The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-21 00:00:00

at war with some country, blockade its porte, and
we might prevent vessels from sailing forth from its
harbours ; but if that nation with whom •x e were
at war is to be at liberty to go to some stant re-
gion—some country friendly to our- h-es—and
there be furnished with these armed ivateers to
cruise about the ocean, I should like to know what
possible protection the great navy of England and
the great expenditure upon which it rests would be
able to give the commerce of this country—(hear,
Naar, and cheers)—and, therefore, the Government
have seen, not only in an international point of
view, the great evil of neutrals furnishieg ships-of-
war to belligerents as a principle, as being contrary
to the general good understanding amongst coun-
tries. Feeling this, and also the still more paramount
consideration that it is vital to the interests of Eng-
land that this fitting-out of vessels in countries not
themselves engaged in the warfare, should be pre-
vented, they have taken a course which the laws of
this country have required from them. They have
endeavoured to the best of their ability to put the
laws of this country in force against those who are
engaged in supplying the so-called Confederate
States of America with these vessels, to cruise
against the commerce of the United States, a nation
with whom at this present moment we are on terms
of friendly alliance. (Cheers.) I do not know
whether any gentleman here has taken the trouble
to read the legal arguments upon this question, but
really I confess for one that I am unable to under-
stand much of what has been said upon the subject.

I am told you may sail a fleet of ships through the
Foreign Enlistment Act. It may be so, but I will
undertake to say that I will sail another fleet of
ships through the construction which any one of the
lawyers has hitherto put upon that act. (Laughter.)
Common sense tells me that the Confederate Go-
vernment are the parties who have, directly or in-
directly, caused these ships to be built in this coun-
try, and that in so doing they entered upon a deli-
berate course of violating and evading the laws of
England. (Hear, hear, and bond cheers.) lam no
lawyer, but that is my construction—(hear, hear)—
and I do not think you can sail a fleet of ships
through that. (Cheers and laughter.) I have
touched upon this question of shipping not so much
for the purpose of calling your attention to the fact,
with which I daresay you are familiar, of the great
increase of our shipping, but to point out that it is
a subject that well deserves the grave consideration
of every commercial community. (Hear, hear.)
With regard to the exportations of the country, it
is a remarkable fact that the exports during the
eleven months of the year which have just ex-
pired—(we have not the tables complete for the
whole eleven months)—show, in point of value,
the largest export on record in this kingdom ;
but I am sure it must occur to every gentleman
present there is a little delusion here. There may
have been an increased value without an increased
quantity, and therefore without a corresponding
employment of the operative classes. (Hear.) I
believe that to be true to some extent, but not en-
tirely true; for there is a considerable increase in
the actual quantities of some articles exported from
this country—the total value of the exports for the
eleven months amounting to 132 millions ; the
largest amount, I believe, on record, for a period of
eleven months, in the history of the country. In
1862 it was £113,000,000 for eleven months. In
1861, £115,000,000, and so forth ; s'iowing that
there has been a very considerable recent increase;
and it is remarkable that although our imports of
raw cotton have been so small, and therefore the
amount of the cotton manufactured correspondingly
diminished, yet the proportion of the value of the
total exports of cotton to the whole was 32 per cent.
in 1863, and only 38 in 1860, before the cotto❑
trade was so seriously impaired ; but there has been
an increasing quantity in some goods, no doubt, par-
ticularly arising from the fact of the substitution of
linen and woollen for cotton. I find that linen
yarns exported have in quantity 21 per cent. and 20
per cent. for the cloven months; of iron and steel,
15 per cent.; of woollen and worsted yarn, 17 per
cent. I merely mention this to show you that,
although it is true in the main, no doubt that the
total declared value of all exports becomes so ler ge
from the greatly-increased price of some particular
goods; yet in some trades there is not only an in-
crease in value in the exports, but also an increase
in the quantity; and I am glad to find a growing
increase in the trade with those countries in
which we might expect improvement. I take
Italy, where it is to be hoped more free
institutions and a more liberal system of
government will give greater scope to com-
merce; and I find an increase in the nine months
of last year compared with the nine months of
1860, of from £3,106,000 to £4,411,000. (Hear,
hear.) We find, in consequence, mainly of the
treaty with France—l will never mention that
treaty without asserting positively that this country
is mainly and almost entirely indebted for it to the
exertions of my hon. friend Mr. Cobden. (Loud
cheers.) It was not ancient and orthodox diplo-
macy that succeeded in breaking the ice in France,
and for the first time we induced the French Go.
vernment to turn a favourable view upon the policy
of free trade. (Hear.) Well, wo have got from 1860
to 1863. During the nine months—(unfortunately
I have not the 12 months' return)—there has been
an increase from X 3,656,000 of exports to ..%573,000.
With Egypt we have a considerable increase. With
the United States we had gone up since 1861, when
the exports had fallen down to £6,802,000 in the
nine months. During the nine months of 1863 the
exports had risen to the amount of £10,492,000,
showing the tendency there is fora great extension
of trade with the United States. Now we have got
something still to look forward to; for you must
bear in mind that we have not got the benefit of the

French treaty. Oa the Ist of October, 18134, there
will take place impor taut reductions of import duties
in the French and Belgian tariffs. I❑ France there
will he a considerable reduction upon iron and other
metals, woollen, jute, tissues, chemicals, earthen-

ware, and paper. In Belgium there will be a re-
duction upon similar articles, and cotton, linen, and
woollen yarns ; therefore whatever increase in trade
we have hitherto had, in consequence of these ex-
cellent commercial arrangements which have been
made by this Government with France and Bel-
gium, we shall, we hope, derive increased benefits
when the future reduction of duties takes effect.

Before I have done with commerical questions, 1
must beg leave to make one or two respectful
observations with reference to the proceedings of a
body of men which have lately taken place in
Manchester, I mean the proceedings of the paper-
makers. I have the greatest possible respect for that
important trade ; I think the men connected with
it are an example of everything that is most respec-
table in the manufacturing classes of England ; and
I should be exceedingly sorry to see any policy per-
sisted in which—unless the claims of justice seem
paramount for taking an opposite course—would
have the effect of depressing the paper manufac-
turers to a state of difficulty. One of the main ob
jects of the repeal of the paper duty—I thought the
question had been finally settled—was to give scope
and freedom to the Press. it was not the only
object, because there were commercial objects of
high importance ; but it was felt that an artificial
enhancement of the price of paper was an obstacle
in the way of the extension of the cheap Press of
this country, and it was felt at the same time that
with such institutions as we have in England—in-
stitutions which we hope to improve—nothing is so
vital fur the mental, moral, and intellectual welfare
of the people as the diffusion of knowledge—pohti-
cal and all other knowledge—by a cheap and a good
Press. (Applause.) That Press is beginning to
develop itself; it is not what it will be. With the
progress of education in this country you will have
a larger Press, growing with the taste for reading
and information that must follow the general spread
of instruction ; but so far as the paper duties are
concerned, I thought, for one, that we never should
have revived that question; but it seems that the
papermakers met in conference in Manchester the
other day, and they passed resolutions to the effect
that they were suffering in the trade, and that the
Legislature was bound to give them relief. I think,
with all respect for these gentlemen, that the day
is passed for the imposition of any protecting
duties to raise the price of any production
native industry. (Applause.) All classes have
been subjected to cempetitien, the farm.,r
•

TITS SCIN, LONDO

the manufacturer, the tradesman ; and the paper-
, maker must fall in with the rest, and by his
enterprise and his exertion each must overcome the
difficulties which he may have to encounter ; and I
am one of those who prognosticate most confiden-
tially that those difficulties will be overcome, and
that the paper manufacture of England will be one
of the greatest and most prosperous industries. Why
do I say this ? I find that our friends the paper-
makers can manage to export a good deal of paper
to foreign countries, and sell that paper in foreign
countries in competition with foreign made paper,
and that an increasing trade. I don't understand
why, if we can export paper and sell it at a profit
in the various markets of the world, we need be
afraid of the competition of foreign paperma kers in
our own market. In 1863 there was imported of
paper for consumption 111,503 cwt., and exported
out of the country 130,000 cwt., so that, in round
numbers, there was 100,000 cwt. of foreign paper,
for printing or writing purposes imported for con-
sumption in the United Kingdon in the 11 months
of 1863. Well, how much was there exported of
British-made printing and writing paper during the
same period P Why, 103,974 cwt., so that the paper-
makers had at any rate the advantage of themselves
selling in foreign countries a large amount of British-
made paper. Weil, then, where does the ruin come
from ? There is a larger amount of paper made in
this country than ever before, and I believe the
whole imports form a very inconsiderable percen-
tage of the paper consumption of British manufac-
ture in the United Kingdom. The value of British
paper of all kinds (except hangings) exported for
the 11 months of 1863 was £511,737 ; in 1862 the
value was £411,776 ; in 1861 the value was
£327,986, showing, under theloperation of free trade
in paper, a gradual increase in the production of
rags in this country for exportation. The importa-

tion of paper has also increased. In 1863 there
was imported 34,746 tons of rags against 18,084
tons in 1862. These facts I should like to have ex-
plained, because it appears to me totally inconsis-
tent with the allegation that trade is depressed and
going to ruin, to find increased production for home
consumption accompanied at the same time with in-
creased production for foreign exportation. (Hear,
hear.) Our worthy chairman alluded to the Ameri-
can war. Ido not know whether I should say a
word upon the subject. Very likely, if I were to
avoid it altogether, and say it was a foreign ques-
tion, and that with it we have nothing to do, I should
be charged with having some reason for the reserve,
and with being unwilling to state frankly the faith
that is in me. (Applause.) Now, when I am before
my constituents I feel as if I um a little bit out of
harness. We meet together as friends, end I just
speak my own opinion ; and very likely I am not
experiencing the proper amount of reserve becoming
an official. But, however, I will avoid saying any-
thing I ought not to say—(laughter and applause)—
because I feel, and I beg you clearly to understand
what I say with regard to these matters are my in-
dividual opinions, consistent with the general prin-
ciples of the Cabinet to which I belong. But in all
governments, as under all circumstances in which
men are placed, there are certain modern diversities.
Some go in one direction rather farther than others ;
but provided there be an agreement in general prin-
ciples, questions of degree are not such as ought to
prevent men from acting together for the benefit of
their country. (Cheers.) With regard to the Ameri-
can question the Government officially is strictly
neutral. Their policy has been to do nothing and to
say nothing, as a Government, that should favour
the views of either of the contending parties. I think
generally that policy of neutrality has been approved
by the country. (Hear, hear.) We have been
urged to recognise the South; to take steps to bring
about the cessation of the blockade, not recently but
formerly; and it is a circumstance which I cannot
pass without observation that the people in this
United Kingdom whose own interests would
appear the most likely to be promoted by putting
an end to the blockade have most desired that our
policy should be guided by justice and good feeling,
with a fair allowance for the enormous difficulties
which the Government of the United States have
had to encounter. (Cheers.) These urgings about
America have not come from the cotton districts. I
suppose it is found out, by this t!me, that the cotton
districts have souls and intellects, and the power of
appreciating what is just and right in our na-
tional policy, and are not prepared to recommend
that this country should take an unworthy course
far promoting the pecuniary interests of the class to
which they belong. (Loud cheering.) lam one of
those who think that at the commencement of this
American war many persons too hastily formed the
opinion that it was impossible the Union could be
restored. The common saying was, in many parts
of the country with which I am acquainted—" There
is one thing certain, that whatever else happens, the
Union cannot be restored." I never came to that
conclusion. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know whether
it will be restored: I can't look into futurity, but I
cannot go the length of seeing so clearly before me
as some, and saying that it is impossible the Union
should be restored. When the Southern leaders
took up arms—for be it remembered they com-
menced this war---(hear, and cheers)—it was a war
of aggression on their part when they took up arms
for the purpose of compelling the Government of
the United States to acquiesce in breaking up the in-
tegrity of the country,—l always felt that the South
had undertaken a task which it would be difficult
to accomplish, Nothing short of something like
such a conquest of the North as would compel
them to lay down their arms in despair was likely
to induce the Government of that country to agree
to separate in tb.o way which was proposed. But
when I was told by the Southern leaders, that
their object in taking up arms was not merely the
enjoyment of their own independence, but the
establishing of a model slave republic which should
perpetuate the institution of slavery, and hold
it up as an institution that should be cherished and
not condemned, I then said to myself, if these men are right,
and are going to succeed in establishing these principles as
foundation stones of a new empire, what have we been about
for years and years in preaching and teaching that slavery
is a curse, and that it is the greatest degradation that can
fall upon a country ? Why have we been endeavouring to
inoculate every country with which we have come in con-
tact with our ideas as to the necessity of abolishing the slave
trade ; and therefore I say slavery also, because if slavery
is right, then the slave trade is not wrong ? Well, if the
Southern States of America are right in endeavouring by
force of arms to establish this model slave republic, then, I
say, we have all been previously in the dark, we have been
poor benighted beings that have lost sight or have not been
aware of the great truth which Mr. Stephens and others
have taught in the Southern States of America—that the
normal condition of the negro, his only proper, natural
condition in the world, is that of slavery. But, as we are
told by this same gentleman, Mr. Stephens, this Govern-
ment of the Confederate Stales, which is about to be estab-
lished, will be the first Government in the history of the
world that has given the lie, as it were, to all the canting
policy which has been supported by England and other
countries against slave institutions. If this bo the state
of affairs, can I, as an Englishman, wish or hope for
success to such a cause? I sympathise with nations
struggling for independence. But that is not the ques-
tion hero. (Hear.) No man has alleged a grievance in the
Southern States, except the growing sentiments of the North
against the institution of slavery. No man has said that in
the South any right has been withheld, or that any wrong
has been without a remedy; and, in fact, Mr. Jefferson
Davis himself has lauded the institutions of the country in
reference to the past ; and has only said in the future he
sees looming that growing sentiment which will endanger
the slave institutions of the South, and which must con-
tinuo to embitter the relations between the North and the
South, if it went on, and that therefore it was better to
separate. Well, I believe myself that one end of this great
civil war in America, that one termination at any rate will
be the abolition of slavery. (Cheers.) My hon. and re-
spected idea, Mr. Bright—(loud cheers)—is often charged
with wanting to introduce American institutions into Eng.
land. 'Well, I say with regard to this American war, the
South rebelled and raised this insurrection because they
foresaw that English institutions, viz., the emancipation of
the slave, was about to bo introduced into their country—
it was the resistance to this policy of ours, to the policy of
England of all other countries in the world, that gave rise
to this great insurrection. (near.) We are told sometimes
that tariff questions had something to do with it. Disabuse
your mind entirely of that idea. I assert, and if there were
time I could prove to you by the clearest demonstration,
that tariff questions had nothing on earth tct do with the
quarrelbetween
frleVe ht3r-a,dteh;e
tsouth o
uwasth
neverne v e
r h
eiunitedupond one opinion upon the question of protective du-
ties. On the contrary, Louisiana was for protecting her
Sou
to f
North t
h e
questionand
h.
sugar, and other Stags of the South were for protecting
their produce. And as for its having anything to do with
the form of government, why, if America had been a mo-
narchy, if it had been au empire like France, when these