The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-28 00:00:00

The same conduct which had been displayed in regard to
Denmark had undoubtedly been pursued towards poor un-
happy Poland. Poland had again had the heel of Russia
placed upon her; she had endeavoured with aspirations of
the most elevated kind to again raise herself to the posi-
tion which she in former times enjoyed; and this country,
which had encouraged her in the course which she had
pursued, had again abandoned her to her fate. The meeting
would naturally turn its attention, and he thought it his
bounden duty to turn his attention also, to financial subjects,
which were now probably about the most important die-
cussed in the House of Commons. A great deal of feeling
had been shown in Essex with respect to the reduction of
the duty upon malt ; and ho wanted to say a few words as
to the course which he had felt it his duty to pursue upon
that question. It would be remembered that the Chancellor
of the Exchequer announced that he had a surplus of about
£2,000.000 to dispose of, and the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer and the house generally were pledged to a reduction
of the duties upon sugar and also upon tea. Well, he (Mr
Miller) had felt that the house should at all events redeem
the pledge which it had given in a former session with re-
spect to the sugar and tea duties. There was also an income
tax of 7d in the pound to be dealt with, and he could only
repeat what he said when he had first the honour of address-
ing a meeting in Colchester, that he had always looked upon
the income tax as a war tax, and he had always argued
that the tax, if not abolished, should at all events bo re •
ducod within very narrow limits. (Cheers.) When he so
expressed himself seven or eight years since, the Conserva-
tives of Colchester were pleased to receive that intimation
with great satisfaction, and he gave something like a pledge
that he would vote for a reduction of the income tax when
an opportunity offered itself. Having received no informa-
tion to the contrary, he supposed last session that they were
anxious for a reduction of the duties upon the articles of
consumption mentioned, and also of the income tax. These
views coincided entirely with his own, and as the matters
which he had named absorbed the whole of the £3,000,000
disposable, he was anxious not to disturb the arrangement
which was about to be carried into effect. With this expla-
nation he would say that no one was more ready than he was
to support the reduction at all events of the malt duty; and
now that the income tax was considerably reduced and the
war duties had been taken off tea and sugar, he thought the
question of the malt duty had a fair claim for attention. He
also thought the reduction of the fire insurance duty should
have been more extensive. The great motion brought into
the house by Mr Disraeli tested the Government on the
subjest of their foreign policy, and also as to their strength
in the house. He listened very attentively to the discussion
on Mr Disraeli's motion, and he could venture to say that;
although a majority of 18 decided in favour of Ministers,
still if men had voted as they spoke and as they felt, Mini-
sters would have been>in a minority of considerably more
than 18. Mr Horseman, Mr Roebuck, Mr B. Osborne, and
several others spoke in language as strong as he ever heard
in the House of Commons, and denounced Ministers very
sharply, but of er they had made their eloquent orations
they wound up by saying they meant to vote for Ministers.
One could not be responsible for men who acted in this ins
consistent manner, but such conduct was only a proof of
that of which he had long been convinced, viz., that while
the Conservatives were a united party, maintaining a policy
and a principle in the house, the Government consisted of
manyparties acting on no fixed principle, and he would ven-
ture to say that if any one party in the Government did act
on any principle and adhere to it against the Government
when their principles were opposed to the Government, the
Government would not exist for a month. An extraordinary
union existed, however, among the Liberals, and he believed
that if it was necessary to vote black white in order to keep
the Government in the vote would be given—(a laugh)—and
this was the reason why Ministers at present kept their posts,
The strongest party in the house, acting in accordance with
its own principles, was the Conservative party, and he be-
lieved the time was not far distant when that party would
not only control the Government, but would be the Govern-
ment, and would maintain in Oat capacity the principles
which they held dear. Alluding. in conclusion, to the gene-
ral election, .1r Miller said it must be gratifying to the club
to know that they were in such a state of readiness that they
wore not afraid to face the enemy. (Cheers.)
Mr PAPILLON, M.P., also responded to the toast, and
after allue'ing to agricultural and local topics expressed his
approval of the repeal of the malt tax, as it would give the
poor man a cheap and good glass of beer, to the tenant a
good home market for his inferior barleys, while it would
also benefit the landlord, as it would increase the value of
his farms. The past session, he must say, he considered rather
barren than otherwise of useful legislation. There was as
usual the annual defeat of Mr Locke King and Mr Beines's
county and borough franchise bills ;She latter occasion gave
that erratic individual the Chancellor of the Exchequer an
opportunity for an escapade; like a young horse he bolted
in the race, astonishing his stable and his backers,more per-
haps than the other side of the house. With reference to
that escapade of Mr Gladstone when ho advocated a large
extension of the franchise, he (Mr Papillon) could not do
better than quote the language of a leading Liberal paper,
the ASlve3ator, which asked how could a gradual extension
of the franchise downwards go on without,drowning entirely
the voice cf the middle and higher classes ? The article
said it was not tho working man which the writer feared,
but ho wished to kaep the House of Commons a representa-
tive of all the various interests and tendencies of the country.
Mr Gladstone himself recently, when starring it in the north
of England, spoke of the excellence of our representative
system as at present constituted—explained bow the excel-
lence of a representative system was measured by the fidelity
with which it represented national opinion, and maintained
that our present House of Commons, constituted as it was, re-
presented as faithfully as possible the opinion of the nation at
large. He thought the past session was remarkable for
two things—the reticence and forbearance to the eleventh
hour of the session of her Majesty's Opposition, and the
complete retirement from the arena of the House of Commons
of the Liberation Society, who, instead of political battles on
the floor of the House of Commons, now seemed likely to
carry on a sort of loose guerilla warfare in vestries, registra-
tion courts, and he supposed also on the hustings. With
regard to foreign affairs there were a number of little wars
which had always been going on, or going off, or coming
on, as the case rnigbt be, during the last eleven months. In
these small wars very great expenses were iccurred, but
very little renown or credit redounded to the British arms.
Wi h regard to the American war, he had always been a
warm supporter of the Confederates. (Hear, hear.) He
attributed the whole position of Denmark to Lord Russell's
not being able to resist the tempting opportunity to snub the
Emperor of the French with reference to the Congress this
year. This caused France not to join us resolutely or cor-
dially in reference to the Danish question. Had it been
otherwise, ho felt certain that before France and England,
cordially and resolutely united, Austria and Prussia would
have recoiled. (Hear, hear.) Oa foreign affairs Mr Papillon
endorsed the views generally expressed by the Conservatives,
and expressed his regret that Lord Russell tendered advice
unnecessarily to other Powers. (Cheers.)

Mr Du CANE, M.P., replied to the toast of "The County
Members," and after touching upon the registration system,
entered upon general politics. He said the policy of Lord
Palmerston'a supporters, so far as he could understand it,
was to insinuate that between the two sides of the house
there was really a complete identity of opinion, but at the
same time to insinuate rather more forcibly that because of
their political principles the Conservative party were utterly
unfit for office, aril unworthy of the confidence of the
country. The question of the fitness or unfitness of the Con-
servative party for office was one which the country would
have to decide, and which might be safely left in the
country's hands. As regards the alleged complete identity
of opinion between the two parties, he had recently pointed
out that they were at issue upon many questions, and
that in matters affecting the Church, the Constitution,
and our foreign policy, their principles were indeed as wide
as the poles asunder. But he confessed it was somewhat
difficult to understand what were the principles and what
was the policy of Lord Palmerston's Government. If, on
the other hand, there was any danger of Conservative at-
tack, then the cry was very different, and was something to
this effect—" Don't let the Tories turn out Lord Palmer-
ston's Government, with Mr Gladstone with his great
universal' principles. Lord Russell and peace at•any-
price, and Mr Milner Gibson, the intimate friend and repres
sentative of the opinions of Messrs Bright and Cobden."
(Loud laughter.) Most of those present might recollect the
inimitable description of a contested election in the immor-
tal " Pickwick"—how the respective candidates, Mr Samuel
Slumpkey and Mr Horatio Fizkin, expressed their views
and policy. (Laughter.) Mr Slumpkey folded his arms and
doggedly determined to do nothing that was wanted--
(laughter)—and Mr Fizkin, on the other hand, expressed
his perfect readiness to do everything that was asked.
Well, when the Conservatives had to bo kept in check, the
policy of Lord Palmerston's Government approached that of
the obstinate Slumpkey. (Laughter.) When the Radicals
had to be cajoled it approached that of the open-hearted
and generous Fizkin. (Great laughter.) What had been
year after year in the House of Commons would doubtless
bo repeated again on the hustings, and there would be Pal-
merston Tories setting up for the counties, and telling the
electors that they supported Lord Palmerston solely on ac-
count of his thorough Toryism, while
there would be Pal-
merston Fizkins—he meant Palmerston Radicals —starting
for boroughs, and solemnly declaring that they supported
Lord Palmerston solely on account of hisßadical connexions.
The Censer vatives would know how to deal with this double
faced species of warfare. They would say in the counties to
the Palmerston Tot les, " It may bo very true, as you tell us,
that Lord P,thoerston Is a Tory, and whatever may have
bum hisyo Lit hful indiscretions-- (laughter)—gen tienten who
lived to the age of SO aro pretty generally fund of having
things as they find them. But still we consider it a safe
and sound maxim that a man is known by the company bo
keeps"— (langhtet)—and that whatever WO may say of Lord
I:strati-sten we fear that he has around him rather a difsi-

gated set of collea;;ues. (Leu3liter,) We begin to watch
tho effects of bad company and irregular habits, which are
undermining a cast-iron Tory constitution, and we think it
better that if a Conservative policy is demanded by the

country, thatConservativs policy should be carried intoeffict
by Conservative statesmen, In the boroughs again the
Conservatives would say to the Palmerston Radicals, " We

are tolerably content with our country and constitution,
and we do not wish to submit to those violent and organic
changes which you so confidently recommend, and we have
no wish to destroy the just influence of the landed interest
in the c:Juncils of the 1.1i4t Lille, and to mako the working