The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-28 00:00:00

free trade in suoh a manner as would obtain the con-
currence of her Majesty's Government. I give the noble
earl all credit for the sinceritTwith which: he-makes that
declaration; but I cannot help saying that if the object
had been to obtain the recognition of the Government to
the principle contained in the motion, it is singular that
the only parties who were not admitted to the consulta-
tion were the members of that Government whose con-
sent and concurrence it was held to be so desirable to
obtain. (Hear, hoar). I do not say that the conceal-
ment from the Government of the terms of the motion
was not befitting the policy of the Opposition, but to give
notice of a motion professing to avow a principle which
Government had avowed its readiness to recognize, to
abstain from giving information of its terms to the Go-
vernment, and then to say that the only object of that
motion was to obtain the assent of the Government, that
I say, is not consistent with a friendly feeling towards
the Government—it is not consistent with the absence of
a desire to put the Government in a minority--but it is
entirely consistent with a concert and a combination of
various parties to embarass and to eject the Government.
(Hear.) But again, if gentlemen were satisfied with the
motion as it was originally framed, I ask why it was that
they subsequently waived that view, and adopted a re-
solution which proceeded from an extreme party in the
house, and which it was impossible for the Government
to accede to ? The noble duke opposite (Newcastle),
who contradicted me the other night as to some of the
facts which I alleged—the noble duke will not deny that,
though the resolution was framed by the party with
whom he then acted, and with whom he acts now, yet
that resolution was brought forward in the first instance
not by them at all, and that, if the two resolutions ori-
ginally put had stood alone by themselves—the one by
Mr. Villiers, the other by the late Chancellor of the
Exchequer—they were prepared to give their support,
and vote in favour of the original motion of Mr. Vil-
liers. I find that this is the case with respect to the
noble duke himself. He will not pretend that he entered
the walls with a friendly feeling towards her Majesty's
late Government; The noble duke will not pretend that
he `was not anxiduslylooking out for an opportunity of
raising a question which might' place the Government in
a minority. The noble duke will not pretend that he
made no secret of his desire—l do not mean in this
house, but in other places—to find an opportunity for
effecting this object, and that he expressed an opin-
ion before the budget was brought forward, that
the budget would afford an opportunity of effecting
that object. The noble duke will not deny that
he was acting in concert with parties by whom the
resolution of 'Mr. Villiers was adopted, and that after it
was known that that resolution could not in honour be
acceeded to by her Majesty's late Government. My
lords, I have now stated the facts which induced me to
say that from the commencement of this session I be-
lieved there was a concert among different parties to
place her Majesty's late Government in a minority. I
can easily conceive that it would have been more con-
venient to them if their Government had not been so
ready to take a hint, and if they had submitted to several
repeated hints, so as to place themselves in a still more
discreditable position before their resignation. I believe
it, was not the wish of several gentlemen who took part
in this combination—and lam bound to believe, after
what he has stated, it was not the wish of the noble earl
—that the Government should have been compelled to
resign office. I shall not enter into any discussion with
regard to the merits of the budget proposed by the late
Chancellor of the Exchequer. The noble earl has ad-
verted in his speech to the necessity of considering one
question which must form a material element in any,
budget, and he has spoken in terms which lead me to'
believe that some of his colleagues have already seen
reason to modify the extreme opinions they formerly
expressed so loudly against one principle in our
budget, which they declared to be spoliation of the
national creditor, and a violation of the public
faith. I hope that the noble earl will frame an
income tax upon a footing—l will not say of equity
to all parties—but at least upon principles which shall
tend to diminish existing inequalities, and which shall
command the assent of the House of Commons. I can
assure the noble earl that no one is more anxious than I
am to preserve inviolate the faith of the country and the:
pledges given to the public creditor—no man can be more
sensible than I am that without an income tax neither
the present nor any other Government will be able to
effect these objects. I said, my lords, that I had little
fault to find with the programme as laid down by the
noble earl ; though I must take occasion to protest
against the language used by the noble earl, as applied
to some of his colleagues, that between the principles
professed by them and himself there was a distinction
without a difference—that the differences were on imma-
terial point; which the country was sick of seeing inter-
posed between public men and their union in the service
of the country. The noble earl will forgive me for say-
ing that either on this, or on a former occasion, he must
have made a great mistake. Either he must be greatly
mistaken now, or he must have been equally greatly mis-
taken when he said that between himself and me there
,was only one point of difference. (Hear.) I know that
there is often a necessity for gentlemen to make conces-
sions of their private opinions, where that can be done with-
-out violation of principle, in order to enable the work of the
Government to be carried on. But when I am told that the
present Cabinet comprises the heads of the most im-
,portant parties in the country, I must say that the
,principle of concession is here carried out to a very con-
-siderable extent—to an extent which I cannot help
doubting whether the advantage to be gained is not
,more than counterbalanced by the doubt which must
necessarily arise in the public mind as to the principles
which the Government really intend to pursue. I Lis.
tened with some surprise to that part of the speech of
the noble earl in which he stated that for thirty years
the country had been guided by substantially the same
principles of foreign policy. (Hear, hear, hear.) My
'lords, I concur, entirely with those views of foreign
policy which the noble earl has himself stated to-night.
They are much the same as those which when I first
had thehonour of standing in the noble earl's place I
stated to your lordships, and I am happy to find that the
noble earl concurs in them. Still, looking to the antece-
, dents of some members of the noble earl's Cabinet, and
recollecting the language and the tone with which the
noble earl commented, not on incidental cases, but on
the whole system of what was then our foreign policy.
(Hear.) I think it is, impossible to recognise a distinction
without a difference between the foreign ,policy of.the
noble earl and that which was formerly professed by some
of his colleagues. The noble earl intimates that it is his
intention and desire to promote and develope national
education, giving due weight, authority, and influence
to the various religious bodies in the country, but; look-
ing mainly to the assistance and co-operation of the
Established Church. In that I entirely concur with the
noble Earl. The difficulties are great, as the noble earl
is aware ; but I hope and trust that the noble earl will
be able to surmount those difficulties, and to give a
united education to all parties in the State, because I
agree with the noble earl that it is eventually on educa-
tion—by which I mean a sound religious education, and
lam sure that is also the noble earl's meaning—it is on
that education that. the greatest and best hopes of the
safety of the country may be reposed. The noble earl
has also announced his desire to proceed with a reform
in the administration of the laws ; and here again I am
happy eay that at all events upon the h prineiple—
then-a.;I cannot answer for minor details—he shall en-
counter no opposition from me. Then the noble Earl
tells,_ 'us that he also intends to deal with the law affect.
wg the 'representation of the people—and upon this sub-
ject the noble earl spoke with a prudence almost oracu-
Jftir ; for h 5 Toeans to be Conservative, or else he could
not obtain th,
mlpport of his friends the Conservatives,
and at the
time he means to be Liberal, or else
he could not obtai, the
support of the noble lord the
member for London. The noble earl intends upon the sub-
ject of the representation Of the people, as upon other sub-
jects, to be Censervatieistiberal and Liberal Conservative,
and that is all the information we are to have as to his
future policy.. I confess'thtt tils declaration does not con-
if
Yey
.to my mind .any distinct o inion
.
the noble earl hact.trerved.to hip It seems as
mself the power to say
to men who might think his measure of reform went too
fare "Did ria tell yoit that rineant to be liberal ;"
while to others who might think that the measure
affected no improvement on the present system, that it
was in fact a distinction without a differenee—
(laughter)
—that he might have the power of saying to them__
"Oh ! I told you from the very outset, that I meant'to
act-oe principles of strict Conservatism”--(laughter, and
hear, hear)=,---so that they would be equally prepared
with their answer whether they went the whole length
of the ' right honourable baronet, the member for Car-
lisle, and inclined to adopt the ballot, or whether they
PrOpeigectsome petty alteration, for which they would get
no thanks, and,for which it would not be worth while to
disturb the existing constitution. My lords, the repre-
sentation of the' country is not perfect, it is capable of
amendment and improvenient, but, with regard to its
reform, everything depends upon the animus with
which that reform may be introduced, and I say that the
noble earl will not act wisely in venturing upon any mea-
sure which is calculated to raise apprehensions respecting
the stability of our institutions, unlesshe sees that a great,
clear, and manifest advantage is to be derived from it. The
noble earl als alluded to the language which I have used