The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-14 00:00:00

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N°.18;741.j_ LONDON- THURSDAY , .•.. -..., ~
1 . 141) 1852 trees, if the landlords were not
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u.s2 N., 7 . OCTOBER

STEAM TUG WANTED.
Sealed Tenders (in duplicate) will be received at the Office of
the Agents-General for Grower Colonies, No. 5, Cannon- w, West-
Minster, until Thursday, the 11th of November next, fret parties
desirous of furnishing a Steam-tug for the service of the rbour of
Port Louis. The Tenders will be forwarded for the decision of the
Government of Mauritius, so as to arrive there by the 15th of Janu-
ary, 1853, the day fixed for their delivery in the Cdony.
For the insDrmation of parties tendering, the following description
of the spe:ies of vessel required is published: and notice is hereby
given, that no tender will be taken into consideration which A not
In accordance therewith.
1. A strong, thoroughly well-built, woodefipaddle-wheel vessel,
With two engines of 100 horse power each.
'2. As the ordinary employment of the vessel will be that of a Tug
in Port Louis Harbour, it is required that she should not draw more
than 10, or. at most, 11 feet of water, when so employed, and carry-
ing a week's consumption of coal ; but it is required that she should
Possess the necessary qualifications of a sea-going vessel, and be able
to carry coal for 15 days of 24 hours each.
3. Subject to the above essential conditions, it is desirable that her
length should not exceed, 120 feet from the after part of the stem to
the fore part of the stern-post, and that her registered tonnage
should not exceed 300 tons ; or that those measurements should be
exceeded as little as possible.
4. The vessel must be coppered with 32-oz. copper and copper-
fastened ; of.brigantine rig ; fitted to tow or lash alongside of vessels,
and with plain accommodation solely for the Captain, Officers, and
Crew.
5. The engines must be on the "side-lever" principle, or of any
superior description adapted to the purposes for which the vessel is
required : to be fitted with expansion Eear to work half steam ; the
boilers to be of iron, and the machinery fitted with the latest im-

lent of Parliament, it ap-
final robbery of the tax-
rendering the remainder
millions, which were ad-
as hi Ireland. That dis-
the sole cause of it, they
rating. It is now proposd
to pek the present Parliament for the total repeal
of the famine tax." Irish impudence has long been a
proVeib of a world's notoriety, but it has uow exceeded
all former notions of its extensibility. Tee capital sum
of eight millions, granted by a single vote of the Par-
liament, is by no means the total amount of money con-
tributed,by this country for the relief of Ireland in con-
sequence of the distress, ostensibly occasioned by-the
failure of the potato, but, in reality, a necesqtry conse-
quence of the condernaation of millions to ahsoldte de-
pendence on a single, uncertain, and perishable root,
affording at the best, from the same quantity of raw pro-
duce, three-fourths less nutriment than oatmeal at very
nearly the same price. Of the debt of eight millions, oat-
half was more generously than justly remitted at once
by Parliament. The whole was voted for the
relief of the Irish, who were represented to be perishing
by hundreds, in consequecce of the failure of potatoes.
Did the landlords suffer it to be so applied? It was
said that the money contributed from all sources
towards this relief was insufficient, and in 1848, a depu-
tation of landlords waited on the Earl of Clarendon to
solicit his approbation of a scheme for extracting another
grant from. Englishmen. His Lordship flatly refused,
and as flatly accused the landlords to their faces of
having diverted the greater portion of the money from
a people who were said to be perishing of hunger into
their own pockets. He mentioned that numerous cases
which had come to his knowledge, in which substantial
farmers had elhimed and obtained regular relief, through
collusion of the parochial ,or district authorities, and
many others, in which landlords had placed tenants
who were in arrear of their rent on the relief lists, in
order that the money might go to the liquidation of
their arrears. In fact, the administration of the national
funds for relief of the starving poor was converted into
a gigantic swindle for the profits of the landlords.
Greater frauds upon the nation and Government
during the progress of the alleged famine were never
practised. The papers teemed with represenrtiop of
the excessive mortality, and Dr. M'Hale esti he
deaths at either two or three millions, all of which ho
charged as crimes upon the English Government, and
especially Lord John Russell, though every member was
anxiously arid zealously exerting all his energies to
undo what was truly the work of the Irish landlords, as
we shall soon demonstrate. Dr. MaHale, in his virtuous
indignation, forgot that the census and other records of
social progress would furnish most satisfactory means of
detecting deliberate falsehoods, as well as of correcting
honest though erroneous statements. These documents
throw a considerable doubt upon the reality of the
" famine" itself, and enable us to deny the existence
of the asserted excessive mortality. For ' instance,
in the ten years ending with that of the last census,
the population decreased 1,659,330, and in those
years 1,289,133 persons had emigrated from Ire-
land. Computing from these numbers by any pro-
bable rule that we may select, in the hope of ap-
proximating to the truth, we shall be satisfied that
Ireland was not afflicted with a prodigious mor-
tality from famine in the true sense of the word. But if
Dr. Al'Efale's extravagantly improbable estimate of the
deaths from famine were true, the murderers were not the
English Government, but the Irish landlords, who now
desire to repudiate the debt, which they contrived to
place in their own pockets. Let us see how the case
btands on the supposition that two or three millions of
people, in a population of eight millions, perished through
the failure of the potato. Had that root perished in
any other country in the world, no such dreadful
consequences could have been produced, because the
people could have fallen back upon other and more
nutritious food. But the Irish could not do so,
hceaus.o the landlords, by exacting the most exorbi-
tant rents, had long compelled them to export all
sorts of better food, and condemned them to the
potato for their sole subsistence. If, therefore, a
great mortality ensued on the failure of the potato,
to whom was it owing but to the landlord? Even
during the time that Dr. API-fate's imaginary millions
were dying of hunger, the Itindlords were causing the
wretched survivors to snatch the food from their retch,
and export it to other markets for their shamefully high
rents. According to the Doctor's teaching, we must
call this conduct most inhuman; and that others may
judge of it, we abstract, from Parliamentary returns,
the following quantities of food exported before and
duriug the year of the alleged famine:—
Average per year from 1842-45, 219,414 qrs. wheat
Total in 1846
Average as above 86,122 qrs. barley
Total in 1846
Average us above 2,506,538 qrs. oatmeal
Total in 1846

Now ready, in 3 Vols., 31s. 6d. bound,
BARONESS D'OBERKIRCH'S
-- MEMOIRS,
Illustrative of the Secret History of
THE COURTS OF FRANCE, RUSSIA, AND GERMANY.
" The Baroness D'Oberkirch, the intimate friend of the Empress
of Russia, wife of Paul 1., and confidential companion of the Duchess
otDotirbon, saw much of courts and courtiers ; and her remarkable
memoirs are filled with a variety of anecdotes, not alone of lords and
ladies, but of emperors and empresses, kings and queens, and reign-
ing princes and princesses. As a picture of society anterior to the
French Revolution, the •book is the most perfect production of Its
kind extant; and, as such, besides its minor value as a book of
amusement, it possesses a major value as a work of information,
which in the interest of historical truth is, without exaggeration,
almost incalctilable."—Obsen'er.
Colburn and Co., Publishers, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

TIE

ROYAL SWEDISH 11
KOPI NO to MILT, foni

[LW AY COMPANY.
the First Section of a Trunk

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAL
TIMES.—The journals of the continent appear_una-
nimously to regard the late declaration of Louis /Napo-
leon at Bordeaux as the most important incident in his
progress through the south of France; and while the
more devoted adherents of the Buonapartist Govern-
ment hail with satisfaction his open aceeptance of the
Empire, the opponents of his Government cannot with-
hold their approbation from so precise and positive a ae-
claration in favour of the policy of peace. In a country
where no security remains but the personal assurance
of the ruler, such declarations are all we have to rely
on; and without attaching to them more weight than
they deserve, they at least put an end to the ominous
silence on these topics which left a door open to the un-
favourable inferences. But we cannot forget that on
several former occasions Louis Napoleon has volunteered
to make declarations equally emphatic and equally well
received by those to whom they were addressed. His
messages to the National Assembly were remark-
able to the last for the forbearance and the con-
ciliatory spirit which it suited him to affect while he was
slowly preparing the annihilation of that body and of all
public liberty. Nor did he hesitate to assure the nation
that nothing would ever divert him from his duty as an
honest man, bound by his oath to respect the Constitu-
tion, though he was guilty at that time of premeditated
perjury. The penalty for those offences against the first
law of duty is that we cannot attach to his words the
same confidence we should wish to plitce in him.
Speaking in one of the first commercial cities of France,
whose interests are absolutely identified with the main-
tenance of peace, the most ordinary prudence might
have suggested the pacific assurances which have ac-
companied this announcement of the Empire. But no
traee of the language employed at Bordeaux was per-
ceptible at such places as Strasburg and Tai,don. There,
on the contrary, vast military demonstrations appeared
to favour very different passions. French pontoons flung
over the Rhine—a vast naval armament collected at
Toulon—prodigious activity in all the naval de-
partments—and _ the _ extension of the fortifica-

public dinner-table at Perth. As a programme of his
future policy, this appeal says roundly that ho wants to
place himself at the head of a democratic movement, to
overthrow a ConservatiVe Government which had shown
itself sincerely and practically disposed to press all
real and just reforms, and of which, Lord Joha's com-
plaint is, that some of the reforms which it did press and
curry were those which he might have effected himself,
if he had wished. So much for the general principles
by which he would rouse, the commonalty in his favour.
But, besides principles, or rather in exchange for prin-
ciples, he needs persons—persons of some public
notoriety. And to whom, of all' men, after
his democratic prolusion, does he make his bow?
To whom but the Peelites ? His compliments
to them—the flattery which he lavished even on their
beaten candidates at the last elections—conveyed a very
intelligible tender. No consideration of the somewhat
" advanced" character of Lord John's last profession of
faith deterred these self-styled Conservatives from in•
stantly testifying their sense of the honour which they
had received. They placed their political organ in the-
service of the volunteer leader of democraey,aad became
the apologists of his past fame and present position.
He had virtually intimated his readiness to receive them-
into his camp, and they at once began'to. arm in his
defence. Bat, at Carlisle, when Sir James Graham was '
asked what" ite " he was, he replied that he had been a
Peclite; but now that he was no " ite " at all—meaning,
doubtless, that others were Grahamites. Thus, it seems,
he reckoned upon a fickle and wavering loyalty; for, at
the first encouragement, his followers were ready to
change the prefix of their political patronymic,
and to become Russellites. But this is not all. The
severe virtue and inaccessible principle of the Liberal-
Conservative nymph is not yet fully delineated.
She is, it appears, not only easily won, it' boldly wooed,
but capable at the same time of wooing askance, or
transversely, on her own account. Scarcely had Lord
John Russell had time to congratulate himself on the
triumphant effect of his courtship, when he beheld his
frail beauty lavishing her blandishments on Lord Pal-
,.

—been cheated. Before, howev,er, they had time to
Come to any decision on the subject, the speaker fairly
cut the ground from under their feet, by telling them
that whatever they might think of Protection, he knew
that it had not a leg to stand on. The game was ail up.
"By the office,' if I may so call it, or rather by
the situation which I filled so long for that party, I
am, alas! too well aequainted with the lists, majorities,
and• minorities of the House of Commons, not to be
abler in taking up a lilt of the Parliament which
has just been returned to perceive that there is a de-
cided majority of Members in the lower House inimical
to the feeling and to the measure of protection to so"li-
culture. If I differ, as I certainly do, from the wisdom
and justice of their views, yet, notwithstanding, I
must acknowledge that I myself and those who think
with me are in a minority, and I ask is it wise or pru-
dent to force forward a question which can but involve
those whose interests you wish to the utmost of your
power, and at every fair risk, to uphold—is it wise, I'
say, to force that forward when you can gain no advan-
tage ? They say.--it is a scriptural phrase=that it is
useless, to kick against the pricks', and I firmly believe
that in this instance, if we were to stir this
question, and to moot it in an unfortunate
moment, we should - only throw further back
tho interests of those for whom we would make any
sacrifice." Who talked of the folly or the sin of "kicking
against the pricks" when they were out of office? Did
the farmers think of the author of evil, who is said to
be able to quote Scripture to suit his own purpose, while
this Conservative partisan was sporting his scriptural
knowledge? Who influenced the minds of farmers and
country gentlemen at meetings? Who talked of civil
war to maintain Protection, an speculated upon the ser-
vice the mounted farmers might do to the good cause?
What party is it that fur the last few years' have been
speechifying, writing cooking statistics,-making use Af
every imaginable artifice to persuade the agricultural in-
terests that there was no hope for them but in Protec-
tion? Who but these very men who, having now ob-
tained all they were aiming at, by the efforts of their
poor dupes, now, coolly turn round and tell them that
there is no help. The utter denial of any obligation on
the Government to forward the views of the Protec-

Lline from Stockholm to Gotteni

Established pursuant to Royal,

'ter of Sweden, with the State

Guaranti

per cent.

Capital, 5,000,040 rix dol. bancl
dollars eac'

F 670/.), in 83,334 shares of GO
5/. sterling.
• . . .

Deposit 2/. per shire, on payment of which certificates will be issued
- to bearer.
The shareholders' liability is, by the law of Sweden, limited to their
' '

amount of shares.
PATRON—HIS Royal
.11ightiess the Crown Prince of Sweden and
Norway. •
BOARD. OF DIRECTORS.
Anders Magnus Brink, Esq., merchant, M.P. for Stockholm,
K.R.O.W.
Robert Gillman, Esq., Bncklersbury •
P. 31. Loven, Esq., merchant, Stockholm
John Masterman, jun., Esq , Nicholas-lane
James Rhodes, Esq., banker, Lombard-street
Count Adolphe Eugene yon Rosen, Lieutenant-Colonel R.R.0.5.,
Stockholm
John Sadleir, Esq., M.P., Chairman of the London and County Bank,
Lombard-street
Charles Frederick Wzeni, Esq., merchant, M.P. for Gottenburg.

provements.
• 6. The vessel must be fitted
to
oriter and supplied
onepl iediewrwitarh,d antwod thelong
Pivot Guns, of a calibre adapted
other aft ; and be furnished with the usual and spare gear ; two
suits of sails; anchor, cables, hawsers, and all necessary marine
stores ready for sea, together with three
hundred round shot for the
guns.
7. The party furnishing the vessel must engage to supply and de-
liver at Port LOtliS, new iron boilers and funnels when required, at
a certain price, to be specified in the tender.
23 Cr'Llfhin
The tenders must be accompanied with plans and specifications
of
the vessel, an inventory of all necessary stores, and an estimate
of the price to bo paid for the whole on delivery of the vessel in Port
Louis.
V. The vessel must be built under the inspection of a Lloyd's Sur-
veyor, and be registered in the highest class at Lloyd's.
10. She must be delivered at Port Louis in a condition correspond-
ing to the certificate of the above officer, all damage sustained, and
all defects discovered, on the outward voyage, being made good be-
ore delivery.
11. The party tendering must be prepared to give bond in a penal
sum of 2,0001. (two thousand pounds sterling), binding himself to de-
, liver the vessel to the Government of Mauritius, at Port Louis,
within a period not exceeding fifteen months from the date of the
contract ; subject, however, to a further reasonable delsy, in the sole
event of the vessel experiencing severe damage on her passage out.
5, Cannon-row, Westminster, October, 1852.
G. BAILLIE, Agent-General for Crown Colonies.

THE QUARTERLY REVIEW,
No. CLXXXII., is published THIS DAY.

CONTENTS :
British Bards and Stonehenge.
IL lonian Islands..
111. Irish Salmon.
IV. Dr. Chalmers.
V. Sindh.
VI. Lord Langdale.
VII. Gold Discoveries.
VIII. Parliamentary Prospects.
John Murray, Albemarle-street.

BANKERS.
Stockholm—Bank of Sweden.
Gottenburg—Join-Stock Bank of Gottenburg.
Orebro—Joint-Stock Bank of Orebro.
Paris—Messrs. Fould, Fould, Oppenheim, and Co.
London—Messrs. Masterman and Co., London and County Bank.
Brokers—Messrs. R. and J. Sutton, 22, Royal Exchange.
Engineer-in-Chief—Sir John Rennie, F.R.S.
ResidentlaileS HenryEngineer—Carl
Tottie,sq E
Esq.la
SOLICITOR—Co
chambers,
Devereux-eourt, Teriaplee
Offices, 28, Poultry.
The:e7.-,tension of the railway system o- the continent, its introduc-
tion into Denmark, Norway, and Russia, countries immediately
surrounding Sweden, has rendered it indispensable, in a national
point of view, that the latter shOuld no longer be isolated from the
grand chain of European communication.
To meet this necessity the Government of Sweden has granted a
concession for the construction of a series of trunk and branch lines,
adequate to the internal necessities of the kingdom, and to its foreign
traffic.
The construction of a Grand Trunk Line between Stockholm and
Gottenburg has been, in the first instance, determined on, compris-
ing an extent of 350 miles, by which means the great design of
uniting the Baltic and the North seas will be accomplished, and, in
connexion with the line about to be established across Denmark, the
journey from St. Petersburgh to London will be aceomplished in half
the time occupied, at present ; the navigation of the sound will
be avoided ; and consequently the payment of Sound dues,
together with a saving of freight, insurance, and the delay of a long
voyage up the Baltic. The port of Gottenburg, ou the North Sea,
being accessible during a greater portion of the year than the Baltic
ports, the navigation to the north of Europe will be continued until a
much later period in the year than at present ; the Russian traffic
from Western Europe and America would, in summer from choice,
and in winter from necessity, add largely to the traffic of this Line.
The object of the present Company, is the construction of the first
section of this Grand Trunk line, to the extent of about 88 English
miles, between hoping and Halt, which will connect the two prin-
cipal lakes of Sweden, Wenern, and Malam ; the remainder of the
route, between Stockholm and Gottenburg, will be accomplished for
the present by the steam-boats through the lakes.
file concession for the first section has been obtained front the
Government of Sweden, for a term of 40 years, with a guarantee of
5 per cent., on a capital of 416,679/0 thus offering to the capitalist
a highly profitable investment secured on the faith of one of the
most responsible Governments in Europe, without any public debt
whatever, and with an annual surplus revenue.
From the annual sum of 20,833/. thus guaranteed by the Go-
vernment, 4 per cent. per annum will be paid to the shareholders,
and the remainder will be applied to create a sinking fund to re-
deem the entire capital at the expiration of forty years.
It is important to observe that the shareholders will be entitled to
the ent re profits of the railway, which, it is confidently expected,
will realize from 8 to 10 per cent. per annum.
Contracts have been entered into with a responsible English con-
tractor, from whom security has been taken for the execution of the
entire works of the line, and to provide all the rolling stock, plant,
and workshops necessary for the efficient working of the railway, on
such terms as will secure the execution of the whole, the payment
of all preliminary expenses, cost of naanagement until the opening
of the line, and 4 per cent. interest to the shareholders during the
period of construction, for the amount of the capital of 416,6701.
Full powers are granted to the Company of estaulishing an electric
telegraph, with the usual privileges attached thereto.
Four per cent. interest will be allowed to the Shareholders on
their calls, from the day of payment, during the period of con-
struction.
The payment of interest and dividend will take place at Stockholm,
Gottenburg, Paris, and London, at a fixed rate of exchange of twelve
rix-dohars banco to the 11. sterling.
Applications for shares, 1,1 the accampanying form, to be made
to Messrs. R. and J. Sutton, 22, Royal Exchange, London.

LIFE OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS.
On Tuesday next wilt be published, Volume Third of
MISS AGNES STRICKL AND'S

lIVES of the QUEENS of SCOTLAND,
A and English Pr'ncesses connected with the Royal Succession.
This volume contains the commencement of a personal Life of
Mary Stuart, which it is believed will be found more authentic and
complettthan any which has yet appeared. It comprises an amount
of curious and important information hitherto inedited, the fruits of
long and arduous research in the State Paper Offices of England,
Scotland, France, and other nations, and in the charter-chests of the
descendants of the nol4le families of Great Britain ancestrally con-
nected with that momentous period. The result is a Biography
which is likely to be the crowning work of Miss Strickland's great
national undertaking.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh And London.

THE BANK OF INDIA.
Capital 100 Lacs of Rupees, or 1,000,0001. sterling, in 40,000
Shares of 250 Rupees, or 251. sterling each. Deposit of 51. sterling
er share.

Soticrrogs.—Messrs. Hughes, Kearsey, and Mastermau, London.
BRO%F.RB.—Messrs. Foster and Braithwaite.
The Bank of India is established for the purpose of carrying on the
general basiness of banking and exchange in India, China, the
Mauritius, Ceylon, Singapore, and the other eastern possessions of the
British empire ; for receiving deposits and making remittances ; for
granting cash credits and making advances upon approved securi-
ties ; for issuing circular notes payable in Europe, Egypt, the prin-
ciPal stations on the Overland routes to India, and at the different
establishments of the bank ; for granting local drafts and credits ;
tied for all other legitmate banking business. _ _ _

NEW WORK I3r!DHE AUTHOR OF "VANITY FAIR,"
"PENDENNIs," &c.
MR. TiLkcKERAY's NOVEL,
Entitled
THE HISTORY of HENRY ESMOND, Esq.,
A Colonel in the Service of her Majesty Q. Anne,
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF,
Will be ready in a few days, in Three Volumes, crown 8,r40.,
London : Smith, Elder, and Co., G 5, Cornhill.

merston, who bud sought no such favour, and who even
requited the faithless encouragement with somethieg
beyond indifference, and very like contempt. Just after
the Peelites had shown their readiness to coalesce with
Lord John Russell, their organ, in a sudden panio, lest
Lord Palmerston were about to join the Government,
addressed to the latter Noble Lord a solemn admonition
on the value of patience, and quoted the French proverb,
that " all is well for those who know how to wait"—

tions of what is already one of the strongest
places in Europe—are proofs that however highly
Louis Napoleon may value the blessings of peace
he has not ceased to prepare and augment his
means of war. The Emperor Napoleon himself, and
the most warlike Sovereigns who have ever lived, con-
stantly laboured to convince their subjects and the world
that they were dragged into wars entirely against their
own will, and that the maintenance or restoration of
peace was the sole object of their policy. On one point,
however, there can be no doubt and no incredulity.
Louis Napoleon has thought it—and rightly thought it
—a stroke of good policy to endeavour to convince the
French nation that the second Empire is to be an wra of
peace, and the enthusiastic response which the country
has given to his assurance on this point is a strong indi-
cation that he cannot violate this engagement without
irritating public opinion and wounding the principal in-
terests or France. The most absolute Sovereigns are in
truth not much more able to despise and surmount pub-
lic opinion than those Governments that live under its
incessant control. If Louis Napoleon is setisfied that
the public opinion of the French people is strongly pro-
nounced in favour of peace, it is to be presumed that he
will not, for any paltry object of his own, fly in the
face of an obligation which is one of the conditions of
his power. War may be too unpopular at home, as well
us too dangerous abroad, for him rashly and wantonly
to provoke it; and perhaps there is no guarantee of the
general tranquillity on which we can rely as
so wellon
the repugnance of the
French themselves to disturb
The Bordeaux speech was, doubtless, intended encou-
rage or to flatter these hopes amongst the less warlike
portion of the French, and, at the same time, to disarm,
possible, the distrust with which the re•
ass far as
toration of the Empire is watched by foreign States.
But if we aro to take this declaration as perfectly sin-
cere, the reception it cannot fail to meet with both in
France and in foreign countries furnishes a conclusive
argument for acting upon the line of policy it pre-
scribes. The military establishments of all the conti-
nental Powers have grown to the most oppressive mag-
nitude. They are kept up, or rather forced upon, the
several Governments, by mutual distrust. The revolu-
tionary storm of 1848 no longer affords a decent pretext
or a reasonable motive for the permanent maintenance
of the largest armies the world has ever behold. The
question of peace or war in Europe rests mainly—we
might almost say exclusively—with France, for in the
present state of things we entirely concur in the
remark of Louis Napoleon, that " if France is
satisfied the world is tranquil." No Power
can be so much as suspected of the slightest desire to at-
tack her territory or to contest her rights, though no
Power feels at this moment an equal degree of confidence
in the intentions of the French Government towards the
territory and the rights of its neighbours. It is, there.
fore, for Louis Napolean and for France to take the
lead, if these assurances be trustworthy and sincere, in
the highly honourable task of restoring the world to that
peace establishment which was never more needed by the
finances of all Europe. There is nothing in the con-
quests he ;spoke of the other day which requires the
presence under arms of half a million of soldiers. No
boon which he can confer upon the rural population of
France could at all be compared to a mitigation of the
conscription, which now annually takes from 80,000 to
100,000 men from their homes; and we are satisfied
that his power would gain infinitely more internal so-
lidity and external respect, by divesting it of its menac-
ing military character, than by an unseasonable display
of idle hosts that might overrun half the provinces of
Europe. For ourselves, we are quite ready to apply
and to abide by this test of the wisdom or folly of his
policy—of the truth or the worthlessness of his promises.
But while w© see the whole army of France in the
highest state of preparation for any undertaking, and
with a considerable addition to its effective force; while
we know that unusual activity prevails in all the French
dockyards, and that the navy has received within the
last few months a vast augmentation to its strength, we
are unable to reconcile these facts with the declared in-
tentions of the French Government; and this palpable
inconsistency naturally increases the distrust with which
the new Imperial Administration may be viewed. 11
these Suspicions are erroneous and unjust, as they are
certainly onerous and inconvenient to an the world
it rests with Louis Napoleon to disarm them; but we
cannot attach very great importance to any verbsl
declaration, unless it be accompanied or followed by
some of the measures which ought to be and would be
its immediate and inevitable consequence. If it be,
as we suppose it is, the object and the
desire of the
future Emperor to take a place among the chief
Powers of the world, we venture to affirm that hr
will find it far more easy to recover the natural
influence of France, to contract alliances, to command
respect, and to conduct negotiations when he bas laid
aside the sword which he still brandishes over the French
and in the face of Europe. His own speech is a full and
complete homage to the principle for which we are
contending. Foreign countries having no direct con-
cern with the internal Government of France, are
merely interested in seeing him act up to these decla-
rations in his relations to themselves. If " the Empire
means peace"—to use his own emphatic expression—it
means the unreserved acceptance of the territorial limits
of Europe and of all existing treaties; and it means the
reduction of the present enormous military establish-
ments to the peace footing. There can be no question
that these two measures would be hailed with gratitude

tionists, and the positive assurance that such an attempt
would be futile, are two of the greatest impertinencies
that were ever offered to a deluded party. In the mean
time the Liberals have fair ground for triumph, and it
is to be hoped that the next semi-official announcement
of the Derby Ministry will be as consolatory as Major
Beresford's declaration that Ministers have abandoned
Protection.

Application will be made to her Majesty and to the Government
of India for charters of incorporation to limit the liability of the
Shareholders, and power will be taken to increase the capital of the
Company to 2,000,0001.
The arrangements for the constitution of this Company are now
nearly completed, and fall prospectuses, with the names of the Board
of Directors, will sh irtly be published.
In the meantime, further information may be obtained at the
temporary Offices of the Company, 4, Adam's-court, Old Broad-
street, London.

NATIONAL PROVIDENT INSTITUTION
for MUTUAL LIFE ASSURANCE, ANNUITIES, &c:.,
48, Gracechurch-street, London.
SAMUEL HAYHURST LUCAS, Esq., Chairman.
CHARLES LUSHINGTON, Esq., M.P., Deputy-Chairmtra.
CONSULTING ACTUARY—CharIes Ansell, Esq., F.R.S.
Extract from the Report for 1851.
"In the year ending the 20th November, 1851, 1,231 Policies
have been issued, the Annual Premiums on which amount to
18,4981. Bs. 6d.
" Since the establishment of the Institution in December„ 1835,
13,729 Policies have been effected, and the Annual Income is
189,2401. 2s.
"The balance of receipts over the disbursements in 18,1 is
114,623/. 3s. 9d. ; and the Capital is now 738,4921. 18s. 4d."
The forthcoming Quinquennial Division of Profits will be m.ad.e up
to the 20th November next, and all who effect Assurances befo:re that
time will participate in the profits which may accrue to such pol2icies.
By a recent Act of Parliament the Directors are empowered to
grant Loans to Members on the security of their Policies to tl to ex-
tent of their value.
Members whose premiums fall due on the Ist October,': ire re-
minded that the same must be paid within thirty days from tha t date.
The Directors' Report for 1851 may be had on application cit the
Office, or of the Agents in the country.
JOSEPH MARSH, Secret ary.
September 16, 1852.

tout torsbe Lien a qui salt attendre. In other words,
they want Lord Palmerston for their next Government,
and will guarantee him a place. Tempting offer! to
which one of the most eminent statesmen of the
age is strangely indifferent. A similar offer had
previously been tendered to certain Irish Mem-
bers by the same cosmopolitan party. We
have spoken more particularly of the Peelites
than of some others in the incongruous agglomeration
which we suppose must be called the opposition—not
merely because the Peelites have been the most obtru-
sive in qualif;ting themselves as the only or the ablest
statesmen of the country, and in vaunting their scrupu-
lous adherence to principle; but because it seems we
have hurt their feelings. They accuse us of not being
conciliatory in our language; they suggest that friends'
are lost, and those whose forbearance might have been
expected aro estranged and irritated by bitter words.
Falstaff preaching sobriety, Algernon Sydney extolling
disinterested patriotism, Robespierre or Couthen expa-
tiating on the sacredness of life, or the Emperor
Nicholas, like Marcus Anti:minus, delivering lectures,
and choosing for his subject the excellence of municipal
institutions, would less startle us than to hear the organ
of the Grahamites deprecating any political criticism
chat is not conciliatory and dignified. In the
v%.ry article in which this expostulation is
conveyed the favourite style of that journal is fully il-
lustrated—a style which alternates between pedantry
and slang. 01 the latter character we had no dnculty
in culling such samples as we may hero fitly introduce
in passing. This organ, which is all for conciliation
and dignity, tells us the Mr. Disraeli is "a mystery
man, who has a new dodge of some sort;" and "he is a
Caucasian going to do the quart-bottle feat;" and the
Quarterly Review " twaddles about cooked statistics,
increasing to the tune of so and to." Further,
" Disraeli is an ingenious Caucasian," and " a poli-
tical quack," and "a young Jew named Hoffer, con-

POST.—The speech of Louis Napoleon at Bordeaux
will create a great sensation throughout Europe. For
the first time he distinctly declares his intention of ac-
cepting the Imperial diadem, and of pursuing that
pacific policy which hitherto he has carried oat with
such notable success. On the return of the President to
Paris, the Senate will immediately take steps to carry
out the unanimous wishes of the French nation, and a
solid and permanent Government will be established
among our neighbours. It is a thing desirable for
England and for Europe that a monarchical and stable
Government should exist in France, rather than an im-
potent and ever-shifting Republic. To France herself
the benefits will be incalculable. The whole people are
now enthusiastically determined on placing an here-
ditary crown on the brows of a Napoleon, simply because
he has wrought such great deeds far their benefit—be-
cause he has stifled faction, and has amazingly aovanced
the commercial and social prosperity of the country.
They thirst for more victories and more glory. The
people press forward as " his soldiers," to aid him in con-
quering and bringing " to religion, to morality, and to
opulence, that still numerous portion of the population
which, in a country possessing a faith, has no knowledge of
the precepts of the Saviour, which, in the bosom of the
most fertile territory of the earth, scarcely obtains the
common necessaries of life." Such are the conquests of
the future empire, whose chief has again and again re-
cognised peace as " the desire of France"—peace, which
will permit her " to cultivate her waste lands, to open
new routes, to render her rivers navigable, to terminate
her canals, to complete her network of railways, to assi-
milate to herself the vast kingdoms which she possesses
in Africa, to bring her western ports nearer to America
by that rapidity of communication yet lacking, to restore
ruins, to overthrow false gods, to make truth triumph."
Such, according to Louis Napoleon, are the purposes of
the empire. And who can doubt it? In these few words
are not the necessities of France truly pourtrayed? Is
it to be believed that when her interests lie so plainly in
one direction, she is likely to rush forward in another?
As the President most truly observes, " War is not made
for pleasure, but from necessity." And war is next to
impossible, because the necessities of France point directly,
as we have again nod again shown, to peace—not that
we inculcate any blind confidence in the duration of
calm, which must always to some extent be subject to
the influences of any sudden popular passion, though
far less so under the Empire than under the Republic.
We have always advocated reasonable measures of pre-
caution, and regard it as England's first duty to insure
herself against the consequences of any accidental broil
with any foreign power. We cannot forget that the
French are full of vanity, and vastly fond of military
glory. We cannot forget that there are historical dis-
asters connected with the fall of the Empire that French-
men have long wished to retrieve; but as years roll by,
the irritating remembrance of those facts becomes less
vivid, and the increasing intercourse of England with
France tends to foster better feelings, and we hope
stronger ones. At any rate, it is not feeling alone that
can insure peace or cause war. Interest is, with all
mankind, the grand motive power, and the interests of
the two countries cry aloud for peace. The nations and
their rulers wish it, and nought is distrusted save the
name of " Napoleon." " What's in a name 1" Glory,
indeed, is almost synonymous with her hero in the
mouth of Franco, and the nephew of the Emperor claims
the heirship of his glory and intends to sustain it, not by
war, which ho " does not inherit," but by establishing
" confidence in the present and security for the future."
We cannot find terms strong enough to convey
the sense of disapprobation, and the feelings of disgust,
with which Englishmen regard the language of certain
of our contemporaries in relation to the present Govern-
ment of France. They level the whole volley of their
utmost abuse at Louis Napoleon, and at the whole
French nation, for no other reason, that we cansee, than

ALLSOPP'S PALE ALE AND DR.
GLOVER.
The circulation given to a statement tending to invalidate the
expression of Dr. Glover's opinion in favour of Pale Ale, compels
Messrs. ALLSOPP and SONS to connect this remarkable dis-
tribution of a calumny with other insidious attacks upon their
nrnk which they have reason to know proceed from an unworthy
and unneighbourly jealously.
Messrs. ALLSOPP and SONS, in reply, deem it their best
7.!se to adopt the same line of conduct as in the case of the
nlllar perversion and mutilation of Baron Liebig's meaning, so
rkugnantly repudiated by that eminent man himself. They pub-
lish, therefore, without abridgement, the letter they received from
"r• Glover, (having his permission to do so) ; a letter the more
valuable because it was not intended for publication, and i 3 an unpre-
e4ktateel levidence of that learned Chemist's just appreciation of
rale Ale.

IERCUHANT'S
ASSand TRAD
SOCIETYES,MA.N'S
MTUAL LIFEASSURANCE
5, Chatham-place, Blackfriars, London,
TRUSTEES.
Thomas How, Esq.

Jeffery Smith. Esq.
David Fergusson, Esq.
Advantages offered by this Society
Policies Indisputable, except in cases of fraud.
Assurances of every description effected.
Non.forfeiture of Policies.
Assurers unable, or who find it inconvenient to pay their 'Pre-
miums as they fall due, may have a credit on application tC. the
Board.

Form of Application for Shares.
To the Directors of the Royal Swedish Railway Company.

Gentlemen,—l request you will allot to me shares of 51. each
in the above undertaking ; the whole of which, or any less number
that may be allotti.d to me, I agree to accept and pay the sum of
21. per share thereon when requested so to do, and to abide by the
statutes of the Company.

Loans granted in connexion with Life Assurance.
BONUS.
The following Table shows the Bonuses declared on Policies e ffected
with this Society prior to 9th March last :

I am, Gentlemen, your obedient servant,
Signature at lull length • •
Occupation .... .. • • • • • • .. • • • • • • • • • . • •
Residence in lull .. ••••..•••• • • • • • • • •
Reference ...... • • ....

No. of . Age Am aunt
Annual Sum Bonus
Prems. when n aw
paid. Assured. 1 Premium. Assured. Added.
Asst Ixed.
----- -
1 .Z s. d. £ £ s. d. X s. d.
5 50 i 45 19 2 1000 94 13 0 1094 1 0
4 40 32 19 2 1000 65 0 0 1065 0 0
3 30 24 15 0 i 1000 43 14 5 1043 1.4 5

victed at a police-court," and he is " the political bite
erapher," and his dupe is "an old gentleman named
John Bull;" and a sort of off-hand mention is intro-
duced of the " political biographer's blunted percep-
tions of right and wrong," &c., &c. So many proofs
does one leading article of our " dignified" contempo-
rary afford of how easy it is to be abusive without being
witty. With all this there is so much pretence to ex-
clusive possession of political wisdom and of literary
accomplishments, that our readers will pardon us for
having loitered a moment on the subject. Those who
would find fault with Lord Derby for having formed
his Government must advance what literally amounts to
this proposition, that no Government is necessary in
England. On the other hand, those who would censure
the manner in which his Administration have adminis-
tered the public affairs since accepting office must set
themselves against the unanimous voice of all honest and
impartial persons, and deny facts to which wo will allude
more at large on an early occasion.
DAILY NEWS.—Major Beresford has again been
enlightening the Essex Protectionists. His lecture came
off at the dinner of the Hinckford Agricultural and
Conservative Club, and may be taken as a kind of
Ministerial indication of what is in store for us. The
introductory note to the speech was very instructive,
and if it did not convey a warning to the infatuated sup-
porters of the Ministry, who were so nnsuspiciously
drinking the healths of their betrayers round the well-
ailed table, we must attribute this to the strength of
the landlord's wine or the thickness of something in
Essex, This note was sounded by Mr. Vicars, who pro-
posed the health of her Majesty's Ministers, and in the
course of his speech took occasion very strangely to be-
stitch his hearers to forget that they were agriculturists,
and to try and think they were something else. "If,"
said Mr. Vicars, "he understood aright the position
which they occupied, it was not the honourable one,
simply of owners and occupiers of the soil, but they
appeared in the yet more exalted character of English-
,flen, with Eeglish feelings, and patriots with high aspi-
rations." Tho plain English of all this is—don't
bother the Major about Protection and such matters
now, drink your wine, and listen to what ho will tell
you about patriotism and aspirations, and all that sort
of thing. The Secretary-at-War, before the confused
agriculturists had had time to make up their minds as to
the extraordinary advice which had just been given, at-
tacked them in the same strain, and no doubt clenched
the impression made by his friend. He told his hearers,
in high-sounding terms, that if they looked at that pe-
riod during which his party had held the reins of Go-
vernment, they would find that they had not flinched
from doing their best to improve—at the same time that
they had maintained—the ancient institutions of the
country. He assured them also solemnly that they in-
tended to stand by those institutions, whether civil, mi-
litary, or Protestant. After this magnanimous but
rather vague declaration of what his party would do, he
considered that his hearers were in a fit state to listen
to his own version of what they would not do, prefacing
this with a brief account of what they had not done.
First and foremost he told the bewildered guests
her Majesty's Government did not comp into office
on tho ground of protection. " I deny that position
in toto. I know no reason that any man has to say that
the Government are Free-traders; and I deny the other
position also, that they did come in, in the slightest
degree, upon the principles or Protection." That is a
strange thing for us to say, but it is not less true. . .
" When called upon to form a Government, which we
could not have contemplated, we were accused that we
came in upon tho principles of Protection. But no, w©
were called upon to form a Government because Lord
John Russell was unable to manage hi 3 own party." Of
course it was not the Major's business to answer the
question," How came you and your party to be of suf.
ticient importance to be called in to do what Lord John
was incompetent to do?" How came Lord Derby—who
has been the mauvais sujet of each Ministry
ho has been connected with—to be called on
in conjunction with Mr. Disraeli—a mere dashing
guerilla—to form a Ministry? Why—when the
Government of the country went a-begging . was
it offered to a wayward earl, and a literary poUitica
t?
Why ?—but because these two men had by violent.. party
speeches in both Houses of Parliament, by
oTinetiGl,l.l'nthe
vio-
lent addresses out of the Houses,
the greatest statesman that England
most unscrupulous manner for his free-trade
fmeasures
base
and (as it was
years, gained the sympathies of
and Mr. Disraeli
being the Protectionists. Lord Derby
thought) powerful party in thealcaorugntry—that party
the Protectionists. They
obtained power by flattering
position would not have
Protectionist party. In the
unscrupulous them to but as the assumed an importance in gthecountry which their own
ac-
knowledged heads of the
and, when that
weakened the
Whig
the Protectionist leaders, were re-
sponsibleunscrupulous followingGoeuvteronfmtheenitr;partisan policy, they
Go-
vernment they,
on of the machinery of the State
All this, of course, ajor Beresford shirks. It suits'
,
onus of the
his purpose much.
for the ctirr
Ministry upon the
• of this unprincipled
3%;ilbenttser to throw the
formation
Queen.
Neither ho nor his chivalrous
leader are con-
tent to be answerable for their own position in office.
uer a
M jesty must be brought forward as a shield be-
tween thorn and the country. "We came in at the com-
mand of her Majesty to support her in her just prero-
gative, and not to allow the official business of the cows-
try to be thrown into the hands of Sir James Graham
and his Irish associates, or of Mr. Cobden and the Man-
chester school." This is simply a most barefaced shuffle
to get rid of the responsibilities which the Derhyite
party have incurred by their connexion with tho Protec-
tionists. "We may be Protectionist* still," says the
Major—" I know," he continues in another part of his
speech, " that Lord Derby was a Protectionist in
the commencement of the present year, but that has
nothing to do with the question. Her Majesty
rushed into our arms to save herself from Sir James
Graham and Mr. Cobden; hold your tongue until tee
have delivered her." How the listeners might have re-
ceived this n 'Mee, if they had been allowed time to
ponder over it, would be difficult to say. It is not im-
probable that after a little reflection they might have
collie to the conclusion that they had—to speak plainly

GEORGE THOMSON, Mane ger.
THOS. MUSGRAVE, Secret at•y.

Averago us above
Total in 1846
_

ARTHUR WELLESLEY, the Great DI T.KE
of WELLINGTON, taken from Life during his fn q uent
Visits to the Napoleon Relics, at Madame Tussaud's.
" If this figura alone constituted the whole of the Exhibit' ion, it
would well repay the trouble of a visit."—Evening Sun.
Madame Tussaud and Son's Exhibition, Bazaar, Baker- st reet,
Portman-square. Open from Ten till Dusk, and from Seven ti U Ten.

Average as above . 1,366,990 cwt. oatmeal
Total in 1846
Besides this food, affording three-fourths more nutri-
ment than the samo weight of potatoes; there were
exported, during the so-called famine, 186,483 oxen,
bulls, and cows ; 6,363 calves ; 259,257 sheep and
lambs ; and 480,827 swine; besides an incredibly
enormous quantity of dried, cured, and salted flesh
meat, together with butter, lard, and other articles of
human consumption. Under these circumstances, wo
deny the right of the Irish landlords to expect any fur-
ther relief from the payment of a loan, which seems to
have been exacted from us by la scandalous fraud, and
converted to their own advantage. Whether they call
the payment of the interest or instalments of the prin-
cipal a Famine Tax, is of little moment; for whatever it
may be named, it is a tax occasioned by themselves.
That the potato failed, and the poor suffered, we admit ;
it forms an incontrovertible reason for compelling the
repayment of every farthing advanced in compliance
with the pretence of a famine ; but that there was anything
like a famine, or that state of the earth when it ceases
to yield fruits for the sustenance of the inhabitants, we
emphatically deny, and point to the preceding state-
ments of food exported to raise rents for our vouchers.
The census said the emigration returns also prove that
the mortality during the distress was shamelessly and
fraudulently exaggerated, with the object of imposing
npon the well-known humanity, charity, and liberality
of Britons.

Admission, Is. ; Napoleon llcoms, 6d.

THE MELBOURNE STEAMER.
(From the Times.)
The " sweet little cherub" who presides over the
destinies of seamen evidently confines his attention to
the interests of the merchant service. The ablebodied
mariners who ship for a voyage on board any of her
Majesty's vessels must take their chance, and struggle en
to their port of destination as best they may upon the
most inefficient compounds of wood, iron, and canvass
that the world has yet sees. There is really no dis-
guising the fact—there is a fatality over Queen's ships.
Call the result melancholy, call it ludicrous, call it ex-
pensive—call it what you will, ships constructed at the
most reckless cost for the public service will not go
through the water with the same conditions of speed and
security as vessels belonging to private owners. We
will not assert just now that anybody in particular,
from the Duke of Northumberland down to the
veriest apprentice in Devonport Dockyard, is in fault;
wo only look at the simple, unmistakeable result. The
ships are, rsu doubt, excellent good ships, constructed on
the most scientific lines—the power of the engines is
nicely adapted to the proportions of the hull—the of-
ficers iu command issue precisely the necessary orders,
and their ship's company obey their directions in the
most zealous and efficient manner; but the ships won't
sail or steam in the required direction. Thut is all that
is amiss about them. As an illustration of this asser-
tion, we would call attention to an announcement from
Plymouth, which we received last night by electric tele-
graph, and which will be found in aaother portion of
our columns this day. It is to the effect that
the Melbourne screw steam-ship, in getting under
way in 'lemons yesterday morning, ran between
two hulks, fouled one of them, and did herself
very considerable damage. The brief announcement
talky of jibboom, catheads, and anchor carried away, of
shattered davits, of chain-cable run out, and so forth.
Of course, as the vessel is now the property of the
Royal Mail Steam Navigation Company, the Govern-
meat people will say they have nothing to do with the
catastrophe. We cannot certainly fix them with the
direct responsibility of an act which, after all, may be
simplyau uuuident;wusi simply
Go-
vernmentvessel in trouble. It V ill be remembered that
say, hero is another t
the Melbourne was originally built for the Queen's ser-
vice,after a vast expense had been' incurred, was
declaredbut7
incapable. She was then handed over to
ir aus-
Ganrjavesend under theon Friday,
pthiceecsomstpcsantayeadbovaewmaeyntifornoenad,
the Ist of October. Tho
accountana cf the disasters she
met with in the Channel, how the water rushed in
at every seam, has been already before
,t ha% pd u, hal
fi ct
e.
Friday, the Bth, she reached Plymouth
dergoing a thorough re • r tiOnn-
p paieople, started again rat the hands of the dockyard
yesterday on her voyage. It is
our duty to lay the result of this
readers. The Melbourne has
experiment before our
and bids fair to distinguish as been true to her parentage,
herself even amidst her stag-
gering sisters of the Royal navy.
PLYMOUTH, WEDNESDAY, 3 P.M.
The
_Melbourne mail steamer, having made good her
defects, was to have sailed this morning for her destina-
tion, but in getting under way in Ilameaze this morning
with the ebb tide, she ran between hulks, and fouled one
of them. She carried away her jibboom, catheads, and
anchor, let her chain cable run out, broke the boat
davits, and did other damage, which will cause further
detention t) the ship.

,hat our neighbours prefer a positively French constitu-
ion, in accordance with their characteristic requirement

for a love of discipline, to a wretched imitation of
American institutions, patched with a few English ideas,
totally at variance with their social policy. The false-
hoods and the slanders which have been uttered by the
English press aro astounding from their magnitude and
their emptiness—windbags, which are so frail, that they
cannot even make a noise when they explode. Why, to
instance but ono—the public has already forgotten the
prodigious nonsense that was set forth by our contem-
poraries about the European Powers marching armies
into France in the event of the re-establishment of the
hereditary empire; in order to vouch for this, our con-
temporaries published dispatches and treaties which
never had any real existence, any mcro than the truth
or honour of their authors, or the sense of their pub-
lishers. But the principal of these wilful calumniators
does not even confine its foul abuse to foreigners. It
dares attack the loyalty and the courage of English-
men, saying that " the great reason why Englishmen
won't have a democracy is, that beyond that demo-
cracy they see a certain vision of cold-blooded despo-
tism." Thew are the words of the Time*, and anything
more stupid than this was never uttered even by the
thundering stupidity of our contemporary. Where is
there beyond the American democracy a vision of cold-
blooded despotism ? and why should not that which is
good for America be good for England by the absurd
rule which would insist that what is good for England is
good for France? We need not point out what is apt to
the sense of all, that Englishmen dislike democracy as
a thing bad in itself, and not because they are coward-
like afraid of the consequences of a principle which the
Times and Mr. Cobden pretend that they admire. In
the same way our contemporary, falsifying all things,
asserts that the present Government of France relies as
much as anything upon " upholstery and stage manage-
ment." Are the Four per Cents. at 106.50 upholstery,
when compared with the Fives, this time last year
below 90? or are hundreds of miles of new railways
—solid improvements in agriculture and in all
the great towns, together with relief from taxation,
to be called stage management? No; such folly is
fit alone for the passes of 21. Victor Hugo and of our
contemporary—who, in its present notions of democracy,
us in its rapid changes generally, seems likely soon to
rival that miserable revolutionist, once the fulsome adu-
lator of the Bourbons, now the defender of the impious
murder of Louis XVI. The currish and barking ani-
mosities of such as they can signify but little to the
ruler of France, or to the French people, as they know,
that, in these matters, our contemporary no more repre-
sents the feelings of England than does M. Victor Hugo.
Did our neighbours not understand this, we might fear
that, in the event of any "petty misunderstanding"
between the two powers, the passions and feelings to
which we have already alluded might be roused to a
dangerous point of excitement—even to the overbearing
of the counsels of interest—by the contemptuous and
alone
bitter language of journals whose insolence is
match for their folly. The Government of Erg England,
and all the European Governments representing the true'
feelings of their respective nations, will, no doubt, respond,
noble
in terms full of confidence and cordiality, to the
and patriotic views of the President. And now that
France appears about to become settled in Government
and steady in policy, we may h
hope to seeer exercise
her due influence in European councils,
wholesome spirit of competition for much of and
thdeiswpolaryld'as
commerce. She may contribute to,
oaltmtaoicslot
continent,
whilst the due maintenance of order throughoutw nnly the in
whilst we sincerely trust that h
mote a liberal policy to which now e will
a freer scope maybe
be
afforded. It was a dread of new disturbances in France
that chiefly induced many of the continental Monarchs
to rush violently into the extreme paths of absolutism,
and we expect now that a due reaction may take place.
As to France herself, we believe that the new Emperor
will find and her interest his own to lie in a continual
extension of the constitutional liberties of the people, and
a steady and judicious advancement of their mental and
moral education, By such gradual means, we hope to
see, at no distant day, in France, political freedom ex-
isting, as completely es it does in our own happy coun-
try. To merit such liberty, the French must conquer it.

by a large proportion- of the French nation, and with
just satisfaction by the rest of Europe. On such terms
the renovated :and altered Empire of the French might
indeed inaugurate u period of prosperity and repose;
but these measures are in themselves so obvious, so de•

sirable, and of such easy accomplishment, that until
some such steps are taken we must be permitted to re-
tain doubts, if not apprehensions, which nothing short of
experience can entirely remove.
HERALD.—Lord John Russell, Messrs. Cobden and
Bright, Sir James Graham, Mr. Joseph Hume, and
Messrs. Keogh and Moore, are the respective leaders
of several sections in that political medley to whom the
present Government is in a greater or less degree dis-
, tasteful. Lord Palmerston deserves better than to be
ranked with the centurions; and we omit his name for
the reason that made Hannibal omit Scipio's in the enu-
meration of the general whom he was asked to charac-
terise. The approach of the session, in quickening the
movements of the various parties which thus constitute
Opposition, exposes their die-array, and even multiplies
their difficulties. An Opposition, indeed, in the re•
ceivod souse, exists not at all; there is a stir among
many bodies, now blending partially, now dispersing in
still wider divagations, like clouds in the uncertain sky.
The Parliamentary divisions hostile to the present
Ministry are hostile to each other. Disagreeing
among themselves respecting the principles whims
ought to preside over the management of
the national business and regulate the ser
vice of the Crown, they might possibly—let us grant
this for argument's sake—be rallied for a moment to
subvert one Government, but confessedly they never
could unite to establish and maintain another. If they
could even effect the forced or transacted combination of
a day, that day's work must be demolition: it could not
be followed, at least at their hands, by the construction
or the re-construction of anything. We are stating a
plain fact, recognised or confessed by every person of
ordinary intelligence throughout the country. A regu-
lar, or constitutional, or intelligible opposition exists
not; but some parties exist, each of which would desire
to be in office, not ono of which dare count the rest as
adherents in such a contingency, and all of which taken
together possess precisely that sort of power that they
might obstruct others in dispatching the necessary affairts,
of the empire, but yet could not themselves resume th
is
interrupted business. Gone from their broken ran
the power of party; they retain but the privilegeof
fac-
tion. Every step taken by the morenoted mei3th , ande
sence
abi,,
every
l
word uttered by thsir accredited organs,v
of oce rulieg mind; and, as in
to light,
hastryeeeort to supply
any given deficiency, others aro often brought Wcjepart,
of e
so tee desperate endeavours,
ruined chief to levy recruits or solunr to e confederates, and,
procure a different
on the other, of those very or
and an abler, as well as more fortunate leader, betray the
contempt which is felt for consistency and for principle
by the very persons who aro most vociferous in making
a similar charge without truth or fairness against Lord
Derby's Government. Let us glance for a moment at
incidents which have only just occurred. Lord John
Russell makes an appeal to the nation from behind a.

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