The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-20 00:00:00

SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH zo x--1852.

. -•- •-•.• --s.
interests of these coniatileS as I sin, my Lords, to the inte
rests of this military, which appear to be stagnated by the
uncertainty which new preVallS,hiSte the continuance of free
trade. If.l should, be told, in thetstereotyped phra.te which
I have seen used'in so many Addresses to the- electors of this
country, that it-is a matter of indifference, because you can-
not fight hostiletariffs with free imports, I ahall reply with the
undeniable fact.that this is, by.no means en undisputed axiom.
HoWever-lit tliwa- inay have • met with reciprocity in other
times, this I can say, that there never was a time in the
days of reciprocity when so large a relaxation of hostile
tariffs was made as has been-made during the prevalence of
the principle& of free trade.' If any inconvenience is still
felt, it does-not attach to the establishment of the system of-
free importations without any-guarantee for their reciprocity,
but it has arisen from the uncertainty which has prevailed
on the subject during the last five pr six years, and it is,
owing to the course adopted by the Noble Earl opposite and
his friends Around him, and by certain Hon. Gentlemen in
the other House of Parliament, that this uncertainty has
existed so long. I know that you may tell us,—and justly
and consistently with your views,—that -the fault lie's with
us, because we introduced the system to which you are hos-
tile, and which you consider to be false, impolitic, and abor-
tive, whilst we attribute it to obstinacy on the part of those
who, like you, desire the revival of an obsolete and ex-
ploded system. But, my Lords, it is not merely as to the
trade in corn that this uncertainty is prevalent. It prevails,
and must continue to prevail, among all other articles of
commerce. I was glad to find that the Secretary of
State for the Colonies announced the other day in his
place in the other House of Parliament, that it
was not his intention to proceed with a Bill which he
had introduced there, but before he was apppointed to his
present offioe—l mean a Bill for the suspension of the scale
rßeaatronunetc,sermtaieanstyare,in
otpherisating
by which the sugar duties have been lowered; but, never
Righti Hon. Baronet's postpone-
menttheles so? there
inju-
riously on the colonies, and deranging, of necessity,- all the
views and speculations of our colonial merchants. There is,
indeed, one great interest in the country which I do hope
will now proceed without any interference or uncertainty;
for, although the President . of the Board of Control did
alarm the shipowners greatly by the speech which he made
on the hustings at Stamford, the Noble Earl at the head
of her Majesty 'is Government has, with • great wisdom,
within the walls of; this House, set the question at
rest, by stating prow-
y and explicitly on Monday
last that he adhered to the opinion which he had expressed
when the repeal of the navigation-laws was under discuss
sion, that when that repeal was once carried it must be
—( final and irreversible• Hear, hear.) I will not, my _Lords,
on this .occasion enter into any discussion on the policy dr
impoliey of the cern-laws. I not only retain the opinions
unchanged which I expressed whin the repeal of them was
under !censideeation., but I have had them strongly confirmed
by everything which has occurred since. I wish most sin-
cerely to avoid, in what / am going to say, any observations,
which may create, I. won't say any difference of opinion—
for th whole queatien is :one of difference of opinion—but
any of those feelings which produce irritation and alarm. I
shall snynothing on this subject, except which bears on the
relative position of the Government and the country.' And,
first of, a 11,.. I beg you to remember, my Lords, what has
already ensued since the repeal of the corn-laws some five or
six ye rs ago. t That measure, as you know, broke up a
t enti. power 1 Governm _
_be it :brought -into hostile array what
was, ore an united party; in some instances it turned sin-
cere fri, rids at any rate into ,political enemies; and it has
done v vie than this—it, has -rendered during 'five or six-
years he carping
t
on of a Parliamentary Government A
matter f extreme difficulty in - the hands of any Minister.
I, adve*, my Lords, to this only to urge upon the Noble
Earl at the head of -her Majesty's Government to avail
himself of the great position which he now occupies to,
allow this state of things to exist no longer, and to
run as little risk,as possible of the occurrence of any events
which • may preclude the arrangement of this question,
which Is now easy. My Lords, you do not know, you can-
not tell' in whatetate this country will be in the month of
February
,next, although all is calm now. I deprecate
-the
,continuance of- uncertainty, and I deprecate still
more the struggle which may arise out of it. I know that
the Noble.Eari opposite is anxious to see it closed. I know
his patlriotism so well, that I am sure, however it may be
settled," he will rejoice in being instrumental to the restora-
tion of that tranquillity and repose which will attend that
'settlement- It will be necessary, my Lords, to remove . this
* - rtaintY 1
unce y a settlement of the question one way or the
other before you can 'proceed in a Satisfactory manner to those
social uestions and to those internal reforms which the
..NOble earl at the head of the Government, in the explana-
I
than of is policy, which he gave a few nights ago, declared
it to b hie bumble but useful duty to accomplish. The
Noble: uke here became for some time nearly inaudible,
but we nderetbod him to be calling on the Earl of Derby,
,to look at, the state of the population during the last five or
-,six yeah, When the Noble Earl recollected the magnificent
scene, In which he himself took no inconsiderable part, at
the reception of the Sovereign by thousands upon thousands
of her; subjects_ in , their hives of industry--where
they tere once wont to assemble not ,to greet
their overeign, 'but for purposes less favourably
cOmbined. with the interests of the country—when the
Noble ktrl, be, said, witnessed , that scone of universal
satisfaction and unanimous joy, he must feel how painful
it would be if anything should happen to change all those
happy-and fayonrable appearances. He wished to say no
more 'on this question except so far as the dissolution of
'Parlia ent bore upon it. Thn Noble Duke then continued
----Apar from this important question of the state to which
the pop lation. may be reduced by the continuance of this
suspens „I must -now tell the Noble Earl that there is arising
at pres t out of the declaration which he made in this
Rouse n Monday last a question of considerable importance,
which must and will grow from day to day, and which, if
not settled soon by a change of opinion in the Noble Earl,
will (in my conscience I believe it) be of a dangerous cha-
racter to the best interests of the country. I go the whole
length Cie saying that if the NOble Earl sit the head of the
Government perseveres in his determination that the busi-
ness of he country shall be carried on, and shall attempt to
bring i measures of legislation, and to carry them through
Parliament, while he is, according to his own confession, in
an unddubted minority in one House, and in a doubtful ma •
jority hi the other—
, Lord REDESDALE, as we were told, here 'interrupted
the Noble Duke and said—" He never asserted it."
The Duke of NEWCASTLE—I beg my Noble Friend op-
posite to correct me if I am wrong; but I think that if he
had listened to the speech of his Noble Friend at the head of
the GoVernment he would not have interrupted me. I would
not have ventured to express an opinion upon this point until
it had been tested by a hostile division, had not the Noble
Earl (Derby) manfully confessed on one occasion that he was
in an atiowed minority in the House of Commons, and in a
doubtful majority here. I have, therefore, I think a right to
assume that as a fact, and to use it as such in debate. Well,
then, if the Noble Earl adheres to his intention of bringing
into Pa4liament, where his position is such as I have de-
scribed, "legislative measures of importance, not of pressing
and immediate urgency, I say by that course, which is at
once unconstitutional and unknown in the history of the
country* he will be endangering in a very serious degree in-
deed the principle of representative government in England.
I know,lmy Lords, that both :out of doors and within the
'Walls of Parliament an attempt is made to defend this course
by the Xximple of Mr. Pitt. I am confident that the Noble
Earl hi self has read history too well to see any analogy
between" the , two cases. Mr. Pitt'a case forms no precer
`dent at all. Mr. Pitt's struggle was to pass a Bill in order
that he, as the servant of the Sovereign, might dissolve Par-
liament ; and, without passing that ill, a . dissolution was,
impossible at, the hands of any party—for the Bill in ques-
tion was, the Mutiny Bill. Such, I repeat, was the course of
Mr. Pith; but the-course now proposed to be taken is not to
dissolveiParliament as soon as, those measures of pressing
urgency" are carried, but to introduce, and, if possible, to
carry through Parliament, legislative measures of various
, kinds and ofdifierent degrees of 'urgency
y before a dissolution
is decided Upon; Now,; ,I must say that neither the prece-
dent of Mr. Pitt, which has been adduced by some politi-
cians, nor the, view which the Noble Earl himself took of
his own ppaition at present,, is a sufficient justification for
such a li4e of policy. The Noble Earl said' that he was in a
peculiar i3osition, and that he had been forced into office. I
certainly cannot agree in the truth of that assertion; I
entirely dissent from it; nor can I for a moment avouch it.
It was I answered so well and so fully on a former
night by . a - Noble . Earl near me, that I felt
it unnecessary to touch further on that topic
but, even if it were as the Noble Earl has stated, I say that
there is no justification for his persistence in a system' which
is not frilly recognised by the Constitution. Really the truth
is, that the position of her Majesty's Government at the
present moment is a position of great anomaly. I deny that
the Noble Earl was forced into the Government by anything
whatever; but I most fully admit that he sits upon those
benches by right. Still I repeat once more his position is
an anomaly. What, my Lords, are the circumstances under
which the Noble Earl is sitting there-? He was at the head
of a large party, indeed of the only large party in the
country,eavis that of which-a Noble Lord in the other House
is the acknowledged head. Nothing, therefore, could be more
natural, or more in accordance with constitutional rules, than
for her'Majestylb call on the Noble Earl to form an Admi-
nistration." The Noble Earl has, therefore, no reason to apolo-
' glze for his position; but still I say that, it is, an anomaly.
He is not to blame for it, though he finds himself with an un-
doubted minority inone House and a doubtful majority in
the other.-s(Hear, hear.) : Jut, I maintain, that if he re-
- mains- in-the. disposition which he announced to us on a
'former night, his position will not only be an anomaly, but
also an an unconstitutional position. The Noble Earl, under
-these circumstances, has been-driven to an expedient which
I had great pain to hear of. The Noble Earl, in the speech
-which ,he addressed to -your Lordships in explanation of his
reasons for-taking offi,c.e when, he was in an avowed minority
'in the -House of Commons and in- a doubtful majority here,
threw-himself on-the indulgence-of his friends and the for-
learanee Of = hist opponents. , (The Earl of Derby dissented.)
I pm anxious to be_corrected if I mistook the Noble, Earl's
:expression. I confess that this is a position in Which,
id-my opinion, , the, Minister of a free country take- this
ought not to be "placed ; but it is the natural consequence
'Of 'the Noble Earl'e determination to carry. on measures
of legislation for the country while he is in a minority
.-and it is sun Weal which I believe no Prime ,Minister,
of this country ever made- before, and which—with ,the,
high . respect and admiration that I sincerely feel
lair Ilia manly and chiValric character—l could not have be-
lieved that -the-Noble Earl . wouldhe the, ,first to make.
(near, hear.) But this, Isay, is the consequence of the
,pesition wliieh 'I. haveYalready 'condemned, and in which the
' Nable'Earlshaaplaced himself, and this must continue to be
:the 'coin:sequence so, long as the Noble Earl performs the,
' 'duties Of Prime Minister without the confidenoe of the House
of Commons:'-:ltlOpeare to mee my Lords, that, no legisla- ,
tion. whichls not immediate and urgent should be allowed
at present, if the Noble Earl ' continues to persist in his op-
- position to the polies, of free trade—(Hear, hear)--Land even
a still more stringent measure [if we heard the Noble Duke,
correctly] might-be the only measure to which Parliament
could have recoutse:- [Here the Noble' Earl became in-
- andiblefor some sentences.' --I have once or twice- touched -
on the fact that Pertain measures must be passed before
we .eau have a dissolution of Parlitinient. But what
are they I', - We "ate sitting Phere, if not 'as an- Oppo-
sitibn, -certainly not as the supporters of her Ma-,
- jesty's Government.—(lronical cheers from the ' Earls of
' Maltnesbury and Lonsdale ) The Noble Lords are
"Welcome to'their cheers, but I say distinctly that as long,
as the Government has any reservation of opinion on
the policy of free trade, as long as we have not a declaration
from the Mine Minister that no attempt will be made to
restore thecornslaws, so long shall I be in opposition to the.
Government.-s(Hear, hear.) But the Noble Earl may be
assuredthat he will have no more factious opposition- from
me than the Noble Marquis had who is now sitting near tiler
--(Hear; hear.) I gave to the late Government my supportl
when I conld conscientiously, and I shall do thesame
as ylovg D L
present Government ; but I tell the Noble Earl that
1 as there is this important difference between us on the
lecorn, ase—
laws—.the Noblp Lords may again cheer me i . fthey
Government. When
- so long shall' I he the opponent of his bl_
the No e Earl may ,
that question of difference is set at rest
olicy which he
rely on it' hat if, he shall pursue the same p
under the
pursued veheal was a colleague of his
Imote ready to
Adminis-
tration of Sir R. Peel, he. will find no .ma
l H ar hear.) I was about to say
support iii43' wi1e4'11C411..."- . e- ' ted, that we only re-
:some/an tes ago, when I was interrupted,
for the Govern-
cognize tri-yotes as absolutely necessary;__ ny
i Act and the.
, meat hefOre a dissolution; viz., the Mutiny
should come down to Pae..
i Vote iILetIPPIY:._I; the Noble Earl oh
,e,,. w
„,,-1 -lel ill ieweeisk udi si di, i'ao ,'jti =)-4. 0,.0.

lima*. and, on his responsibility as First Minister of the
Crown, should say that. there was another measure also ne-
cessary—as, for example,' ahe Militia Bill—and should give
-Os an assurance that it was required for the defence of the
country, I think he would find us acquiescing in such a pro-
posal. My Lords,-with regard to the Militia Bill, I look
with alarm at the prospect of mooting a question of such im-
-portaace in if condemned and expiring Parliament. When
Itnow, further, that another most important measure, the
Chancery Relief Bill, is to be presented to this House for ac-
ceptance, and may perhaps pass here, I am inclined to warn
the Noble Earl at the head of the Government and the Noble
and Learned Baron on the Woolsack that they will be en-
dangering that measure if, in the-existing state of feeling in
the other House, they should lay it before them. A measure
of such vast ireportance would not be met in a fair spirit by
a Parliament which.was not led by.. the Gbvernment, and
which had at the moment an interest in its own re-election.
My Lords, I have already denied that there is. any desire on
our part to meet the Noble Earl's Government with a facti-
ous opposition; and I think that the Noble Earl, might have
deduced as much from the manner in which- the votes of
supply have been granted in the other House of Parliament.
But I am not now speaking what my own opinions may be
if the Government should attempt to carry out legislation
for a few months from this time,,; , but I know the power of
the House of Commons, and-I-know that it is in their power
to insist on the point' of supply, and I deprecate and tremble
on the proposal of' such a resource. I see with aleph that
the Noble Earl is likely to bring on a quarrel between him-
self as the Minister of:the. Sovereign and the representatives
of the people—a quarrel which, though it might. be bat a
short one, would be followed in all `probability by, the, most
serious consequences—(Hear, hear)—and all, too, for an
object which, if attainable by the Noble Earl, is of small ap-
parent valae, while the advantages of, our course are palpable
on all 'sides.: The. Noble Earl on -a former night had said
that one great object of his-Government would be to raise.
a barrier against the innovations of clerciodracy, and to main-
tain the prerogatives 'of the
.Crown unimpaired. On both
those point& I go Along with, the Noble -Earl ; but so far is
'the Noble Earl from;7lfrein now raising a new harrier against
democracy that he- is., actually. throwing down the barriers
which : now exist—(Clieeri)—andiegiving encouragement
and faCilities for accomplishing objects which the legislation
of late years. -had disposed the people to abandon.'
.With regard to the prerogafiiea.of the Crown, I repeat that
I, go along,with the; Nobie. -.But think that he will
ratherlenainger thanaresiarre them if he proceeds in' his pre-
sent career. I hopethat :AM.& 'in the othetl'HoUse,lof Par-
liament who differ from tlie,,,X9b4Earl are- prepared.to act
by him a.. 4-1, fvotiM-dn.' I are sure that,if, he would give us
that fair assurance w 1,40.1,4 Alive already described, he would
be met hi, a generous;., and, poaliding spirit. The'qoeStion
would be act at, restrfor ever,,,and he haVe to ask
for eupplies end they vreuld beriekdilY 'granted.' The Noble
Earl bray perhaps object that, t4(g!,,.,44l3,Ponstitutional oh;
jections to'such -an announcement. For my part, I cannot
see them. I have _referred to precedents for such a course,
and I find them numerout 1 have seen it stated in print
that Parliament has ,nothingito do with its.' own existence
-that It ought to attend Ile its own Amsinessand that the
continuance or dissolution of its '-erristence depends on the,
Sovereign; and' ;:on ' the Sovereign, alone. I 'know
that this may be so:,,bat, ,so far as,regards the announce-
ment of an approanhingdissolution.in the Speech from the
Thrond, I know aloe that the Sovereign hag. on Many's:teen.
sions--particularly is 1807, and I.B3l,referred to such an
event, and .has spoken.e.Suinnioning, a new Parliament.
There is nothing_unconstitntional, my Lords, in such a
proceeding. In 1841 Lord John Russell, on being asked by
Sir R. Peel whether he intended to dissolve the Parliament
becayni he had been placed Ama minority, stated most
succinctly and moat correctly that, 'tinder ordinary.eircum-
stances, it would' be linpreper theta ,question should, be put
to a Minister as to- the advice which he intended to give
.to his Sovereign ; but he looked on the circumstances under
which Sir R. Peel,' asked -the question; as circumstances
an extraordiniry. charaeter,..and therefore he readily` gave
an answer to,itiand said that he intended to dissolve. The
Noble Duke here became nearly inaodible in the gallery, and
we heard 'only a Peri more ef:ttk"obserstions. I hope, said
he, that in these obaervationk.l have avowed nothing more
than a diSapproval of the course which the. Noble Earl pro-
poses to take. I assure.thNoble:Earl i e,' hit_i_wished to
avoid all prnvoking---topia&-liiic still- I do feel warmly on
these question& I feel- that,thequeitioa of protection must
be submitted to the' country, and' .settled..without delay;
and I feel stilrmore, strongly thsti the intention of-persever-
ing in elm; 'On ..with a Parliainent in which the Prime
Minister has no majority, is far too dangerous an intention
to allow any one who loves his country and respects its con-
stitution, to see it executed without at least proteatingagainst
it I shall now sit down; concluding with-the ordinary-motion,
that the petition be laid upon the table, and I hope that
the Noble Earl will be able in the performanCe of his duty
to answer the question, which I shall put to him, in such a
manner. as will prevent irritation and ill-blood arising its
Parliament and in the country. I beg to ask the Noble
Lord whether he-is prepared to assure the House that her
Majesty will be advised by her Ministers to dissolve the
present 'and to calla new Parliament as early as the public
service May demand. The Noble Duke then sat down amid
much cheering,- -
The Earl of DERBY then rose and spoke as follows :—I
am far from coniphittint,' my Lords;, either of the speech
which the Noble Duke has just delivered, or of the question
which he has just put:to me,, or of the tone and spirit which
characterised his observations. I think that in the position
in which the Noble Duke stand& It is as 'bitternl that he
should put this questisn thli House, as jt is natural
that the head of the late: clieverriment should put it to my
Right Hon. Friend the, Chaneelloref the... Exchequer in the
other House; as r hivo34k,be,iTd that he has done. I hope
that I shall not be. considered as treating the Noble Mike
with the slightest disrespect, if I refuse to renew on the
present occasion a discussion on the same subject on which
I addressed your Lordships at 'some length on a former
occasion, or if I decline to enter 'into the merits or demerits
of free trade, or into the consequences which result from
it. One remark, however, I must mike; in consequence
of an observation of the • Noble Duke, that from every
country; in; Europe, or at, least from various countries in
Europe, there had been addressed to ray Noble Friend the
Secretary of State for koreingn Affiirs, communications, in-
forming him, Fit the alarms entertained in consequence of the
state of suspense and uncertainty now'prevailing in the mar-
kets of this country.. I thought at the time that I was my-
self conversant with all the dispatches from foreign countries
which my Noble Friend; the-' Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, tali received "since his appointment to office; and,
since I heard the .Noble Duke's remark, I-have been Con-
firmed in my own conviction by my Noble Friend's assurance
that no representations, sueh as the Noble Duke' described,
have reached her Majesty's Government from any quarter.
another
in
which The Noble Duke has also thotight.fit to refer to the language
pe-
tition, and one of my reasons for now addressing your Lord-
which I used
modeonparwiiatihfoesti:zeQrttho.hcelitpiapseirotin,githtioinnas.:•,etgrdthiddetnoot,
speippscaise
othrattilel
impute to those petitioners any 103.0 ranee as to their -own
interests, or to this subject. All that I said was that
my Lords,
the petitioners were,..not -many in number; and that their
interest in land did not appear to be very great ; and
(4ividu4 who

other alternative—tbat of the resignation of the Govern- I
ment.—(Elear, hear.) The Noble Lord who cheers will not
deny that when a Minister fails to obtain the confidence of
the House of Commons he has these two alternatives—resig-
nation of his office, er a dissolution of Parliament. As I pre-
sume, under existing circumstances, a resignation of office is
not that which will be pressed upon us, that which is ex-
pected from the present Government, as upon the former
occasion, is a dissolution. That was what was required of
Sir R. Peel ; and how did he act when having these two
opposite alternatives present to his mind ? In what way
did he deal with them? The language he held was this—
"-I hold there is nothing unconstitutional in the post I fill,
and in the fulfilment of my duty, to persevere in the die-
charge of those duties to which my Sovereign has called me
in defiance of the majority that is against me upon any
abstract question, and in defiance of any declaration on the
part of the House of Commons that I ought to bring for-
ward a particular question, and settle it in a particular
manner. I will pertorm my duty until the House shall by
its vote refuse its sanction to some measure of importance
which I may think:it necessary to submit to their considera-
tion " Such was the doctrine laid down by Sir Behest Peel
in the year 1834, and such is the principle upon which her
Majesty's preent Government are now also prepared to act.
But while saying this I do not deny the inconvenience of
a doubt remaining on the public mind with respect to any
material question of policy to be taken up on the part of
the Government. I admit to the Noble Duke, as fully as he
can desire, that an early settlement of the financial policy
of this country and an early settlement of a still larger
question--namely, who are to be the men, and what are to
be the prlnciples, by whom and upon which the govern-
ment of this country is to be conducted, are matters not of
indifference, but are points an early solution of which I am
as anxious to obtain as the Noble Duke himself. I do not
hold it to be consistent with my duty to offer to your Lord-
ships or to Parliament any specific pledge with regard to
the precise time at which I shall feel it my duty to offer
to her Majesty my humble advice that she should dissolve
the present Parliament. Circumstances may occur which
might, render a dissolution dangerous to the safety and
welfare of the country. But lam ready to go so far
with the Noble Duke as to say—without specifying
precisely what are the distinct measures which I think
imperatively necessary to have passed before a dissolution
of Parliament— that 1 am as anxious as possible, that at the
earliest period, consistent with that which I deem to be for
the welfare and, good of the, country—the country should
have an opportunity of expressing its opinion upon the prin-
ciples upon which and the men by whom the Government of
this conntry shall henceforth be conducted. I will go a step
further, and say that I think the next autumn-ought not to
be allowed to pass over, not only without the country having
had the opportunity of coming to .a decision, but without
Parliament having had the opportunity of pronouncing defi
nitively and finally its opinion and its judgment on the course
of policy that ought to be adopted on the part of the Go
vernment. • I will give no pledge as to time, whether in
April, in .May, or in June, that an appeal shall be made to
the country; but I admit that an appeal ought to be made to
the country before the ordinary time of commencing the next
session of Parliament; and that the great ques-
tion in issue should be decided and
:adjudicated
upon by Parliament at an earlier period, so that the
ordinary and current business of the next session should
not be interfered with by a protracted discussion on
the commercial and financ:al policy of the country.
Further than that lam not prepared to give any assurance.
I feel it inconsistent With my duty as a Minister of the
Crown to say, under all the circumstances, that I shall ad-
vise the Crown to dissolve • Parliament
.at any particular
period; but I repeat, that I desire only to conduct such
business through the present;session as it is necessary for the
good of the country should be passed. I will not specify
what are the measures included in that category, except to
say that I do include am6ng them one of paramount neces-
sity-the organization of the internal defences of the coun-
try. , After I shall have discharged the duty. incumbent
upon nee for the present session I beg to repeat that I shall.
be as anxious as the Noble Duke can be that an early des
cision and judgment of the'cOuntry should betaken. and that
Parliament' should upon that judgment, before the close of
next autumn, pronounce its definitive and final decision.
Lord! !SATE MA N addressed the House from the cross-
bendlies, with his back to the gallery, which made it impos-
sible for us to hear is Lordship. He was understood to ex.
'press his disappointment at the, course pursued by the Noble
Earl at the head of the GoYernment with reference to the
question of protection.
The Earl of WICKLOW said it would perhaps be re-
membered that in 1826 no one was a more anxious supporter
than hipiself of a fixed duty on corn. He had seen no
reason subsequently to alter his opinion. He saw no reason
why a duty for revenue should not be laid upon corn as well
as upon', any other article of commerce. It appeared to him
an absurdity to talk of a tax on the food of the people.
Why, the food of the people was taxed 'in every way ; even
corn itself was taxed. But, notwithstanding the opinions
he urged on a former occasion, still he thought the day was
gone by when any attempt to reimpose a duty on the impor-
tation of corn could succeed. He' did not say that the Noble
Lord might not adopt' other means that would be satisfac-
tory to the country.. Consistently with hit own opinions,
with the grounds on which the Government had been
formed, -wits the wishes of his supporters in the country, the
Noble Earl at the head of the Government might effect a
settlement of the question by that other mode which had
been indicated, namely, a re-adjustment of taxation ; and not
only would the Noble Earl maintain his own consistency by
resorting to such a mode of settlement, but he would give
satisfaction to the country. He (the Earl of Wicklow), for
one, would be moss happy to see the Noble Earl succeed in
that undertaking. Believing the object could be carried out,
he hoped the Noble' Earl would undertake the task; while,
at the same time', he should deprecate 'any proposition for
e,stablistiing:a duty on corn, because he was convinced the im-
position ,of such a duty would be attended with serious in-
convenience to the country.
Lord REDESDALE thought that Parliament generally,
as well as the country, ought to be satisfied with the state-
ment of le Noble Earl, and he trusted that the impatience
manifested for the dissolution' would now pass away.
There were 255 private Bills introduced already into Par-
liament,! and unquestionably it was most important that
those not opposed should be afforded some chance of
passing through this session. • There was, however, very
little chitnee of those Bills which were opposed being passed.
All they could do in respect' to them was to grant the
parties concerned the favour of "hanging them up," as it
was called, and thus placing them in the same state of
advanceraent ,in which they were in the present session.
In regard to the' petitioners whose case was represented by
the Noble Duke that evening, he wished them to consider
the serious impediment that would be raised to the disposal
of privatelausiness, by at once resorting to a dissolution.
Millions lof money were perhaps involved in the passing of
those measures, which would necessarily be locked up until
next session if they were to be postponed until that period.
While the Government avoided interferingiwith any great
public Interest or any great constitutions(' principle, he
thought that they might to be permitted to proceed with the
necessary: business that pressed upon them, and not be
forced ' resort unnecessarily to an early dissolution' of the
'lament. _

_ try
in alluding to one Als. , - -__ 'does ime- appear tO present 7,arliament. When" he interrupted the Noble Duke
have taken any offence 'at my ' *Ords, I' certainly did say in his statement that evening, he did so unquestionably with
that his interest in tend ;WaS,not such, as ,would
would lead him to a view of expressing his opinion that he did not consider the
entertain :an Oveawlielraing. apprehension of the , mischief Government of the Noble Earl was at preseut in a minority
likely to arise from the uncertainty of our policy in respect in the other House. He belieVed that if they were to collect
of the corn laws. I :most frankly admit ' that the body of the individual opinions of the Members there as to whether
petitioners whom the Noble Duke _represents is entitled to they would prefer the Noble Earl, or the Noble Lord who
respect for any opinions which they may entertain. Bat preceded:him in office, at the head of the Administration,
:the Noble Duke himself told us that he received their peti- they would find that the majority Were in favour of the
tion the day after I had
.lipoken on the former
petition. Noble Earl.--(Hear, hear.) He doubted much whether
Its date; too, -is
,previous 'to' that "4"- the last discussion there was; one other individual who would command so large
-which we had in this: Hollse on the 'subject. a I believe a numbet of votes of the Members of the other House in fa-
that the Noble Duke received it .on. the next day, , and your of his taking upon himself the conduct of the Govern-
therefore it is possible that their. anxiety -is 'now miti- ment. sow, in the present position of affairs, that was
gated by the .knowledge-which-they have now acquired of somethito start with.—(Laughter.) What occurred last
the course which the Government is going to pursue. But year? On that occasion the Noble Lord who was then at
my Lords lam also obliged to ,the Noble Duke for one ad- the head ;of the Government resigned because he felt he did
mission he made to me in the course of his speech. The not possess the confidence of the other House. The necessity
uncertainty, of which the. Noble Duke complained was an of the ca e, however, compelled him to return to the head of
,upcertairity which had not existed merely for the last few the Government with no greater accession of strength than
days, bat which, according to the Noble Duke, had affected he had bfore. And be it remembered that he was not in
the course of trade, not for the last
,lew months, but for the a position to appeal to the country, inasmuch as he had no
last. five ;'or ;fig: years, 2. The uncertainty It was said hopes of obtaining an increase of support; but, on the
must continue till the new• Parliament was assembled. contrary,; there was every probability of weakening his
Now, how ..was: it that it •never occurred either to the power still more by such an appeal. Again, before three
Noble Doke himself, or to the head of the late Govern- weeks ofl the present session had gene over, the Noble Lord
ment, to submit the question of that-uncertainty- to -a-new—was agaih obliged to confess that he did not possess the
Parliament? lam inclined to believe that that uncertainty confidence of Parliament. What, then, was the Governor; t
will now:be put an end to, in a new Parliament, by us at suffering from? It was suffering from the weakness of the
an, earlier period than it would have been: terminated .by r late. Government, which weakness was brought about by its
the late Government, in the existing Parliament. I must own measures and by the unnatural position of parties. In
alSo tell the Noblepnire, ahatan the- present circumstances not any .of those parties was there sufficient strength to
of the country, in the present state of the public securities, form a strong Government. He trusted that they would
and. in the present state of the. markets, I cannot trace that pass through this transitory state before long, and that the
alarm which the Noble Duke describes as pervading every two great parties would be restored to that position in which'
portion Of the country. lam not sure,, my, Lords, that I they had formerly stood. He confessed be thought it most
should,have entered ihrtheriateilsi4, atibject'at present than desirable that the present Government should have a fair
was neeeestirjoto remind you of the Come, Which, her Ma- trial, and' to a reasonable extent, before the dissolution ar-
jesty's -Government, had Said on a former occasion that it rived.—(A laugh.) He said that the country ought to have
would adopt had it not been•for certainaceastitutional qaesa some experience of the Noble Earl's Government. It was,
tions whlah the Noble Duke has raised, ikiia
.ig athichl, for however, aid that the Noble Earl had put untried men into
one, hesitate to give myanqualified approbation. ' 'There are office. Why it was 'a matter of necessity with him to do so.
certain opinions entertained by us, and which, I believe are But the question was not whether those men were inexpe-
not shared either
_by the other__ House- of: Parliament rienced, but whether they were incapable.—(Hear, hear.)
or by this. r stated that if the questions on And he must say he thought that the parties opposed
o
which we entertained such opinions were pressed to the Noble Earl were the last that ought to
upon us, we should be in a minority, , and that we complain . on this head, for they had by the
must rest on the forbearanes.of our opponents, as' well as acts occasioned this necessity. He (Lord Reelle_rsdal9
on the indulgence of our friends- .But on such questions as was also of opinion that the Opposition
er
_ouaaot w la
her Majeaty'a Government, is now.prepared to submit to Par- be tried in the present session.--(Laug".l
office. -a
in
liameet, there ',is , no. proof,•that we are is a minority. Ido party in opposition was very different toparty
not, my Lords, pretend to deny the inconvenience of carry 7 , (Hear, bear.) He regretted the conductiaottwtnese late t
fair
rvtebrne-t
Opposition.
ing on the business of the country, bye' 0 90i/40th:flea unable went since they went into
to command' a MajOritY..inAther-House, of Parliament; but, the country should know wfiatera
vac k to the cession of 1834,
•I consider; that in the position in which we are placed we are to the country. If-they looked
rlantdbenwhwatarwneatsl
mean before they went
the Government of that
contending with,conflieting difficulties , and iconveolences,
,when the Noble Earl secedetge.
present. The original cause
cause of 'that secession was
and I.think that the:danger: iii• leailioth the continuance of day, they would see that
the
,the present state of things for a short time than from the going on from that day to
E a,
latent dissolution of the other House of Parliament. It of
a Irish tail.
must be left to the discretioh of Ministers to determine _what then called " -is
the secession was, the. late
of than UTrli.eON' Connell
ble'
day' not to yield too readily
_ ~y to the
Measures ,they would - submit, to Use other ,House, and at the Government
without. Now it was only the other d
what time.: I must noaratell .thEaNeble Duke that lam not Pressure from
lace compact was entered into,and he ay the
thought it
fitting on ithe precedent efackaitaio-the yeaa 1 784—which- Chesham-P _r
i that the country should have s
I fully admit has "tao- analogy with the, present case-but I was only t
he nature of that compact was bef some
experience
draw my defence Of the conduct of her Majesty's Government °f what Ler House preseut tbemselv b ore the Members
from a still more recent example which I think that even
of
illus. It would appear that thes efore their census
Lord the
the Noble Duke will consider deserving of respect. In the n.
hueea aof the Government was forming Radical late
year 18pi Sir R. PNel, wae;ata the, head of a Government
f had promised to introduce a retail dif a party, and
not in command of the confidence of the House, o the wretched one he had y 1 erent Reform Bill to
havingproposed the other day. Now,
Cominoasi He found himself tin , power, after 1 he (Lord' ReneSdal ) i the Deff e•e thought it was most desirable
dissolyeal the Parliament, and appealed. 49.,.e'ii.aof the that the country
Sir R. Peal was placed•in,a allinolityr en ilia' ahsw
upon the Noble Lord's
should have some experience of the
Speech from the-Throneo he was in a minority
Opposition
tactics as well as those of the
on an party represented by
minority up Noble Lords on the cross benches.
choice of the Speaker, and he was also in a
ropriation of the of observation consequence
importapt!resolution with regard to the atp
iPapasing,
i let me of there b • occasioned much laughter in
ttbet
revenues of the Irish Church.. . a tia
13- 4i al reference to what mo being only Lord Strangford and another Peer a
remind yohr Lordships of something .
Ito the circumstance • • •
ment sitting in that part of the House.) He would re-
ite as 'to - joice if the duration of the session were
..
prolonged
to such an
All from- my Noble'Yrieod.OPPae
a, ,si 'xarliariientary majorit the opinions
Of an 'Opposition being ittoagrtra
sibil.'in that position y. extent as to afford an opportunity for eliciting
Sir Robert Peel was-an one ,occit condition of Parliament,
, and of the several parties in the present ,
House the course which that Right and then let everyman appear in his true position before the
heiWould Mate to the .
St to take upon that
thought it occasion, country. There Could be no doubt whatever as to the
Hon. Gentleman d from it
ces which Sowed . The Opposition opinions.ofwho declared themselves to be the
and the Coasequen ion
lion tary majOrity, it was thought p., , enEarl.—(lronical cheers.) No person
helots.' in,a letr°l'g'V' atiCal MOVe tO •Pled by supporters of the Noble
;Pe ge the House of could doubt the conservative policy fNoble
0 the Earl. A
themato be A g
. n- ecifiC' declaration. Th a H (Lord R
Commons ito a p ey therefore pro- Noble Lord' opposite said a Protection. eedes-
the House of Commons should declare subject at any length. He
posed thal
a the particular Question that no dale) would not go into that
Noble Earl
was asdistinct a
settlement
couldsafe or satisfactory then under roust- held that the declaration of the
Noble
duration cw-- a f
.. unless it involved the one as it was possible to make. The Earl said that
epeciik 'proPosition or which they were then contending. he entertained the opinion that it would be advisable
The Goveramsint 'upon that occasion was defeated, and to resort to a moderate protection duty, yet that that ques-
4bortly, after. h
t e OppositiAnagoa ...
'Pi Ini defeated Siaßobert Peel tion • as not of itself of such vital importance as to
succeeded to office. Having done so • w
h measure in the present Parlia-
,no great time elapsedpropose any such
before.'the :nevi Gtoveinment fourid themselves
abandon the vary proposition which the bad coin
de-
meat,
Government~wn The Noble Earl then said he would appeal to
'clatred to be essential to a satisfactorisettlePtneeovito, ly d
lid to the country on that very point, and that he would abide by
dome to a conclusion which from that time to this had not •; the result. The Noble Earl had acted with the most perfect
been disturbed, without •including the sine qua'non theyhad ' candour upon this question, and had formed his Government
before stated to be necessary for any permanent .arrange. • of those persons who were prepared to support that po icy.
ment of the questidn. 'What was the course ur ued by Sir ---(a Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) The Noble Earl
Robert peil• under theie circumstances, in aPPaPrliament of : might have strengthened the Government if he had aban-
,his own choosing, and lo which he was perpetually in • n- done i his policy, but he declined to do so, and said he would
stantl • a co
i to the country for their deliberate decision upon 't
y relining miaority ?
.He old this language I
. appeal 1 .
have been called upon to assume the responsibilit ()icon- He believed that too strict an adherence to the principles of
dusting the public, business of the country. !will not free trade since 1845 had characterised the conduct of those
shrink front that resPOnsibiiitY so long as' believe that I 'can' now in opposition ;and, on the other hand, too strong and
conduct it Satisfactorily, and can carry through such measures rigid an adherence what was called the cause of protecta n
as I believe to be for the public advantage that I should sub- had marked the otherparty
during the same period. The
mit to the pouaidgratieg of ,Par;iainents7 It was not, then, , question as to whether there shall be imposed a few shillings
.., less upon foreign corn was really sot one which could
4, igneatiorr or away', 'tn,. butt ws:4,.guestico..ot :411s - more or
i,.. I? 1 i, ~, , , .q., . , I_ L.'„) , .