The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-13 00:00:00

SATURDAY EVENING,

justice to the aericultura! interest they must submit to a •
revision of tee tesetien o the country, and they
may ieeper d up •ie it that the redress which
a eeisee of ju•Pico will ultimately permit us te
affird the aericul, weal int rest will be ettaired
fer more coarsely and by means far more expensive.—
(Cheers.) Perhaps the perverted ingenuity of political
opponents will induce them to say that to-day I
have not spoken frankly.--(Cries of" Ye s," and " Oh.")
I believe the just, least expensive, cheapest, and easiest
mode of settling the question would be to ascertain a
countervaling duty, and that the atmosphere of the
agricultural world at present is such that the agricultu-
rists would be induced to accept a compromise of this
nature in a spirit of conciliation.—(Rear and cheers.)
If the mode recommended by the highest authorities is
not one which; pleases the taste of the country, why
then the country will once for all decide the
question; and if it reject the proposition, and
I shall not credit such a result until the verdict
is giveu—then I will do that which more than once I
haye partially attempted to do.—( Hear, hear.) In
supporting a compromise it was with the hope
of putting an end to that strife which has
and country, for we know of
oerstedenemies
enough out
of
England to encourage dis-
sensions among different classes of the people.—
(Cheers.) I say that the Parliament of England must
give its mind to the settlement of the question—per-
haps in some degree in tho spirit of the very remarks
which have been to-day made by a Free-trader—but
I trust and am assured that though it may
not fall to my lot to terminate this quarrel, and
make this adjustment—a duty which I should
be proud to discharge—such is the crying na-
ture of the evil, such the sense of justice in
all classes of the community, that though it
may not fall to my lot to make a settlement, I trust.
and am assured, that the next Parliament of England
will have that duty forced upon it.—(Loud cheers.)
I admit there is a prejudice against what is termed a
tax on the food of the people.—(" You're quite right.")
Let me give you an illustration : A person goes to a
coffee-shop, he orders a mutton-chop, and devours it. He
orders some bread to eat with the chop, which he
also devours, a
and the keeper of the coffee-shop
charges him 2s. 63. fur the luncheon. The
man says, ` Why, I cannot pay 2s. 6d., be-
cause that le taxing tho food, of the people."—
(Cries of " Oh," and " ridiculous.") Yes, it is ridicu-
lous as a Free-trader remarks, but recollect ridi-
c rte the test of truth.—(Laughter and cheers.)
Why this is exactly the case. The analogy is complete. It
is exactly what the Free-traders said two years ago - that
the people of England have been eating a farmer every night
for supper.—( Laughter.) Have your cheap bread, and have
your foreign flour, but have them by the exertions of your
own industry, and the gains of your own industry, and not
by unjustly taxing your fellow-countrymen to produce it.
Gentlemen, it has been also said that any interference with
our commercial system will injure that commercial prosperity
which we are all so glad to witness. In the first, place, I
deny that if we followed the policy which would recommend
commercialsa hsy, :teem.
a countervailing duty, it would be any interference with our
that it is idle to suppose that all the commercial prosperity
of the present day has originated merely in our permitting
foreign exports to this country to compete with our taxed.
Cheers.) But you must recollect this,
the ports of the country a great expansion of the foreign
trade took place. Ido not remember that in the great con-
troversy of 1846 any one on the Protection side dis-
puted that consequence. We all admitted that there
would necessarily be a considerable expansion of
the foreign trade, but we said that that expansion would be
accompanied by considerable suffering, which would over-
weigh our great and important interests at home.—(Hear,
bear.) No doubt much that was predicted on both sides
as the result ot the measures of that period has not occurred.
—(Hear, hear.) But allow me to say, that much that was
then predicted has happened.—(Cheers.) For instance, the
stress on the farmers was predicted; and unquestionably
that has occurred. I admit—and it is with unfeigned plea-
sure that I admit it—that the labouring population of Eng-
land has not suffered, but that, on the contrary, their con-
dition has improved.—(Renewed cheering.) But who can
now suppose what would have been the condition of the
labouring population of England it the fierce competition
with them on the part of the Irish labourer had still con-
. tieued?—(llear, hear.) You must remember that that has
happened since 1846 with regard to Ireland which never
happened before, and which I sincerely hope may never
happen again—by which that stress on the labouring people
of England has been not only mitigated but removed, I
mean that fearful emigration which has reduced the popula-
tion of the sister isle by millions. I admit, too, that the
people of England have not suffered as we thought they
would suffer from the drain of gold consequent on free im-
ports.—(Laughter.) Why, did the gentleman who laughs
foresee that which Sir Robert Peel himself did not foresee--
that witein two years after the repeal of the corn-laws, the
greatest discovery since the days of Columbus and of Cortes
would have occurred, and that the precious metals which had
been hoarded up in England from generation to generation
would have poured in in such quantities as to change the
value of almost every commodity?--(Loud cheers.) Who
could foresee that?—(Cheers.) It is well known to every
man of business, whatever his political principles may be,
that last year the gold which came to us from America went
through the Bank as through a sieve. There was a greater
drain than in 1847. and you would have had a panic as
great as you had in that year. Why, you had failures
scarcely less in amount ! Liverpool alone lost six millions.—
(Loud cheers.)—but this interference (as I may well call it)
of Providence saved you; and the consequence of that dis-
covery has been not only to mitigate, but has a tendency
still more to mitigate and to soften the result of the mea-
sures of 1846. [A Voice—What about the paper money ?]
If my friend will tell me what he means I will endeavour to
answer him; but I suppose he is in favour of the country
banks, with unrestricted issues.—(Cheers and laughter.) I
beg to inform him, if that be so, that her Majesty's
Government is not going to propose a measure which
will entitle it to the support and confidence of that gen-
tleman. Now, I hope I have laid before you clearly, and
without equivocation, what are the intentions and what is
the policy of her Majesty's Ministers. The policy of her
Majesty's Ministers is to do justice to tha land, to bring in
measures of redress for all those great producing interests
which are suffering that injustice which is now almost uni-
versally recognised. It is our belief that the best way, so
far as the agricultural interest is concerned, would be to
adopt that mode which science has recommended, and which
we think only passion and prejudice oppose.—(Hear, hear,
and loud cheering.) But if the country will not have re-
course to those remedial measures, we bow to their decision;
but though we may not be Ministers, still, as Members of
Parliament, we will labour for other measures of redress.
We will, though in opposition, exert ourselves to the utmost
to obtain those countervailing and compensatory regula-
tions which justice demands. - (Cheers ) And I warn
you again if you force the whole system of your taxation
to be revised, you will find that though the means of
redress for the agricultural interest may be discovered
and obtained, you will obtain them by a far more costly
process than that which our policy—our immediate
policy recommends. Now, perhaps you will permit me
to make one or two observations, and they shall be but
brief, upon the position of the present Ministry with respect
to Parliament, and with respect to the people. There seems,
I think—very artfully devised and circulated—there seems to
be a rumour about, that her Majesty's Ministers shrank from
anpealing to the people. I take this earliest opportunity of
giving to that rumour the flattest contradiction. I feel,
gentlemen, as all of you would feel, considerable delicacy in
speaking of an act which can only be brought about by the
exercise of the prerogative of our Gracious Sovereign, and
which it appears to me indecorous and indecent to speak of
as an act which can be recommended, or which can be
carried into effect by any body of men. But if Ido allude
to rumours of a dissolution of Parliament, it is only because
they have been distinctly referred to by the most eminent
statesmen of the day, and because I know well that if to-
day I speak without the completest frankness on that subject
I shall be liable to imputations which I know to be unjust.
And, therefore, again expressing the regret with which I
treat of a subject ot so much delicacy, I trust to your good
feeling and to the good sense of the community to hola me
harmless if I speak on the subject without reserve.—(Hear.)
When Lord John Russell very suddenly quitted office, or
rather when he announced to the House of Commons that
he had ceased to be a Minister, it appears upon his own con-
fession that he called his colleagues together the following
morning, and, after consultation, they came to the determi-
nation that it was inexpedient in the then state of ..the
country and Europe to recommend her Majesty to dissolve
Parliament. It was under these circumstances that we suc-
ceeded to power; and it is known and admitted by all that
it was totally impossible that when we did succeed to power
we could recommend a dissolution of Parliament under the
space of less than two months. Such was the state of public
business—the Mutiny Bill not having passed, the supplies
not having been voted, it was totally impossible, and ac-
knowledged by all, that no dissolution could take place until
at least two months heel elapsed. I caueot believe the
rumour which has reached me to-day, that Lord John Rus•
sell is about to impugn the conduct of her Majesty's Go-
vernment because they have not dissolved Parliament, or are
not prepared to recommend a dissolution of Parliament as
early as is possible or convenient. What, shall the Minister
who, upon quitting
office, announced to Parliament that, in
the then state of tbe country and of Europe, he did not
consider that he was juetitied in recommending a dissolution
of Parliament—who then went to his Sovereign and recom-
mended the Earl of Uerby—(Hear, hear)—as his successor
—is it possible, I
y• that he can turn round upon that very
successor and challenge him to do the very act which he has
himself described as one injurious to the country ? But we
are not going to ride off on the admission of Lord John Rus-
sell.—(Cheers.) I - say, then, without hesitation, that we
are perfectly prepared to face him, or any one else, before
the country.--(Loud cheers.) Only let the country fully
understand what they will lose by our following this course
of policy for which we are prepared, and which we are told
we are immediately to be forced to adopt. Remember that
there arc some things which, it Parliament is dissolved and
meet—which again •it probably would not do before July--
and you can all judge what can be done in a second session
of July—remember that to enjoy this costly luxury the
people of England must submit to some sacrifices. You are
in want of defences for your own coast, and all parties have
agreed in expressing their opinion that some measure of de-
fence of our own coast should immediately be adopted—if Par-
liament is dissolved, do not complain to us afterwards that
we have neglected fulfilling that important duty. There is
a great and passionate feeling in the people of this country
in favour of a reform in Chancery.—(Cheers.) The report of
the Commissioners into the state of the Court of
Chancery
was laid upou the table of the House at the commencement
of the session. That report was made by the most eminent
lawyers, assisted by two eminent laymen, Members of the
House of Commons, one Sir James Graham, and the other
a distinguished colleague of m •the President of the
y own,
Board ot Trad e• remember that the recommendations
of that Commission are of the most sweeping character, and
if carried into effect the " Old Man of the Sea," which has
so long pressed upon the back of the English people, would
be removed for ever, I remember that the recommendations
of that Commission are so sweeping that the wnole system of
the "Master's dace, which has been so long the pest
and torment of the English people, would cease to exist. Her
M Government late
oevernment left us no Bill nor any evidence
that they intended toast upon else sweeping recommendations
of that Commission. I announce to you, without reserve,
that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government to act
upon this sweeping measure.—(Cheers.) But observe this,
if Parliament is dissolved Chancery reform must be given
to
up. Ido not wish this dissolution if you desire
oppose
it, but understand the cost which you pay for it.
(Cheers.) Is St„ Albans again to return, through l the
interference of Mr. Edwards, two Members to the
new Parliament? I am informed, upon authority, that
her Majesty's late Ministers do not intend to proceed
with the Bill for the disfranchisement of St Albans. I
announce also with authority that it is the intention of her
Majesty's present Government to proceed with that Inca-
sure.—(Loud cheers.) I shall take the earliest opportunity
of 3111191111613 g tv Vet; lament lYhtit we intend to do with the