The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-23 00:00:00

vernor Randall and Judge Mills of Wisconson, Mr
Lincoln spoke as follows :
Sir,—. . . The slightest knowledge of arithmetic will
prove to any man that the rebel armies cannot be destroyed
by Democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the white
men of the North to do it. There are now in the service of
the United States nearly 200,000 able-bodied coloured men,
most of them under arms, defending and acquiring Union
territory. The Democratic strategy demands that these
forces be disbanded, and that the masters be conciliated by
restoring them to slavery. The black men who now assist
Union prisoners to escape are to be converted into our
enemies, in the vain hope of ga'ning the goodwill of their
masters. We shall have to fight two nations instead of one.
You cannot conciliate the South if you guarantee to them
ultimate success ; and the experience of the present war
proves their success is ince i table if you sing the compulsory
labours of millions of black men into their side of the
scale. Will you give our enemies such military advantages
as insure success, and then depend on coaxing, fi ittery,and
concession, to get them back into the Union ? Abandon
all the posts now garrisoned by black men, take 200,000
men from our side and put them in the battle-field or corn,
field against us, and we would be compelled to abandon the
war in three weeks. We have to hold territory in inclement
and sickly places; where are the Democrats to do this ? It
was a free fight, and the field was open to the War Demo-
crats to put down this rebellion by fighting against both
master and slave, long before the present policy was inau-
gurated. There have been men base enough to propose to
me to return to slavery the black warriors of Port Hudson
and Olu- tee, and thus win the respect of the masters they
fought. Should Ido so, I should deserve to be damned in
time and eternity. Come what will, I will keep my faith
with friend and foe. My enemies pretend lam now carry-
ing on this war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long as
I am President it shall be carried on for the sole purpose of
restoring the Union. But no human power can subdue the
rebellion without the use of the emancipation policy, and
every other policy calculated to weaken the moral and phy-
sical forces of the rebellion. Freedom has given us 200,000
men, raised on Southern soil. It will give us more yet.
Just so much it has subtracted from the enemy, and, in-
stead of alienating the South, there are now evidences of a
fraternal feeling growing up between our men and the rank
and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies prove to the
country that the destruction of slavery is not necessary to
a restoration of the Union. I will abide the issue,"

The Emperor Napoleon and the Kingdom
of Italy.

We reprint from The Sun of Sept. 26, 1862, the
following copy of. the letter of the Emperor of the
French to N. Thouvenel, which the Const:tutionnel
reprinted yesterday

May 20, 1862.

Monsieur le Ministre,—The more the force of circum
stances maintains us, as regards the Roman question, in a
line of conduct equally distant from the two opponent par-
ties, the more necessary is it that that line should be dis-
tinctly definet to prevent henceforth the accusation, inces-
santly renewed, that we incline now to one side, now to the
other.
Since I have been at the head of the G)vernment of
France my policy has always been the same towards Italy :
to second national aspirations, to induce the Pope to be-
come their support rather than their adversary—in a word,
to consolidate an alliance between religion and liberty.
Since the year 1849, when the expedition to Rome was
decided upon, all my letters, all my speeches, all the de-
spatches of my Ministers, have invariably manifested that
tendency, and, according to circumstances, I have main-
tained it with a deep conviction, either at the head of a
limited power, as President of the Republic, or at the head
of a victorious army on the banks of the Minnie.
My efforts, I must own it, have hitherto been thwarted
by obstacles of every description, in the presence of two
parties diametrically opposed, absolute in their hatreds as in
their convictions, deaf to the counsels inspired by the, sole
desire of their benefit. Is this a reason not to persevere,
and to abandon a cause grand in the opinion of all men, and
which must be beneficial to the welfare of mankind ?

It is urgent that the Roman question should he settled,
for it is not only in Italy that it disturbs public opinion--
everywhere it produces the same moral disorder, because it
touches upon what is most dear to matt—religious and poli-
tical faith.

Each party substitutes its own exclusive sentiments in
the place of the real principles of equity and justice. Thus,
one party, forgetting the recognised rights of a Power
which has lasted for ten centuries, proclaims, without any
consideration for so ancient ac acknowledged institution,
the fall of the Papacy; another party, without regard for
the legitimate claims of the right of peoples, condemns
without a scruple a portion of Italy to eternal stagnation
and oppression. Thus, one party disposes of a still exist-
ing Power as if it was defunct, and the other of a people
that supplicates for life as if it was dead.
However this may be, it is the duty of statesmen to study
tha means for reconciling the causes which the play of
passion alone has rendered it reconcileable. 'Should the at-
tempt fail, it would not be inglorious, and under all cir-
cumstances, there is an advantage in frankly declaring the
object in view.

That object is to come to a combination by which the
Pope would adopt what is great in the idea of a people that
aspires to become a nation ; and, on the other hand, the
people should recognise whet is salutary in a Power the
influence of which extends over the whole universe.

On a prima facie view, considering the prejudices and
hatreds, equally violent on either side, a favourable result
seems to be despaired of. But if, after examining into the
question, reason and common cense are appealed to, it is
gratifying to believe that truth, that Divine light, will
finally penetrate into every mind, and show the supreme
and vital interest which induces, which obliges the partisans
of the two opposed causes to come to an understanding and
to a reconciliation.

First of all, what is the interest of Italy ? It is to put
away from her every danger that threatens her, to diminish
the enmity she has caused, to upset everything which op-
poses her legizimate ambition of reconstituting herself. To
overcome so many obstacles they must be taken coolly.
Italy, as a new State, has against her all those who hold
to the traditions of the past ; as a State which has called
revolution to her assistance, she inspires distrust to all men
of order. They doubt her power to put down anarchical
tendencies, and hesitate to believe that a society can firmly
find a basis upon the very elements which have upset so
many others. Finally, at her very gates she has a formid-
able enemy, whose armies and ill-will, easily understood,
will for a long time be an imminent danger.

These antagonisms, already so serious in themselves, be-
come doubly so supprting themselves upon the interests of
the Catholic faith. The religious question adds cznsidt-
ably to the gravity of the situation, and multiplies the
adversaries of the new order of things established beyond
the Alps. Not long ago the Absolutist party was the only
one opposed to it. Now, the majority of the Catholic
population in Europe are hostile to it ; and that hostility
not only thwarts the benevolent intentions of the Gown -
ments attached by their faith to the Holy See, but steps
the favourab o intentions of the Protestant or schismatic
Governments who have to deal with a considerable fraction
of their subjects. Thus, everywhere it is the religious idea
which cowls the publ c feeling for Italy. Her reconciliation
with the Pope would obviate many difficulties, and rally
round her millions of adversaries.

On the other. head, the Holy Sea has an equal interest,
if not a stronger one, in this reconciliation ; for, if the
Holy See has zealous supporters among all fervent Catho-
lics, it has against itself all the liberals ef Europe. In
politics it is locked upon as the representative of the pre-
judices of the ancien regime, and in the eyes of Italy as
the enemy of her independence, the most devoted partisan
of reaction. This is why the Pope is surrounded by the
most violent adherents of fallen dynasties, and this com-
pany is not of a nature to procure for him the sympathy
of the people who upset those dynasties. Nevertheless,
this state of things does less harm to the Sovereign than
it does to the Head of Religion. In Catholic countries,
where new ideas have a great hold, men who are
most sincerely attached to their faith feel troubled
in their conscience and doubts enter their minds, not know-
ing how to reconcile their political convictions with religi-
ous principles which seem to condemn modern civilisation.
If this state of things, so pregnant with danger, should be
prolonged, there would be a risk of political dissensions
leading to lamentable dissensions in faith itself.
It is, therefore, in the interest of the Holy See, as well as
in that of religion, that the Pope and Italy should be recon-
ciled; for it would be a reconciliation with modern ideas,
it would keep 200 million Catholics within the pale of the
Church, and give a new lustre to religion by showing faith
supporting the progress of mankind.
But upon what basis can so desirable a work be founded?
The Pope, brought to a reasonable view of the state of
affairs, would understand the necessity of accepting every-
thing which can bind him to Italy; and Italy, ceding to
the counsels of a wise policy, would not refuse to adopt
the guarantees necessary for the independence of the Sove-
reign Pontiff and for the free exercise of;his power.
This double object might be attained by a combination
which, mr intaining the Popo master in his own domain,
would remove the barti:rs which now separate his States
from the rest of Italy.
To be master in his domain, independence must be insured
to him, and his rule freely accepted by his subjects. It must
be hoped that it could be so—on the one hand, when the
Italian Government wou'd take the engagement towards
France to recognise the States of the Church and the limi-
tation line agreed upon; on the other hand, when the
Government of the Holy See, returning to ancient tradi-
tions, would sanction the privileges of the municipalities
and of the provinces in such guise that they would, so to
say, govern themselves—for then the power of the Pope,
soaring in a sphere elevated above the secondary interest of
society, would be free from that responsibility which is
always heavy, and which only a strong Government can
stand.

The above general indications are not an ultimatum
which I pretend to impose upon the two opponent parties,
but the basis of a policy which I think I ought to endeavour
to establish by our legitimate influence and by our disin-
terested advice.

Whereupon I prey God to have you in Ilia goad keeping.
NAP OLEON,