The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

A considerable number of the most importan

members, we are told, support a resolution to
the effect that the Chamber cannot consider the
measures taken by the Government in reference to
Schleswig asin conformity with the general interests
of Austria, or as calculated to insure peace in Europe.
The Chamber will, therefore—so runs the resolu-
tion—be compelled to decline any responsibility for
the consequences which may follow the acts of the
Government. Still more important news arrives from
Berlin. The Chamber of Deputies ordered the
Committee on the Budget to report on the vote on
the Budget given by the Upper House. The Com-
mittee made its report, and proposed that the vote
of the Upper House should be declared null and
void. The Chamber of Deputies adopted the report,
and Count Eulenburg at once read a Royal Mes-
sage, stating that the Diet would be closed yester-
day by the President of the Council. Such is the
position of the two Governments towards their own
subjects; such are the obstacles to any fair and
temperate policy which the chief German Sove-
reigns have to encounter. It is hardly, then, a mat-
ter for surprise that they have not been able to
yield to their own better judgment, and refrain
from threatening an act of war against the D inish
Crown. They have been urged on by the loudest and
most general clamour that has ever proceeded from
a European nation in our time. The two Sove-
reigns, though of a firmness which reaches to obsti-
nacy, and though served by Ministers who value
princely favour more than popular applause, are un-
able to have their own way, even when they are,
for once in their lives, supported by the opinion of
neighbouring nations, and are only acting in ac-
cordance with the requests of allied Governments.
But if the conduct of the two Governments be intel-
ligible, and, to a certain degree, excusable, the con-
sequences are not the less likely to be lamentable.
The Danish Government, which has carried conces-
sion to a point that has offended its own people
almost as much as the Prussian and Austrian Courts
have offended the enthusiasm of their own country,
is now threatened with an immediate attack. It
yielded the Patent of the 30th of March ; the answer
to this was the revolution of Holstein. It yielded the
Constitution of November, merely asking a delay
sufficient to perform a public national act in a con-
stitutional manner and the answer is that not an
hour will be given. In such ace se there is but one
course for the King to take. His honour, his Crown,
probably his personal safety depend on his making
the bravest possible resistance to an unrighteous in-
vasion. Atter having given up so much, he and his
subjects find that the Germans are so bent on wrest-
ing both Duchies from them that concession rather
disappoints them than otherwise. The consequences
may be fatal to the peace of Europe. Tne Prusso-
Austrians declare they will not delay the seizure of
Schleswig; the King, acting at the direct re quest
of the Rigsraad, declares that the province shall be
defended. We must, then, prepare for an obsti-
nate contest as soon as the invaders pass the Eider.
This event is the more to le deplored as there was a
general expectation till within the last twen'y-four
hours that peace might be preserved. The Cabinet
met on Saturday, and it was then, we believe, a
subject of congratulation that the labours of the
British Government were likely to be crowned with
success. Denmark had done all that Lord Woee-
house recommended during his mission, and had
offered to confirm it in the most solemn manner by a
Legislative vote. Our Government, which, to satisfy
the utmost demands of the two German States, had
advised the withdrawal of that part of the Con-
stitution which relates to Schleswig, had apparent
reason to believe that Prussia and Austria would
be content with the exaction of all they ever asked
and more then they had any right to expect after
the proceedings of the Prince of Augustenburg.
But events have proved that the two Powers are
not yet strong enough to be just. They have, in
spite, we believe, of the opinion of all the parties
to the Treaty of 1852, determined upon entering a
province with which they have no concern, except
such as is based on a vague claim of protection. They
have announced that no concession, however com-
plete, will prevent them from doing an act which
has been solemnly condemned by Europe—the sei-
zure of territory as a material guarantee for the ful-
filment of alleged stipulations. This was the fault
of Russia in 1853, and the unanimity with which the
Czar's conduct was reprobated should be a warning
to the Powers which are now following in his steps.
Neither of the two can gain anything by letting loose
again the spirit of war in Europe. As for Austria, she
is beset with enemies. Italy with 200,000 men is
ever ready to fly at the Venetian province.
Hungary still gives from time to time a convul-
sive heave, which shows that the national life is
not yet extinct. Does the Emperor of Austria
want any more foes? Does he wish to give an
opportunity to ambitious rivals, and to alienate the
few a.
',lends he has left ? If so, let him show himself
•
as sending his many-nationed regi-
to the worit.
ments half across rai::_rcr to attack a little kingdom
a
on the ground of violatentiohality. In doing this
Conservative
he will have deserted completely-
the
policy and the strictness in upholo,:tig existing
rights;whieh are traditional with his house. a . ussia•
too, may well consider before she raises such dle;-
cessions as will follow an attack on the Danish
army. If that army only defends its positions with
the courage and skill which it has displayed on
former occasions, the position of the invaders will
be most invidious. Sympathy for a nation strug-
gling against odds is one of the most powerful of
political motives, and may create an excitement
which only aomo disaster to Germany can calm.
We have reasoned on the supposition that Prussia
and Austria, urged on by the German patriots re-
fuse to listen to the remonstrances which will be
offered anew by the chief European Powers. We trust
it will be found possible to unite France; Russia, and
Sweden with Great Britain in a pressing request
that the two Powers will refrain from attacking the
Danish positions at the Dannewerk. If the collision
can be delayed for a time, there may be still hope of
avoiding war. In favour of this chance it may be said
that the thaw and the activity of the Danish general
any prudent commander will attack them
without a very
ha -a given the defenders so many advantagee that it
• considerable preponderance of force.
is unlike ~v
can, only be obtained after the
lapseof some little time.
irilhe Prussians and Austrians
are only just making their way This preponderance
to the scene of action,
and some time longer must be necea.° -
ary for the tran-
sport of supplies and munitions of Iva:- With the
telegraph and railway the European Goa-erements
can communicate with each other,and,reEolveon com-
mon action before the Prussians and Austrians hievO
carried their aggression to the length of shedding
blood. No means should be neglected to prevent
so great a calamity. It may be that the two
Powers are not indisposed, atter all, to come to
terms, and that, having maintained their dignity by
refusing delay to Denmark,
they may be willing to
acquiesce in it when it is urged by European
opinion. In that case things may still go well; but
it is evident that a single false step at this crisis
may lead to very serious events.
POST.—The news which we publishea yesterday
of the refusal of Austria arid Prussia to delay the
advance of their troops upon Schleswig is of the
meet vital interest, and threatens to lead to conse-
quences of which it is impossible to exaggerate the
importance. The English Government is making
the most energetic endeavours to prevent the Ger-
mans from prosecuting tne desperate policy on
which they appear to be bent. The best means to
effect the desired result would be an alliance to
secure the integrity of Denmark between England,