The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-06 00:00:00

rn to them. The Government of Denmark itself is now.ad-
IMITIZIAIA FARLIAKEN 1 mated on all bands not merely to have failed in its obliga-
tions, but fa.tled in its engagements, in the treatment of
the Schleswig-Holstein population, which was unfortunately
confined to the rule of that dynasty by treaty, to which we
are referring. The Danes troubled and harassed the people
of Schleswig-Holestin in a way that is st peculiarly
painfoa, and which always affects us most sensitively as a
peorile—l mean they interfered with the use of their lan-
nage. Denmark troubled the Schleswig-Holstein popula-
tion with functionaries speaking the Danish language; they
sought to constrain their youth to learn the Danish lan-
guage when it was not their wish to do so. They sought to
gain advantage for their own university, against the wishes
of the Schleswig-Holstein people, Well, they tried again
precisely the same thing which had been so unsuccessful
in the case of Holland, when Holland tried to force her
language on the people of Belgium. The consequence was
a great grievance—and the German people, sympathising
with people of their own race in Schleswig-Holstein, took
up the cry that was raised in these provinces. Is there a
public man who has taken part in public affairs for years
past who has not been flooded with the grievances of the
Schleswig-Holstein population; I declare I could measure
those which have reached me almost by cubic yard. I am
afraid 1 have not been a very diligent reader of them ; but
we must not forget that at the bottom of this question there
lies a grievance, and there lies a grievance of a small popu-
lation against a powerful one. This interest of the Germans
in the Schleswig-Holstein question continued for 10 or 12
years. At length it culminated in a state of violent utter-
ances, that you may almost say the Government of Ger-
many, fearing there might be a revolutionary movement in
Germany in favour of the Schleswig-Holstein population,
summoned the Diet together, with the view of taking the
matter into their own hands. The Diet is a slow body, with
a very imperfect organisation, and before they could act the
two great Powers of Austria and Prussia interfered in this
affair between the Schleswig-Holstein people and the Ger-
man people, and invaded that country, for they had their
standing armies—which are the standing evils, you may
say, of Europe at this time. (Hear, hear,) Now do not
let us forget, when we arrive at this point, that because the
absolute Governments of Austria and Prussia entered into
contest,they did not affect the original merits of the question.
It is difficult for us to conceive any action taken for a cause of
liberty or nationality of which Austria or Prussia are the
champions; our very gorge rises at the idea of the Austrian
Government taking an army of Hungarian, Croatian, Bohe-
mian, and perhaps Italian soldiers into Schleswig- Holstein,
to fight the battles of nationality. (Hear.) These two Govern-
ments have been playing the demagogues to the German
people ; there is noneso subeervient to the passion of the people
as your eceptred demagogues. I am not going to trouble the
house with a single quotation from our blue-books, and I
hope to propitiate the favour of my audience by removing
all dread of that infliction ; but in order to show the change
which has taken place in the progress of society in Europe,
in order to show to what a degree the democratic principle,
or, if that term is offensive, popular sovereignty in Europe,
has progressed during the last 30 or 40 years, allow me to
read, in connection with their invasion of Schleswig-Hol-
stein, to do the behests of the German people, an extract
from a manifesto to the sovereigns of Austria, Russia, and
Prussia, dated Layback, May 12, 1821—that was the time
of the Holy Alliance. It says :—" Useful or necessary
changes in legislation, and in the administration of States,
ought only to emanate from the free will, and the intelligent
and well-weighed convictions of those whom God has ren-
dered responsible for power. All that deviates from this line
necessarily tends to disorder, commotion, and evils far more
unsufferable than those which it was intended to remedy."
Penetrated with this eternal truth, the sovereigns have not
hesitated to say it with frankness and vigour. They declare
that "in respecting the rights and independence of all legie
timate Powers, they regard as legally null, and as disavowed
bythe principles which constitute the public right of Europe
all pretended reforms operated by revolt and open hosti•
lity." That was the doctrine of the abso,ute sovereigns in
1891. Now we are told, not only upon the authority of our
own representatives, but upon the authority of the repre-
sentatives of Austria and Prussia themselves, that they are
constrained in the course they are now following by the ne-
cessity they are under—the pressure, to use the term of the
Foreign Secretary, they are under from the German popu-
lations. Now, I mention this most significant and pregnant
fact because it shows how completely the state of Europe
has changed. It shows how we need be under no apprehen-
sion, in future, of holy alliances of sovereigns. There
may he holy alliances of the people, though that does not
seem very likely yet. Now I come to our own course in
those proceedings. What were we to do when these two
great military Powers went into Schleswig Holstein ? Were
we right in offering our mediation ? I think there can be no
office more dignified, as there ought to be nc office more safe
than that of a mediator. (Hear.) If there be a blessing at-
tending on any one, it is, as we are told, on the peacemaker or
the attempted peacemaker. Now, what I find in this coun-
try's policy—whether advocated by one side or the other—
what has been unfortunately the tendency of this country is
this—that when we set up for the office of mediator, we seem
never to know the line which separates the mediator from
the partisan. No sooner have we entered into this Schles-
wig Holstein question, simply with a view of attempting to
keep the peace, than parties hero, both speakers and public
writers, instantly take up the attitude of partisans, and,
forming their own views by their own counsel, they are for
transferring themselves into the attitude of belligerents.
Nothing could be more unfortunate for the cause of peace
than that the principle should be recognised that, when you
attempt to serve as mediator, it involves the risk of being
dragged into the position of a principal. Why, even in the
old days of duelling, except in the most barbarous times of
the Ireland of the past century, it was considered rather
sharp practice, because a gentleman went out as a second,
that he was obliged to take part as principal with the other
second. (Laughter,) Now, lam going to say what those
who speak for mere popularity would not care to say, viz.,
that the great fault we commit in those things always is
that we allow ourselves to be betrayed. into something like
menace without duly measuring the power we had to carry
out our menace. (Opposition cheers.) There is a policy
of menace in this country. (Hear.) It is familiar to all
who read certain journals and who hear certain questions
put in this house by those who talk about where our
fleets are, and those who in another house—or in another
place—(laughter)—who ought to know better, and whose
voices ought to be heard in other accents than those of
incendiaries—(hear, hear)—those who talk about sending
out our fleets. Now, I intend to treat this question in the
way in which other countries treat it, for we should ba the
merest Chinese in the world if we did not look the matter
fairly in the face ourselves. Those who talk of our enter-
ing into these affairs in conflict, and settling them in a
spirit of dictation, have they considered what our power is
to carry out our will in any way on the continent of Europe ?
No doubt for our own defence, in our own island home,
our powers are, if I may say it without irreverence,
all but omnipotent. All the world could not assail you
with success in this country. (Rear, hear.) But when
you talk of the power to coerce military nations on the
Continent, your powers are very limited indeed. Send a
fleet to the Baltic, was the utterance which I heard in
another place. What would a fl-et do in the Baltic ?
(Hear, hear.) Blockade the Piuseian ports. Well, Lut
railways had all but rendered blockades practically inopera-
tive, except in such an extraordinary case as that in
A.meriee, where the blockading party also commands the
internal communications of the country, But I mast not
forget to mention that we are liable to attack in that way.
Recent experience has taught us that you cannot localise
war by sea. We should be liable to retaliation on the ocesn.
What can we do in this case of the Prussian war ? Our war
would be with the German people. Recollect what I told
you, that the Austrian and Prussian Governments are mere
demagogues doing the behests of the German people. They
have an honest sympathy with the inhabitants of Schleswig
and Holstein. They are actuated by, I believe, generous
motives, and I dare say a very large portion of them are
heartily ashamed of the champions who forced themselves
into their service. But what could you do in a war with 40
millions of Germans to carry out your will with reference
to this question ? lam speaking now in answer to the hon.
member opposite (Mr Newdegate). What could you do to
maintain that slice of land in Scleewig for the Danes ? You
would have to fight the whole of the German people in a
frenzy of excitement and thoroughly in earnest, imbued
with convictions the growth of 10 or 12 years' constant
pamphleteering and newspaper writing. You could attack
Austria and dismember her from her outlying provinces
but do you think that the Germans would greatly grieve to
sec the extra-Teutonic limbs of Austria cut away? It would
not affect the German population. The grievance to-
-, wards you would be with the German race. I put it to
_was, both sides of this house, is it not high time that there was
.meat is i some mode by which the Government should know the
(Cheers.) I wish of this house upon this and kindred questions ? Be,
very much cause we do not know to what extent this very war which
ode and the front is now raging may extend. It may be half over Europe, and
eis a question much that is the question which we have to ask ourselves, and
ants
and office, the only point I feel any interest in debating on this occasion,
,t eno part in tkis discussion. because you know I have said for two years past that, whe-
'r
f er power
this the additional question of ther the present noble lord is in office or whether Lord Derby
• foreign Polley We have in this fe, is a matter to which I attach no importance whatever. I
and Germany thee© two issues, which think you (to the Opposition) are very wrong in attempting
so long, brought before Its—the ques- to remove the noble lord, as he does your work better than
s elastic, secret, and irresponsible engage- Lord Tneeby would. (Laughter and cheers.) He throws
our Foreign Office; and we have also the dis to lit on reform. (Hear.) He derides the 220 gentle-
which is not ancient bat new—the question of cur rn,fi who are pledged to vote for the ballot, and, as the
9t this time—l mean the question of nation- gallant officer (Gen. Peel) said yenZerday, he spends more
i mean the instinct which is now so ga
srnunities to seek to live together he-
money, and is far more extravagant, than we should allow
yeutod‘o if yen were in office. Besides all this, if you will
-a race, language, and religion, give hi- • , and if, instead of killing him, as the right
1362 of which we have heard eau. gentlemantime,
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) said
hive basis of these die-
You spar© him the pangs of dissolution, and allow him to
in London, at that die a n ouna death, sPe"king
officially, I am confident
-or a million of that, when
at issue. he intends, hwehehnashedemsiagkneesdhlyirs demoralised his own party,
last -t0 political will, to hand over
o—ce to you a 9 r„idnfiry legatees. (Loud laughter.)
perfectly Now you see I
trtectly understand what our neighbours
the French call the "situation." But I want you, irre-
spective of patty feeling, which has long been dead in
this house, to consider the importance and gravity of these
foreign questions. They will trouble you when you come
into office. Recollect there are only two classes of questions
upon which Governments when in office fall. The cue is
the class of foreign questions, the other that of financial
questions. (Murmurs.) Yon will not find a Government
tall from any other cause. (A voice,—How about reform ?)

HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evenilig,

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat upon the woolsack
at the usual hour. _ _

Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE said he would
postpone putting the queStion with reference to the corre-
spondence published in the Morning Post until next week.