, no doubt refutes that calculation.
(Cheers.) Although many might have questioned and de-
nied the possibility of agitation on the Polish question at
this moment—if it were only possible—no friends of that
cause could question its advantage in the very crisis which
to some extent pre-occupies us. The use and the effect of
agitation is not when a public duty is in the heart and on
the lips of every man in the community, but when it ceases
to be felt, and when it ceases to be talked of—although it is
net less imperative and cogent than it used to be. (Cheers.)
Agitation becomes a lesson when it cannot any longer be
regarded as an echo. And this should also be remembered
—although an interval may take place in the excitement of
Great Britain as to Poland—there is not any interval what-
ever in the tragedy which prompted it. For all that, if any-
thing its colours are more dark, its march is more avonfline%
Feiget it ae we way, hiterit upon the Eider, its champions,
the ill-armed insurgents, keep at bay the well-drilled forces
of St. Petersburg ; exposed to every hardship and vicissi-
tude, they still engage in combats with success. The secret
Government, relying on the confidence of millions, cripples
the material authority, and open power of the Czar—
still lawless executions are going on, and still peaceful
habitations are demolished ; still villages are burnt ; still
Poland moves towards Siberia. The drama hurries on,
although another question has diverted our attention from
it, (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is far from my desire to op-
pose the zeal which now exists in reference to Denmark.
But if you glance a moment at that subject, you will see
that so far from clashing with, it bears an intimate relation
to, the matter now before us. Irrespectively of treaties and
engagements, why is it essential to uphold the monarchy
of Denmark ? Because if it disappears, Kiel is nearly cer-
tain to become a Russian harbour. But why is it danger-
ous to Kt Kiel become a Russian harbour ? Because if it
did, it would really give the Czar a new position on the
Baltic, since he has long been able to regard a Prussian
harbour as his own. But how comes it that the Prussian
harbours are his own, and that the King of Prussia is his
vassal ? Because he reigns at Warsaw, and there reigning
is able to command the fleet and to cover the policy of
Berlin. Against that state of things the Polish movement
is directed. (Cheers.) And in proportion as the movement
triumphs the Danish question ceases to be anxious to our-
selves. But in another point of view the Danish and the
Polish difficulties are connected, whilst its large and funda-
mental principle which makes the whole world, except its in-
terested adversaries, eager and united in the cause of
Danish independence ? It is that all free countries are
endangered when one free country disappears. (Cheers.)
It is that Europe suffers when the humblest member of her
system becomes the victim of injustice. And what but the
dismemberment of Poland has made that truth familiar to
mankind. And if it bears on Denmark, with how much
greater force does it apply to a country beyond France in
area, beyond Spain in population, beyond either in its
former services to Europe. If Denmark ought not to be
suppressed, Poland ought to be, it possible, recovered. But
there is yet a further point of union in the gnu-
lions. If any man has given his reflection to
the Danish question he has come to this conclusion,
that but one combination can resolve it with advantage,
viz., that of France, of Austria, and Great Britain, all three
having a demonstrable interest in saving Denmark from
encroachment, and having strength enough to guard it
against the dangers which existed. But this is the very
combination by which the hopes of Poland have been raised,
and by which alone its prospects can be materially
brightened. So ear, therefore, from the two questions being
opposed; the two causes incompatible, the existence of the
one occasions the importance of the other; the same foun-
dation underlies them; the same union is required to close
their sorrow and perplexity. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the
chairman expressed a wish that those who mi,giet address
you would point out briefly and distinctly flow at the pre-
' sent moment the Polish question stands, and what kind of
duty it imposes on this country. With your leave I will
respond to his appeal so far as I am able. It cannot be
supposed by any one at present that war for Poland is de-
manded or attainable, France and Great Britain having
more urgent and immediate calls upon their policy. But
whether wisely or unwisely, whether justly or unjustly,
in the spring of 1863 this country by the Foreign-office
entered on a course of spirited diplomacy as regards the
Polish insurrection. Not only did we remonstrate our-
selves, but nearly the whole of Europa was arrayed by our
initiative iu one common language of remonstrance with St
Petersburg. Except Russia the greater and the lesser
Powers, led by our example and our influence, became con-
verted into eager and unaccustomed advocates of Poland
against Russia. So new was tho phenomenon that the
Czar at first appeared to feel the moral weight
which from every quarter of the world was rolling steadily
upon him. Encouraged by his attitude, the Powers went
on and made six propositions in the interest of Poland,
which he, after full reflection, ignominiously rejected. New
expostulations were brought to bear upon him—new scorn
was flung on the expostulating Powers. At the close of
September the Foreign Secretary delivered an address in
Scotland, which reached the capitals of Europe, and declared
that the Czar, having set at naught the Treaty of Vienna,
had forfeited the titles by which Poland formed a part of
his dominions. The greatest expectation followed as to the
further conduct of Great Britain. In a month a despatch
appeared, which did not touch upon the violation of the
treaty or the forfeiture of Poland, but complimented the
Czar on his benevolent intentions to the country he is lay-
ing waste, and to the people he is trying to exterminate.
The Foreign-office may have had unknown reasons for the
tone which they adopted. It may not be without defence.
But can it be accepted as the dual attitude and last deli-
verance of England on the subject? Can it be accepted as
the crowning measure of our spirited diplomacy ? (Cheers.)
A more becoming exit is attainable. The Polish Govern-
ment have made two demands on Europe, neither of which
involves in war the Powers which concede it, and neither
of which as yet Great Britain has conceded, and neither of
which she will concede until Parliament has stimulated
the Executive, and been itself awakened by the people.
(Cheers.) The proceedings of to-night, therefore, are
practical and business .like in character. And this conside-
ration ought to lead us to promote a more honourable end of
the coarse on which we entered in the spring with so much
ardour. As yet the part adopted byGreat Britain towards P-
oland has not been of a kind to raise her credit or to satisfy her
conscience. When in 1772, after a long course of anarchy
which Russia had fomented, the first partition was designed
by the nefarious alliance of St. Petersburg, Berlin, and
Vienna, and when Poland was robbed of territories which
public law, which treaty, and immemorial possession had
secured to her, no voice of protest issued from Great Britain
When, with astounding guilt, in 1793, a new partitioa was
designed to put an end to the nobly amended, constitution
Poland had resolved on, Great Britaiq was still silent.
When elated by impunity in 170 the crime passed on to its
maturity, and the three despots, with unparalleled auda-
city, proclaimed that Poland no longer existed on the map
of Europe, Great Britain was immovable. It is true that
that in 1815 Great Britain, at Vienna, accorded her opinion
that Polish independence was essential to the safety of the
world, but did nothing to restore it. It is true that in 1846
she deplored the fall of Cracow, but never took a single
measure to avert it. By some the present struggle is re-
garded as a hopeless one. If it be hopeless, if it is only
blood and heroism expended in the self-assertion of a gallant
nation against the authors of its downfall ; if fortunes are
abandoned, houses left, the gibbet hazarded, the dungeon
braved, merely to convince the world that Poland lives and
struggles in the tomb to which she was consigned by the
rapacity of some and by the indolence of others, to
that tomb let it be never said that British honour
has descended. (Loud cheers.) But the struggle
Will not be eventually a hopeless one ; if retribution waits
on crime, discomfiture on barbarities, ascendancy on truth,
or dawning daylight upon freedom, it will not cease to live
and to aspire while justice reigns in Heaven and policy in
Europe. (Much applause.) The Chairman proceeded to
put the resolution, which was unanimously carried. The
second resolution,that belligerent rights ought to be granted
to the Poles, was supported by Mr. Beales with his usual
eloquence and power.
hge
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sne ois evening,
or three hundred of its friends had assembled, including
Mr. Jas. Spence, of Liverpool. Lord Wherncliffe occupied
the chair, and called on Lord Campbell to address them'
Lord Campbell said that, having two or three times in Par-
liament adverted to this subject, to him it was most gratify-
ing to see to-night a proof that in Lancashire the current
of opinion was not opposed to Southern independence. Mr.
Spence, at whose instigation he had come,
and under whose
orders he addressed thorn, had told him that argumentative
remarks upon the quention were now superfluous in Man- ,

cheater. No doubt most of those who are here present ad-
mit that Southern independence will be more for the advan-
tage of the world than Southern subjugation ; that Southern
independence, according to the past experience of history,
will never be permitted to establish itself, all neutral powers
have acknowledged it ; that other neutral Powers are not
likely to acknowledge it, while the negative example
of Great Britain tends to chill and to restrain them.
(Cheers.) And these are the few and the simple
propositions to which, in other places, argument is applicable.
The object, as I understand, of your association is to keep
up or to create a general opinion by which the counsels of
the Government may gradually be penetrated, and that first
step secured without which the civil war can never have
the happy termination you desire for it. (Cheers,) There
has not been a moment when you could less afford to relax
your efforts and your vigilance. In the first place, for the
time, Europe throws America into the background. Beyond
that calamities have happened to Southern arms in Ten-
nessee, at Vicksburg, and Port Hudson. The democratic
party which once augured peace anti...separation, is no longer
active as it used to be. A severe strain has fallen on Con-
federate resources. Its finances appear to stagger. In
Stonewall Jackson they have lost a General who cannot
be replaced to them. (Cheers.) Our own Government ap-
pears to be divided in its sympathies. The Emperor of the
French is morn than usually preoccupied. These are mo-
tives to exertion, and but for one circumstance, they might
be causes of despondency. What is that circumstance?
That the Confederacy itself is neither daunted or affected by
them. (Cheers.) That at no former time were their armies
better organised, their strategy more cool, their executive
more firm, their people more united—(cheers)—while they
themselves are undismayed by the reality, their friends in
Europe cannot be dejected by the reflex. (Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, as we are all agreed about the object, I ask leave for
difficultya moment
you
areo consider
called
uponthato
t point, what is the greatest
deal with in your efforts
to establish the opinion which appears to you the
just one. It seems to me, glancing at the different views
which have prevailed, to relate to the subject of the negro
and of slavery. If that subject were disposed of, there
would not perhaps be any lack of unanimity as regards the
line to be pursued among the people of this country. Delu-
sions upon this point have been industriously scattered,
and yet they would be easy to resist, if the debate were
fixed upon the real question which ought to influence
oar policy. That question inevitably is, whether Southern
independence, on the one hand, or Southern subjugation
eie tn. °the, , w u Lad most tend to the advantage and improve-
ment of the black race inhabiting America. But this, gen-
tlemen, is not the issue to which your opponents are in the
habit of attending. It is the single issue which they never
venture even to approach. And no wonder, for there can
not be a doubt as to the answer; and that answer would be
fatal to their purpose. We are not left to speculation and
conjecture as to the influence of Northern conquest on the
prospects of the negro. This day a letter from New York
has been published, in a well-known journal, which reached
Manchester some hours ago, and throws the greatest light
upon this subject. It points out the situation of the negro
in the States which Northern armies have invaded, Some
are compelled to fight in a cause which they despise, and for
a people who despise them. Some roam in the North-
Western States for occupation, whicheludes them. Some are
dying in crowds at Washington, of an epidemic they have
brought there. Some are toiling on estates which Northern
violence has occupied, under a servitude more galling than
that from which they have been wrested. But all tends
to the extermination of this unhappy race, before
those who are here thought to aim at its
deliverance. Can we be astonished at it? Is it to be
imagined that emancipation can succeed which is not
framed for the advantage of the negro, but the destruction
of the planter? (Cheers.) Is it imagined that emancipa-
tion can succeed when no convictions have preceded, when
no precautions have accompanied, and no benevolence in-
spired it ? (Cheers.) It is usual to remark that Mr. Lin-
coln and his colleagues are men of limited capacity and in-
tellect. It may be so. But had they all the power of which
the human mind is capable, they could not overrule the
laws inherent in affairs and stamped upon the universe.
They could not make right a path to wrong—philanthropy,
an instrument of vengeance—the liberty of one race the
forge of shackles for another. Such, however, is the para-
doxical attempt to which they have committed themselves.
(Cheers,) If, therefore, by your efforts, gentlemen, a sound
impression was diffased upon this subject, if it was seen that
no question is before us except as to the comparative posi-
tion of the negro under separation and re-conquest, and that
the re-conquest of the Union indisputably threatens to ex-
terminate him, while separation paves the way for every
feasible improvement in his status, the remainder of your
task, I think, would be an easy one. If slavery be got
out of the way, no great part of our public can wish to see
the re-establishment by fire, by sword, by spoliation, and
confusion, of an arrogant and overbearing power, which,
although it might cease to be based on unlimited democracy,
which, although it might take its place among the despotic
powers of the world, would not on that account be less
aggressive and disturbing to political societies. Still less,
gentlemen, does any large or influential class among us desire
to aniAt or encourage the promotion of a Poland in America.
But this is the exact result for which Mr. Lincoln and his
colleagues are waging war at present. (Cheers.) Their
avowed intention is to come er the South by force, and
' hold it down by occupation. Their avowed design
Is to establish the gloom of Warsaw in all the cities
which belong to it. What is the gloom of War-
saw ? On that point I can only speak from the impressions
of a traveller. (Hear, hear.) It seemed to me to be a very
different gloom from that which hangs on Manchester at
present—arising partly from the climate, and partly from
a scarcity in cotton. It was a gloom which no breeze of
spring could waft away—which no burst of sunshine could
light up—which no reviving industry, accelerated trade, or
new supply of capital could quicken. It was the gloom
essential to a proud and honourable race enthralled and
governed by a foreign army of 20,000 men, of which you
could not walk into the streets without being overshadowed
by the image. It was the gloom which reigns where the
inhabitants, belonging to the rich or poor, the aristocracy
or people, could only go abroad in fear of an arrest, or come
back to their:houses—which ought to have been sanctuaries
—in fear of midnight visitation more oppressive than the
snares by which their footsteps had been haunted. Such
is the gloom which Mr. Lincoln hag aspired to create in
all the capitals of all the States he has invaded. And will
the people of Great Britain countenance his enterprise ? We
cannot calculate the issue of the war, or fate of the Confede-
rates : but even if they are not such as you aspire to, your
labours, as it seems to me, will not be wholly unrewarded.
You will' have given to the Southern President support
which he may not require, but which he may not view as
insignificant. Whoever contemplates his task and his posi-
tion, must regard him with emotions which the term respect
would not entirely delineate. To place campaigns upon an
area unprecedented in extent; to guard against attack in
every possible direction; to watch a seaboard of many thou-
sand miles ; to divine the movements of an enemy whose
counsels are incalculable) as his resources aro unlimited,
might tax the genius of Napoleon, even possessed of the
full and irresponsible authority which great men are apt to
claim under such circutastancae. So far from having that
advantage, Mr. Davis is accountable to a Senate, to a Re-
presentative Assembly, and has beyond that a Cabinet to
manage and compose: But this is not the limit of his trials.
A free press surges round him, eager to rebuke, to criticise,
to question; sometimes elated by success, sometimes exag-
gerating losses, giving force to every ephemeral desire, and
not unfrequently reducing or augmenting the spirit of an
army upon which the fortune of the day depends. That
free press, with an incredible forbearance, he has never yet
resolved to stifle or to tamper with. (Cheers.) Is it too
much to say that no man could fill his or stand in his posi-
tion, unless the wisdom of a ruler, the resources of a gene-
ral, the temper of an angel, were in some degree united in
him, (Cheers.) Come what may, gentlemen, you cannot
be deprived of the reflection that, in your time, according to
your power, although divided from him by the ocean, you
have contributed to aid one of the bravest and noblest men
whom Providence has formed, in one of the loftiest and
hardest enterprises with which the fortunes of the world
have ever been identified.
(Much applause,)
After an able and interesting speech from Mr. Spence,
the proceedings terminated with a vas of thanks to Lard
Wharneliffe.

THE THAMES EMBANKMENT.--Vittbill the last
day or two active measures have been taken in prodeeding
with that portion of the embankrcent which will extend
from Waterloo-bridge to the east end of the Temple. gar-
dens, and in the course of a few cla3s the works, like those
between Waterloo and Westminsterbridges, will b 9 in
active progress. The contract is leing executed by Mr,
ofR thlTe necessity n .T he
Somer-
set-house, and it is understood that none of the houses
worksof somewhatoatreinnterfezing difficult, in consequence
any way with Somer.
either in Norfolk-street, Arundel-street, or the Temple
will be removed.

Parsons in debt may obtain instlnf protection against
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from all debts and liabilities withoutpublicity, by application
to Messrs. Marshall, solio.tors of th?, Court of Bankruptcy.
Charges under £5 payable by easy instalments. Offices—
(established 1830),12, Hatton-garden. City branch-6, Moor-
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THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Corresponcloit of the Times.)
NEW YOBK, Jan. 22,

Nothing continues to be heard on any side, unlcse
Wall-street be excepted, but statements of the ap-
proaching breakdown of the Southern Confederacy,
and anticipations of the triumphant re-election of
Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency. The two events are
linked together in the imagination of those who
talk of them. The one is to precede and be the cause
of the other, and both are held to be equally cer-
tain. Perhaps they are. Mr. Lincoln, however, is
not quits so sanguine as his friends upon ether
head, and is taking his measures quietly and, it
must be admitted, cleverly, to be re-elected, even
though the South should not be conquered, and the
Union should not he restored. Mr. Lincoln is well
known to have a strong opponent in his Cabinet in
the person of Mr. Chase, and it is now stated that
the Vice-President, Mr. Hamlin, is equally decided
in his objections to the renewal of Mr. Lincoln's
lease of power. For this reason Mr. Hamlin has
been omitted from the lists as a candidate for the
Vice-Presidency, and Mr. Lincoln's friends are no-
minating a variety of persons for the minor office to
run with their favourite, among others Governor
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, and Gcn. Butler.
Although these announcements are all premature,
they seem to keep the President's name before the
public, while he on his part works in every decently
possible way for the furtherance of his own ends.
He encourages and patronises the formation of Lin-
coln Clubs and Lincoln Union Clubs, procures his
nomination by public meetings, caucuses, and
conventions ; and is over grateful to that
most intensely unfeminine of " Yankee girls,"
Miss Anna Dickenson, for designating him,
in his own presence, at a lecture in the
Hall of Representatives at Washington, as indu-
bitably the next President. He is too skilful a
practitioner, however, to rely entirely on the spon-
taneous action of the politicians, or to trust too
much to his personal popularity, whatever its ex-
tent may be, for the success he covets. His pro-
clams tion of amnesty to the Southern people and
his project for the readmission of " rebellious"
States into the Union were contrived for this end,
and have begun to bear the fruits he expected. No
one imagined that the amnesty would tempt any
considerable numbers either of combatants or non-
combatants in the South to acknowledge the legiti-
macy of the divine rule of brute force, or that a
scheme for investing a tenth part of the people of
any State in temporary occupation by the Northern
armies with the power of electing State officers could
operate in any other way than as a coup d'etat in
the interest of the party in office. It therefore sur-
prises no one that the amnesty remains a dead letter,
or that the coming project of restoring the State
Governments through the medium of minorities
should prove to be an electioneering maaceuvre,
tending to the defeat of any Presidential candidate,
except Mr. Lincoln. Few can have forgotten, in
the progress of events, that Mr. Lincoln was elected
to the Presidency by a minority of the people, but
by a mejority of the States. As it is probable that
in November next, especially if ho be opposed by
a strong and popular Democratic candidate such as
General M'Ciellan, or by some more successful mili-
tary chieftain who may gain a brilliant victory in
the interval, or even by an abler man of his own
party, such as Mr. Chase, that the vote of the
whole people will show a still more considerable
majority against Mr. Lincoln than in the election
of ISVi, it becomes of the highest importance to
him and to the multitude of placeholders whom
he has appointed, and who would certainly be
turned out of office by a Democratic or any
other successor, that the States, as States,
should be in his favour, and that as largo
a number of States as possible should take
part in the election. General Banks has made the
first movement in this direction. by virtue of his
military occupancy of the city of New Orleans and
a portion of the State of Louisiana, and acting
under the authority of the President, he has issued
a proclamation, " after consultation with some lead-
ing Unionists," whom he believes to express the
opinions of more than one-tenth of the people, for
the election of a Governor and other State officers
on the 22d of February next, for the installation of
such officers on the 4th of March, and for the elec-
tion of delegates on the first Monday of April to a
convention for the revieiou of the State Constitu-
tion, preparatory to an election of representatives and
senators in Congress. Supposing that only a tenth,
or even a fifth, of the people of Louisiana take part
in these proceedings, and that nine-tenths or four-
fifths hold aloof or cleat another Governor and offi-
cerz according to the existing Constitution of the
State, the purpose of Mr. Lincoln will be achieved.
By the aid of Gen. Banks and the concurrence of a
minority, the will,of the majority will be overruled,
and Louisiana will be nominally a State in the
Union, and as such entitled in a certain contingency,
which is very likely to happen, to cast its vote as a
State for such Presidential candidate as its repre-
sentatives in Congress may prefer. How the charm
may be made to work will be apparent from the
following extract from the Federal Constitution,
Art. IL, which treats of the election of the Presi-
dent and Vice President. Section 1 says,

" The President shall hold his office during the
term of four years, and, together with the Vice-
President, chosen for the same term, shall be elected
as follows—

" Each State shall appoint in such manner as the
Legislature thereof may direct a number of elec-
tors equal to the whole number of Senators and
representatives to which the State may be
entitled in Congress Those directors
shall meet in their respective States end vote
a by
ballot for two parsons, of whom one at least shall
cot be an inhabitant of the same State with them-
selves. And they shall make a list of all the per-
sons voted for and of the number of votes for each,
which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit
sealed to the seat of the Government of the United
States, directed to the President of the Senate. The
President of the Senate shall in the:presence of the
Senate and the House of Representatives open all
the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted.
The person having the greatest number of votes
shall be the President. If such number be a ma-
jority of the whole number of electors appointed,
and if there be More than one who have such a ma-
jority, and have an equal number of votes, then the
House of Representatives shall immediately choose
by ballot of them for President; and if no person
have a majority, then from the five highest on the
list the said House shall in like manner choose the
President. nut in choosing the President, the
votes shall be taken by States, the representation
from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this
purpose shall consist of a member or members from
two-thirdo of the States, and a mpjority of all the
States shall be necessary to a choice."
1
Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Sowards end ail the prominent
members of their party rho desire Mr. Lincoln's re-
election have long foreseen the probability that there
will be a multiplicity of candidates; that no one of
them will secure the absolute numerical majority,
and that the decision will therefore devolve upon the
House of Representatives. With this contingency
in view, it is of the highest importance to Mr. Lin-
coln that Louisiana should be represented in Con-
gress in November next, and not only Louisiana,
but Texas, and, if possible, the two Carolinas and
every other Southern State in which his armies
have any kind of foothold, or in which one-tenth
of the population may be induced to declare their
loyalty, even though such tenth may be more than
half composed of the camp followers and sutlers of
the army of occupation and the freed negroes who
have taken refuge within its lines. The alarm has
already been sounded. The Democratic press is
beginning to perceive, though slowly, the tendency
and working of the project, and its inevitable re-
sults in the overthrow of the State Constitutions,
first in the South, to be afterwards followed up in
the North; but it has remained for a Republican
publicist, the Rev. Dr. Orestes Brownson, of the
Quarterly _Review, to denounce its unconstitu-
tiouality in a manner befitting the occasion, and
with arguments as clear and dignified as they are
*L.:refutable. " Every feature of the plan," says this
gentleman, none of whose sympathies are with the
South, and who is known as a consistent opponent
both of slavery and the right of secession," is marked

by what seems to us an extraordinary assump-
tion of power on the part of the Executive,
The President prescribes the oath, prescribes on
what conditions the States in rebellion may re-
organise State Governments, and be recognised
and represented in Congress as loyal States in
the Uniod. Any one of them with not less than
er of persons who voted in
one-tenth of the numil'
the Presidential election of .1860 may reorganise
themselves as the State, and have the :1111 Federal
representation in Congress to which the bLte
under the census of 1860 was entitled ! Why, the
President could easily, by the distribution of Fede-
ral offices end patronage in any seceded State,
unless there are fewer Union men than is pretended,
induce at least one in ten, if assured of Federal
protection, to swallow without scruple the prescribed
oath or any number of oaths he might prescribe,
and elect State and Federal officers whom ho may
choose to prescribe. With the Federal representae
tion of 11 States, who would be his nominees and
creatures, and the number from the other States he
could always command by the distribution of the
patronage of the Government, the Executive could
easily grasp for himself the whole power of the
Union, reign as an absolute Prince, perpetuate by
re-elections his reign during life, and reduce the
functions of Congress to that of simply registering
his edicts ; or, if it should now and then show a
disposition to demur, he could, after the manner of
Louis XIV., hold lit de justice."
This question promises to be the question of the
day, until the renewal of hostilities in Virginia and
Tennessee shall divert attention into a channel more
to the taste and the understanding of the masses.
The Democratic party is in want of a good griev-
ance, and, if it be wise, it will make the most of the
chance which Mr. Lincoln, for his own ambitions
purposes, has so opportunely afforded it. Of late,
since the conscription has ceased to alarm the
working classes, and the arbitrary arrests have
been carried on with something like a show of
decency, the leaders of that party have not dis-
played much skill in their opposition. They have
for the most part contented themselves with vague
denunciations of the conduct of the war, and,
though disapproving of the war itself, have for
ultra-prudential, if not cowardly reasons, forborne
to declare themselves in favour of peace. Governor
Seymour, their most conspicuous and in some re-
spects their ablest representative, has thus led him-
self and the party into a false position. Courage
in boldly declaring what most of them believe to
be the truth, that a voluntarly Union cannot be
restored by war, and that popular liberty both in
the North and the South is necessarily doomed to
extinction by the triumph. of the Northern arms,
might yet extricate them from humiliation and place
them on a logical level with their opponents. There
is a peace party in the country which might become
an army, but is now a mob for want of leaders, and
which only awaits the coming of a few fearless
statesmen, or even of one, to grow into a phalanx,
and debate before the day of nomination of the next
Presidential candidates the one great issue of peace
or war, liberty or despotism. Ns such man of high
mark and paramount influence has yet appeared.
One by one those whose abilities and known sym-
pathies gave reason for the belief that they might
become the chiefs of the peace movement have fal-
sified the hopes inspired by their names and charac-
ter and slunk into the rear, either to say nothing or
to raise a hesitating voice in favour of the war,
which in their hearts they condemn, and of the ab-
solutism which will grow out of it. The explana-
tion seems to be not so much that they fear the
action of the Federal Government and the operation
of military law which might consign them to Forts
Lafayette, but that they lack faith in their country-
men. They do not believe in a following sufficiently
powerful to warrant them in running any risk.
And, more than this, they do not believe in the sta-
bility of the Union of the Northern States if the
principle of secession be established. While the
Southern States are convinced that they can hold
together under the terms of the new Union into
which they have entered, the Northern States, in
the opinion of such men as the Governors of New
York and the New Jersey, must infallibly fall
asunder and go to war amongst themselves, as soon
as the independence of the South is admitted. " The
policy of peace and recognition of the South, which
the peace party recommend," says Governor Parker,
of New Jersey, " however sincerely entertained,
would certainly result in perpetual disunien,
and we should emerge from the present
war only to be involved in other conflicts
not less bloody, which would inevitably
" flow from separation." The yet unconquered and,
perhaps, unconquerable South has no such misgiv-
ings of its own future. Why should the strong
North, already accustomed to a despotism, have less
confidence ? And why should such ardent lovers
of liberty as the Democrats have so little reliance
upon the good sense and patriotism of the people
as to imagine they would ultimately prefer an
immense debt, an immense taxation, an immense
standing army, a military Dictator, and compul-
sory union with a population that has learnt to
hate them, to an amicable separation, combined,
as that might be, with the restoration of the
fast perishing liberties of the Republic ? War
affords no career to such men ; but what a career
might not peace open out to them ? Peace must
come sooner or later, as Mr. Lincoln acknowledged
in the early days when he had not tasted the blood
of his countrymen, and with it will come a chance
for true statesmanship to build up in the North and
West a greater and more homogeneous Republic
than the United States could ever have become in
partnership with the unwilling South.
It is anncunced to-day in Wall-street that the
last instalment of the Five-twenty Loan has been
taken up, and that the five hundred millions of
greenbacks which were invested in the purchase are
again in circulation. A doubt is expressed whether
the Government will undertake to ask for or accept
a new loan, on condition that the interest be paid
in gold, but few have any doubt that, sooner or
later, Mr. Chase must again become a borrower,
even if ho can offer no better terms than the pay-
ment of the interest in greenbacks. The uneasiness
felt by the higher order of financiers upon the sub-
ject does not extend to the smaller fry of specula-
tors, intent on taking advantage of the speculative
mania of the day, and to gamble in stocks of any
description that promises a rise. These people do
not see, or care to see, fur before them. Sufficient for
them to make money out of their own madness and
that of the crowd, and to make it quickly, lest the
madness should subside. There are others, however,
—and Mr. Chase himself cannot but be of the num-
ber,—who look upon the financial future with well-
founded alarm. The taxes are but half paid in, and
were they as fully collected as they would have been
in any country where taxation was not a new and
untried experiment, would not have yielded within
50 per cent. of the sums estimated, while the
expenses of the Government have largely exceeded
the calculations. At the same time, gold continues
to flow out of the country to pay for European
goods, while but small shipments of American
produce continue to be called for in that greater
outer World which Northern Americans once ima.
must starve if America, were cruel enough to
b '-4 it. Perhaps for some only of these
refuse to te,,
for ell of them—gold p
reasons—perhap ersists in
hat Mr. Chase considers a
maintaining itself at s
ium. Possibly before
disloyal end ignorant preif
tos the
positived el delusion swi oena
wealth,
thatt e r 'oje
long a light will break in upon ti'e minds of mlrj
pwateTeratciullrcrelinnegy
payment, and that the emise to
pay is a real
vernment can continuo its present expenFdeidtuerreatwi_th:
out marching into bankruptcy.

The following is an extract from the Second Edition
(page 188) of the Translation of the Pharmacopoeia of the
Royal College of Physicians of London, by Dr. G. F.
Collier, published by Longman and Co. :—" It is no small
defect in this compilation (speaking of the Pharmacopenia)
that we have no purgative mass but what contains aloes ;
yet we know that haimorrhoidal persons cannot bear aloes,
except it be in the torm of Cockle's Pills, which chieflycons!st of aloes, scammony, and colocynth, which I think.
arefortned into a sort of compound extract, the acridity of
which is obviated, I suspect, by an alkaline process, and by
a fourth ingredient (unknown to me) of an aromatic tonic
nature. I think no better and no worse of it for its being
a patent medicine. I look at it as an article of conirneze.o
and, domestic convenience, and do not hesitate to say, it is
tae best made pill in the kingdom ;
mucous purge, and hydrogue'purge combined, and. their
G,flects properly controlle4 by a muscular purge,
a dirigent and cerrigent.
That it does not commonly produce h:emorrhoule like most
aloetic pills I attribute to its being thoroughly soluble, so
that no undissolved partielto adhere to UV.) 11/Ueolls mem-
brane."

".......___,------------- „
BELLIGERENTS AND NEITTItgib.
e Juridcal Society held a meting on MondaY °yell:
fag
to hear at, paper read by Mr. C. Clark, on " Tila
to Fti11e,..4
plea that ought mutually govern the Conduct of Nentre.'
and Belligerents," Mr. Best, one of the vice-presidenta• it'l
the chair. Mr. Clark said it did not appear that gene°
principles had been very attentively considered in the dl
tided cases, in which there was rather to be found a desire
to deal with the particular case, accompanied' Perhar, tie
a offear of what might be the future result of any declaratica
to Do
remarks
treatedw hicahs adcic.cot
dicta
deliveredpan icd it,
oabni
tele
r, which
principles. Besides this, if the decision was right, t.,,11
often to bb considered as expressing rules of law'. It °fig. ,
to be distinctly stared that in all such matters the first prig'
to
ciplo, that which ought, to govern the APPlieat,it orfect
others, was that of good faith. The neutr:d la" 3 '''' alo
to tr
right to trade with every nation that was vitllialg
le, to die
with him. The '
right was only subject, in Prine'P' ith tile
restriction of not doing anything which interfered 44 ,ock,
necessities of actual warfare. Going, therefore, to 3 b's o-
aded and besieged port, even with ordincaleg,
were not alsyvazry
perly prohibited, for that might decide the result of A poi' •
at
tive act of warfare, But there was no such restriction solo
reference to a whole coast which never could properlY ,
declared to be in a state of blockade, and such a blockai;
never would have teen permitted but that each rlnti°lll
its turn hoped to profit by such an unjustifiable act' rill:
practice of allowing such general blockades, an evii,,,oo
wrong in itself, had led to others. Such were thoseel'" iv,
ping and searching vessels on the high seas, and, littt,er•filfg
the otknsive and insulting practice of armed vessels lying
off the ports of a neutral, and stopping merchant Ceee,es,
coming out of them. Then, again, there were 106
consistencies in existing practices. Thus, enemies'
tg°oo
were seized on board of neutral ships, I),ll,inie?
cw.ixin Its,
..
ht,
freight was paid to the neutral. On what Prill7tio•
The offence, if any, was trading. The truth of
~.ti1,,,,.. th
modification was introduced from the fear of Illal'i'iritoo
practice too monstrous, and so converting all nentr3's„,ol
opponents. The rule of former times was to allow ge"aa
trade, the exception was trade in contraband. He dell°4ll,,Lid
as nothing short of piracy an imitation of the reasoninb 0,
practicesse of the buccaneers, the burning of merchant vere
convenience
svue-nitihenout bringing them in for adjudication. Slier
o r for, could
desse cocoissio rto
ntchheaGporvoecrenemdienngt. whT,he
havia; 0 polio
en
eejruovsritcaiefdyovsfa nta ge , either for the naval Conlin 0 be,
nor courts was not a paramount necessity .instifY.n,igt ttl/'
act©. While thus couut,..i.6 the practice he Was nut
0
awarea of the fact that President Davis had StliO3' 00
'f D. English officer, who related it in his travelo of
or preventing for ever such an evil--nainely, til'v rt
allowing the captor to bring his prizes into any 03°1- '°oo
and to ask for the adjudication of the neutral court le
them. The ~scheme was one which haste and Preitit• 0,
might at once condemn, but which deserved consideligli°der
and if the great maritime nations would serionslY 61;1,-034
it,w atenhd thought fit to adopt it, there might be rule framed
said
dould insure it a beneficial operation. To 00si•
deration,the anprodpoassitiitonwsasintotnhelaptaepeirn dtheseerovveednisnegrielis'
to discieao
nmn,rshumgeghest,tewdhaincha,dhjoeutorg,nmoaernrti.ed,lNtlhrs. NEaVeeesttiloahgerr; or.
adjournment,
-.MN.