The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-28 00:00:00

free trade in such a manner as would obtain the con-
currence of her Majeity's Government. I give the noble
earl all credit for the sincerity with which he makes that
declaration; but I cannot help saying that if the object
had been to obtain the recognition of the Government to
the principle contained in the motion, it is singular that
the only parties who were not admitted to the consulta-
tion were the members of that Government whose con-
sent and concurrence it was held to be so desirable to
obtain. (Hear, hear). Ido not say that the conceal-
ment from the Government of the terms of the motion
was not befitting the policy of the Opposition, but to give
notice of a motion professing to avow a principle which
Government had avowed its readiness to recognize, to
abstain from giving information of its terms to the Go-
vernment, and then to say that the only object of that
, motion was to obtain the assent of the Government, that
I say, is not consistent with a friendly feeling towards
the Government—it is not consistent with the absence of
a desire to put the Government in a minority—but it is
entirely consistent with a concert and a combination of
various parties to embarass and to eject the Government.
(Hear.) But again, if gentlemen were satisfied. with the
motion as it was originally framed, I ask why it was that
they subsequently waived that view, and adopted a re-
solution which proceeded from an extreme party in the
house, and which it was impossible for the Government
to accede to ? The noble duke opposite (Newcastle),
ho contradicted me the other night as to some of the
facts which I alleged—the noble duke will not deny that,
though the resolution was framed by the party with
whom he then acted, and with whom he acts now, yet
that resolution was brought forward in the first instance
not by them at all, and that, if the two resolutions ori-
ginally put had stood alone by themselves—the one by
Mr. Villiers, the other by the late Chancellor of the
Exchequer—they were prepared to give their support,
and vote in favour of the original motion of Mr. Vil-
liers. I find that this is the case with respect to the
noble duke himself. He will not pretend that he entered
the walls with a friendly feeling towards her Majesty's
late Government. The noble duke will not pretend that
he was not anxiously looking out for an opportunity of
raising a question which might place the Government in
a minority. The noble duke will not pretend that he
made no secret of his desire—l do not mean in this
house, but in other places—to find an opportunity for
effecting this object, and that he expressed an opin-
ion before the budget was brought forward, that
the budget would afford an opportunity of dffecting
that object. The noble duke will not deny that
he was acting in concert with parties by whom the
resolution of Mr. Villiers was adopted, and that after it
was known that that resolution could not in honour be
acceeded to by her Majesty's late Government. My
lords, I have now stated the facts which induced me to
say that from the commencement of this session I be-
lieved there was a concert among different parties to
place her Majesty's late Government in a minority. I
can easily conceive that it would have been more con-
venient to them if their Government had not been so
ready to take a hint, and if they had submitted to several
repeated hints, so as to place themselves in a still me,
discreditable position before their resignation. I leer
it was not the wish of several gentlemen who took pa
in this combination—and lam bound to believe, afte
what he has stated, it was not the wish of the noble enr
—that the Government should have been compelled tc
resign office. I shall not enter into any discussion witl
regard to the merits of the budget proposed by the late:
Chancellor of the Exchequer. The noble earl has ad-
verted in his speech to the necessity of considering one
question which must form a material element in any
budget, and he has spoken in terms which lead me to
believe that seine of his colleagues have already seen
reason to modify the extreme opinions they formerly
expressed so loudly against one principle in our
budget, which they declared to be spoliation of the
national creditor, and a violation of the public
faith. I hope that the noble earl will frame an
. income tax upon a footing—l will not say of equity
to all parties—but at least Upon principles which shall
tend to diminish existing inequalities, and which shall
command the assent of the House of Commons. I can
assure the noble earl that no one is more anxious than I
am to preserve inviolate the faith of the country and the
pledges given to the public creditor—no man can be melee
sensible than I am that without an income tax neither
the present nor any_other Government will be able to
effect these objects. I said, my lords, that I had little
fault to find with the programme as laid down by the
noble earl ; though I must take occasion to protest
against the language used by the noble earl, as applied
to some of his colleagues, that between the principles
professed by them and himself there was a. distinction
without a difference—that the differences were on iinrtia-
terial points, which the country was sick of seeing inter-
posed between public men and their union in the service
of the country. The noble earl will forgive me for say-
ing that either on this, or on a former occasion, he must
have made a great mistake. Either he must be greatly
mistaken now, or he must have been equally greatly mis-
taken when he said that between himself and me there
was only one point of difference. (Hear.) I know that
there is often a necessity for gentlemen to make conces-
sions of their private opinions, where that can be done with-
out violation of principle, in order to enable the work of the
Government to be carried on. Butwhen I am told that the
present Cabinet comprises the heads of the most im-
portant parties in the country, I must say that the
principle of concession is here carried out to a very con-
siderable extent—to an extent which I cannot help
doubting whether the advantage to be gained is not
more than counterbalanced by the doubt which must
necessarily arise in the public mind as to the principles
which the Government really intend to pursue. I lis-
tened with some surprise to that part of the speech ,of
the noble earl in which 'he stated that for thirty years
the country had been guided by substantially the same
principles of foreign policy. (Hear, hear, hear.) My
lords, I concur entirely with those views of foreign
policy which the noble earl has himself stated to-night.
They are ii. each the same as those which when I first
had the honour of standing in the noble earl's* place I
stated to your lordships, and I am happy to find that the
noble earl concurs in them. Still looking to the antece-
dents of scene members of the noble earl's Cabinet, and
recollecting the language and the tone with which the
noble wan commented, not on incidental cases, but on
the whole system of what was then our foreign policy.
(Hear.) I think it is impossible to recognise a distinction
without a difference between the foreign policy of the
noble earl and that which was formerly professed by some
of his colleagues. The noble earl intimates that it is his
intention and desire to promote and develope national
education, giving due weight, authority, and influence
to the various religious bodies in the country, but, look-
ing mainly to the assistance and co-operation of the
Established Church. In that I entirely concur with the
noble Earl. The difficulties are great, as the noble earl
is aware ; but I hope and trust that the noble earl will
be able to surmount those difficulties, and to give a
• united education to all parties in the State, because I
• agree with the noble earl that it is eventually on educa-
tion—by which I mean a sound religious education, and
lam sure that is also the :cable earl's meaning—it is on
that education that the greatest and best hopes of the
safety of the country may be reposed. The noble earl
has also announced his desire to proceed with a reform
in the administration of the laws ; and here again I am
happy to say that at all events upon the principle—
though I. cannot answer for minor details—he shall en-
counter no opposition from me. Then the noble Earl
tens us that he also intends to deal with the law affect.
lng the representation of the people—and upon this sub=
far eet
;tile noble earl spoke with a prudence almost °ram:
no, l'r he means to be Conservative, or else he could
' °l)tain the support of his friends the Conservatives,
and at sal'' same time he means to be Liberal, or else
he could not obtain the support of the noble lord the
of the
member for London. The noble earl intends upon the sub-
ject re Presentation of the people, as upon other sub-
jects, to be Conservative Liberal and Liberal Conservative,
and that is a the information we are to have as to his
future
policy. I confess that this declaration does not con-
vey to my mind any distinct opinion It seems as if
the noble earl had reserved , ... •
to himself the power to say
Th.easure of reform went too
to men who might think his
far, "Did I not tell you that I meant to be liberal ."
while to others who might think that the measure:
affected no. improvement on the present system, that it
was in fact a distinction without a differenee—oatuhgehmte—r)
It
meant to
'B'l3'l(lgughter, and
—that he might have the power of
" Oh ! I told you from the very outset, that
Act on principles of strict Conservatism"—(ughter,
hear, hear)--so that they would be equally prepared
with their answer whether they went the whole length
of the right honourable baronet, the member for Car-
lisle, and inclined to adopt the ballot, or whether they
proposed some petty alteration, for which they would get
no thanks, and for which it would not be worth while to
disturb the existing constitution. My lords, the repre-
sentation of the country is not perfect, it is capable of
amendment and improvement, but, with regard to its
reform, everything depends upon the animus with
la ‘l4-3,1 which that reform may be introduced, and I say. that tl-. e
-T-7-- noble earl will not act wisely in venturing upon any mea-
ss;f2 a.,`!,,a•.,./, are which is calculated to raise apprehensions respecting
' . a.'/. he stability of our institutions, unlees he sees that a great,
'-', •
.1--. 4' ear, and manifest advantage is to be derived from it. The
,
.:.,,.,>• •,• iyik oble earl ads alluded to the language which I have used
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a ilt,

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