The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-25 00:00:00

He had received a number of letters from various parts of
the country corroborating those facts. The first was from
Bungay, from a Mr. Scott, a large agriculturist, who stated
that the change back to protection could not be made with-
out creating something like a rebellion in the manufactur-
ing districts. In a letter from the Rev. George Sand
rector of Trixham, Suffolk, he stated that the tenant-farmer
had suffered great loss from a local blight; but he handi
known the labours of the board of guardians, of
was chairman, lighter, and had never known thet' which
hiie
work-
house so comparatively free from able-bodied pauper T
poor man had had more in his mouth for the last thrice.ll3eyeahrse
than he had ever had before. Another letter from
tleman who managed his estates in Norfolk, and who was a-
Protectionist in'opinions, stated that his observation, which
was of no limited time and ever no small extent of country,
led him to believe that there never was more activity ormore
disposition to improve among the agricultural body.
Every man who had sufficient capital to stand the existing
depression was doing everything in his power to improve
his condition, and that accounted for all the labourers
being employed He hai another letter from Mr. Blyth,
one of the first agriculturists of the county of Norfolk, in a
district where all the people depended directly or indi-
rectly upon agriculture. The condition of the farmers
there was improved ; there were few hands out of employ-
ment, few applications for relief, and frequent inquiries for
labourers. Immense exertions were being made to increase
the produce-of the land by keeping more stock, feeding more
cattle, and adopting a more cleanly system of tillage. An-
other letter, from a gentleman whose name he was not at
liberty to mention, said the industry, skill, and capital of the
agricultural classes was materially improved since he had
become connected with West Norfolk, ten years ago. The
farmer bought more manure, cultivated higher, and the
agricultural mind appeare Ito be more active. These were
a few of the opinions of some of the most intelligent farmers
of the country. Under these circumstances he implored the
Noble Earl to declare whether what the world was beginning
to think probable was the fact, that conviction was stout to
dawn upon the Government and produce a great change in
their policy.
After a few words in explanation from Lord BERNERS,
Earl GRANVILL F., said if any Noble Lord on the oppo-
site side was about to rise, he would at once retire.—(Hear,
and laugh.) He hoped some Noble Lord connected" with
the Government would give some explanation to the House—
let them either confute the facts and statements of the
Noble Duke (Newcastle), or at once frankly and generously
admit they had been in error in having for so long a time
opposed the commercial system which had been recently
adopted in this country. Let not the fact go to the country
that they were unwilling to admit what had been stated,
and unable to deny it. He thought such a coarse would
be one of which the House and the country would have
some right to complain. The Noble Earl, in the short
speech in which he had introduced a most important mea-
sure to their Lordships, stated the course the Government
meant to take—viz., that during the present session they
would only propose and pass such measures as were actually
necessary, and that then they would make an appeal to the
country to decide upon the principles and policy they
should pursue with reference to certain great questions.
At the time it appeared to him, although he had no right to
ask the Noble Earl to define the precise measures that
would be brought forward after the general election, that
they had a right to expect that the Noble Earl should
have stated the general principles, tendency, and
colour of the policy upon which the country would
be called upon to decide. But the fact was, that so far
from giving any hint as.to the general principles or policy
proposed to be pursued, appeals were made to the con-
stituencies sometimes by members of the Government, some-
times by Hon. Gentlemen who were the ordinaty supporters
of the Government, and also by speeches of different ten-
dencies one from the other, so that the electors were much
more in the dark as to the probable policy of the Govern.
ment than on the very day when they assumed the reins of
power.— (Hear, hear.) It was most desirable that the coun-
try should know whether it was intended to relieve the
landed interest by an import duty on foreign corn or by
some other indirect means, or whether it was intended to
carry out the commercial system introduced by the late Sir
Robert Peel. Judging from the speech of the Noble Earl at
the beginning of the year, he would infer that the Noble
Earl believed the present system was fraught with mischief,
and that he was still of opinion that a recurrence to a duty
on corn, for purposes of revenue and protection, was a mat-
ter of necessity --
The Earl of DERBY—The Noble Earl is quite wrong in
supposing that I said a duty on foreign corn was a matter
vt necessity. I stated, that for the purpose at once of re-
lieving the suffering agricultural interest, and also for the
purpose of improving the revenue, and thereby enabling us
to take off other taxes without injury to the consumer, I
thought it might be desirable to impose a moderate fixed
duty on foreign corn. I distinctly stated that that was my
own opinion. I did not say that it was a matter of necessity,
but I stated that, whether the relief should be given by the
imposition of a duty upon foreign corn was a matter which
rested upon the judgment of the constituencies, but that I
thought that was a desirable mode of affording relief to the
agricultural classes. I hold to that opinion still ; but I state
again, that that is a question which must be left to the con-
stituencies of the country ; and, moreover, if it give any sa-
tisfaction to the Noble Earl, and to the Noble Lords oppo-
site, my opinion is, from what I have since heard and learned,
there certainly will not be in favour of the re-imposition of a
duty on foreign corn that extensive majority, without which
as I stated to your Lordships at the beginning of the session„
it would not be desirable to &opose it.—(Laud cheers from
the Opposition benches.)
Earl GRANVILLE was glad that the mistake in his
mind as to the Noble Earl's expressions had produced a de-
claration which would be hailed with the greatest satisfac-
tion by the country, that there was no likelihood of re-im-
posing a duty upon corn. He was glad to find that this
great question of raising the price of food by the production
of an artificial scarcity was at last and for ever given up.
There was one other pledge given by the Noble Earl with
regard to the navigation-laws. The Noble Earl said that he
had no intention of re-enacting the navigation-laws. The
present system had, he believed, been found in practice to
work most beneficially, and it had already been considerably
promoted by other countries. No less than 500 British
vessels had within the last year entered the ports of the
United States, which, previously to the repeal of the
navigation-laws, could not be admitted, and of these no less
than about 400 had been cleared out. He really thought,
after the declaration of the Noble Earl, so suddenly and
unexpectedly made to them, which showed that he had
come to the only conclusion which Noble Lords on that aide
of the House believed the Government could come, that it
was unnecessary to trespass further upon the attention of
their Lordships.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE complained that upon
the second reading of one of the most important Bills ever
laid before that House, their Lordships had not been sum-
moned.

'lhe Earl of DERBY should say that he had not come
down to the House that evening prepared to go into a de-
bate on the seecnd reading of the Bill. He thought to have
it read a second time pro forma, and to have taken the debate
in Committee. Had he any idea that a debate would have
been raised on the question, he should have come prepared
to meet it ; but their Lordships might perceive by the benches
on the Ministerial side of the House, that none of the sup-
porters of her Majesty's Government were present, which
would not be the case were there any expectation that the
debate would now be gone into.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that if the Noble Earl
opposite (Earl Derby) had intimated to the House at an
early period that it was his intention to take the second
reading pro forma, there would be no objection whatever.—
(Hear, hear.) When the Noble Earl intimated to him (the
Duke of Newcastle) his intention of taking the second read-
ing pro forma, he instantly acquiesced, but at the same
time assured the Noble Earl that other Noble Lords would
be more or less taken by surprise at the adoption of such a
course, understanding that a debate was to ensue On the
second reading. He should say if the Noble Earl the First
Minister of the Crown were taken by surprise in the matter,
it was by his own officials in the other House who failed to
I give him proper intimation.—(Hear.)
The Earl of DERBY said, that, though a matter of con-
venience, it would not be a matter of absolute necessity that
the Bill should pass before the Whitsuntide holidays.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE observed that the Bill
was accepted by the country only on the grounds of its
being a temporary measure. He called on the Noble Earl
the First Minister of the Crown to declare at once—as to
such declaration he should come next year—that he did not
intend to re-impose a burden on any class of the community
for the benefit of another. (Hear, hear.) Let the Noble
Earl declare that he would give up protection to agriculture
as it had been called, as, by doing so now, it would be more
convenient to the country, and advantageous to the Govern-
ment.—(Hear, hear. )
The Earl of DERBY made an observation across the
table which did not reach the gallery.
Earl GREY had heard with great surprise the observa-
tions of the Noble Earl opposite (Earl of Derby) in the course
of the incidental conversation which took place that evening.
The income-tax had been for several years the keystone of
their fiscal position; and no Minister of the Crown, in mov-
ing its continuance or re-imposition, ever failed to explain the
motives and reasons that demanded its re-enactment.—

(Hear, hear.) Last year, when his Noble Friend (the Mar-
quis of Lansdowne) moved the second reading of a similar
Bill, he thought it right respectfully to state his views to the
House on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) It was at great in-
convenience that he (Earl Grey) attended there that even-
ing, as was also the case with many other Noble Peers at his
side of the House, who came fully prepared to hear the sub-
ject entered into. If the Noble Earl opposite had intimated
previously his intention of taking the second reading pro
forma, no Noble Lord, he was sure, would have objected.
But, after coming down to the House at much inconve-
nience, and then to be told that the Noble Earl had arranged
to take the discussion on a later stage, was not, he should
say, treating the House with proper or becoming respect.—
(Hear, hear.) It was right that the House should consider
this matter, as it wes one of deep and vital importance
to the country. If Noble Lords opposite were afraid to
avow or maintain their former opinions, were Noble Lords
on the Opposition side of the House to permit the matter to
be slurred over?—(hear, hear.) It was therefore with great
pleasure he had heard the speech of the Noble Duke who
preceded him (Earl Grey) that evening. He would not
repeat the statements of that Noble Duke (the Duke
of Newcastle), but he should observe that on the Minis-
terial side of the House no contradiction had been given
to the facts stated by his Noble Friend. There had be n
e
great reductions of taxation without corresponding dand a
imi-
nutions in the revenue. Trade had been prospero,
spirit of enterprise and activity now distinguished every
branch of our industry, not even excluding agricultear
to which so much reference had been made. —ordi (Hng to ,
hear.) Pauperism had been diminished; and, cc
the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the
prosperity of the ccuntry had never been higher than at
present.—(Hear, hear.) Not one of those fatal consequences
predicted by Noble Lords opposite as the result of free trade
had come to realization. ThereatS one subject which,
from the office be (Earl Grey) ly bad the honour to
hold, he felt inested Governments as regarded which, he was
informed, the had made up their minds to
effect an alteration in the course of the ensuing year—
namely, the article of sugar. Now, as that was the case,
and considering the very deep interest which a
few detail he took in
s. the
question, he hoped to be permitted to go into
(Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke who commenced the dis-
cussion had pointed out the great increase which had taken
place in the consumption of sugar. He found that in the
last year preceding the alteration in the duties—Ari 1846
—the consumption of sugar was 5,714,000 cwt. ;whilst, for
the year ending April, 1852,
the consumption reacbcd
7,500,000 cwt. In the year ending July, 1814, the whole
quantity of sugar admittedar wa
ending is 4.145,00
Jan cwt.; whilst for
r
the half of the present e, onuary last,
y
quantity amounted to 4,033,000 cwt. So that we consumed
at present within 100,000 cwt. in half a year of what we for-
merly can-umed in a whole year—(Hear, hear). That was
a striking fact, but very easily accounted for.— (Hear, hear.)
Before the introduction of foreign sugar, and when there was
a monopoly in the market, be found by returns that, looking
at the prices in bond, foreign sugar was 345. 9d. per cwt.,g
whilst British sugar was only 21s. 3d. per cwt., making "
difference of 13s. 6d. par cwt. to the consumer. In that
same year the consumption of sugar reached 4,145 0:)0
cwt., and thereforei in addition to a large revenue,
I the British consumer was taxed to an extent of noles
I than 2,790,00/. But the rebult of the reduction of the