The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

POST.—Although the publication of the corre-
spondence relating to the Dano-German dispute is
not yet completed, the last instalment given to Par-
liament marks the point where negotiations virtu-
ally came to an end and hostilities began. We
have now before us the complete history of the
Etpecial mission to Copenhagen, and are in a posi-
tion to form an opinion of the means adopted by
the British Government to prevent an open rupture
between Denmark and Germany. The opening
despatch of the present series announces the first
interview of Lord Wodehouse with M. Hall, the
Danish Prime Minister; and the last conveys to
the British Government the intelligence that the
Danes have been summoned to evacuate Schleswig
by the German Commander-in-Chief. If war could
have been averted by diplomacy it was during the
six weeks which elapsed between the dates of these
two despatches that the most fitting opportunity
presented itself for attaining that end, and conse-
quently it is from the correspondence contained in
the present series that we must mainly draw our
conclusions as to the soundness of the policy pur-
sued by those Powers which vainly (as the event
proved) endeavoured to prevent the Dano-German
war. When Lord Wodehouse reached Copenhagen,
fresh from an interview with the Prussian Minis-
ter Count von Bismark, he had just received
from Earl Russell a despatch instructing him to
urge the Danish Cabinet to suspend the common
Constitution which had been promulgated on the
18th of November. To this despatch we directed
attention a few days since, and especially noticed
the fact that it was penned after the British Cabinet
had been made awafe that the true cause of the
hostility of the German roeeere to Denmark was
supplied by her " democratic institutions." Lord
Wodehouse lost no time in putting himselfin com-
munication with the representative;
of Fanceßussia, and Sweden, with the view of obtaining
r ,
their assent to the proposals which, at the sugges-
tion of England, were to be made to the Danish
Cabinet, and in a despatch dated December 19 he
informed the Foreign Secretary of the result of these
preliminary negotiations. From this communica-
tion it appears that the French, Russian, and Swe-
dish Envoys were taken by surprise by our Ambas-
sador's announcement that he was instructed to press
upon the Danish Government the revocation of the
Constitution of November, and candidly admitted
that they were without instructions upon that point.
They agreed, however, to telegraph to their respec-
tive Governments for instructions; the S wedish En-
voy not concealing from Lord Wodehouse his inten-
tion to recommend his Government not to accede to
the English proposal. Ultimately General Fleury,
the French Ambassador, received a reply from
Paris authorising him " to urge the revocation of
the Constitution," but also, as it would appear,
directing him to act independently of his colleagues,
" The general," writes Lord Wodehouse, " told me
that he should speak to the King and 111. Hell in
this sense before his departure for Berlin which he
has fixed for to-morrow." M. d'Ewers, the Russian
Ambassador, however, received orders from his
Government to act in concert with Lord Wodehouse,
and accordingly on the following day, December 20,
the English and Russian Envoys had an interview
with M.Hall, when they verbally communicated to
him the wishes of their respective Governments.
The scheme propounded in Earl Russells letter of
instructions of the joint co-operation of the four
Powers, or the embodiment of their requests in an
identic note, was consequently not realised. In a
despatch dated December 21 Lord Wodehouse in-
forms his Government of what passed at this inter-
vie w ; and it is the most important of the series,
as it marks the total failure of the English ne-
gotiations. Lord Wodehouse met M. Hall on
that occasion prepared to urge the Danish
Government to modify their entire political
system, and authorised, if need be, to enforce
compliance with his demands by assurances that,
in the event of refusal, "Denmark would be left
to encounter Germany on her own responsi-
bility." Notwithstanding, however, the apparently
overwhelming influence which the English and
Russian representatives brought to bear on the
Danish Minister, Lord Wodehouse is compelled to
confess that " M. Hall gave us very little reason to
hope that our advice would be listened to." Nor is
this result to be wondered at, The English Envoy
who acted as spokesman, although in a position to
say what England would not do in case the Danish
Government refused to revoke the obnoxious Con-
stitution, had no authority to promise them any
material assistance in the event of their compliance,
and of such compliance failing to satisfy the Ger-
man Powers. When the Danish Minister, waiving
the consideration of whether the Constitution of
November was a violation of the Danish engage-
ments towards Germany, asked " Cui bono, if we
withdraw it?" the English Ambassador was obliged
to evade the question by asking another. "He had
asked me," wrote Lord Wodehouse, "what Denmark
was to gain if the Constitution was revoked, but the
question was rather what she woukl lose if it was
not revoked ;" and then followed the threat, re-
peated at second hand, from 'NI. von Bismark, that,
if the Constitution was not repealed before the Ist
of January, Austria and Prussia would repudiate
the Treaty of 1852. 111. Hall thereupon pointed out
that however willing the Danish Government
might be to follow the counsels given by the
neutral Powers, it would be practically impos-
sible to revoke the Constitution within the pre
scribed time, to which Lord Wodehouse, with a
lamentable ignorance of the policy of the German
Powers, replied that he " felt confident that her
Majesty's Government would urge upon Prussia and
Austria to extend the term they had named, and it
could hardly be supposed that so reasonable a re-
quest would be refused." The Danish Minister,
however, with a more thorough acquaintance with
the real designs of Germany, thought otherwise,
and declined to adopt the English proposals. The
dangers attendant on their refusal were, as he ad-
mitted, great ; but those which might fellow on
their acceptance were in his opinion still greeter.
"At present," said he, " the King and his people
are united, and this cordial union of the King with
his people is a tower of strength. But if the Consti-
tution were revoked, this great advantage would be
lost." How just were his conclusions was subse-
quently proved when, his Cabinet having been dis-
solved, his successors, having adopted the English
proposals, convened the Rigsraad with the view of
revoking the Constitution, but, nevertheless, failed
to arrest the advance of the German armies, or to
enlist more than the barren sympathies of Eng-
land. The most that can he said for our fruitless
negotiations is, that, however framed, they could
not have been successful. Austria and Prussia had
finally determined on invading Schleswig before
Lord Wodehouse left England, and nothing that he
could have said, or the Danish Government have
done, would have averted the catastrophe. This
was fully foreseen by our Minister at Berlin, who,
on the day after Lord Wodehouse's departure from
that capital for Copenhagen, wrote to Lord Russell
that, in consequence of the German Cabinets having
refused to specify their demands, a successful issue
to his mission could not be anticipated. "Is it pro-
bable," wrote Sir A. Buchanan on the 14th Decem-
ber, "that Lord Wodehouse will find the Danish
Government willing to abandon one line of policy
with respect to the organisation of the monarchy,
which, in the event of war, has solid advantages to
offer to Denmark, before he can give them any idea
of the manner in which Germany will expect them
to carry out another system ?" There was, we re-
peat, at no time any reasonable hope that diplomacy
" pure and simple" would have secured Denmark
from aggression ; and, such being the case, it is a
matter for regret that the British Government should
have thought proper to employ it, However good
our intentions were, there can be no doubt that our
interference has prejudiced instead of benefiting
Denmark.

HERALD.—" The loss of a month," says a New
York paper, " is equivalent to the loss of a battle."
The months of the spring of 1864 are already in full
movement towards the summer, in which, if the last
prophecy is worth anything, the world without is
to witness the triumph, too long delayed, of the
armies of subjugation, and to put on mourning, if it
pleases, for a brave people. And yet the prospects
of success of the opposing forces .seem to an outsider
to be marvellously equal, so much so that we still
feel confident in the ultimate triumph of those who
are inspired by a higher aim and sustained by a
nobler feeling than the lust of conquest. It has
come to be a battle of mercenaries against patriots,
of men fighting for they know not what, for they
care not what, against men who are maintaining
what to them is more precious than life. So that
if on mere strategical grounds wo are disposed to
say that the Federal generals occupied as good
or even a better position than their adversaries,
we should find that those adversaries had so
greatly the advantage in the hopes that animate
them, the confidence that inspires men who have
faith in their cause, that it would be impossible
to deny that the chances of success were in their
favour. As we have always believed that even
if the Federals were to succeed in their attempts
against all the fortified places of the Southern Con-
federacy, were to plant their fl ig in every town
between Maryland and the frontier of Mexico, they
would yet find it impossible to hold the country
against the wishes of the inhabitants, and so be as
far off as ever from the goal of their ambition, it is
natural that we should feel more confident still of
the success of the cause of independence when we
find its champions contesting a large portion of their
territory with such success against a foe overwhelm-
ing in numbers and in the resources whim' are the
sinews of war. The attitude of the great arrniet4
confronting one another in the North and in the
West, is still an attitude of mutual defiance and

mutual expectancy. Each seems waiting for some
forward move of its adversary, of which it may take
advantage. Each seems to be saving to its enemy,
like the polite Frenchman to the English troops a,!
Fontenoy—" Gentlemen of the Guard, fire first !'
There is Gen. Lee, still confronting Gen. Meade in
Virginia. The latter, contrary to expectation, is to be
continued in his command throughout the coming
compaign. Disgusted with the ill euccees of his last
ill-advised advance across the Rapidan, Meade does
not seem to have any distinct idea of attacking Rich-
mond. The second American Fabius seems content
to emulate the noble example of his predecessor,
and to cover Washington to the best of his ability.
As the general feeling in the South is strongly in
favour of transferring the war, if possible, to the
enemy's soil, we shall not be surprised if the Con-
federate commander, now that the roads are hard
and the fine weather is setting in, should find that
the spring is seasonable for an advance of his artil-
lery once more towards the Potomac. The soil of
Maryland and the Pennsylvanian border is now
familiar enough to Southern strategists, and the
next time they enter upon it they will not fail to
turn their past experience to good account. The
Confederate troops are more eager than ever for the
fight ; they are burning to avenge the reverses of
the year that is past. The ardour with which whole
brigades of discharged soldiers have re-enlisted into
the ranks has deserved the eloquent thanks of Pre-
sident Davis, who addresses his troops like a
general on the eve of some great victory, fore-
shadowed by the hopes of a patriot leader and to
be realised by the stalwart arms of patriot soldiers.
Then, turning to the armies on the Tennessee and
Georgian frontier, we find them, too, confronting
one another, and the balance of confidence in
clining to the Confederate side. So far from
having retired from Dalton, General Johnson has
advanced his pickets to Ringold, a position much
nearer to Chattanooga, and threatening the flank
of General Grant's army. An advance northwards,
few miles only from Ringold, would sever the
-;cations of Grant with the beleagured army
commute._
'll threatened by Longstreet. It is
at Knoxville a,
retired across the French
said that Longstreet
n reliable information
Broad River, bat we have u_
'he south-west,
of his recent movements. Var to _
Federal
and across the State of Misdesippf,
General Sherman has been executing an
nary and, to us, inexplicable movement. Ile bINA.
marched across the state from west to east, frotr4
Vicksburg, through Jackson, to Meridian, close tei
the Alabama frontier and the line of the Ohio and
Mobile Railroad. Crossing first the Big Black
River, then the Pearl River, he finds himself close
to the waters of the Tombigbee, which fall into
the Bay of Mobile. But the defenders of Mobile
were not to be caught napping. Bishop Polk,
one of the bravest and most skilful of the Con-
federate leaders, covers Mobile with his army. It
appears that Sherman managed to interpese hiss
force between the warlike ecclesiastic and Mont-
gomery, the capital of Alabama, with which it
was necessary that he should maintain his com-
munications. On the 13th February there was
a severe engagement between the Federal
and Confederate armies at Enterprise, a place newt'
the frontier of Alabama, and on the line of the Mo'
bile and Ohio Railroad. The result, says the tele-
gram, is unknown. No news, in such a case, is the
reverse of good news for the North. If Sherman
should have met with a repulse his immense dis-
tance from his base of operations at Vicksburg,
more than 150 miles of an enemy's country, would
seem to place his army in the most imminent dan-
ger of being either destroyed or captured. A strong
force of cavalry under Grierson was charged with
the duty of protecting this road, but even this auxi-
lary has not passed unchallenged. We hear of a
cavalry encounter between Jackson and Meriden,
in which either Wheeler or Forrest must have been
engaged on the Confederate side. The advantage
was claimed for the Federals, but the fact that his
communications are thus threatened alai in danger
of being cut off does not serve to present the pros-
pects of tne audacious Sherman in a very promising
light, It is tolerably clear that he will never reach
Mobile. He has displayed more boldness than judg-
ment in this attempt of his to penetrate what he
supposed to be a vulnerable point of the South. lie
will probably fail to establish himself on the eastern
frontier of Mississippi, and the only question ig
whether he will be able to retire with safety
from the net into which he has plunged with such
apparent disregard of conseouenees. The last letter
of our correspondent at Richmond gives us a hope-
ful view of the state of things at the Confederate
capital. It is a new thing in the history of this
young nation, it may be taken as s cheering sign
of their future, that they seem in this fourth year of
their war of liberation to have given up without it
murmer the idea of foreign aid, and to be content to
fight out their battle alone against all odds. Never
were they more hopeful, never more determined
than now. The language of the President, the preses
of private citizens, breathes the same unanimous
spirit of calm resolution. When the hard fight is
over, and the battle woe, it will be a pleasing thing
to them all, it will be the proudest thought that
ever shaped the character and guided the destinies
of a nation, that while other states looked on with
Indifference or disapproval, while the outside world
folded its arms and left the Southern Confederacy
to vindicate its rights by the strength of its own
right arm, the Confederacy, accepting the issue, and
looking neither this way nor that way, but only
forward at the foe, went on from victory to victory
in the strength of the God of battles, who defends
the weak, till at last its independence was secured,
and its triumph confessed.