The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-15 00:00:00

VIE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 15, 1864.

troubles to the,action of the Raman Catholic prioats), and
Mr C. Fortescue.

Mr COBDEN observed that, stated shortly, the question
was this—We had a debtor owing £500,000, and he said to
his creditor, " My credit is not very good in the City; but
if you will endorse my bill for a million, I shall be able to
discount it in the City upon your credit, and will then pay
you your £500,000." But what interest had the English
people, who were to provide the guarantee in this matter ?
In an economical sense the New Zealand colonists were
immeasurably above the population of a eat Britain ; yet
the latter were asked to bear the expenses of a war carried
on in the colony ; and for what object ? According to the
member for Sheffield, who, presuming on a long career of
eccentricity, had uttered sentiments which were more fitted
for a Parliament of Thugs, it was the extermination of the
native race. But the real object was the acquisition of land
by the colonists ; for the price of wool was enormously high,
and sheep pasturage was very profitable. The English
Parliament, however, had parted with all sovereignty and
jurisdiction over the lands of New Zealand, and could not
dispose of a single acre of them. As to the boasted revenue
of the colony, it was made up chiefly of customs dues on
imports, the operation of which was to fetter our trade. In
fact, the trade was a factitious one and thinking the time
was come when the Imperial Parliament ought to take
another course with reference to these colonial matters, he
should vote for the amendment.
Sir J. HAY also opposed the bill:

Lord STANLEY objected to the guarantee, because it
was proposed in the worst and most indefensible form. If
the house gave any assistance to New Zealand it had better
be done by paying down hard cash. They would then know
what they were parting with. But in this case the
responsibility which the country incurred was totally out of
proportion to the assistance given.
Sir J. FERGUSSON protested against the doctrine laid
down by some of the opponents of the bill, as calculated to
sever all connection between the mother country and her
colonies.

Lord PALMERSTON said the land question had no-
thing whatever to do with the present war,and argued that
_ __

the security offered by the colony was ample. Moreover,
he thought it was only just to guarantee the loan, for if
it were raised in the open market the colonists would have
to pay 7 or 8 per cent., instead of a considerably lower
rate.

In answer to Major STUART,
Mr CARDWELL said that a clause would be intro-
duced into the bill making tha advance of the loan by the
Imperial Treasury, conditional upon the acceptance ty the
New Zealand Legislature of the terms upon which the
amount was to be guaranteed.
On a division the bill was read a second time by 92
to 56.

—Pembroke Castle—the word Wales had an unfortunate
"h" in it. The scholars in some of the school: in tha
neighbourhood exhibited frocks, shirts, shifts, and other
articles, showing that needlework is not neglected in the
useful education they are receiving. Some of the exhibitors
were of exceedingly tender years, even as low as 6 and 7.
Taking the multifarious nature of the collection into consi-
deration, it is certain that the exhibitors in all classes de-
serve the encouragement they met with yesterday, liberal
as it was.

The Prince of Wales, attended by Lord Alfred Hervey
and Capt, Grey, left Waterloo station yesterday afternoon
at 2 40, by the ordinary passenger train, to which a royal
saloon carriage was attached. On arriving at the Home Park
his royal highness was received with great joy by the people
assembled, though they were much disappointed at finding
that the Princess of Wales was absent. The prince was
conducted to a pavilion placed in an enclosure, within which
were seated many ladies and gentlemen, subscribers to the
association, and others, and without which were standing a
far more numerous assemblage, who had paid a smaller sum
for admission than was required of those who occupied the
inner circle.

The prince entered the enclosure by the eastern entrance, I
where he was met by Col. Sir C. B, Phipps, Major .Gen. I
Seymour, the Mayor of Windsor, and the committee of the
association, and, passing through the dining tents, at once
proceeded to the pavilion, where he was supported by Lord
Alfred Hervey, Viscount Kirkaldy, Col. Sir C. B. Phipps,
Major-Gen. Seymour, the Dean of Windsor, Col. Ponsonby,
Lieut.-Col. Keppel, Col. R. H. Vyse and Mr Vansittart
(the members for the, borough), the Rev Seymour Neville,
Mr T. Cleave (the mayor), Mr Alderman Blunt, and other
gentlemen.
The proceedings commenced by Mr H. Wrench, one
of the numerous hon. secretaries, reading a report of the
committee for the past year, which gave a very satisfactory
account of the hopes and prospects of the society, and
stated that the sum now apportioned for prizes was the
same as during the last three or four years, namely, £200;
and also stated that since the commencement of the institu-
tion in 1850 the total number of persons rewarded was 2,584.
No less than 114 persons belonging to the first six classes
received rewards for such virtues as are generally recog-
nised by agricultural societies, and rewards were plentifnl
enough to those who had distinguished themselves by their
needlework and handicraft and by their vegetable produc-
tions. The amount distributed was thus apportioned—First
class, £l6l 15s; needlework, £llos 6d; vegetables, £lO lie
6d ; and handicraft, £9 Ss 6d. Certificates, enclosed in a
neat frame and ready for hanging in the homes of those to
whom they were apportioned, were also distributed by the
Prince. These certificates consisted of a large card, on
which was a medallion portrait of the Prince Consert, and
words stating that they were presented in honour of the
royal founder. An additional proof of the interest the
Queen takes in the society is shown by the fact, as stated
in the report, that the signature at the bottom of each card,
" Victoria R," written in a fine bold hand, is the royal
autograph, which, of course, renders the recognition of
merit tar more precious to its recipient. Mr Wrench also
read the awards of the judges and of the committee, which
necessarily occupied some time, in consequence of the num-
ber of persons to whom rewards were distributed ; but in
about an hour from the commencement the proceedings
were concluded, and the prince proceeded to inspect the
contents of the tents. His Itoyal Highness soon afterwards
left Windsor, travelling by the 5.15 train on the South
Western Railway to Waterloo Station.
The Scots Froilier Guards' band played on the ground
during the afternoon.
In the evening the members and friends of the associa-
tion dined together at the town-hall, Windsor, under the
presidency of Col. the Hon. Sir C. B. Phipps, one of the
vice-presidents, The healths of the Queen, the Prince of
Wales, and Prince Alfred, the patrons of the association,
were drunk with much enthusiasm.

The Election of a Common Councilman for
the Ward of Cripplegate Within,

Yesterday the poll of the freemen, inhabitants of the
ward of Cripplegate Within, took place before Mr Alder-
man Challis, between the hours of 10 a.m. and 4 p.m., for
the election of a commoner to serve in the room of the late
Mr B. B. Brown, decease].

As we stated yesterday, the candidates were Mr W.
Clements and Mr A. Grant, both well known as men of
position and long residence in the ward, and consequently
the voting was very spirited on both sides, the candidates
not varying in closeness of numbers more than four at any
period of the polling. Of the 180 voters upon the autho-
rised ward list 107 recorded their votes, and at 4 o'clock,
when the poll closed, the Alderman declared the numbers
to be—

For Mr Clements
For Mr Grant
Majority for Mr Clements
Alderman CuALLis then declared Mr William Clements
duly elected to serve as one of the representativei of the
ward in the Court of Common Council for the remainder of

the present civic year.
Both the newly elected representative and Mr Grant
having thanked the numerous electors present for the sup-
port they had respectively received,
Mr CLEMENTS proposed, and Mr GRANT seconded, a vote
of thanks to the worthy alderman for the ability and
courtesy he had displayed in presiding over the wardmote,
which the Alderman briefly acknowledged, commenting
upon the kindly manner in which the contest—one of the
severest he ever remembered—had been conducted.

Great Excitement in the Iron Trade,
Reduction in Prices,

There was immense excitement amongst the makers, I
sellers, and buyers of iron from all parts of the kaigdori
yesterday in Birmingham. It was the day for the quarterly
meeting of ironmasters to be held in that town. At the pre-
liminary meeting of the trade held a fortnight ago in the
same district, it was stated that the prices at which iron
should be sold by the leading firms should be those which
have ruled for some months past, and which are in the pro-
portion of £9 lOs for bars. At the preliminary meeting,
however, Mr W. D. Forster, M.P. for South Staffordshire,
objected to the decision, and said he would nut be ruled by
it, but promised that he would not take any contrary action
until quarter day (yesterday). Yesterday, however, he
came to the meeting and said he had reduced his prices 20s
Per ton. Loud complaints and protestations of unfairness
followed from other masters, who were thus compelled also
to reduce. Iron is therefore down £1 per ton. And this is so
without there being any probability of wages being brought
down at the finished iron works. Hitherto the price of
finished iron has been understood to depend upon wages.
It was forced up when masters were beaten in a strike with
their puddlers about 18 months ago, and prices have been
advanced with every additional rise. Now, however, there
is a reduction without any arrangement as to wages. Indeed
it is understood that wages are not to be affected by this
change, for the trade is not prepared to stand together and
demand that the men shall accept lower wages or be locked
out ; and it is well known that no individual firm is strong
enough to reduce their own mon while the union of the
iron
at exists. Masters will now therefore be selling
at 20s a ton under the prices which they have hitherto ob-
tained,!without being able themselves to secure any set off in
the way of labour or cost of material, excepting to the extent
to which Shropshire pigs are used, and that is very limited.
Buying was checked yesterday by the suddenness of the
alteration in prices, merchants and consumers imagining
that even better terms may be obtained by negotiation.

Painful Suicide in Wellington-street, Strand,

INQUEST.
Yesterday morning Mr W. J. Payne, coroner for
the duchy of Lancaster, held an inquiry at the
White Hart Tavern, Strand, respecting the death
of Mr John Bryant, aged 61 years, who committed
suicide under very painful circumstances
:
William Pratt, porter, said that deceased was a cataloguer
of book at Messrs. Sotheby and Co.'s, 13, Wellington.
streeotrand. Witness had known him in the establish.
ment for 18 or 20 years. He was not in any difficulty at his
employers. For the last few weeks he had been very strange
in his manner, apparently in consequence of the receipt of
a letter from his wife, who was in Colney Hatch Asylum.
He was very reserved, and he never stated to witness wha
his grief arose from. On Monday afternoon witness found
himwith ibnlootdh.e closet on
lifted
k ahei
i ed sm up, and found that his
s. The place was covered
throat was cut. Ho was quite dead, but still warm. All
the arteries of his throat were divided. Witness found a
razor in the pan. He had no quarrel with any one—he was
quite in a distinct department from the porters. Money
matters were not wrong, so far as witness knew. Witness
did not know whether deceased was related to his wife be-
t
fore marriage. Deceased used to speak strongly against
suicide, and say that no one but a fool would kill himself.
Mr. E. R. Hodge said that he was one of the firm of
Sotheby and Co. Deceased was strange latterly. He spoke
to witness ab gut domestic troubles. Two or three years ago
he mentioned his wife having ;given way to intemperance,
and his own unhappiness in consequence. She was then
living with him. He suffered more acutely latterly, and he
told witness that his wife had attempted to drown herself.
Witness believed 4ie statement was incorrect that she had
been removed to an asylum. His conduct was correct in his
business. He was of sober habits.
Mr James S. Bryant, No. 362, Gray's-inn-road, said that
deceased lived with him. Deceased was in a state of great
excitement on Sunday. Ile had given Mrs Bryant money
on the Saturday, and he was irritated at none being in her
possession on the Sunday. He never threatened to destroy
himself. He always spoke strongly against suicide. It
was not in consequence of his wife's attempt that he spoke
against suicide. The razor produced belonged to deceased.
Deceased told witness that he had asked the firm for an ad •
vance of £2O. Witness did not know whether he had been
refused it.

Mr Hodge said that the deceased applied for the advance,
but he received £2 of the amount on the Saturday to pay
his iIICOIII9 tax. He said that would bo staciont for a low

days. He splko of being in pccuniary difficulties CZ ac.
count of his wifCs infirmity.
After other evidence,

The Coroner summed up, and remarked that generally he
found that persons who expressed strong feelings against
suicide were generally more likely than others to destroy
their lives.

The Jury returned a verdict of " Suicide while in a state
of unsound mind."

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

-
Es.—There is a Zealand in the northern
hemisphere, and a Zealand in the southern ; New
Zealand we call it, but no doubt it is a namesake of
the northern. Both are islands, and both are occu-
pied by brave and proud races, apt to take a high
ground, and well able to defend a moderate one.
The mention of the former just now is painfully
suggestive. We have had to leave it in the lurch.
We have made a good defence, it is true. They
were wilful and obstinate. Finding a difficulty in
their way, they attempted to ride through it, and
break the fence that would not part or bend. But
unfortunately the small pec.ple that was to reap all
this glory could only hope to succeed by our assis-
tance, at our risk and our cost, and in a cause upon
which we had tendered our counsels in vain. So,
upon counting the cost we declined to enter on an
interminable and unprofitable struggle that did not
even promise us the pleasure of doing things as we
might think best. Not altogether without loss of
credit, we backed out of the affair. We have not
been so fortunate in the other hemisphere with the
other Zealand. There, too, we have to play second
fiddle to a Colonial Legislature; there, too, we have
to find ail the ships, all the men, all the money—
everything, in fact, with the single reserve that we
are not to be allowed a voice in the conduct of affairs.
We are to maintain an army, which we have seen
put at 10,000 men, and a fleet, both provided with
tlse best new rifled guns and muskets, and subsisted
at the cost of several thousand pounds a day, with-
out having even the chance of being listened to a
moment either as to the conduct of the war or as
to our dealings with the natives. All that we
know and that we learn, especially from the last
mail, is that we are driving the savages from
one resting point to another, that we are doing
our work with that weapon which strikes down
women and children even before it touches the
fighting men—starvation, and that meanwhile we
are acquiring no glory, not even the very small
glory to be picked up by clearing off savages with
courage and skill. We are out-generalled, we are
surprised ; we fall into ambuscades ; we are beaten
at a stand-up fight; a whole regiment is put to the
rout, and its officers shot down while trying in vain
to rally their men ; after thundering for hours
against wooden stockades, our men are scared and
paralysed by terrific yells. We are not even all
lowed the opportunity of retrieving our disgrace,
for the enemy escape in the night. Upon counting
heads, with more than a hundred killed and
wounded on our side, we cannot hope to have dis-
abled more than forty of the foe. So we have to
content ourselves with the beggarly consolation
that, though we are killing the natives slowly, they
are only 60,000 ; and that though we don't shoot
many, yet famine and disease are doing our work,
and we shall eventually succeed in exterminating a
brave and high-spirited race. The disaster at Gate
Pah tells its own story. All went on well till the
troops, having forced several lines of defence, and
fancying resistance was at an end, suddenly found
themselves exposed to a deadly fire from all sides,
and from the very ground below their feet, besides
a hand-to-hand encounter, in which they had to
meet tomahawks as well as they could with the
bayonet. Even when they had recovered from the
first surprise they were still at a disadvantage in
their firearms, the MaoriesPiaving double-barrelled
smooth bores, and the British soldier the Enfield
rifle, certainly not intended for close quarters. As
every inch of the ground was very cleverly laid
out for this occasion, and the defenders had pro-
bably fallen back only to draw the assailants into
this fiery furnace, we must not be too hard
on the soldiers, who only did what the bravest
and best soldiers have done before—retreat from
a position in which they could only fail. If
the 43d Regiment retired too soon—and it cer-
tainly did retire without waiting for orders or con-
sulting even the safety of its officers—it did not
retire without first suffering terrible loss, The
officers fell, because no doubt they were picked off
from loopholes ; and while they were doing their
best to rally and reanimate their men, their fate
added to the General discouragement. We must
not, then, be herd on men who did their duty up
to the very loophole of the hidden foe, the very
mouth of the rith-pit, I:titi the very swing of several
hundred tomahawks. On" thing, however, is too
evident. While the officers their duty as they
will do, almost equally in the .hest and worst of
causes, the soldiers had not the en:./1U""118M Which
drives aIL u 1.1 into the very jaws death, and
keeps him there. They had no wish to tie shot
down, riddled, or hacked and hewn into piec,'''t—
for what ? For the glory of Old England ? For
the protection of their altars and hearths, their
wives anal families? For vengeance? For justice
and mercy ? No, for none of these things, but just
to clear off some poor fellows from their own native
land, and obtain the title clear of incumbranees for
the speculators at Auckland. That the Case of these
specu ators, and of the colonists who want land and
can't get it, is very hard, we doubt not ; but hard
e.s their case is, it is still harder to die for it, par-
ticularly when they are in no hurry to die for it
themselves, or even to pay other people to die for it.
The disaster betrays, what we have other means of
knowing, that the soldiers we land in New Zealand
are in one respect seriously " demoralised," as a
military critic would express it. They have their
own opinion upon the war and have lost all faith
in ',!.e justice and wisdom. They dont like she,ot-
ing clo:vn savages upon their own land. It has been
repeatedly' stated by soldiers that the most hateful
work they Notre ever employed on was collecting
tithes, levying a: stresses, and supporting other legal
Processes upon the "ish peasantry, That is the feel-
ing which now pervad,'s the British forces in New
Zealand. 'They don't like the work, and therefore
they don't do it as well as the; would if their hearts
were in it. It rosy be something L,'
ht for—what
is not ?—but it is not a thing to cal" for.
.If the
colonists want the land, let them fight kt,and
die for
i it. They can do so with som:reason. her
blood s up. They have lost houses and land, cattle
and everything. Many, we fear, have lost relatives
and servants. It is a good cause in their case, and
to their colonial apprehension. But it is a very
sordid, very coidblooded affair for the British sol-
dier, who knows only what ho sees. If, then, the i
war s to proceed with any hopes of success, the
colonists must take it more in hand than they have
done hitherto, both by risking their own persons
and by dividing the cost.
POST.—We are anxiously expecting the details
of the truce arranged between Denmark and the
Allied German Powers. In other words, we shall
be interested to learn the extent of the concessions
which the former Power has made. We have little
doubt that they will be far less advantageous to
Denmark than those proposed at the London Con-
ference, and we at all events may learn the useful
lesson of abstaining for -the future from the thank-
less task of peacemaking between belligerents who
were from the outset determined to settle their
quarrel their own way. The accession of Count
Moltke and the reactionary party to power was sig-
nificant of peace crisis. Tne departure of Prince
John for Berlin gave rise to rumours that he bad
proposed to Prussia the annexation of Holstein and
the lower part of Schleswig. There is every reason
to believe such was the case, but that, however
strongiy inclined Count Bismarck may have been
to accept so tempting an offer, the obstacles in the
way of a solution so purely Prussian were too for-
midable even for that skilful politician to overcome.
This proposal, however, did nut emanate from the
present Government, who are reported to have con-
ceived the idea of entering the German Conte&ra-
tion with the two Duchies one and indivisible, upon
conditions apparently so favourable to many that
they have formed the basis of overtures for peace.
Unfortunately it does not rest with Denmark and
Germany alone to settle this question as they may
think best. The Emperor Napoleon has maintained
hitherto au attitude of remarkable reserve, but we
can scarcely suppose he will permit the accession of
a whole monarchy to the German Federation with-
out either exacting a compensation or objecting to
the proposed scheme in tote. It is not likely, more-
over, that Russia anticipated this denouement when
she promised the Allied German Powers her cordial
co-operation and support. At the same time she is
too deeply committed to the Holy Alliance to back
out of her engagements, and may reconcile herself
more easily to the prospect of an increased Federal
Germany than to the only other alternative which
would seem possible, that of a Scandanavia. In fact,
Russia would prefer to see Denmark united under
Oldenburg under the most favourable conditions
possible to the kingdom, but as she cannot gain her
point, she will be better satisfied with the German
than with the French solution. We may consider,
then, that any terms which Germany may make
with Denmark Russia will agree to, and that she
considers the greatest danger to her power to be,
not the addition to the German Federation, but
those European ideas and tendencies which have
been alluded to by Bismarck as the justification of
the renewal of the Holy Alliance. Nobody can follow
the remarks made upon the documents lately pub-
lished without arriving at the conviction, which is
by degrees becoming more firmly established abroad,
of their genuineness. From one end of Europe to
the other their publication has produced an excite-
ment which has not yet subsided, and which has
called forth the must frantic denials on the part of

the Prussian official press. Did not the German
public know the value of those denials they would
ceeee to canvass the authenticity of despatches of
such vital importance to their liberties ; but they
are too conversant with all the conditions before
taern to allow themselves to be for one instant de-
luded into the idea of giving the slightest weight to
an official denial on such a subject. They ask with
perfect reason what other course was left to Bis-
marck but to deny his own despatches; had he ac-
knowledged their authenticity nothing could have
prevented that European war which he is so de-
sirous to anticipate by the league he has formed,
but which is still impending. The Emperor could
not in the face of Europe and of his own subjects
have submitted tamely to the consolidation of a
combination proclaimed by Bismarck in one of
his letters to be specially directed against him-
self. How could the Prussian Minister admit
that he wrote that despatch and yet expect to keep
the peace ? Of two evils he chose the least ; nor
will it be the first time in the history of diplomacy
that a statesman has denied a fact to avert the
disasters of a war ;—for such a war as France
might wage with Prussia upon the strength of
those despatches could not fail at the present
moment to be most disastrous. Just as it is a
great advantage for a Government to dissolve Par-
liament upon some popular cry with which to go
to the country, so the Emperor would have
appealed to Europe with the despatches in his
' hand in which the authors admit they have deter-
mined to destroy its liberties. What other course
was left for Bismarck but to deny them ?
Federal Germany appreciates the dilemma he
was in,laut is none the less watchful or alarmed.
The Prussian official press strives in vain to restore
confidence, and the very energy of its efforts proves
how inopportune our revelation has been, and how
seriously it has impeded the prosecution of the
Prussian policy. There can be no doubt that it
will compel Bismarck to make concessions to Liberal
Germany which he would not have thought of had
he not felt the necessity of lulling their suspicions
and making some amends for the conspiracyof which
he has been convicted against their liberties. We
may hope, then, that we have done good service to
the cause of Liberty, and it shall not be our fault if
we do not do more. So far from being deterred,
either by the denials of the Prussian Minister, or
the abuse which has been abundantly lavished upon
us by his official journals, we shall hope ere long to
publish some further despatches of a still more re-
cent date. We are perfectly prepared to enter with
the Prussian Minister upon a contest of assertion
and denial, but we would beg him to bear in mind
that when at last his denials prove valueless, he will
not have improved his position by persisting in
them. Meanwhile we have waited in vain for any
repudiation on the part of the Russian Government.
In reply to a question by Mr. A. Seymour, a few
nights ago, Mr. Layard said the Government knew
nothing about them, thereby admitting that they
had never been denied.' We have no doubt that if
Mr. Layard will refer to a despatch from Lord
Napier, dated some time about the middle of Feb-
ruary, he will find mention made of one of the
despatches alluded to by Prince Gortschkoff. It
is now quite clear that, so far as England is
concerned, no fear of our opposition to a Holy
Alliance influenced those who were engaged in
renewing it. The effect of the Government majority
the other night would have dispelled any such
alarm had it existed, and the impression which,
until then, had only been gaining ground, has now
become a fixed idea, which may at any moment prove
erroneous, that no Continental question, no alliance
of the strong against the weak, or of despotism
against liberty, will induce us to take up arms. So
far as we are concerned, then, the Holy Alliance
may imagine it may proceed with impunity. The
reasons that France has hesitated to act in Europe
is simply that she conceives herself deprived of an
ally upon whom she had depended, and in her
struggle against banded despotism she will only be
able to count upon the nationalities which are op-
pressed. It is probable that these are not quite ready
and that the train is not yet laid as it should be.
Should peace be arranged between Denmark and the
Allies, it is possible the struggle may be indefinitely
postponed ; but inasmuch as whole nations are inte-
rested in seeing the war which seems drawing to a
close extend over the length and breadth of Europe,
we shall not believe in the establishment of a per•
manent peace until the changes which may take
place in Germany have received the sanction and ap-
proval of the Emperor Napoleon.
HERALD.—That man must be endowed with an
almost American credulity who continues to doubt
that the independence of the Confederate States is
an accomplished reality. If, at the outset, Mr.
Seward himself had been asked how long he de-
manded for the accomplishment of the enterprise
his Government had undertaken, he would cer-
tainly have been satisfied with a single year; and
would have been content to allow that, if at the
end of that period the Confederates could still keep
the field in Virginia, the European Powers would
be entitled to recognise their independence. Three
years have almost elapsed since the first defeat of
th• Federals, and during the whole of that time
the 61,esfederates have fought, not as Spain fought
against France during the uneasy reign of Joseph
Bonaparte, no: as the Spanish colonies fought
against Spain, not even as our own American colo-
nies fought against the armies of George 111., but
as Russia fought Napoleon in 1815, or as Frederic
IL defended himself against Austria in the Seven
Years' War. The war has been waged for the most
part on Southern soil ; it has so far not been a war
on Equal terms, that the one party has fought for
empire and the other only for independence. But
it has in no way partaken of the character of an
insurrectionary as distinguished from an interna-
tional war. The Confederate Government has, from
first to last, held a position of perfect equality with
that of the Northern States. It has administered
with undisputed authority the affairs of its own
country, and the Federal Government has been un-
able to exercise any other than a military power
there, and that only within the territory covered by
its own armies. The State Governments have gone
on as regularly as ever; the administration of the
civil law is as perfect in the South as in any Euro-
pean country, and while in the Northern States the
necessities of an aggressive war have been held to
require the exercise of a militay authority superior
to the law, the civil authorities have never been
over-ridden by martial law in any Southern district
not actually invaded or threatened by the enemy.
ro len', to such a Government the status of index
accorded to Nicaragua or to Greece cer-
pendens7
tainly .the height of absurdity, and this im-
premien is not vsseems :
ekened when we look to the
have taken place. It is
military operations this:.
are been able to main-
true that at sea the Federals he
that a blockade,
tain a decided superiority, and
difficulties in
efficient enough to impose very serioui
the way of the export of any bulky commodities,
has been maintained at every port which has at
once so good a harbour and such means of commu-
nication with the interior as to be available for
commercial purposes; but it is also true that the
Federals have hardly gained a single naval success,
and have sustained several naval disasters. It is
true also that they have been able to occupy several
points on the vast extent of Southern coast which
are commanded from the sea, and to obtain the
control of a considerable portion of the inland
waters of the South. They have also penetrated
at various points the long and indefensible frontier
line, and pushed their armies far into Southern
territory. But they have not been able to con-
quer a single State ; and the chief fruit of three
years of warfare, besides the disputed possession
of Tennessee, is a wide-spread devastation and a
considerable havoc among the labouring popula-
tion of the South. Hundreds of homes and farms
have been destroyed, and thousands of negroes
stolen, of whom the majority have perished
by disease and neglect ; some towns have been
burnt; two or three, which lie at the ercy of guns
boats, have been occupied ; and this ims all that has
been achieved. The Southern armies have sus-
tained no great disaster in the field; they have in-
flicted half a score of the most terrible defeats re-
corded in history. Their capital, with a sort of
bravado, was planted near their most endangered
frontier • army after army, to the number of several
hundred' thousands, has been hurled against it, and
completely shattered; a quarter of a million of
corpses are manuring the plains of Virginia—and
with this result, that Richmond is now stronger
than it ever was, and very much safer than Wash-
ington, and that, instead of asking whether Grant
can take the city, men, both North and South,
are expecting to hear that Lee has taken Grant's
camp, and that a third of the invading army has
been left in the hands of the victors. Sherman has
followed up the long and cossly march which last
year had brought the Federal army of the West to
Chattanooga ; he is not so very far from Atlanta;
but while no one fears for Atlanta, all the friends
of the North tremble for Sherman and his army.
Charleston has been attacked in vain ; and after
crushing repulses, the Federal besiegers are driven
to amuse themselves by a bombardment which,
‘hough it succeed in killing now and then an inno-
cent child, or murdering a bride at the altar, might
be continued for a hundred years without,
bringing the city any nearer to a surrender.
Mobile and Savannah are found unassailable.
In Louisiana
Louaisivainoatortyhe Confederates have gained over
decisive of the
perhaps
vic victory
r war.
Theth e
importance most complete
thatand
ofisoudrwarfed in our eyes by distance from the
scene
chief interest and by the gigantic mag.
tude of the operations in Virginia; but it has a very
serious bearing on the position of the contending
Powers. It has driven the invaders out of Arkansas
and crushed them in Louisiana. It has half-de-
otroyed and wholly paralysed a powerful fleet and