The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-25 00:00:00

He had received a number of letters from various 'parts of
the country corroborating those facts. The first was from
Bungay, from a Mr." Scott, a large agriculturist, who stated
that the change back to protection could not be made with-
out creating something like a rebellion in the manufactur-
ing districts. In a letter from the Rev. Ge'rge Sandye,
rector of Trixham, Suffolk, he stated that the tenant-farmer
had suffered great loss from a local blight; but he had never
known the labours of the board of guardians, of which he
was chairman, lighter, and had never known the work-
house so comparatively free from able-bodied paupers. The
poor man had had more in his mouth for the last three years
than he had ever had before. Another letter from the gen-
tleman who managed his estates in Norfolk, and who was a
Protectionist in opinions, stated that his observation, which
was of no limi*ed time and over no small extent of country,
led him to believe that there never was more activity ormore
disposition to improve among the agricultural body.
Every man who had sufficient capital to stand the existing
depression was doing everything in his power to improve
his condition, and that accounted for all the labourers
being employed He had another letter from Mr. Blytb,
one of the first agriculturists of the county of Norfolk, in a
district where all the people depended directly or indi•
rectly upon agriculture. The condition of the farmers
there was improved ; there were few hands out of employ-
ment, few applications for relief, and frequent inqux;es for
labourers. Immense exertions were being made to increase

the produce of the land by keeping more stock, fending more
cattle, and adopting a more cleanly syt tern of tillage. An-
ether letter, from a gentleman whose name he was not at
liberty to mention, said the industry, skill, and capital of the
agricultural classes was materially improved since he had
become connected with West Norfolk, ten years ago. The

farmer bought more manure, cultivated higher, and the
agricultural mind appeare ito be more active. These were
a few of the opinieas of some of the most intelligent farmers
of the country. Under these circumstances he implored the
Noble Earl to declare whether what the world was beginning
to think probable was the fact, that conviction was a out to
dawn upon the Government and produce a great change In

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site side was about to rise, he would at once retire.—(Hear,
and laugh.) He hoped some Noble Lord connec.ed with
the Government would give some explanation to the House—
let them either confute the facts and statements of the
Noble Duke (Newcastle), or at once frankly and generously
admit they had been in error in having for so long a time
opposed the commercial system which had been recently
adopted in this country. Let not the fact go to the country
that they were unwilling to admit what had been stated,
and unable to deny it. He thought such a course would
be one of which the House and the country would have
some right to complain. The Noble Earl, in the short
speech in which he had introduced a most important mea-
sure to their Lordships, stated the course the Government
meant to take—viz., that during the present session they
would only propose and pass such measures as were actually
necessary, and that then they would make an appeal to the
country to decide upon the principles and policy they
should pursue with reference to certain great questions.
At the time it appeared to him, although he had no right to
ask the Noble Earl to define the precise measures that
would be brought forward after the general election, that
they had a right to expect that the Noble Earl should
have stated the general principles, tendency, and
colour of the policy upon which the country would
be called upon to decide. But the fact was, that so far
from giving any hint as to the general principles or policy
proposed to be pursued, appeals were made to the con-
stituencies sometimes by members of the Government, some-
times by Hon. Gentlemen who were the ordinaty supporters
of the Government, and also by speeches of different ten-
• dencies one from the other, so that the electors were much
more in the dark as to the probable policy of the Govern.
ment than on the very day when they assumed the reins of
power.—(Hear, hear.) It was most desirable that the coun-
try should know whether it was intended to relieve the
landed interest by an import duty on foreign corn or by
some other indirect means, or whether it was intended to
carry out the commercial system introduced by the late Sir
Robert Peel. Judging from the speech of the Noble Earl at
the beginning of the year, he would infer that the Noble
Earl believed the present system was fraught with mischief,
and that he was still of opinion that a recurrence to a duty
on corn, for purposes of revenue and protection, was a mat-

ter of necessity --
The Earl of DERBY—The Noble Earl is quite wrong in
supposing that I said a duty on foreign corn was a matter
of necessity. I stated, that for the purpose at once of re-
lieving the suffering agricultural interest, and also for the
purpose of improving the revenue, and thereby enabling us
to take off other taxes without injury to the consumer, I
thought it might be desirable to impose a moderate fixed
duty on foreign corn. I distinctly stated that that was my
own opinion. I did not say that it was a matter of necessity,
but I stated that, whether the relief should be given by the
imposition of a dnty upon foreign corn was a matter which
rested upon the judgment of the constituencies, but that I
thought that was a desirable mode of affording relief to the
agricultural classes. I hold to that opinion still; but I state
again, that that is a question which must be left to the con-
stituencies of the country ; and, moreover, if it give any sa-
tisfaction to the Noble Earl, and to the Noble Lords oppo-
site, my opinion is, from what I have since heard and learned,
there certainly will not be in favour of the re-imposition of a
duty on foreign corn that extensive majority, without which
as I stated to your Lordships at the beginning of the session.
it would not be desirable to propose it.—(Loud cheers from
the Opposition benches.)
- Earl GRANVILLE was glad that the mistake in his
mind as to the Noble Earl's expressions had produced a de-
claration which would be hailed with the greatest satisfac-
tion by the country, that there was no likelihood of re-im-
posing a duty upon corn. He was glad to find that this
great question of raising the price of food by the production
of an artificial scarcity was at last and for ever given up.
There was one other pledge given by the Noble Earl with
regard to the navigation-laws. The Noble Earl said that he
had no intention of re-enacting the navigation-laws. The
present system had, he believed, been found in practice to
work most beneficially, and it had already been considerably
promoted by other countries. No less than 500 British
vessels had within the last year entered the ports of the
United States, which, previously to the repeal of the
navigation-laws, could not be admitted, and of these no less
than about 400 had been cleared out. He really thought,
after the declaration of the Noble Earl, so suddenly and
unexpectedly made to them, which showed that he had
come to the only conclusion which Noble Lords on that side
of the House believed the Government could come, that it
was unnecessary to trespass further upon the attention of
their Lordships.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE complained that upon
the second reading of one of the most important Bills ever
laid before that House, their Lordships had not been sum-
moned.
The Earl of DERBY should say that he had not come*
down to the House that evening prepared to go into a de-
bate on the seecnd reading of the Bill. He thought to have
it read a second time pro forma, and to have taken the debate
in Committee. Had he any idea that a debate would have
been raised on the question, he should have come prepared
to meet it; but their Lordships might perceive by the benches
on the Ministerial side of the House, that none of the sup-
porters of her Majesty's Government were present, which
would not be the case were there any expectation that the
debate would now be gone into:
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that if the Noble Earl I
opposite (Earl Derby) had intimated to the House at an
early period that it was his intention to take the second
reading pro forma, there would be no objection whatever.—
(Hear, hear.) When the Noble Earl intimated to him (the
Duke of Newcastle) his intention of taking the second read-
ing pro forma, he instantly acquiesced, but at the same
time assured the Noble Earl that other Noble Lords would
be more or less taken by surprise at the adoption of such a
course, understanding that a debate was to ensue on the
second reading. He should say if the Noble Earl the First
Minister of the Crown were taken by surprise in the matter,
it was by his own officials In the other House who failed to
give him proper intimation.—(Hear.)
The Earl of DERBY said, that, though a matter of con-
venience, it would not be a matter of absolute necessity that
the Bill should pass before the Whitsuntide holidays.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE observed that the Bill
was accepted by the country only on the grounds of its
being a temporary measure. He called on the Noble Earl
the First Minister of the Crown to declare at once—as to
such declaration he should come next year—that he did not
intend to re-impose a burden on any class of the community
for the benefit of another.— (Hear, hear.) Let the Noble
Earl declare that he would give up protection to agricolture
as it had been called, as, by doing so now, it would be more
convenient to the country, and advantageous to the Go vern-
ment.—(llear, hear.)
The Earl of DERBY made an observation .across the
table which did not reach the gallery.
Earl GREY had heard with great surprise the observa-
tions of the Noble Earl opposite (Earl of Derby) in the course
of the incidental conversation which took place that evening.
The income-tax had been for several years the keystone of
their fiscal position; and no Minister of the Crown, in mov-
ing its continuance or re-imposition, ever failed to explain the
motives and reasons that demanded its re-enaetment.—
nquestion,c
theual3- namely,
s ei
ol
year.y '
had
(Elear; hear.) Last year, when his Noble Friend (the Mar-
quis of Lansdowne) moved the second reading of a similar
Bill, he thought it right respectfully to state his views to the
House on the subjecr.—(Hear, hear.) It was at great in-
convenience that he (Earl Grey) attended there that even-
ing, as was also the case with many other Noble Peers at his
side of the House, who came fully prepared to hear the sub-
ject entered into. If the Noble Earl opposite had intimated
previously his intention of taking the second reading pro
forma, no Noble Lord, he was sure, would have objected.
But, after coming down to the House at much inconve-
nience, and then to be told that the Noble Earl had arranged
to take the discussion on a later stage, was not, he should
say, treating the House with proper or becoming respect.—
(Hear, hear.) It was right that the House should consider
this matter, as it wee one of deep and vital importance
to the country.. If Noble Lords opposite were afraid to
avow or maintain their former opinions, were Noble Lords
be slurred over?-(Hear, hear.) It was therefore with grea
pleasure he had heard the speech of the Noble Duke who
on the Opposition side of the House to permit the matter tot
ke (the Duke
repeat the statements of that Noble Du . . -
of Newcastle), but he should observe that on the Minis
iven
preceded him (Earl Grey) that evening. He would not
to
side of the House no contradiction had beendgbe
la
to the facts stated by his Noble Friend. There ha
me.
great reductions of taxation without corresponding
anddi ig,
nutions in the revenue. Trade had been prosperous.
'culture,
branch of our industry. not even excluding g
_Hear,
to which so much reference had been ma e k
.cc—ording to
hear.) Pauperism had been diminished ; and, a
he uer, the
spirit of enterprise and activity now distinguished every
the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
-c equences
present.—(Hear, hear.) Not one of thos fats
esult of free trade
predicted by Noble Lords opposite as the r
b'ect which,
had come to re
ot
fillies
lagl3taeelrrasawrs2 so,
prosperity of thaeliczoautinotnry. hTadhenreevweraaboeene: hisiughu.inecirs
from the office he (Earl Grey) late
rded which, he was
hold, he felt interested in, and, as rega
up
their minds to
informed, the Government had made than at
f the ensuing year—
effect an alteration in the course
and considering the very deep.
ed to go into a few details.—
oa
whichth a t was
took the i
n tcase,he
commenced the dia.
(Hear, hear.) The Noble D k
thhee
hoped
article
oof b
be
sugar.perm permitted
Now,te
interesto
eat increase which had taken
ofg sugar. He found that in the
place in the consumptionti .
n the duties - April, 1846
July,arlBofl.lw,htaltiewwehfoolre.
endinge consumption reached
115t,h1714,000 cwt. ; whilst, for
hear). That was
cwt.; whilst for
e ewpntod.iinn pointed
Aot out the
admittedt,h wasr
4,145,00(5
ry last, the
the half of the present year, So that
ed to 4,033,000 cwt.we consumed
—thelqa t siatnyt eitayroof
precedingsus consumptiona r
hear.)
(earsendingetaeidn,foa.n—u(aHear,
consumer. In that
merely consum
a striking fact, but very easily
foreign sugar, and when
Before the introduction of there was
market, he found by returns that, looking
a monopoly in the
at present
7qUaono;oooity amount
bond, foreign sugar was 345. 9d. - per cwt.,
only 21s. 3d.per
whilst British sugar was . cwt,, making a
the 'consumption of sugar reached 4,145,000
a t
the
.e
eafwithin
lie
d:s il6odoa. ,
rOpwyoa
rhOeoaccl:evlytyt.eiaantcroco—h
lm
therefore, in addition to a large revenue,
the British consumer was taxed to an extent of no less
than 2,790,001. But the result of the A , the
than c.
cs same
differenceeyeas'an a 0