The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-11 00:00:00

~ y',

"roc-~"~

9'./~~~~~~.

~,

- - -
.-.c.-- e. ---,_ -c-"-. •'; ,-,...-f: i i-,3,'A,‘`::',%
,
.-- . -- ; -.
4 2.415,
• ~„,
, • - *-,.. . .
..., ~,, AA
/..'."....""*.."--.-.. ..;,..... ' • SO.,
—. -4. 4 ANA ' -0). ,• ' ~ „
1
I •i. —'
s .
•,.. • -1, ' Nt., ---.., ,
li A
, l'-' 4:?••
i, • • e... • ,--•-. , ...
10,r,. • -
._ 7, \
‘..........7.7.7....- ; N,'":t. , -1. ,
N
... ~ ,
. 4 --p—_. :6.... • , -
s. 4,- "..- : , -,
______Nk 7 ' ..-.4
,
-.....--
.N:
, ~
, ~_iiiiit_t,lol(4s. .iw zZ •:z.11,4>-• 0-5 'ql ' ' -1),
, , i • •-' , „ -/ ?IV , , r_ ?-,
•

COPENLEAGZN, 711;94%•=z,,
Tha following is believed to be a correct very, n
of the official text of a despatch of Biea'lop Monrad,
commenting upon the London Conferenml, forwarded
to Count Moltke-Hatfeld, the diploretati c agent of
King Christian IX. at the Court of the Tt

PRICE..-..4d.
STAMPEU,....Sd.

Death of " Manhattan,"

"M. Le Comte,—The Conference of Lolidon has
separated without having restored peace. 'Yhe
tral Cabinets have not succeeded in bringi:ig the
allied Powers to a more just appreciation of their
duties towards the political system of Europe. We
have stretched to their furthest limits the conditions
indispensable to the existence of an independent
e.nd autonomous Danish State. But nothing has
been able to satisfy the ambitious views of the
German Powers.

( From the Morning Herald.)
President Lincoln may lay aside his file of
Standards and breathe afresh. Major• General Dix,
Commander of the Eastern Division in the city ct
New York, may recover his wonted composure.
Ambassadors Dayton and Adams may smooth their
knitted brows, and the placemen of Washington
may rejoice as though a veritable victory had
crowned the Federal arms. " Manhattan" is dead!
The well known and long familiar nom do plume
will no more greet the eye of the reader as ho takes
np the broad sheet of the Standard. Fort Lafa-
yette has not closed its hideous gates on the daring
writer, nor has Richmond received an unexpected
exile. The controversy which so suddenly rose
between our intrepid correspondent and the North-
ern Government has been out short by the hand of
death. Arrest and parole are at an end, and "Man-
hattan" has stepped on to the arena of another
world, beyond the reach of President or provost.
It may be feared that his recent difficulties with the
Federal Government have tended to hasten the
demise of oar valued correspondent. His health
had been failing for some weeks; but he was
scarcely past the prime of life, being only in his 50th
year, and at the time of hie interview with Major
General Dix exhibited no such symptoms as
would have obviously indicated a fatal issue. But
death has come, and the stroke was sudden. Four..
teen days after the above.mentioned interview
"Manhattan" expired, with little previous warning,
breathing his last in his own dwelling. What might
have been the result of his collision with the Govern-
ment had he been spared to live it is vain to specu-
late. But his departure from the scene is a loss to
the cause of political truth and honesty. His tear-
less pen was a scourge to the horde of peculating
politicians who are the curse of the Repubiic ; and
the citizens of the North might well turn to his
letters as published in our columns in order to see a
picture of their affairs more faithful to the fact than
any exhibited nearer home. No writer held up the
mirror to the face of society with less of tremor and
compromise than " Manhattan." An oat-spoken
expression of his own convictions was characteristic
of the man. He might be rough, but he was
faithful, and was worth a host of more cautious
scribes who found it easy to avoid his faults by
renouncing his merits. The English reader, while
perusing the rapid and crowded sketches of oar
lively correspondent, might often differ from the
writer, bat never failed to receive a vivid impression
of the actual scenes portrayed by that graphic pen.
The style was eccentric, bat it was eminently a
readable style, and "Manhattan" was unquestion•
ably a correspondent of " the people." He wrote
in the vernacular, and the freedom which might
expose him to the criticism of the pedant gave him
more ready access to the minds of the masses.

" The line of conduct we have pursued at the
Conference has been stamped from first to last with
the most sincere desire of arriving et an agrcement„
even were it only to be obtained by the saeriLe of
incontestible rights.
"When the Conference thought a suspension of
arms essential to the success of the negotiations, we
submitted to a truee, concluded at the most un-
favourable time, and upon conditions which, very
onerous in themselves, became intolerable on account
of the arbitrary manner in which they were .inter.
preted by the military authorities of the enemy.
In the negotiation we found the allied Powers oath°.
ritatively decline all discussion upon the engage.
ments entered into by both parties of 1851 and
1852, and yet the allies had alleged these same
engagements to Europe as the cause and Bole
object of the war. We found the Treaty of Lou-
don' and the principle of the integrity of the
Danish monarchy, which all Europe had recog-
nised as an indispensable element of the European
system, rejected by the Allied Powers, although
they had formally bound themselves towards the
other Powers to respect that treaty and the principle
which it laid down. Finally, abandoning all re-
serve and not content with depriving no of Holstein
and Lauenbnrg, they further claimed the duchy of
Schleswig, which they pretend to confiscate for
the profit of Germany by virtue of the right of the
strongest, and were at most willing to leave us a
small portion of this ancient province of the Danish
Crown.

"It has been a painful task to the Government
of the King to resign itself to follow, step by step
these constantly-increasing demands. For, confi-
ding in the justice of our cause and in the autho-
rity of public law, it had committed itself to a most
unequal contest, in the hope of finding that support
in thecouscils ofEurope which our arms alone were
unable to give us. And it has been painful to the
Kiag personally, who accepted the Crown upon the
faith of the Treaty of London, and has now found
himself condemned to disease the partition of the
country which believed it had found the certain
guarantee of its integrity in him and in his dynasty.
"Yet painful as were these sacrifices, they have
been supported. If the Powers of Europe really
desire to abandon the Treaty of London'—such was
the language help by the Plenipotentiaries of the
King—' His Majesty, to avoid the recommencement
of hostilities, wi.l not oppose a cession of territory,
provided he obtains thereby not only peace, but
also an independent and perfectly autonomous exis-
tence for what remains to him of his States.' In
this supposition they pointedout the line of Eckern-
forde to Frederickstadt as the frontier. In accord-
ance, however, with a proposition adopted by the
neutral Cabinet, the Danish Government deter-
mined upon withdrawing the line to the Schlei—
the point proposed by England—so as to unite by
this acceptance the imposing unanimity of the four
neutral Powers with Denmark. The cession of
territory to which we thus consented in the interest
of peace was considerable. It mulcted the mon-
archy of upwards of a fourth of its extent, and
deprived Denmark of military and maritime advance
tages of the greatest value, to augment in the same
degree themeans of action and conquest of Germany.
We could not go further in the way of concessions
without sacrificing the very existence of Denmark.
" But all the efforts made by the neutral Cabinets
and all the sacrifices offered by us have remained
futile before the obstinacy of the allies. Upon leav-
ing the Conference we took up our former stand
upon the treaty of London, and once more we find
ourselves engaged in a war in which we are strug-
gling for existence, invoking in our favour the action.
of Europe and the general principle of publio law.
Upon their side the allied Powers proclaim the right
of the strongest, and, in despite of the reprobation
of the rest of Europe, desire to annihilate a State
whose only wrong consists in unwillingness to sub-
mit to their domination.
"This is the lamentable result in which the at-
tempt at a Conference has issued ; but, while stating
it, I have, at the same time, a far more agreeable
duty to fulfil.
"During the course of the negotiations, each
time the Government of the King has made a fresh
step upon the way of concession, the neutral Powers
and iisespecial the English Cabinet, while calling
upon us to take this step, have justly appreciated
the greatness of the sacrifice which we made of an
incontestable right.
" The proposal of an armistice put forward by
Lord Russell involved the maintenance of the mari-
time advantages which we had conquered, in com-
pensation for those which the allies preserved on
land. The English Minister for Foreign Affairs has
always recognised the fall justice of our demand that
the engagements of 1851-2 should be taken as the
basis of the deliberations. Earl Russell did not for-
get that the Treaty of London was specially due to
the initiative of England, and demonstrated with
with the fall force of. irrefutable logic that Prussia
and Austria had contracted obligations towards
their co-signitaries in taking part in that act.
When, lastly, the English Cabinet entered into the
discussion upon the abandonment of the Treaty of
London, Earl Russell declared that it was not
within the competence of the Neutral
Towers to renounce the solemn treaty by
which they had recognised the integrity of the
Danish Monarchy, without at least establishing
the basis of a solid and lasting peace, and
with this view he acknowledged that the new fron
tier line ought not to be drawn further northward
than the month of the Schlei and the line of the
Dannewerke." Further, when the plenipotentiaries
of the King pointed out that we could not consent
to a prolongation of the suspension of arms without
the assurance that the English proposition should
form the basis of ulterior deliberations, Earl Rneeen
declared that the Government would not itself Wife
any proposition, nor would it adhere to an/ Pr°P°`
to draw. a
sition made by another Power tending
more northern line of demarcation,
Danish
assured in advance of the consent of the
and in
oh that Cabinet
especial that of
We accepted in • t
ment that the Plenipotentiaries of
Government. It was upon the faith
fowl of arms,
the prolongation of the suspe
"It was thus, step by step, that. we followed the
advice of the neutral Powers,
every point
the proposition of wtook the inie
ment to its uurarying support.
tiative, and at the same time that we laid it down
as our ultimatum,
the English Cabinet.hi
Earl Russell engaged his Govern-
. the
°Kw if
ittnhhr. t
acceptedbel engage.o g
PP"ot*ssible to reconcile this
engagementßussell in every point with his
latest proposition to 'commit the charge of fixing the
line of demarcation to an impartial Power, we are
none the less convinced
that the English Minister,
in essaying that step, had no intention of placing
himself in contradiction with
" The resumption of hostilities finds Denmark still
without allies upon the field of battle. But the
ju;3tice of our c.tuse has already rallied around us
the sympathy of the Cabinets and the wishes of the
nations. We have a right to hope that these senti-
ments will not permit the ruin of Denmark to be
accomplished; and we cherish the belief that the
Governmen
de Lhuys,
rest in the negotiations will not abandon us in a
war so unequal and so unjust.
it°iftwEwe IhfirinichaihtaivniePsh• own so lively an into.
" Be good enough, M. le Comte, to read this
danesdpotelheatvee
copy.-1 have the honour,
(Signed) D. MONBAD."
hwieithEhxiemelleney M. Dronyn

" Manhattan" was no foe to the institutions
of his country. For better or for worse he ac-
cepted them. But while he stuck to the ship, and
hoisted the flag of the Union, he had a quarrel
with the captain and officers. He discerned the
breakers that foamed ahead, and his hope lay in
awakening "all hands" to a sense of the common
danger. He was without faith in the Federal
Government, and had less fear of the Southern
forces than of Northern corruption. In his last
short letter ho wrote—" I only hope that when
General Lee reaches Washington he will issue such
a proclamation as will enable us to come back under
the original state rights doctrine." It is less a
matter for wonder than regret to find a writer like
" Manhattan" becoming the object of much mis-
representation and even personal attack. His
open and reiterated denunciations of all that was
corrupt in the Seward-Lincoln Administration
made him a ready mark for the official sycophants
of the press. The New Turk Tribune of the 17th
of last month quarrelled with him for, not believing
in the victories of General Grant, and poured
the most concentrated essence of abuse in thorough
Yankee style on his devoted head. Subsequent
revelations, however, and more perfect information,
have shown that our correspondent was perfectly
justified in his scepticism, and that his " monstrous
falsehoods were more correot than the official tele-
grams. It is curious to observe how by common
consent a sort of preeminence has been given to
Manhattan as an agent of mischief against the
Federal cause. In the midst of all the scurrility
and maltreatment to which he was subjected Man-
hattan received the compliment of being placed first
and foremost among his class. In the journal to
which we have referred the editor writes vindio-

tively of Mr. Charles Mackay and "other alien
correspondents of foreign journals," whom he
accuses of abusing the "national hospitality by the
coinage and utterance of monstrous falsehood in the
interests of secession and slavery." This would seem
strong language, particularly when the aforesaid
correspondents are ticketed as " rebel liars in our
city." But when the writer comes to Manhattan he
utterly boils over with excess of wrath, and the
words seem to come hissing hot from the tip of his
pen. Contrasting the ordinary run of literary de.
Unguents with our unfortunate correspondent in
particular, the editor goes on to say—" Not one of
them, so far as wehave observed, can at all approach
the native —, who serves the Evil One and Jeff.
Davis by writing regularly to the Standard over
the signature of Manhattan." We beg to
be excused repeating the epithet which this
amiable journalist has thought fit to apply to a
political opponent. We would not echo such a
word over the grave of one who, in private life, was
among the most generous of men, and to whose
kindness and largeness of heart many are ready to
own themselves indebted. "Manhattan" wrote
under date 17th May, " The disgraceful wholesale
lying about the war and victories still continues.
Nothing like it has ever been heard before since the
world began. Many believe we have really achieved
a great victory. There is one man that does not
believe it, and that one is Lieut.-General Grant."
It is against this and similar statements that the
Tribune enters its virulent protest. Thus—" If
any one happens to owe Old Nick ten thousand
liars, we advise him to turn out ' Manhattan' to
his creditor, pay his debt, and get a credit for the
' balance in his favour." This is elegant ; but time
has served to show that the eloquence is misap.
plied, and that some other name should stand in
the place of our too faithful correspondent.
There is something significant is the argument
of the Tribune. It amounts to this—that it is in.
consistent to talk of " sending out of the country"
the " alien correspondents of foreign journals," so
long as a "native" writer is allowed not only to
equal but to transcend them in his daring criti-
cisms on the doingsof the Federal Government.
" Manhattan" was a professed Unionist ; but that
made his opposition all the more terrible. Are we to
infer that " Manhattan" was to be engaged in order
,hat the " aliens" might afterwards be summarily
dealt with P Our correspondent had already been
brought face to face with General Dix when this
e rdlictao r hasdes lost st °a
truculent article appeared. The Tribune
deafly desired that no quarter
friends
iheonudl
sd a
rbee
scarce.lvetn
stloenet
eight
ihegeho obnoxious ndaoyaxyipso us scribe. Di du 0 tnhAetnE.
? If ho advied d
afterwardshf
his pen
pf farther rntt
hhweevroecorlmbkejaceerdsc,Butarone B.dtihothafhit
s l. )hoai repres-
sionnndt,
despite some ingenious attempts tot
vot; thise bitter
thefrfriend,
utterancend,t
a t
ioftime
whhiofreufentlu.i nr:6l:di:lPaateidy
attack descended to the grave•
America herself may
I 3 la
and cor-
ruption.be" Manhattan" kept his
learn that men who were keen enough to see and
honest enough to expose the high-handed treacheries
s
of an evil time were among her truest friends and
clean, in the midst
noblest citizen fib
At some the general
madness