The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-04 00:00:00

THITRSDA

EVENING, MARCH 4, 1852.

had been presented to the Commons by the ex-Prime
Minister, and which have, of course, vanished with
the late Cabinet, did not, far from it, contemplate a
fair representation of the people, on the maxim
which I hold to be the only one of legislature and
finence that can he just. i. e.. that representation and
taxation should be inviolably made inseparable. The Eng-
lish Bill, instead of preventing, would have greatly ex-
tended corruption. If a well of foul water is not to be
purified by pumping into it the dirty liquid of the
ditches, rotten and corrupt boroughs
purified
by disfranchisement. Can
equitable taxation and just representation be
clighbou only neighbouring
gbe
possible, when there are more than one hun-
dred English Members who have now seats in the
House of Commons, the population of whose united
constituencies do not amount to the population of the
city of Glasgow, which only sends two Members to Par-
liament? The English Bill also, which would have
greatly increased the elements of corruption, would hsve
also rendered the ballot, which it had not, indispensable.
Wo must and will have, but not daring the present Par-
liament, a far different plan of Reform than that intro-
duced by the late Government.
Legal Reform.—With the opinions said to be enter-
tained by the ex-Lord Chancellor, no one expected any
good legal reform. Much to the credit of the new Go-
vernment, their law appointments, from the Lord Chan-
cellor downwards, have perhaps never been surpassed for
judicial and legal abilities. I wish, however, that in-
stead of leaving the affairs of Scotland to a Lord Advo-
cate (and none could have given more satisfaction than
Mr. Moncrief), that there would be appointed a Secre-
tary for Scotland, who would not be compelled to attend
in the Parliament House, in Edinburgh, for the greater
part of the time which his duties to Scottish affairs re-
quire that he Should devote to his attendance in the Par-
liament at London. The public and legislative affairs of
Scotland can never otherwise be satisfactorily discharged.
Colonial Policy.—The Colonial-office has; long been
the most arduous and perplexing department of
the State, requires at its head a statesman of the
greatest colonial information, the clearest sagacity, the
most dispassionate temper, and the most sound judg-
ment. Exclusive of the Indian empire, of which I shall
say nothing in this letter, but that its charter must next
session at farthest be subjected to Parliamentary revi-
sion, we have in our North American colonies that sa-
tisfaction and prosperity which has resulted from having
fully conceded to them responsible self-government.
In the West Indies, the question of abundant labour
is essential to their prosperity, almost to their existence
as British colonies. I hope that without attempting to
restore or continue differential sugar duties, which
would tend not to benefit, but to bring against those
colonies further competition from India and Malacca, the
present Government will take up the question of allow-
ing the West India planters to procure, without restric-
tion, abundant free labour.
The Kafir war is a calamity which affects all British
taxpayers. I fear it will absorb all the surplus revenue,
and leave nothing to enable the new Chancellor of the
Exchequer to abolish any odious tax. Lord Grey is, how-
ever, far from being answerable for all the Cape Colony
()vile. He inherited some of the most difficult to remedy,
especially that of the unjustifiable extension of dominions,
far beyond the means of defence, over the territories
of the Ksfirs. Had the ex-Colonial Secretary (pos-
sibly ho may have been restrained from doing so),
five or six years ago, sent the Cape colonists a consti-
tution, giving
a them the same responsible government
as that which .her Majesty's subjects in British North
America have for twelve veers enjoyed; had no attempt
been made to force the Cape of Good Hope to become a
penal colony, he might then have said to the colonists,
" Retreat within the limits which you can defend your-
selves-, for you shall have no portion of the taxes paid
by the British people, to fight in de" fence of your avari-
cious and dishonest encroachments.
Ceylon and the Meuritine are tranquil, and, we hope,
prosperous. The Austrelian colonies, Van Diemen's
Land and Now Zealand. have recently received consti-
tutions, May they be found practical and satisfactory.
Yet, I fear, the gold discoveries will ruinously derange
the labour and industry of these settlements.
As to our foreign relations, I have no doubt bat
that the Earl of Derby's policy will be as pacific
as that of Lord John Russell's would have been. Yet
if, as pretended, Lord Palmerston was dismissed for
considering that the French alliance was the most im-
portant of any for the peace and interests of the United
Kingdom, and that, of the two, he considered the internal
peace, the security of the property, and of the credit, and
of the progress of the trade and manufactures of
France, were better insured by the President gaining
the ascendant, than by letting loose on the country
the Red Republicans and Socialists, who swarmed
in the late National Assembly; it is also asserted,
that Lord Malmesbnry is the intimate friend who
had frequently visited Louis Napoleon at Ham, and
extended to him princely hospitalities in this coun-
try. I disbelieve the alleged Caine of Lord Pal-
merston's dismissal; for, if I am not greatly mis-
taken, Lords John Russell, Lansdowne, and some other
members of the late Cabinet, were of even stronger opi-
nions than the ex-Foreign Secretary with regard to the
coup d'etat of the 2d December last.
I abhor despotic acts, whether by a president, an
emperor, or an oligarchy; and I consider anarchy and
disobedience to the laws the most odious evils and
afflicting calamities which can befal a nation. It is the
vital interest of this country to avoid intermeddling
with the affairs of other states. We may abhor the
atrocities committed by the Neapolitan Government
—so generously and ably exposed by Mr. Gladstone;
we may condemn despotism in Franco and, worse,
than all, in Austria ; but we have nothing to do
with the internal policy or government of those
countries. Let us remain neutral, as we can well do,
from our geographical position; let us free ourselves, as
soon as we honourably can do so, from what Washing-
ton termed, in his valedictory address, " entangling
alliances" with foreign powers; let us avoid war, and yet
be in a sufficiently defensive state; let us never assume
the aggressive, except to recover positive rights, or in
order to maintain, on just grounds, the freedom of
our natural and equal right to the maritime highways and
markets of the world; let us strive, not by any act dero-
gatory to national dignity, but by honourable conduct, to
avoid offending any people or state, and let us endea-
vour to conciliate the goodwill and extend and main-
tain a free intercourse between the British empire and
all the nations of the world. Such is the foreign and
commercial policy that we ought to pursue ; that
which will be Just and dignified to ourselves and to
others—that which I will always contend for—and
which, I believe, is regarded as wise and just by the
great majority of the people of the United Kingdom.
I entertain a high personal respect for many of the
members of the new Cabinet, whom I know, and how-
ever much I do differ from them on commercial,
financial, and Parliamentary reform questions, I believe
them, at the same time, like all British gentlemen,
to be sincere and honourable in their sentiments and
opinions with regard to the dignity and safety of
the empire. I, for one, with many of my friends, will
neither encourage nor take any partnin a factious oppo-
sition to their administration.
But this new Cabinet must not hold the empire in sus-
pense as to its commercial policy, nor can we allow them,
without dissolving Parliament, to frustrate or defer a re-
form in the representation of the people. We want, in fact,
to know what we are to expect from them, and what they
intend to deny us as a people. If they persevere in a
aolicy of intending to retax food—to invade free-trade
principles, we must drive them to a resignation or a
dissolution; and then a general election must decide
whether the people, as far as they are now represented,
are to prefer our policy to that of the Government now
holding power.
I will conclude by one or two observations in refer-
ence to the press. During and since the late coup d'et at
in France severe animadversions have been passed by
British statesmen upon the British press. That press
is certainly not infallible; but notwithstanding all its
faults, we must acknowledge that its virtues and its
usefulness are transceedant ; and let it not be
forgotten, that there is no true liberty except
where the press is free, where it can only be
said to be free, in Great Britain, America, and the
British Colonies, and where the Anglo-Saxon race and
language predominate. Wherever the press ceases to
be free, the people lose their religious and political
liberties. Wisely did Junius say—" Let it be im-
pressed upon your minds, let it be instilled into your
children, that the liberty of the press is the palladium
of all the civil, political, and religious rights of en
Englishman.
In the foregoing observations I have endeavoured, as
ear as just and frank declarations would permit me to
do, not to manifest the bad grace of individual personali-
ties. As your representative, I speak as one of your-.
selves; as a legislator, I have independently expressed
the opinions resulting from my experience, and my
honest convictions.
I have the honour, Gentlemen, to remain
Your faithful servant,
J. MACGREGOR.
1, Princes-terrace, Hyde-park, March 1, 1852.

THE LATE THOMAS MOORE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TINES.
Sir,—ln year excellent memoir of Thomas Moore it
is stated, in reference to his " Canadian Boat Song,"
that the book in which the original composition was in-
scribed found its way, at the expiration of many years,
back to its former owner, who, to his great surprise,
discovered that the music was as much his own as the
words. This account, which is in the latter part correct,
was probably derived from a note attached to the song
in the last edition of the poet's works.
But the book did not revert to the poet, nor are the
circumstances, which are interesting, under which he
saw it again, precisely detailed.
In 1839 Moore visited Dublin on the occasion of the
ineeting:ef the British Association for the Advancement
of Science in that city. At one of the festive scenes,
' which at that period of the history of the association
were not rare events, a very beautiful girl was intro-
duced to the poet by my brother; but, surrounded as
the former was at the time by a host of fair admirers,
many of whom wore most anxious to be presentedfr
possesses the original copy of
him, it is doubtful whether be would have voucbsaund_
more that a slight pressure of his hand to the 37„0,,,ge
Song.'" At these words the your 6 Canadian how
how
lady, had not my brother whispered in his edara,u °'
Boat
The
this came to pass. The facts were sirople„e
aloud on the
book, which was " Priestloy's Lectures," a were the
blank leaf of which the song and
with
he
whomm
Moore wos
cilled, belonged to Mr. Eturit;a:',3wee.th the volume came
travelling in Canada. On .'-' onchie, of Edenmon,
into the possession of Mr. MaC
to a bookseller's
the bookpoet beggteodht:i°s daughter,gh.
near Dublin, who presented
regarded the gift as most
and who very properly
ti°ll°,,whienr6or daythe poet had a
precicua.
Moore then expressed the
ds ttrhoantg els ts
should
dre u toce 0 seemp accompany
book, and it was arrange
Miss blaconchie on the
shop in Grafton-stret3_i,s
letters, and where he
room for writing il