The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TmlEs.—The conquest of Continental Denmark
by the German armies may now be looked upon as
complete. Everything but the sandy wastes which
form the northern extremity of Jutland has passed
into their possession. Not content with occupy-
ing the principal places of the Peninsula, and quar-
tering troops on the inhabitants, Field-Marshal von
Wrangel has, if report be tree, Hind eleven per-
sons and sent them to Prussia to be detained as
hostages until the payment of an extravagant war
contribution. At the same time it is avowed that
the Allies demand from Denmark a sum to cover
the expenses of the war ; in other words, that Den-
mark is to be compelled to pay for the movement
of the troops that have despoiled her. Amid such
events it is little comfort to be told that the Aus-
trian ships of war which have been hurried round
from the Mediterranean have no immediate inten-
tion of going to the Baltic, or that we have a flest
which is capable of pursuing them. In the case of
an attack on the Danish islands, no doubt the
Channel Fleet could interfere with effect; but as
long as the Germans keep to the Peninsula there
seems nothing to stop them in their career of
spoliation. It is in these circumstances that the
Conference resumesits sittings, and that this country
will make its last efforts to induce the two Powers
to pay respect to their engagements. That the re-
monstrances of our representatives will be successful
we have little hope. The designs of the two Powers,
whatever they may be, will be carried into effect,
and if they tend to a European war the curse must
light on the heads of their authors. We do not
pretend to foresee the future, but it requires no
great acuteness to discern that a movement has
begun in Northern Europe which will lead to
changes more important than any since 1815. By
the fanaticism of the German people and the rivalry
of their Sovereigns the old combinations of Europe
have been more broken than by the events in the
East ten years ago, or by the Italian Revolution.
It is even now difficult to understand the real
forces which have been at work in this deplorable
conflict. At the bottom, no doubt, there is the
strong movement among the German people, the
most extraordinary agitation which has affected
them in our time. This nation, ordinarily so tran-
quil under the hands of power, particularly with
respect to its relations with foreign nations, had
been filled by some 20 years of angry discussions
with a hatred of the Danes, which burst out as soon
as one of its Princes gave the signal. The present
generation has grown up to hear of little but the
wrongs and the essential unity of Schleswig and
Holstein. All the young men, from the Crown
Prince of Prussia downwards, are strong anti-
Danes, and attach to the petty questions about the
Kiel University and the schoolmasters of mid-
Schleswig an importance which those who know
their apathy in affairs of greater moment can ill
understand. It would be unjust, however, to sup-
pose that the present war had been made by Sove-
reigns, or that it represents only royal ambitions
and military restlessness. Such a man as M. von
Bismark could not have gone into it unless there
had been a real enthusiasm of which advantage
could be taken. The war is popular, and would
have been even more popular if it had been carried
on by the minor States as the champions of the
Prince of Augustenburg. The Germans really be-
lieve that by punishing the tyrants of the Duchies
they vindicate the rights of the Confederation, and
fill the great empires east and west of them with
respect for their valour and power. It is a singular
hallucination, but it exists, and as a real national
feeling it has a certain strength which must be re-
cognised by statesmen. That this movement, how-
ever, can be controlled by the German rnlers is shown
by the ease with which Prussia and Austria took the
matter out of the hands of the Diet and the people.
Three months ago, if Germany could have been
polled, an immense majority of thenation would have
Placed the Crown of the Duchies on the head of the
Prince of Augustenburg. They had, they thought,
now gained what they had been longing fcr during
so many years. The Danish yoke was overthrown,
and a German Sovereign had been enthroned, not
only in the name of his own indefeasible rights, but
by the choice of the people. It was only necessary
to secure this great victory that the Federal army,
or an army contributed by the States of the Confe-
deration acting under the orders of Frankfort,
should drive the Danes oat of Schleswig, and give
the new Sovereign possession. Yet while the Prince
of Augustenburg was the most popular man in
Germany, and even in the Prussian and Austrian
capitals, the two great Courts had determined on
displacing him. They advanced their armies, took
possession, not in his name, but on a pretext which
was, in fact, a recognition of Christian IX., and
from that time the favourite of the people has riot
been heard of. This sufficiently shows that the
Sovereigns of Prussia and Austria are really
masters, and compels us to look to their counsels
for the ultimate issue of the war, and not to the
demands of the multitude, however much it may
suit these Sovereigns to declare themselves urged
on by an irresistible national movement. It is
only by considering what each Power has to gain
that we can understand the leading part which
Prussia has played in this affair. Throughout the
whole, the Court of Berlin has shown more ani-
mosity towards the Danes than is to be found in the
conduct of the Austrians. It may be said that the
events of 1848 are sufficient to account for this ;
but those events have generated, perhaps, some-
thing more than mere empty dislike. From dwell-
ing on the struggle in which they were then
an
en-
gaged
e the probability that it would some day
recur, the Prue: an politicians have probably come
to cherish a hope that if ever the Duchies were sun-
dered from Denmark they
~„-ould become either com-
pletely and formally or else virtually parts of the
Prussian dominions. There is one inCe which the
true Prussian welcomes more than freedoZot pro-
gress, or any other watchword of the Liberal De-
ptv ies in the Chamber ; that idea is the extension
of the Prussian State, whether at the expense of
Germany or of a neighbouring country. All the
Biemarks, present or to come, wonid receive full
absolution from a large part of Prussian public
opinion if they could add ever so little and insigni-
ficant a province to the States which are governed
from Berlin. How great, then, would the popu-
larity of the Minister become iZ be could not only
avenge the fancied wrongs of Germany, but more
clearly establish the hegemony of Prussia by trans-
ferring to her the spoils of the vanquished ! To
place the two Duchies in such a position that they
will be virtually dependencies of Prussia, and thus
perhaps to prepare the way for a complete absorp-
tion, is just such a policy as M. von Bismark,
bold, reckless, and intent on maintaining his
power at home by a success abroad, would ima.
gine. In this Austria would have but little
interest; it may even be against her secret wishes,
but since the fall of Dybbol the Austrians them-
selves are not unwilling to meet the enemy again,
and gain for themselves a credit similar to that
which has fallen to the lot of their allies.
With these two nations, then, which are joined,
the one probably from a spirit of covetousness, and
the other from rival and vanity, in despoiling the
weak, what terms are we to keep ? Why should we
regard those traditions which only bid us wait and
forbear and submit to insult, while our so-called
Allies disport themselves in tearing treaties to
pieces ? What have we ever gained by adhering
to these German Powers, but the liberty to pay
them heavy subsidies or to shape our policy in
deference to them, and not according to our own
interests ? In the Crimean war we studied the feel-
ings of Austria, and though the matter concerned
her far more than ourselves, yet the Emperor
Francis Joseph contented himself with an armed
neutrality, and left us to bear all the burden of the
war. There are signs now that the policy of Eng-
land will not again be subjectel to any such influ-
ences. The tradition of an alliance with the two
German Powers, which has lasted for some 80 years,
is passing away. This country is free to act as it
pleases, and should future events place these Powers
in opposition to any powerful neighbour, England
will have the right to look on as an unconcerned I
spectator.

HERALD.—Whatever hope the English Govern-
ment may have entertained of a satisfactory issue
to the Conference rested upon the presumed unwil-
lingnesss of Austria to directly repudiate the Treaty
of London, and upon her presumed anxiety to pre-
vent the extension of the war. Earl Russell cal-
culated that her support would be eagerly given to
any proposition for an armistice, and that, in the
discussion of the terms of a definitive settlement,
the integrity of Denmark, if it found her no warm
supporter, would at least find her no active
assailant. The calculation had some warrant, but
it was imperfect, and proves a blunder. Austria,
indeed, entered into the war with reluctance.
She had no sympathy with the Pretender,
and very little with the Schleswig-Holstein agi-
tators. She admitted her obligations under the
Treaty of London, and she had the best possible
reasons, in the anxiety of Italy to find an opportu-
nity of going to war for Venetia, and her own em-
barrassed finances, to avoid entering into a contest
to which it was impossible to set limits. But it
was just then the game of the Austrian Ministry,
nut to consolidate the Austrian empire by conci-
liating the disaffected provinces and developing the
resources of the whole empire—that was a prosaic
task of which they were tired—but to acquire the
preponderating influence in Germany. Germany
was mad about Schleswig-Holstein. It cried for
war against Denmark, and Prussia was determined
to make that war—with Austria, of course, if Aus-
tria would be foolish enough to join, or, if not,
without her. The Austrian Government could not
bear the idea of losing temporari►y that influence,
whatever the risk incurred in attempting to main.

tain it. They were glad to satisfy the noisy German
minority which seeks to rule the whole empire, and.
Austria, whose only hope lies in the commixture Eln3
conciliation of differing nationalities, went to ware
against the King of Denmark on the ground thea
certain German subjects of his objected to be
g •
overed by Danes. The Austrian Government
n
seems to have thought that it could go to ak
certain length and then draw back ; that 'la
could occupy Schleswig and prevent Prussia from
invading Jutland ; in fact, that it could keep
quite within the original programme, and always
be able to draw back if Prussia was too venture-
some. The English Government seems to ba7a,
fancied the same thing, and both have been rooste
egregiously deceived. Prussia has dragged Austria.
on from one excess to the other. Prussian troops
invaded Jutland. At first Austria, protested, but
she soon found herself obliged to beeome an Become..
pliee in the invasion. At first Austria intended:.
that Schleswig should be governed in the name c
the King of Denmark, and his authority should be:
reserved. Prussia willed it otherwise. Austria
acceded. Austria originally wanted nothing but
the revocation of the November constitution, and
some securities for the German Schleswigers. Now
she is prepared to support all the demands of
Prussia for a personal reason, which shall render
the connection of the Duchies with Denmark a,
merely nominal one, or even for the absolute sever-
ance of the Duchies from the Danish Crown. Aus-
tria is completely involved in Herr von Bismark's
meshes, and we believe there can be no doubt of the
truth of the statement made by well-informed Ger.
man newspapers that Austria will energetically
support the views of Prussia in the Conference.
We will not venture here to forecast the iesae.
Whatever its termination, whether a peace, sacrific-
ing Denmark, giving Prussia all she seeks, or the,
renewal of the struggle with England as an ally of
Demark, Austria comes off the loser by engaging.
in this war. She has been playing into the hands.
of Prussia. No success in the war can give her the
leading position in Germany. The Germans know
that the Austrian Government has never been
hearty in the quarrel ; that, in fact, its real in-
tensts made it impossible for it to be so. Prussia
will have all the credit, because it will be rightly
considered that it was the determination of the)
Prussian Government which triumphed over•
England. For all the sacrifices Austria has
made she can get no other return than the
glorification and aggrandizement of her hated
rival. The empire has been burdened with a
new loan, and if the occupation lasts a few weeks
longer another must be raised. Hungary has been
stilt further alienated by the proof which has been
given it that the Government is prepared to sacri-
fice the interests of the empire to its schemes for
preponderance in Germany. To conciliate the
German subjects the public opinion of Europe has
been shocked, and the last lingering sentiment of
goodwill to Austria destroyed in the breasts of Eng-
lishmen—and all to give Prussia the supremacy
for which she has been working for more than a
century, but towards which, during the last thirty
or forty years, she had made no advances. In the
most favourable event of a peace sacrificing Dens
mark, Austria earns a great loss by all her outlay.,
In the more unfavourable event of a prolongation
and extension of the war, she runs the risk of abso-
lute ruin. In that case she will have either to fight
or watch France and Italy, and even to watch them
well would almost break down her strength. She
must hold Galicia and Hungary down by great
armies, and provide another army to carry on the
campaign in the north—an army which must be
far larger and far better equipped. Her navy will
be totally destroyed, her commerce z .tined, and the
whole empire thrown into a condition of complete
disorganisati mi. These dangers are instant, not
chimerical. They are dangers wantonly incurred
through the absurd dread of losing influence with
Germany. Because Gera.any went mad the Aus•
trian Government, well knowing that it was mad,
pandered to its madness lest Prussia should draw
to herself the whole of its crazy sympathies.
Austria, which once knew how to wait, has lost her
patience which proved so often victorious ; and of
the famous Austrian diploreecy the tradition only is
left. The history of the Austro-Prussian alliance
against Denmark is only another version of the
fable of the monkey and the cat, Count Rechberg
has drawn the chesnuts out of the fire, and Herr
Yon Bismark has gobbled them up.