The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-27 00:00:00

TRE SUN, LOND" SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER, 27, 186,1

delivery of Anglo-Australian shares, independent of the
settlement, will take place on Monday, and from the
numerous applications a considerable rise is anticipated
in price ; this is not so much expected from the present
prospects of the company, but from the circumstance of
the great arrivals of gold, and the benefit of an asso-
ciated principle. The transactions on the Stock Ex-
change will be found in the usual place. The non-
official quotations are—Anglo-Australian, 1 to a prem. ;
Veraguas, to 1 prem. English and Australian Copper
Smelting shares have likewise experienced a rise this
week. It, is the intention of the company, in addition to
their legitimate business, to commence buying gold, from
which they anticipate profitable results.
Shares in L'Aigle d'Or Mining Company (Vr-
ginia) have already-obtained a premium of from 1 to 1.
Business in miscellaneous shares is more active than
for many months past. Shares of the Austrian Agri-
cultural Compaiiy were done yesterday at 100, being a
rise of some 30 per cent. ; prices marked in the official list,
however, were only 76 and 75. This advance is
owing to its being understood that gold in considerable
quantities exists on the estates of this company. Bank
of Australasia shares ha.vel been dealt in it 'at
711 ; Bank of British North America, 60 ;
English, Scottish and Australian Bank, 41 ; London
Chartered Bank of Australia, 4 ; Provincial Bank of
Irelond, 471 ; Royal Australian Banking and Gold Im-
porting, 1 ; Union Bank of Australia, 62 ; ditto New,
71 •, Australian Royal Mail Steam, 34 ; Crystal
Palace, 41 ; Crystal Palace of France (just introduced
into the Official List), 21, with 2/. paid ; Electric Tele-
-1 1 ; General Steam Navigation,
graph of Ireland, 1
29 ; General Screw Steam Shipping Company's shares
again higher, 58 60 581 60 ; Peninsular and Oriental
Steam, 90 ; Netherlands Land Enclosure, 21. Shares
of the Bordeaux and Cette Railway closed 5t to pm.;
Antwerp and Rotterdam Railway, Ito 1 54
pm. Beziers
and Graissessac Railway, 11 to 1 pm.; Western
Railway of Switzerland, 1 to 1 prem. ; French South-
Eastern Railway, to 1 1 prem. ; Royal Swedish Rail-
way, 1 to 1 prem. ; Danish Zealand Railway, 11 to 11
prem. ; Lake Constance and Basle Railway, par to
prem. ; Orleans and Epernay Railway, 1 to 1 prem. ;
Lucca and Pistoja Railway, to 1 prem. ; Staines and
Wokingham Railway, 1 to 1 prem. ; Wimbledon and
Croydon Railway, 2 to 21 prem. •, Ebro Canal (the
statutes of which have been formally approved by the
Queen of Spain), 11 to 2 prem. ; Magdalena Steam, 1 to
prem. ; National Patent Steam Fuel Company, 1 prem.

gentleman commenced by saying, that he was to give an
account of the conduct of his party in respect of the
question of free trade, since the passing of‘the act of
1846, and that such account should be distinguished for
faithfulness and accuracy ; but so full of inaccuracies
was that statement that he confessed he felt not only
surprised but at the same time grieved. (Hear.) There
were many gentlemen sitting on the opposite benches
with whom he had long been connected in political
matters, and although now no longer connected with
them in that respect, but knowing their respectability,
it was not without pain that he heard statements
made, and a course of action pointed out, which laid
these gentlemen open to be convicted of misrepre-
sentation of the deepest die. (Hear, hear.) They
knew what had taken place between 1846 and 1852 in
respect of this question. (Hear, hear.) Had there been
no agitation throughout the country ? (Hear.) Were
there not protection societies established everywhere for
the avowed purpose ?of abolishing the free-trade system
(cheers)—and still in full operation ? (Hear, hear.)
As to the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, he ac-
quitted him of any misrepresentation in the matter, for
he confessed that he never believed anything that lie
pretended he believed on this subject. (Laughter) All
that time his mode of action was, to make it appear that
hebelieved what he did not believe. (Renewed laughter.)
But, as to the others, he must say that he felt pained
for them. The noble marquis, the member for Leices-
tershire, a man of honour,—unfortunate, he must say,
in his principles, but still honest and honourable in the
maintenance of them—(hear, hear)—he still manfully
stated that he was a Protectionist, and that he would
maintain his principles by every honourable means in
his power. (Hear, hear.) In the country the farmers
had been told that they were to libe relieved, and that
protection would be restored to them. But what would
be their feelings when they heard what was taking place
up here I (Hear, hear.) The noble marquis, however,
repudiated this charge, and he commended him for
his candour, He was at one time one of the leaders of
the party, and knew something about their actions, as
well as did the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; for there
was a time when the leadership of the party was put in
commission, and it was for a time managed by a trio,
namely, the noble marquis, the right hon. gentleman the
member for Stamford (Mr. Herries), and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer. But now let him for a moment re-
vert to the time the party was formed, and see what was
the excuse set up for its formation. Now,. several gen-
tlemen had read extracts containing the former opinions
of those who now formed the Government and some of
their supporters. Now he wished in any extract he
might read—and they should be few—he wished it un-
derstood that he was not going to taunt any one for
changing his opinion ; he felt all along that those who
held Protectionist opinions must, before a long time had
passed, even give up their dogmas ; for, from the com-
mencement of their operations, he was of opinion that
protection was a great bubble which only required
to be kicked out to burst. (Hear, hear.) But now,
when the history of a party was to be ascertained,
perhaps the principles on which it was originally
founded were the most conclusive as to the ends
and objects of the party, for while men might
change they would remain. Now, he found those
principles laid down on the occasion of a de-
monstration got up in favour of the late Lord George
Bentinck at Lynn, soon after the passing of the act of
1846. In a speech delivered by the noble lord on that
occasion, he found a statement to the effect that the
great end of the party then forming was in the first
place to restore protection, but failing that to endeavour
to pass measures for the purpose of relieving agriculture
from the burdens it bore ; and the noble lord went on to
say, "As you, the farmers of England, must do your
own work, you must not trust to your landlords," a
warning which, from the conduct of those now in office,
would seem to have been well timed, and one which
the farmers of England will now perhaps recollect. The
noble lord was followed by others on that occasion, who
reiterated the same sentiments. Among these was the
present Chancellor of the Exchequer, who asked where
was now the great agricultural interest. Let them
come out in their defence, for he could not believe that
this nation—and by the nation he meant all classes
of the community—would submit to be governed by
words, whilst their rights and interests might be de-
generated into a mere distinction between hoens
and poens. (Laughter.) If, however, it was not the
policy of the party in this house to disturb the policy
of 1846, in the other house it was the avowed object
of the leaders of the party there, and such was held by
Lord Derby up to 1851. He did not, however, as he
had stated, refer to those matters for the purpose of
taunting honourable gentlemen opposite. He confessed
he was himself in no position to do so. He had passed
through the ordeal himself, and he had to do so because
circumstances had altered his convictions, and holding
at the time a station of responsibility he considered it
would be wrong in him to hold those convictions and
not act upon them. (Cheers.) But since 1846, the
Protectionist party had proposed a fixed duty on corn.
The honourable member for Stamford did so in that
house, and the Chaneellor of the Exchequer supported
him. True, it might be that they did not divide the
house upon the question, and for that there might be
reasons. A division, however, might be taken, but,
perhaps, some friend hinting to the right honourable
gentleman that there was but a thin house—that there
were scarcely any members in the smoking-room, he did
not know whether there were any in the library or not—
(laughter)—he might have seen the propriety of letting the
motion drop off the paper as quietly as possible. (Hear.)
But what of that ? Mr. O'Connell carried on the agita-
tion for the repeal of the union after bring forward
motions in that house for the repeal ofb it ; but no
one ever heard him say that he was carrying on that
agitation to maintain the act of 1840. (Hear, hear.)
Well then, it was said this question must go to the
constituencies, and the Government gave out that as
they decided so would they. The appeal was made, and
answered unmistakeably in .favour of free trade. Then
came the Speech from the Throne, where it was to be
hoped an avowal would be made that it was the inten-
tion of the Government to maintain and extend that
system of free trade. But no such avowal was made,
There was a paragraph, it was true, in reference to the
subject, but it was simply in effect : "if you feel some-
thing which you don't, perhaps you will do something
which you won't. (Laughter.) Now that could not
have been satisfactory to the house or to the country.
(Hear, hear.) And ;he con fessed he was 'much disap-
pointed with the statement. If there had been any
technical difficulty in putting words into her Majesty's
mouth which would have had the effect of satisfying
the house on the subject, 1 ;here could have been, cer-
tainly, no difficulty in putt ing them into the address.
But that not being done, what course was the house
to adopt ? They could not test who were Protec-
tionists and who were not, without a vote of the
house, and, therefore, the r esolution of the honourable
member for Wolverhamptc m was now submitted. A
counter one was put by the Government, and therefore
they stood equal, but he mu Ist say that the discussion of
them had not impressed hin t with much love for abstract
resolutions. (Hear, hear.) He considered the amend-
ment of the Government was bad, for by the very terms
of it, it should have been put before Parliament was dis-
solved, and he must say that in dissolving Parliament
and going to the constituencies to get their opinion as to
a system of established legislation, was to him a new
principle, and one which he was afraid, if often had re-
course to, would operate prejudicially, and was there-
fore calculated to give alarm. He therefore preferred
the words of the hon. member for Wolverhampton. Se,
far as those words, which had been the subject of so
much debate, the words " wise, just, and beneficial "
were concerned, it was impossible he could refuse to give
his assent to the fact that the measure of 1846 was "wise
just, and beneficial." (Cheers.) He apprehended that
Government would hardly declare, as they did by the re-
solution of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, that
they would extend the system if it was otherwise than a
wise; just, and beneficial one. (Hear, hear.) He did not,
however, think that it was politic to put these words
into a resolution, the object of which was to gain the
support of as large a portion of the house as pos-
sible, as he confessed he thought the words had a ten-
dency to hurt the feelings of honourable gentlemen oppo-
site. He confessed that he considered generosity the
best policy, and more particularly when regulated ac-
cording to the strict rule. The whole history of this
country was full of instances in which parties had found
reason to change their opinions. It had been said that
they were influenced by a species of propagandism; and
all that was true ; and he confessed that he should be
glad to see that every party who saw reason to change
his former opinions, should be at liberty to do so, with-
out being subject to humiliation in the opinions of those
who differed from him. (Hear, hear). He recollected
an exceptional case wherein religious missionaries of all
denominations had made proselytes, with the exception
of the Jews, and in explanation of that exception, it was
said by a party, that such was not to be wondered at,
for who would like to commence his religious conversion
with a surgical operation. (Much laughter.) He felt
that he would not be right if he were to blame gentle-
men that came to his opinion, and state to them that
they must commence their penance for change of opinion,
in "white sheets," In his opinion, the resolution of the
noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston),
was not so strong now as it was at the commencement. It
stated, " That it is the opinion of this house that the
policy, firmly maintained and prudently extended, will,
without inflicting injury on any important interest, best.
enable the industry of the country to bear its burdens,.
and will thereby most surely promote the welfare andl
contentment of the people. That this house will 13'3
ready to take into consideration any measures, consirt-
tent with these principles, which, in pursuance of her
Majesty's gracious speech and recommendation, may he
laid before it." He (Mr. S. Herbert), said with
regard to the repeal of the corn laws, that it was in the
first instance an act of justice ' • but he would now- ex-
press the opinion that he first formed that if anyy one
class in the country were to receive more than they
were duly entitled to, it could not be done without in-
justice to other interests. He said that of the class
to which he himself belonged—the landed interest. He
must say, that he objected to anything that could
have the effect of tending to bind the country to any
course that had a tendency to enhance prices, to the
prejudice of other interests, whether for fiscal pur-
poses or otherwise. The resolution, to his mind, em-
braced the whole question, and applied to all articles
that had been cheapened. (Hear, hear.) Some com-
memoration of Sir Robert Peel was necessary, and he
might say of him, that his fame stood on a pedestal
which no revolution could disturb. (Hear, hear.) He
admired Sir Robert Peel, and had followed him as a
political guide, and loved the man, believing that he
was actuated by just principles. (Hear, hear.) He sat
behind him when the vilest language was addressed to
him—(hear)--and when he was accused of the meanest
o. crimes. But Sir Robert Peel was a man of a generous
nature, whose memory deserves to be revered, anei
whose course was worthy of the highest vindication.
Hear, hear.) His memory was embalmed in the opinion

sett,
throe

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—YESTERDAT.
(Continued from our Third Edition of last night.)
OUR COMMERCIAL POLICY.—THE AD-
JOURNED DEBATE.
On the motion for resuming the adjourned debate,
Mr. M. GIBSON said he wished to say a few words
on the subject of the resolution proposed by his honour-
able friend the member for Wolverhampton. He repu-
diated the notion that the original resolution was in-
tended as a vote of want of confidence in the Govern-
ment, and insisted that its object was to perpetuate the
principles of free trade. He, therefore, found fault
with those who had ventured to character-
ise it as a vote of want of confidence. No
one, it would seem, could dispute the affirmation of
the resolution that the law of 1846 was a just
and wise measure, and he was at a loss to un-
derstand how any one could object to it, or take
exception to it on the ground that he had already stated.
But he took exception to the views of those who
affirmed of the principles propounded in 1846, simply
because free trade had produced cheapness of provisions.
He could not consent to that mode of dealing with the
question. Such a mode of argument would justify
confiscation, for confiscation might, under some
circumstances, produce momentary prosperity, but
he must contend that, looked at from every point of
view, free trade had been just and righteous, and he
could not possibly bring himself to the amendment of
the noble lord the member for Tiverton. It would seem,
however, that the object of the noble lord was to save the
feelings of hon. members who supported the Govern-
ment, but he for one was at a loss to understand
how the Protectionists could agree to the amendments,
and yet not accept the original resolution. The amend-
ment called upon Protectionists to affirm not that the
free trade policy of 1846 was wise and just, but that
under all the circumstances it had been sound and
politic, and for the life of him he could not see why the
one, as well as the other should not be equally accept-
able to honourable gentlemen. Well, then how were
they to choose between the two ? Why in this way
—they were both pretty similar in spirit, though not in
detail, but the one proposed by the hon. and learned
member for Wolverhampton, would be more acceptable
to the country than that of the noble lord the member
for Tiverton. They would not do their duty to the
memory of Sir R. Peel if from any mistaken morbid
sentimentality, they refused on this solemn occasion to
record that the measure which he advocated was not a
wrong, nor a great public mischief, but was founded on
the eternal principles of justice. This was after all a great
question, and it was absurd to agree to the proposal of
the noble lord, for the purpose of showing a general
unanimity which it was well known did not in fact exist.
They wanted to shew the world that the policy of free
trade was not based on low considerations, but
on the principles of civil right and justice. If the
house shrunk from declaring that the policy was
wise and just, the people would be induced to be-
lieve that the House of Commons was somewhat rotten.
After all, the House of Commons long laboured under
the influence of the landed interest, on the question of
protection. If there was an appearance of rottenness
now in the house, they might depend upon it, that no-
thing would strengthen so much the cry of Parliamen-
tary Reform, for the general opinion would be, if the
words in question were omitted, that the representation
was not a, reflex of the public opinion, and that
some covert attempt might be made to restore
the nefarious system of monopoly. (Hear, hear.)
He therefore hoped that hon. members would rally
round his hon. and learned friend, for neither the noble
lord (Palmerston) nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had any claim to take the quostion out of his hands.
Let every honest free-trader vote for his motion, and he
would undertake to say that their constituents would
approve of their conduct. (Cheers.)
Mr. M. GASKELL thought the allusion of the right
hon. gentleman to the question of Parliamentary reform
was the best explanation that could be given of the na-
ture of the motion proposed by the hon. and learned
member for Wolverhampton. (Cheers from the Govern-
ment benches.) He was convinced that so far from as-
serting a great public principle, there was no reason
whatever for the motion. (Cheers.) There was a very
serious difference between the two resolutions for
whereas while the amendment simply affirmed that free
trade had succeeded in producing the present prosperity
of the country, the other went on to add that the conduct
of those who opposed Sir Robert Peel in 1846
was unjust and uncalled for. The arguments of those
who opposed the amendment were somewhat strange ;
they declared that the Earl of Derby had no principles
whatever, and therefore his friends ought to abandon
him. Now it was somewhat strange that those who held
this line of argument were not quite settled in their own
minds as to their own policy. (Hear.) He should be
the last man to impugne the motives of the
late Sir Robert Peel in passing the repeal
of the corn laws, but he must be allowed to take
exception to the manner in which that measure was
carried, for the Parliament of 1842 was returned
to support, and not to reverse, protection. It
was therefore unjust at that time to adopt free
trade without an appeal to the country, and
to that extent he took exception to the conduct of the
late Sir Robert Peel. (Hear, hear.) But the House of
Commons now met under very different circumstances—
it was returned to affirm the principles of free trade,
and he for one was quite willing to bow to the decision
of the country upon that great question as it was enun-
ciated in the amendment of the noble lord the member
for Tiverton, though he was not prepared to throw that
blame and censure upon the country party for their
conduct in 1846, which the original resolution of
the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton
implied, if it did not in fact distinctly affirm. (Cheers)
No doubt there were conflicting opinions on that side of
the house as to the effect of the repeal of the corn laws,
but no man doubted of the intentions of the Government.
(Hear, hear.) The real question at issue was between
a Government prepared to carry out the commercial
policy of 1846, and a set of gentlemen who were agreed
upon this point, certainly, but between whom, on other
points, there was irrecoucileable, endless, and vital diffe-
rences. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said he trusted the house
would give him an opportunity of stating the course he
intended to take on this question, and the reasons which
had induced him to come to that decision. Let him in
the first place assure the hon. gentleman who had just
sat down, as well as the hon. member for Manchester,
that in coming that decision he had kept out of view,
and out of mind altogether, what effect the vote would
'have on the present Government. When a threat was
held out by Government that if defeated on any certain
question which might be pending, they would resign,
that was a matter which no doubt would have weight
with parties whose interest it might be to keep them
in office ; but with with respect to those independent
of them, it was not whether Government should go
out or stay in, but whether they would be justified
in doing so. They had been told that the resolu-
tion submitted by the hon. member for Wolverhamp-
ton was one of non-confidence in the Government ;
but shortly, awkwardness and bungling never suggested
a resolution of non-confidence which concluded by say-
ing that its supporters would give every consideration
to the measures which the Government might propose.
(Laughter.) To revert to the commencement of the
debate. It originally commenced with the resolution of
the hon. member for Wolverhampton, and the amend-
ment of the Government. Now between these two he
could not have had one moment's hesitation. (Hear,
hear.) He saw a resolution moved by a gentleman who
originally brought this question of free trade undere
ha the
consideration of the house. He knew that hd
fought that battle with great skill and constancy, and
brought the question to a successful termination. In
opposition to that an amendment had been moved, which,
on this question at any rate, did inspire corfidencF, and
he could have, therefore, had no hesitation in voting for
the resolution. (Hear.) Then how did the debate go on?
After the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton
concluded his address, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
rose ; but he confessed that his speech, impressive as
it was in point of delivery, and ingenious point
of
ins po
argument, he confessed that it left a very unfvourable
impression his mind. (Hear, hear.) The right hon.

of his country, and he (Mr. S. Herbert) would say that
of any man more than he had changed his opinion,he
needs but look to the other side of the house. (Hear
Lear, and laughter.) He would, then, upon the grounds
he had stated, give his support to the amendment of the
noble viscount. (Hear, hear.) He rajoiced to think
that a large majority of the house were about to give
their vote on that question. They should not be un-
mindful how much political disturbance and social evil
had been avoided by the passing of the repeal of the corn
laws ; and he must now say, that in their future legis-
lation he would suggest that they should so legislate as
not to give any specific exemption from burdens to any
class of the country. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. H. DRUMMOND (who was very imperfectly
heard in our gallery) said that he felt it was very neces-
sary to have a very large supply of the Dantonian
quality, referred to the previous evening by the ,hon.
member for Middlesex (Mr. Osborne)—that quality
which was sometimes translated as "modest assurance
in rising to speak from that (the Ministerial) side of the
house—for on the Opposition side sat all the talents of
the house with the solitary exception of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer. (Great laughter.) Once before upon
a time " all the talents" were arrayed on one side ; but
at that time they were on the side of the Crown and
government, while this time it was just the other way.
(Laughter.) But notwithstanding all the misfortunes
of standing at that side of the house, he could not
consent to be silent ; for he, for one, would not be
mystified, or dragged through the dirt by any party.
He had a duty to perform to those who had sent
him into that house, and also, to those who had no
hand in electing him, the labourers of the district
'le represented ; but he also owed a duty to him-
" and he would endeavour to clear his way
this complicated debate. As to the question
uself,- it seemed to him merely a difference be-
tween hocus and pocus—(laughter)—the difference be-
tween twice three making six and three times two making
six. But if importance was to be attached to words, let
hon. gentlemen be careful of pinning the words arranged
by others to their own sleeves. He was not puzzled
himself, as to his choice ; for it was 25 years ago that he
had first advocated a free trade in corn—that being a
time when, of the ardent free trade party now living by
the principle, those opposite had been suggesting fixed
duties, and those on the ministerial side were announcing
that the men who thought of abolishing protection were
mad. (Laughter.) Now they were all concentred to a
common point ; and it was desirable that if all their in-
tentions were the same they should make no mistake in
the expression. As he took it, some such motion as this
was absolutely necessary. (Hear, hear.) And Le thought
the words selected by the hon. and learned gentleman
(Mr. Villiers) were the proper words. (Cheers from the
Opposition.) If the party on his (Mr. Drummond's) side
would take his advice, they would accept that motion,
and so confess their delusion boldly. He could not un-
derstand the reproach of inconsistency, nor the shame
of allowing an error •, and, as regarded the convenience
of that house, he heartily wished that " Hansard "
was at the bottom of the sea • he was sure it was
heavy enough to sink. (Great laughter.) To
hear people talk one would have supposed that the his-
tory of England began in 1846. Gentlemen who called
themselves independent members—that is, who talked
independent nonsense—(laughter)—had spoken of re-
sisting a reversal of the policy of 1846, and the phrase
was current too, at that (the Ministerial) side of the
house. This just showed that hon. and enlightened
members had not a notion of what the former policy of
the country was, or of what the present policy was.
Why, the measure of 1846 was no commencement of a
policy—it was the apex of a policy—it was the key-stone
of the whole arch. (Hear, hear.) The policy they were
now swearing fealty to began at the conclusion of the
war ; and people might as well talk of restoring the
heptarchy as of reversing this policy. He thought he
could explain this clearly to the bucolic mind—to the
biggest Boeotian behind Ministers. (Great laughter,)
They had only got to right notions of their national
interest very lately. The fact was, they must admit
the Anglo-Saxon was a supremely stupid fellow. (Great
laughter.) When the French first did us the honour
of coming into this country—(laughter)—they were
then called Normans —they found the Anglo-Saxon
so astoundingly backward, that he couldn't make
steel breeches. (Much laughter.) Hence the im-
portation of artificers in armour, who were called
smiths—a circumstance which accounted for the large
family of Smiths at this day. (Laughter.) This was the
beginning of our commercial system ; and it went on in
the same way. The Anglo-Saxon never could do any-
thing himself, and was perpetually in need of clever fel-
lows, such as the Flemings and the Lombards, to teach
him civilisation, and who always made the condition of
their settling here, that they should have a monopoly.
Our commercial history was a history of monopoly, up
to the time of the wars occasioned by the French Revo-
lution ; and in the course of that war, the Anglo-Saxon,
by this time largely adulterated, and getting keen, found
out that though Europe was closed against him, he got
all he wanted in raw material, and in fact, rather im-
proved his trade, in proportion to the strictness of the
customs exclusion of him on the continent. Freeptraders
owed something to Adam Smith ; but a good deal, too,
to the smuggler. Napoleon taught us that monoplies
and protections were dead for ever ; but we were slow
to learn the lesson. When Louis XVIII. got his throne,
Baron Louis, his Minister, at once proposed to give to
the Government of this country a free trade with France
—that was to say, an act valorem duty of 10 per cent. on
both sides. But no one, except Huskisson, appreciated
the value of the offer—and Huskisson, at that time,
was kept down in a subordinate office ; and his colleagues
did not back him. But Huskisson stuck to his idea, got
it into some favour at last ; and, from that moment,
England had gone on removing her prohibitions ' • and
now, at last, we had got to the only wise, just, and poli-
tic course of perfect free trade, which was to leave every-
thing to unrestricted commerce. (Cheers.) When,
therefore, he heard men talking of " reversing " that
policy, he asked, were they ready to jump back to Wil-
liam the Conqueror's time ? (Cheers.) It was said,
however, that these words in the hon. and learned gen-
tleman's (Villiers') motion were offensive. But at least
they were not new words for the party : he held in his
hand an address printed by the Anti-Corn-law League in
1842, and there he found these identical " odious "
words. (Hear, hear.) As to the question of compen-
sation he was ready to consider it ; but the compensa-
tion he meant was not what country gentlemen meant.
What he wanted to set about was a reduction in the cost
of production. (Cheers.)
Mr. MUNTZ said he was in the difficult position of
not approving of either of the resolutions. He was one of
the earliest opponents of the corn laws, but he was little
prepared to say that the repeal of the corn laws
was just. All he said of the present Government was,
that if they proposed good measures for the country he
should support them ; and if not they should have his
opposition.
The
Marquiswho had of agreed with the hon.
down, that it was impossible
for him to agree with either of the resolutions, but he
must disagree with him so far that he was unable to
member just G
sat RAN
vote for either of them. His reasons were threefold.
He could not agree that the prosperity of the country
was as great now as it had been under a different and a
wiser system. In the second place, admitting the
prosperity, he thought it was to be accounted fo'r by
other causes than recent legislation, and unlimited com-
petition. The reason was that, supposing that that
prosperity was owing to recent legislation, that legisla-
tion was not stamped, With
the principle of unlimited
competition. For these two reasons he found it quite
impossible for him to consent to either of the resolut ions.
The noble lord concluded by reiterating his deterr nina-
tion to vote neither for the one resolution nor the other ;
for, to his mind, the one was hocus and the other pocus.
(Great laughter.)
Mr. FITZROY wished to explain, in a few words,
the line he intended to pursue, as an independent mem-
ber of the house. Undoubtedly their position was one
of great difficulty ; for they
all wished to take a course
that should at once be satisfactory to his conscience and
(Hear,
hear.)
the public, and to those friendly or party associations
which clung almost to every man.
Under the circum-
stances, and from gratitude to the distinguished. man
whoser Wolverhampton. policythey allnow approved, he should give his
vote most decidedly for the motion of the hon. membtr
fo
Mr. N. KENDALL (the new member for East Corn-
wall) said he saw no reason for changing his opinions.
It was his conviction that, but for the operation of other
causes apart from free trade, not only the won-king
classes themselves would very probably have demanded
a reimposition of the import duty on corn—but another
class, a more dangerous one, those who represented the
manufacturing interest, would have pursued the same
course. (Laughter.)
Mr. "BLACKETT said he should vote for the miginal
motion, rather than for the amendment.
CoL. SIBTHORP said—The prosperity of the colantry,
whicl was so much spoken of, was owing to the dis-
covery of Californian and Australian gold. He believed
the, poor man would not be compelled to leave his own
co urtry, if he were only properly treated at home. But
they introduced exhibitions and such things to encou-
rage the foreignefr, at th h
wxas e epense gf the home producer,
and the result o whic, that there never was so
much disease in the metropolis as since the day it
opened. (Laughter.) The resolution of the nobk lord
(Palmerston) was a mere trap to catch the unwary—it
wns a composing draught for her Majesty's Government
—(laughter)--a compromise, as it was called. lie de-
tested all compromises. (Laughter.) He would not
1 vote for anything—and would walk out of the house
when the question came to a vote. (Laughter.)
Mr. WARNER (Norwich) said he should give his
support to the resolution of the hon. and learned member
for Wolverhampton.
Sir J. GRAHAM—
' shall promise not to occupy long
the attention of the house, which has now debated for
several nights a question merely turning on the use of
words, and must be anxious to have the discussion br ought
to a close. lam the more ready to promise this, because
I have already, almost unwarrantably, trespassed on the
indulgence of the house--if strictly within the rules,
still in a manner I should blame, if I had not thought it
calle d for by the circumstances. The hon. member for
Corn :wall says nothing is so painful as to swallow the
opin ions of another. I must tell him that there is an-
othe r thing not very agreeable—having your own words,
in fhe shape of a motion, suddenly brought upon you
wh en you least expect it. A great deal has been said
ab out old stagers., and a great deal of advice has been
gi Nen to young r aerabers. lam afraid I must c onsider
myself an old st ager, and as such I will give those young
members one pg fete of advice—never to supply the words
of a motion fox. which they were not responsible; nor to
endeavour to fra me one which should please everybody.
I must ten yot that this is utterly impossible : and,
perhaps the predicament in which I stand this evening

may be a warning to some new members. Now, I
should like to state to the house that the result of this dis-
cussion has been very painful to me, because of our having
to discuss the comparative merits ofthe origin al motion, and
of the words with which I have already stated my con-
nection. The Chancellor of the Exchequer complained
of the epithets in the original motion, namely, that the
repeal of the corn law in 1846 was a just, wise, and
beneficial measure. He designated these epithets as
odious. Now, if any epithets are to be applied at all, it
is my idea that the English language supplies none so
apposite as those in the original motion. The right hon.
gentleman perhaps naturally demurred to the proposition
that the repeal of the corn laws was just and wise. Then
how shall I tell you my astonishment at the words of
the amendment, to which I understand her Majesty's
Government are now parties ? These words assert
broadly that "it is the opinion of this house that the
improved condition of the industrious classes is mainly
the result of recent legislation, which has established the
principle of unrestricted competition, has abolished taxes
imposed for the purpose of protection, and has thereby
diminished the cost and increased the abundance of the
principal articles of the food of the people." But am I
wrong now ? Did I not understand the right hon. gen-
tleman to make some reservations with regard to sugar ?
Is not sugar a part of the people's food ? Has not un-
restricted competition been admitted, or is it not in pro-
gress of being admitted by a descending scale of duties.
I do not wish to refer to speeches at the late election,
but I may remind the right honourable gentleman that
at his own election he stated, in reference to what I
had said with respect to the Government opposite having
risen to power by the ladder of protection, and having
thrown that ladder down, content to do in office what
they had found fault with in opposition—to this the right
hon. gentleman gave an unqualified denial, and said that
with respect to sugar, he still maintained all the prin-
ciples he had ever entertained. He thought the West
Indian colonies had been ruined and unjustly treated by
the removal of protective duties, and he maintained that
opinion as strongly as ever. The house will recollect
what took place in June last. The descending scale of
duties was about coming into operation on the Ist of
July. The right hon. gentleman then said he maintained
all his opinions, and that it was only his being in a hope-
less minority which prevented his attempting to enforce
them. Well, if he maintain his opinions, why does not
he say that he will not vote for the amendment of the
noble viscount ? I see, in a work of political biography,
a most graphic description of what took place in refer-
ence to this very question of the West Indian colonies.
It appears the West Indian interest did not take a very
decided part in resisting the repeal of the corn laws, and
a proposition was made to the late Lord Geo. Bentinck
that, in consequence of their not having supported the
Protectionists here, his lordship should be a party to no
longer supporting the protection which the West Indian
colonists enjoyed. Lord George replied, "No; we exist
only by our principles ; we are not privy councillors, but
we are honest men. We must stand by our principles, and
we must protect the West Indian interest." Now, sir,
gentlemen opposite have abandoned the principle ofpro-
tection. Shall I draw the inference ? If so, I say I
should be unjust in the extreme. lam not prepared to
say that this change of opinion on the part of hon.
and right hon. gentlemen on the Treasury benches is a
dishonest change. I recollect an admirable speech made
by the noble lord the member for Tiverton, on the repeal
of the corn laws, in 1846, in which speech he, with his
own most powerful manner, and with the utmost brevity
and succinctness, stated the whole arguments in favour
of free trade, and illustrated them with his usual clear-
ness. He had, indeed, one passage which I thought
heterodox—that in which he advocated a fixed duty on
corn ; but -with this one exception, all was admirable,
and has proved correct. "If," he said, "the force of
circumstances should ever place these gentlemen (includ-
Lord G. Bentinck and others) on the Treasury bench, I
am satisfied six months will not elapse before their
opinions will undergo a great change and modification."
The noble lord went on to say that certain climates
were specifics for certain diseases, and that if you took
any case of protection, let the fever be as inflamma-
tory as you pleased, and placed the patient in Downing-
street for six months, he would undertake to say that his
opinions would undergo a change. In this opinion I
agree. Put any Protectionist in that position, and he will
find the value and the truth of the information of the
facts collected by the late Mr. Porter, whose loss I most
sincerely deplore. It is hardly possible to persuade gen-
tlemen that our exports have increased seventy millions,
our imports a hundred millions, annually ; and that,
returning to sugar, whilst the duty was diminished 100
per cent., the quantity imported increased one-third, and
the retail price fell one-half. All these things seem in-
credible. But there is my right hon. friend the Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade, capable of sifting the facts,
and responsible for the documents whence we derive
them. I have no doubt he has investigated them fully
before giving his signature, and, as the result, supported
a resolution in which the benefits of free trade are recog-
nised as broadly and openly as could be desired. There
is another topic on which I desire to say just a word.
The righ- hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, rather commented last night on the use of the
word " compensation." He said he was not aware that
that word had ever been used by him ; that possibly I
might find it by hunting among election speeches ; but
that in the house no such word had ever been used by
him. Now, lam not disposed to go word-catching at this
time, but I cannot refrain from expressing the surprise
with, which, whilst listening to' the speech of my gallant
friend the member for Middlesex, I heard him read a cer-
tain passage in which that word and the name of the right
hon. gentleman occurred. As the hon. and gallant
member for Middlesex has said, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer took advantage of Mr. Grantley Berkeley's mo-
tion, in May, 1850, to say, "I ask you to protect the
rights and interests of labour generally; in the first place,
by allowing no in Torts from foreign countries which
meet you with con ntervailing duties, and, in the second
place, with respeel ; to agricultural produce, to compen-
sate the soil for th e burdens from which other classes
are free, by an equivalent duty." A good deal has been
said about bowing to public opinion. Now, I would
first of all observe that the repeal of the corn laws was
not carried by bowing. But in the next place, with re-
ference to the use of strong language, I would ask, whe-
ther those who si ipported that repeal were always treated
with the exact courtesy of Parliament—whether the ex-
pressions used with reference to such persons were what
we hear in society? The hon. member for the West
Riding has referred to what he called the Christian for-
bearance of the friends and colleagues of the late Sir R.
Peel ; and he expressed some surprise that they should have
been so moderate in their language, and so forbearing in
their retaliation. Now, sir, I said last night, and said
truly, that in framing these resolutions I endeavoured
to frame them in the spirit and in the temper with
which I believed my right hon. friend, had he been
now alive, would, under present circumstances, him-
self have framed. them. And, sir, the term used
by the hon. member for the West Riding, was a
very happy term- He used the term " Christian for-
bearance. Now, I knew my right hon. friend well; the
right hon. member for South Wiltshire (Mr. Sidney
Herbert) has paid him an eloquent but a just tribute
this evening : and of all his characteristics, I should say
his Christian te3uper and forgiveness were perhaps what
most distinguished him; and, sir, I say also that he al-
ways regarded what in the circumstances of public affairs
it was politic to do in reference as well to the good of
the house and of the country as to the maintenance of a
great cause. The hon. member for Surrey has referred
this evening to the ancient history of this country as far
back as the Anglo-Saxons. Perhaps I may, without
pedantry, go back still further, and refer to a passage in
Livy, commented upon by Machiavelli. I refer to that
passage where a portion of the Roman army having
suffered great disgrace at the hands of the Samnites, and
being brought to the Fauces Caudince, the question arose
how they were to be treated. The first advice given was
that they should be set at liberty ; the next, that they
should be exterminated. Ultimately, they only passed
under the yoke. Now, I do not accuse honourable
gentlemen opposite of anything unworthy in the course
which they deem it their duty, from a sense of necessity,
to take. Ido not wish to stigmatise them by asking
their consent to that which their honour may refuse. I
think it is enough to sustain this great cause by words
which, whilst they have nothing offensive in them,
cover all the principles for which I have contended,
and for which I shall be ready to contend when
the measures of the Government are brought forward.
There is no gentleman in any part of the house more de-
termined than I to reject the doctrine of compensation
to land, and no one by whom any measure founded on
that claim will be more earnestly resisted than by me.
On the whole, I am not surprised that thelVlinisterialists
object to saying, in express terms, that the measure of
1846 was wise, just, and beneficial ; and I, for one, shall
not depait from the words which I admit are, verbatim
et literatim, what I myself prepared. Though it is most
painful for me to vote against the proposition of the hon.
and learned member for 'Wolverhampton, and the
hon.
gentlemen with whom in principle on this matter I en-
tirely agree, I should think myself entirel
if I
y unworthy of
the confidence of any part of my
.fellow-countrymen
did not abide by that which I sincerely meant and in-
tended. (Cheers.)
Mr. J. H. PHILIPPS, amid a storm of cries for a
division, which rendered his remarks perfectly inaudible,
stated his reasons for offering his support to the amend-
ment of Lord Palmerston.
Sir, I now entertain the hope
Lord J. RUSSELL—
from the appearance of the house, that there exists a
strong desire to bring this discussion to a close to-night
—(cheers)—and I am sure that the exhausted state of
the debate would well justify us in not prolonging the
debate so as to extend it into another week. (Loud
cheers.) But, sir, I have borne too large a part in
these discussions, and I have been too frequently re-
ferred to in the course of this debate, not to ask the in-
dulgence of the house whilst I make some brief obser-
vations on the state of the question now under our con-
sideration. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend the member
for Wolverhampton, in a speech remarkable for its
ability, but which was confined very much to the ques-
tions on which he had to treat—those questions of econo-
nomical and eiNnmercial policy which have been for so
o
many years undo a the consideration of Parliament—
certain resolutic ans, the first of which went to affirm the
benefits which recent legislation had conferred upon this
country, and especially upon the industrious classes ;
the second, the ext elision of free trade, as opposed to
protection, would be the best mode of enabling the pro-
perty and industry of fide country to bear its burdens ;

and the third, that the house would he ready to consider' cure. (Cheers.) Havingsaid thus mucii-ioth regsa*M-to
any measures which her Majesty's Ministers might lay on the past advice which I ventured to give gemlipvilli‘j
the table on these subjects. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, if ! venture to say a few words with respect to a quMtion— ---.
there had been anything of a party character in th( which has been raised within the last fe -sylliclP's'-- •' \
speech of my hon. friend, the right hon, gentleman oppo: likely to become a question of very great( . ;mitt ... (.2
upon which, I fear, we have had the i 1 _ -441.
site (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) might have been struggle held out by the right hon. ge , - ,=-I'2'. t "
justified in saying that the object of his motion was 0 cellor of the Exchequer—l mean the qu ~.
_,. the
•'l7-s?dc'
displace the Government and make the matter will not call "compensation," but whic
entirely a party question. But my honourable friend gave calls "relief' to the landed interest. Si
I shall be as little believed by the landed qtßetoMiklaja]f
no opportunity for any remark of that sort. (Hear.) the farmers henlal speak upon this subject as whon
His impartiality was rather the subject of comment. He &aid that the cornw would probably be repealed, and
said that Governments had such a family likeness to th,it an Bs. duty would be more than the farmers coul3
each other, that he did not much care whether the Go- get. But, sir, it is certainly my opinion that it would
relief,
be wise for the landed interest to ask for any special
vernment of the day was formed from gentlemen on this
enea t
joerlsavenr
vry
side of the house or from gentlemen on the other side— reseptic cial benefit, whether it be called tom-
side
the(Cleers.) In the first place, let the
certainly no very strong party declaration on the part of touse observe landed interest, the owner.
s and
a person who has been said to have brought forward h occupiers of laud, and the labourers upon that land, form
resolutions solely from party motives, and with a view a great part of the property and population of the coun-
try, and that iris by no means a matter of indifference to
to the displacing of the Government. (Cheers.) How-
them when you relieve the inhabitants of the country at
large
ever, the right hon. gentleman chose to consider the from any species of taxation upon industry
question in that light, and instead of making any answer or property. (Cheers.) The right hon. entlema the
n ill
to the statements of my hon. friend, instead of contro- his calculations, used to reckon the prog.p.srty floafntdhed interestt as about one-third of the whole property
venting any of his arguments, he entered into statements
portieoncoiusn oesitnott much signify what ,she pro-
thoiorod,oyoooul wofilltnoN!T,
as to the conduct of the party of which he has been the bryut. tatidn
leader for the last few years, and declared that it would that if you have a reductiona of
dishonourable for them to accept the resolution of my 4,000,000/. of that relief is given to the landed inxatetriee
hon. friend. Now, sir, as the right hon. gentleman has (Cheers.) If you have, as no doubt you have had, within'
the last ten years, 7,000,0001. of taxes remitted over the
chosen to bring that question before the house— although
amount imposed, more than 2,000,000/. of the taxes so
it was not before the house formally—l shall not refrain
remitted have gone to the landed interest. (Cheers. )
from making a few observations on his statements. And that is a remission of taxation of which no
man can
(Hear, hear.) But I think it is due to the question complain. That is a just and fair advantage, which they,
itself that I should state my view of the resolutions now being a part of the property and population of the coun try,
under consideration. My hon. friend had proposed these highly deserve. They enjoy, with the rest of the com-
munity, that great benefit. The cost of production is
resolutions. I understood they had been assented to b
y rendered less, their whole industry is made more pro-
most of the hon. gentlemen who have taken the lead on ductive, and not a single manufacturer or merchant will
the great question of free trade. I understand that my hon. say a word against their receiving thl
relief• to the
conciliate all parties, has consulted various members of interest,
the two and if youses ou say that that special relief is to be
this house ; amongst others the hon. member for the given by hof Parliament, which consist in
West Riding and the hon. member for Manchester, who ..1 great measure, if not mainly, of persons who are
had a right to be consulted, the noble lord the member owners of the land, you at once set up the landed interest
for Tiverton, the right hon. gentleman the member for as .an object of suspicion and of envy—(hear, hear)—
the University of Oxford, and the right hon. gentleman you are making the other classes of the country think
the member for Carlisle. As I understand, without that jvou are not acting fairly by the country at large, but
professing to know their individual sentiments, my hon. that you show a favour and preference to one particular
friend had the full concurrence of those hon. members. body. From my birth I have been connected with the
However, the right hon. baronet the member for Car- great agricultural proprietors, and I beg, for the salts
lisle, made a statement last night, with respect to an- of the landed interest, that you will not in your approach-,
other form of resolution, of which evidently the .oble
thenstatement ask for some special favour for them, wke-
lord the member for Tiverton had heard, and of which, you calf it compensation or otherwise ; but if you
" for the sake of greater accuracy," he had obtained a can remit tax3s—r you can conter a benent on the people
copy. (Laughter and cheers.) The noble lord, in the of this country—make it large and general, and do not
speech which he addressed to the house, asserted that make it special And particular. (Cheers.) With respect
gentlemen on the other side of the house could not agree to these conflicting resolutions, I will take this oppor-
to the resolutions before them, and stated various tunity of observing that Ido not agree in the view which
grounds for changes of opinion and observed that the I understand to have been taken by the hon. member
house had nothing to do with' the private opinion of for the West Riding,. that the word "just" shuts out all
public men, in which remark I cannot say that I concur question .1f compensation to the landed interest for the
with him—(hear, hear)—and the noble lord concluded by losses which that' may have sustained. I think it would
proposing certain resolutions which appeared to please certainly bas any positive claim—it would bar their say-
ing "we are losers of so much, and are entitled to so
hon. gentlemen opposite, and give them immense relief.
(Laughter.) Those resolutions, whilst relieving the mink." But it never would prevent a minister from
minds of hon. gentlemen opposite, caused a great divi- saying "the lam.cled interest are in a state of difficulty
and distress, ansi I propose to you to give relief to that
sion amongst hon. members on this side of the house,
who had before been united. (Opposition cheers.) Such interest." Long, before the corn laws were touched, I
being the state of the question, I have to consider what remember Cha,nc•eilors of the Exchequer coming down
course I ought to pursue; and in the first place I must declare and proposing con si:derable relief to the agricultural in-
once to their having suffered losses
that both sets of resolutions are exceedingly well framed, terest without refel•
in consequ O ence of the corn laws. Nothing would be
that both seem to me to go generally to the same object.
(Hear, hear.) Each is divided into three parts. Each easier than to give at turn to any proposal. Although
affirms in the first place the benefits which our strainer- the insertion of the 1, vo rd "just" may seem to shut out
cial legislation, during the last few years has conferred the claim of compens.stion, I do not see that it effec-
upon the country and upon the working classes—each tually does so ; and Ido not see that there is any
affirms that it is necessary to maintain and pursue that difference between the two sets of resolutions on that
policy—and also that the house will be ready to listen to special ground. (Hear,.. hear.) An hon. gentleman
the measures that may be brought before the house. has adverted to the a.dvies e -which we, as Ministers of the
Therefore, sir, it would appear to me that the resolutions Crown, gave to the Soverei ;'a with respect to the insertion
which were first produced by a member of this house, in of certain words in the gi. leech from the Throne ; and
whom all those who value free trade principles could it has always been represents si that that Speech described
confide—(cheers)—are entitled to precedence, and it the agriculturists as in a staace of distress, and that her
would ill become my sense of duty to give a vote which Majesty had called the atternion of Parliament to the
would set aside those resolutions. (Loud cheers.) That, distresses of the agricultural ink west. Now, I must ask
sir, is the question which you will have to put at the end the house to listen to the terms of that Speech, and it
of this long discussion, for you will have to ask the will then see that the meaning hot not been exactly re-
house whether the words proposed to be left out shall Presented, and that omissions has -s, been made of very
stand part of the question, or in other terms, whether great importance. The following &re the words in the
Speech which her Majesty was pleas eel to deliver at the
those words are to be at once rejected, and not put to
opening of the session of 1851 ;—" The .state of the corn-
the house as the main question for consideration. (Hear,
merce and manufactures of the -United Kingdom has
hear.) Now, sir, I own I should have been disposed to
been such as to afford general employment to the labour-
say that if the resolutions proposed by the noble
lord the member for Tiverton, drawn by the right hon. in classes. I have to lament, however tile difficulties
gentleman the member for Carlisle, had been proposed which are still felt by that important body among my
in the first place, and the resolutions of my hon. friend People who are owners and occupiers a land, But it is
the member for Wolverhampton had been moved as my confident hope that the prosperous condition. of other
an amendment, I should have pursued the same classes of my subjects will have a favouroble effect in di-
course which lam now taking. I should have voted minishing those difficulties, and promothag the interests
for the resolutions of the'noble lord standing part of the of agriculture." Now, sir, these words v.-ere especially
question, and against the resolutions moved as an amend- meant to show that the
Government did not propose any
ment. (Cheers and laughter.) They appear to me to be Particular relief for agriculture, but that it was the belief
very nearly the same. Ido not mean to say that they of the Government of -.the day that agriculture would
are the same in the views of hon. gentlemen opposite. recover from its difficulties owing to the prosperous state
But as they both coincide and concur with my senti- of the commerce and manufacture's of Eng lan d fh ar,
inents, I think it my duty to prefer that which was first hear)—and I believe that that expectation has ;en
proposed to the house. (Cheers.) But, it is said, there completely fulfilled. (Loud cheers.) My belief is that
are words in the resolution of my hon. friend which give the increased consumption which has followed from
offence to gentlemen opposite, and that, being an assem- Your commercial legislation has been such that, with
bly of gentlemen, we ought not to ask them to concur in respect to many articles of farm produce, a very suffi-
that which is offensive to their feelings and degrading to cient, not to say a high price is obtained, and, above all,
that the value of the article of land has been lately very
their honour. (Hear, hear.) I certainly do not wish
any gentleman to agree to that which he thinks contrary considerably enhanced, and is now of very great value
to h. of my own senti- in the market. (Cheers.) A statement was made the
ments his
and vonourie I am only speaking
views, and I certainly could not ask hon- other day by the hon. and learned gentleman the Attor-
members to concur in resolutions to which they attribute net'-General for Ireland, which showed that in Scotland
the value of land had greatly improved ; and only the
that effect. (Hear, hear.) But I do not see why I
should make my vote depend upon their feelings. other day an estate in Northamptonshire was sold for
(Cheers.) But let me ask what is it that gives this great 40 years' purchase. (Cheers.) My belief is that the
offence, because I own it does appear to me that they are agricultural interest is not to be taken for a dis-
more sensitive than the case naturally calls for ? (Hear.) tressed interest • and on that ground I shall object to
The words objected to are that the repeal of the corn any special relief on the ground pointed out. (Cheers.)
laws in 1846 was "wise, just, and beneficial." (Hear, Having stated my views with respect to these resolu-
hear.) Well, as I stated last night, hon. gentle- tions—having stated the course which I took when I
men have no hesitation in declaring that that was a Minister of the Crown—l will now refer for a few
'
moments to the speech made by the right hon. gentle-
policy which rendered corn cheap—which provided
for the admission of foreign corn, and thereby made the man the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in answer to the
food of the people abundant and cheap, as the noble argument of my hon. friend. The argument of the
lord declares in his resolution—they have no hesitation right
in saying that Parliament was "wise" in enacting the Party with whom he acts, had since the year 1846 never
law, but they will not say that the act was a " wise act." attempted the restoration of protection, but that they
(Laughter.) That seems to me to be a very remarkable had endeavoured to alleviate the burdens, to mitigate
the distresses of certain interests that were affected,
refinement. (Cheers.) Then with respect to the word
" beneficial." You have no hesitation in declaring, ac- without disturbing the settlement then come to. (Hear.)
cording to the resolutions of the noble lord for which you Now, sir, that argument was very ingeniously carried
out, and the right honourable gentleman's quotations
are all going to vote, that the improved condition of the
were very apposite ; but the great defect was that Be
country, and especially of the working classes, is owing
argument was wanting in truth. (Loud cheers.) By
to recent legislation, and also that that policy should be
picking out a speech made by one member, and a state-
further pursued. hen gentlemen admit that great
went made by another, by pointlng out the conduct
benefits have flowed from that policy—that the food of
which he himself had pursued at various times, he seemed
the people have been improved thereby, and that great
to afford something like a proof that the conduct of his
benefits have been conferred on the great body of the
party had been such as he described it to have been.
people—l do not see why they should deny that that
But it is necessary to look to other facts, and some
policy has been beneficial. (Cheers.) Ido not see why
of those facts were stated by the hon, member for Mid-
they should say—" Here is a measure which Parliament
in its wisdom has enacted, and which has conferred great lesex, in a manner not very agreeable, I believe, to
benefits on the people, but yet we will never say it is honourable gentlemen opposite. (Hear, hear, and
either wise or benefical." (Cheers.) The righ There are abundance of facts all around us.
t hon. laughter.)
gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies (Sir J. Pak- Supposing every volume of Hansard to be burnt, there
ington) has no objection to admit the wisdom of would remain in our memories sufficient to prove that
Parliament, or the benefits that have flowed from the the Protectionist party have been trying to restore pro-
measure ; but as to saying it is " wise and beneficial," tection, and destroy the system of commercial policy
he declares that he will oppose the expression, and established by Sir R. Peel. (Hear, hear.) I must say
that nothing shall make him consent to it. I con- that I consider them to be men of the highest integrity.
sider this to be a very fine scruple, and it reminds me The Duke of Richmond always said, " Turn out the
of a remark made by Lord Plunkett with reference to Ministry, get a dissolution of Parliamet, and you far-
one of 'the scruples of Lord Brougham—that it was mere will have protection back.
I cannot be so much
surprised as my hon. friend that te nobleuke has not
more fit for a novel, to be called "the delicate distress"
lately
on a
is a very embarrassing one. (Laughter.) I
pgeared in his former prominent postion. His
j
(Laughter.) Now, with respect to the word " just.',
ositi
I do not see why that word should be p
'ny great stump- .
a
d übt lie made that promise to the farmers in the
ling-block to honourable gentlemen opposite. I had al- have no o
Earl of Derby would fulfil • it, and it
assurance that the
ways considered the corn laws as laws not imposed formortificationto him to find
must be a great
the benefit of any particular class, or to be continued on
unintentionally been the means of deceiving a great body
that ground ;but as being, in the first place—in liar-
of his fellow-countrymen. .(Cheers and laughter.) But
mony with the general policy of the country, which was
beyond what passed at thesemeetings,
. the Protectionist
the protection of native industry—the protection amongst
speeches duringmade the elections showed that many'
other producers, of the producers of corn. And in the honourablegentlemen '
opposite were fully persuaded that
next place, understood the question to be one of public
they could restore protection. (Hear, hear.) What did
policy, and that it was considered desirable to raise
the hen.
sufficient food for hon. member for Dorsetshire say l' He said that the
within ourselves, within our own soil, suffici
thepublic Protectionists were divided into three classes. The first
the sustenance of the people. These were .
class is composed of those who think that protection tae
reasons for the maintenance of the corn laws. But the
moment Parliament decided that it was not wise to never be restored ;the second of those who iin!ere
keep up the system of protection—that it was not wise that it may be restored in time ; and the third f,1"•,"; 0
to diminish the food of our own people, and make the who would re-establish it at once. With respectitc tut' two
keep first,
food dear in order to obtain the advantage of having it latter I have nothing to say; but with regard to th
be
re.
all produced within ourselves—from the moment such a those namely who think that protection neve!: can_
redidot them
declaration was made these laws ceased to be just, be- stored, I must say that it was not very
can
tlieir friends
cause they could only be considered just when justified to tell the farmers of this country 'l..
Vat' once see high
on the ground of the public welfare. So soon as Par- should be placed in power they w.?
W 11, but the right hon.
iament declared that they were not for the public wel- Prices restored. (Hear, hear.)
age° is, I think, not a
are—that none but a certain class, such as the owners gentleman has a case, and
rightthc
lion. gentleman. But
fof land, could profit by them, and that the great body of very pleasant one for the
b ee stated by the right hon.
the nation were not benefited' by them--the laws at once granting the case as he
has a
character like that
ceased robe just, and were stamped with the mark of injus. mooch
'that
to a predecessor of his, and ens of
tice. (Cheers.) Now, willing as I should be to see a reso- which has been gi
ittienst of his predecessors-2 Mr. Towns-
lution to which the whole body of Free-traders in the the ablest ande7
whom _
Mr. Burke said that he was isifi-
house will assent, yet I own I cannot say that the oh- end,. 1,1,11,0 ere, having an opinion—daughter)—giving the
jections stated by the hon. gentleman opposite are so i' gentleman credit for being like his precle-
nitehivbon.
reasonable that I ought to alter my vote, and refuse to g ;
cessorn .n that respect, why then you must come to the
vote for the motion of my honourable friend on account
conclusion that without thinking protection could be re-
of the difficulties which have been noised. (Cheers.) stored, and being rather in favour of free
There is, however, another reason wliy it may be said
allowed this great party, the great party of the taxmen'
some injustice was attached to the repeal of the corn of the country to believe that he would restore farmer's
It pro.'
laws, and that is that the repeal was S 0 sudden. It bast
tection, when he never believed •
in or expected any-
been said that the sudden repeal acted. unjustl, and that tection,
of the kind. (Hear, h
were thereby , ear.) I must say, sir, I
a great body of the most deserving class
Ido not think that some part of the
house—those who are
exposed to great hardships. But if ti tat efts because, interested
called the Manchester school—ma
y be described as
see that I am at all to blame in that re sp,
had interested parties ; but I
last night, Ithink the farmers have
the right hon. gentleman reminded nr!
r 1840, proposed this owing to them that the should know the truth,
y . .
in the year 1841, and indeed in char? ( -a
,e might be more and that they should
know the opinions which eminent
an Bs. duty, in order that the ,
in 18r 45 I still proposed .
men in this country equally entertain ; and I think that
gradual. (Cheers.) And evenar _,ow. But honourable if the right hon, gentleman has known all this, that it
a fixed duty with' a similar would
ever listei i to such a change would be impossible to restore protection, and that bene
gentlemen opposite would n
t dl it ad amongst other fits to the land I think it was
must be sought elsewhere,
as that. And althougla repea e Y I
p me Minister, :Lord Derby, that due to that body to tell them so (hear, hear) ; and I be-
persons, the present
li
to such chap ge he would find lieve the farmers this to
of country be as respectable and
if he would not consent dom. I do not
11 retest • he
himself at last deprived of all p ion, still went worthy as any body of men in the king
• 1 matters they have
chant re (Hear, hear.) believe that upon these economical
on obstinately refusing suchanylhad s , .
foundations, or
they
The change occurred
of as
la up! cased. It swept reasoned the matter to the fowl
Smith,or some of his
away the whole the corn ws ; and Lord Derby, may have gone through Adam
due to them to
who treated me as the greatest enei ny of the farmers disciples. And therefore I think it.was
d opinion of the last House
in 1845, and said that Bs. was no protection at all, tell them what was the settled
bbl be the settled
endeavoured in 1851—but endeavour ed in vain—to t
ge of Commons, and of what would pro a y .
er with re.
some member of the house to prop Dse a duty°- ' • of this house (hear, hear). I remember with
opinion
of not
and to the Roman Catholic question, when the Duke
more than ss. (Cheers.) I mei itio thesewasplacedtime
fact:,
Wellingtonand Sir Robert Peel proposed the settle.
iii very painful sir- of
cumstances. I was held up in 1841,meat of that question— g a
. is the enemy
great - and asking him his opinion. He said :-4, My opin•
of the farmers, as wishing to destroy .1
was;heir prospects and ion would certainly be against the Roman
their interest, and every effort
odious in their eyes. (Hear.) Certal:nacle to render me
Catholics but I see all the great men in Parliament
faction to me now to see that the very n ly
it is some saris-
are for 'them,,, and therefore I give up my
_opin't
they held me up to odium is a boon Jiiim measure for whichtoion
to theirs. Why, upon this question of yr:
lei e they own be tection, I believe that if a fair otateraeut haql 1)“.
unattainable, and which they would b a very glad to ee-