The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-08 00:00:00

11 Whitworth .. 31- .. 3i deg ..

12 Shunt

.. 8

.. li deg ..

13 Whitworth .. 11/ .. 14
14 Shunt .. 4 .. 1i deg ..
_ _

15 Whitworth .. 3} .. 2 deg
16 Shunt .. 31 .. 1i deg
17 Whitworth ..
18 Shunt .. 6 .. deg
19 Whitworth .. 11t .. 81 deg
20 Stunt, not taken.

.. 4
.. 4
.. Nut taken

Alternate firing with these two guns was then
commenced and carried out to the extent of 20
rounds (10 rounds each) with live shell, csith
Boxer's fuze for the Whitworth, and Armstrong's
experimental faz•J for the shunt gun—in both in-
stances the same description of fuzes that were used
with the same guns in firing shell at the Alfred
target ship on Friday :

Time between Ist
and 2d gr, z
Seconds.
1 Whitworth, burst first graze.
2 Shunt .. 41

Gun.

Defeo ions. Remarks,

•••• 3 deg
.... 3 deg .. Burst
.... 4 deg
I Burst 4 deg
5 Whitworth .. 1/ .... 11 deg .. high after
second graze

3 Whitworth .. 41
4 Shunt .. 9

6 Shunt, burst prematurely at 20ft from muzzle
7 Whitworth .. 91 .... 71 deg
8 Shunt .. 1 .... 1 deg .. Five grazes
9 Whitworth, burst on 2d graze ; sec between grazes
10 Shunt .. 4 .... 11 deg
11 Whitworth, burst first graze
12 Shunt .. 71 .... 4 deg
13 Whitworth, burst first graze
14 Shunt • • 11 •• • . 1 deg .. Three grazes
15 Whitworth, burst first graze
16 Shunt .. 5 .... 11 deg
17 Whitworth .. 12 .... 8 deg
18 Shunt • • 7 •• .. 2 deg .. Two grazes
19 Whitworth, burst in flight after first graze
20 Shunt. not taken
With shot and lolb charges of powder, five rounds from
each gun, gave the following results :
Time between
Gun. ltt & .d graze. Deflections. Remarks.
Seconds. Observed.
1 Whitworth .. 6/ .. 4 min 30 see .. 2 grazes.
2 Shunt .. 131 .. 5 deg .. 2 ..
3 Whitworth .. 41 .. 11 deg .. 3 ..
4 Shunt .. 3 .. 21 deg .. 3 ..
5 Whitworth .. 61 .. 4 deg .. 2 ..
6 Shunt .. .. 9 deg .. 2 ..
7 Whitworth .. 3/ .. 3 deg .. 5 ..
8 Shunt .. 41 .. 8 deg .. 2 ..
9 Whitworth .. 3 .. 21 deg 3 ..
10 Shunt.. .. 41 9 deg .. 3 ..
With the Wedge Armstrong breechloader the practice
was as follows :

Empty Shell, 9lb Charge of Powder.
Time between
Ist &2d graze. Deflections. Remarks.
seconds, Observed.
1 .. 4 .. 2 deg .. 4 grazes.
2.. Of .. 51 .. 5 deg .. 3 ..
3.. 61 .. 2 min 30 see .. 3 ..
4.. • . .. 7 .. 1 deg .. 2 ..
5.. 12/ .. 5 deg .. 2 ..
6 41 .. 41 dog .. 2
7.. 81 .. 4 deg .. 2 ..
BOf Of .. 4 .. 21 deg .. 4
9.. .. 12 .. 11 deg .. 2 ..
10 .. .. 8i .. 4/ deg .. 2 ..
Live Shell, Armstrong Experimental Percussion Fuze
91b Charge of Powder.
Time between Ist
and 2d graze. Deflection.
Seconds.

Remarks,
Obserred
1 .. 8 .. 5 deg .. 2 grazes
2 .. .. .. 13 .. 51 deg .. 2 ..
3 .. 12i .. 4 deg .. 2 ..
4 .. .. Si .. 7 deg .. 2 ..
5 1 .. 1 deg .. 7 ..
6 .. .. .. 9 .. 3 deg .. 2 ..
7 .. SA 1.. 5 .. 21 deg .. 3 ..
8 .. .. 3 .. 3 deg .. 3 ..
9 91 .. 9 deg .. 2 ..
10 ge .. .. 6} .. 7 deg .. 2 ..
With Shot, 91b Powder Charge.

Time between Ist
and 2d graze. Remarks.
Observed.
3 grazes
2. .. 5 4 e
dg • 5 ••
31Deflection.eceeet g.
gion
not taken
4 • • • • • • .. 4 deg .. 2 grazes
5•• .. •• 3 .. 4 deg .• 3 ••
Ten rounds with live shell from the Omit gun
with the ordinary pillar service fuze, and the Pet-
man fuz?, as used for spherical shell from 68
pounder smoothbore guns, having a bearing upon
the premature bursting of the shells from this gun
in the firing at the Alfred target ship on Friday
last :

Pillar Sallee Fuze, 101 b Powder Charge.
Time between
let & 2d graze.
Seconds.

Deflection.

Remarks
Observed.
1, 15 .. 5 deg .. 3 grazes
2. 5 deg
3... 5 .. 2 deg .. 3 ~
4... Burst prematurely outside gun's muzzle
5, 11 .. 6i deg .. 2 ~
Petman's Fuze, 91b Powder Charge.
1... • • • . 6i .. 5 deg
2. .. Burst first graze
3... 14 .. 15 deg
4... .. 71 .. 7 deg
5. • • • • .. 1 1 deg .. 4
Two roulade were fired from Mr Whitworth's
guns with three rifled spheres (each about 201 b.),

The following article appeared recenlly in the
Richmond Enquirer :
" CONSCRIPTING TUE SLAVES.
" The proposition to extend the Conscript Law to
the slaves of the States was first formally advanced
by the Enquirer in the issue of the 6th inst. Since
that time we have received many assurances of its
popular favour, and none whatever of opposition to
it. We learn that the planters in the extreme
Southern States favour the proposition, and some
have signified their readiness to free five, 10, or 15
of their slaves if they will enter the army. The
near approach of the time when the Congress meets
again requires that expression be given to the sett.
timents of the country upon this important measure.
We therefore earnestly invite its discussion, and
open our columns to opponents as well as friends of
the proposition. The result of the late elections is
still in doubt, and whether Lincoln or M'Clellan
will be elected it is yet impossible to determine, but
there is no uncertainty as to the question of carry,.
ing on the war. Whether Lincoln or M'Clellan be
the next President, the voice, the alqest unanimous
voice, of that people is for a vigorous prosecution
of the war. The duty of preparing to meet that
issue will be before the approaching Session of the
Confederate Congress. That body will have before
it for consideration the ways and means, as well as
of men as of money, for carrying on the war on our
part. The war cries of the enemy, 'No parley
with rebellion in the field—no compromise with
slavery in the readjustment fully inform our people
that in plain vernacular the whites of these States
are to be subjugated to slavery, and their slaves
reduced to the miserable condition of Yankee free
negroes. This is the view of the people among
our enemies, and this will be the result of the
war, whether ended by Lincoln or M'Clellan,
if the people of these States permit theme
selves to be conquered. The conscription of
negroes should be accompanied with freedom and
the privilege of remaining in the States ; this is no
part of abolitionism, it is the exercise by the master
of the unquestionable right of manumission ; it is
remunerating those who defend our cause with the
privilege of freedom. Nor should this important
subject be prejudiced with questions about putting
the negro on an equality with our friends, brothers,
and fathers. Many of the soldiers in their child•
hood were fondled and nursed by faithful negro
nurses, and yet no question of equality was ever
raised. Many a man has manumitted slaves with-
out ever being subjected to the suspicion of being
an abolitionist. The issues involved in this war
are too exalted in their importance and character
for us to permit them to be compromised by being
degraded to a question of property. The liberty and
freedom of ourselves and of our children, the na•
tionality of our country, the right of enjoying any
kind of property, the houses over our heads, and
the very graves of our children and friends, are
involved in the struggle. Failure makes slaves of
tll, white and black ; robs all of property, real
and personal ; divides cur land among our con-
querors, who will plough up the very graves of our
dead as fertilised ground for making money. Wo
have in our midst a half million of fighting mate-
rial which is property—shall we use that property
for the common cause ? Justice and sound pol cy
demand that we make freernPn of those who fight
for freedom. We conscript the master and we im-
press his horses, cattle, NI heat, and every other
property except slaves. This very exception is an
imputation that this war is for slavery and not for
freedom. By conscripting the negroes we show to
the world the earnestness that it is in our people ;
we prove to our enemies that at the moment of our
supposed exhaustion, in the fifth year of the war,
we shall meet them with larger armies than we
have before raised ; and we explode the false accu-
sation that we are fighting for slavery, or a slave•
holder's confederacy. There are those who doubt
whether sound policy would trust negroes with
arms. We are not of those who entertain any fears
upon that subject. Drill and discipline make valu-
able soldiers of Russian serfs, and no negroes in these
States are so ignorant and brutal as those serfs. Be.
tween service with the Confederacy and with the
Yankees, between living among us,with their strong
local attachments, and going among strangers, who
are now openly buying and selling them to recruit-
ing officers, our slaves will find no difficulty in
choosing. And when once it is understood that free•
dom and a home in the South are the privileges
offered by the Confederate authorities, while the
enemy extend the beggarly hospitalities of Yankee
philanthropy, not only will desertion from our ranks
be unfrequent, but the draughted negroes of the
Yankee armies will exchange services. This subject
addresses itself to the consideration of our people at
this particular time with great force. The prospect
of four more years of war are before our people ; the
enemy will not even parley with us without uncon'
ditional surrender, the fruits of which would be con-
fiscation of all property, the deportation of whole
communities, the degradation of the people, and the
domination and tyranny of Yankee masters. There
can be no reconstruction which does not embrace
a surrender first, which will not permit confiscation
afterwards, which does not insure enslaving the
whites without freeing the blacks. If there are
any weak-kneed people who imagine they can save
their property by reconstruction, let them study the
shibboleth of all parties in the United States :
' No parley with rebellion in the field;
no compro'
miss with slavery in the adjustment.' Uncondie
tional surrender is first demanded before even a
parley. We are to lay down our arms and submit
to the kindness of the Butlers, Grants, Shermans,
and Sheridans ; to the fate of New Orleans, the
condition of the valley, the misery of Atlanta, and,
after all that degradation, to give up all our slaves
in the adjustment. If there are any reasons against
extending the conscription to slaves, we should like
to have.them stated, but we are decidedly of opinion
that the whole country will agree to the proposi-
ill
tHwi ,
rbyaen
vd
called t hIAa
xltul
eepacnol
upon
ainvt
Confederate
earlyprovide
e e dsa yfh
orGtrehovi the
tve nroyner xotl
:rt
LwoCof., Congress
Louisiana,
raueni
TanT,
a, la: eit
yfoo
tl
dearl
hoew si following
has come for us to put
into the army every able,bBoeclpite.d2Gm. man as a soldier.
This should be done immediately, Congress should,
at the coming season, tike action on this most im-
portant question. The negro knows that he cane
not escape conscription if he goes to the enemy.
He must play an important part in the war. lie
caused the fight, and he will have his portion of the
burden to bear. We have learnt from dear-bought
experience that negroes can be taught to fight, and
that all who leave us are made to fight against us.
I would free all able to bear arms, and put them into
the field at once. They will make much better sole
depleted ranks of our armies. I beg you to give this
your earnest attention. With assurances of my
diers with us than against us,
friendly regards and very high esteem, I remain,
very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Secretary aa nrTyh of
flime. extractv s rfr: m a despatch front
" To the Hon, James A. Seddon, Secretary of War,
Richmond, Virginia."
" HENRY W. ALLEN, Governorand
osfwLeolluitshiaena. now

LONDON, TUESDAY, NOY. 8, 1864.

The last act in the tragedy is nearly played out,
and Earl RUSSELL may enliven his autumnal re-
tirement by a careful study of the terms of peace
which are the best that his mingled threats and
blandishments can secure for his allies. The official
text of the treaty of peace between the allied Ger-
man Powers and their victim, has just been pub•
lished, and it must be as consolatory to Denmark as
it is gratifying to Englishmen. It consists of 24
articles, and the little kingdom ought perhaps to
rejoice that it does not reach to 48, and that its
terms are not if possible more stringent. Lord
PALMERSTON, indeed, once went so far as to say
that if Copenhagen were bombarded, and King
CHRISTIAN taken prisoner, Queen VICTORIA'S ad-
visers would begin think of action; but judging
from antecedents, the terrible invaders whom we
poor -inlanders hold in such wholesome awe, would
not have been very foolhardy had they put this
heroic declaration to a practical test. If England
did not wake until the victim were on the scaffold,
there would be more than time for the executioner's
coup de grace while she was buckling on her armour
and unsheathing her sword. But, all things con.
sidered, Austria and Prussia have thought it more
prudent not to push matters to extremities, and the
redoubtable Treaty of Peace now before us remains
to record the achievements of diplomacy in the 19th
century. It was no doubt liberal on t'le part of the
in,nkey in the fable to be kind enough to surrender
the shells to the disputants, since, having the oyster
in his possession, he might nave appropriated them
without hindrance as well as the bonnebouche.
Acting on the /IMO magnanimous prineiple„.the

Allied Powers have positively agreed to leave the
Island of Aroe, and some portions of the territory
of Schleswig which serve as connecting links be-
tween Kiel and Jutland, in the possession of Deny
mark ; only, to facilitate the settlemeat of the fron-
tiers of the province, Denmark is required to cede
all the Jutland dependencies south of the district of
Ribe ; and it is also to be borne in mind that the
cession of Schleswig is held to comprise all the
islands belonging to the Duchy. Denmark re-
nounces all right to the Duchies in favour of Austria
and Prussia, and recognises the right of those
Powers to dispose of them further. This is a sin-
gular condition, when it has been so often loudly
proclaimed that the sole of-j ect of the war was to
enfranchise the Duchies, and to connect "Schleswig
Holstein, sea surrounded," into an independent
State. " A compensation," conveniently vague de-
finition, will be paid to Denmark for those forced
levies on the peaceful inhabitants of Jutland, which
awoke the indignation of civilised Europe, while
the Duchies are to reimburse the allies their war
expenses. We apprehend that the one account
will be much more quickly squared than the
other. The vessels and cargoes " captured on either
side" are to be restored or the owners indemnified.
A most equitable arrangement seeing how the case
actually stands, When Prussia comes to have a
navy, and possesses the power to damage an enemy's
shipping, she will not be quite so ready to make
conditions concerning the surrender or indemnifi-
cation of prizes captured "on either side." Bat it
is useless to weigh too closely the terms of the final
settlement. What better could be hoped for when
might was all on one side, and when it had been
abundantly proved that neither the justice of the
case, the courage of the sufferer, the greed of the
aggressor, nor the close alliance of the Danish royal
family with our throne, could serve to call forth from
the British Cabinet anything but an uncertain
sound. Denmark, indeed, was at first misled. She
relied too credulously upon those cff,rs of help,
those promises of support which were not alone
whispered in the privacy of diplomatic confidence,
but openly enunciated within the walls of the
British Parliament. Perhaps, too, she reckoned
a little too confidently on that near alliance so
recently contracted with the English Sovereign, and
on the interest which might naturally be supposed
to be felt for the father of the young end
popular Princess. She may have thought that
as a kindred people, kindred in race, in
character, in patriotism, English hearts
would have been quickly stirred at the story of the
gallant little kingdom struggling for its rights.
In any case she has been painfully undeceived.
The sympathy if felt has been profitless, the assis-
ance worse than useless. Had she not been misled
by assurances of English aid, Denmark would
scarcely have confronted the allied armies of Außs
trio. and Prussia, wasting her blood and her trea-
sure when the end was inevitable. LEONIDAS him-
self, though a moral victor, was forced to succumb
to numbers, and though many a happier story from
Marathon to Morgarten has proved that right is
sometimes victorious against dedly odds, yet Den-
mark would never have been likely to have added
to the list. Meanwhile the Danish Chambers are
met in mournful conclave to discuss this humiliat-
ing treaty, and the best that can be said of it in
the Royal speech is a hope that the Rigsraad will
resign itself to the national misfortunes. What
more can be said ? Any attempt to deny or
to palliate the evil would be insulting the feeling
of the country, and King CHRISTIAN knows better
than needlessly to divert to himself any part of that
just and natural indignation now so warmly felt
by the injured Danes against their enemies—and
their friends I

The assurance of some people is really amazing ;
nothing seems to teach them moderation or to curb
the vehemence of their opinions. Thus Mr. BRIGHT,
instead of hiding his diminished head, as well he
might when the affairs of America are discussed,
puts himself forward in his usual arrogant style
and proceeds to give advice .to those who can do
very well without it. At the same time he thinks
he is striking with a two-edged sword, and while
he gives one word to America he intends two for
England. Doubtless he thinks that it is a very
clever move, and that by these means he can give
vent to his long penteup wrath at the manner in
which many among us have expressed ourselves
durieg this great struggle for supremacy in the
United States. The remarks of the New York
7ribuns are almost amusing in their intensity of
excitement. Evidently the most must be made of
such an important affair as Mr BRIGHT'S letter. It
is styled, in the first place " timely and impressive, ,
It is very evident that the whole thing has been
got up for party purposes, and that the most is
sought to be made out of it ; but such an ingenious
attempt will not go very far among those who are
capable of understanding the tactics to their full
extent, and of appreciating the mance avre. What
reason can there be for Mr. BRIGHT coming forward
at this especial juncture and laying down the law
as to the advisability of LINCOLN'S re-election.
Above all, it consorts ill with the precepts of one
who is all for freedom of thought and action, that
he should lay an interdict upon the expression of
opinion upon the part of those who are in favour of
M'CLELLAN. In this narrow.minded judgment we
see fully displayed the arbitrary regulations and
prejudiced views which distinguish the disciples of
the Manchester School par excellence. What
bitter scorn and withering sarcasm may we not
suppose to be hidden under those significant
words :—" All those of my countrymen who
have wished well to the rebellion, who have
hoped for the breakup of your Union, who have
preferred to see a Southern slava empire rather
than a restored free republic, so far as I can ob-
serve, are now in favour of the election of General
WCLELLAN." In this sentence we may find many
interpolations; first of all we are told that it is a
"rebellion" with which the North have to cope,
and such an assurance from one who should, above
all, admire independence is very peculiar. Next,
those who are so unhappy as to diffa from Mr
BRIGHT are told in very plain language of the want
of common sense and good taste which they display
in so doing. Also they are shown to what a fearful
extent their wishes are carrying them, even so far
as to desire the establishment of a " Slave empire."
Of all the devices of cunning nothing surpasses this
pretext of the object of the war being virtually the
question of "slavery." It certainly goes far to
show that the advocates of the Federal cause have
not a very good case of their own that they in.
variably resort to this dodge, and take refuge be-
hind this fair seeming show of strength and sub-
stance. But Mr. BRIGHT stands forward to
teach the inhabitants of both hemispheres their
`duty. Re emphatically declares what the good
men and true of the Old World desire to see done
in the New one. The chief object of their wishes
and subject of their prayers it is incumbent upon
as to know then is the reelection of Mr. LINCOLN.
Ignorant must be those who look upon tbis event
as a party struggle, and a politico.' movement ; its
issues are not confined to such trivial and transient
' ends ; the cause of humanity, the interests of civi-
lization, the benefits of peace, and the bless-
ings of freeeom are all bound up in it. It
is impossible to oyez. estimate the importAnce

of seeking information at the fountain head, and
who so fit to expound unto us the marvels and mys-
teries of American affairs as the man who speaks
con amore of a republican constitution, and so fully
appreciates its mighty workings in the cause of
progress and freedom, Our surprise does not end
with the grandiloquent assertion that so many
await the approaching presidential struggle with
impatience, but Mr BRIGHT further condescends to
say why they do P We hear accordingly that it is
because they observe in Mr LINCOLN " a grand
simplicity of purpose" and also "patriotism which
knows no change." Can anything possibly be more
ridiculous than this, and would any man believe
that a man of experience would write such an ex-
travagant tissue of absurdities? Where has been
the "grand simplicity" of President LINCOLN'S
conduct ? may well be asked by the astounded
hearers of Mr BRIGHT'S phraselcgy. It
is what the Blanchester me❑ call simple
to proclaim such a course, and pursue
such a game as have been the objects sought
for with might and main by the man who
for years has ruled the great Republic of the West.
Who can forget that during this struggle those on
the Federal side have shown no respect for what
should be held in reverence by barbarous nations,
and restrain the passions of savage tribes! Not
alone has their sword made women childless, but
on no occasion whatever have their troops been
withheld from acts of lawless violence, and all the
arts and contrivances which can gain their imme-
diate ends have been eagerly resorted to, setting
at nought the scruples of honour, the claims of
justice, and the kfluence of mercy. It is to a
man who has virtually encouraged, stimulated, and
approved of these doings that Mr, BRIGHT offers
the tribute of America's applause, and ins
yokes the aid of America's support. If such
are to be our heroes and demigods, the
race has indeed deteriorated,
,and our glory
has departed, no more to rise. What is the
use of Mr. BRIGHT'S coming forward, puffing up
in such an extravagant fashion those of whom he
makes idols, but whom we believe to be of a vary
indifferent quality. It will not avail to convince
any one, and it only shows into what mistakes
clever men may fall when they get too much of an
idea in their heads. Those who admire the abilities
of the hon. member will really regret to see him
throw away his energies in so mac: an attempt as
this effort to cry peace where there is no peace, and
as it were to lay down the law as he wishes it to be,
not such as others may wish it to be. It is to be
lamented that an Eaglish citizen should identify
himself with a set who are at variance with the
fundamental principles of our Constitution, and
whose lives are a contradiction in terms to the rule
of doing unto others as you would that they should
do unto you,