The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-30 00:00:00

The Weather—Sun Office, March 30, 1864.

THERMOMETER.
This day at Two o'clock
Barometer-29.31.
Wind—West; fresh breeze, and showery.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DA7l.—Monaing, 6h. 20m.—Afternoon, 6h. 42m
To-wtoßß.ow.-Morning, ' 7h. 12m.—Afternoon, 7h. 46m,

y
.411 t,

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 30, 1864.

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE'S speech last even

inglat Exeter—a speech addressed by him, through
his Exeter' audience to the Conservative party
throughout Devonshire, and, for that matter, it
might be quite accurately said, to the Conservative
party throughout the country—is. we take it, very
much like the beating of the pas de charge before
the general advance against their opponents, of the
whole attacking line of the Opposition. Viewed in
that light, it is worth looking at. The dominant
feeling expressed by Sir STAFFORD NORTLICOTE, as
one of the mouthpieces of his party, is that of
absolute confidence. He looks forward, not so much
hopefully to, as with implicit reliance upon, the
Future. His manner indicates, not merely exhila3
ration, though there is that in it too, and abun-
dantly, but—exultation. He appears to regard the
Ministry somewhat with the same feeling with
which we might suppose a hierophant armed with
the sacrificial knife watching the near approach
of the fated victim to his appointed place of doom

—in this instance, of course, the Altar of his
Country'. It is not alone, in this, that ho looks
eagerly and confidingly to the House of Commons.
lie looks quite as eagerly and as confidingly to the
constituencies. He is firmly persuaded that, when-
ever they like, the Opposition, if they will but choose
the we—
I' of putting the question adroitly before the
house the momentous alternative, that 18,
whether directly or indirectly articulated, of
Confidence or of No-Confidence—can, any day
they please, put the Government in a minority.
That, to begin with, he has cleat ly no doubt what-
ever about. Bet, far more than that, he turns
his sanguine, nay, his reliant, eyes around him
outside the walls of Parliament—as we have
already said, to the conetituenees Let it be
y n a
very p
fact, how lil
observed, inindeed, he
puts this,'",in the manner following. ",The time will
come," he says, whether in the form of a sequel to
a debate in the House of Commons or not I do not
know, but it will certainly come, when upon the
hustings of England, and before the electoral tri-
bunals of England, the Government will have to
render an account of the way in which they have
thrown away the influence of England, and for
having brought her name into disrepute amongst
the nations of the world; and, gentlemen, speaking
for the Conservative party, I will venture to say
that we care not how coon the time may come. We
know that it cannot be longer off than next year; it
is prohibit) it may be evert this year, but whenever
it does come I feel Sure tLa Conservative peoPie of
this country will rally round their itandurd—that
then will be no flinching, no disunion,

no personal jealousies that will be allowed
to stand in the way, and if the results
of the general election should be such as the results
of the recent elections have latterly given us some
reason to hope, you will then see that the Conser-
vative party in this country will be placed in a
position such as it has not occupied for eighteen
years past." Confidence the most complete and
absolute could not have more articulate expression
given to it than is here given to it—in the interme-
diate lull of the Easter Holidays—by the hon. baro-
net the member for the borough of Stamford—ac-
cording to common report, the skilled financier, who
may, in the event of a Conservative Government
being formed, succeed the leader of that Govern-
ment in the House of Commons in the onerous
post twice before now dauntlessly undertaken by
that responsible leader of the whole Party in the
House of Commons (undertaken by him in
addition to his supreme and surely sufficient
responsibility) the difficult and laborious
office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Now,
what is especially noticable in this confidence of
the Conservative Party, as expressed in pretty
plain words by Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, as one
of its recognised spokesmen—what we regard as
especially and peculiarly noticeable in it, (apart
from the fact that it is a confidence justified by
every political portent visible around us)
is the fact that it is emphasised, as we may say by
the very apathy, confusion, and inertness appa-
rent upon all hands on the Bide of our
Government. Ministers, in the thick of all
these sinister omens, of all these alarm-
ing tokens of a coming struggle, remain ob-
durately, both within the House and out of the
House, as it were, sitting mumchance ! They really
seem as though they had not a word to say for
themselves. Remembering what they used to be,
in the way of out-speaking, one is almost disposed
to muse over them as HAMLET mused over the skull
of YoRICK—" Alas ! how chapfallen !" And the
worst of it is to us, looking at the present " situation"
of men and measures quite dispassionately—not as
partizans, for partizans we are not, but purely as
advocates of a liberal and enlightened and secure
advance, and as conservators of all that is worth
conserving—the worst of it is, that the so.
called Great Liberal Party those men who met five
years ago in a west-end concert room,
to arrange their plans for the future, have them-
selves alone to thank for the change that has by
this time, quite visibly, quite obviously, come over
the spirit of their dream ! They have—for this
change, we repeat, to thank themselves exclusively:
not their opponents. Not the Conservative (and
now formidable) Opposition. That Opposition all
this while, all these five years past, has been simply
biding its time. Government has been left pretty
well to itself. It has had its full fling, and,
in availing itself of it, it has floundered
into these difficulties, both at home and abroad—
difficulties at once social, political, and diplomatic.
Things have gradually, in point of fact, been
brought, under these auspices, to such a pass, that,
among ourselves here at home, we have long since
come to a dead-lock in the matter of Reform, while
abroad our foreign Policy is little better than a
fiasco. One way or the other, the country wants
to get out of this dead-lock, and to get well rid at
last of this fiasco. One way or the other—that
is, either by a change of the Government, or by a
change of the downward course now being pur-
sued by the Government.

It is doubtful whether many of the warmest sup
porters of Parliamentary privileges among us were
a few days ago aware of the existence of a very
curious specimen of representative government still
extant in one corner of these islands. We have
all of us heard of the three estates of Kings, Lords,
and Commons, and have heard also of the honorary
title bestowed upon the goodly broadsheets of the
daily and weekly press, but most ordinary English-
men had yet to learn that there
,existed a Fifth
Estate, no more name or shadow, but an actual
potent substance flourishing in this oar nineteenth
century, exercising supreme and irresponsible
powers, and in virtue of those powers committing
QUEEN VICTORIA'S offending lieges to the safe
keeping of four walls during the good pleasure of
their offended majesty. Such an assembly is,
however, to be found, and a recent arbitrary exer-
cise of its real or pretended power has brought it
into collision with the popular feeling in a manner
that is likely to bring about a change. It seems
that the little Isle of Man, which up to a compa-
ratively recent period boasted a king of its own,
has even now a separate and independent Legisla-
ture. The number of this august body is not
formidable, being four-and-twenty, but they make
up in arrogance for what they want in amount.
There is a mystery about their nomination and
their origin. We are only told in the present re-
velations that they are self-elected, though why
the number is so limited, or what class of people
possess the happy privilege, is not stated. If our
House of Commons were constructed on any such
principle as self-election, we apprehend that the
necessary six hundred and fifty-eight would be
nominated two or three times over ! The Parlia-
ment of the Isle of Man is, however, conducted on
exclusive principles, and is styled the House of
Keys, which, considering its fancy for locking
people up, is no inappropriate cognomen. All laws
for the regulation of the internal affairs of the island
must receive the sanction of the governing body,
but it is somewhat unfortunate that this
governing body is by no means in harmony with
the temper of the times. The members are prin-
cipally agricultural persons, " almost ignorant,"
according to the account, " of sanitary regulations,"
and not at all inclined to work amicably with the
more enterprising and progressive townsmen. We
have lately had one or two antagonisms between
the Executive and the municipal authorities, but
matters in the metropolis never proceeded to the
serious lengths which the dispute attained in the
chief town of the Isle of Man. This same city is
called Douglas, and is known as a place of summer
resort by tourists. Perhaps from this communica-
tion with the outer world its inhabitants have be-
come sensible of the advantages of those sanitary
reforms and improvements which are so offensive to
the formidable members of the House of Keys.
The town commissioners, a body elected by the
people, which undertakes the management of the
lighting, sewerage, and paving of the town, laid
before the Keys a bill to obtain further powers for
•the improvement of Douglas. The people of the
town were, very justly, to bear the weight of the
taxation ; but this did not serve to mitigate the
wrath of the offended Legislature, to whom dirt and
darkness were apparently dear. Country roads
were not paved, and why should town roads be ?
We may suppose they propounded this problem
without discovering any solution, for after a long
discussion on the bill it was decidedly rejected.
The vexation of the public found its usual expan-
sion in the channels of the press, for it must Toot be
supposed that Mona, which possesses so many in-
dividual powers, is without its organs of popular
feeling. The Isle of Man 2imes and the Mona
Herald aeeordingly expressed their views with
some savesicy. We may conclude that their offence
lay less in the
,actaal language than in the dis-
paragement of the bigh and Thighry soyczeigaty

of these unmanageable Keys. At a meeting of
the irresponsible potentates, it was decided that
the articles in the journals mentioned were "a
contempt of the House and a breach of its privi-
leges." It is a new version of the old story about
Kings and Parliaments, only the vox populi is in
this case one of the parties. The point where
jest passes into serious earnest, and absurdity
becomes illegal and intolerable, is now reached.
The two owners of the journals were summoned
to the bar of this self-elected House, and an ample
apology was demanded. One of them, Mr. FAR-
GHER, agreed to apologise ; the other gentleman,
Mr. BROWN, proprietor of the Mona Herald, re-
fused to do so, and was consequently marched off to
prison, there to remain daring six months. This
is a little too much in this country, at the pre-
sent day, after all our battles for the liberty of
the press and the freedom of the subject. Public
indignation, we are told, is up to fever heat, and
subscriptions are being formed in the town for
the purpose of trying the legality of the act by
a writ of habeas corpus. We should imagine that
the affair might be settled in a shorter and more
simple fashion. Let the Home Secretary forth-
with inquire by what authority, or for what
offence, this gentleman has been imprisoned.
Such an act can hardly be done, in the face of
all existing regulations of law and order, without
some one being made responsible ; and the affair
has now assumed a degree of serious importance,
which necessitates some notice being taken of it by
the Government. It is useless to make protests on
behalf of our citizens abroad, if we cannot insure
them from arbitrary imprisonment at home. If
Mr. BROWN has outstripped the ordinary courtesies
of the press, the remedy is easily found in the
law of libel ; but for any body of self-appointed
men to summon a journalist before them, and de-
spatch him to prison because he will not retract his
words, is something almost too extravagant to be
credited. If the most influential of the Manxmen
prefer mud to paving stones, rushlights to gas, and
have a well-founded objection to sewerage and
street cleaning, it is a matter of little moment to
the rest of the empire ; but a petty local dispute
rises into national importance when it subverts the
great principles of our English law, and tramples
on the safeguards of our constitutional liberty.

The report of the Committee of the House of
Lords on the present state of discipline in Gaols
and Houses of Correction, will again revive the
disputes and discussions that have taken place
on this subject. At all events it is better to
bestow too much attention rather than too little
upon a question of so much moment, and it may
yet appear that out of so many conflicting and
confused statements, such divers opinions and con-
trary arguments, a beneficial judgment has
been taken, and a practical advantage has accrued
to the community. It may well be said of the many
various suggestions that have abounded, and the
different proposals that have been recorded by
those who took the question up, and studied it
in its detail, Tas Homines, at sententice. We may
rest assured that what is undertaken by the House
of Lords will bo done thoroughly, and that a
calm judgment will be taken of the whole transac-

tions. The result of their protracted researches
must have enlightened them not a little concerning
the difficult and complex subject upon which they
entered, and it is earnestly to be hoped that, skill,
zeal, and information combined in no meagre form,
and associated in no common degree, may work out
for us a satisfactory result, and bestow upon the
community the blessings of security and the con-
sciousness that the powers that be are grappling
with crime successfully and surely. It is a
fearful consideration to take home with us from the
whirl of busines3 and the vortex of pleasure, and
reflect upon in solitude, that all the vaunted appa-
nages of the State, ail the mighty machinery of the

law are of no avail in putting down the spread of
evil, or in stifling its power. Some of the schemes enter-
tained by their lordships may be moulded into plans
of great utility, and eventually effect a real and
lasting improvement in our system of penal ser-
vitude. In the first place, the suggestion relative
to the uniformity of treatment is a very desirable
one, for to make a distinction or difference among
men who are under the same category is a great
mistake, and can but be productive of deleterious
effects. Then there is great cause to approve of the
proposal which discourages in some degree the
practice of confining the labour of prisoners to in-
dustrial occupations solely, and thus putting a stop
to the penal part of the system, which from its re-
pugnant character must serve to exercise a greater
check, and be, as it is styled in the report, a " de-
terrent influence." The fact is that this forms
part of the system which has prevailed to so great
an extent in all the ramifications of our penal system
of late years. The object seems to be to keep the
men quiet by whatever means can be employed. The

best satire on the efficacy of such policy as regards
its ultimate working is the fact that re-committals
are so numerous: When more than 41,000 are re-
committed in one year, it is time that some striking
reforms be introduced, and some stringent regula-
tions enforced. When we reflect upon the very in-

sufficient style of punishment to which these men
have been subjected, perhaps it would be more
astonishing after all if the result were different.
The difficulty is to draw a line between over
severity and faulty leniency. The tendency of the
present day is to err greatly on the side
of laxity. A sort of maudlin sentiment
has sprung up and flourished to a wonderful
extent among us. Directly a man commits a crime
he seems to be considered in the light of a martyr
by some infatuated members of society, and the
circumstance of a murderer suffering capital punish-
ment fills them with virtuous indignation, and
excites pious horror that know no bounds. These
would-be philanthropists forget that it is a treason
against virtue to encourage vice, and that sin must
not be palliated and put aside after this fashion, for
it is going against the order of nature so to do, and
if the statutes of wise laws are infringed, divine as
well as human wisdom calls for an expiation. It

is enough to say that the supposed kindness is a
positive cruelty ; the innocent suffer for the guilty,
and the persistence in this faulty course has plunged
many into deeper sin, and spread snares and pit-
falls more plentifully around the steps of those who
wander unprotected in the desolate highway of the
world. It is a scandal to our most vaunted system
of penal servitude that so many recommittals take
place, and the sooner the authorities will acknow-
ledge their error and set to work to rectify the
mistakes that prevail to so great an extent the
better it will be for all concerned. The committee
lay great stress on the importance of maintaining
the separate system, and it sounds to sense that
this plan presents the greatest advantages, and
possesses a superior claim over any other in the way
of keeping up
discipline and working out the re-
medial agency which it is hoped that the term of
incarceration will in some degree effect. Nothing
could be stronger than the manner in which the com-
mittee have expressed themselves on this head, and it
is doubtless their well-grounded conviction that has
'ant such vigour to their decision, and uniformity
,o their opinion. Tau consider that the separate
system must now be accepted as the foundation of
prison discipline, and that its rigid maintenance is