The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-29 00:00:00

tempted to conciliate allies who, in many cases, are
comparatively indifferent to economical questions,
whilst they are uniformly hostile to Lord John Itust.ell.
But the objects to he gained by flattering religious an-
tipathies in England lay nearest to official vision. It
was, therefore, determined to go to the country on the
No-Popery cry, and even Lord John Manners has ap-
pealed to his constituents in the character of a zealous
1 ultra-Protestant. It is curious to observe that the
genuine bigots of Colchester are not satisfied with so
suspicious a conversion. As the candidate, however,
has gratuitously tendered the sectarian issue, he can
scarcely complain if he is himself sacrificed to the pre-
judices of more thorough-going zealots. The events of the
next fortnight or three weeks will show whether we are
mistaken in believing that the conflict of par-
ties is virtually decided. The remoter conse-
quences of the election will only appear
' when experience shall have shown the nature
of the questions which may require early solution. It
is stitisfactury to observe that none of the more distin-
guished Parliamentary leaders aro in any seriousdanger
of. exclusion: The battle of the next five years will, to
all appearanee, be carried on among the same cern-
barants who have hitherto represented the various sec-
tions of the House of Commons. Mr. Macaulay, shculd
he be retorted for Edinburh, will probably be the most
prominent accession
which
g the great number of new can-
didates, there
above mediae city;
wilt receive. Amon
may, perhap
all robability, the mein-
p
bers of the last two Cabinets will form, together with
three or four distinguished Liberals of other sections of
the House; the leaders of the undoubted anti-Ministerial
majority. In the fresh combinations which must neces-
sarily be formed when all parties
not improbable that the relative positions
many_ Po-
liticians will be materially altered. "parliamentof
get a new start, it is
d the
country will at last demand that soething'abla be
done to carry out the sound principles which htoieh sitais
itsso
easy to profess. Practical ability
turn of office, when we have so often witnessed
d
the failure of party dexterity to accomplish lersset
own petty purposes. The first object is to seeureentihes
country against the success of a retrograde
policy; but
candidates ought to recollect that something further is
required than a mere negative protest against reaction.
In some of the addresses of Liberal Members, a long
series of Parliamentary votes is recorded, with the view
of enforcing the claims of the respective writers to fu-
ture confidence. Yet it will appear, on investigation,
that, in nine cases out of ten, the measures which these
candidates boast of having supported have still to receive
the sanction of Parliament? It is true that defeat is no
proof of incompetence; but when a legislator appeals
only to laws which he has not succeeded in passing,
there arises a presumption that he has either chosen his
objects without judgment, or pursued them with insuffi-
cient ability. In most cases both charges would be found
to apply, even though the reforming politician was in
earnest when he gave his useless votes. There are
surely many practical improvements which the Repre-
sentatives of the metropolis might have aided in effect-
ing, if their political conduct and character had given
them the influence befitting their position. Lord John
Russell, indeed, belongs to a different category from that
in which the metropolitan Members generally must be
ranked; and Sir William Molesworth's exertions on be-
half of the colonies do credit to the judgment of his con-1
stituents. With the remaining representatives of London
we should perhaps have little quarrel, if they sat for ob-
scure boroughs in remote parts of the country; but it is
unfortunate that the capital of the empire should return
Members to Parliament, scarcely one of whom would be
recognised by any political party as fit to hold any con-
siderable office, or to be entrusted with the conduct of
any important question. The new candidates who have
come forward in some of the metropolitan boroughs
stand, for the most part, on the same dead level of insig-
nificance. With few exceptions, they are ready to ac-
cept any and every popular pledge; but we see no reason
to believe that any one of the number will assist in the
passing of a single useful measure. Mr. Conyngham, who
is seeking to be returned for Westminster, forms an
exception to • the purely common-place character of the
metropolitan candidates. With his political opinions we
profess neither concurrence nor sympathy; but we can
at least understand his reasons for coming forward. It
is not undesirable that the extreme doctrines which pre-
vail among a large and intelligent class should find ut-
terance in the House of Commons. Mistaken theories
of economy would be corrected by discnssion, and a re-
presentative of the creed of " co-operation" might per-
haps prove the most efficient preacher of the true laws
which regulate competition. If the ultra-democratic
candidate for Westminster should, contrary to expecta-
tion, succeed, moderate politicians will at least have the
consolation of reflecting that no very influential member
of the Liberal party will have been excluded by the
change in the representation. Lord Maidstone's preten-
sions to represent the city of Westminster require no
serious discussion. If the leaders of the .kfinisterial
party had hoped for success, they would have provided
a more formidable candidate. The metropolitan con-
stituencies, with all their faults, will scarcely be guilty
of the error of furnishing Lord: Derby with a sup-
porter.