The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC lOURNALS.

PosT.—The intelligent readers of an eminent
contemporary must have been delighted yesterday
with the ability with which the keenest satire was
veiled by an affectation of pomposity. After a pass-
ing but pretty allusion to "conscience," they were
informed, in a tone of great self-glorification, that
we had " rebuked the passions of a people without
drawing a sword." This grandiloquent statement
seems curious when the condition and aspect of Ger-
many are considered; bat the key is given to it in a
subsequent sentence, which ie,l:ds to the conclusion
that the whole article is an elaboi..!ite raillery.
" They have been warned that treaties canna; be
disregarded with impunity, nor settled frontiers
violated without the peril of a fitting retribution."
These ironical words were evidently penned with a
vivid recollection of the facts that the Treaty of
1852 has been disregarded, is disregarded, and ap-
parently will be disregarded, and that the settled
frontiers of Denmark have been successively violated
in Holstein and in Schleswig, and are, lastly, vio-
lated in Jutland without retribution of any descrip-
tion being incurred by the violators. The Times,
in the same vein, lauds the " sense of justice and
right" of the Germans, and asserts that it has been
aroused by the " British Government and the
British press." This which would be mere bluster
if our contemporary were in earnest, assumes its
true value when we remember that the German
sense of justice is a non-existent quantity, and that
as such it cannot have been aroused. The Germans
have thoroughly tricked and cheated the British
Government; and as to the British press, we have
all, in this case, been compelled to eat our words,
for we were loud in promises of help which we have
been unable to fulfil, while the sympathy of some of
us has grown to be as cold as the sides of our iron-
elads. Were we to select an instance we should recall
a recent article of the limes which distinctly told
the Danes they had better make themselves over to
Sweden, and leave the Duchies bodily to the Ger-
mans. We point this out, not to those intelligent
readers to whom we have referred, who will read our
contemporary in the only sense which he could
surely have intended, but because these words of his
may be misread abroad, and may be quotel as
specimens of British boasting and " bunkum," at a
moment when our reputation in foreign parts is held
of very small account, and when such language
may be received as being as unbecoming as it is
singularly untimey. That the English Government
has pursued the wisest and the safest course none
can doubt. We have not embroiled ourselves in war.
There is a pleasant vision of twopence in the pound
to come off the income tax ; and if treaties and
frontiers are treated as non-existent by armed
Powers, we regret the misfortune, but we do not
intervene except in the sense in which it is now the
fashion to understand the word. If Russia, in defi-
ance of treaties and morality, oppresses Poland, we
warn her that the consequences will be upon her
own head ; but we abstain from attempting to pre-
cipitate that catastrophe by any act of ours, If
Germany bullies and beats Denmark, we intervene
to counsel concession and that becoming patience
which is the exquisite crown of martyrdom. But
under these circumstances it is not for us to talk
big, and cry out—behold our mighty remonstrances
are redressing wrong, and the British Government
and the British press are settling all the difficulties
of Europe! But when we come to the little fact
hidden in the bushel of chaff which has been dusted
up about it, we find that the great cry is, after all,
only concerning a piece of news which is small
indeed. Austria and Prussia refusing armistice,
remaining in Jutland, consent to allow their repre-
sentatives in London to appear at a Conference to
be held here. On this it is assumed that the Con-
ference will be held, and that the war will be con
eluded out of hand "on a basis which will give
tranquillity to the Duchies, and yet preserve the
unity Of an ancient and dignified monarchy."
This pleasing illusion looming in the distance will,
we fear, prove as intangible and fleeting a vision
as the ghost of the new " spectropia." The con-
sent of several other Powers to the Conference
has yet to be received,and notably that of Denmark.
In another part of cur impression will be found a
despatch from the Danish Minister of Foreign
Affairs distinctly asserting that " not until the for-
mer state of things is re-established in Schleswig"
will the Danish Government renew its efforts for
terminating by means of negotiations our conflict
with Germany." The invasion of Jutland is not
likely to have diminished that resolution. The
Danes must also have a bitter recollection of
the failure of every concession which they have
made on the repeated pressure of their non-inter-
vening advisers. We should be really blind, too,
did we not see that this acceptance of a Conference
is only meant to neutralise our possible action in
consequence of the invasion of Jutland.
Throughout the negotiations, the two Powers, but
especially the Cabinet of Berlin, have only played
with us as it suited their convenience. They have
availed themselves of our offices to make Denmark
yield, but have invariafily and persistently pressed
on their egression. They deceived us as to the
time of their entry into Schleswig, which they in-
vaded by a coup de main, to effect their purpose,
whilst winter paralysed our arms. They knew that
if they could perpetrate this spoliation they would
be comparatively safe, for though England might
have interfered when the Baltic should be open to
aid the defence of the Danes, she could not, when
the deed was once accomplished, attempt to expel
the Germans. But spring is approaching, and with
milder weather we shall receive milder assurances.
Every trick of diplomacy will be used by men who
are as cunning as they are unscrupulous. They will
endeavour by all means to hoodwink England and
to prevent the active interference which they at
heart are afraid of. The analogies of this aggres-
sion with the Russian invasion of Turkey are sin-
gularly striking. The same desire for peace kept
our hands long from the sword. In the same man-
ner conferences were proposed, and in that instance
held, with only the result of the famous Vienna note.
The Danes, like the Turks, are battling like men
and patriots, against superior numbers, and as cer-
tainly their noble struggle will issue in the same
result. Sooner or later the hearts of men will be
moved at seeing the fight of courage and honour
against the fearful odds which back injustice and
cruelty. It will be thought at last that even self
interest, even the prosperity of future budgets and
the true causes of England's greatness, are still, as
history proves them always to have been, inter-
woven with and dependent upon the assertion and
preservation of the immutable laws of liberty and
right.
TIMES.—The House of Commons, fortunately for
its comfort, can afford to be equally emoted whether
it watches the perplexities of a Government which
has to meet at once and by the very same aC:9 a
variety of antagonisms, or follows a lawyer through
the logic of evidence and legal definitions, or hears
the British merchant's simpler identification of his
own and his country's interest with that of all man-
kind. Each of these parts, unexceptionable as it
may be in itself, is apt to jar with the rest; and it
is only when we consider that a country cannot
consist exclusively of politicians, or of lawyers, or
of shipbuilders, or of merchants, and that even if a
country be ever so complete in itself it has still to
get on with the rest of the world as peaceably and
honourably as may be, that we learn to do justice
to each actor in the scene. The shipbuilders of the
Mersey are quite in the eight to push their enter-
prises as far as law, and we must add policy, will
allow. A lawyer has nothing to do but to see that
everything is done according to law; and, if he is
retained, that his client shall have the benefit of
every doubt in the interpretation, every trip in the
prosecution, every flaw in the indictment, and every
prejudice that may be invoked. The ordinary com-
mercial Englishman may certainly protest against
practices which tend to destroy the commerce and
peace of all mankind for the benefit of a few ship-
building yards. Meanwhile, the Minister has to sign
an order which is at once virtually a despatch to two
Powers engaged in internecine war, a document in
a lawsuit involving heavy damages, a parliamen-
tary paper, and a transaction of no slight import-
ance in the history of mankind. In all these aspects,
tao, he has to deal not so much with the thing
itself as with a sublimer essence which represents
it in the sphere of political action. His eventual
responsibility to the nation, or the world, rides above
legal technicalities, Parliamentary majorities, and
material interests, and forbids too great a conde-
scension to any. Yet in this country, at least, he
can neglect none. In this is his greatness, and yet
also his weakness, The joint in the Ministerial har-
ness at which the Opposition lawyers on Tuesday
night were directing their shafts is the apparent fact
that on a certain day, for reasons that appear not
either in their communications with the Federal
Government or in those with Messrs. Laird, Minis-
ters came to a decision of very great moment in de-
taining the two vessels of war which it was morally
certain were intended for the use of the Confede-
rates. Not one speaker in the debate could venture
to insinuate the smallest doubt that the steam rams
were built at the order and for the use of the Con-
federates. This was a truth patent to the whole
world. Each vessel as it lay was an armament,
being furnished with its weapon, and the means to
propel that weapon into a hostile vessel. So far it
was even more plainly a vessel of war, and more
prepared for action, than a monster torpedo, or any
other new device for destruction. The ram had only
to take in its provisions, its coal, and its crew,
whatever, indeed, was necessary to its navigation,
and it was ready for action. Recent experience had
shown that an expedition could be prepared piece-
meal in British waters, or, at the most, in their

neighbaurhood, and that it Could be despatched on
an errand of wide-spread destruction, without so
much as touching at a single port of the Power