The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-28 00:00:00

LON DON,

sight, and deliberation, which no one can afford suddenly
at the commencement of a Parliamentary session. I
know, my Lords, the position in which I stand. I know,
my Lords, that in the other House of Parliament my
colleagues and I are in an undoubted minority. I du
not know whether we can command a majority even
here, in this House, which I now have the honour of
addres,ing; but the same motives which induced me to
sacrifice all other considerations to avoid the responsibi-
lity of leaving the Sovoreign and the country at this
time without an Administration, induce me to think that
the public interest would not be consulted by any inter-
ruption for a considerable period of the sitting of the
other House of Parliament at this period of the year and
in the present circumstances of the world. While, my
Lords, I am aware that, with the view of carrying out
the policy which I consider to be advantageous to the
interests of the country, I should state frankly and with-
out reserve my own opinions—while I make this confes-
sion, I must also confess that, situated as we are, we
have a much humbler, but at the same time a more use-
ful part to perform. I avow, my Lords, again, that we
cannot depend on a majority in the other House of Par-
liament; and I avow that in the face of this conviction I
have not declined the responsibility which has been
thrown upon me. I know that in conducting the
affairs of the country we shall have to appeal to the
forbearance of our opponents, and likewise to the in-
dulgence of our friends. But, my Lords, I have
that confidence in the good sense, judgment, and pa-
triotism of the other House, which induces me to
believe that it will not unnecessarily introduce sub-
jects of a controversial and party character for the mere
purpose of interrupting tho course of sound aed useful
legislation, and of driving the Government out of that
moderate and temperate- course which it has prescribed
to itself.—(Hear, hear.) I think, my Lords, that, with-
out dealing with such subjects, we have subjects enough
of an useful social character fully to occupy our time,
and even that of the other House of Parliament. If,
avoiding all unnecessary party measures, we apply our-
selves to those great measures which the country has so
long been expecting—measures of legal reform for im-
proving and simplifying the administration of law and
justice, and measures of social reform for improving the
condition and comforts of the people—l believe that
even with a minority in the House of Commons we
shall not be uselessly or dishonourably conducting the
affairs of the country; and I am confident that if we at e
interrupted by a merely factious opposition, that fac-
tiousness will at no distant period recoil on the authors
and promoters of it.—(Hear, bear.) My Lords, among
the measures of social improvement to which I have
just adverted I do not include one to which the late Go-
vernment called the attention of Parliament. It was an-
nounced by her Majesty's late Government that they in-
tended to introduce—and I believe that they actually did
introduce into the other House—three measures con-
nected with this subject. The first had reference to the
disfranchisement of a borough in which gross and noto-
rious corruption is proved to have prevailed. The se-
cond was to facilitate the means of examining into and
correcting and controlling such corrupt practices in
other boroughs. The third comprised a miscellaneous
collection of other topics, but comprised among its lead-
ing features a large and extensive alteration in our elec-
toral system. Now, my lords, with regard to the first
measure, I say that no one is prepared to go further
than I am—and I am sure that I speak the sense of my
colleagues too upon that subject—in checking the gross,
disgraceful, and disgusting system of bribery which I am
afraid has increased very considerably within the last 20
years, and which in the intensity of evils it has produced
has thrown into the shade the evils which previously ex-
isted in the local influences by which constituencies
were controlled. No man will go further than myself
in checking that system of corruption, and of -visiting it
with condign punishment, wherever full investiga-
tion has proved the extent of the offence. My
Lords, I do not pretend even for a moment to
affirm that the system of representation introduced in
1831 was a perfect system and incapable of improvement.
I think that there may have arisen—and that there have
naturally arisen—in the course of time abuses requiring
control, and even demanding a remedy. But, my Lords,
before you seek to apply a remedy, and at all events
before you pledge yourselves to an indefinite plan for
unsettling all that is settled, and of settling nothing—
( Hear)—be quite sure that you know the consequences of
the course which you are about to pursue. Be satisfied
of the existense of the evils which you are called upon
to meet. Be satisfied that the remedies which you pro•
pose to apply will meet and not aggravate those evils.—
(Hoar, hear.) Even if I were speaking not before you,
my Lords, but before the Members of the other House of
Parliament, I should entreat them, and through them I
should entreat the country, seriously to consider the in-
calculable dangers which such a measure would cause,
not only to the monarchy but also to the true liberty of
England, by unsettling time after time everything which
had been settled, and by settling nothing,—by dis-
satisfying the country with that which is, without
remedy that dissatisfaction by that which was
to follow as its substitute. My Lords, I need scarcely
state, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that
we do not propose to proceed with the measure of Par-
liamentary reform introduced recently by our predeces-
sors in office.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand,
if you will show to us or prove to us, the existence of
any substantial grievance, no men will be more ready
than my colleagues and myself to endeavour to meet
those grievances, if we can see that a remedy can be ef-
fectually applied to them without involving future
danger to the safety of the constitution and the internal
peace of the country. My Lords, Ido not know whe-
ther it has been correctly stated—but still I have heard
it stated, that my Noble Friend who preceded me in
office—l hope I may still call him my Noble Friend,
although we are separated on publics grounds—intended,
for some reason or some cause which I cannot divine, to
combine together his plan for an extensive reform in
our representation with an extensive plan for the im-
provement of the education of the people. For my part,
I believe that for the purpose of improving education
no extension of the suffrage is necessary,—and, further,
that no alteration in the constitution of Parlia-
ment would or could have the smallest influence or
effect. I believe, and I rejoice to believe, that the
feelings of all classes of the community, high and low,
rich and poor, have been led to this conclusion, that the
greater amount of education which we are able to give,
and the more widely it is ',proud among all couditious of
men, the greater chance there is for the preservation of
the tranquillity, the happiness, and the well-being of the
community.—(Bear, hear.) But, my Lords, when I
use the term " education," let me be not misunderstood.
By " education" I do not mean the mere development of
the intellectual faculties, the mere acquisition of tem-
poral knowledge—the mere instruction which enables
a man to improve his social condition in life, and which
gives him fresh habits, and with the change of habits
fresh means to accommodate himself to their enjoyment.
Valuable as such instruction may be, when I speak of
education, I speak of that education which includes the
culture of the mind and of the soul, laying the founda-
tion of all knowledge on the basis of Scripture and
evangelical truth.—(llear, hear.) My Lords, I desire
to look on all those who are engaged in the work of
spreading knowledge, even though they may be of a
different communion from that to which I am most
sincerely attached, as fellow-labourers, rather than as
rivals, in the war which we corjointly wage with vice i
and ignorance.—(Hear.) I say further, that for the
peomotion of religious knowledge among the people I
rely with confidence on the enlightened and disin.erested
exertions of the parochial clergy of the United Church
of England and Ireland. To uphold that church as the
depository of religions truth, and as an instrument of
incalculable value in diffusing good both here and here-
after—to uphold its influence and maintain its power, is
not only the interest but also the moral duty of Govern-
ment ; to uphold and maintain it in its integrity—(Hear,
hear)—not by penal enactments directed against those
who may differ from her communion—not by virulent
invective or by abusive language against the religions
faith of those whose errors we may deplore, hut to
whose conscience we have no right to dictate—(Hear,
hear)—but by stedfastly resisting all attempts at ag-
gression upon the rights, the privileges, the possessions
of that church, come from what quarter and backed by
what weight of authority they may—(Hear)—and by
lending every power of the Government to support and
extend the influence of that church, in its high and holy
calling of diffusing throughout the length and breadth of
the united empire—for I speak not of this country alone
—that knowledge which is only derived from the dif-
fusion of the holy Scriptures.— (Loud cries of "Hear,
hear.") My Lords, I believe I have presented—perhaps
at more length than I ought to have done—(No, no)—
yet I hope not with undue or unnecessary particularity—
(Hear, hear) —a full statement of the principles upon
which we propose to act, and with only such reserve of
the necessary details as was inseparable from the posi-
tion in which stand—(hear, hear)—l hope I have
stated to your Lordships fully the principles upon which
we propose to conduct the administration of the Govern-
ment with which we have been intrusted.—(Hear, hear.)
For my own part, when I look to tho difficulties which
surround us—when I look to the various circumstances
which must combine to give us a chance of successfully
encountering the obstacles which beset our path—l con-
fess I am myself appalled by the magnitude of the diffi-
culties whin we have to meet. But I believe, and I
know, that the destinies of nations are in the bands of
an overruling Providence—(Hear, hear)—l know that
it often is the pleasure of that great Being to work His
own objects by weak and unworthy means. In his pre-
sence I can solemnly aver that no motive of personal
ambition has led mo to aspire to the dangerous eminence
en which the favour of my Sovereign has planed me.
In the course of the discharge of its duties, no conside-
ration shall sway me except that which led me to accept
it—the paramount consideration of public duty.—(Hear,
hear.) With that feeling on my mind, with the deep
conviction of the sincerity of my own motives, and
trusting to the guidance and the blessing of a higher
power than my own, I venture to undertake a task from
which I might well have shrunk appalled by its magni-
tude; and, be the period of my administration longer or
shorter, nut only shall I have attained the highest object
of personal ambition, but I shall have fulfilled one of the
highest ends of human being if in the course of it I can
her
doteintii (The Noble Earl then resumed his
to
t there have in the slightest degree advanced the great objects
of " peace on earth, good will among men"—(Hear)—
the social, the mural, the religious improvement of my
country—(hear, hear)—and it I can contribute to " the
safie:ayr,ltuheßhhoynour, and the welfare of our Sovereign and
seat amidst much cheering.)
woouuld,nboutthinetkoowf
was
giotto enterupuo
upon the oopnisc
whse. nth the Noble Earl had called the
attention of the H
which ho wished to 5
test against a principle twbehiNchowblacs Etoabrel
expected
deeltaeidd
few
down in his statemenat).
a The words Noble Earin rho
hadvfay goifv e prir
to
rhoemHouse,his itvhi twh eo frankness rao nurhni
commercial
ohs
me
countryf
po-
licy,explaining it
Unitedy e comparisontitte.Wasoi afl t ahturedutea:rni
affa
Ins cisfelthhaic

SATURDAY EVENING,

stated, that in this country the principle of Customs'
duties adopted for the last few years had been F 0 to im-
pose duties as to make them fall as much as possible
upon goods imported from abroad, nut competing with
similar goods produced in this country. On the other
hand, he had told the House tbat in the United States
the principle was the reverse, and they did not tax
some of the great articles of consumption produced only
abroad, but they taxed articles produced partly at home
and partly abroad, with the avowed object of giving
what was called " protection" to the home producer; and
and not tozi olewvyhseo(Laargr
le
the Noble Earl said that the effect of this system of taxa-
tion was only partially to raise the price of the imported
taxa-
tion upon the Gatir e amounty) looked fa t thematter in the opposite light. In his opinion, when you
imposed a duty upon a commodity partly produced at
home and partly imported, you raised the price to the
consumer, not only of the imported article, but of the
home produce—(Hear, hear)—and a large amount had
to be paid by the consumer, not sixpence of which went
into the public Exchequer. The proof of this might be
found in the very case of corn, to which the Noble Lord
had adverted. There were formerly duties upon corn
imported from abroad. The Noble Earl wished to raise
a duty of this kind for revenue. If he did so, he would
raise the price to the consumer, not only of the 4,000,000
or 5,000,000 quarters which perhaps he might expect
under such a duty as he would propose, but perhaps of
eight or ten times the quantity imported, and the amount
would not go into the Exchequer. Suppose a 53. duty
levied upon 4,000,000 quarters imported, it would bring
a revenue of 1,000,0001. into the Exchequer; hut,
taking five times that quantity of corn as the
quantity produced at home, it would raise the
price of that 25,000,000 quarters to the con-
sumer by the amount put on as duty, and so,
for the purpose of getting 1,000,000 Z into the Ex-
chequer, the consumers of bread in this kingdom would
have to pay 6,000,0001.—(Hear.) But by acting upon
the opposite principle, repealing the duties which were a
virtual tax upon the community, though they brought
nothing into the Exchequer—( Hear, hear)—reducing the
duties levied upon the system the Nublo Earl proposed
to establish—(hear, hear)—the effect had been, as he
(Earl Grey) stated on the first night of the session, that
within the last few years duties had been repealed to a
very largo amount-12,000,0001. or 13,000,0001. a year
—while the revenue, instead of diminishing, had been
kept at its former amount.—(Hear, hear.) Both theory
and practice preyed the correctness of this principle.--
(Hear.) He would only add that he had heard with a
regret, he would say with a consternation, which he was
altogether at a loss to describe, that the Noble Earl pro-
posed to apply that most unsound principle of commerce
and finance to the food of the people.—(!Near, hear.) It
was with consternation that he had heard the House told
that by the authority of the Government a measure was
to be proposed for again imposing a tax of this kind.—
(Some cries of " No " from the Ministerial benches.)
The Earl of DERBY rose and said,—l must beg to
correct that statement. What I said was, that I saw no
reason, in my own opinion, why corn should form an
exception from the general principle of imposing duties
upon foreign produce, but that that was a question which
ought to be settled, and which could only be settled, by
the deliberate judgment of the large and intelligent
commucity of the country. I stated that neither with
regard to that, nor with regard to dealing with the
great and complicated question of our financial policy,
bad I any intention of waking any proposition on the
part of her Majesty's Government until that public opi-
nion should be decidedly and emphatically expressed.
Earl GREY was greatly relieved by hearing that ex-
planation,--(A laugh.) To a certain degree he had
understood the Noble Earl, but not quite in the
sense which ho now stated. What he (Earl
Grey) had understood the Noble Earl to say
was, that he laid down what he considered the sound
and proper principle of commercial legislation, that
the application of that principle required great care and
deliberation, and a measure founded upon it could not
be produced in a hurry. He therefore expected, and 11
thought it perfectly reasonable, that the Noble Earl
should propose no such measure on an early day. But
undoubtedly he did understand that the Noble Earl
looked to revising the commercial policy of the country
upon the principle which he stated, as the means of
revenue, and that in that general revision of our com-
mercial policy corn was not to be an excluded article. If
he was wrong in so understanding the Noble Earl, he
begged his pardon; but he still thought, to the best of
his recollection and understanding, that the words de-
livered by the Noble Earl could not be otherwise under-
stood. Now, upon that he wished to make this addi-
tional observation:—
The Earl of DERBY again rose and observed that
he had already, correcting a misapprehension on the
part of the Noble Earl, stated what he thought he did
say, and what he knew he meant to say, and the Noble
Earl had remarked that he was much relieved by the
explanation; and yet the Noble Earl was proceeding to
repeat what he had understood him (the Earl of Derby)
to say, but which be hoped he had satisfied the House
that he was misunderstood to say—and then upon that
misunderstanding, so corrected, was proceeding still to
argue.—(Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY had explained in what sense he had un-
derstood the Noble Earl's words, and had said he was
glad to find that the Noble Earl put a somewhat different
construction upon them, but to his (Eerl Grey's) mind,
even now, the construction was not very clear, and at
first hearing them it was not in his power to put any
other construction upon them than that which he did
put. Even at this moment he was not quite convinced
that ho aoeuraiely apprehended the Noble Esrl—(Borne
laughter)—because he did not know, from what the
Noble Earl had stated, whether this revision upon what
he deemed the sound principle of legislation was contem
plated by her Majesty's Government or not. Now, with
regard to that, without pressing for an immediate deci-
eion or answer, yet, as ono deeply interested in that
question, as a member of the community, every class of
which was deeply interested in that question, he
would implore the Noble Earl to let no long time go by
before ho explained distinctly and clearly the views of
her Mejesty'a Government upon that most exciting and
agitating question.—(Hear, hear.) After the events of
the last ten year, the question or a tax upon the food of
the people was not one to be kept long in suspense or to
be lightly approached.—(Hear, hear.) The country was
entitled to know—ho did not say on that night—he did
not say within a fortnight—but he did say at a very
early period—the clear and decided intentions of the
Government.—(Hear, hear.) He would implore the
Noble Earl, in justice to the great interests affected by
leaving this question iu doubt, that he would not allow
that doubt to continue longer than was absolutely in-
evitable.—(Hear, hear.) Let the House only consider
the effect of that doubt. There was not a transaction
between landlord and tenant—(Hear, hear)—there was
not a trade or manufacture—(hear, hear)—which was
not affected by the public being in ignorance of what was
to be the policy of the country upon this all-important
question.—(Heae, hear.) In justice to the great inte-
rests that were affected, he trusted the country would
not be long before it had some clear and distinct intima-
tion of the views of the Government.—(Hear, hear.) We
were not to be told that this was a question to be cast
loose and decided by public
opinion;
that was not
the way for a Government to deal with a question of this
sort. It was their duty to have a policy upon such
subjects, and, having that policy, distinctly to avow it,
and to take the responsibility of submitting it to Podia-
ment.-e(Hear, hear.)
Earl FI rzwILLIAm had hoped that, after the
speech of his Noble Friend, whe had explained the posi-
tion in which he stood, no further debate would have
taken place.—( Hear, hear,) After his ample, frank, and
honourable explanation of his position, the circumstances
by which he had been induced to undertake his great
task, and the difficulties of the situation in which he was
placed, he was in hopes that that Noble Earl would have
been the solo speaker on this occasion. The Noble Earl
(Earl Grey) had dabbed those hopes from his mind.
Greatly, too, did he lament that that Noble Earl, instead
of taking a cemprehensive View of the speech which had
been addressed to the House, had chosen to select one
particular topic, and that the most exciting one—(Hear,
hear)—for diecus,ion and commentary. This was a
question in which he (Earl Fite Niihau)) felt no little in-
terest. He believed he might say that he was in Parlia-
ment tho very first person who made an attack upon
what ho might call the mediteval system of the corn-
laws—(A laugh)—eo that he might consider himself,
to a certain degree (though perhaps it would be
thought presumption to say it), the parent of the
system recently established. - He did not think
the speech of the Noble Earl, and the mode
in which he expressed himself upon the subject,
called for animadversion in the manner which it had
been thought proper to adopt.—(Hear.) He (Earl Fitz-
william) did not consider that the wisest and best course
was taken. Whether it would be wise in the Noble I
Earl, even after he should have (what hecalled) collected
the sentiments of the intelligent people of this country
upon the subject, to endeavour to revise the law, was
another question. There were many wise laws which
wino men could not undertake to propose at all times.
Ho would venture to suggest a doubt whether, although
there was an error and a great fallacy in the view which
his Noble Friend took of the effect of any duty upon
the price of corn, the people of this country, after for
some time enjoying the benefit of the abrogation of the
duty on foreign corn, and tasting the sweets of cheap
bread, could be induced to submit to the smallest impo-
sition of duty, even for purposes of revenue: the nominal
is. duty could hardly be considered any duty at all.
But he entirely dissented from his Noble Friend's notion
respecting a ditty upon foreign corn, raising the price
not only of
every quarter of corn imported, but every
quarter of corn grown in this country. That fallacy had
been put forth ii the Free Trade-hall at Manchester, be-
cause it wiled the purpose to proclaim that a duty would
raise the price to the amount of that duty; and the same
fallacy was propagated, fur their purpose, by gentlemen
who were bidding for the support of the farmers. But
it was a fallacy. With respect to the other part of
the speech of the Noble Earl, it would be difficult for
the most critical auditor to find much fault with it. He
stated with great clearness and felicity of expression the
duties of this country towards foreign nations—(Meer,
hear)—let it be hoped that in his Administration of the
Governmenn ho would adhere to the principles and set
upon the maxims he had enunciated,--(Hear,
Upon another point the speech gave him (Earl Fits w 1
liam) great satisfaction. He quite agreed that it would
every
not do for the Government of this country to be
few years tampering with constitutional righites•Noble
. Ha
heard, therefore, with great satisfaction that his
Friend did not intend to proceed with a certain
House for the
which had been introduced in the other
l'inTarliament.
purpose of what was called a further reform
werei
most den-
These " further reforms in Parliament"
questions wore
geroue. The result would be, it thesethat there would be
agitated every ten or twenty
Yearsi the community, Ben-
in the minds of a large portion o
indifference to
oaf
popular and thinking people,
a great
avery large fraction of
popular franchise. He believed
invite that it would be
the community would be of op