The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-10 00:00:00

014-ienina

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 10, 1852.

Before the dissolution of Parliament there must,
inevitably, he brought under the consideration of the
Legislature the necessity for an immediate revival,
for a total re-organization, or (it may possibly be) for
an absolute abandonment of the present system of
carrying on the affairs of our empire in llindostan.
Elsewhere, in our impression of this evening, will
be found given, verbatim et seriatim, the nineteen
suggestions about rto be submitted to the notice of
the House of Peers, by the most distinguished
Governor-General of India now living—the
Earl of ELLENBOROUGH. The experience which that
Noble Lord has had of the working of the existing
scheme of government in those three presidencies,
qualifies him in a peculiar manner to pronounce an
opinion as to the advisability either of its continuance
or of its rejection. Removed as Lord ELLENBOROUGH
was from the head of the Board of Control, on the
23d of October, 1841 to the supreme command in
our Oriental possessions' arriving, as he did in India,
on the 28th of February, 1842, and recalled, as he was,
towards the close of AprillB44 after having employed
the sword of Sir co,,LE s
NAPIER for the conquest
of the Ameers in Simla'
the sword of Sir HUGH
Gouts in the subjugation
of
the Mahrattas in
Gwalior, achieving inone'lnarter the victory of
Means, and in another the success
the Earl of ELLENP.OROIICIa had ample of Maharajpoor—
estimate at its true value the opportunity to j
ttaCohfinery of our
Oriental administration. In speaki
opera-
tion, therefore, he is not _peaking at random
its
darkness. He is rather addressing random or in
subject which has fallen under his to
a
particular knowledge. He ii commenting, own
more-
over, upon a question involving ng,
memure the destinies of the Britisha great
consequently peculiarly entitled to the most
tres—eue
serious
scrutiny, end to the most deliberate reflection of the
Imperial Legislature. Upon the settlement of the
existing difficulty is dependent a commerce more
considerable in magnitude than the mercantile la-
bours of all the trading nations of the middle ages or
of antiquity united together—larger than the com-
bined commerce of Holland, of Venice, and of Carthage.
Besides which the matter on the eve of being de-
bated in the Lord 3 and Commons affects in an ex-
traordinary manner the futurity of a portion of the
human family numbering scarcely less than
150;000,000 ! The subject is, therefore, manifestly
one of vital importance to all those who are really
interested in the maintenance of our national wealth
and of our national authority, and—what is of more
consideration than the integrity of an empire—
the steady and progressive advancement of civiliza-
tion.
It must, in consequence of all this be presumed
that the advice tendered by the Earl of ELLEN
NOILOUGH to his fellow-countrymen, in the present
instance, le not advanced by him otherwise than with a
profound sense of his responsibility in offering it.
To imagine otherwise were to regard him as capable
of turpitude such as, happily, has never yet been re-
corded of an English statesman. We believe the
Noble Lord to be actuated by loftier motives
than the gratification of a feeling of vengeance.
We feel assured that he is not less aware
than the rest of the world that the ingratitude dis-
played towards him by the Court of Directors has
already been The simple but
avenged in hiit-,ry•
splendid narrative of his administration will consti-
tute henceforth sufi •
evidence for posterity, as
well as for his
con_ sufficient
selves, in his instance,
that in availing them-
by their charter, e)
of the powers accorded to thorn
the
street were Solely o,t rs Directo in LTadenhall-
also irreparably) damn it must be avowed
tion. It is not, bogwnegve their own repute-
from any remembrance of hisrit
Govreeatment by the no-
we feel satisfied,
minal heads of the Indian
rathern reference to
ELLENSONOUGII has already spoken in
that Lord
anomaloust
the re-organiz xt ion of the
system hitherto carried out in regard
ministration of Hindustan. To noblero theiad-
than those here referred to,ihis remarkable /urea
motion, embodying no less than nineteen separate
resolutions, is attributable. Foremost among these
resolutions is, of course, the one proclaiming the ex-
pediency of closing from and after the 30th of April,
1864, the connexion between the East India Company

and the Government—followed by others suggesting '
the immediate transmission of funds to meet the
dividends on East India Stock, and the interest on
East India Bonds, payable on the usual days at the
Bank of England, and the transference of the powers
at present vested in the Commissioners for the affairs
of India to a President of the Indian Council, ap-
pointed by the Crown, and to the members of an In-
dian Council, numbering altogether twelve instead of
twenty-four, as hitherto, and subject on their election
to approval by the same supieme authority. Such
are the more important among the nineteen resolu-
tions speedily to be submitted to the House of Lords
by the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH. The Legislature
will have before many days have elapsed
to decide upon their value—remembering
that the expiration of the powers as hitherto consti-
tuted, presents to the nation an opportunity inestima-
ble of its kind, and such as must not be lightly
foregone. In re-organizing the system of our
Indian Government it will be necessary to
do this thoroughly, or to take no step whatever in the
way of alteration. Under the sense of their rapidly
approaching responsibility our statesmen should
remember those who, under similar circum-
stances of importance, have actually taken
the word " thorough " as their motto—nil
actum credens cum quid superesset agendum. For
in all human likelihood the ulterior fortunes of the
British empire will be affected in an extraordinary
manner by whatever course may be pursued in re-
ference to the future conduct of our Indian Go-
vernment.

It is absolutely essential, under existing circum-
stances, that a clear, distinct, and unequivocal under-
standing should be arrived at between the several

constituencies and the candidates for their favour at

the approaching general election. Never was there

a period when greater care and discrimination were

required in the exercise of the elective franchise—the
most important trust that can be confided to any
member of a free community—a national privilege

conceded not for his individual advantage, but for the

benefit of the community. It is impossible to over-

estimate the magnitude of the interests involved in the
result. lt is not merely the principles of free trade
that are at issue, or whether the commercial policy
happily commenced in 1846, and which has already
prOuced such extraordinary and unparalleled pros-
perity throughout the entire country, bringing com-
fort and contentment to the cottages of the
labouring population, is to be persevered in or reversed.

It is not merely the question of the large or small
loaf, of untaxed food, or unrestricted commerce, that
is to be decided on. Deeply, vitally important as
these subjects most unquestionably are, there is
something still greater at stake. The peace and
tranquillity of the nation would be seriously endan-
gered should a Protectionist majority be returned to

thq ensmin,f; Parliament. We emphatically repeat,
what we have already stated, our solemn and deliberate

conviction, that "the Corn•lazvs could not be tampered
with without bloodshed, or re enacted without revolu-
tion." GOD forbid that so fearful a calamity should
occur—that internecine conflicts should again pol-

,ute our soil, or that we should once more behold
" Civil dissension, with its vip'rons tooth,
That gnaws the bowels of the Commonweal. 7

Bat all these matters, and more, are now in the
hands of the various constituencies, and depend on
the fidelity with which they shall execute the trust
confided to their charge. It is, therefore, necessary
that electors should be more than usually cautious
and candidates more than usually explicit, that the
former should demand and the latter should concede
full explanations on every point connected with the
commercial legislation of the country.
Although the Honourable Gentleman the Member
for Norwich might safely appeal to his diligent
attendance, his consistent liberality, and his faithful
and efficient discharge of every Paliamentary duty
since he was placed in the proud position of one of
the representatives of the metropolis of the Eastern
counties, as affording the best guarantee for his future
conduct, he has yet afforded an excellent example to
other aspirants for senatorial honours by the publica-
tion of the admirable address to which we gave inser-
tion in our impression of yesterday. In that well-
considered document, while touching lightly on his
past career, so well and so honourably known to his
constituents, and indeed to every Reformer through-
out the length and breadth of the land—dwelling
for a moment only with pardonable compla-
cency on the well-ascertained fact that his
v3tes were ever in accordance with the principles
on which he sought the suffrages of the electors of
Norwich in 1842, and that on no single occasion since
that time has he been absent from his post when any
important question of practical reform was under
discussion—he places his sentiments on the leading
topics of the day fu'ly before those from whom he is
seeking a renewal of confidence. There is no dis-
guise, concealment, or equivocation, all is plain and
above board, so that he " who runs may read," and
that every voter may thoroughly understand the
nature of the principles on which he is to decide—the
verdict he is called on to pronounce.

" The first, the paramount topic," as the Hon
Gentleman justly remarks, is, " shall this country in
its commercial legislation be progressive or retro-
grade ?'' All other points sink into comparative in-
significance to that on which, as we have already
shown, the peace and tranquillity of the nation mainly
depends. As the best answer to this interrogatory
Mr. FETO ably sums up the results of the six years
we have been living under a free-trade regime. The
Hon. Gentleman says:—
" Geork;o the Second's reign is usually referrer;
to as en auspicious era in British annals, and
was one of long peace and plenteousness. But
le,-)re no comparison to the present, et least
as regards the material interests of the population.
Whatever be thought of other sections of the State, it is
admitted on all hands that never before did industrial
labour produce so great a command of substantial com-
cent.,
forts. Pricee. have fallen, on the average, 20 to 40 per
stances they have greatly advanced, owing to the in-
while wages have scarcely declined; in many in-
creased employment which abundance of food never fails
to occasion. If it were not that this abundance could
ueproved by unquestionable data, its vastness would be
quite beyond belief. Exclusive of almost countless
supplies of consumable articles of nearly every de-
scription under the modern tariff, our imports
of corn, flour, weal have
tenaveraged upwards of
sures a
perquarters annum.. This it is that as-
that is really mak-
ing them bold P theiensantry: This it is
' At the same time
almost any ]gybe country's priue.
showing a
co..ee borough ma -
y be selected at random, as
population. For instance improvement in the urban
Birmingham, lastinstance, in the capital of the Midlands,
were erected year 1,329 new houses or manufacto-
riesceding year, and
d—enatlmoat double the number of any pre-
people. Pauperism had by
the smaller class of trades-
the artisans alone hadaianfallea °fi.
by four-fifths; while
70,000/, Similar vested in freehold land societies
Leeds, and other prosperityhives of is
recorded of ch-sster,
of skilled lab an
Our ,"
These are, indeed, the most
of the effects of untaxed food, satisfactory evidences
unexceptionable witness as to theandMr. PETO is an
activity
ince ,„ population, and the amount of demandof the work-
only capital—their labour. Few toe for their
much employment, or behaved more Ilk' have
given so
Mdly
siderately to the numerous workmen in": "11-
at his hands ;and few, therefore, reeeiv--' /la
are more co es
to pronounce a well-grounded opinion on competent
all
relating to industrial pursuits, or ou the cotnfomatters
piness, and contentment of the myriads who rtl
hap' \
are •
gain
ing their daily bread by their daily labour; and
whose
chief desire is to be enabled to obtain " a fair day's
se
wages for a fair day's work;" sufficient to procure f
themselves and families the absolute necessaries, andr
some of the moderate comforts to which they are well
entitled ; and, perhaps, to lay by something for a
rainy day, as a provision for old age sickness, or ad-
versity.
But it is not solely on the condition of the working
classes that the question depends—although, when the
base of the social pyramid is well founded, the
superstructure will be firm and durable.
Mr. PET° shows, from authentic returns, that the
next grade—the capitalist class—are enjoying similar
ro-perith
P according to their respective positions.
'cli;" said he, "our imports of grain have been large,
our exports of manufactures have been larger still,
exceeding all anticipation. Thus, in three intervals
of five years we have :

~
I OtticialVg.lue of I Declared Value
YU. 1 ICIVOI tS. Exports. I of Exports.
-------------_
1840 £ 67,491,710 ..t: 116,481,015 £ 51,406,43 u
1845 85,297,508 150,877,782 60,111,082
1850 100,460,433 197;309;876 74,367,885
____-----
~ ,

" The duty on corn, a; you are aware, ceased in July,
and our am.ual Experts have increased by more
wan 21,000,000 i. in 1851, as compred rnsh 1848. Con-

THE SUN,