The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-10 00:00:00

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REE HOLD AND LEA.SE [TOL D INVESTM3.',N TS, AND
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THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
NEW YORK, OcT. 25.
Tee great and crowning achievement that was to
carry Mr Lincoln into the Presidential chair amid
a blaze of glory was to have been the capture of
Richmond. It must be admitted that Gen. Grant
tried hard to attain the end ; that the War Depart-
ment cordially supported and aided him ; that he
had all possible supplies and. reinforcements ; that
he no sooner sacrificed ten thousand lives in one
failure than another ten thousand were placed at
his disposal ; that the country saw a full hundred
thousand of his magnificent host melt away in the
battle field, in the camp, and by desertion, without
much complaint, and, in fact, with scarcely a mur-
mur; and the strategy of the Lieutenant-General,
whether it seemed to promise success or to bode
failure, was subjected to none but the kindest criti-
cism on the part of the Government, the press, and
the people. After six months of continuous effort,
Grant, thus highly supported, encouraged, and
favoured, finds himself no nearer the consummation
than he was when he crossed the Rapidan early in
May, and the friends of the Administration are be-
ginning to resign themselves to a close of the cam-
paign, and the postponement of further operations
against the Confederate capital until the spring of
1865. But as such an apparent defeat of a great
purpose might have a bad effect on the public mind,
it has been resolved to strike a heavy blow and
snatch a brilliant victory in another direction.
Nothing that Gen, Sheridan can do in the Shenan-
doah Valley will be adequate for the political emer-
gency which efiliets the Government; and Gan.
Sherman is too far away, too isolated, too uncertain,
and in too critical a condition, to allow much room
for the hope that any success he may achieve will
be great or opportune enough to gain votes for
Mr Lincoln on the Bth November. A new scheme
has therefore been devised. Gen. Grant has been
to Washington to give his opinion upon it. Mr.
Stanton has been to the camp of the Army of the
Potomac, accompanied by Mr Fessanden, to hear
further details, the one to calculate the cost in men,
and the other the cost in money ; and, last of all,
Admiral Porter has had several long private inter-
views with the Lieutenant-General in his tent. Tne
scheme is no other than a combined attack of the
land and naval forces upon the city of Wilmington.
The fact has not yet found its way to the newspa-
pers, but has for some days past been the subject
of conversation in the upper circles of politics and
finance in this city and Washington. The sudden
attack of Gen. Early upon the Federal forces under
Sheridan on the morning of the 19th, an attack
which at one time was within a hairsbreadth of
being the greatest disaster the North has sustained
since the first battle of Bull Runs caused a tem-
porary postponement of operations, and General
Ricketts and his division, who were under orders to
proceed to North Carolina, were transferred to the
Shenandoah, and took part in the battle of Cedar
Run, where the General received a wound which is
likely to prove fatal. There being considered no
further danger on the Shenandeah, or adequate
measures having been taken to strengthen General
Sheridan against the possibility of a renewed attack
by General Longstreet, who is known to have
assumed command in the Valley, the expedition
against Wilmington has been resumed, and was to
have started between the 20th and 24th inst., un-
der the command of Admiral Porter. The invading
fleet is reported to consist of upwards of 40 vessels,
inclusive of either eight or ten ironclads ; and the
co-operating land force will number about 40,000
men. The Admiral's orders are "togo in and
win," and the friends of the Administration aro
confident that he will do so, though he should sa-
crifice a third or oneahalf of his fleet in the attempt.
Iu short, they believe that the capture of Wilminge
ton will be the biggest thing of the war, and
throw all former Federal victories into the shade
by its dash and completeness. Letters from naval
and military officers to their friends and relatives
in this city tell them to expect to hear stirring news
within ten days from the 20th inst., or about the
Ist of November, and add that the Admiral evi-
dently anticipates hot and hard work, inasmuch as
his surgical and hospital appliances are of a magni-
tude such as have not been customary in previous
battles. Little seems to be known of the land or sea
defences of Wilmington, bat there aro North Caro-
linians and others in this city who assert that the
Federal Government is "counting its chickens
before they are hatched," in expecting an easy or
any victory; that Wilmington will be found as
difficult to take as Mobile and Charleston—that the
Confederate Government has long known that such
an attack as that now threatened would sooner or
!ater be made—and has spared neither time, nor
skill, nor expense, to construct such defences, in
addition to those with which it is favoured by
nature, as to make it impregnable.
Such is the immediate military situation, present
and prospective. It must be added, however, in
reference to the election, that Mr Lincoln is doing
his utmost in the few days remaining before the Bth
of November to diminish the opportunity which
the control of the army and the use of the national
purse have given him of perpetuating his power.
While Generals Grant, Sheridan, and Sherman, to
say nothing of Admiral Porter, are busily working
in his behalf, and striving to win the victories that
shall secure him the votes of hundreds of thou-
sands of waverers, who consider him a military as
well as political failure, he on his own part is
doing his best, though unintentionally, to nullify
these advantages, and to prove to such Americans
as still respect the law and the constitution
that he is unscrupulous enough to attempt
to win unfairly if fair play will not answer. It
was evident, from his undignified reply to the Ten.
nesseean deputation on the 15th inst., that he some-
times forgets, in his vehement desire to be President
from 1865 to 1869, that he is President in 1864,
and that his duties as actual chief magistrate may
conflict with his interests as candidate for a second
term of office. Whenever such conflict does occur,
it looks as if he would be not only ready but eager
to give his interest the precedence, if not to sacrifice
his duty altogether. The Tennesseeans waited upon
him, not because he was Abraham Lincoln, one of

the two candidates of the Presidency, but because
he was Abraham Lincoln, legally elected to and in
possession of that high office. Their object was to
remonstrate against the act of one of his subordinates
—a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, who sloes' d
his position as military Governor of their Sate to
impose a test oath, the effect of which would be to
deter from voting, or to disallow, if tendered, the
vote of every inhabitant who would not swear that
he had " loyally" supported the existing adminis-
tration in all acts and proclamations ; that he had
never given aid or comfort to a rebel, though that
rebel might have been his own father,son, or brother
wounded in battle and returning home to die; and
who would not pledge himself to oppose either peace
or an armistice with the South, until " peace"
and " armistice" became words of no account by
the total suppression of the rebellion. The people
of Tennessee, as well as the people of New York or
any other State, have the undoubted right to con-
sider the imposition of such an oath a gross outrage,
and it is possible, if the Constitution of the United
States expressly prohibited the re-election of a
President, that Mr, Lincoln might have taken as
unfavourable a view of Mr. Andrew Johnson's
proceedings as that held by the deputation. But
Mr. Lincoln, the candidate, could not rise to the
height of a sound argument. Forgetting that he
was the President, he told the deputation that as
Gen M'Clellan's friends were conducting the eke-
Con in their way, he (Mr Lincoln) would conduct it
in his way; and the deputation retired to tell their
story to the world, and addlone more to the mass of
daily accumulatingtepr_oefseethat_ American liberty
only exists upon military sufferance, if it did not
wholly expire with the Presidential term of Mr
Buchanan. It is not charged by anybody that Gen.
M'Clellan's friends are acting illegally, unconstitu-
tionally, or even unfairly in their way of opposing
Mr Lincoln ; but Mr Lincoln admitted in the few
words which so startled the deputation that his way
was Governor Johnson's way, illegal and unconsti-
tutional as it might be, and unfair as it certainly
was. As the publication of the documents and Mr
Lincoln's emphatic and uncourteous commentary
was doing him harm, he took a week to reconsider
the matter, and has accordingly written a letter to
the deputation, which has not mended the matter,
but made it greatly the worse. He peremptorily
declines to interfere with Governor Johnson in any
way whatever, and ventures upon three very extra-
ordinary assertions—first, that " the movement set
on foot by Governor Johnson does not, as the depu-
tation seems to assume, emanate from the National
Executive ;" secondly, that the plan does not
threaten violence or coercion against any one ; and,
thirdly, that Governor Johnson, like any other loyal
citizen of Tennessee, has the right to favour any
political plan he chooses. The answer to the first
assertion is that Governor Johnson is a military com-
mander, appointed by Mr Lincoln ; that in propos-
ing the oath complained of he acts wholly in his
military capacity, and that consequently Mr Lincoln,
his superior officer, having the power to remove him,
becomes responsible for the official conduct of his
subordinate. The answer to the second is that,
although the plan of Governor Johnson may not
threaten physical violence or coercion, it undoubtedly
menaces moral violence and coercion against every
member of the Democratic party in Tennessee, and
every opponent of the war and the policy of the
present Administration in that State, Rho will not
perjure himself as a preliminary to recording his vote
iu favour of Gen. MtClellan. And when Mr Lincoln
tells the deputation, as he proceeds to do, that it
they object to the plan they can leave it alone, and
thus find their perfect security, he adds insult to
injury. Of course nothing would please him and
Mr Johnson better than that all the supporters and
friends of Gen. Wei.ellan in Tennessee should ab-
sent themselves from the polls, and find perfect
security in refraining alike from swearing and from
voting. The third statement, that Mr Johnson has
as much right as any other citizen to favour any
political plan he chooses, is quite true; but it did
not suit the purpose of Mr Lincoln to remember that
it was not of Andrew Johnson the private citizen—
neither better, nor greater, nor more privileged than
any other person in America—that complaint was
made, but of Andrew Johnson the Military Go-
vernor and Dictator of Tennessee, who. by his
illegally imposed oath, endeavoured to deprive
other citizens as good as himself of the right ac-
corded to them by the Constitution. Nor is the
corcluding paragraph of this document the least
curious or amazing part of it.
I decline to interfere in any ``Except," says Mr
Lincoln, " it be to give protection against violence,
way in any Presiden-
tial election." Judged by his previous arguments
and statements, this declaration of neutrality simply
means that he will allow his friends and officers in
Tennessee, or anywhere else, to do as they please
in his interest, provided they do not resort to phy-
sical violence; but ns the denial of a man's right is
very apt to provoke
physical resistance, both law
and equity will hold Mr Lincoln responsible for
any evil consequences that may result in any por-
tion of the country from the attempt of such men
as Mr. Johnson to filch an illegal victory, and de-
prive the American people, or any portion of them.
of their right to elect their Chief Magistrate.
Mary:and, in this respect, threatens to b 3 as
Kentucky or Tennessee. In that
State test oath, called an "ironclad," has
beteant e
imposedalso
troublesomea
as
by the Military Governor, General
Wallace, and in the recent election for State officers,
taken simultaneously with the vote on the proposed
new Constitution, which prohibits slavery, no one
was allowed to cast his ballot who would not swear
that he was "loyal"
to the present Administration,
and in favour of all its war measures, of whatsoever
kind or degree. Mr. Reverdy Johnson, an eminent
lawyer of Baltimore, and representative of Mary-
land in the Senate
partyof the United States, advised
the Democraticto take the oath, on the same
grounds that he would advise a man overpowered
by a highwayman to yield his money rather than
his life, and that an oath so taken was no more
binding upon the conscience of the individual than
the conveyance of the traveller's money to the
hands of the robber was a legitimate transfer which
the law would sanction. Perhaps some . portion of
the voters of Maryland acted upon Mr. Johnson's
advice, for the new Constitution abolishing slavery
was rejected by a majority of nearly 2,000 upon
the popular votes ; but that the great mass of
the Marylanders
weret
of
k e
th s
o
virtually
disfranchised by
theirth is evident from
the fact that out of 60,000 voters only about
refusal
t o
15,000, or one in four, took the trouble or thought
it prudent to present themselves at the polls.
Nevertheless, though there was a popular majority
against it, the Free State Constitution is declared
to have been carried. The votes of soldiers serving
in the Maryland regiments under Grant and
other Generals were recorded in its favour, in suffi-
cient numbers, it is officially stated, to turn the scale,
and convert the majority of the people into a mino-
rity of the whole. The Governor of Maryland, Mr.
Bradford, disputes the legality of the military vote,
and such a disposition has been manifested through-
out the State to support him in this view that the
question will be litigated through all the Courts of
Nlaryland, until ultimately it will find its way to the
Supreme Court of the United States at Washington,
there to receive authoritative settlement at the
hands of the only tribunal competent to deal with
it, Under such circumstances the abolition of slavery
in Maryland by the supposed vote of the people
loses much of the lustre that would surround it if
the abolition were legally and freely decided by the
people, and the Republican party sings its songs of
triumph prematurely. Mr Lincoln, however, is well
pleased. He told a company of serenaders, who
played 16 The Star-spangled Banner" and other
popular and patriotic airs under his windows at the
White House in honour of the event, that he
heartily congratulatwhoele world, d not aloneon Maryland anond th
of
e
nation, but the
slavery in the State by the vote of the people, and

expressed his regret that the act had not been ac.
complished two years sooner. It is difficult to
avoid the suspicion that the result of the test oath
in disenfranchising three-fourths of the aforesaid
people was the real cause of Mr Lincoln's great
and unbounded satisfaction. If, on the 8.11 of
November, the 45,000 citizens who absented them•
selves from the polls became they would not per.
jure themselves by taking an oath which no one
has a tight to extort from them were to swear
under mental reservation as Mr Reverdy Johnson
advises, and cast their votes for General M•Clellan
immediately afterwards, it is highly probable
that Mr Lincoln would be as much disgusted with
Maryland as he is now pleased. At all events, if
the election be in Mr Lincoln's fevour, and so clos3
that he could not have won it without the votes of
Maryland, Kentucky, Tennessee, and other States
in a similarly unhappy predicament, this question
of test of oaths will assume large and ominous pro-
portions. There is more danger in it than the
Administration seems to imagine, or Mr Lincoln
would not discuss it with such flippant disingenu-
ousness as he exhibited in his reply to the Tennes-
seans. The Americans will endure almost any
amount of wrong and hardship if it be committed
with the sanction of the law, or for the sake of their
darling object, the preservation of the Union; but
they are not tolerant of wrong when it is cleerly
against the law, and committed, not for the sake of
Union, but for the sake of a man who, but for the
accident of their votes, wou'd be no better or more
privileged than any other citizen.

The Murder in Plaistow-marshes.

~-2e--e.-t--c%,G---2_._,e_€..--(3,

.A EIA: 5:3 P. 1,1-1— E Ft
e- -c--,-----
.%2sc=:_i_ ,v,ek, \
a dis`ance of some 18 yards, to aco Yi:aMT-04'0.,V4-IS--eA
and there left. The head was dep• •100ilit •.kiwy 1•:..4
and left there while the murderer pr cilt4le,Cl;,6o.
9.1 Q rushes to a spot nen. a bed of rat .:4 • 1112-4.'-'''' Va :1,..3..,.—'
from the raver. He there, manifest, • -4,:0, ;,",,f4, 1:-4-1
ri6.,....? )
hole 12 inches deep, and afterwards but4th bifiatlatli2:,S,
where it was ditcovereci by some of the l'faestilice 8.5-
terd ay morning.
No attempt, whatever was made to conceal the body ;
doubtless because the assassin considered it useless, as he
thought he had prevented identification when he burial the
head. _ .

The face of the deceased was that of a good-:ooltipg
German, apparently of acme 30 or 40 years of age. The
coutplt xion was dark, and the features were well formed and

regular.

ADDITIONAL AND LATEST PAATIr2ULARS.

Last eve :in;;, after the examination of the prisoner Kohl
at the Strafford Police-court, he was conveyed in a cab by
Inspector N ghtin ghle to Lion' awl during his remand.
Subsequently Mr Superintendent and Inspector
Nightingale proceeded to the graving Dock public-house at
Plaistow, whore the body of the murdered man was lying.
A great crowd surrounded the house, and the vague rumours
'a hich had been previously circulated brought a multiplicity
of visitors to the district.

Su:.erintendent Howie, of Atbout-square, Stepney, who
had charge of the c 9 se, at once took possession of the head of
the deceased man, and conveyed it to the abovenamed tavern
and placed it in the stable yard where the trunk or body
was lying. At that time there were hundreds of persons
waiting to catch a glimpse of the body, but the police very
properly refused admission to the parties applying, and with
difficulty a free passage was obtained for the medical gentle-
men engaged in the case.
About seven o clock, Mr. Morris, the divisional medical
officer of the district, arrived, and made a minute examina-
tion of the body, which was then lying in an outhouse by
the side cf the tavern ; but just at the moment the examina-
tion was being made a messenger stated to the landlord that
the body must be removed to the Bell snd Anchor Tavern
for an inquest.
The inquest will accordingly bo held at the Bell and
Anchor Tavern, near the railway station. A great crowd
were last night still waiting about the spot where the de-
ceased man was found.
It is a singular fact that when the reporter saw the body
the head of the deceased,which had been found in the marsh,
was lying between the feet of the murdered man. The left
eye was closed, and the right eye was blackened. The upper
portion of the forehead was battered in, and the flesh over
the left eye was torn away. The right eye was entirely
gone, and the features still bore a natural composure.
There were five witnesses examined, who saw the head and
clothes of the deceased under the authority of Superinten-
dent Howie, and they were requested to be in attendance
on the resumption of the inquiry before the magistrates at
Ilford on Saturday next.
It seems from what can be learned that the deceased
had been In the habit of frequenting the spot where he was
found. _

The inquest will be opened this evening at 6 o'clock, by
Mr C. C. Lewis, the coroner for Essex, and from the facts
which have reached the notice of Mr Superintendent Howie,
some important evidence will transpire.
The police, last night at 10 o'clock, were still prosecuting
their inquiries to assist the coroner.

-~.-

Extraordinary Conduct of a Welsh]

Magistrate.

The Carnarven and Denbigh Herald describes
an extraordinary scene which occurred at a meeting
on municipal matters recently held at Denbigh. A
Mr Lloyd was speaking, when Mr George Griffith,
a county magistrate, interrupted him :
The Chairman—l must bring you to order, Mr Griffith.
Mr Lloyd is addressing the meeting. (Cheers,)
Mr Griffith—Nothing of the sort, sir 1 There is no meet-
ing. (Laugh' er, cheers, and confusion, loud cries resound-
ing on all sides of " Turn him out, turn him out I" But the
valiant old gentleman, nothing daunted, began to pull off
his coat, as if trying to tear the fastenings asunder, and
after this he made a spring to jump upon the desk. A score
of hands pulled him back, and a jostle took place, in the
course of which he nearly hit the chairman, and after him
Mr Lloyd, of Brook House, finishing up by bawling out—
"D— you all I" (Tremendous cheering.) And then to
the cries of " Turn him out, turn him out I Chair, chair,"
&c. from a hundred throats, he cried, " You are all a d—
set of.blackguards I Mr Gold Edwards is not your chair-
man." (Chair, chair,) " I tell you he is not your chain.
man." (Great confusion.)
The Chairman—l must have order. You must allow
Mr Lloyd to address the meeting. (Cheers.)
Mr Griffith—No, by —, he shall not address the meet-
ing. There is no meeting, It's all ad— humbug 1 It's
a scandalous farce—a trick. (Great shouting.) It shall
last no longer—(renewed shouting)—but d— my blood if
ever I met such a set of blackguards in all my life be-
fore. (Tremendous cheering and shouting.) There is no
chair, I say 1 It is a private meeting. You (to the chair-
man) may sit there as long as you like, but it is no meet.
ing. (Cries for "Mr Gold Edwards," and a voice, " Why
did not you attend the niveting in proper time?")
Mr Griffith—Well, d— it all! We will go out elsewhere,
and have a meeting of our own. (Great cheering.)
The Chairman—l call upon Mr Lloyd to go on with his
address to the meeting. (Cheers.)
Mr Griffith—Yon shan't remain in the chair—l'm d— if
you shall. (Great uproar.)
The Chairman—But I will, sir, and Mr Lloyd shall ad-
dress the meeting. (Loud cheers.)
Mr Griffin—D—, must I tell you again that there is no
meeting. It's a private meeting, (Laughter and uproar.)
The Chairman—l certainly hope that Mr Griffith will
fine himself for swearing. (Applause.)
Mr Griffith actually gnashing his teeth, and the most
amusing thing of the evening occurred now. Little Dr.
Frank Ed wards said to him, "For God's sake let me advise
you to calm yourself. You'll go in a fit, or break a blood-
vessel."
Mr Griffith—What the d-1 is that to you, sir. (Great
laughter.)
The Chairman—This is the most disgusting language I
ever heard. It is a disgrace to humanity. (Loud cheers.)
Mr Griffith—Sir, your humanity is not worth a d—,
(Great laughter and uproar.)
The Chairman—Sir, you are a disgrace to her Majesty's
commission. (Cheers.)
Mr Griffith—Sir, I do not care a d— for her Majesty, or
you. (Immense confusion.)
The Chairman called for Sergeant David Davies, the po-
liceman, but there was no response ; and then
Mr Griffith, after a little silence, said—Let me have just
a word or two. Let me see Dew, the hallkeeper. I will leave
you all to yourselves. Dew I Dew I Dew 1 D— it, is Dew
the hallkeeper, here ? (No reply, but a perfect storm of
laughter.)
The Chairman—l have again to call upon Mr Lloyd to
go on. (Cheers.)
Mr Griffith—And I have again to say he shall not.
(Laughter and cheers.)
Dr Frank Edwards said that somebody had told him this
was a public meeting.
Mr Burdon, the tanner, asked if it was not, at all events,
a ratepayers' meeting ?
Mr Griffith bawled out—No, it was merely a supporters'
meeting. (Chair, chair, was being called all along, and at
this juncture he pulled off his coat and neckcloth.)
The Chairman—Now, Mr Lloyd, will you go on ?
Mr Griffith—No, he shall not, until this room is given
up to us as a private room, nobody shall speak. (Tremen-
dous shouting ensued for Mr Lloyd ; and somebody, amid
great laughter, added, " I was invited to a publio meet-
ing.")
The Chairman—This, I maintain, is a public meeting;
and I must have the chair supported. (Cheers.)
Then Mr Griffith again shouted that it was not a
public meeting, and he proposed that Mr Gold Edwards
be told to quit the chair. (No, no.) Here Mr Griffith
attempted to unseat the chairman, but was baulked by Mr
Lloyd; and in reply to a sharp rebuke from the chairman,
Griffith bawled out—l have seen a better -man than you, sir,
pitched out. (Great uproar.)
After a good deal more of the same sort of thing, Mr
Griffith caught sight of the reporters. He roared—BY---s
here are the fellows taking notes. Turn them out. Turn
then out. Where are the police? Turn them out. D—
their eyes, they always report lies. (Great laughter.)
Where are the police ? (Cries of Report every word, &c.)
No police coming, and the reporters quietly going on with
their notes. Mr Griffith leaned over as far as ha could
without losing his balance, and addressing the reporters he
poured out a volley of oaths and epithets which could hardly
be indicated even by single letters and blanks. It appeared
at one time as if he would get down and himself try to turn
out the reporters, but the audience formed a cordon around,
and he did not attempt this, Just now some one strove to
lift Mr Griffith bodily off his legs and remove him, but he
held on by the front of the bench, and in a horizontal posi-
tion defied all iff3rt to remove him. Hereupon another
jostling match took place on the bench, and presently a
policeman really did come upon the scene and collared
Mr Griffith, but from behind. Upon which Mr Griffith,
jun., got hold of the policeman's throat, mil, pinning him
up against somebody between the officer and the wall,
defied him to touch his father, Cheers were ringing all
the while, and the throttled policeman made a desporate
effort to do something, Dr Pierce got up and cried to him,
" Dont I Don't attempt to do anything to the old man, lie
is not responsible for his acts." After this frightful row had
continued for some time, Mr Griffith, jun. and other friends
succeeded in dragging Mr Griffith from the platform, and
ultimately out of the room—Mr Griffith swearing he would
have a meeting below, and asking his party to follow him.
His party, however, refused to do this, but he obtained an
audience of the boys of the town, and harangued them from
the foot of the stair, eliciting immense applause, which was
frequently heard in the hall above.

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