The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-16 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVEN IN G, JUNE 16, 1852.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
TINES.—For some time past the streets of London
have 13,,en infested by a parcel of dirty people in the
dress of Roman Catholic ecclesiastics. There are few
of our metropolitan readers but must have C• 31110 across
some of these gentry in our most crowded thorough-
tires. They generally hunt in couples. A more un-
pleasant sight cannot be encountered in the Course of a
morning's walk than a brace of these dirty creatures as
they glide about among the people with downcast eyes
and hasty step. Of course the object is to familiarize
the public with their presence. If Cardinal Wiseman
and his Privy Council in Golden-square could once, in
defiance of the English law, establish the custom, we
should soon have our street crowds diversified with every
conceiveable cosume of monkery. It is notorious that
when the Roman Catholic Relief Act w 63 passed a
clause was introduced, enacting " that no Roman Ca-
tholic ecelsiastie, nor any member of any of the re-

ligious orders, cammuniti(is, or societies of the Church
of it-Inse, bound by monastic or religious vows, should
exercise any of the rites or ceremonies of the Roman
Catholic ragion, or wear the habits of his order, save
within the usual places of worship of the Roman
Ca'holic religion or in private houses." Such is the
law of England, rod it is perfectly well known to the
persons who have for some time plat set it at defiance.
It cannot be said that this is an old worn cut regulation
such as the
.ono which forbade undertakers to bury the
dead in linen shrouds. The same provision was no
doubt iotreduccd into various old statutes, but when the
Roman Cathode Rd_tii4 Bill was passe() in 1829, it was
retained and solemnly re-enacted. Nor is there any
reason why such a provision should be suffered to fall

into desuetude. The Rsoaau Cationic chieftains have
not contented themselves with sending their noisome
emissaries about the streets; it would seem as though
they had issued orders directing them to disturb the
Protestant congregations while engaged in the celebra-
tion of public worship. To put the existing law in
areggr a v
strongeraton, the
tan reasons
they
force is, then, a simple act of self-defence. But even
for 2
w were
me itai
maintaining
nfioerg this
the: l
additionalwere for enacting it in 1829. It was supposed at the
time that the presence of Roman Catholic priests—
the passage of Roman Catholic processions through the
public streets—might lead to a violation of the peace.
The same danger exists still, and to a yet greater
extent. We du not pretend to argue the point as feeling
any especial sympathy for persons who, with their eyes
open, set the law at defiance. Still it would be a deplo-
rable thing, and a great reflection upon those who are
charged with the duty of maintaining the public peace,
if, from want of timely forethought, any broil should
occur in the thoroughfares of the metropolis. It would
only need a brace of Patsionists—a rabble of little boys
—and a gang of Irish hodmen, to get up a row which
might lead to the most serious casualties—possibly to tho
loss of life. It will be seen that the Queen, by a procla-
mation issued yesterday, has expressed the determina-
tion of the Government to put down the nuisance. The
proclamation itself will be found in another part of our
impression of this day. It is therein stated that the Ro-
man Catholic ecclesiastics do wear the habit of their
orders in places of public resort—that Roman
Catholic: processions, with all the pomp, pride,
and circumstances usual on such occasions, do
perambulate our streets—that banners aro dis-
played—symbols elevated in the public view,
and that consequently the peace of the town is en-
dangered. The offenders are solemnly warned that the
law will be put in force against them to its fullest ex-
tent if they give further occasion ofisublic scandal. We
trust that strict orders may bo henceforth issued to the
police to conduct them to the nearest station-house. We
would not—all considerations of turmoil apart—have
the streets of London become as the streets of Rome,
along which swarms of unwashed beings in robes black,
white, brown, or grey, are to be seen passing at all hours
of the day, like clouds over a landscape. The Roman
Catholic priests must make up their minds to submit
to tha same regulations as practically affect the Protest
tant clergy. Although it is not illegal, no one ever sees
a Protestant clergyman bustling about Fleet-street or the
Strand in pudding sleeves and a square cap.
There is no law on the subject, for none is
needed. The tacit good sense of the Protestant
clergy prevents them from dragging their sa-
cred vestments through the mud—and even running
the risk of exposing religion to contempt in the persons
of its ministers merely on a question of costume. Let
the Roman Catholic clergy follow the wholesome ex-
ample. So, again, with the practice of out-door pro-
cessions and ceremonials—the thing is simply impos-
sible in England. However much the moderation of
the bystanders may endeavour to stave off such a result,
the moment would surely have come when a shower
of black mud would have expressed the state of public
opinion upon this feature of " Papal Aggression."
Much more is this likely to be the case if the proces-
sions are absolutely directed as hostile movements
against the tranquillity of a body of Protestant wor-
shippers. It has been reported to us that in the imme-
diate neighbourhood of Orchard-street, Portman-square,
a platform is erected on which, from time to time, co-
' pies of the Protestant Bible are committed to the flames.
We warn the promoters of such proceedings, as they
value their own safety, to hold their hands while it is
yet time.
CIiRONICLE.—We have received, from time to
time, very striking accounts of the alteration of public
sentiment which has progressively disclosed itself in
France since the appearance of the Orleans _decree.
General statements of this sort are usually difficult to
verify, but their accuracy in the present instance is re-
markably confirmed in the effects of the confiscation on
the three great bodies with which Louis Napoleon pre-
tends to share the sovereignty of the State. It is to be
observed that, exactly in proportion to the measure of
independence they enjoy, is the susceptibility which they
manifest to the discredit in which they are necessarily
involved. The Senate makes, of course, no sign. The
publication of the decree took place while that body
was in course of formation, and was just in time to pre-
vent its including a single member who might have
made it other than it was meant to be—namely, a co-
lossal contrivance for settling the President's Civil
Lint, and for rewarding the subaltern agents in the
coup detat, The Council of State, owing to the profes •
sional character of most of its duties, is composed of men,
a thought more respectable than the Senators; but its
close connexion with the head of the Government would
have prevented its voluntarily engaging in any proceed-
ing equivalent to a condemnation of his policy. The
appeal of the Prefect of the Seine has, however, left it
no alternativa but to sit in judgment on the President's
conduct. Although there seems no reason to doubt that
its decision on the competency of the civil tribunals to
adjudicate between Louis Napoleon and the Princes will
be favourable to the Government, it is notorious that a
most painful feeling pervades the Council on the subject,
and it is suspected that a judgment confirmatory of the
legality of the decree will probably be followed by seve-
ral resignations. Indeed, on the very eve of last Satur-
day's hearing, the managers of the case on behalf of the
Administration had to withdraw their brief, from the
hands of their chosen advocate, M. Reverehon, who
confessed that, even upon the cx parte instruc-
tions before him, ho had come to a conelution
against his clients. But that which, in the
Councillors of State, is only unwillingness
to make themselves open accomplices in the
confiscation, becomes, with the deputies, a spoataneous
demonstration of disgust. As the representative body
is, at ull events, not directly dependent on or connected
with the President, it stands alone in having voluntarily
created the means of publicly disengaging itself from
the responsibility of his most conspicuous misdeed. The
common belief is that M. de Montalembert has managed
to get inserted, in the report of the committee on the
Budget an express censure of that invasion of right.
Whether this impression be or be not precisely correct,
the uneasy and deprecating tone of the newspaper which
has been promoted to the place of the Constitutionnel
makes it evident that some proceeding, in the highest
degree distasteful to the Government, has been ventured
upon, or is being matured. The mere discussion of the
point proves the sentiments of the Assembly; and when so
feeble an organ sounds clearly, who can doubt that public
opinion, were it unmuffled, would speak with the voice of a
trumpet? It is not always, or very often, that' the crime
for which a matt is most heavily and 'conspicuously pu-
nished is exactly the offence of blackest enormity, which
he happens to have committed. The convicted pick-
pocket is frequently an unconvicted burglar; and report
runs that a noble personage who was drummed out of
society for cheating at cards, was heard to utter bitter
complaints against Fortune, which had suffered him to
pass undetected in doctoring a horse for the Derby, and
then consigned him to rain for turning up a king at
whist. For the sake, therefore, of moral example, it is
well when the crime which goes unwhipt and that which
entails punishment are so clearly united, in point of time
or natural connexion, as to render unmistakable the
doable character of the retribution. We have some satis-
faction in thinking that a spectacle of this latter sort is
fforded by the two most indefensible acts which have,
abeen recently perpetrated on the theatre of European
affairs. The seizure of Louis Philippe's inheritance
ig very far from rivalling in immorality the long
oopspiracy in
which the President of the French Repub-
lic
is now known to have engaged against the institu-
tions of which he was the guardian and trustee. Yet all
the penal consequences which he has incurred seem at
first sight • to have flowed exclusively from the minor
°ime; and it is only by considering the confiscattheion
trea-
of
dire Orleans property
son against as the necessary sequel of
'nst French liberty that we are enabled to recon-
cile the apparent disproportion of their results. If the
decree which Louis Napoleon levelled at the sons of Louis
Philippe had never been issued at all. it is doubtful who-
there would have been a single flaw in the success of
lile
thercoup d'etot. So bewilderingly had the landmarks of
law and right been dispersed by a succession of revolti-
tionenes° demoralised were the influential classes by
theirterror of the crisis which the Constitution had
p red—so obscure wore tho elements of the strife
between the Preeident and his adversaries in the As-
serably—ethat, for all we know, public opinion, after a
few bovines, might have settled down into quiet accept-
ance
of a Bonapartist despotism; and a virtual unani-
mity of approval or applause might have made it un-
aceful, if not improper, in a foreig it critic to, question
;r revolution sanctioned by • all tho telligones of tho
nation. That no Aueh general contentment has ensued
upon deliverance from an undoubted danger, must he set
down entirely to the Orleans decree. Already it has
sensibly affected the sympathies of the French people
with the existing Government, as well as their estimate
of the circumstances which produced it; and with•
out doubt it is destined to modify profoundly
the entire course of French affairs, so long as they
are controlled by the military rule of Louis Napoleon.
As regards the great eatrie of moral justice, the prin-
cipal use of the Orleans decree has consisted in the light
which it has thrown on the character of the President.
It has made misapprehension of his motives impossible,
and it has stamped the leading features of his mind as
something distinct from that confusion of principle on
questions of public and constitutional right which un-