The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-02 00:00:00

The United Service Magazine.

The United Service opens with an interesting
histcry of Greenwich Hospital. After giving an
account of its foundation and construction, the
writer discourses on the various phases of its
government from the completion in the reign of
Queen Anne to the present time, when the form of
its administration and the direction of its finances
are in a state of transition. That the recommen-
dations of the Royal Commissioners appointed to
inquire into the management of this national insti-
tution will be promptly responded to by the Board
of Admiralty cannot be doubted. The Duke of
Somerset, indeed, goes even further than the Com-
missioners in the alterationa and improvements
which he contemplates, and foremost among these
is a change in the aboard double terra of goNern-

ment—viz., bono acivil and a military one.
" Curiosities of Naval Literm:ure" are continued,
and contain some amusing descriptionb-. " A Sketch
of Jungle Life's gives an account of an 11.."lian
sporting tour. " Four Yeara on the Gold Coast,"
by Capt. Matthews, sth Fusiliers, is as interesting
in the instalment before us as in the preceding
chapters. The writer has evidently been very
observant during his sojourn on that fiery coast ;
his descriptions of the products, both mineral and
vegetable, and of the natural history, and of the
customs of the inhabitants, are well worthy of
attention. Capt. W. W. Knollys' tale of Oswald
Hastings" is continued, and possGsses its usual
amount of interest. The history of the experiments
at Shoeburyness is duly carried on ; and among the
remaining papers we find a review of the condition
of Russia and Poland, a narrative of the campaign
in Schleswig-Holstein, and a paper on the means of
acquiring a correct eye in strategy.

The American War,--•The Views of the
South,

We copy the following from the Richmond lVhig
of the 17th June ;—The people of the South are
by this time pretty well rid of the notable delusion
of foreign intervention which for a time hampered
their energies and palsied their efforts. They had
a right, its the beginning, to suppose that European
Governments would act towards them on the prin-
ciples which had previously been determined in
cases similar to ours. They certainly had no reason
to believe that under pretence of neutrality, Europe
would depart frcm the well established rule in re-
gard to the recognition of tie facto Governments,
and, in addition, decide against us every point which
international law decides in our favour. But it very
soon was made clear that foreign Governments had
not the slightest intention of recognising us, much
less intervening in our favour. M. sou might be
treated like a lacquey in London, or Slidell received
like a gentleman in Paris; it was all one so fares
the Confederacy was concerned. Yet the delusion
of recognition was cherished until we were forced tc
abandon it from sheer weariness. Luckily for us,
the subject, from having been a favourite, has be-
come a decided bore, and, being a bore, has been
kicked ignominiously out of the circles where it was
once most welcome. And we do not wonder at it.
If Europe refuses to consider the Confederacy a de
facto Government, Europe is clearly an CM or a
cheat. If Europe cannot recognise a Government
which for more than three years has carried on the
most colossal war of modern times ; which raises
and maintains armies of hundreds of thousands of
men; which conducts its internal affairs with all the
precision and regularity characteristic of the oldest
nationalities; which has never been disturbed by
social disorders or domestic insurrections; which
exercises undisputed jurisdiction by the expressed
will and consent of the inhabitants over a territory
es large as half-a-dozen good sized European king-
doms, why, then, Europe must either be stone blind
or quite unwilling to see. And to this opinion our
people, fortunately, have come at last.
But there is another delusion which may do just
as much harm if it is not thoroughly dispelled from
the public mind—a delusion which is all the more
dangerous because it may have a still greater effect
in modifying our opinions and mitigating cur efforts.
This delusion is based on the fallacy that there is a
party in the North intrinsically favourable to us,
and that this party may, in some unexplained and
inexplicable way, obtain the ascendancy at
Washington, and make peace with the confederacy.
This idea, whether sincerely held by true patriots,
as in Georgia, or used for purposes of deception and
fraud, as in North Carolina, becomes extremely
dangerous and threatens disastrous consequences
whenever it forms the groundwork of a political
organisation. Since the idea itself is purely spec-
ulative, it can have no practical bearing on our
affairs except in being used for the development of
a complimentary sentiment among ourselves. And
this is the tendency it has assumed, It is an easy
matter for people holding these views to call them=
selves peace men, and the natural result is the
formation of what is called a peace party. the
success of such a party would exhibit its danger
and its delusiveness precisely whe❑ it would be too
late to remedy the evils which would thus be en-
gendered. Nobody in the Confederacy is in favour
of war simply for the love of war itself; but, really,
only as the directest road to the waif peace we can
accept. Hence, when people call themselves peace
men per ce, or in contradistinction to war men,
they will soon come to believe war is in itself un-
necessary, and they will finally oppose the very
objects for which it is waged. Such consequences
must be averted at all hazards, We do not at all
believe they will ensue, but in order to make sure of
avoiding them, it is necessary to rid ourselves of the
primary delusion, out of which they might ulti-
mately spring.
The greatest delusion is, as we have said, that there
is a party in the North intrinsically friendly to our
cause. There is no such party, It is, in the very nature
of things, an impossible party. There are probably in the
North many persons who sympathise with the South—
others who desire our success; others who would be willing,
under any circumstances, to tolerate our independence; but
all of these together do not and cannot constitute a party
sufficiently strong to obtain possession of the Government
now or at any future time. When we say this we do not
by any means say that a peace party may not arise in the
North; perhaps far sooner than many people anticipate.
But a peace party is not necessarily a friendly party. On
the contrary, every one can see that, in order to become
dominant, such a party must embrace a large number of
persons who are hostile to us. The question to be solved,
then, is not how many friends we have in the North, or how
soon a friendly party will come into power at Washington;
but how can we best succeed in forcing our enemies into
the ranks of the peace party? Those who are now peace
men would become war men to-morrow if they thought that
war would result in the restoration of the union. Nothing
tended so much at first to stimulate the apparently univer-
sal war feeling against the South as the delusion that there
was still a large Union party in the Confederacy, and that
a vigorous, though then suppressed, Union sentiment would
be developed by the presence of the Federal armies. it was
only when this delusion was dispelled that the elements of
a peace party became discernible. It is only when this
delusion is dispelled that a restoration of the Union is prac-
ticable, and that the conquest of the South is impossible,
that a peace party will have a chance of success. As to
who will constitute that party that depends entirely on who
first arrives at these conclusions. At present parties pro-
fess to be guided in regard to them. A large number of
Democrats, who declare conquest to be impracticable, yet
assert reunion to be possible. They cherish the delusion
that by calling the war a war for the union and the consti-
tution, instead of a war for conquest and subjugatien, the
South will be ready to submit to them. They totally ignore
the fact that it was precisely the union of which the South
was determined to rid herself. The Black Republicans,
more logical perhaps than the Democrats, admit the impos-
sibility of restoring the Union, but declare out and out for
subjugation and extermination, if necessary, for the accom-
plishment of their purposes. The number of persons who
have thus far admitted the impossibility of conquest, and
impracticabilty of reunion, is very mall. Should the so-
called peace party in the South unfortunately exhibit any
indications of strength, the number would soon become so
extremely small as to disappear totally from the political
horizon. In order that it may be increased to so great a
degree as to render it an effective agent for the restoration
of peace on the basis of Southern independence, a majority
of the Northern people must be convinced that it is out of
their power either to restore the Union or to subjugate the
South. The Black Republicans, or, at least, a portion of
them, must be forced to relinquish their dreams of conquest
—and the Democrats must be compelled to abandon their
schemes of reunion. There is but one way in which this
can be accomplished, and that way is at cur command. We
must strive with all the earnestness of conviction and all the
tenacity of inflexible resolution. We must show the
Yankees that what mean by peace is synonymous with in-
dependence—and we must convince them that we cannot
be cajoled into reunion of driven to submission. We must
get rid of the delusion that there is any party in the North
friendly to our cause, and convince our own people that to
talk of peace attainable in any ether way than by a vigor-
ous and resolute resistance is to propose a surrender of our
rights and our liberties to the enemy. When we have suc-
ceeded in convincing the Yankees of these facts, it will be
a matter of little consequence to us who is President of the
United States, who resides in the White House, or what
party has a majority in Congress, It is true that the
Democrats seem to be more open to conviction than their
adversaries—but we shall have no permanent peace until it
is thoroughly beaten into both parties.

General La Marmora arrived at Genoa, on the
27th ult., for the purpose of insp2cting the works
executed at La Sprzzia, in company with the Mini-
ster of Marine. Oa his return to Turin, the Gene-
ral will start for Geneva, and thence, after a short
tour in Germany, to Paris, where he will meet the
Countess La Marmora the middle of August,