The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-01 00:00:00

The French Press on the Conference.

The Ministerial statements in Parliament have
not given rise to any difference of opinion in Paris.
All agree in pronouncing them the most humiliat-
ing confession of impotence that could be expected,
even on the part of a Ministry whose abject pusil-
lanimity had already reduced the prestige of Eng-
land to zero. The Constitutionnel has a very able
letter from M. Paulin Limayrac, in which the
writer points oat with unanswerable logic that the
English Government knew perfectly well when the
Conference met that France would not go to war,
and therefore that it is but a poor-spirited, mean,
and sneaking excuseto allege the inaction of France
as au excuse for their own. The Constitutionnel
says :—" The British Cabinet pronounces unequi-
vocally in favour of peace. It does not intend to
go to war to protect the continental possessions of
Denmark, and thus leaves the German Powers to
act within those limits. It is only in the event of
war being transferred to the Danish Islands, of
Copenhagen being attacked, or King Christian
being made prisoner, that England would depart
from her reserve, and reconsider the matter.
These declarations mode are precise, but
are they prudent also ? Du they nut gyve
too wide a field to one of the two bel-
ligerent parties, which now knows how far it
can go without provoking the intervention of Eng-
land, and is it not even told in positive terms the
it may not go farther ? Mot eover, are these d-cia
rations in accord with those previously male ? nod
does net the motive for this new attitude, as ex-
plained by Lord r almersten, when he said that
England was not di,pised to bear the whole bur-
den of the enterprise unaided,' appear more like a
pretext than a reason ? 1113 not the Cabinet of St.
James's long known the feeling of the French
Government, always sympathising with the weak,
but recognising the legitimacy of national aspira-
tions, and having no interest of honoar or any of
those material interests which connect England
with the Drano-German conflict ? The attitude and
language of France have been such from tha very
origin of the conflict that no mistake on the sub-
ject has ever been possible. All Europe admits this,
and the Etglish Ministers candidly acknowledged
the fact when, in suggesting arbitration as a means
of ending the dispute, they proposed tie Emperor
Napoleon as arbitrator. Every one knows that we
have rendered full justice to the last efforts of Earl
Russell and Lord Palmerston, but it is impossible
for us not to remark the distance existing between
the resolutions which those statesmen have just
taken, and the policy which, by the press, by public
speeches, and by despatches, excited passions which
it was not to satisfy and indulged in menaces which
were to remain without effect."

The Pays is instructed to hold forth in the same
sense, and, in addition, points out that England, or
rather the English Government, has taken up a most
peculiar position, aggressive towards both bellige-
rents, scolding and threatening both by turns,
trying to protect Denmark by bullying Germany,
and endeavouring to restrain Germany by bullying
Denmark. The Pays also points out (not without
some satisfaction) that England "appears to have
laboured to unite passions, to smother resentment,
and to strengthen conflicting pretensions. She is
reaping what she has sown. At Copenhagen spite
and distrust. At Berlin and Vienna hatred and
contempt. It is now her shame to see that her
promises henceforth will not be regarded more
seriously than her threats." At Paris, the Pays
might have added, the feeling is contempt, largely
mingled with exultation at the hutnidation of a
rival.

The Opinion Nationale is more vigorous and
earnest :—" It the humiliation of England were
calculated to cause us joy we should h.ve but little
to desire. It now stands recorded that the protec-
tion of England means nothing—that her alltaace
is powerless—that her name A t the toot of a treai3 is
no guarantee—and that the map of Europe may
ba constructed without consulting her views
Any more than those of the duchy of Baden 1:r the
kingdom of Wurtetuberg. Those who have su
long been wearied with the interminable enumera-
ration of the merits end superiority of England
could easily turn the tables now, and point out the
sad spectacle of that decline—the destinies of Eng
land left to the decision of the wits, an aristocrats
in its dotage, an unwieldy middle class bursting
with fat and egotism (this is textual-0. g , crevant
de grain() de richesse, etd egoisme); a people so
absorbed by money-making as clot to have time to
see that England is struck from the roll of the
great powers—all this might afford ample scope to
the jealous malignity of the rivals of England.
But, unfortunately, we remember that the humi-
liation now endured by England, we suffered
ourselves last year. What is now taking place
is but tit for tat. List year, by refusing her
co-operation, England forced us to inac
.ion; now, France by abstaining condemns
England to deep degradation. Last year we were
cotupelted to undergo the polished tin ertinence ot
Prince Gurtsehhltuff; we now oblige her to bow
beneath the coarse insolence ot Count liismatk. Is
not this a policy worthy of two great countries ?
Does it not give them claims to the gratitude of
numanity and civilization ?"

The Patrie is still more bitter. In an article
headed, " Sauvons la caisse ! " i.e.," Save the cash-
box," it charges England with being actuated by
purely sordid motives, and predicts for her the fate
of Venice and Holland, and also other countries
which place their material welfare far above con-
siderations dictated by honour and duty.
The Debats expresses itself in these terms
" The whole meaning and bearing of the reserve
made by England amounts to this—For the
Cabinet to believe the moment come not to inter-
vene in favour of Denmark, but to deliberate on the
question as to whether it shall do so or not, Denmark
must be attacked either in her islands, in fhe heart
of her States, in her capital, or King Christian
must be a prisoner in the hands of the Germans!
That is the final deciGion—lho great secret, th(
manifesto of Lord Palrnerston! The Daily News
appears not less edified ; alone the Post and the
Herald utter aci indignant pro►est."

It is remarkei that the second series of gnes!.&,
invited to Fontainebleau contains not an single Englisl,
name.

THE " TIMES" AND THE VOTE Op CENSURE.—
A critic ought to have a long memory. The Times yes
terday was very sarcastic upon the terms of Mr Disraeli',
motion, and falls especially foul of the expression the
" the just influence of England has been lowered," Th,
limes asserts that there is no such thing as lowering en
lessening a " just influence," since if not exerted it cease,
to exist. Mr Disraeli his doubtless laughed to himsel
that the leading journal can extract nothing worse out 0
his motion than a bit of verbal rtfiaing. Ho will laug
!he more he,,riily if he turns to the limes of Ju, e 21, t
first leader of which asserts that it the c)untry Lulu,
the war to begin again the just influence of England wiii
bCOorioublY impairecl."--Liverpq ,wily Courier,

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