The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-06 00:00:00

The Price of Gold.

The quotation of gold at Paris is about 2i per mille pm., and
the short exchange on London is 25.20 per £1 sterling. On
comparing these rates with the English Mint price of £3
17s. 10,1 d. per ounce for standard gold, it appears that gold is
rather more than 1-10th per cent. dearer in Paris than in
London.
By advices from Hamburg the price of gold is 425 per mark
and the short exchange on London is 13.51 per £1 stcriin,:-
Standard gold at the English Mint price is, therefore, about
3-10ths per cent, dearer in London than in Hamburg.
The course of exchange at New York on London for bills at
60 days' sight is about 222 per cent., and the Premium on
gold is 102 per cent. At these rates there je a Profit on the
importation of gold from the United Btates.
__

ich
in iser exhibited iib
ART MANUFACTURE.—" We have selected fcr engraving
by Mr. Benson, of Ludgate-hill,
ti ahreg el
avragrer eat
any
d p
erection that contains his monster clockTo this department
three of the watch cases. of which
of art manufacture Mr. Benson has paid especial attention."
—Art Journal, August, 1882. Chronometer, duplex, lever
horizontal, repeaters, centre seconds, keyless, split seconds,
and every description of watch, adapted to all climates.
Benson's illustrated pamphlet, free by post for two stamps,
contains a bhort history of horology, with prices, and enables
those who live in any part of the world to select a watch or
clock.* Prize medal and honourable mention, classes 33 and
15. 3-. W. Benson, Ludgate-hill, watch and cloak maker by
special warrant of appointment to H.R.H. the Prince of
Wales,

TIMES.—Mr. Cobden has availed hit self' as§
very extraordinary occasion to give us a reZtly
chapter on his standing theme of non-intervcinfittn.
It is not often that a man is so fortunate in being
able to produce an old friend with an entirely new
face. On former occasions Mr. Cobden has bad to
proscribe great were and little wars cetered into iii
behalf of our neighbours, or combinations success-
fully made against the liberty and interests of ate-
tions, or proceedings, not always orderly, for the
preservation of public order. Tile present instance
falls under none of these heads. In order to carry
out an idea, not exactly dynustic, us Mr Cebden
puts it, but rather as to what Denmark on got to be,
or what ought to be Denmark, we and certain other
Powers, 12 years ago, agreed to recognise a certain
disposition of two provinces containing near a
lion inhabitants, without asking their leave, with-
out waiting to see how they would like it when the
time c..me, without consulting the Det, which had
unqvstiotaable rights in one of them, and without
c9nOcring the change of C;I:CI3I.IIStaDiT.S, Sor;-:
rcigns, of opinions, of interry;:ii3nal relatier,s, that
r.-ni;.;ht pcssibly occur iu a very f w y?Ars. 0:1c bus
°tv't;:interval forcibly ody to glance' the history oi-.Eurol si;o;2. 1852
to feel the rashness at cogag,,,rnent thiJ atigtt
possibly cotre due under circdia.T.s.t:Fnoerrsexsaoznviyi,fe-
rniendeiiPtsleeslf oLi a barren
otefrtehnet
sfi'rgo,ml a
ttatrars
hoatsitisn
dispos-
sessed another of a province and populetion far
more important, and bound by a much stronger tie,
than those under question. The treaty was, of
v en course,tion ,contrary
thoughto t heitfi
confined
tip non-inter.
and ineffective recognition. As to all that has hap-
pened since, and all that our Government has done
to obtain effect for the treaty, Mr. Cobden delights
to picture her Majesty's Government at their wits'
end for arguments and persuasion, based, cheated,
scouted, insulted, slighted, and eventually left
altogether out of the question. He describes
the case to the full as bad as Mr. Dis-
raeli, or General Peel, or any other partisan
on that side, His moral is that they are rightly
served for interfering. They took part in a street
quarrel; so mud from the gutter and stones from
the road are their just recompense. Parliament and
all England share their sense of humiliation. They
have had to hawk about their whining petitions at
_every Court in Europe, and have had the door
slammed in their faces. Mr Cobden's own cheeks
tingle with shame, but reason comes to his aid, and
he is glad of it. It is a caution to the country never
to interfere again, and Mr Cobden boldly calls it the
last interference. As far as we are concerned, he
says, the result is ridiculous rather than disastrous,
and Denmark only suffers what small States, espe-
cially small continental States, always have suf•
fered, and will suffer, through their habit of attempt.
ing to drag larger States into their quarrels. Thus,
as respects the " snub" suffered by this country,
Mr Cobden agrees with the Resolution, but he does
not think our influence lowered, for that influence,
he says, will always be in proportion to our power.
HERALD.—Tbe Dano-German debate, resumed
yesterday evening by Mr Cobden, progressed
through several hours without any approach to a
decisive result. The speech from Rochdale, however,
was a specimen of twoofided ingenuity which, on
the one part, was an unrestricted censure of the
Government, and on the other did not promise the
Opposition a vote. We have rarely heard an attack
more merciless, culminating in so unintelligible an
ambiguity. The force of Mr Cobden's statement
consisted entirely in its endorsement of Mr Disraeli's
writ, served on the Cabinet, calling upon Ministers
to abdicate, or to vindicate their policy. He had
not a word of vindication to utter, but he would
not summon the Government to abdication. He
professed, indeed, to stand outside of the party
question, as if that were fulfilling the duty of a
public man, who, on this principle, would be lees
bound by his oath than the member of a jury. For,
Mr Cobden, if he believes what he affirms, is under
an absolute obligation, as the representative of an
important constituency in Parliament, to condemn
the transactions which he reviles, ridicules, and
covers with unmitigated aspersion. No doubt,
his assault was nominally directed against Mr
Newdegate's amendment., which points to war,
and his appeal was in favour of that European
peace which Mr Disraeli, aloof from Mr New.
dega6te, champions. Bat, before dealing with a
subject which is scarcely under practical discus-
sion, since all parties, casting off a few outsiders,
are agreed against war, he Blighted the leader of the
Opposition as having attempted prophecy, in hint.
ing that the securities of European tranquillity has
been diminished—not a very consistent reproach
from the author of " What Next, and Nextl" who
answered his own questions so intrepidly. lie
failed to perceive that Mr. Disraeli had relied en
history, not, on because re stand upon a
surfo.r:e of filets tine?.th. which an immense agita-
tion is I:erceptible. Yet he went on at ones to con-
, fess that our just influence has been perverted and
lowered ; that our foreign policy has been utterly
fatie that our diplomacy has been a complete
hreak.'-down ; that misc,iievnus transactions have
been worked out in the (Lrkrecessea of the Foreign-
oflic and that Lard Russell's entire ccr.luct has
been cleplote.ble. More thin this, we have fussily
and feebly hawked about our importunities in every
court Europe; we have exhibited a total want of
sagacity; we have been ignorant cf all that hes
been going forward abroad. We have behaved.
more foolishly than children; we have been met
everywhere with rejection, rebuff, and humiliation.
This was not Mr. Disraeli's language. It was Mr.
Cobden's, who left the house, after casting around
him that cold shade of studied indignation, in
aoubt whether he would vote for the procedure he
thus branded with his contempt, or stand by a
Cabinet whose leader he alleges is demoralising his
party, and whose foreign representative, he thinks,
has ground the nation's nose the in dust.

POST.—Mr. Cobden's known antipathy to war
under any circumstances prepared the House for
the speech with which he last evening opened the
adjourned debate. That we are not at present at
war with Germany is a circumstance which, to his
mind, in itself entitles her Majesty's Government
to a renewed lease of power, although, in the con-
duct of their foreign policy he seems to consider
that there is much worthy of censure. If we were
to engage in hostilities with Germany we should be
obliged to rely mainly on our preponderance at sea ;
but, as we could not blockade the banks of the
Rhine together with the shores of the Baltic, our
blockade would be entirely ineffective, and its sup-
posed advantages completely lost. Such is the train
of reasoning by which the member for Rochdale
deprecates any attempt to render material assistance
to Denmark, and the most that can be said of it is
that it has long since presented itself to the minds
of the advisers of the Crown. The question, how-
ever, can never seriously arise whether England
should alone attempt to rob Germany of her prey.
The question is rather whether this country should
not court an alliance with France in order to attain
that end, and, in reviewing the policy of the past,
to determine whether the English Government did
in truth give that of the Emperor of Franca to
understand that, with such an object in view, it
might reckon on the cordial co-operation of Great
Britain. If it can be shown that the English Cabinet
refused to declare what would be its policy in the
event of contingencies which have since taken place,
then France should be exculpated from thteo ip
-,
oppro-
brium of having permitted the annihilation of
Denmark, when by joining England, she might have
prevented such a result. If, on the other hand, the
English Government pledged the country to take
decisive action in the event of an alliance being
formed, a step which would most probably have
arrested the tide of German aggression, then they
are entitled to an acquittal on the charges now
advanced against them. It is conceded that it would
have been, and still is, in the highest degree nex
was not
procured This is the main IESO Parlia-
ment has to determine.
itp
e d
happenedlent to
cwo
.hooreseerwfaahtuiioletnh, he

Foreign map packet List,

AB,,_cen
MAILS DUE.
Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. July 19.
via Marseilles
... July 13,
4razil and Cape Verast b Y British packet. July 5.
via Marseilles July 13.
Oahinpeo,frGoodg}t: an oPe , and St. Helena July 29.
ca enan ta omgapore,
via Southampton July 19.

Falkla
nc_rre:idrog:
y. p t
end
.Icvia:b_tataSho th a .............
de .....
and Ceylon, viu Southampton.. Julyy
,G 1) al
21291
India
via Marseilles.... July —.
y India In a), via Southampton
via Marseilles July 18.
p g
July 5.
July 10.
N via Marseilles
. r f ountilatid
and Vigo via Southaniptor.
U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. whet.... July 6.
U.S.by packet.... - -

. ,
by Cr ti 9.
~.11 parts of West Indies, includinq I'eru.,
Mamie-. and Briti.,l3
Jjly 14
:

The Opinion Nationale has just received a
second warning for an article entitled : "Le
Manifesto du Cabinet Anglaiu," par M. Gaeroult,
in its number of the 30th June, in which " the
author, by daring to say that France is con-
demned to impuissance, that she has undergone, and
will undergo, the humiliation imposed by foreign
Powers, and that she is acting in obedience to the
cowardly doctrines of peace at any price, insults
and calumniates the policy of the Emperor's Govern-
meat."

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 6, 1864.

Seldom, if ever, has a debate in the House of
Commons been so evenly balanced between contest-
ing parties—we say contesting parties advisedly,
not conflicting opinions. Tne supporters of the
Government, while endeavouring to stigmatise this
ciliation as a party move on the side of the Oppo-
sition, are themselves avowedly viewing it as a
party question. The speech of Mr. HORSMAN last
evening was, perhaps, one of the most glaring 71071-
Sequiturs eiTC addressed to the British House of
Commons. Throughout his speech—every sentence
of which evidenced his recognition of the false
position and feeble conduct of the Government—he
was followed by Opposition cheers, when, at the
conclusion, ho turned completely round upon the
°bvic" deductions from his own arguments, and,
amidst unexpected aPplausa from the Ministerial
benches, declared his intention to support the
Government, although
they were, by his own show.
ing, so evidently in the wrong! The Cause might
be a good cause, but the
Price was 'too much to
pay for it. In like
manner Mr. COBDEN is
prepared to vote with Ministers, while he
differs entirely with their policy and
denounces
their proceedings. Pitiable, indeed, is the position
of the Administration, when even its friends are
obliged to admit, in the words of Mr. coRDE,
last evening, that " Our present diplomatic system
has broh.en down. Our Foreign-cffice has lost its
credit with foreign countries. You cannot hence-
forward approach a foreign country upon any ques-
tion of foreign policy in which you will not be
looked upon with a want of consideration, and even
with mistrust.'' And, to make bad worse, this
result is so evidently the fruit of our own mis-
an3gement " The great fault we commit in these
things," we quote again from Mr. CO.BDEN, flu
supporter of the Government; "always is that we
allow ourseo:Tet to be betrayed in to something like
matmoo without duly measuring the powar we
Nacre of carrying out these menaces." N 9 Wader

that these only too truthful wores were drowneo
in loud cheers from the Opposition. Alluding to
these unhappy and worse than futile threats,
Lord STANLEY very happily observed during
Monday night's debate The noble lord
threatened us conditionally with a war. I try to
look at the best aide of things, and am willing to
believe that he did not mean it. I believe it was
not the announcement of a future policy, but the
indulgence of an inveterate habit. Oue can imagine
that the noble lord may have been in favour of
fighting a.: a time when fighting, however impolitic,
would have led to substantial resuas ; bat to say
that now, after Holstein is gone and Schleswig
taken, you will fight for Copenhagen, is very much
as though some ally of ours were to say, Ireland
may be invaded, and we won't help you; Scotland
may be invaded, and we won't help you ; England
even may be invaded, and we won't help you ; but
let them touch the Isle of Wight, and we will at
once rush to your assistance." Equally telling and
equally unanswerable was Lord ROBERT CECIL'S
ind.crous comparison when he said yesterday that
"after our efforts during the last nine months had
been despised—after we had failed in every attempt
to obtain pacification, and to secure the integrity
and independence of Denmark—after all this, it was
too much that the noble lord should tell us that if
Copenhagen were taken, that if the population were
slaughtered, and in case the KING were taken pri-
soner of war, her MAJESTY'S Government would be
prepared to consider such a contingency." He con-
' tinned—" I do not think that since the ancient
PISTOL swallowed his leek, Saying that ho did it in
revenge, such an exhibition was ever made before
the world." Whatever be the result of the division
as regards the numbers voted, one fact is already
very apparent from this debate. The conduct of
the Government—so admirably typified by one of
CoLLINs's Passions which shall be nameless—the
one, we mean, who, so eager to stretch forth hie
hand,

"-- its skill to try
Amid the chords bewildered
Then back recoiled, lie knew not why,
Scared at the sound himself had made,"

This conduct, so recklessly threatening and so re-
creantly retreatirtg, is not approved by the House
of Commons Even those members who will vote
for the Government, as a Government, denounce
their principles, as a policy.

It is not often in real life that we meet with those
strange scenes and striking warnings which make
novels famous and impart a vitality to the represen-
tations of the drama. The current of events gene-
rally flows on more evenly, and is marked with im-
pressive warnings, but of a more subdued character.
The other evening, however, brought a truth home
to the hearts of Ministers which they must have :elt,
however carefully and c',everly they concealed their
conviction from the vulgar gaze and prying inspec-
tion of the crowds without and within the wails of
Parliament. This ie not the first time That Lora
PALMERSTON has failed when he appeared under
such flattering auspices as the Premier of Eng:and.
Once before he came beck from his appeal to the
country with the ranks of his supporters swelled by
the results of the election that had just taken place.
But his " hundred mijority," of famous memory,
did not avail him. He was ignominiously expelled
from power. 5611, in comparison with the present
excitement, this affair of the fit,n,piracy Bill was
as nothing. When the eyes of experit need states-
men surveyed the scene at St. Stepben's on Monday
they must have foreseen the vast importance of the
significant spectacle before them. Not since the
days of the Reform Bill has such excitement been
manifested. Those who can remember the vivid
demonstration of feeling, and the eager expression
of opinions that then took place, must go back to
the memory of that time for a precedent, but those
who are not able to recollect that stormy °pooh 09 n
imagine lao counterpart to the scene, and will, there-
fore, consider this as an event in their lives. No
vote of censure or triumphant majority at the elec-
tions for their opponents could possibly speak more
emphatically to the Government in condemnation
of their policy than dui the appearance of public
feeling among all classes on Monday. It was the
handwriting on the wall which spoke in a double
capacity to them es to the monarch of antiquity.
It told of the past, and it presaged of the future,
for while it reconciled their errors, it foretold the
approaching doom that those errors had occasioned
To make the lesson complete, we must call to
mind the circumstances under which the present
Ministers took office. It was pre-eminently by a
subterfuge—" a dodge" it has been called, and cor-
rectly thus defined. Earl RUSSELL then over-
shadowed his career by his mean and unworthy
conduct respecting the Reform Bill, and his sub-
sequent course at the Foreign-office has put the
seal to the transaction. Thceit indeed has been the
watchword of this Administration from the first
when they took office on the plea of bringing in
a better Reform Bill than their predecessors. They
have deceived the house, their supporters, the
country, and the wort' during their tenure of
office since 1859. The next year witnessed the
conclusion of the abortive attempts at Reform
'lbis was the first exemplification at falsity, and
then followed by degrees that coarse of foreign
policy alike so disgraceful and so disastrous in its
effects and consequences. The English people bear
a great deal for the sake of peace and order, but
there are times when things go too far for endur-
ance, and the conduct of our Ministers has now
reached that pitch. Seldom has a public man ad-
dressed a more numerous or brilliant auditory
than did Mr. DisRAELI on Monday evening. The
right hon. gentleman the Leader of the Opposition
occupied a proud position that evening. He stood
forth as the exponent of the principles and
the representative of the spirit of the people
of this country. He stood on a vantage ground,
which his opponents must have bitterly begrudged
to him. The reception he met with from the crowds
outside, and the welcome he received from his
supporters in the House, were significant witnesses
to the truth of the cause in which he was engaged.
It is not upon orators, however brilliant, or
upon tactics, however clever, that the chief as-
sistance may be reckoned upon, or from which the
chief danger will be apprehended in this under-
taking. A stronger sentiment urges on the actors
in this fitful drams. It is the conviction of the
distrust of the people that paralyses the efforts of
the Government, and the consciousness of the ap-
proval of the country that inspires and animates
the opposition. It is only putting off the evil day,
f.)r the Ministers to affirm that they are sure and
confident of success. A victory gained in defiance
of public opinion is a very dangerous triumph, and
one that the pages of all history can testify to be
a unwise one, The numbers who struggled to
obtain tickets of admission, the early hour of their
arrival, the eager demand for an impossible
entrance, and the
patient endurance of long hours
of waiting, were all proofs which could not be gain-
said that Lord
PALMERSTON mast be too wise not to
see 019 signs and recogaisa the tokens. His career
in the political world has been an unusually long
one; many of his contemporaries have vanished from
the scene of strife, while he still fights on with
ireshnes.: and vigour, but he nallit kuuvg that in "
ion lest life a man does not witness e scene like that
of Monday more than once or twice. It is not plc,'
bible Oil be ie untywAre of his prattle!), slid the ,

The colonising spirit of the English has long
been one of the distinguisaing features of the race.
It is many a long day since the Mayflower first set
sail across the Atlantic, but the vast nation which
so haughtily confronts us now owes her existence
to the perseverance and the energy of English
colonists. Etst and west, north and south, have
Englishmen taken root, and in every spot the love
of freedom, the power of self-government, and that
indomitable enterprise which commands success
have grown up with them. We are ❑ot famous in
ordinary life for accommoditing ourselves readily
to new ways, for identifying ourselves t 0..) easily
with other nations. To do at Rome as the Romans
do is a piece of advice very much needed by the
sturdy Anglo-Saxon, and like other pieees of much
needed advice it is very little heeded. Bat directly
an Englishman forms part of an actual settlement
the case is changed; he adapts himself readily to
his altered circumstances, or rather he bends them
to him, and the reward of his happy facility is

usually found in a thriving and prosperous commu-
nity. English colonies have been singularly fortu-
nate, some more, some less, but all as a general rule.
Th'ire is, however, one unhappy exception, which
can yet hardly be rightly called an exception, since
the drawback ie, that the district in question has
never been colonised. It owns English sway and

acknowledges English authorities, but further than
that, it has no share in the busy hive of working
bees. 'Wny so fine a tract of land should have been
so long neglected, why a territo, y three or four times
as large asEngland itself should be practically useless
to us, except in the interest of a few traders, is one
of the incomprehensible anomalies of our political
system. There have no doubt been great difficulties
in the way of dealing with the Hudson's Bay
territories, owing to the existence of some of L'iose
charters, by wnien in former days kings made such
reckless gifts to favoured sutjects, Tne gift of a
Tract of land, estimated at a million and a halt
square miles, was certainly ri,ther a rash proceeding
even for the days of CHARLES the Secone, but the
Merry Monarch was possibly influenced in his libe-
rality by the reflection that the lands question
belonged to his French neighbours. No doubt can
be now thrown upon the English right of tenure,
since the territories were fairly made over to this
country about a century since. If legal quibbles
are to interfere with sound legislation, however, it

' I seems that the fact of thus bestowing land which
did not really belong to him might invalidate the
c;aim, founded on the king's charter. It must be a
very remarkable case which all legal authorities are
agreed upon, yet this, says Mr. MILLS, is the case
with regard to the right of the Hudson's Bay Com.
, pany to these territories. It is universally held
' that it is impossible to dispute the validity of a
charter which has existed for 200 yens, a sound
principle, uo doubt, in the main, but one which Luay
be strained too far. The state of things at present
existing, and to which Mr. MILLS last week called
the attention of the house, is not altogether satis-
factory. Wide tracts of land, extending from Ca-
nada to the Racky Mountains, are lying waste, for
we may call them waste when they are peopled only
by the fur trapper and the Indian. And yet the
North American continent has proved to be specia
aity favourable to the Anglo-Saxon race, its natural
gifts are magnificent, the tract of land to which Mr.
MILLS more eept,cialiy referred the other night
having been declared by competent authorities to
comprise some of the most fertile land in North
America. Yet this fine territory is practically shut
out from the colonist, for there are no regular means
of communication with Canada, and a barren waste
lies between. It would be immensely to the public
advantage if a chain of settlements could be
extended from Canada to British Columbia; if
high roads and railway lines penetrated
through that vast tract which lies between, and
the dwellers in the Red River settlement were
no longer an isolated community, but the members
of one great and united state, which should add
immensely to the power and influence of England
on the North American continent. Way, then,
should this great opportunity be lost, and the Itaal
River settlement left to fall into American hands or
under American influence It is undoubtedly our
work to improve and to cultivate the northern part
of North America, and it is a task peculiarly con-
genial to English enterprise and ability. It is use-
less to expect much help from those who are inte-
rested in preserving the laud as a wilderness,
Silver foxes, ermines, martens, and their species
do not commonly flourish in the vicinity of thriving
settlements, and therefore we must not be surprised
if the members of the Hudson's Bay Company do
not display much alacrity in the matter. It has,
indeed, been stated that the principal directors have
shown no unwillingness to adapt themselves to the
change of the times, but that their agents and
officials object very strongly to any innovation, and
intend to uphold the superior merits of the fur trade
at all hazards. Still it is something that the ques-
tion should have been brought up again, and open
discussion on the matter will do much good. It is
satisfactory, too, to find that the Government is
actually in communication with the Canadian
authorities upon the matter, so that there is a rea-
sonable prospect of a final adjustment of differences.
It is of comparatively little moment what are the
relative proportions of the responsibilities incurred,
provided that all parties agree to carry on the
means of communication, and to throw open this
magnificent territory to English settlers. Mr.
CARDWELL promises that ho at least will give no
pledge on the question of the bcundarics without
the approval of the House, but in truth the question
of a few miles of land morn or less belonging to
Canada or to the Hudson's Bay territory is less to
be regarded in the presen.e atate of the colony than
the general advantage. At auy rate, it is time that
these minor differences were arranged, and that no
personal interest a or iocal jealousies be further
suffered to retardthe civilisation and obstruct the
development
of what might be a noble English
colony,

ANECDOTE OF HAWTIIORNE.—On the last even-
ing that I passed there I remember that our talk
rambled, after many things, as men's talk often will, to the
questiGn of what was to happen to us when lite is over.
We were speaking of the sp rite ,list rasa, that existence
recommences, under another form, the moment after death.
`ALL!" said Hawthorne, halt laughing, half seriously,
"1 hops there will be a break. A couple of thousand years
or so of eel)is tl least that I can do with below I begin
lit gEI4IOI.