The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The presentation of prizes at Leeds to
the successful candidates in the Middle-class Exits
minations offered an appropriate opportunity for
Sir Stafford Northcote's energetic defence of the
present movement of middle-class education. The
surprising activity of the West Riding Educational
Board could not but suggest speculation on the use
or, the purpose of so much energy. The list of exa-
minations held in the coarse of the past year was
enough to justify Mr. Beecroft's astonished reflec-
tions at the sort of examination atmosphere in which
he found himself. The Chinese, we believe, have
outdone us-long ego, but with this exception it is
probably true that "since the days of Adam such a
series of examinations has not been heard or thought
of as that which falls to the lot of this generation."
Yorkshire, at all events, has never been so examined
before. In October the local examinations for the
University of Durham were held at Leeds; in De-
cember the examinations for the University of
Cambridge; in January the provincial matriculation
examination of the University of London. In March
the elementary examinations in connection with the
Society of Arts were held in Leeds and in 18 other
towns is Yorkshire. In April the Society of Arts
held examinations. In May followed the examina-
tion of the pupils of science classes for the Depart-
ment of Science and Art. In May and June the
University of Oxford held its local examinations;
and, lastly, in June the University of London held
a second half-yearly matriculation examination.
Even to this list of experiments Sir S. Northcote
could add two more, The Royal Agricultural So-
ciety and others have set on foot movements for the
education of the farmers, and a commission is about
to be issued to inquire into the state of the Grammar
schools throughout the country—institutions which
have been supposed to have a close relation to the
middle classes. The very number and apparent con•
fusion of these experiments might, perhaps, be ad-
duced as an illustration of the uncertain nature of
the ground upon which this movement is at present
proceeding, and Sir S. Northcote seems accordingly
to have thought it necessary to begin from the very
principles of the subject. He very wisely, there.
fore, commenced by pointing out to the enthusias-
tic friends of the movement who surrounded him
that, before they came to any conclusion on the
subject, they ought to satisfy themselves of the
object they aim at. It should be settled, that is,
what is meant by education and what is meant by
the middle class. Starting from these wino and
general questions, he occupied a great part of his
speech with somo observations which are equally
useful, whatever view we may take of the contro-
verted part of the subject. All education, he urged,
must be conducted on the same general principles,
and therefore must have some main features which
should be universal ; but it is applied to different
subjects and in different circumstances, and must,
consequently, receive constant modification. Both
these sides of the question require to be carefully
kept in view. Our first object is to secure the
best sort of general training possible ; our nexr
is to give every man a special adaptation to his
peculiar work in life. The two operations are
sufficiently indicated by the now familiar distinc-
tion between education and instruction, the first
implying a general, the second a special training.
There have been rapid oscillations in the public
mind between the opposite attractions of these two
methods. At one time there has been a general
cry for teaching what are called useful things, and
the value of a system of instruction has been too
much estimated by the amount of tangible know.-
ledge it supplies; at the present time Sir Stafford
Northcote thinks the danger is of the other ex-
treme. There is too much tendency to underrate
the value of special information, and to aim at a
vague general development of mind and body.
It is certainly never so important to bear this
double office of education in mind as in planning the
education of the middle classes. On the one hand,
from the course of their laborious lives being
early cast into ono groove, they are especially in
need of a broad and liberal training so long as they
have any time to submit to it; and, on the other
hand, from the extremely special character of their
work they are particularly conscious of the want of
special training. So far matters are clear. The
difficulties begin when Sir Stafford Northeote pro-
ceeds to ask more definitely what is that middle
class for the peculiar needs of which we are thus to
strike the balance between education and instruction.
It is, as he says,impossible to define a class in Eng-
land. It would be almost impossible to point out
any defined break between a duke and a day.
labourer; and this difficulty will be always in the
way of any such general scheme as some persons
contemplate. At the utmost Sir S. Northcote could
only suggest one general characteristic. In all
cases which fall under the class in question the
boys have to be removed from school at an unusu-
ally early age, and set to learn the work of their
life. The question is thus reduced to one of time.
We want in all cases the beat education which can
be got. But this depends, to a very great degree,
upon the amount of time which can be given to it,
In the upper classes education often continues until
the age of 23 ; but in the middle classes the son
cannot be allowed to be drawing on the family re-
sources all that time without adding to them, and,
besides in most of the business of the middle classes
it is absolutely necessary for a man to commence
his acquaintance with his work while he is quite
young. The problem, therefore, from this point of
view, is to give a boy as good a general education
as is possible in the short time he can spare for it,
say up to the age of 15 or 16,—and to provide him
also with opportunities forgetting that amount and
that particular kind of instruction which his ap-
proaching active life may require. It may, perhaps
also be suggested by this consideration that the best
plan would be to make the education as general as
possible until the boy enters on his practical work,
and to give him opportunities for special instruction.
But then the question occurs, how shall it be
determined what is the general instruction proper
to this age ? Such a question, says Sir Stafford
Northcote, can hardly be left to be decided by the
simple question of supply and demand, for the
father does not know clearly what to demand. He is
not likely to know exactly what he wants, and he
may easily be imposed upon by a cheap and flashy
education. Here, urged Sir S. Northeote, comes in
the use of examinations, but he showed himself, at
the same time, aware of the great difficulties which
attend them. As far as concerns that general
mental education we have spoken of, experienced
institutions like the Universities may be well able
to judge what is the kind and the amount of 'pro-
ficiency which a boy ought to have reached, and
their local examinations may establish a satisfac-
tory standard. But as the special instruction re-
quired, it is impossible to lay down any certain
rule for the course it shall follow. It must adapt
itself to the wants of each class, and the law of
supply and demand must be left to itself. At the
utmost, examinations can but direct the course of
study in each special subject, and establish a stan-
dard for parent, master, and scholar. And a harder
question remains. Quis custodict ipsoscustodes?
[low shall we insure that the examinations them-
selves do their work properly ? They may do more
harm than good. They may encourage flashy
learning, and break the hearts of laborious and con-
scientious masters. For this danger Sir S. North.
cote could suggest no remedy, and it must, we fear,
be left to be watched and avoided by public opinion.
The law of supply and demand will probably be
found, after all, somewhat more universal
i in its ap-
plication than Sir S'afford Northcote s inclined
to allow. It is not exactly true that the demand
is on:y made by the parent. The whole public
makes the demand, and in originating the exami-
nations, which seem to meet a demand among
parents, the Universities and the Government are
but supplying the wider and more imperious
clamour of the public.
POST.—The division which has taken place in
the Democratic party in America wilt not irnproe
bably throw the victory into the hands of their Re-
publican opponents at the forthcoming election.
The nominee of the Chicago Convention has by an
ill-timed frankness estranged from himself some of
hie most influential, if not hie warmest supporters,

and must now rely for success upon a moiety of the
faction which, undivided, would easily have placed
him at the head of the poll. The experience of the
last four years is evidently lost upon the Democrats,
and once again a schism in their own camp promises
to rob them of their coveted share in the adminis-
tration of the State. Interpreting the resolutions
of the Convocation in their literal signification, and
apparently scorning the device of an arrierepensec,
General M'Clellan declared that the re-establish-
ment of the Union should be his sole object, and
that to its attainment he would sacrifice all other
considerations. By some of the framers of the rma
lutions, however, their meaning was understood
differently. That they wished to see the two Con-
federacies united was evident; but, at the same
time, they desired to anticipate and provide for the
contingency of their severance being perpetual.
The restoration of the Republic in its original form
was unquestionably the object of their desires, but
the cessation of hostilities and the re-establishment
of peace were ends to whose attainment they looked
forward with equal anxiety. If the two were in-
compatible, they were prepared to sacrifice the
former. The Peace Democrats did not say this
in as many words, but they undoubtedly meant it.
The nominee on whom, as it would seem, they
somewhat hastily fixed, entertained different views,
and failed to discover any road to peace except
through an undivided Republic. Heence the result,
the tidings of which have been communicated to
us by the late mail. General M'Clellan no longer
possesses the undivided support of the. Democratic
party. When noticing the resolutions passed by
the Chicago Convention we pointed out the main
difficulties which beset the path of the Democrats,
and the necessity under which they were placed of
endeavouring to conciliate, if possible, all classes, by
adhering to the programme of a restored Union. If
their efforts have not been crowned with success, the
failure must alone be ascribed to their having at-
tempted an impossibility. The issue offered to the
Northern population is a very simple one, and one
which it is perfectly idle for any party in the State
to hope to evade, Either the rebellion must be
crushed, or, what is the same thing, vigorous efforts
must still be made to attain that end, or the inde-
pendence of the new Confederacy must be recogs
nised. The Republican party frankly pledge them-
selves to leave no stone unturned in order to place
the State on its original footing, and on this "plate
form" they are content to stand or fall. The Demo•
crats, so far as words go, say pretty much the sarre
thing, but at the same time they deprecate a further
prosecution of the war in a tone which leaves it to
be inferred that they would not unwillingly see
peace restored, even though at the cost of the integ-
rity of the State. The Republicans are desirous of
seeing the war prosecuted with vigour, no matter at
what cost ; the Democrats, on the other hand, are
divided, some entertaining feelings not dissimilar
from those which actuate their opponents, whilst
the rest ardently desire peace. In fixing upon Gen.
M'Clellan, the peace section of the Democrats be.
lieved they had chosen a man who had from personal
experience satisfied himself of the futility of any
hopes based upon the re-establishment of the Union,
and one who would accordingly take an early oppor-
tunity after his accession to power of proclaiming
the subjugation of the South to be an impossibility.
It however unluckily happened that they fixed
upon a war Democrat,hspon a man who is prepared
if needs be, to go even to greater lengths than Mr
Lincoln in his attempts to restore the Union by main
force. The mistake which they committed has now
become manifest, and they have withdrawn their
countenance from one who does not in truth repre-
sent them. The only result, then, of the Chicago
Convention has been to divide the Democratic
faction into two distinct parties, and to leave them
a candidate who, not being able to secure the confi-
dence of both, cannot ultimately be returned as the
representative of either. It is curious that, with
scarcely an exception, the several organs of the
English press inferred that the nomination of Gee.
M'Ciellan might be accepted as the inauguration of
a peace policy. As soon as the decision of the Con-
vention at Chicago became known almost every one
declared that an armistice was imminent, and that
the war might be considered virtually at an end.
We took occasion to warn our readers against fall-
ing into similar errors, and pointed out that in all
probability the policy of M'Clellan, if elected, would
differ in no important respect from that of his pre-
decessor. It is now notorious that the election of
the quondam leader of the Army of the Potomac
was viewed by the Confederates with greater appre-
hension than the re-election of Mr Lincoln, and the
justness of their conclusions has now been fully
confirmed. The one, like the other, would prosecute
a relentless war, bat with this difference, that the
ex-soldier and engineer would evince an ability
which up to the present the ex-attorney has never
displayed. It is not surprising, then, that the chiefs
of the peace party should withdraw their support
from a candidate who would unquestionably inaugu-
rate his official career with military operations on a
gigantic scale, and who would not improbably make
the war last as long as the term of his magistracy.
It has been proposed to reassemble the chiefs of
the Democratic party in order to select some can-
didate who should command the confidence of all.
There is yet time for another convention ; but
even when assembleo, the difficulty will remain
the same of choosing a candidate who shall recom-
mend himself equally to the two sections of the
Democratic party. The paramount desire of both
Democrats and Republicans is to secure the supreme
power; and, in order to attain that object, it le-
mains to be seen whether the former will be con-
tent to eflect some settlement of those differences
which at present excite disunion in their ranks.
The peace Democrats will, it would seem, make no
concessions, and, unless some compromise is effected.
will probably give their support to the Republican
candidate. General Fremont is still in the field, but
the universal opinion is not only that his candida-
ture will prove unsuccessful, bat that it will not
materially affect Mr. Lincoln's chances of success.
As matters at present stand, the President is cer-
tainly the favourite, and, unless displaced by some
one pledged to a peace policy, we are far from
thinking that he is not the fittest person to govern
the Northern States until the termination of the
war. His abilities are far below mediocrity, but
at all events ho posit sea great experience. He ought
to know better than any man in America what the
North can do, and "chat it cannot do, and, possess-
ing that knowledge, it is not unreasonable to pre-
sume that he may turn it to account. He has
hitherto professed to beiieve that eventually the
South must succumb, but when entering on a new
lease of office be might seize the opportunity of
modifying his creed. There is little to choose be.
tween a war Republican and a war Democrat ; but,
whatever difference there may be, it would seem
that, in the opinion of those who most ardently
desire peace, preponderates in favour of the
former. Viewing the struggle from a distance, we
can perhaps form a better estimate of the result
than those actually engaged in the conflict, and we
confess that, whoever may be elected President on
the 4th of November, we cannot see the faintest
prospect of returning peace. The flower of safety
is still too deeply embedded in the nettle danger to
admit of being plucked at present.
THE " SPECTATOR" ON THE GREAT GOVERNING
FAMILIES.—From the Act of Settlement to 1831
English history is but the record of the intrigues of
the governing families, and when in 1832 the pea-
plo deprived them of their legal autocracy,they and
their cousins possessed a clear majority in Parlia-
ment, they bided their time, secure that in "the
long run the influence of property was sure to tell."
It did tell. Daring the long peace which followed
1832 their property increased enormously, the abi-
lity the class has always displayed led them to take
the lead in all productive enterprise, they reformed
agriculture, opened mines, built great harbours,
planted forests, cut canals, accepted and profited by
the railway system, and built the faubourgs of the
great cities. Able and audacious, still regarded
with curious liking by the people, and full of that
individuality and sense of personal right which is
the strength of an aristocracy, they again threw
themselves into politics, and speedily regained
nearly their ancient monopoly of power. They
alone could afford to follow politics from boyhood
as a profession, and that fact gave and gives them
a twenty years' start of all competitors. They
alone have as a class that instinct of control given
to able individuals in all classes, and they therefore
speedily monopolised high administrative office.
Above all they alone had as a class not to be
made known to the people. Smith must serve
before a constituency knows who Smith is, but a
Seymour's name tells the same constituency all
about him, his antecedents and his connexions, his
fortune and his tone. Hence a preference on the
hustings almost ludicrously strong, so strong that
in the counties a bad specimen of the class, some
red-eyed, knock-kneed, gawky lad of twenty-one,
has often a better chauco of public favour than the
wan who has all his life been the guiding mind of
the locality. So powerful has been the action of
these circumstances, so engrained is in England the
preference for these houses, that the thirty.one
families whose histories we have related supply at
this tnnalent, one clear fourth of the English
House of Commons, the ultimate power in the
State. We are not talking of so-called "influence."
We have compiled a list of the several bo-
roughs and counties over which these house
in quiet times exercise a direct ascendancy,
but we decline to rest our argument upon such dile,
putablo ground. " Influence" may be interpreted
anyhow, and we have a better test. Here is a list
of 70 members now sitting in the Lower House,
and unmistakeably belonging to the 31
H. J. Adeano, grandson of Ist Lord Stanley of Alderley
—Cambridgeshire
Vil2ortnt Andover, eldest eon of Earl of Suffolk
bury

1......

Hon. A. H. Baring, son of 3d Lord Ashburton—Theta.
ford
Sir F. Baring, nephew of let Lord Ashburton, and son.
in law of Ist Earl Effingham and Sir G. Grey—Ports-
mouth
T. Baring, nephew of Ist Lord Ashburton—Huntingdon
T. G. Baring and H. Bingham Baring, cousins of 2d
and 3d Lords Ashburton—Penryn and Marlborough
Cavendish Bentinck, grandson of the Duke of Portland
and of Ist Earl of Lonsdale— Taunton
G. W. P. Bentinck—West Norfolk
Berkeley, son of sth Earl Berkeley—Bristol
F. W. F. Berkeley and C. P. F. Berkeley, sons of Lord
Fitzhardinge—Cheltenham and Gloucester
Sir Richard Bulkeley, son in law of Lord Stanley of
Alderley—Anglesea
J. B. Wentworth Buller, married niece of Duke of Nor'
folk—North Devon
Lord Burghley, son of Marquis of Exeter—North North'
ampton
Hon. F. H. Calthorpe, grandson of 6th Duke of netity.
fort—East Worcester
Lord G. Cavendish, brother to Duke of Devonshire--
North Dorby
Lord R. Cecil, son of Marquis of Salisbury—Stamford
Lord A. Churchill, son of sth Duko of Marlborough"
Woodstock
Lord H. Clinton, son of Duke cf Newcastle—North
Notts

G. Clive—Hereford
Hon. 0. H. Clive, grandson of Earl of rowis-1,010
A. Baillie Cochrane, married granddaughter of sth Dag
of itutland—Honiton
Lord Enfield, grandson of Ist Marquis of Anglesor*
Middlesex
Hon. C. W. Fitzwilliam, son of 3d Earl Fitzwillianr°
Melton
Lord F. Fitzroy,.son of Duko of Grafton—Thetford
Col. G. C. Forester, grandson of 4th Duke of Rutland"".
Wenlock
Hon. E. F. Levcson-Gower, son of Ist Earl Granville
and eon in law of Duke of Devonshire—Bodmin

Granville Leveson-Gower—Reigate
Lord Montagu Graham, grandson of Duke of Manchester
—Herefordshire
Sir George Grey, nephew of 2d Earl Grey—Morpeth
Lord Grey de Wilton, cousin to Earl Derby_weyrnouth
Earl Grosvenor, son in law of 2d Duke of Sutherland-'
Chester
Lord R. Grosvenor, son of Marquis of Westminster.°
Flintshire
Marquis of Hartington, son of Duke of Devonshire, Old
grandson of Earl of Carlisle —North Lancashire
Robert Harvey, brother in law of Duke of Buckingh°
—Bucks
Right Hon. S. Henley, grandson of Earl of Westroored
land—Oxfordshire
Viscount Holmesdale, grandson of Earl of Beverley'
West Kent Eeei
Hon. C. W. Howard, son of 6th Earl of Carlisle—
Cumberland
Lord Edward Howard, son of 13th Duke of Norfolk'
Arundel.
Lord Ingestre, son of Earl of Shrewsbury—N°rtil
Stafford
Earl Jermyn, grandson of Duke of Rutland—West
Suffolk
F. N. Kingscote, grandson of Duke of Beaufort--We°t
Gloucester of
W. H. P. Gore-Langton, son in law of 2d Duke
Buckingham—West Somerset
Sir Baldwin Leighton, nephew to Lord Stanley of Alder'
ley— South Salop
Lord George Lennox and Lord Henry Lennox, sons
sth Duke of Richmond—Lymington and Chichester t
Hon. H. G. Liddell, great grandson of Duke of Sower°
—South Northumberland
Lord Lovaine, heir of Duke of Northumberland—North
Northumberland met
U. Lowther, grandson of Ist Earl of Lonsdale--
Cumberl and varesto
Hon. H. Lowther, son of Ist Earl of Lonsdale---
moreland
Lord John Manners and Lord George Manners, sons of
_

Bth Duke of Rutland—Leicestershire Lind Cambridgeox—he.••
H. F. Mildmay, grandson of Lord Ashburton, also CAus
of the Clives—Herefordshire
Lord R. Montagu, son of 6th Duke of Manchester.'
HuntinLord A. gdonshiro lot
Paget, and Lord Clarence Paget, sons of the
Marquis of Anglesey—Lichfield and Sandwich
Col. Douglas Pennant, son in law of Duke of Graftolk°
Carnarvon shire
Hon. W. Portman, son in law of Earl Fitzwilliate
Dorset
Arthur Russall, nephew to Duke of Bedford—Tevisttle
F. C. Hastings Russell, nephew to Duke of Bedford
Bedfordshire

Alfred Seymour—Totness
H. Danby Seymour—Poole
Poulett Samerset, grandson of Duke of Beaufort
Monmouthshire
Lord Stanhope, son of Earl of Chesterfield—South Notts
Lord Stanley, son of Earl of Derby—King's Lynn sHon. W. 0. Stanley, son of Lord Stanley of Alder's,'
Beaumaris
Lord Henry Thynne, grandson of I,t Lord Ashburl
and married to a daughter of Duke of Somorset--S°ll
Wilts
Right Hon. C. P. Villiers, brother to Earl of Clarendon
—Wolverhampton
Sir Charles Wood, son in law of 2d Earl Grey—flakyl
This list might be expanded greatly by a carol's
search through the alliances of the members, 131!t
we prefer to keep beyond cavil or dispute, se!' ;
is sufficiently long. Add to it those connection
the dependent boroughs like Caine, in which the
proprietor does not teat a relative, the counties lf
which the magnate holds a practical balance °,
power, and therefore though he cannot appoint°l
veto any appointment, and we shall find that tb,
3l families at this moment supply 110 members, (3:,
a clear working fourth of the English section dal
representation, „-havo in fact as great a direct PeWee
j
as the whole kingdom of Ireland, double that:'t
Scotland, five times that of London, as muchastmfid
of London and the 40 next greatest cities. Ir„
then we are told by silly Radicals that in consider
ing the origin and history of these houses We 11,re,
pqndering to the flunkeyiem of the British peopikt
Why we believe it to be beyond all shadow of dole
that when we have added the great Irish and to
great Scotch proprietors, it will be found that. d,
families supply, and for generations have supPileoi
one-fourth of the House of Commons, one.fourtb,
the ultima e governing power fur an empire &Ile
includes a fourth of the human race.