The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-02 00:00:00

meat, and R. Davis, 74th Highlanders— Quartermaster T.
H. Nl‘Bean, 2d Dragoons—lnspector-General of Hospitals
Sir J. R. Grant, M.D., C. 8., K.H.—Surg. H. L. Stuart,
38th Regiment—and Assist-Burg. J. Macartney.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—When the events of war succeed each
other so rapidly the lapse of three months imparts
to any particular occurrence the remoteness and
fainter colour of history. A slight exertion of the
memory is therefore required to recall the details of
a troublesome episode of the American conflict—the
seizure of the Chesapeake steamer—which involved
the authorities of the North American colonies, the
Foreign-office, the Colonial Department, our con-
suls, our Minister at Washington, and Mr. Seward
in a long correspondence. The documents have just
been published, and as they record the termination
of the affair in a manner satisfactory to all parties,
we can direct attention to the facts of the case not
only for the interest they possess as a narrative,
but for the warning they convey. Had not the two
Governments met the difficulty with moderation and
forbearance on both sides, it might easily have been
inflamed into a dangerous quarrel. With the first
part of the transaction we had nothing whatever to
do, and our share in the matter eventually was quite
involuntary. The facts are detailed at great length
in the despatches, but may be told much more
briefly. The Chesapeake was a first class steamer
plying regularly between New York and Portland,
carrying passengers and cargo between the two ports.
In fact she was a coasting steamer, and not con •
sidered liable to any of the misadventures of war.
In the June of last year, however, her commander
had volunteered a service which seems to have made
the Chesapeake a ship marked by the Confederates
for future attention. She chased and captured a
Southern privateer which had attempted to seize a
revenue cutter, named the Caleb C !shing, in the
harbour of Portland. On the sth of December she
left New York on one of her usual voy ages ; but
before her departure 16 passengers had embarked
who did not appear to have any acquaintance with
each other, though they had really combined in a
plot to seize the ship when at sea, and carry her
i eto some Southern port. In the middle of the night
of the 7th of December the conspirators carried out
their plan effectively. They overpowered the
watch, encountering only a slight resistance, but in
the confusion they killed the second engineer and
wounded the chief mate. They did not molest the
passengers, except by warning them, on their peril,
to keep quiet. They put the captain in irons, and
took full possession of the ship. At the time of the
seizure the vessel was not within any British juris-
diction, and if the conspirators could have steered
southwards or put out to the open sea we should
have had nothing to do with the transaction. But
their real difficulties began the moment they had
succeeded. The midnight struggle and capture
might be made an incident in a nautical romance,
in which fair winds and consummate seamanship
are always at the service of desperadoes. But
steamers and their machinery do not lend them-
selves so readily to adventure. The Chesapeake
had no sails to depend on, and was too short of
coats for a long voyage. This is a modern and pro-
saic necessity, unknown to the Red Rovers and
Water Witches of fiction. Even the übiquitous
Alabama is always in trouble about fuel, and if she
is ever caught it will probably be with empty coal
bunkers. The captors of the Chesapeake were ob-
liged to run for a British harbour, and arrived at,
Partridge Island, New Brunswick, where they sent
the captain and crew on shore in a pilot boat. The
seizure created a fever of excitement in New York,
and a small fleet of steamers was manned and fitted
for pursuit as rapidly as possible. On the 17th of
December a Federal ship of war discovered the
Chesapeake in Sembro Harbour, Nova Scotia. She
had, therefore, been in possession of the captors ten
days. When she was descried they were actually
taking in a supply of coal. But flight was impossi-
ole, the conspirators saw the game up, and all but
two or three of the sixteen put off in a boat, and
escaped as the Federal squadron approached. It
was with this recapture of the Chesapeake that the
English Government became involved in the mat-
ter. The captain of the Federal steamer made the
seizure in one British port, but, it appears, only
with the intention of taking his prize into another.
He might thedoubtedly have taken the recovered
vessel to Portia/At or New York itself, and had tie
done at the capture 'could have given rise to a very
serious difficulty. But he proceeded to Halifax,
and expressed his readiness to give up the Ctiesa
peake to the British authorit:s.
s at that port, in
t ip might be
order that the question of ownerse
de-
cided by the Vice-Admiralty Court. At the same
time a demand was made for the trial of the men
implicated in the attack on the crew of ttle; Chesa-
peake and the murder of the second engineer, that,
if guilty, they might be given up to the Government
of the United States, under the Treaty of Extradi-
tion, as pirates. While the adjudication on the point
of ownership was proceeding fir. Seward assured
Lord Lyons that though he was not aware the Federal
naval officers had in any way violated the jurisdic-
tion of Great Britain by the recapture of the Chesa-
peake in a British port, yet, should it prove so on
fuller information, he could not justify such an in-
fraction of sovereign rights, and was ready to
express the " profound regret" of the Federal Go-
vernment, and make satisfactory amends for any
excess of authority on the part of its officer. He
did not think any legal process was necessary to
discover the ownership of the Chesapeake, which
had never been made a lawful prize, the seizure
having been an act of piracy. He suggested that
the vessel might have be restored to the owners by
the Executive of the province. It was thought
necessary, however, to proceed legally in the mat-
ter, and the depositions of the captain and crew of
the Chesapeake were taken in the Vice-Admiralty
Court of Halifax. The Judge decided that both
ship and cargo should be restored to the owners.
While the case was pending, during several ad-
journments, the citizens of Halifax were excited
against the Court and Judge to a degree of violence
for which we can perceive no adequate cause. The
decision given was equitable, and we presume ace
cording to law and evidence. The anger of the
people,
however, carried them even to the extreme
of rescuing one of the prisoners, who was given up
to the local an. thorities on the plea that he was a
British subject. When landed from the American
steamer the Halifax poi. ce were on the wharf ready
to apprehend him on the ma;istrates' warrant. The
crowd interposed, prevented i. ,ee arrest, put the
man into a boat, and he finally escat:ed- This was
represented in New York as a flagrant ;.nstance of
"sympathy with the rebels." But it is p;obab'e
some local feuds or party feeling had quite as in:c.l'
to do with the resistance to the local police. This
was the closing incident of the story, all the details
of which show how often the friendly relations of
two countries may be endangered by the acts of
unscrupulous partisans, lawless adventurers, or too
zealous officers. Mr. Seward made the apology be
offered at an early stage of the transaction for the
violation of British territory, and acknowledged the
"just and friendly proceedings'' of the Governor of
Nova Scotia, as well as the impartial spiri by
which the Vice Admiralty Court had been guided
"in a case attended with some embarrassment and
local excitement." The apology, Lord Ly one assures
Mr. Se ward, " has been accepted by her Majesty's
Government in the same spirit in which it has been
offered," and he adds that he is " truly glad the
matter has been settled in a manner honourable to
both parties, and calculated to improve the friendly
relations" between the two Powers. On the Chesa-
peake difficulty nothing more and nothing better
can be said.
DAILY NEWS.—Parliament, at its meeting on
Monday, will have before it a history of the nego-
tiations carried on by Earl Russell with Denmark
and Germany down to the date of the letters in-
viting the Powers to meet in the proposed Confe-
rence. The fourth instalment of the " Correspon-
dence with Denmark end Germany" was issued
yesterday. The former portion, it may be remem
bered, brought the history of the Dino-German
dispute down to the summons addressed by Mar-
shal Wrangel to General Meza, requiring the
evacuation of Schleswig by his army. That now
issued gives accoun is of the interviews, manifestoes,
despatches, and mutual explanations which were
made necessary by toe passage of the Eider, and
subsequently of the Schlei, the abandonment of the
Danne wirke, the defence of Duppel, and the ad-
vance into Jutland, the various proposals of a Con-
ference, and the difficulties which attended the
arrangement of the conditions of its meeting. On
all these he
it
ads the public has been so fully in-
formed that is surprising how little that is new is
to be found in these letters. What first strikes the
reader is the attitude of painful constraint in which
those Powers which might have been expected to
exercise a moderating influence on the course of
events appear in these letter's. Ail of them make
apologies which imply a consciousness that they are
not doing what, under ordinary circumstances,
might be fairly expected of them, Austria, pushed
hard to justify her aggression on Denmark, regrets
to find that her Majesty's Government is indisposed
to attach
sufficient importance to " the very grave
difficulties in which Austria and Prussia are placed
with Germany in a state of frenzy." Russia,
asked by England if she will not co-operate to the
extent of giving material assistance to Denmark,
explains that " the position of Russia at the pre-
sent conjuncture" renders it difficult for her
to take a leading part in dealing with this
question; and, lastly, England, directly ap-
pealed to by Denmark for aid, replies, " that
every step which her Majesty's Government
may think it right to take in the further pro-
gress of this unhappy contest can only be taken
after full consideration and communication with

France and Russia." Two only of the Five Great
Powers—France and Prussia—form an exception to
this remark. M. de Bismark is seen cheerily p!ung-
ing his country further and further into that cons
flict of " fire and steel" by which alone, as he dee
Oared three years ago, Prussia could work out her
exalted destiny. We see him here from first to last
the inventor and instigator of every new measure
in aggravation of the strife, rejecting all palliatives
and compromises, and some way or other always
convincing Count Rechberg that he is right.
France, again, plays a part that is very well de-
fined. The Emperor, as was to be expected, will
take no active part in arrangements for preservin;
the map of Europe. It cannot be said that he is
absolutely indifferent to treaties, for they may be
useful some day to show that other Powers by
breaking them have placed themselves in the wrong.
The Emperor contents himself with a decorous in-
activity, satisfied to see the Governments of Austria
and Prussia carrying into effect principles which
will lay both those State open to him and etch allies
as he may easily find. The character of the alli-
ance between Austria and Prussia makes it difficult
for foreign Gove nments to accept with much con-
fidence the undertakings which those Powers are
ready to give. Austria appears in these letters as
the partner of credit who is put forward from time
time to time to give assurances which Prussia at
the convenient moment unhesitatingly annuls. It
was so with the advance into Jutland. It was so
with the proposed armistice, which was to take
place on the retirement of the Danes to Alsen. The
Austrian Government had led our Ministers to be-
lieve that it desired an armistice on those terms, and
when Earl Russell had written to various Foreign
Courts, asking co-operation to bring about an ar-
rangement of that kind, Prussia declined to accede
to it, and Count Rechberg, its author, said that M.
de Bismarck's objections were unanswerable. Now
that it is supposed that a Conference is about to as-
semble, we naturally look in this Correspondence
for evidence of the intentions with which the two
German Courts would enter upon the deliberatiens
of such an assembly. And here again we find Austria
making what she considers the fairest promises,
declaring in a despatch of Count Rechburg's that
the integrity of the Danish monarchy is in her eyes
not only " consecrated by the Treaty of London, but
necessary to the balacoe of power." On the other
hand, we have M. de Bismarck abstaining from all
engagements of that character; explaining to
Europe in despatches that although Prussia entered
Schleswig with the intention of respecting the in-
tegrity of Denmark, her recognition of that prin•
ciple might be forfeited if the Danes presumed to
defend their own territory against an invasion. In
a ministerial circular issued six weeks ago to the
Prussian official organs in the provinces, it was said
that England after doing its utmost, even having
recourse to threats, to prevent Austria and Prussia
from going forward, but in vain, had asked from
Prussia a declaration to the effect that she held fast
to the London Protocol, and therefore maintained
the principle of the indivisibility of the Danish.
monarchy. " Bat," it was said, "it is self-evident
that when one's antagonist has by his obstinacy
once driven one into war, treaties are no longer
binding, and consequently that nothing can be
promised for the future, but that everything then
depends upon the issue of the contest. This is the
sense in which our Government has expressed itself
towards England." While this was the language
of the official organ, M. de Bismarck himself received
a deputation, and spoke favourably of the Duke of
Oeienburg's pretensions to Holstein. The public
will understand now why the Danes made the re-
cognition of the negotiations of 1851-52 a condition
of their acceptance of a Conference. These de-
spatches sufficiently show that no preparation
whatever has been made for the Conference. And
if the Emperor of the French has only half the
sagacity for which he gets credit, he will be able
easily to transform it into the Congress which he
proposed last November, with the additional grati-
fication of seeing it convened by the very statesman
who defeated it before.