The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-15 00:00:00

THE FOREIGN REFUGEES.

M. LOUIS BLANC'S ANSWER TO KOSSTJTH,
LEDRII-ROLLIN, AND MAZZINI.
We received the following paper last night :
In a pamphlet, recently published, Kossuth, Learn-
Rollin, and Mazzini have started a question of paramount
importance, especially when one eonsiders what the state of
Europe is to-day, and what it will probably be to-morrow.
It is, perhaps, to be regretted that, before launching
amongst the public an appeal, addressed to the Republicans
only, Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin, and Mazzini, did not think
proper to consult with those who were so long their com-
panions in arms, and are their fellow-exiles now.
Actions and not words ; it is all very well to say that ;
but one might find somewhat strange that prurient han-
kering after speechless action, which bursts into clamorous
manifestoes :to ring the alarm-bell is not the best way of
giving the signal for silence.
On the other hand, to make our enemies aware of things,
into the confidence of which they were not entitled tv be
admitted, was venturing on a step rather hasty and rash.
While, all over Europe, seized with trepidation, Kingsand
Governments stand on the look-out, doubtful was the ne-
cessity of proclaiming in the face of the world, " You,
Republicans, be organised—have a recognised centre of ac-
tion—get a military chest, get a liar, !" and so forth. No
better opportunity could be afforded to our enemies to
bring over to their side the dastardly worshippers of might
and success, by showing, on our own declarations, that we
have no organisation—that we are exhausting our energy
iu unconnected and wandering efforts—that welack money,
and are reduced to go in quest of a flag.
However, let not our enemies strike out into frivolous
pride, nor let our friends be disheartened. Thanks to God,
and despite the above-mentioned pamphlet, the Republi-
can party is not labouring under such a distress as might
be imagined, although it is perfectly true that a closer un-
derstanding and a series of well adopted measures are de-
sirable to make our exertions more powerful and decisive.
Be that as it may, there is no preventing or remedying
the inconvenience of the course taken by Kossuth; Ledru-
Rollin, and Mazzini. It is too late now ; and since they
thought fit to choose the public as the confident of their
views, to shrink from the necessity of discussing those
views before the public has become quite impossible.
Such being the case, I have a right, and feel it lay duty,
in the present crisis, freely to speak my mind.
1 will say, first, on what grounds my opinion agrees with
Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin, and Mazzini's.
In common with them I hold :
That a closer union in the Republican party would ren-
der, of course, its power a hundredfold stronger.
That organisation is the straight way to victory.
That any impulse from a rscognised centre of action
would be irresistible, if devoutly received by those whose
hearts throb with a true love of the people.
That we ought to act.
That we are an army.
But can the unity of the Republican party be realised
otherwise than by an oneness of principles?
Is the intended organisation to be merely material ?
Are men whose faith is rooted in the inmost recesses of
their hearts, are sincere souls and free thinkers passively
to submit to a watchword, the selection of which they
were not called upon to determine ?
Will a centre of action answer the purpose, if the vari-
ous shades of opinion amongst us be not &plly repre-
sented so as to combine ?
'
Is there any chance of action in common, net-lying from
the particular views of a few men ready to confine the
unity of the Republican party in the circle of their per-
sonal sympathies, and to come forward and to say—" You
must have a recognised centre of action : well, here we
are ?"

It is true that the Republicans ought to act like an
army ; but is not that an intellectual 'one ? Is it not
destined to fight, with more than military weapons, the
battle of freedom and justice? Does not that army differ
essentially from those hosts whose little thoughtful devoted-
ness aims at drenching the earth with blood, itches to set
fortresses on fire, and triumphs in the midst of smoulder.
ng ashes?
These are the grounds upon which I am afraid my opi-
nion does not quite agree with that of Kiossuth, Ledru-
Rollin, and Mazzini.
After all, the idea of bringing the whole Republican
party to work in concord is neither new nor peculiar to
them. In March, 1854, an attempt was made to carry
out this very idea; but upon bases entirely different from
those now proposed, and, according to my judgment, by
far preferable.
At that period a great European crisis being betokened
by many an imposing sign, the Republicans had to keep
themselves in readiness. We knew that, while possessed
of an outward strength, the empire was not of a lasting
character ; that France, although momentarily enslaved,
had no way abandoned the results of a century of valiant
struggles and glorious intellectual conquests ; that the fact
of her real adhesion to the empire could bo inferred neither
from her silence, since she is scarcely allowed to whisper,
nor from her immobility, since disarmed Paris lies sur-
rounded with bayonets ; freedom being nowhere, and a
lynx-eyed p )lice being everywhere. Besides, we had not
forgotten that France, after undergoing the most terrible
trials, was always found indestructible—always emerging
with renewed youth and fresh vigonr from beneath accu-
mulated ruins; that Napoleon IS himself, when striving
to crush the genius of Liberty for ever, proved unequal to
the task ; and that, on the eve of that Revolution of 1830,
which overthrew the throne of the elder Bourbons, Berja-
rein Constant was so far deceived by the apparent death of
public spirit, as to say: —"Lee Eourbons nines en out encore
pour trente ans dans centre." "The elder Bourbons have
yet thirty years' lease of the Government." Our Repub-
lican faith was, therefore, not a whit stae,gered, and a
feeling prevailed amongst us that the men representing
the various shades of opinion in the Republican party
ought to hold a private meeting, there to determine
quietly and cordially the principles we profess in com-
mon, reserving the rest, and to consult together about the
chief measures to adopt at the very outbreak of the revolu-
tion, so that we might be ready to meet, in concert the
most urgent contiivencies, and to prevent any conflict of a
nature to throw our country into confusion.
Although this statement relates to the fact of some di-
versities of opinions amongst us, I do not hesitate to bring
it under notice; first, because those diversities are credit-
able to our party, having their source in the candour of
convictions that pant for the fullest possible triumph of
justice; and, secondly, because it would be useless to make
a mystery of those differences, since they have been indis-
creetly enough proclaimed to the world in the attacks made
by Mazzini upon the Socialists.
The plan just mentioned, on which I felt happy to find,
then, Le,dru liollin's views in accordance with my own,
was and remains most practical. It was calculated to give
every shade of opinion its legitimate share in the respond.-
bility of the struggle ; it made the fact of acting in com-
mon derive from a fraternal and successful attempt at
thinking entirely in common; it substituted the accordance
of views for a mere alliance of men ; it led to place in a
proper and clear light the objects to be attained, and could
not bare failed to impart the greatest importance to any
substantial manifesto written with a view to show to ore
side the soundness of their hoped, and to the other the folly
of their fears. Action, in this case, would have been like
the gesture that follows the thought, and not like the thun-
derbolt that shoots from the clouds. These considerations
were at the titre developed by myself in a letter which I
quote in the French edition of this pamphlet.
Instead of that, what does Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin, anti
Mazzini's pamphlet propose ?
" It is urgent that the party should have a recognised
centre of action, a chest, a watchword common to all
"The centre of action lies in us (c'est, noes), or in any one
else, provided they inspire confidence to the party—in a
few pure men who may understand and represent the great
European nationalities, who love each other, and love the
cause of all, who are ready to stand in the first rank in the
day of battle, anti in the last in the day of victory. ...... .
"The watchword is—Liberty for all ! Association of
all

"The definite object, the common object, is the Repub-
lican form of Government, established by the people and
for the people
" The means is not the actual liberty of individuals, nor
discussion ; it is the association, the work in concord, the
order ace discipline), the self-denial owfosracr
What strikes us in this outline is, first, its obscurity c ity and
its contradictory character. If the watchwordlisurLib
for all, why are we told that the means is not the actualerty
liberty of individuals nor discussion ? Who will be called
upon to limit the portion of liberty which individuals re
allowed to enjoy, so that the watchword, Liberty for all.'
could never be either a vain sound or a deception ? What
next is the meaning of the word discipline, an expression
borrowed from the language held by the Caesars? and how
is it that such a Virtue, highly appreciated in the imperial
camps, should be pat on a level with association, which
cannot exist but between equals, and on a le ~ ' - ith the
self-denial of sacrifice, which springs freely ant,. spontane-
ously from every generous heart? Discipline implies chiefs
having a right to command and soldiers bound in duty to
obey. Here, do the chiefs pretend to select themselves?
Whereupon, nothing would be left to the soldiers but to
obey, to obey without discussion, since discussion appears
to be forbidden! These are points which must be cleared
up.
"The centre of action lies in us (c'est nous), or in any
one else, provided they lova each other, and aro ready to
stand in the first rank in the day of battle, and is the last
in the day of victory."
Whoever
the latter condition, that admits of no difficulty.
serve aewas not actuated by so noble a feeling would de-
excluded, not only from any centre of action,
hut even from the
know whether X!lnirlimn stion is to
party. The que . .
it possible to consult withjedru-Rollin, and Mazzini think
shades of opinion different:ll'f epublicana belonging to certain
ri,-,,ena their own. Without that,
no true centre of action can
perchance, that in them all theesalished. Do they mean,
doctrines and all the aspi-
eations of the Republican party are, so to speak, personified ?
Vas, three years have scarcelfelP'sed since Mazzini mad©
upon the Socialists, their ideas, the nature of their ten-
dencies, and the result of their influencean over the people,
the most violent attack ever made ;d
ma-
anent, what has he done to show that tfreatnrd,hthaetialiisl
opinions aro altered ? God forbid we shon°l7
calumniatedTheras is
on this occasion by any bitter remembrance,l ho
prompted
on
the faith of the Secialiate, horribly
have been, a calm.equanimity that no vile feeling
re-
venge can overcast or obscure. Mazeini has been of
to them ; they will not descend to be unjust to them. ;4y
of Republican
Rome, all his life to the independence
Rome, and by serving that sacred cause with indomitablen
perseverance through so many obstacles, pangs, and perils,
he has conquered a title which neither his prejudices nor
his errors can obliterate. He may, therefore, as far as the
'independence of Italy is concerned, entirely rely upon our
hearty support. Mt, as regards France, he is not entitled
to represent those against whom he, declares ; and, as
long as be stands an adversary to the Socialists, who
fore/ the immense majority of the Republican party in
France, he must renounce the honour ;of being their en-
eign-bearer. By accepting him in this capacity, they
would break in upon the respect due to their creed and to
themselves.
Nov, what is the common and definite object to be
tnthie4l at.
according to Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin, and Maz-
. The Renulalic,a. n form of government—organised by
the people and
boo, organised b for the people. Very well ; but it hal
was said, organised
for the people, Yt','lllletPooPle, and, it
which, from revolutionth
of December, did a" Itnublican form of government
of February to the coup d'etat
gild all manner of t 3, 11t
serve to mask oppression, and to
Re-
publican form of government,
We were under the
when the national wnoirtent, born of universal suffrage,
by M. Marie, a republican, 'hone, so foolishly established
national workshops which brutally dissolved—those
n the most impudent of calum-
nies ascribed to the very man nazis
intended, and which made beggars net whom they were
the hungry work-
men in quest of employment. 11 were also under the
Republican form of government,
poured en the blood of the
forth in torrents;
people, in the month of Juno, was
when the leaders of thereaction, after havniantn.aenty times,
in the sitting of the 4th of May, shouted
to the
Republic ! came gradually so far as to rob of universal
suf-
frage the vile multitude, la File multitude. He ~ apublican, that •Gerioral Cavaigp 4.,c, :74. ordered to trarnes:

portations en mane, and allowed Paris to be a prey to all
the horrors of a savage resentment. Louis Bonaparte was
a republican, who, having perjury in his heart, though not
yet on his lips, sent French soldiers to Rome, there to
crush the Roman Republic, was president of the Republic.
You must remember it, you, Mazzini, in whose arms Italy
fell bleeding ! you, Ledru-Rollin, who are now an exile,
for having raised a most courageous protest against so
abominable an outrage ! No, no ; the Republican form of
government is not the object (le but) : the object is to re-
store to the dignity of human nature those whom the ex-
cess of poverty degrades, and to enlighten those whose in-
telligence, from want of education. is but a dim vacillating
lamp in the midst of darkness; the object is to make him
that works enjoy all the fruits of his work ; the object is
to enfranchise the people, by endeavouring gradually to
abolish this double slavery—ignorance and misery. A very
difficult task, indeed, whose accomplishment requires long
study, deep meditation, and something more than discip-
line ! As to the Republican form of government, it is
a mean most
which oughtt to
which
t we
s, st valuableoven
strive to conquer, at the certainly,cos aonfd wlife,h
very imprudent to mistake for the aim, as the consequence
might
be to make us take the shadow for the substance,
and run through a heap of ruins to fatal delusions.
This is the reason why I am not averse to discussing.
As much as any I dislike empty phrases, high-sounding
trifles, and all that sophistry which ended in the destruc-
tion of the Lower Empire ; but I do believe that in many
cases speeches give light ; that the republicans ought to be
able to gaze at the sun as eagles do, and that the love of
darkness must be left to owls and tyrants.
I am well aware, and I wilt gladly say, in justice to
Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin,h and Mazzini, that they have no
intention of proscribing discussion, after the victory is
won. But they seem inclined to believe that, till then,
discussion is to be removed. lamof a contrary opinion,
and feel convinced that intelligent men can hardly act in
common with power and success unless they have pre-
viously come to a perfect understanding as regards the
many objects of their common struggle. "The sable of
Mahomet struck in silence," true; but Malmmet was con-
sidered by his followers as a prophet, as a semi-god •he
was obliged to account for his schemes and his thoughts to
none but himself. Where is the man bold enough to say
to the republicans, "I am Mahomet; follow me ?" No
discussion, discipline. Nothing is to be done except to be
silent and to strike.

THE PEACE COALITION.

( Prom the Illustrated London News.)

Coalitions, as the public was so often informed during
the Administration of Lord Aberdeen, are not popular
in this country. Thera is a prejudice against them—
even when the objects of those who form them are neither
discreditable in themselves nor likely to be attended with
national danger and disgrace. But if so, what is the
amount of unpopularity that is likely to attach to a coali-
tion of which the object is to stop the nation in its career
of victory—to allow the enemy of European peace to
escape without the full measure of punishment which
will keep him quiet for the future ; and to dissever the
strongest and noblest alliance ever formed between two
great nations t A coalition such as this might be better
designated by the name of a conspiracy ; not the less a
conspiracy because its members talk loudly and openly,
and are neither ashamed of being unpatriotic, nor of pre-
ferring pelf to honour, and their own inglorious ease to
the safety and independence of Europe. With such a
coalition this country is threatened. Its founder and
original members were Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright—
both warlike men ; the one who boasted that Russia
could be "crumpled up" like a piece of paper, and the
other a runner of perpetual tilts against everybody
who presumes to differ from his opinion, and
who wages a perpetual feed of the tongue
against the press, which, when it dares to dis-
agree with his consummate wisdom, he cordially de-
tests, and against the majority of his countrymen, whose
opinions he despises. These two were successively joined,
to a greater or lesser extent, by Mr. Gladstone, Sir Jas.
Graham, Lord John Russell, and others—all warlike
men in their way, and guilty, if guilt there be, of the
original declaration and slow prosecution of the war
against Russia. This embryo of a party, or coalition,
has lately begun to develop itself more largely. The
monster has assumed limbs and tongue, and there are
indications—convincing enough t. some, though not to
us—that it is about to be provided with a head in the
shape of a person no less eminent and gifted than the
leader of the Conservative party in the Souse of Com-
mons.

Moreover, where is the use of going back to Mehemet?
Louis Napoleon was there ! But if hereafter, in order to
combat him successfully, we know nothing bettor than to
plagiarise his summary proceedings, I fear that all the
chances would continue to remain with him—with him,
the uncontrolled possessor of the Treasury of France, the
centre of a formidable organisation long prepared, and the
moat taciturn chief of an army, which strikes ranch and
speaks little. Ah ! do not let us deceive ourselves thus on
the origin and nature of our power. That which consti-
tutes the force of the old world is not alone that which
constitutes the force of the new world. Our power lies in
the utterly insufferable nature of those pangs of death in
which all the condemned of the earth are tossed ; where-
fore we must place before their eyes the ideas that contain
life. Our power lies in the sympathies of all noble intel-
lects; wherefore we must hold the thing which is proper
to those intellects. Our power is in the justice of our
cause ; wherefore we mast inscribe upon our flag the
clearest possible declarations of principle.
The times are difficult, lallow, because despotism watches
on almost every frontier, endeavouring to arrest thought in
its passage; but Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin, and illazzini would
never have published their manifesto if they knew not that
there is no custom-house which is not the sport of the in-
defatigable contraband of the human mind.
In our day, moreover, the people must know clearly the
worth of the movement to which they are solicited. For
Italy, for Hungary, the question is simple. It is far less
so for France. The people will not easily take the sword,
if we insist upon leaving a bandage over its eyes. It has
already too otten turned upon its bad of pain, as ithout find-
ing repose—it has already poured forth too much blood,
only to arrive at a change of masters. But what besides ?
The people, which is hungry, behold the bourgeoisie, which
is afraid. The calumnies spread against us have peopled
the imagination of the middle classes with a thousand
black phantoms ! What appals them is the unforeseen, the
unknown ! Thus it happens that certain people accept
the Empire, even while they detest. Now, is it to be be-
lieved that the apprehensions which oppose us can be re-
moved by spreading on the morrow of the revolution un-
certainties a thousand times more alarming than the most
hardy affirmations? And have we nothing to offer to the
terrified spirits to restore their calm, except the image of
"a sabre that strikes in silence ?"
That is not all ; the work of the morrow is dictated to
us by our very differences. For, all the prealabte under-
standing on that point being set aside, what would
happen if the situation were found in possession of Inca
who represent only a fraction of the party ? Could not
this fraction, in all good faith, if you will, and quite
honestly, but with a violence proportionate to its convic-
tions, make use of force against the other rival fractions ?
We should have, you will say, for the protection of all, the
sovereignty of the people. Illusion ! When a revolutionary
crisis breaks out, is the national will able to declare itself at
the moment ? Has not every revolution a provisional state
to go through `I Does not the direction of events depend
upon men who, in moments of oupreme transition, are in-
vested with the command of forces ? Is it ndt natural to
think that, in the case of a great crisis in France, the cir-
cumstances would be of a nature to require, on the spot, the
action of a vigorous power? And what would happen, I ask,
again, if those who wish the least, were judged too dan•
gerous by those who wished the most, or vice versa .?
Road history—how many blcody misunderstanding would
not the Montagnards and the Girondins have escaped if,
on the eve of a tremendous battle, they had the opportu-
nity of better penetrating and comprehending each other's
meaning? Unhappily, once involved in the smoke of com-
bat, deadened with its tumult, intoxicated by its violence,
they thought they saw everywhere the sceptre of treason ;
not content to carry the seal points at issue, theyshowered
imaginary accusations upon one another; they mutually
suspected each other of desiring the destruction of that Re-
public which they all loved with an equal love, and thus
they dug beneath their own feet a vast abyss into which
they all fell, one by one, until the Revolution was in its
turn swallowed up. The melancholy prediction of Verg-
niaud was realised ; Saturn had devoured his ehildren !
Turn over a few more leaves of the book ; you will road
there how, after February, 1848, General Cenaignac, a Ile-
publican, was lad to employ his dictatorship in the decli-
nation of the Republican party, and how a part of the
army fired upon the advadbed guard.
It would be in vain to deny it, and this is one of the
apprehensions which we must dissipate ; a danger does lie
there, and it must be taken into consideration, not, ili-
deed, to make it a motive for drawing back, or hesitating,
but in order to take measures for avoiding it, and to con-
clude thence, that if wo must act, we must also exercise
foresight. The difficulty is not such as could not be easily
surmounted by men of good will and of generous senti-
ments. Are there not, beyond the mere Republican form
of Government, several important points, ',upon which all
the Republicans might be soon brought to agree? How
ninny imagine they differ about things, who only differ
about words ! How often differences, apparently 'ereet,
are found, upon closer examination, to rest on slight mis-
understandings ! But then closer examination must not
be avoided', nor absorption be mistaken for unity.
Ono last word. The manifesto of Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin,
and Mazzini contains the following passage,—" Shame on
him amongst us who, by separating from the common work
shall desert the army which the cry of its suffering brethren
is driving to battle, to isolate simself iu the barren pride
of an exclusive programme ! He may be a sectarian, but
he is not the man of the Universal Church." No exclusive
programme, certainly, but the active, devoted, and coura-
geous concurrence of each to the cause of all is what I, for
my part, desire as ardently as Kossuth, Ledru-Rollin, and I
Mazzini. But I cannot cry anathema against a worship,
however solitary, of the truth. When the isolatiou of a
philosopher, a friend of the people, is but the delicate re•
serve of a rigid conscience which disdains popularity, dis-
likes concessions, and only trusts, for the deliverance of
the oppressed, to the latent force of things aided by study,
we may tax such a philosopher with error, and blame him
for over much pride; butif he is disinterested in his belief,
if he suffers for what he believes to be absolute truth, his
error certainly has in it nothing criminal, his pride nothing
shameful.

While we believe that the conceit and wrong-headed.
ness of many men who once bore honoured names in the
Senate of their country, but who heve utterly lost them-
selves on the question of the war, are quite sufficient to
form a political combination for patching up a prema-
ture, dishonourable, and illusory peace—we must hesi-
tate iu believing that Mr. Disraeli has become of their
party. Until his own mouth, or his own pen, tracing
his own signature to the confession, shall proclaim to the
world that he considers it at this moment to be the duty
of England and France to offer peace to the Czar on the
terms tendered in April last, we shall refuse to credit
the assertion that a man so distinguished has made
shipwreck of a reputation so gallantly won, and of a
political position conquered with such brilliant exertion,
and held against all corners as chivalrously as a cham-
pionship in the feudal ages. It is nevertheless singular,
when every other public man of note who has lately
found, or made, an opportunity of addressing his fellow-
countrymen, has spoken to them earnestly on the all-en-
grossing topic of the war, that Mr. Disraeli, in the only
public display he has made since the prorogation of
Parliament, studiously avoided the subject. While his
hearers hung entranced upon his words—when they ex-
pected every moment that he would have done with
manure and prize ploughmen, and, swinging round in
the full majesty of a great oratorical three-decker, would
have launched a broadside against the enemies of his
country—he remained mute. Not a syllable on the one
high topic escaped his lips. From him there fell no word
either of praise or blame. He did not, like brave and
bellicose John Bright, wash his hands of the guilt or the
glory of his countrymen. He did not, like Lord Pal-
merston—with whom he once agreed that the only true,
safe, and dignified policy was to carry on the war with
the utmost possible vigour—speak out eloquently and
fervidly on the late triumphs of the allied arms, or in-
dicate in stirring language, whose echoes yet reverbe-
rate through Europe, the work that yet remains to be
done for the restraint and punishment of the guilty
ambition of the Muscovite. He did not like Sir Bulwer
Lytton, who is, like himself, both statesman and man of
genius, utter, with hearty sincerity and eloquent truth-
fulness, the patriotic sentiments that inspire the minds
of all classes of the people, and do his best at this cri-
tical period of his country's history to show that no
sacrifices in a noble and a just cause are too heavy for
that nation to make which desires to retain its place in
the vanguard of civilisation. He kept, on the contrary,
a remarkable, and, as it seems to us, an unworthy
silence. At the same time, there appeared in a weekly
journal—of which he is believed to be the founder, which
is known to have been—or to be—his organ, and to
which he is more than suspected to be a frequent con-
tributor—an article distinctly advocating a policy of con-
cession to the Emperor of Russia. It is time, there-
fore, that Mr. Disraeli should declare himself openly if
he do not wish to be misunderstood. There is no neces-
sity that he should disavow the articles in the weekly
newspaper with which people persist in associating his
name ; for statesmen are not compelled to confess
whether they do or do not write leading articles ; but
there is a necessity, if he wishes to stand well with his
country, and with the great Conservative party of
which he has been the brilliant and by no means unsuc-
cessful leader in the House of Commons, that he should
deliver his decisive verdict on the"war question. If he
do not he will remain under suspicion. His power of
wiefulness will be impaired, and damage will be inflicted
on the credit of the great and patriotic party with which
he has so long acted.
It is clear, however, whether Mr. Disraeli do or do
not speak out as becomes his position, that if he have
resolved to join Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone, he will
not take the Conservative party along with him. Sir Bul-
wer Ly tton is as much entitled to speak for that party as
Mr. Disraeli; and he, we know by his late manly oration,
has a heart that throbs in unison with the great heart
of England, and will not withhold his support even
from political opponents, if they honestly and vigorously
carry on the work to which they are pledged to their
own country—to their allies—and to the world. Vice
Disraeli, abdicated or superseded, Sir Balwer Lytton
would become the leader of the Conservative party in
the Lower House ; and Mr. Disraeli would become—
what Lord John Itus:mll is—a statesman irretrievably
damaged ;or what Mr. Gladstone is—a man to be ad-
mired for his brilliancy in debate, but never more to be
trusted or followed. The organs of Conservative opinion
in the country, however much they may have differed
from the statesmen now in office upon other questions
—or however bitterly they may have commented upon
the management or mismanagement of affairs in
the Crimea—have been true to the principle of war.
They have never swerved—never been dilatory—
never been lukewarm ; but, like true patriots and
honest Englishmen, have seen that the war question rose
high above all party squabbles and party interests,
and concerned, not factions or their leaders merely, but
the honour, the dignity, and the very existence of the
nation. They will not follow Mr. Disraeli if he attempts
to lead them towards a coalition with Mr. Bright, the
incarnation of all the conceit and cowardice of ultra.
commercialism; or with Mr. Gladstone, the straw-belan-
ciug and straw-splittingstatesman whom nature intended
either for a Chancery barrister, or for the Superior of a
College of Jesuits, and whose mind offers a strange and
disagreeable compound of the peculiar talents and quali-
fications of both. The Conservative party is sound upon
the question, as indeed are all the great parties, by
whatever names they may call themselves. The out-
siders and stragglers, the men of whims and crotchets,
the impracticable, who owe and give no allegiance,
aided by a few men whose inordinate. vanity led them
to aspire too high, and who have, consequently, been
disappointed, may prate of peace where peace is impos-
sible. Being rejected of all, they may endeavour to
form a combination among themselves that shall give
them strength and importance ; but their effort will not
succeed. Mr. Disraeli would, doubtless, be a great ac-
quisition ; and they, accordingly, suspecting either his
weakness or his ambition, flatter him to the top of his
bent, and lime the twig with the honey of soft speeches,
and with glorious predictions of the taxes he would have
repealed, and of the other great things which he would
havedone, had he continued Chancellor of the Exchequer.
But will they catch the fine bird ? That remains to be
seen. In the mean time we will not do Mr. Disrael
the injustice to believe it.

I must add that, in the Etiansi mites, ego non, there
has almost always been something heroic. When Galileo
was contending against all Catholics that the earth turns
round the sun, he was not the man or the-Universal Church
of the Popes. This was his glora, not his shame.
Moreover, there are words that do not sound well in the
mouth of a Republican. Those who are heard continually
inveighing against sectarians ought to remember that it
was just by such a name that the apostles of progress in the
past wero always hunted down. The Vaudois and the
Albigenses, for insisting upon a higher practice of the
morality of the Gospel, were called sectarians. Wickliffe,
who was so daring as to term the Pope Antichrist, was
called sectarian. John Huss, who assailed the vices of the
clergy, indulgences, the sacrament under one species; a
theological form of inequality, was burnt as a sectarian.
Luther was reputed a sectarian, till, having become the
warmest friend of princes and their accomplice, he per-
secuted in his turn Carlostadt and Munzer as sectarians.
They went also by the name of sectarians, the few intrepid
men who, under the reign of Louis Philippe, aspired to the
Republic. Oh, believe me; let. us leave to the past its
sombre vocabulary and the worn-nut form of its anathe-
mas -To fulminate exerr:nmunication, for the sake of the
Universal Church, has decidedly grown out of fashion, and
the Vatican itself knows not, at present, whit to do with
its thunderings.

To sum upwll: Organisation,, bnt no imperial counter.
feiting, even in a warlike way, ;Union, but in the sphere
of principles, first. War against the present, but no veil
thrown over the morrow. Action, bat subservient to the
thought.—l wm, sir, yours, &c., Lows BLANC.

! ' We are informed that a project of law for extend' g
the hairier; of Paris to the line of fortifications is acitrlti-
.
Tux WAR, IN TEE EkST.—POWICRFLII
ally before the Council of State. ,
Piccadilly, Observe
PAIT4EN)TVIU'RTEiBCOMIZI;IINI --a
G1.A.83?.5. Messrs. S. and B. sole.
mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street,
opposite the York Betel. By ker Majesty's Royel
Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements
in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp,• Race-
course, Opera, and PerspectiveGLasses, to know the distances
of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the
401,TY,navY, and others. These telescopes possess such extra.
ordinary powers 'that some 3i
almndeellfihl-inches, Ivith an extra op.
show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring,
seen a persona countenance
stars ; with the same teicieope can be
sizes with in
. countenance three miles and ai half distant.,
and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They are glamor and al.
above, and the
by,' es,
4 t:.164
Exhibition, 185
sing powers accordingly ; while their vary-
inches enable us to discover more than, the
a person can be seen Georgian, with his 6 satellites, &b.--The c. —The Royal
powerful waistcoat-poeli
Valuable, neva-.
y invented, very small,
and sh'
eknglass,the size of a walnut, by which
ooting,
every
oti nt r
yp uaeons ee r
yo 7 the and
They are invaluable for 2
race-course, 1! miles distant; they answer
s are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles.
and at the opera house,,
sportsmen, gentlemen, game rkseeepers' deer-stalking, yachting, to
camp, and perspectivepower.—ziewly-construeted. Spectclgl324Beand
that valuablevision
n advantage, derive('
s, tourists. Opera,
race-course,
with wonderful
est transparent power. The e Lenses ,of the great-
from this invention ii,
preserved and strengthened, andbecoming impaired is
enabled to employ their sight at verythe agent
?nrssf. at/
amuchi
minutean e xm '-t
r ale: redi "
pation—can see with those lenses of
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to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance.cliann479
oft
ness—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, bc"-.
nary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness,.
entirely different from all' others, to surpass anything
kind that has been; or probably ever can be, produenlW
Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ';': it
enables deaf persons to 'hear distinctly at Church and at
public assemblies; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises
in the ears is entirely removed; and it affords! all the assist- ,
ante that possibly could_ be desired. .3J, Albemarle-street,
'Piccadilly. Obisrva--opposito the York hotel.
~

THE SUN; LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 15, 1856.

demand for discount. And there appears to be little
doubt that partly to pay for the imports of silver from
France ond partly, perhaps chiefly, in connect on with
purchases of gold by the Bank of France, this drain has
been created. But then the question is, in what way has
this gold been paid for I It is obvious that if the state of
the balance of trade was not such as to lead to an export
of bullion, some means must have been resotted to in order
to pay for the gold in this market. It appears now to be
pretty plain that this has been accomplished by buying up
the bills upon England held in Paris, and other large
cities on the Continent, and remifting them to this coun-
try where they have been discounted, and the proceeds
applied to the payment of the gold in question, and thus
the sudden increase of bills under discount with the
Bank is amply accounted for.

But then the question will be asked, and it is an im.
portant one, how have these bills been created ? It has
been rumoured that they have been drawn for the pur-
pose, and have no connection with any regular trade
*consactions. If such were the case they might be re-
newed from time to time, if they could still be discounted
and the final adjustment of the accounts consideralrly
postponed. But there seems no good ground for those
rumours. The truth we believe to be as follows :—At
all times there is a very large amount of English bills
held by continental bankers and merchants, in pro•
gress of being due. Those bills are used for the pur-
pose of supplying the ordinary demands of trade when
remittances require to be made, and thus they
reach England before they are at maturity. It
appears, however, that with a view to the trans-
actions already alluded to these bills have been collected
and remitted to England before the ordinary time. But
then the question is, how will the vacuum thus created
in the continental markets be filled up ? The demand
for paper upon London, for the ordinary purposes of
trade, and which the bills referred to would, under usual
circumstances, have supplied, will still continue ; and in
the absence of the common supply this demand will no
doubt raise the exchanges, and compel an export of gold
to this country in the absence of bills. A desire, how-
ever, on the part of the continental banks to retain their
gold will probably induce them to raise their rates of dis-
count and to limit their accommodation, and this may be
productive, lees or more, of a panic. From these consi-
derations we believe an early reaction to some extent to
be certain ; and for some weeks to come we may hope
for more ease in the money market.
'We must not, however, overlook the permanent causes
in connecticn with the war expenditure, the tendency of
which must continue to lead to unfavourable exchanges,
' a drain of bullion, a reduction in the price of securities,
and a high rate of interest.

THE COLONIES' AND STEAM COMIU-

CAPTAIN DUFF, 23d ROYAL TVRISII

FUSILIERS.

An officer of the Light Division writes from the
Crimea, under date of Sept. 26 :—Captain James Duff,
of the 23d Regiment, who was taken prisoner on the sth
of November, 1854, the day of the battle of Inkeraia,n,
arrived here a few days ago, having been exchanged at
Odessa. His own version of his adventures and treat-
ment in some of the journals. He was taken prisoner
while on picket in the White House ravine, leading to
Careening Bay. He attributes the fault of his capture
to a party of men of the division on his right, who
fell back without passing on the alarm. Duff and his
picket were fighting in front, and had nearly expended
their ammunition, when to their surprise they suddenly
found some of the enemy on their flank. The men
perceived that they were being surrounded, and
attempted to fall back. As they did so, one man who
kept close to Duff was knocked over by his side. He
then tried to make for a path leading up the hill,
and had proceeded a few 3ards when he met
some Russians in front, directly opposing his
further progress. They had got round them. Eight or
nine men then closed upon Duff, and, as he still
struggled to escape, one man gave him a tap on the
head with the butt of his musket, which slightly stunned
him. The Russians then carried him off in triumph ;
they would not let him walk. He soon recovered from
the blow on his head, and while going along was fully
aroused by a volley of Mini 4 rifle balls which came
whistling among his escort. Two or three of them were
wounded, and the remainder then allowed him to walk
with them to the rear. Some of the men spat upon him,
and he thought they would have shot or bayoneted him
had it not been for the protection of the soldier who par-
ticularly regarded him as his own especial property. It
appears that every Russian soldier who captures an
officer and can produce him alive, gets the order of St.
George. In case of the officer being dead the private would
not be believe 1 were he to state that he had made a pri-
soner of him while alive. Unless, therefore, under extreme
excitement the Russian soldier will do what he can to
keep his prisoner safe, that is, provided he can hope to
remove him to a place of security ; if the prisoner be
badly wounded, and there is a chance of his not being
able from any cause to reach the place where the soldier
could establish his claim, there is no doubt he will re-
ceive little mercy at his hands. But it is rather a satin•
factory thing to know, in case of accident, that, if taken,
it will be an object of interest with the captor to try and
pre;,ent his prize to his superiors in a state of living en-
tity and pereonal completeness

NICATION.

-Captain Duff remained on the field during the whole
of the battle of Inkerman, and saw the fight from the
Russian position. Ile appears to have been greatly sur-
prised at the number of guns which the enemy had con-
trived Co get into position on the heights during the
night.
. . .

(From the Australian and New Zealand Gazette.)
In a recent number we referred to the subject of steam
communication with the colonies, and the position in
which the subject is placed by the war. The absorbing
effect of the contest has been to draw off the attention
of our home officials from the question, as well as to
monopolise means ; and hence the parsimony which cut
off the Australian branch of the Peninsular and Oriental
navigation. The indifferent success of various projects
helped to tire the public mind at home, and so to exone-
rate the officials from exertion. We see by the Sydney
papers that the Australians have in part anticipated this
difficulty, and it formed the subject of remarks by Sir
W. Denison to the legislature of New Smyth Wales :
" The stoppage of the regular monthly steam commu-
nicationwitle England has been productive of much incon-
venience. I have, in consequence, addressed letters to
the governors of the other Australian colonies, and of
New Zealand, for the purpose of ascertaining whether,
by the joint action of all these colonies, arrangements
might nut be made, which, by relieving the Home Go-
vernment from a portion of the cost of maintaining the
monthly steamers, would insure a speedy re-establish-
ment of the system, upon the advantages of which it is
unnecessary for me to dilate. In bringing the subject
under the consideration of her Majesty's Government,
I felt myself justified in assuming that the legislature of
New South Wales would not hesitate to sanction any
outlay which might be considered to represent its fair
proportion of the expense which might be thrown upon
these colonies ; and I trust, therefore, that you will give
your ready assent to a bill which will be laid before you,
empowering the Government to expend annually such a
sum as may be considered necessary for the attainment
of a regular steam communication with England. The
whole of the papers and correspondence on this subject
will be laid before you, and from these it will be seen that
it is by no means improbable that a communication
once a fortnight may be secured at a cost little exceed-
ing that which was considered to be but a fair equiva-
lent for a monthly packet."
Since these remarks were made it is stated by the
press in Sydney that a scheme is actually before the Go-
vernor of Now South Wales for a steam-packet commu-
nication between Panama and Tahiti, with branch steam
lines between Tahiti and Sydney and Melbourne. Tahiti
is to be the great entrepot for the steam service in the
Pacific, and the terminus of the steamers from Australia
and Panama. The steamers will coal and the passengers
be transhipped there. A. different class of steamers is
to run between Panama and Tahiti from those running
between the latter place and Australia. The harbour
of Tahiti is a beautiful basin, perfectly protected by reefs,
and docks could be formed for a small outlay. Labour is
abundant and cheap there. When the steamer Golden Age
touched at Tahiti to coal, 1,500 tons of coal were placed
on board in G 5 hours, and the expense of putting it
on board was only 4s. 23. a ton. It is calm-dated that
the voyage between Australia and Tahiti could be
made in 13 days, and between Tahiti and Panama in 18
days. New York would by this scheme be brought
within 45 days of Australia, and England within 50
days.

' This looks like business ; and we observe that Gover-
nor Denison does not omit colonies that ought to be
included in the scheme. The doubt suggested to us is,
whether the tone of his remarks is not calculated to in-
crease the inherent tendency of representative bodies to
grant means too small for the purpose. This is always
to be apprehended, and it would be disastrous in the
present case on many accounts. A short allowance at
first often occasions increased outlay in the end, and
coupled with disappointment at not realising expecta-
tion ; but a second failure to establish a really effective
steam communication with Australia might have the
most prejudicial effect in retarding practical results for
years. Moreover, if the colonies are stingy, the Colo-
nial-office will let Parliament be so ; and while the
home authorities would feel bound to come forward
handsomely, if the colonies took the initiative and
set them the example, they would readily retreat into
an initiative stinginess ; and so for every pound withheld
by Australia, Australia would lose a pound from
England.

During the first part of Captain Duff's imprison-
ment he was treated badly enough. His uniform
was taken from him, and he was supplied with clothes
of a very coarse description. He was marched through
the country with a gang of convicts—felons of the worst
description—who were being removed for transportation
to the penal settlements of Siberia. With these men,
and with two soldiers of the guard, one on each side of
him, he slept at night and had his meals, and they were
taught to regard him, and called him, Vieir " cainarade.”
As they passed through some villages the bigoted pea-
sants pelted them with stones. There was no opportu-
nity offered for ablution, and the state of dirt and neglect
into which they fell became most repulsive. The condi-
tion of the prisoners, however, could hardly be expected
to attract attention, for it would seem the officer who
commanded the guard over the prisoners of war ar'd the
convicts, though unfettered by restrictions, exhibited as
little anxiety about the surface of his own person as he
did about those of the men he was guarding. When the
insect visitors who honoured him with their presence
became too numerous and too importunate his servant
was desired to remove a portion of them, and the occa-
sions for this interference were rather frequent. Once
during the long march this officer was seen to have ap-
plied soap and water to his person, but only once during
the route of 700 miles to Moscow.
At last Moscow was reached, and here not only the
scene was changed, but the condition of the British
prisoners. A house was given up to them, and they re-
ceived frequent civilities and attention from the better
classes of society in this city. They were invited to f6tes
and parties, and in certain circles, more especially
among the ladies, were made especial of jests of corn-
passion, and became the lions of the day. No difficulty
was experienced in getting bills on certain London
houses cashed, and a premium was given on the ex-
change. They found also at, Moscow a clergyman of the
Church of England. At Odessa they experienced the
same kind of civility as at Moscow, but the social par-
ties and entertainments were wanting. The news of the
battle of the Tchernaya and its termination had reached
this latter place before Captain Duff left, and the at-
tempt against the allied position was admitted on all
sides to have been defeated. The failure produced
general and marked depression of spirits. Strange to'•
say, the Raissians pretend not to regard Alma and In-
kerm;n as defeats ; they say that their general ordered
the troops to retire from motives of policy, but were not
driven back. The battle of the Tchernaya, according to
them, was our first real victory.

ASSAULT BY LORD ERNESP VANE•ON MT.
NASH, OF THE WINDSOR THEATRE.

The fallowing statement has appeared in the Windsor
Zxpress:—

" MR. ALBERT NASH'S STATEUENT.

"I am the lessee of the theatre in this town. Lord
Ernest Vane, an officer of the 2,1 Life Guards, stationed in
this place, had been in the habit for two or three nights
previous to the evening in question, with other officers, of
coming behind the scenes, and had behaved himself in a
respectable manner, but I cannot say it was so on Friday,
the 21st ult. .10 the early part of the evening his lordship
had amused himself by blacking the eyes of one person,
kicking another, and so forth. My first salute from him
was his stick broken across my back. The curtain was go-
ing up ; I was wanted ; the house pretty full, and, as I did
not wish the audience to be disturbed, I put up with it and
went on. When the piece was over and I was dressing for
the last, I was informed that hislordship had forced his way
into the ladies' dressing-room, and would not leave, though
repeatedly requested by the ladies, who had to commence
redressing, so to do. I sent my stage-manager to remon-
strate with him, but to no effect. I then went myself
when he told me to go to a place not mentioned to ears
polite. lat length was obliged to send for a policeman.
When the officer came he quietly walked out. I had
finished dressing and was preparing to go on with the last
piece ; he met me at the hack of the stage, and said he
wanted to speak to me, took hold of me by the collar,
and before I was aware of it, dragged mo to the top of
some steep stairs leading beneath the stage. He then
said—' You dared to send a policeman to me; now I will
break your infernal neck ; I'll kill you !' He held me in a
position that I must fall backwards. I endeavoured to
escape from him, and said, For God's sake do not kill me
in cold blood !' But ho would not let me shrink, and
hurled me from the top with all his force. Fortunately a
young man, hearing the noise, came to the bottom of the
stairs as I fell, and broke my fall, or death would have
been certain. He then was cowardly enough to come and
dash his fist in my face us I lay on the ground ; but even-
tually his brother officers and other persons interfered and
got him away from me. I may mention that the soldiers,
of whom there ware many in front, had been informed that
their officers were being insulted, and were forcing their
way on the stage. I am sorry to say that ono of his brother
officers to whom I appealed gave me no assistance, but
told. me to get him out of the ladies' room myself. Fear-
ing a collision between the soldiers and civilians, I did not
give him into custody.
"On the following day a military gentleman waited on
me to compromise matters. I told him I would bring the
young ruffian to justice, and no one can prove that either
myself or any person on my behalf listened for one moment
to an offer of settlement. Having felt the bitterness of
death, I did not think that money should compensate it.
The local magistrates who were to adjudicate the case
strongly advised me to make up matters, with a delicate
consideration for the interests of the theatre which I never
before found from them. I had three or four attendances
before I could procure the summons, and, though I pressed
for it on Saturday, I did not get it till Tuesday. It would
do quite as well if his lordship had notice to attend. At
last, on Thursday, the 27th ult., the case came on. Hav-
ing heard my own evidence and that of others—mostly
unwilling witnesses (one having been summoned), it being
generally known that goltken ointment had been adminis-
tered in more than one instance—the magistrates, after
stating that they considered it a most unjustifiable assault,
convicted the noble defendant in the extreme penalty of
51., saying that they would not send it to another tribunal.

Now, sir, I ask you, is not this a mere mockery
justice? What is 51. to a man in his position? Not so
much as fivepence to a poor man ; and I fearlessly assort
—and the above incontrovertible facts will prove it—that
a more deliberate attempt to kill a fellow-creature has not
been made for some time Could I but have seen him
punished as a poor man would have been (I feel strongly,
being a young man), all the money in the world should
not have purchased that punishment from me. I have not
acted from mercenary. motives ; therefore I appeal to you,
through whom that justice is given which courts of law
sometimes deny.— I remain, sir, yours obediently,
" ALBERT NASH. Lessee of the Windsor Theatre.
" Windsor, Oct. 6."

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In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.- .51b. lls. ; 121 b. 22e.
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BOOK POST TO THE BRITISH FORCES
AT TIM SEAT OF WAR.

General Post-office, October, 1855.
On and from the 15th inst., the privileges of the book
post (sulject to the following regulations) will be ex-
ten led to the British forces serving in Turkey, Greece, the
Black Sea, the Baltic, the White Sea, to the Foreign
Legion stationed at Heligoland, and also to seamen
serving in the transport service in Turkey and the Black
Sea ; on the uuder4tanding, however, that the convey-
ance of such books, &c., will be restricted to vessels of
war and transports, or, in the case of books, &c., to the
forces in the East, to direct packets, or to packets via
Malta.

1. POSTAGE RATES
For a packet not exceeding 4 oz
Fora packet exceeding 4 oz., and not exceeding 8 oz. 2d.
Ditto 8 oz. ditto 16 oz. 4d.

. ld.

Ditto 11 b. ditto 1i lb. 6d.
and so on, 2d. being charged for every additional half-
pound, or any less weighty.
2. The postage must be prepaid in full by means of
postage stamps affixed
outside the packet or its cover.
3. Every packet must be sent either without a cover,
or in a cover open at the ends or sides.
4. If the postage paid on the packet amount to as
much as 4d., it may contain any number of separate
books or other publications, votes and proceedings of
parliament, prints or maps, and any quantity of paper,
parchment, or vellum (to the exclusion, however, of
letters, whether sealed or open) ; and the books, or
other publications, prints, maps, &c., may be either
printed, written, or plain, or any mixture of the three.
Further, all binding, mounting, or covering of a book,
pubication, &c., or of a portion thereof, will be allowed,
whether such binding, &c., be loose or attached ; as
also rollers, in the case of prints or maps, markers
(whether of papers or otherwise) in the case of books,
and, in short, whatever is necessary for the safe trans-
mission of literary or artistic matter, or usually apper-
tains thereto.

5. But if the postage paid be less than 4d., the packet
must consist exclusively of printed matter, without re-
striction, however, either as to whether they are bound
or unbound.

6. A book packet, whatever may be the postage paid
thereon, must not contain any letter, closed or open, or
any enclosure sealed or otherwise closed against inspec-
tion, nor must there be any letter, or any communication
of the nature of a letter, written or printed, in any such
packet, or on its cover.

7. No book packet can be received if it exceed two
feet in length, width, or depth.
8. Any packet, which shall not be open at the ends or
sides, or shall have any letter, or any communication of
the nature of a letter written or printed on it, or upon
its cover, will not be forwarded.

9. If a packet be found to contain any letter, whether
closed or open, or any enclosure sealed or otherwise
closed against inspection, or any other unauthorised en
closure, the letter or enclosure will be taken out and
treated as an unpaid letter; and the remainder of the
packet, if duly prepaid with stamps, will then be for-
warded to its address.

10. These regulations will not interfere with the privi-
leges allowed to newspapers posted in accordance with
the regulations applicable thereto.
11. To prevent obstacles to the regular transmission
of letters, any officer of the Post-office may, when neces-
sary, detain a book packet for a period not exceeding 24
hours beyond the time when it would otherwise be for-
warded.

12. The head postmaster, who first receives a book
packet must, whenever he has ground for suspecting an
infringement of any of the above conditions, and occa-
sionally even whe❑ there is no ground for suspicion,
open and examino the packet ; and every book packet
which shall not be open at the ends or sides, or shall
exceed two feet in length, width, or depth, or shall have
any letter or any communication of the nature of a letter
written or printed in it or on. its cover, or shall be either
unpaid or insufficiently paid, must be sent up with as
little delay as possible, to the Dead Letter-office in
London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, as the case may be.