The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 11, 1852.

Average Amount
Rochester, Chatham, and Strood Bank Roches-
ter—Day and Nicholson.. 7,872
Rugby Bank, Rugby—Butlin and Son 10,737
Rye bank, Fye—Pomfret and Co.
Ross (Ad Bank, Herefordshire, Ross—Pritchard
and Allaway
Saffron Walden and North Essex Bank, Saffron
Walden—Messrs. Gibson
Salop Bank, Shrewsbury—Burton, Lloyd, and
Co 14,869
Scarbo, :h Old Bank, 3carbr .h—Woodall

roug
_
and Co
Shrewsbury Old Bank, and Shrewsbury and
Ludlow Bank, Sh re wsbury—Rocke, Eytone.
a
and Co
Sittingbourne and Milton Bank, Sittingbourne
—Valiance and Son 3,868
Southampton Town and County Bank, South-
ampton—Maddison and Pearce 13,105
Southwell Bank, Southwell—Wylde and Co.
Southampton and Hampshire Bank, Southamp-
ton—Atherly and Fall . 3,390
Stone Bank, Stone—W. Moore 405
Stafford Old Bank, Stafford—Stevenson and Co 11,378
Stamford and Rutland Bank, Stamford—Eaton,
Cayley, and Co. . .
Stourbridge Old Bank, Stourbridge—Bate and

loroug,

24,062

Robins
Shrewsbury and Welshpool Bank, Shrewsbury
—Beck, Downward, and Co. 23,796
Taunton Bank, Taunton—Messrs. Badcock 26,023
Tavistock Bank, Tavistock—Gil, Rundle, and
Co 12,500
Thornbury Bank, Thornbury—Rolph, Yates, and

Parslow
Tiverton and Devonshire Bank, Tiverton—Duns-
ford and Barne 9,042
Thrapston and Kettering Bank, Northampton-
shire, Thrapston—Yorke and Eland 11,075
Tring Bank and Chesham Bank, Tring—But-
cher and Son
Towcester Old Bank, Towceater—J. and S
Percival
Town and County of Poole Bank, and Ring-
wood and Poole Bank Ledgard and
Sons'
Union Bank, Cornwall, Helston—Vivian and
Co.
Uxbridge Old Bank, Uxbridge—Bull, Smith,
and Co.
Wallingford Bank, Wallingford—Hedges & Co. 7,692
Warwick and Warwickshire Bank, Warwick—
Greenway and Co.
Wellington Somerset Bank, Wellington—Fox
Brothers
West Riding Bank, Wakefield, and Pontefract
Bank, Wakefield—Leatham, Tew, and C 0....
Whitby Old Bank, Whitby—Simpson, Chap-
man, and Co
Winchester, Alresford, and Alton Bank, Win-

7,360

10,470

44,599

13,22

chester—Bulpett and Co.
Winchester and Hampshire Bank, Winchester
—Wickham and Co
Weymouth Old Bank and Dorchester Barry,
Weymouth—Elliott and Pearse
Wirkesworth and Ashbourne Derbyshire Bank,
Wirkesworth—Arkwrieit and C 0....
Wisbech and Lincolnshire Bank, Wisbech—
Gurney and Co.
WiveliscGmbe Bank, Wiveliscombe—P. and W

22,127

Hancock ...
Wolverhampton Bank, Wolverhampton—Good-
ricke and Holyoake.
Worcester Bank, Worcester—Farley, Lavender,

and Co.
Worcester Old Bank and Tewkesbury Old Bank,
Worcester—Berwick, Lechmere, and Co
Worcesters,hire Bank, Kidderminster—Farley
and Turner
Walsall Old Bank, Walsall—Charles Foster and
Sons
Warminster and Wiltshire Bank, Warminster—
Everett and Co.
Wolverhampton Bank, Wolverhampton—
Messrs. Fryer
Yarmouth and Suffolk Bank, and Haleswortk
and Suffolk Bank, Yarmouth—Gurney.
Birkbeck, and Co.
Yarmouth, Norfolk, and Suffolk Bank, Great
Yarmouth—Sir E. K. Lacon, Bart., and Co
York Bank. York—Swami, Clough, and Co

JOINT-STOCK BANKS.
Bank of Westmoreland, Kendal
Barnsley Banking Company, Barnsley
Bradford Banking Company, Bradford
Bilston District Banking Company, Wolver-

hampton
Bank of Whitehaven, Whitehaven
Bradford Commercial Banking Company, Brad-
ford .... .....
Burton, Uttoxeter, and Staffordshire Union
Banking Company, Burton-upon-Trent
Chesterfield and North Derbyshire Banking

Company, Chesterfield ..
Cumberland Union Banking Company, Work-

ington .
Cheltenham and Gloucestershire Banking Com-
pany, Cheltenham
Coventry and Warwickshire Banking Company
Coventry
Coventry Union Banking Company, Coventry..
County of Gloucester Banking Company, Chel-

5,740

16,434

34,78

43,254

7,148

11,515

8,823

79,22

10,200

11,418

37,469

11,409
45,632

9.320
8,732
47,210

9,472
31,469

19,320

53,44,5

9,075

36,748

10,042

27,465
13,240

tenham
Carlisle and Cumberland Banking Company
Carlisle
Carlisle City and District Bank, Carlisle 18,771
Dudley and West Bromwich Banking Company,
Dudley
Derby and Derbyshire Banking Company, Derby 19,391
Darlington District Joint-Stock Banking Com-
pany, Darlington
East of England Bank, Norwich
Gloucestershire Banking Company, Gloucester 153,206
Halifax Joint-Stock Bank, Halifax. lB,BOB

104,330

tuddersfield Banking Company, Huddersfield.. 36,258
Hull Banking Company, Hull
Halifax Commercial Banking Company, Ha-

lifax
Halifax and Huddersfield Union Banking Com-
pany, Halifax
Helston Banking Company, Helston 1,361
Herefordshire Banking Company, Hereford 25,201
Knaresborough and Clare Banking Company,
Knaresborough
Kingsbridge Joint-Stock Bank, Kingsbridge 3,160
Lancaster Banking Company, Lancaster . 58,757
Leeds Banking Company, Leeds
Leicestershire Banking Company, Leicester
Lincoln and Lindsey Banking Company, Lincoln 49,606
Leamington Priors and Warwickshire Banking
Company, Leamington Priors
Ludlow and Tenbury Bank, Ludlow 9,330
Moore and Robinson's Nottinghamshire Bank-
ing Company, Nottingham 33,866
Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Banking
Company, Nottingham
Newcastle, Shields, and Sunderland Union Joint-
Stock Banking Company, Newcastle
National Provincial Bank of England, Birming-
ham, Head-office, 112, Bishopsgate-street,

1,240

. .
_
London 353,118
North Wilts Banking Company, Melksham 49,060
Northamptonshire Union Bank, Northampton 73,537
Northamptonshire Banking Company, North-

ampton
North and South Wales Bank, Liverpool 38,168
Pares's Leicestershire Banking Company, Lei-
cester • • • ** 47,134
Saddleworth Banking Company, Saddleworth 2,046
Sheffield Banking Company, Sheffield 33,259
Stamford, Spalding, and Boston Banking Com-
pany, Stamford
Stuckey's Banking Company, Bristol Somerset-
shire Bank, and Somersetshire Bank, Lang-
-355.321
port
Shropshire Banking Company, Shiffnall ...
Stourbridge and. Kidderminster Banking Com-
pany,s4,BB6
shire Banking Company,
t odurnbraildigame
Sheffield
Sheffield
Sheffield and Rotherham Joint-Stock Banking
52,370
Company, Shoilield
Swaledale and Wensleydale Banking Company,
Richmond .. * 51,676
Storey and Thomas's Banking Company
Shaftesbury . 9,463
Wolverhampton and Staffordshire Banking Com-
_ pang, Wolverhampton 36,180
Wakefield and Barnsley Union Bank, Wakefield 13,423
Whitehaven Joint-Stock Banking Company,
Whitehaven ,
.. 28,529
Warwick and Leamington Banking Company,
Warwick
West of England and South Wales District
Bank. Bristol ... .. ... ... 75,368
Wilts and Dorset Banking Company, Salisbury 71,471
West Riding Union Banking Company, Hud.
dersfield ..., 31,364
. •• •
Whitchurch and Ellesmere Banking Company,
Whitchurch
Worcester City and County Banking Company,
Worcester , 5,927
York Union Banking Company, York 69,615
York City and County Banking Company,York 89,669
Yorkshire Banking Company. Leeds
P. DEANS, Registrar of Bank Returns.
lnlandßevenne, Somerset House, November 6, 1852.

THE TEETH AND BREATH. How often do we find
the human face divine disfigured by neglecting the
chiefeat of its ornaments, and the breath made disa-
greeable to companions by non-attention to the Teeth!
Though perfect in their structure and composition, to
keep them in a pure and healthy state requires some
little trouble; and if those who are blessed with well-
formed teeth knew how soon decay steals into the mouth
making unsightly what otherwise are delightful to ad-
mire, and designating unhealthiness by the impurity of
the breath, they would spare no expense to chase away
these fatal blemishes. But although most ladies are
careful, and even particular in these delicate matters,
37'''t few are sufficiently aware of the imperative necessity
°2f
_rrctoling all noxious or mineral substances of an acrid
nature, and of which the greater part of the cheap tooth-
powders of the present day are composed. It is highly
preserve the
satisfactory to •
Pearl bentifr• point out Messrs. Rowland's Odonto, or
element,,
ttnr, as a preparation free from all injurious
to
e
the graces of them
dentraainvntly calculated to embellish and
the
breaVlltrocture, to impart a grateful fra-
grance,and to embellish and perpetuate
of a man 43"
myiTErtiors ,I,th.—Court Journal.
minutes past five o,6,:iTt.—Monday morning, a few
eet, in the Strand, they d s-
cart along King wiiiiam,a two men were proceeding in a
covered the body
way down the street.
a tit, or was knocked down 1:1 lie
quite A IsYstfl7. whetr4 en the pavement, about half
or
fellow fell down in
a person, is at ore Sent

THE EMPIRE.

The following is the report of the commission
charged to examine the proposition relative to a
modification of the Constitution, conformably to

articles 31 and 32 :
" Messieurs les Senateurs,—France, attentive and
excited, now demands from you a great political act.
You are called upon to put an end to her anxieties and
to secure her future.

" Bat this act, however important, does not meet with
any of those great difficulties which obstruct the wis-
dom of legislators. You know the wishes expressed
by the Councils-General, the Councils of Arron-
dissement, and the addresses of the communes of
Latwhnrohadauitcibshc emh,
Namy tFn—wishesshaeepn struckosNapoleon,
oipsn
de,
the
mat
eri
no
world
sootfraoflobfdiri lt
absi tyryewltt
pYeoocipleh, avfoellolsweainrdg
siastic cries, which may almost call a plebiscite by
in the footsteps of its liberator, and those enthu-
ahhu
oernels
majestye. tt
oh e
npoliticalo fGovernment
i ts
pof
form
power
anticipation, proceeding from the hearts of thousands of
agriculturists and workmen, manufacturers and trades-
men. Such manifestations make the task of statesmen
an easy one. There are circumstances in which fatal
necessities prevent the firmest legislator from acting in
harmony with public opinion and with his own reason;
other circumstances there are amidst which he wants
much reflection in order to solve questions on which
the country has not sufficiently decided. You, gentle.
men, are not exposed either to this constraint or to this
embarrassment. The national will urges you on and
supplicates you, and your vast experience tells you
that in yielding to her entreaties you will assist in re-
placing France in the paths which are suitable to her
interests, to her grandeur, and to the imperious neces-
sities of her situation. All this is, in fact, explained by
the events which are being enacted before you.
" After periods of great political agitation, it always
happens that nations throw themselves joyfully into the
arms of the strong man whom Providence sends to them.
It war the fatigue of civil wars which made a monarch
of the conqueror of Actium; it was the horror of revo-
lutionary excesses as much as the glory of Marengo
which raised the imperial throne. In the midst of the
recent dangers of the country, this strong man stood
forth on the 10th of December, 1848, and on the 2d of
December, 1851, and France confided to him her stand-
ard, which was then declining. If, on this memorable
journey, which was nothing but a series of triumphs, she
has declared her will to confide it to him for ever, it is
because by his courage and by his prudence the man has
shown himself equal to the task; it is because, when a
nation feels itself tormented by the agitations of a stormy
Government, a necessary reaction leads it towards him
who can best secure order, stability, and repose.
" Louis Napoleon, therefore, is in this wonderful situ-
ation,—that he alone holds in his bands these inestima-
ble gifts. He has, in the eyes of France, his immense
services, the magic of his popularity, the reminiscences
of his race, the imperishable remembrance of order, of
organization, and of heroism, which give a louder pul-
sation to the hearts of all Frenchmen. He revives in
the eyes of Europe the greatest name of modern days,
not only for the military triumphs with which his bistory
is so rich, but for chaining down the political and social
tempests, for endowing France with the conquests of
peace, and for strengthening and fertilizing the good
relations of States. Both at home and abroad it is to
him that is attached a vast future of pacific labour and
of civilization. That future must not be at the mercy
of the chance of events and to the surprise of factions.
" Hence France demands the monarchy of the Empe-
ror; that is to say, order in revolution, and rule in de-
mocracy. She wished it on the 10th of December, when
the artifices of an inimical constitution prevented the
people from expressing their opinion ; she desired it
again on December the 20th, when the moderation of a
noble character stifled the demand. But now the public
sentiment overflows like a torrent ; there are moments
when enthusiasm, too, has the right of solving political
questions. For some time past visible signs announced
what must be the mission of Louis Napoleon, and the
provident reason of statesmen put itself in accordance
with the popular instinct in order to fix its charac-
ter. After the bitter sarcasm which put the heir to
a crown at the head of the Republic, it was evident that
France, still democratic by habit, never ceased to be
monarchical is her instincts, and that the wished for the
re-establishment of the monarchy in the person of the
Prince who revealed himself to her as the conciliator of
two ages and of two minds, the line of union of the Go-
vernment and of the people, the monarchical symbol of
organiz -d democracy.
"At the end of the last century the preponderance of
the democratic element gave rise to a belief in speculative
or ardent minds that France ought to mark the new era
into which she had entered by a divorce between her
Government and the monarchical form. The Republic
was borrowed from the recollections of antiquity. But in
France political limitations seldom succeed. Our country,
although taxed with frivolity, is invincibly attached to
certain national ideas and to certain traditional habits, by
which it preserves the originality on which it prides
itself. The Republic could not acclimatize itself on the
French soil. It perished by its own excesses, and it
only went into those excesses because the instincts of
the nation were averse to the new form of government,
The Republic was but an interregnum, brilliant abroad
and terrible at home, between two monarchies.
" At that period glory raised to power one of those
men who found dynasties and who traverse ages.
Flourishing on that new stern France beheld a monarchy
suitable to modern times, and yielding to no other in its
grandeur and in its power. Was it not a great lesson to
see a similar fortune reserved 50 years after for a second
trial of the Republican form ? Is it not a striking
example of the perseverance of the French mind in
things which are like the substance of her political life ?
Is not the proof complete and decisive ?
" It will be the more so as the Imperial Monarchy has
all the advantages of the Republic without its dangers.
The other monarchical regimes (the illustrious services of
which we will not depreciate,) have been accused of having
placed the throne too far from the people, and the Re-
public, boasting of its popular origin, skilfully en-
trenched itself against them in the masses, who thought
they were forgotten and overlooked. But the Empire,
stronger than the Republic, on democratic grounds.
removes that objection. It was the Government which
the people most energetically supported, and moat
deeply regretted. The people have again round it
in their memory to oppose it to the dreams of
idealogista and to . the attempts of perturbators. On
the one hand, it is the only one which can boast of the
right recognized by the old monarchy.--` That it is to
the French nation that it belongs to choose its Sing;' on
the other, it is the only one which has not had quarrels
to settle with the people. When it disappeared in 1814,
it was not by a struggle of the nation against the Go-
vernment. The chances of an unequal foreign war
effected that violent divorce. But the people have never
ceased to see in the Empire their emanation and their
work ; and they placed it in their affections far above
the Republic—an anonymous and tumultuous Govern•
went, which they remember much more by the violence
of its proconsuls than by the victories which were the
price of French valour.
That is why the Nepoleonian monarchy absorbed the
Republic once, and why it must absorb it a second time-
The Republic is virtually in the Empire, by the contract-
like character of the institution, and by the communica-
tion and express delegation of power by the people. But
the Empire is superior to the Republic, because it is also
the monarchy. that is to say, the government of all con-
fided to the moderating action of one, with hereditary
succession as a condition, and stability as its con.
sequences. Monarchy has the excellent quality of
Bfl nowfui.atnpht
fatigued
siunteei ncdpsaoel wishes;wwaaienbtirhd-t,
yielding admirably to the progress of civilization; by
turns feudal, absolutist, and mixed, always old, and
always modern, it has only to reopen the era of
its democratic transformation which was inaugerated
b
s y
wtpschyihtaecnotEni
ssimi
ideas,
peao eans
srscaokoriwne.
incredulous
whose
Ttoesuedfht
ueagydit
eoonuiutisshu what
wasblyiatit
htau
hFur
aei France anpnnecooo countryeft
ab-
stractions,
unless that power is revealed in the form of a hero or a
prince.
" Even if the love of Frenchmen for monarchy be only
a prejudice, it must be respected ; a people can only be
governed in accordance with its ideas. But it must in
particular be respected, because it is inspired by the
most essential necessities, and the most legitimate inte-
rests of the country.
" France is a great State, desirous of presenting at
home and abroad the force which a vast territory and
35,000.000 of inhabitants give. She is both agri-
cultural and commercial. Notwithstanding the fer-
tility of her soil, she would be poor if manufactures
were not to add immense personal to real capital, and if
the taste for polite enjoyments and moderate luxury did
not give to labour an aliment, and one which is always
new. But labour, in order to arrive at the result of its
ventures, must needs be supported by so many advances
qu e ti
for and t
h e se subversive
alone
and such a persevering continuance of efforts,
end prosperous
that all sl,success would escape it if it were interrupted or
po •
litroubledpolicy.
Itb
y requirest h
storsilit stable loef d
institutions,i
life the monarchy procures to France; any other form
beget,,A Iclotnhfiedseenecoen,
danitdiosnescuorfe
acnreodri td.erly
can only compromise them.
a government of great States, to
"Monarchy is
re or a vast edifice.
contrary, ts on y the govern-
The Republic, the
which durable institthuetions are marvellously suitable--, as
the most solid foundations are requ
went of small States.
If
and
we except the United States of
America, which, by theirgeographical position, form an
been able to establish itself
ration, a Republic has never
gwhigch besides are only a fede-
the embarrassments of
except
exceptionin small
sal
nations,
i n
whichd
form of government are
that difficult and complicate
corrected by a small extent of territory and a limited
population. this rule,
fully Ancient Rome, so far from contacdicting ,
fully confirms it. The) Republic was only in the city,
and for the city. Beyond it there ware only avaricious
masters and oppressed subjects. If ever France can be
said to have had a leaning to a republican government
it was in the middle ages, when the republican spirit,
extinguished from the time of the Caesars, had again
awoke in a part of Europe ; when France was checkered
with all but independent provinces, and when the feudal
principalities were in all parts menaced by the com-
munal movement. But since that moment all the
interior action of France has removed her from the
republican form. She, in particular, has separated from
it when she gave herself a united territory and thirty-five
millions of inhabitants, living under the same laws, in
the same country, and united by an infinite chain of
dependent interests, which the same movement of circu-
lation causes to terminate in a sole centre. Such a people
is not to be shaken, as were the citizens of a single city,
even if called Athens or Rome. A country which lives
by its labour, and not by the labour of slaves and pre-
sents from the State, cannot
,be occupied with speeches
of the forum, with the permanent agitation of oomitia,

1, with the terbulent cares of shifting politics. This fever,
to which democratic republics give the name of political
life, cannot with impunity be communicated to a nation
whose splendour particularly consists in the pacific de-
velopment of its wealth, and in the regular an intelligent
activity of its private interests.
"Our fathers learned these truths in the rude school
of public and private misfortune. They compose all the
interior policy of the commencement of this century.*
Why should incorrigible innovators have in these latter
times inflicted the too palpable demonstration of them
upon us? We have seen altars raised to instabiliiy and
to periodical convulsions, the two plagues of the social
body; we have seen laws made to reduce to solemn pre-
cepts the febrile and terrible crisis which may ruin a
people; we have seen the vessel of the State launched
on an unknown sea, without a fixed point to guide itself
by, without an anchor to cast out; and no one can say
what would have become of the future of France if Pro-
vidence, watching over her, had not raised up the man
of the intrepid heart, who extended his hand to her.
"France, with full knowledge of what she is doing,
intends to return to her natural state. She longs again
to find her real position and her equilibrium. The
French nation, in its admirable common sense, is not so
Infatuated with its superior qualities as to bo blinded to
its weak points. It knows itself variable in its impres-
sions, prompt to be worked on, and easy to be led astray;
and, because it distrusts the rapidity of a first movement,
it seek,' a fixed point in its institutions, and desires to
be retained on a stable and solid basis. The French de-
mocracy has sometimes been compared to that of Athens.
We have no objection to the comparison, as far as po-
liteness and elegance of mind are concerned, but we, in
all other respects, utterly disclaim the similitude. The
Greek democracies were nothing but a perpetual flux
and reflux, never accepting the corrective of their levity.
They were, besides, idle and grasping, living
on the civic oboli and distributions of food. On
the other hand, the French democracy, of a more mas-
culine and more haughty character, does not look to the
State for the care of its wellbeing; it depends on its own
efforts for support, and most joyfully submits to the
eternal law of God—doily labour. Its speculations em-
braced the whole world; it cultivates the earth with its
free hands; it furrows the mighty deep with its vessels;
it multiplies its industrial creations, engenders capital,
and makes the future tributary to its able and immense
combinations. When a nation thus founds it enterprises
on credit and durability, when sometimes not less than
h
century is
is necessary to it to reap the benefit of
its aif
a operations, c
is not the institutions of a day that can
give it any hope of their success. Such a nation would
be mad, if it did not desire to make the moving sphere
of its interests turn round the motionless axis of a
monarchy.
tt It is true that in France equality is an object of ab-
solute worthip, anda monarchy has, as its very first
condition, the privileged existence of those grand and
rare individualities which God raises above their fellows
to form dynasties, and which are less human beings than
the personification of a people and the concentrated ra-
diation
of
g a
ra civilization.nd
e a r
ad
ren But
iq La la itt ye n
, such asState
o wereasons
con-
ceive it in France, admits without jealousy those pro-
videntialeredl e.teg
—below which it finds its level. At Rome and Athens
equality consisted in rendering each citizen ad-
missible to the supreme authority ; and it is,
therefore, that men considered all equality at an
end when Augustus had converted the Republic
into a Monarchy. In France we considered it
as saved and confirmed for ever under the reign of the
Emperor. The reason is that its this country off quality
there is nothing that is less supported than the govern
ment of one's equals, because equality is there fully
satisfied in holding everything iu its grasp—places,
credit, wealth, and renown—and in having a wide
and open road before it, which leads to everything ex•
cept that extreme point of power, that inaccessible
summit, which care for the public tranquillity has placed
high above all private aspiration 4. By these means
the democracy wonderfully agrees with the monarchy,
and that union is the more solid since common sense
unites with the habits of she people in ceneentiog it.
" But, should cavilling minds, believing themselves
more wise than the whole country, bring forward, as au
Objection to the desire expressed for the hereditary em-
pire, the inconveniences which minorities and bad
princes may, at certain intervals, produce in mon-
erchicel States, we would reply that all human
institutions contain within themes vet certain de-
fects and we,knesses. The monarchy has not the
privilege of perfection • it has simply for France, the
merit of an incontestable superiority over the system of
perpetual election, which only offers an eternal series
of struggles and hazards, and which solves one difficulty
only for the purpose of immediately leaving another
pending.
~ Some ancient States, believing that they were im-
proving gon
ve the monarchical , placed in overeign
and immoable assemblies system
that element of:s stability
which dynasties represent. But have not such assem-
blies also bad their moments of weakness? Does not
their history exhibit melancholy instances of venality or
tyranny? Has not their baseness given them insolent
and seditious guardians? And in the point of view of
moral responsibility, which is ono of the great checks on
the conscience, there is not the slightest comparison be-
tween a man and an assembly. Ia assemblies, the re-
sponsibility of the body efface' that of the individual;
and, as a collective responsibility is very near y illuso ory,
it comes to pass that that irresponsibility, which sme-
times constitutes the force and independence of assem-
blies, is also the cause of their excesses. In a Prince,
on the contrary, the responsibility is undivided and in-
evitable, and presses with all its weight on the side of
duty. In fine, when evil cret-pt into a sovereign political
body, it continues there as a precedent, increases as a
tradition, and the thing itself can only be kept up by
keeping up the evil. On the contrary, if evil glides to
the throne, it causes alarm only by temporary and in-
termittent perils, which are, bstidts, extenuated by the
institutions and modifications which are more easily ef-
fected in the case of a man than in that of an assembly.
The feeble Louis XIII. was followed by the grand Louis
XIV.; and, besides, Louis XIII, is, in the c_tes of pos-
terity, covered by his Minister, Richelieu.
" These general considerations appear to us to prove
suffiaientiy that the national sentiment which addresses
itseli to you, gentlemen, as to sage mediators between
the people and the Prince, is neither a frivolous caprice
nor a fleeting infatuation. Behind the fascination of a
groat name, and above the gratitude which is felt for the
acts of a noble and patriotic courage, there are grand
thoughts, powerful interests, and an admirable intuitive
perception of the public necessities. France, gentlemen,
desires to have the life of a great nation, and not that
precarious and sickly existence which consumes the
social body- During the last four years, while subjected
to perilous experiments, she has known how to correct
by her good sense the evils of a deplorable situation.
But it is necessary that such a situation should be
brought to a close. Up to the present time she has, in
the midst of the tempests which assailed her, found only
transitory gleams of safety, on which no future pros-
perity could possibly be based. At present she is about
o enter the port, and to found, by means of the fortu-
nate pilot whom she greets with joy, the edifice of her
prosperity on the solid ground of a monarchy.
e Let ue now look to the details of the draught of the
Senates-Consultum.
" Louis Napoleon will take the name of ' Napoleon
1 III„ It is that name which re-echoed in the acclama-
tions of the people ; it is the name which was inserib el
on the triumphal arches and trophies. We do not
specially select it; we merely accept it from a natural
and spontaneous election. It, has, besides, that profound
good sente which is always to be met with in the won-
derful instincts of the people. It is a homage to Na-
poleon 1., whom the people never forget; and it is a pious
remembrance of his youthful son, woo was constitu-
tionally proclaimed Emperor of the French, and whose
reign, though short, has not been effaced by the obscure
existence of the exile. It eaves tor the future the
question of succession, and signifies that the E epire will
be hereditary after Louis Name", as it has been for
himself. In fine, it connects the political phase to which
ea owe our satety with the glorious name which was
also the safety of past times.
" Andyet, by the side of the ttaditional element, con-
temporary events preserve their proper value and their
peculiar signification. If Louis Napoleon is called on at
present to resume tha work of his uncle, it is not merely
because he is the heir of the Emperor, but because he
deserves to be so ; it is on accou
4 of his devotion to
France, and of
that spontaneous tad personal action
which has rescued the country from the horrors of
anarchy. It is not sufficient for hint to be the heir of
the Emperor ; he must be again elected, for the third
time by the people. Thus the succession and the elec-
tion will combine to double his foret, the modern fact
rendering the old one young and vigolous by the power
of a reiterated consent and a second contract.
" The Senates Consultum next invest% Lo • Napoleon
with the right to adopt fault Louis
a heir in de
of a direct suc-
cessor. Adoption, which is a
ennillion right in private
families, cannot be an exception in dynastic families ;
for, when no natural heir exists, it it a principle in
public law that the choice of the monarch belongs to the
people. But that rule is that of ordinary t•
times, and can
not suit in an absolute manner an order ot things which
w
again resumes a new course after a long in.. -
rruptton, and
in the midst of the most extraordinary nirotmstances.
" Louis Napoleon, the depositary of the Confidence of
the people, charged by it to draw up a constitution, can
On infinitely stronger grounds receive the mandate to
provide for certain eventualities, and to pretent certain
crisis in which that constitution might pedau. _tThe
strokes of nature have been of ten terrible it reigning
families, and have set at nought the counsels Of the wise.
The French people will not imagine that it !takes too
great a sacrifice of its rights, in abandoning ihelf once
more to the prudence of the Prince whom it has made
the arbiter of its destinies. This provision, besides, is
borrowed from the Imperial Constitution. The Empire
which revives ought not to be less powerful in ate moans
than was the Empire at its commencement; and
ik order
to remain within the letter and the spirit of that prece-
dent, the Senates Consultum proposes to you not lo ad-
mit of such adoption, except for the male desceneante,
natural and legitimate, of the brothers of Napoleon I.
Tho right of unlimited adoption would be in manifest
contradiction with the popular wish for the re-establish_
meat of the Empire, which is the guiding-star of our
deliberations. In fact, the Empire is inseparable from
the name of Bonaparte, and cannot be conceived without
a member of that family with which the new form of
the monarchy was stipulated in France. Everything
ought to remain consistent in the work which we ate
considering.
" But above that combination, solely of a political cha-
racter, France places a hope which
na more
me than
thatat anythinno
g
constitutes her faith in the future, y, l
distant period a wife will take her place on the throne
which is now rising, and will give to the Emperor scions
worthy of his great namo and of thi3 great country.

See the speeches delivered in the Tribuna on the return
to 319narchy in 1804.
t Tacitus.—Onines, exuta equalitate, jussa principia as-
pectan."--01 Annals," 1., 4.

That debt was imposed on the Prince on the day when
the cries of " Vive I'Emperenr !" hailed him on his
passage; and he will accept it virtually, but necessarily,
the day when the crown graces his head. For, since the
Empire is established with a view to the future, it ought
to carry with it all the legitimate consequences which
preserve that future from uncertainty and convulsions.
" In default of the direct line and of the adoptive line,
the case of succession in the collateral line must be pro-

vided for. On that point we propose to you a clause by
which the people should confer on Louis Napoleon
the right of regulating by an organio deoree that orders
of succession in the Lionaparce family. By that

means our Senatus Consulturn will remain more per-

fectly in accordance with the popular wish, which in it
unlimited confidence has placed in Louis Napoleon's
hands the destinies of the country; it will like-
wise be more in conformity with the political changes
which Franco has entered into since the 2d of Decem-

ber. The greatest political genius of Italy, in the 16th
century, was accustomed to say that in those rare and
solemn moments in which the question is to found a new
State the will of a single man was indispensible.* That
is what the nation comprehended so admirably when it
intrusted to Louis Napoleon the task of drawing up the

constitution which governs us. At present, that a capi-
tal modification is taking place in one of the very foun-
dations of that constitution, it appears natural and
logical to again confer on Louis Napoleon a portion of
the i
constituent poser, in order that, in the special point

which concerns most intimately the interests of the
dynasty of which the nation declares him the head, he
may enact such provisions as appear to him most suit-
able to the public interest, and to the interest of the
monarch. For his family, as well as for the country,
Louis Napoleon is the man of an exceptional situation,

• - -
and no fear must be entertained of adding to his power,
in order that, with the assent of all, he may settle it by
the authority of a single person. We therefore propose
to you, after a conference with the organs of the Go-
vernment, which has led to unanimity of opinion, an
article thus worded :—'Art. 4. Louis Napoleon Bona-
parte regulates, by an organic decree addressed to the
Senate and deposited in the archives, the order to the
succession to the throne in the Bonaparte family, in case
he should not leave any direct or adopted heir.'
" It is not necessary for us to say to you, that in this
system the formula to be submitted to the French people
ought to contain an express mcntion of that delegation.
It will be necessary, according to the constitution, that
the French people be called on to declare whether it
desires or not to invest Louis Napoleon with the puwer
which ws conceive ought to be conferred on him.
" After having thus spoken of the succession to the
imperial crown, the Senatus Consultum carries its atton•
tion to the condition of the family of the Emperor. It
divides it into two ports:-Ist, the Imperial family, pro-
perly so called, composed of the persons who may by
possibility be called to the throne, and of their descen-
dants of both sexes; and, 2d, of the other members of
the Bonaparte family.

" The situation of the Princes and Princesses of the
Imperial family is to be regulated by Senates Consulta,
and they cannot marry with,,ut the Emperor's consent.
Art. 6 pronounces for any infraction of this regulation
of public interest the penalty of losing all right to the
succession, with the proviso, however, that in case of
the dissolution of the marriage by the death of the wife,
without issue, the right is at once recovered.
" As to the other members of Bonaparte family, who
compose the c.vil family, it is to the Emperor, and not
any longer to Senates Consulta, that it appertains to fix
by statutes their titles and situation. It is useless to
insist on this distinction, as it is explained by the
difference which exists between the civil family and
that uniting in itself the double character of civil and
political family.
" We have also to ugliest your special attention to
the final paragraph of article 6, which confers on the

Emperor full aed entire authority over all the members
of his family. These special powers are called for hs
the gravest considerations, and belong to the right
generally claimed by reigning families. Princes are
placed in so lofty a position by public right and national
interest that they are, in many respects, beyond the pale
of the common law. The greater their privileges are,
the more their duties are immense towards the c,tuntry.
Montescusieu has said, 'lt is not for the reigning family
that the order of secession is established, but because
it is the interest of the State that there should be a
reigning family.' rhey belong, therefore, to the State by
stricter ties than other citizens, and on account of their
very greatness must be retained in a sort of perpetual
wardship, under the guardianship of the Emperor, the
defender of their dignity, the appreciator of their actions
and who stands in the place of father and guardian, in
r
ont
hrode:ellmef
see
somt
hipreserves tnhs isdpo a
not
roi
tinaopnpyl yi inntact lt et
hell re extent to
fa
ntchee,
wprivatea
rf ae mily,
drawnt hferroematrhee othersi
no
tf
responsibility imposed by a name which is the property
of the nation, as much as of the persons who have the
honour of bearing it.
"Besides, several of these persons have the privilege
of being the only ones in the State that the Emperor
can place by adoption in the rank of persons who may
succeed to the crown. But there is no public privilege
which ought not to be paid for by duties specially
created to justify its necessity, and to co-operate in the
object of its establishment.
" There is another point which it is sufficient for us to
remind you of—tho maintenance of the Salic Law in the
Imperial dynasty. In France, the Salic Law is, so to
speak, incorporated with the monarchy, and although
its origin goes back to the remotest periods, it has so
completely penetrated into our way of thinking, and is
altogether so much in accord with the rules of French
policy, that it is inseparable from all transtormations in
the monarchical principle.
" Finally, gentlemen, the Senates Consultum provides
for the case in which the throne should be vacant. 6lt
ever the nation should be so unfortunate as to experi-
ence this Is flitction' (to use the language of the celebrated
edict of July 1717) it would be for the nation to
repair it. Art. 5 ffrrmally reckrgnizes this fundamental
essential, and inalienable right. At the same tittle, it
provides for the means of preparing a choice worthy of
the French people, by its prudence and maturity. In
consequence, an organic Senatus• Consultum, proposed to
the Senate by the Ministers formed into a Council of
Government, with the addition of the President of the
Senate, the President of the Legislative body, and the
President of the Council of State, shall be submitted to
the free acceptance of the people, and will give to France
a new Emperor.
" Such, gentlemen, are the principal provisions of the
Senates Consultum now submitted to you for considera-
tion, and which will prepare the august contract of the
nation with its chief. Should you adopt it, you will
order, by a concluding article, in virtue of the constitu-
tion, that the people be consulted concerning the re-
establishment of the Imperial dignity in the person
of Louis Napoleon the combinations of whose sue
cession we have just explained to you. But, gentlemen,
we may affirm, while bending at present before a public
will which only asks for an occasion to burst forth
afresh, that the Empire is accomplished; and that Empire,
the dawn of which has lighted up the path of Louis
Nap deon in the departments of the south, rises over
France surrounded by the most suspicious auguries.
Every where hope revives in men's minds ; everywhere
capital, restrained by the uncertainty of the future,
rushes with ardour into the channels of business ; and
everywhere the national sap circulates and vivifies to
produce the most abundant fruits.
" This reign, gentlemen, will not be cradled in the
midst of arms and in the camp of insurgents Preetorlan
guards. It is the work of the national feeling, most
spontaneously expressed ; it has been produced in
cur commercial towns, in our ports, in the most
peaceful centres of agriculture and manufactures,
and in the midst of the joy of an affectionate people; it
will cons' epently be the Empire of Peace—that is to say,
the Revolution of 1789 without its revolutionary ideas,
religion without intolerance, equality without the
follies of equality, love for the people without Socialist
charlatanism, and national honour without the calamities
of war. Ah ! if the great shade of the Emperor should
cast a glance at this France which ho loved so much, it
would thrill with joy at beholding the gloomy predictions
of St. Helena, at one moment being so near realised,
totally disproved. No, Europe is not to be delivered up
to disorder and anarchy 1 No, France will not lose the
s peaceinstitutions;
by a andgen
et hr
ost
uisd-ema
nodfe
dPrince,
Napoleon,
will be the safeguard of civilisation."
directed
o ofw herard

" * Debbesi pigliare questo per una regola generale, che non
mai, o di rado, occorre ch'alcuna republica, o regno, eta, da
principio, ordinato bene, se non e ordinato da uno."—(Ma-
chiavelli, ' Remarks on Titus Livius,' 1,9.)

HEALTH of LONDON during the WEEK,

The mortality of the metropolitan districts continues
to be rather higher than is usual at the same period of
the year. The deaths registered in the week that ended
last Saturday amounted to 1,101. In the ten cor-
responding weeks of the years 1842 51 the average
number was 984, which if raised in proportion to
increase of population, for comparison with the present
return, becomes 1,082. The excess of last week's
number above the corrected average is, therefore, not
considerable.
Fatal oases arising from scarlatina declined from 104
in the preceding week to 82 in the last. Eight children
died of smallpox, 6 of measles, 33 of hooping-cough, 5
of croup, 5 of influenza, 18 parsons of diarrhea;, 1 of
purpura,
registered.
ofl osytpoheilllei sal
two
, the mean
death from
47 of typhus
om cholera
aws ; 4 eesweeks the deaths from diseases of the respiratory organs
(exolusive of phthisis) fell from 262 to 234.
Last week the births of 830 boys and 814 girls, in all
1,644 children were registered in London. The average
number in sevm corresponding weeks of the years
1845-51 was 1,397.
At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich
height of the barometer in the week was 29.534 in. The
mean weekly temperature, which was 54'2 deg., exceeded
the average of ten years by 7.7 deg. It has not been so
high since the week that ended 25th September, and
since the beginning of October it has not been higher
than 49 9 deg. In the last two weeks it has suddenly
risen from 45.6 deg. to 54.2 deg. The mean daily tem-
perature was 54.6 deg. on Sunday, or 7'9 deg. above the
average ; it rose on Monday to 57'2 deg., declined till
Thursday, when it was 50.3 deg., and rose again on
Friday to nearly the same height as on Mondayand
Tuesday, when it was about 10 deg. above
the average.
It was higher than the average throughout the week.
The wind blew generally from the south-west.

SOUTH-EA‘TERN AND BRIGHTON RAILWAYS.—It
was stated on Saturday in a cotemporary, that arrangements
for an amalgamation of these two companies were nearly
toncluded, and that Mr. Laing, M.P., the chairman of the
former company, was about to resign. From inquiries made
oincially at both companies, we understand that there is no
foindation at the present moment for either statement.—
.Itor•naing Advertiser.