The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.—At length the German war against Den-
mark, which has so long engaged the attention of
the world, has come to an end. At the third meet-
ing of the Conference at Vienna Denmark made a
full concession of all that had been demanded of her,
and M. von Quaade, having received the necessary
instructions, agreed to sign the preliminaries of
peace. A three months' armistice has been accepted,
and King Christian has promised to cede the Duchies
of Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauenburg, with the
appertaining islands, and will retain a diminished
territory with a million and a half of inhabitants,
burdened by the expenses of war or exhausted
by the ravages of the enemy. Although it has
been long apparent that the war could have no
other termination, yet now that the filial catastrophe
has occurred it is impossible to hear of it without
sympathy and regret. A people admitted by all
intelligent observers to be among the most esti.
mable in Europe, have seen their territory invaded,
their overmatched armies defeated, their home-
steads occupied by the enemy, and their wealth
both in money and kind wrung from them by piti-
less military commanders. The provinces which had
been united to their country for four centuries, and
the possession of which had been approved by every
European State 12 years ago, have been severed
from it for ever; the best harbour of the Baltic is
no longer theirs; a large number of their country-
men, Danes in race and language, are included
within the limits of the conquered Ducbies, and
must in no long time suffer all that denationalisa-
tion which was the chief grievance of the Germans
in the same provinces before the war. It is of little
use in an hour of such evil fortune to deal in the
commonplaces of consolation. The calamity which
the Danes have undergone is the greatest that can
fall on a State. A lose of territory as the conse-
quence of unsuccessful war, which not only lowers
the reputation of a country, but cripples its finances
for years, is a misfortune beyond any that a people
can be called upon to bear with resignation. Poli•
tical standing, military honour, population, wealth,
national Security, are all impaired together. It
must be with feelings almost of despair that the race
which has for so long maintained its country as an
independent and respected State can see it limited
to two narrow islands and the overrun province of
Jutland. The mortification of recognising German
superiority is a less evil than the apprehension which
the manifest power of Germany to repeat the invasion
must inspire. Yet even now it may be said that the
position of Danmark is not hopeless. There is com-
fort to be extracted even from defeat and disruption.
After all, though the peace has been imposed on the
Danes by a victerious enemy, it is still a peace. The
strain of war will cease, the men and money which
have been hitherto devoted to resisting the Germans
will find other employments. What is left of Den-
mark may in a few years become a prosperous and
contented kingdom. The happiness of nations does
not depend on their importance ; it is, indeed,
often in an inverse ratio to their magnitude in
their neighbours' eyes and their own. Small States
need keep up only a small army, and no navy at all.
If Denmark be reduced to the rank of Hanover, or
the late Dachy of Tuscany, the Danes may be all
the more fortunate in being able to imitate the
more moderate establishments of minor States ;
and, when the first bitterness of conquest is past,
they may even be able to console themselves for
the loss of the Duchies. Denmark will not be the
first State that has been benefited by losing un•
willing subjects. England never made such ad-
vances es after the loss of the American colonies ;
Austria has already gained by the cession of Lom-
bardy and her enforced noueinterference in the rest
of Italy ; she would gain more largely still by the
cession of Venetia. If it he now abundantly mani-
fest that the people of the Duchies, whether rightly
or wrongly desired separation from Denmark, and
that the retention of them subjected the kingdom

to continued danger of war, it may prove a blessing
that they are gone at last. Certainly for the last
twenty years the Danish people have had an enemy
within their own nominal territory who has taxed
their national resources to the utmost. They fought
the Schleswig-liolsteiners and conquered them in
1851, but it was at a great cost, both in actual out-
lay at the time and in the necessity for keeping up
oppressive armaments in order to prevent another
rising. If the expenses which the possession of the
Duchies has brought on the Danish people be com-
pared with the revenue contributed by them to the
common Treasury, perhaps it may be found that
the connexion was not so profitable as to make
the present events a cause for complete de-
spondency. It is more the manner in
which the Duchies have been lost then the loss
itself which is the real affliction the Danes have to
bear. If we turn to Germany, we do not find such
a tone of rejoicing as so great a victory should pro-
duce. The nation, headed by such patriots as the
Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Baron Beust, have now,
seemingly, accomplished all their objects. They
have freed Schleswig and Holstein—that is, they
have broken the connexion between them and Den-
mark. These Duchies are now German soil ; Kiel
will be a German port, Rendsburg probably a Ger-
man fortress. The dream of a generation has been
realised, and with the happy accompaniment of
unwonted military glory, And yet from north to
south the Germans are grumbling or storming
against those who have done their work. Never
has there been so ill a feeling against Prussia as
now that Denmark has surrendered at discretion,
and every printshop in German is full of the glorious
victory of Duppel. In Hanover, in Saxony, in
Bavaria, the press is railing against Berlin, and
taunting the Austrian Emperor and Count Rechberg
with unworthy concessions. The affair at Rep dsburg
indicates the relations between King William's
Government and the minor States. There was no-
thing in the matter which would have given any
political trouble, if it had not been for the soreness
which already existed. On the 17th a quarrel began
in a dancing-house between some Prussian soldiers
on one side and some Saxons and Hanoverians on
the other. The next day there was a fight between
the respective parties, and the ill feeling increasing,
General Von Hake, commanding the Federal forces,
telegraphed the news to Berlin, whereupon, very
unexpectedly to this officer, Prince Frederick
Charles of Prussia ordered General Von Goben to
occupy the town, and informed General Von Hake
that this was done by special order from Berlin.
"General Von Goben," said the Prince, " will present
himself before Rendsburg at neon upon the 21st
with 6,000 men and two batteries, in readiness to
undertake the occupation of the posts." Von Hake
protested against this very cavalier proceeding. but
declared that he should " for the present withdraw
the troops from Rendsburg to avoid a conflict."
This is the occurrence which has set Germany in
a flame. The people of the minor States are furious
at hearing that the Federal Commander and his
garrison were ordered out of the town by a
Prussian General, and the decree enforced by
6,000 Prussians. The Princes share the indignation
of their subjects ; the Frankfort Diet is appalled at
the want of respect shown to its deputy ; even the
Emperor of Austria has been obliged by the re-
clamations of the minor States and the discontent
of his own subjects to ask explanations of M. von
Bismark. It is said that an apology has been
offered for this high-handed proceeding, but that
the minor states are not satisfied and will accept
nothing less than the restoration of the town to
Federal troops. In all this it is easy to perceive a
deeply-rooted jealousy of Prussia, and a conviction
that this Renasburg affair is only one of a long
series of assumptions the end and object of which
are the incorporation of the Duchies with Prussia
itself. Such is the temper of the Germans now that
a serious difference between the Confederation and
Prussia is an event not beyond the bounds of pos-
sibility. The policy of M. von Bismark has filled
his allies with suspicion. The desire of the Prussian
Government is to reimburse Austria for her outlay
in the war, and to keep its own troops in Schleswig
until the expenses, estimated at 20,000,000 thalers,
have been paid out of the surplus revenue of the
Duchy, which is to be collected by Prussian
officials. This, cf course, is thought to mean that
the Prussians should occupy Schleswig as long as
they like, or until it is convenient for them to de-
clare its annexation to their own country, for the
payment of such a sum by the impoverished Duchy
is out of the question. Hence, day after day, the
bitterness between the German spoilers increases,
and probably they will no sooner be at peace with
Denmark than their mutual animosities may give
rise to new difficulties. This country will, we trust,
not commit the error of again interfering in these
disputes; but we may well look with satisfaction on
our endeavours to restore an equitable peace when
we find these provinces, the freedom of which was
the ostensible purpose of the war, still occupied by
troops and compelled to maintain them until heavy,
war debts are liquidated ; when we see the easy Go-
vernment of Denmark replaced by a military ad-
ministration ; and when, moreover, it appears that
the nation which has treated a neighbour with this
violence is almost tempted to turn its army against
itself in civil strife.

HERALD.—The virtues of benevolence and gene-
rosity have, like most other virtues, numerous
counterfeits afloat, which pass current with the
majority of mankind who do not reason very deeply
on the phenomena brought beneath their notice.
As sheer stupidity is sometimes mistaken for har-
dihood, so the conduct which arises from weakness
or incapacity is not seldom confounded with real
liberality of mind. To give away our goods, sur-
render our rights, or abstain from enforcing obli-
gations, may sometimes be the marks of greatness,
but are oftner the fruits of imbecility. Mr.
Windham, no doubt, had the credit of being an
"open-handed gentleman" with a large class of his
associates, and, when he has nothing better to con■
sole himself with, may fall back upon this remi-
niscence. The Ministers of this great country seem
just now very much inclined to seek comfort from
a similar source. To abandon treaties rather than
face the difficulty of supporting them; to cede de-
pendencies rather than take the trouble of main-
taining them ; and to calmly look on while com-
pacts which this country guaranteed are trampled
under foot before their eyes, are now represented
as so many consummate strokes of policy and as so
many marks of magnanimity. The cession of the
lonian Islands may or may not have been a neces-
sary or a prudent step. But we cannot see that
there is anything in it to be proud of. The feeblest
as well as the greatest political genius could equally
have done that. The same reflection occurs to one
after reading Lord Pahnerston's reply to Mr Taylor
relating to the Danubian Principalities. Her
Majesty's Government congratulates itself on the
success whico has attended its mediation between
the Porte and the Prince of Moldo-Wallachia,
Prince Couza. The Principalities are a little further
off than Schleswig-Holstein, and Prince Colas, is a
somewhat inferior potentate to the King of Prussia.
But in other respects there is a curious resemblance
between the two cases. As long ago as 1858, when
the provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia were
constituted into one principality under their
present ruler, then an obscure colonel of militia,
and elevated to that high rank as a compromise
between the more powerful boyards, a constitu-
tional form of government was established in those
countries with the assent of the Sultan, and under
the joint guarantee of the Great Powers of Europe.
By the terms of this constitution the possession of
political power was ensured to those classes who
alone represent the property and intelligence of the
country. In Moldo-Wallachia there is no middle
class. There is nothing between the boyards or
landowners and the peasantry, unless, perhaps, it
is a very small class of literary and professional men,
who, however, belong to and sympathise with, the
former. The boyards are a remarkably intelligent
and cultivated race of men. The peasantry, un-
happily, are probably the most ignorant and un.
civilised in Europe. Such being the state of the
case, Prince Couza, only following out the universal
instinct of despotism, which necessarily feels uneasy
in the presence of intelligent criticism sanctioned
by constitutional authority, resolved if he could to
get rid of the existing reptile, and substitute for it
a system with a much larger infusion of democracy.
To this end he proposed to the Representative
Chamber two laws, the one having for its object the
establishment of universal suffrage, the other an
agrarian law aiming at a redistribution of landed
property on principles almost communistic. The
Chamber, with a liberality which cannot be too
highly praised, did not refuse to take into consider-
ation the propriety of some reform in the existing
state of the law ; but did positively refuse to pass
Prince Couza a measures in their original shape,
amounting as they did to the elevation of ignorance
over intelligence in the Government, and to the
virtual confiscation of half the landed property in the
country. Meetieg with this check Prince Couza had
three courses open to him consistent with law and
good faith. He might have changed his Ministers,
and submitted a less sweeping measure to the As-
sembly. He might have dissolved the Assembly and
called a new one, by way of testing the opinion of
the country. Or if he felt that neither of these
courses would be effective, he mie•ht have appealed
to the Sultan and the Great Powers to revise the
constitution of 1858, and bring it more into har-
mony with the wants and wishes of the people.
For such appeal copious provision had been made.
in the articles of the original constitution. But
Prince Couza did none of these things. Fired with
noble emulation he resolved upon a coup d'etat. He
appealed from the Representative Assembly to the
whole people; and of course secured, by means of
a plebiscite, an immense majority of the peasants
who were to benefit so largely by the change. He

then demanded of the Great Powers who forraea
the Convention of 1858 to recognise the result of
this manoeuvre as the new constitution of the Prin a
cipalities. Of the illegality, the criminality, air
the insolence of this design there cannot, of courf,e ,
be two opinions. Of its impolicy our readers inti
judge for themselves when we tell them that °l3e
°lv led
the articles in the new electoral law pro. 'n
by this sagacious Prince enacted that no on e sb oalin
be eligible to sit in the Representative /Vise 11°5;
who could not read and write. The first imp? -Ilse es
the Porte naturally was to put down this and acioud
mimic, to recall him to a sense of his positioe tinn
to compel him to observe the obligations to ' igtl;
he stood pledged. Gradually, however, it wa lendse
covered that Prince Couza had powerful fi to
"in another place," whom it would be diav ,0
enlist against him, though themselves parties, to tu
agreement what he had trodden under foot. Ens
r;
land, hoWever, was actuated by no such orrz
reo
se
pensee. She had no interests in the East t hero
beyond those of truth and justice. She mig Qevo
5s
been relied upon to stand by the Convention c f
and the Treaty of 1856, in which the Porte 105,d
deeply interested. But no; England abaii don%
her policy, consented to deal with Prince Co as
with one who had a right of negociation, ins;' 36 the
having forfeited his entire political status Wit hand
destruction of the constitution which created ,its
accepted, forsooth, with modifications, the 11 se,.e.
of this lawless act which set Europe at de fi 313;er
Now, it may be that England had n° got
alternative ; that her Government be
itself into such relations with the En rie'r
o jf
Powers that independent action was impossit i "lon
so, we must blame, of course, rather the cauo t t is
the effect. But we do Bay this, that the elefeale
nothing to boast of. It is no feather in 1,0 r" do.
merston's cap to have assisted at this furthor
this
gradation of the public law of Europe ; 11,1, o,t
further discomfiture of the policy of Bog ;er e
this further desertion of an ally whom we 7, 1,1,
bound in honour to support. He may say be c-
not help it. But for. Great Britain to be thus, con
not t
tinually " looking as if she could not help it,
very gratifying to those lovers of their countri.
whom her honour, her dignity, and her renown
still dear. The " modifications" under whicbrof
new constitution is now to take effect are, as -13 fit
ters of detail, neither few nor nnimportell'• h
they leave the principle of the revolution unt00°11; tie
and they entirely condone the illegal violence rri, er
Prince. A large infusion of democracy, far 3,1
than the intelligence of the Moldo-Wallachis° rii(t
santry can justify, has been infused into the Ceubel-
tution, and with that, of course, a stimulus lle!.„1, is
given to the cry of Sclavonian nationality, Nv"l°''
the one political element most dangerous t 00.
peace and prosperity of Eastern Europe. The been
tempt into which treaty obligations have ry,
brought in the eyes of these half-eivilised e 0"," 030
ities is another most deplorable result of, oido
transactions. If one convention is to be se' s
with such ease and impunity by the resoicet bet;
single individual, why not another and 0110`,
and how can such stipulations be any I°l3g';
garded as securities against perpetual chuog;' all
termittent anarchy, and the stagnation (),";r ens
internal industry, which such a state of t"' -
engenders P