The Sun.
London, England, 1864-12-31 00:00:00

state patronage. They stretch forth to us the right hand of
fellowship; they feel acutely for our wrongs, and have fre-
quently expressed their astonishment at our inertness. Lord
Stanley says that the abolition of church rates in England
will give the members of the English Church the first trial,
the first practical experiment of the principle of voluntary-
ism. Irish Catholics have had more than 300 years' trial of

he principle of voluntaryism, and I proudly and gladly

proclaim that we are thoroughly satisfied with it. Catholi-
city has held her ground and enlarged her boundaries, sup-
ported solely by the voluntary offerings of her children.
Noble churches, convents, monasteries, schools, diocesan

colleges, are daily coming into existence. The Catholic
hierarchy and priesthood have a decent and sufficient sup.
port—a support that suffices for men who know that their

mission in this world is to minister to souls and not to amass
wealth. How is all this done ?—how are the majestic
buildings erected ?—how is the priesthood sustained ? By
the free, voluntary gifts of the Catholics of Ireland. When
I behold these results of the voluntary principle—when I

see the fresh, vigorous life of Catholicity developed by the
operation of that principle, I solemnly pray Heaven that
in no revolution of ages may the Irish Catholic Church be

cursed with state support, or otherwise sustained than by
the contributions of her faithful members, frankly, piously,

and generously given. (Cheering.) Sound policy requires

that we should not incur the suspicion of looking to any
share of the present ecclesiastical state revenues for the
Catholic Church. The anti-Irish state Church quartered
on this country is a robbery of the Catholics. It com-
menced its existence by robbing them. The Church property

of Ireland was founded by Catholics for Catholic purposes.
The diversion of that property from theSatholic to the
Protestant Church in the 16,h century threw upon the

catholics the pecuniary burden of supporting out of their
own pockets the Catholic clergy, who had previously been
supported by the state. Hence it is clear, in the first place,
that the existing anti-Irish State Church is a pecuniary
burden on the Catholics to the full extent of the money
they pay to their own Church and their own clergy. Why
is an institution so essentially vicious, so productive of party

and sectarian hate, kept up in Ireland by England ? Pro-
cieely because it is essentially vicious, and because it is pro-
ductive of party an d sectarian hate. These qualities consti-
tute its real value in the eyes of English Governments,

Without some such apple of discord—and it would be hard
to find a more effectual one—the various Irish parties would

amalgamate for national objects in a mode quite incompa-
tible with the Anglo-Irish statecraft of divide a impera

Cheers.) Mr Daunt then proceeded at much length to dis•

verament of this country. They blame the landlords—not
all, but some, who not only turn out tenants without com-
pensation, but also carry on a wholesale extermination of the
people, it would appear, upon system. And they blame the
Government because it does nothing, because it does worse
than nothing—because it persists and has persisted for years

in the determination not to change the law, but to leave it

as it is, an instrumoat of injustice and extermination in the
hands of the landlords--because it omits to introduce any

Large, comprehensive measures calculated to develop the

agricultural resources of Ireland, and otherwise to improve
the country, and so to keep the people at home. Without

oharging all the blame on this or that particular govern-
ment—if governments past and present had done their duty
towards the people of Ireland by getting passed, as they

might have done, a law assuring compensation to improv-
ing tenants, and other measures for promoting the into-

rests of Ireland—if governments, past and present, had
but acted in this spirit, as wise as it would be paternal,
think you tho extraordinary exodus of the Irish people

would have ever taken place. or, if it had, would it
ever have approached to anything like its actual gigantic
proportions ? No, never. But because the people

saw that the Government was not a fostering Govern-

ment, willing to do what a fostering Government
might, and could and would do to make the country pro-
ductive, and the industry of the people remunerative, there-
fore the people went in millions. And what was the atti•

:ude of the Government all the while ? It stood looking on

with folded arms, all the same as if it was pleased to:see the
people going, and hoping to find in their exodus a solution

Of the Irish difficulty, much as was said the other day in
very remarkable words, the following ;—" At home, in less
than 20 years, a reduced population and a less rate of in-

crease have made Ireland a manageable department instead
of a national difficulty." (Hoar.) Ah I these it is. Now, this
lamentable exodus it is, as much as anything else,
that has brought us bishops to the determination not any

bnger to remain quiescent, believing as we do that if the

remnant of the reople is to be saved, it is not by silent re-
serve on our parts, but by an outspoken declaration of our
sentiments, backed by such active measures as the laws and

constitution of the country justify us in adopting. (Hear,
hear.) IVo have to say this :—ln the name of our remain.
ing people, we call upon the Government to fulfil that first

and most sacred duty involved in the compact between all
governments and peoples, which is expressed in the well-

known maxim, salts populi lex swegna—(loud applause)
—and we proclaim in the face of the world that if the Go.