The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMM—Every man of humanity will rejoice to
earn from the answer of Lord Russell last evening
,hat the system of extortion in Jutland by Field-
Marshal von Wrangel will be interrupted during
the suspension of hostilities. The Conference has
agreed that during this period there shall not be
levied by the allied troops in Jutland, or wherever
else they may occupy positions, any contributions of
war, but that the troops shall pay for the articles
they may require. Some doubt appears to exist as to
whether the contributions previously imposed will be
levied after the suspension of arms has begun ; and
the question is important, as a new exaction, far
greater than any previously levied, and affecting
the property of all the farmers and graziers of
the province, was announced but three days since.
It is to be hoped that the Conference will not lose
sight of this matter, but that the representatives of
the neutral Powers will insist on the spirit of the
agreement being considered as well as the letter.
The plunder of these unhappy Jutlanders has been
, ertainly the worst feature of the war—worse in
t ome respects than the destruction of Sonderborg,
because it cannot be covered by the pretext of ne-
cessity, but stands forth a glaring act of vengeance
on a guiltless population for the alleged faults of its
rulers. The exactions have been so immense, so out
of proportion to the means of the inhabitants, and
so cruelly levied, that they have filled all classes in
this country with an indignation which was well
expressed in Lord Ellenborough's animated speech
The unnecessary and scandalous invasion of Jut-
land—an invasion which violates the understanding
on which the Federal army entered Holstein and
the Austro-Prussian army entered Schleswig—an
invasion which carries the German troops into a
territory purely Danish, and with which no German
has ever pretended to be concerned—is made doubly
hateful by a military tyranny which no one ever
expected to see revived by a European commander.
A population far from rich, inhabiting a region
which derives its only wealth from a scant and
laborious agriculture, and from the cattle which feed
over its plains, is occupied, not because its territory
is on the road to any necessary seat of war, but
merely that men of Danish blood may be oppressed.
For no reason, for no military object, Jutland is
invaded, and then the plunder of the inhabitants of
all their money and all their attainable possessions
begins. What the extent of this plunder, actual or
intended, is may be learnt from the details given by
our correspondent. " I find," he says, " that I had
greatly under-estimated the amount of contribu-
tions exacted by the Austro-Prussians in the
province of Jutland. The towns alone had been
charged 650,000 Prussian thalers ; but the
country was made, besides, to pay 25 thalers per
tondehartkorn. There are in Jutland 170,942 of
such measures, and the contribution amounts thus
to 4,274,300 Prussian thalers." These facts are
so monstrous as to be almost incredible. Such a
contribution levied on the small and scattered po-
pulation of Jutland constitutes an extortion to
which the annals of war in modern times furnish
no parallel. The population of Jutland is only
about 700,000 souls, and a contribution of four
millions and a quarter of thalers is an exaction per
head such as the most ruthless Generals of the
French Empire never thought of extorting from any
population. In a fortnignt these poor Jutlanders
have been called upon to pay, man, woman, and
child, more than a pound sterling per head, and a
large portion of this sum seems actually to have
been taken. As must of course be the case in such
proceedings, the matter simply resolved itself into
the plunder of everybody who was known to have
money or goods. The towns, being the victims of
the first contribution, have suffered most, the more
wealthy inhabitants having been forced to sur-
render their valuables, and the shopkeepers being
condemned to see the Prussian soldiers enter and
carry off whatevez they could lay their hands
upon. The dishonour of the German good name
caused by this brutality will not soon bo effaced;
but it is in the power of the two States to make

some amends by promptly forbidding the con-
tinuance of Von Wrangel's plundering, and by car-
rying out religiously the stipulations made in the
Conference. Should they, on the other hand,
attempt to enforce the contributions which still
remain unlevied, it will be the duty of the neutral
Powers to interpose with the utmost energy to put
a stop to such wrongdoing. But we can hardly
anticipate such violence and folly. We would rather
suppose that the (general's extortion, and his still
more scandalous conduct in putting large numbers
of a ue.
-c ess -e encelnulation to forced labour, will be
r
tacitly condemned by the two Courts when they
have time for reflection and fully recozLise the ill
fame which it raises against them in Europe. As
for the assertion of the Austrian government, that
it is the custom of all troops during war, including
the English army, to levy military contributiens,
not only in kind but in money, to defray the ex-
penses to which they are put, it is simply an untruth.
As Lord Russell justly said, during the Duke of
Wellington's campaigns everything was paid for.
Even when he was in the South of France, in an
enemy's country, with a hostile array opposed to
him, the peasantry received actual specie for all they
had to sell. The English General would have
thought his country's arms disgraced if he had plun-
dered a population even while its armies were in the
field, much more one which was totally defenceless,
and in whose territory there was, properly speak-
ing, no war at all. Austria will do well to use her
best endeavours to stay her ally's vindictive greed
rather than use untenable arguments in support of
so shameful a course.
HERALD.—The appeal ad misericordiam made by
Mr. Baring on behalf of the Federal States might
have more effect upon us if we felt that this foreign
Government had any just claim to our sympathies,
that it was engaged in a cause which was not an
outrage upon humanity. For those who have a
direct interest in the commercial prosperity of the
Northern section of the Union it may seem s very
sad thing that their commerce is rapidly passing
into the hands of strangers, that in three
years three millions' worth of property has been
destroyed at sea by Southern cruisers. It is simply
a matter of indifference to those who have no
interest either in North or South, while to those
who consider the war of extermination an abomi-
nable thing, which must be visited with punish-
ishment if there is justice in Heaven, it is a cause
of exultation and triumph. We, or rather our Go-
vernment, have elected to be neutral in this civil
war in America. The Queen's proclamation of 1862
declared a strict neutrality and impartial treatment
of ships of war of both belligerents. For what
purpose are we now asked—not to strain our laws,
for they have been strained enough—bat to make
new laws for the special advantage of the power
whose proceedings are revolting alike to the com-
mon sense and the generosity of Englishmen ?
What have the Federal States done for us that we
should go out of our way to oblige them, and to do
as much injury as we can to the weaker side ? We
are astonished at the daring assumption which is
over and over again reiterated in Mr. Baring's
speech, that the Northern States are our allies. Our
allies in what 1' Are we allied with them in their
designs upon Canada, their seizure of San Juan,
their threats against a Mexican Empire, their war
upon the States which have a right to a separate
Government as much as we have to be independent
of the rest of Europe, their devastation of Southern
fields, their murder of Southern men, their hound-
ing on of slaves against their masters In what
are we the allies of the Federal States ? It was
said some time since by a man who is now one
of the most violent advocates of the war of subjuga-
tion that the bond between North and South was a
" covenant with hell." Without venturing to make
use of language which borders on the profane, we
may so far adopt the sentiment of Mr. Wendell
Phillips as to say that there can be no alliance
where there is found so deep and diametrical a dif-
ference of feeling. The Northern States may be
the allies of the house of Baring Brothers. They
are not, and shall not be, the allies of the people of
England. Until we are prepared to assume in this
war the attitude of partisans it is our duty to carry
out, as strictly and as coldly as possible, our duties
as, neutrals. In remonstrating against the permis-
sion granted to the Confederate States steamer
Georgia to visit the waters of the Mersey Mr Baring
had no ground to rest upon, either of international
or of municipal law. Special regulations to the
contrary notwithstanding, the ports of a neutral are
open to the armed vessels of both belligerents. But
by the proclamation of 1862 it was provided that
the ships of war of the Federal or Confederate States
were not to remain in any of our ports for more
than 24 hours, except under stress of weather or for
repairs, and that they were not to be permitted to
take in armed stores. The Georgia is now in the
port of Liverpool. She is repairing, and it is said
she is to be sold. She is a commissioned ship of
war of the Confederate States. and by our own law,
as well as by the law of the United States quoted
by the Attorney General in his able speech last
night, no antecedent circumstances have anything
to do with the question of recognising such a vessel.
The Georgia and other cruisers of the kind have
committed very serious depredations on the com-
merce of the Federals, and Mr Baring brings
against her a double accusation, which, in his view,
would justify our Government in refusing to her
the ordinary privileges granted by a neutral. She
was built in England, and manned by British
seamen. Had the fitting out and enlistment taken
place in a British port it would, of course, have
been a breach of oar Foreign Enlistment Act.
But it occurred altogether beyond our jurisdiction.
She was registered as the Japan, and manned
with her crew ostensibly for trade with China. It
was when in French waters that she received her
armament, her name was changed, and her crew
re-enlisted for service in the cause of the Confede-
rate States. Our Government could do nothing to
prevent this—it had, of course, no control over birch
proceedings. The men once enrolled in the Con-
federate service, cease to be subject to our laws.
The ship which flies the Confederate flag must be
treated with respect as the ship of a foreign power.
So also the Alabama and Florida escaped from our
ports before the Government could act on the inform
'nation received as to their destination. Once at sea,
and commissioned by the Confederate Government,
we have no more control over them than we have
over Federal ships of war. To assume to exercise
such control would be to violate our neutrality in
the most flagrant manner; and to do that for the
Federals which they cannot do for themselves. It
is next argued by the Northern advocates that we
should not recognise such vessels as lawful belli-
gerents unless they have visited some port of
the power under which they serve, and
there received their credentials. The Attorney-
General refused to allow the introduction of this
new rule in international law. " Such a rule
as the one suggested by his hon. friend had
never been heard of. To say that a country whose
ports were blockaded should not be permitted to
avail itself of the ports of the world for its ships of
war was a doctrine altogether preposterous, and the
arguments which might be founded upon it only
tended to mislead and throw dust in men's eyes."
Airing appeals to our interests by urging
that in case of a war with this country the United
States or the Us: rman Confederation could obtain
.'
armed cruisers in a sit:
filar manner from the mer-
chants of neutral Powers. Of course they could,
on our
and much injury might thereby be inflicted-
ortune of war,
commerce. Such things are the
and not to be avoided in any way that Ift-e can sug-
gest. Such cruisers might be set afloat,and w. trust
that the captains of our ships of war would Int:vv
them to the bottom with all convenient speed. They
could hardly be less successful in the experiment
than the commanders of the Vanderbilt, the Tusca-

rora, and other impotent craft that have been sent
out from Northern ports to catch the Alabama. Oar
Government has done what it can to help the

Federals in everything. It is ungenerous and un-
kind in the counsel for the Federal Government to
turn round upon the British Cabinet and reproach
it for the non-performance of impossibilities. The
ships which have left our shores are now protected
by the flag of the ConfederateStates,whom we have
solemnly recognised as belligerents. Our Govern-
ment cannot touch them even to oblige its friends.
The melancholy dirges intoned by Messrs. Cobden
and Forster over the decay of Fedral trade, and the
probable disappearnce of the Northern flag from the
seas, are altogether beyond the question. We are
amused as their apprehensions. We do not share
in their regret. The Northerners are not our allies;
they are not our friends. The war against the
South is an unjust, a diabolical war. The sooner
the Northern States are utterly bankrupt, ruined,
defeated, disgraced, dishonoured, the nearer we
approach to the only end of which apparently
this war of subjugation is susceptible, the better
will it be for England, the better will it be for the
world.

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