The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

SPECTATOR.—The Conservatives are said to be
considering in that rather vague way ss hich gene-
rally precedes a session of Parliament whether or
not it is worth (while to make a rush for power ;
and an able contemporary, which well knows how
to make its praise decidedly less palatable than its
blame, and now and then, perhaps, uses its know-
ledge, has exhorted them in its own peculiar style
of derisive " encouragement to make the attempt.
" Why should the Conservatives be supposed inca-
pable of doing very little and writing any number
of despatches P They might, too, make their de-
spatches civil and conciliatory, and although this
would be a great change, it might not be a had one."
This view of a Conservative government may ap•
pear humble, but it is sound. When there is any
reforming passion in the country, the proper duty
of the Conservatives is clearly not to guide the en-
gine but to sit in the guard's van and put on the
break. But when there is no steam on, and the train
does not move at all even without the break, it be-
comes comparatively immaterial whether the guard
sits on the engine and the engine-driver at the break,
or vice versa. Now, therefore, if ever the Conserva-
tives would seem to have a fair chance of govern-
ing the country, aud—so long as the present fit of
profound apathy as to home affairs lasts, of express-
ing adequately the feeling of the nation. Unfor-
tunately, however, for the prospects of the Conser-
vative party, it is rarely practicable for it to have
really able leaders who are of the same grain of
mind with the bulk of the party, and can command,
when in office, the full political confidence of their
followers. For it requires no small ability—no
small spirit of enterprise—to govern the country
even is the most sedate times with popular credit ;
and though you may find plenty of both ability and
enterprise in connection with Conservative opinions,
they seldom happen to be exactly of that subdued
type which both raises Conservatism in its own
eyes and the eyes of the world, and yet fails to
sow any suspicion in the Conservative ranks of a
wish to desert the slow humdrum policy that is so
dear to them. The late Sir Robert Peel was such
a leader—such as can scarcely be expected again in
a century. He was the slow Conservatism perso-
nified ; and yet he had ability and activity, and
ambition enough to give to the party a new
status, and even to the country, so long as he stood
at the helm, a position of some dignity. Generally,
however, the model Conservative—such a man as
Sir John Pakington, laboriously dull, or Sir Staf-
ford Northcote, shrill in accounts, or pouring out
commonplaces in a high monotonous key, is not a
man to transfigure Conservatism in the eyes of the
party and the world, and inspire confidence by
his capacity without forfeiting it by misplaced
originality. No doubt Conservatism attracts
plenty of really able men into its ranks—but not,
unfortunately, of the type in which the country
party can recognise its own genius. The attractive
work of Conservatism, the work, too, which so long
as Conservatives are in opposition any political
volunteer who can do it well will be gladly
permitted to do without any too close investiga-
tion of his fundamental faith, is the work of
snubbing advanced views," putting down" all eager
hopes, and generally proving that a sane intelli-
gence, even if very sanguine, can only at best ex-
pect to prevent the present from deteriorating as
compared with the past. This is oft©n very conge-
nial work, especially to young men of culture. Mr.
Disraeli showed in the commencement of his career
magnificent genius for it. Lord Robert Cecil ob-
viously enters into it con amore, and is one of the
very beat and roundest snubbers in the House.
Lord Stanley enjoys it when not withheld by his
profound respect for the growing force of a winning
cause. Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald is scarcely critical
enough for it—by far too much disposed to be con-
structive—but still he can make his points with
success; and Sir Hugh Cairns has showed much
more than professsional capacity for it. But still,
though this is ail very well for the carping phase of
Opposition, it is not the capacity which wins the
confidence of the country gentlemen. You could as
soon win for the Saturday Review the species of
mental obeisance with which an official department
looks at its annual blue-book, or gain for Garibaldi
the same description of confidence with which
regular army regarded the Duke of Wellington, as
inspire the true country party with any distinct
feeling of moral trust in that sceptical side of culti-
vated Conservatism which exercises itself at the ex-
pense of unripe reforms and enthusiastic dreams. It
is not unwilling to profit by this effective weapon
in defeating the pressure of the Liberal party, bat
it is not the faculty which really wins confidence
from the British landowner, or which can discipline
and command them as Sir Robert Peel could disci-
pline and command them before his good sense came
into disastrous collision with their prtjudices on the
corn laws. The ability which gathers round the
Conservative party is rarely of the kind to lead it
effectively. A typical Conservative is usually too
dull to take the highest place in the realm with
conspicuous success. A critical, highly cultivated
Conservative is usual y unable to give out the
true solemn sort of watchword with the proper
sort of solemnity that makes tee party feel at home
under the influence of his words. It is the misfot-
tune of a Conservative Government to be absolutely
dependent on the aid of men who are apt to lead it
into uncongenial positions,—either on eccentric
maeceaverers, or on politicians who zepreseat only
the cynical disbelief iu reform, not the natural af-
fection of the country party towards the old state
of things.

SATURDAY REVIEW.—Unless the peace of the
country is threatened by foreign complications, Mr.
Gladstone may look forward to a new occasion for
appearing in the character of a public benefactor.
A philosophical clerk in a recent fiction reflects on
his own illogical gratitude in thanking his master
for paying his quarter's salary. The money fairly
belonged to the recipient, but nevertheless, as he
justly observes, it is impossible to help thanking a
man who pays you money. The taxpayers, though
they are the rightful claimants of any surplus which
may accrue, will make no difficulty in thanking
Mr. Gladstone for any remission which he can
afford. It is true that he has sometimes expressed
the opinion that the most burdensome taxation is
the best, because the overweighted camel may be
provoked into throwing off his load; but great
orators are not bound to be uniformly consistent,
and Mr. Gladstone is an able financier, as well as
an ingenious constructor of paradoxes. He has
already promised to cheapen sugar last year as he
reduced the duty on tea, and there can be no doubt
that the state and prospects of the revenue will
enable him to redeem his pledge. Of the smaller
taxes which are candidates for the next turn of dis-
tribution, the posthorse duty, though it has not
been prominently brought to the attention of the
Government, would be perhaps the most deserving.
There is no reason why a gig or a market cart
should be converted into a luxury by a tax which
at the same time creates an invidious monopoly.
Of more important claimants for relief, the Malt-
tax is first in the field, but the excess of the burden
which is borne by the farmers beyond their propor-
tion as consumers weakens to a certain extent the
force of their demands. It is perhaps anomalous
that so heavy a tax should be levied on a whole-
some and indispensable commodity, but the duty is
too productive to be repealed, and a partial reduc
tion would be in a great measure appropriated by
the brewers, while the vexatious interference of
excisemen would not be removed. If it is true
that malt might advantageously be used as food for
cattle, it is unfortunate that the price should
be artificially raised, but, as long as the tax
is retained, no diminution of the amount
would tend materially to diminish the existing
grievance. If, after completing the other arrange-
ments of his budget, Mr. Gladstone can spare a
million, the diminution of the income tax by a
penny would afford sensible relief. A poundage of
sixpence would produce nearly or quite seven
millions, and, in addition to the fractional reduction,
there would be a certain satisfaction in the com-
parative ease of the corresponding calculations. In
some golden age of the future, the rate may even
fall to fourpence with great advantage to the pocket
of the taxpayer, and perhaps to his morality. It is
as wrong to make a false return of sixteenpence in
the pound as of fourpence, but a temptation multi-
plied by four becomes practically far less resistible.
The available surplus cannot, of course, be even
approximately ascertained until the Estimates are
prepared and published. As far, however, as con-
jecture is possible in the absence of official informa-
tion, it would seem that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer will have no occasion to incur unpopu-
larity. The House of Commons has learned, by
the experience of several years, to strip off thet
irritating appendages which please Mr. Gladstone 's
tastes, apparently for the same reasons which some-
times induco cooks to annoy carvers with superflu-
ous decorations of skewers and paper frills and
sculptured turnips. The determination of the
expenditure which regulates the application of the
revenue belongs to the Cabinet, or to its principal
members, rather than to the Minister of Finance.
As long as Lord Palmerston presidesover the Govern-
ment there is no reason to fear a repetition of the error
which has so often been committed in the excessive
reduction of armaments. The country has, for the
first time in the present generation, enjoyed an inter-
val of five or six years without a panic ; and Parlia-
ment would not be supported by general opinion in a
recurrence to unseasonable parsimony. It will also
be understood that, notwithstanding the attachment
of all parties in England to peace, there can be no
abolute freedom from risk while one hemisphere
is at war, and the other is in the midst of quarrels
and military preparations. It is not desirable to
- disarm, but the process of manufacturing armour
ought now to be far advanced towards completion.

The navy has been lately rebuilt two or three times
over, and even the wealthiest and most liberal com-
munity cannot afford interminable reconstruction,
It is also not unreasonable to expect that iron ships
will in some degree repay their cost by their dura-
bility. Both in the navy and in the ordnance de-
partment, the outlay of capital and the cost of re-
pairs ought soon to exhibit a reduction. The fate
of the Government may depend on the prudence of
its measures, but it is not impossible that the prin-
cipal business of the Session may consist in a con-
test for office. The Opposition might, if a division
could be taken on the simple issue of a choice be-
tween Lord Palmerston and Lord Derby, still be
defeated by a narrow majority; but its numerical
strength has been considerably increased; its chances
have been imp' oved by the removal of the Italian
question into the background, and after two years
of inaction Mr. Disraeli probably longs fxr the ex-
citement of a struggle, into which, indeed, he may
be forced by his supporters. He may perhaps flatter
himself that the country is tired of hearing Lord
Palmerston called popular, and if a suitable occasion
occurs he will almost certainly make a stroke for
office. Several causes may occasion a temporary
division in the Ministerial ranks, but experience
has shown that it is difficult to unite the Opposition
at the decisive moment. A far more serious danger
would arise if the rumours of dissensions within the
Cabinet were confirmed. The secession of a prin-
cipal member would render the position of the
Government so untenable that it would scarcely
be worth while either to meet Parliament or to
attempt a dissolution. Otherwise, the chances
seem to be in favour of the continuance of the pre-
sent Ministry for another year, especially as Lord
Palmerston, as long as his party is united, holds in
his hands the dreaded weapon of dissolution. If the
Minister is at last deserted by his good fortune, the
succession of a comparatively untried party may
perhaps effect a considerable change in the opinions
and professions of many contented supporters of
the present Government. If no change takes place,
the Session will probably be comparatively tranquil.

EXAMINER.—The Lord Justices have decided
against the claim for costs in the Divorce Court,
which we noticed in our last number. The presid-
ing Judge regarded the proceedings as wholly
groundless, and observed, that the attorney should
have exercised more caution before he took up a
jealous woman's case, and might easily have satis-
fied himself that his client was labouring under de-
lusions. But an attorney's judgment is very much
influenced by the prospect of costs ; and farther, as
the true Arnphitry'on is he with whom Sosia dines,
so the lawyer thinks the client rational who has the
discernment to employ him. Where then, again we
ask, is the security against groundless proceedings,
carrying with them scandal and defamation. See
in the following petition all that is necessary to
commence a suit, how easy the firbt step, after which
there is a halt, during which evil•speaking, lying,
and slandering have full swing. And though the
charge may not be credible, it gives opportunity and
occasion for all the worst that can be said or con-
ceived against the object.

In the matter of Timothy Joseph O'Kane, of No. 26. In-
verness•road, Bayswater, in the county of Middlesex,
gentleman,
Dated 19th day of October, A D., 1863.

Showeth :-1. That your petitioner was on ;the 2d day'
of October, 1851, lawfully married to Margaret Matilda
Augusta Morris, of No. 2, John-street, Sutton-street, Com-
mercial road East, in the said county of Middlesex, spin-
ster, at St. George's-in-the-East, in the said county of
Middlesex.
2. That, after his said marriage, your petitioner lived
and cohabited with his said wife at No. 2, John-street,
Sutton-street, Commercial-road East aforesaid; at Graves-
end, in the county of Kent; at Dingle, Killarney, and
Tralee, all in the county of Kerry, in Ireland ; and at No.
26, Grove-place, Brompton, in the county of Middlesex ;
and that there was issue of the said marriage—viz., one son
and four daughters.
3. That on or about the 16th day of June. 1863, and at
divers other days and times at Cambridge House, No. 94,
Piccadilly, in the said county of Middlesex, and at divers
other places, the said Margaret Matilda Augustata O'Kane
committed adultery with one Henry John Temple, Vis-
count Palmerston, K.G., First Lord of her Majesty's
Treasury.
Your petitioner, therefore, humbly prays that this hon-
ourable Court will be pleased to decre9 and declare the said
marriage of your petitioner and the said Margaret Matilda
Augusta O'Kane to be dissolved ; and that your petitioner
may have such further and other relief in the premises as to
this honourable Court may seem meet. And your petitioner
claims £20,000 damages against the said Henry John Tem-
ple, Viscount Palmerston, K. G., First Lord of her Majesty's
Treasury. And your petitioner will ever pray.
TIMOTHY JOSEPH O'KANE.
And there the matter rests, a day having only just
been fixed when the petitioner must either go on
with his suit or drop it, having libelled the Prime
Minister with impunity for months, if the charge
be groundless. We ask again, who is safe against
a proceeding like this, and might not adultery be
charged against a bishop in his palace, as easily us
against Lord Palmerston in his house, on a certain
day, and at divers other days and times? Lambeth
is not a jot safer than Cambridge House. What
is wanted is some respecte.ble voucher for the
grounds of the petition, prima facie.

LONDON REVIEW.—There is no doubt her Ma-
jesty's Government are making every exertion to
preserve the peace of Europe; but no events have
transpired during the past week which warrant .us
in believing that their efforts will be crowned with
success. Acting under the advice of her allies,.
Denmark made a proposition, the reasonableness of
which will hardly be disputed. In answer to the
demand of Austria and Prussia for the withdrawal
of the constitution of November, she asked for time
to consult the Rigsraad, by whom alone that con-
stitution can be legally annulled. This moderate
request has been refused by the two leading Ger-
man States, whose battalions are already pouring
into Holstein. The King of Denmark, who has
neither the will nor the power to perpetrate a
coup d'etat has, under these circumstances, no alter-
native but to resist by force of arms the aggression
with which he is threatened. Sheltered by the
Dannevirke, which they are assiduously strengthen-
ing, the Danes will hold out as long as they can,
waiting, and we trust not in vain, for the succour
which other powers are bound to afford them, either
out of regard to their own interests, or from a sense
of the respect due to treaty obligations and the
maintenance of international rights in Europe.
Their danger has already created a profound sen-
sation in the other Scandinavian kingdoms; and it
is scarcely questionable that tholcourt of Stockholm
will, at no distant day, he compelled to cast aside
its reserve, and intervene actively for the defence of
the neighbouring state. It is understood that the
English ministry have informed Austria and Prussia
that we cannot stand by and witness the dis-
memberment of Denmark. And if the Emperor
of the French had been willing to say as
much, we should have had good hopes that
war might yet be averted, and that an adequate
sense of the danger they are incurring might even
now cause the leading German powers to pause in
their mad career. Unfortunately, is said, and
apparently with truth, that Louis Napoleon still
maintains his reserve, refuses to pledge himself
definitely to any line of policy, and instead of ex-
erting himself to preserve peace, waits for the
chances which war may afford for the aggrandise-
disement of France. Such an attitude on the part
of this designing potentate ought to inspire the Ger •
mans—at least the statesmen of Austria and Prussia
—with caution, if not alarm. The smaller states may
not be indisposed to try a new Confederation of the
Rhine; but the powers which wilhhave to indemnity
France for any fresh exertions that she may make
in the sacred cause of nationalities, might be ex-
pected to show a more active distrust of the sus-
picious flirtation between her ruler and the Diet of
Frankfort. It is indeed probable that the court of
Vienna is not so oblivious as it seems to the fact that
Hungary and Venetia are amongst its provinces.
But, pushed on by its own subjects and dragged
forward by Prussia, its policy has not an entirely
voluntary character. So far as the pressure exer-
cised by the people upon the Governments is con-
cerned, there is no reason to believe in any diminu-
tion of the patriotic fervour which has seized upon
the Teutonic mind. The Germans are unanimously
of opinion that Austria and Prussia are guilty of
something like treason to the Fatherland, in still
paying respect to the terms of the Treaty of 1852.
They are not satisfied with an oceupation of
Schleswig which is carried out by these states
in their capacity of Great Powers, which super-
sedes, instead of enforcing Federal action,
and is avowedly limited in its objects to 'the
withdrawal of the Constitution of November.
According to a Vienna journal, a compromise has,
indeed, .
been agreed upon, the material stipulation
of which an undertaking on the part of Austria
and
.Prussia to accomplish the occupation of Schles-
wig in an exclusively Federal sense, and in perma-
nent agreement with the Diet ; and, moreover, to
accept no. basis of negotiations without the formal
assent of the Confederation. We cannot, however,
believe that-such an arrangement has been come to,
because it would in effect practically subordinate
bath Austria and Prussia to the Diet—the very
thing against which both M. von Bismark and
Count Rechberg have recently protested most em-
phatically. It would also be inconsistent with the
summons which the two Powers have lately ad-
dressed to Denmark ; for, while that specifically
requires the withdrawal of the constitution, the
Diet would undoubtedly not be content with so
limited a concession. Upon the whole, it is not
probable that the peace of Europe has been exposed
to the additional danger which would arise out of
such a compromise as this. We have no doubt that
Austria and Prussia still retain the power to stay
the entrance of their troops into Schleswig on the
terms they have themselves prescribed.
.While that
is the case, there still remains a possibility that
even at the lest moment they may listen to the
counsels of common sense, justice, cud moderation
tendered to them by Eugland, We elioutd not,