The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-09 00:00:00

EMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

'HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening,
The LOUD CHA. CELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at the usual hour.

There was a very largo attendance of ladies present this
evening in the galleries around the house, and the space
before the throne was well filled. All the ministers were
in :their seats, but that usually occupied by the Earl of
Derby on the opposite aide of the house was vacant, owing
to the indisposition of the noble earl.

Just as the Earl of Malmesbury ccmmencod Ms speech
the Prince and Princess cf Wales entered the house. The
Prince took. his [Leen& onaed seat on the cross bench, and the
Princess occupied a place in the gallery on the left of the
throne.

THIRD READINGS.
The following bills were read a third time and passed :
WensuAl Valley Railway—Pembroke and Tenty Railway
—Belfast Improvement—Somerset and Dorset Railway—
London and Blackwell Railwey—Llanelly Railway and
Docks (No. 2)—Tottenham and Hampstead Junction Rail-
way—Aylesbury and Buckingham Railway.
BARBARITIES BY THE PRUSSIANS.
Earl RUSSELL, in reference to a question put to him
the other evening by the Earl of Shaftesbury, relative to
the alleged bayonetting of 400 wounded Swedish volunteers
by the Prussians, said he had received a telegram from her
Majesty's Minister at Copenhagen and another from her
:vas no truth whatever in
cl\olmajmesutyn'iscaAtimonbsaswsaadsotrhaattthßeerreli , and the effect of thoso
the reports circulated.
THE VOTE OF CENSURE—DENMARK. AND
GERMANY.

The Earl of .MALMESBURY moved with reference to
;he Conference, that it is the opinion of this house that
while the course pursued by her Majesty's Government
has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding
the integrity end independence of Denmark, it has lowered
the just influence of this country in the councils of Europe,
and thereby diminished the securities for peace. Ile
regretted the absence of a most distinguished member
of their lordships', house, because by that circumstance it
became his duty to move the resolution new before their
lordships, which he felt certain woutd have been done with
greater effect by his noble friend. He would commence
his observations with taking notice of a circumstance which
had occurred in another place, viz., that it had been stated
that the noble earl (Russel!) had only carried on the
negotiations on the subject of Schleswig-Holstein in con-
currence with the opinions contained in a number of
despatches written by him (Earl blahnesbury) when he had
the honour to hold the seals of the Foreign Office. All he
could say was that if that correspondence was in existence
he thought it nothing but right that Parliament should be
made acquainted with it, and that copies of it should be laid
upon the table of their lordships' house. (Hear, hear,
from the Opposition.) The subject he was about to bring
under the attention of their lordships was one of the greatest
importance, and he had to ask their forbearance while he
addressed them, but he would endeavour to compress his
observations into the narrowest limits. Referring to the
question as to what was the Conservative policy, he said it
was difficult for them to define. what they would
do, when it was impossible to say in what cir-
cumstances they would be placed. He might with
just as much fairness ask another question, and that was,
What would the present Government do if they were in
opposition? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It would be quite
as fair. (L iughter.) He would tell what they would do—
they would endeavour to turn their opponents cut as soca
as possible. (Laughter) He did not say that it would be
wise now to go to war ; but he was prepared to say that there
was a moment when, if the Government had taken a strong
tone and made a strong stand war would have been avoided.
(Hear, hear.) That was not his opinion alone. He had
heard such opinions by Germans, and they, it would at
once be admitted, were competent judges; and he trusted
before he sat down he should be able to prove that such
was the case. He was prepared to show that the Govern-
ment had brought about this state of things by their own
faults. (Hear.) All municipal differences in Schleswig
and Holstein were totally and distinctly marked off from
international questions. With the municipal questions
foreign Governments had nothing to do. It nas with the
international questions that interference should be jus7ified.
That distinction the Government had failed to keep in
view. All through the question the noble earl (Russell)
acted too much as a partizan; he had tailed to keep himself
independent, and thus he had cut the ground from untie:
his feet—(Hear, hear)—all the ground that would have
enabled him to be looked upon as a fit statesman
to arbitrate upon the difference between the parties.
One instance of his conduct was shown on the 29th of
April, 1861, when the noble lord proposed to Denmark a
new constitution for itself in connection with the Duchies.
The next point he touched upon was the statement made
by Lord Palmerston, when he said that if certain events
came to pass Denmark should not stand alone. There was
only one interpretation to be put upon that. It meant that
if Denmark were molested, England would stand at her
side—(hear, hear)—and, of course, defend her. (Hear,
hear.) There could be no other construction put upon
such a declaration. lle believed ho should be asked, what
policy the Opposition were prepared to adopt—but that
question was both monstrous and unfair. The Opposition
had no access to information with regard to the means
which had been at the disposal of the Government tot
carrying on a war, the state of the relations of the country
with other powers, and other matters which were exclu-
sively in the cognisance of Ministers, who were responsible
for the conduct and policy they had pursued. There had
been two courses open to the Government. Whilst the
Danish army was still unbroken they ought either to have
joined with Sweden and assisted in placing 100,000 men on
the Eider, in which case not a German soldier would have
attempted to cross that river—or they might have frankly
warned Denmark that whatever was the result of their
diplomatic efforts they could not give her material aid—but
it was clear that up to a very recent period Ministers
could not make up their minds whether they would assist
Denmark or not, and to that uncertainty and hesitation was
to be attributed the failure of their diplomacy, the do whfal
of their influence, and the undignified position in vetich
they now found themselves. Vigorous action in the' first
instance might have averted the war; but so indecisive
had been the policy of the Government that ;they had
not only not displayed vigour, but had so involved
the country that it could only avoid war by
a tardy and an unworthy retreat. Reviewing
the correspondence of the Foreign Office, and the oral de-
clarations of Lord Palmerston, the noble earl contended
that they had encouraged Denmark with hopes which were
doomed to disappointment, and irritated the German Powers
willa empty threats. He concluded by contrasting the un-
bdin in con-
as n.
as quence been placed.
embarrassed position of France and Russia in reference to
thhoethubnedtilgigneifireend
io
tssitwuiatthtnheinb''wfilhiclhpothlice coyou at
of
the
Cabinet, and
y had
The motion was opposed by the Duke of ..k.EGYLL, who
spoke at considerable length in defence of the Ministerial
policy,

. -
Lord BROUGHAM said that he had attentively studied
the correspondence, and had come to the conclusion that the
Government had not menaced Germany. Ho felt that they
could not have stood silently by and seen the Dance over-
whelmed without remonstrance and protest. At the same
thee it could not be expected that England should take up
their cause single-handed against one •third of continental

Europe.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE agreed with the Earl
of Malmesbury that it was the weakness and vacillation of the
policy pursued by the Government that had brought on the
war, placed this country in its present unpleasant position,
and almost swept Denmark from the map of Europe.
Whilst, however, he was of opinion that the Government
had deplorably mismanaged affairs, he could not concur in
the terms of the motion, which not only did not set forth the
real facts of the case, but pronounced an opinion which the
house ought not to place on its journals, He did not believe
that the influence of England had been lowered. For rbat
influence rested upon her power, and her power was never
greater than at this moment. He moved as an amendment,
to omit the latter proposition in the motion and insert in lieu
thereof the words--" That this house regrets that Denmark
was allowed to expect from the English Gevernment
,m,ate-
rial aid in support of the objects of the treaty of 185-o.
The Earl of CLARENDON had not shared the. respot.
and in this they would have
tibility of the Government during the most active part of
a corresponding spirit by
the negociations, but in his opinion from the outset mini.
sters had exhibited both bresight and appreciation of the
gravity of affairs. They load show2a.a sincere. desire to bring
ts
to rho treaty of 1852. The
saubeocueteadnedahmaidcatbbteeysafuentiltearnuf
the parties more imn2ediste.ly interested, as well as the other
t had all along been a most dif-
ficult one, not only as regarded the intricate questions in
dispute between Denmark and Germany, but in decid-
ing bow to deal with those questions after France and
Rusap, had declared their unconcern and indifference. The
pPooswiteiorsnwefhothweeGreovernMen
course recommended by the proposer of the motion would
have been equally rash and ineffectual. It must have pro-
voked a war with the whole of Germany and in all proba-
bility led to the realisation of the phenomenon; of German
unity. A war between England and Germany would have
extended to Italy and the Danubian Principalities, to
P,land and Turkey. No wise statesman would have in-
sured the responsibility of kindling a European coufbgra •
tion for the sake of Denmark, with France and itusaia not
indifferent, but waiting on the course of events. After
France and Russia had slunk away from their engagements
no impartial Englishmen could blame the Government
because their honest efforts had failed, and that not through
any fault of their own. Much as he loved peace he loved.
honour more, and it he did not believe that peace was con-
sistent with the honour as well as the interest of the country,
he would have been the first to counsel war, nl.h,)ugh be
had far less means of interteting with (-fleet; thall 11,e po,v rrs
who had declined to do so. He insisted that not only had
Ministers warned Denmark that they would not give her
material aid, but they had done their utmost to convince
her that she was labouring under a delusion in supposing
that
people would compel
toe e g
Although English the Government had
them t h sympathies
to
her
rescue. o f
failed in their chief object in the conference, they had re-
duced the question in dispute to one of frontier, in which a
few leagues of territory only was concerned; and they had