The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-29 00:00:00

been drawn up by mutual agreement by the Pleni-
potentiaries of the neutral Powers, and which in-
volves no responsibility on the part of the Pleni-
potentiaries of the other Powers represented in the
Conference.
The Plenipotentiaries of the belligerent Powers,
as well as the Plenipotentiary of the Germanic
Confederation, expressly reserve to themselves the
right and the power of replying to it.
Count Apponyi says that he has, on his part, a
declaration to make, which it becomes, in his
opinion, doubly necessary to read after the sum-
mary which has just been communicated to the
Conference. His declaration is intended to defend
the rights and the responsibility of the Govern-
ments of Austria and Prussia. He states, mere.
over, that the absence of objections on the part of
the Plenipotentiaries of the German Powers to the
acceptance of this summary as an annex to the Pro-
tocal in no way implies their adhesion to the con.
tents of this document.
Similar reservations are made by the Plenipoten-
tiaries of Denmark; and M. de Krieger claims for
the eventual reply of his Government the same
publicity as that which will be given to the above.
mentioned annex.
Count Apponyi then reads the following declara-
tion in the name of the Plenipotentiaries of the
allied Courts :
" During the whole of the deliberations of the
Conference, the result of which has unfortunately
not been in accordance with the pacific object which
it had in view, the German Powers have not ceased
to be animated by that spirit of peace and of con-
ciliation which induced them to accept the invita-
tion of her Britannic Majesty's Government to meet
in Conference in London to devise means for the
restoration of peace.
" The insurmountable obstinacy with which the
Danish Government withdrew from the engage-
ments which they had contracted, and refused to do
justice to the German subjects of the King-Duke,
inflicted a severe wound on the national honour of
Germany. After every means of conciliation, em-
ployed with persevering patience, had been ex-
hausted, Federal execution in Holstein, the occupa-
tion of Schleswig, and finally war by Austria and
Prussia against Denmark became inevitable.
"After a succession of sanguinary contests, the
mainland of Denmark fell into the hands of the
allied Powers, and the public voice of Germany
loudly demanded the complete abolition of the tie
which united Schleswig and Holstein to Denmark,
and the conversion of the two Duchies into an inde-
pendent German State under its proper dynasty.
"Notwithstanding this, Austria and Prussia did
not hestitate to come to the Conference with decla•
rations which were not directed in principle against
the integrity of the Danish monarchy, but only de-
manded that the point of right in the question of
succession should not be prejudged, and that the
political and administrative independence of the
Duchies should be secured.
" It was Denmark who peremptorily rejected as
inadmissible the idea of a personal union. Persisting
in its fatal tendency to incorporate Schleswig, the
Court of Copenhagen rejected the only conditions on
which the allied Powers could have consented with
honour to the continuation of the union of the
Duchies with Denmark.
" From that moment the principle of the separa-
tion of the Duchies from the Danish Crown became
necessary for the German Powers, and the principal
condition of peace.
" Even in this new phase of the negotiations their
conciliatory dispositions were in no way diminished.
The great importance which the inhabitants of
Schleswig and Holstein attach to the integrity of
the two Duchies, and to their union in one undivided
S tate, is well known. These sentiments are deserving
of respect, and it was therefore a considerable sacri-
fice which Austria, Prussia, and the Germanic Con-
federation made from a desire for the restoration of
peace, in consenting to cede a part of the northern
territory of Schleswig to the Crown of Denmark as
a compensation for his Danish Majesty's surrender
of the Duchy of Lsuenberg.
" The conciliatory disposition of the German
Powers did not stop here. The peace which seemed
now to depend on an understanding of the subject
of the tracing of the frontier might have been con-
cluded if Denmark had not raised pretensions which
would have restored to her the capital itself of the
country which the Germans arms had released from
her rule, and the integral union of which with
Holstein Germany had a right to claim.
"It was Austria and Prussia, too, who during the
whole course of the negotiations, and at every op-
portunity, insisted on the necessity of a prolongation
of the suspension of arms, or the conclusion of a
formal armistice, in order that the work of pacifica-
tion might not be ince!santly compromised by the
continual and imminent danger of hostilities. On
this subject, also, the conduct of oar adversaries has
been quite different. Denmark refused the proposal
of the ❑eutral Powers fcr the conclusion of an armis-
tice, which would have restored Jutland to her, in
exchange for the complete evacuation of Schleswig.
She only consented to a suspension of hostilities for
one month, and refused to prolong this tern, already
so short, for more than a fortnight.
" One further fact points out also the moderation
which the German Powers have shown to the last,
After the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Confer-
ence had failed in their efforts to come to an under.
standing on a line of frontier to be drawn in Schles-
wig, Austria and Prussia, in conformity with the
text and the spirit of the Protocol of Paris of 1856,
declared themselves ready to continue these nego

The next place he visited was Bokhara, distant 10 or 12
days' journey on camels from Khiva. On the road his party,
to avoid a horde of Turcoman robbers, were obliged to eeek
refuge in the desert of Djan•Batiran (the life destroyer),
where for six days they suffered horribly from thirst. and
lost two of their number. The city of Bokhara occupies more
ground than Teheran, but it is not so populous. Some of
the palaces and mosques are built of stone, but the large
clumsy turrets produce a disagreeable impression. The whole
Khanat of Bokhara he estimated to comprise two million
souls, including Persian slaves. The reigning prince is
Moozaffared• din, son of the Khan who murdered Conolly
and Stoddart. He is a man of good disposition, but is forced
for political reasons to commit many tyrannical and barbar-
ous acts. After spending a month in Bokhara M. Vambery
proceeded full of anticipation to the renowned city of Samar-
cand. He travelled for six days through a thickly-peopled
and well-cultivated country, and was greatly surprised at
the quick succession of towns and villages on the road.
But in Samarcand he was much disappointed. He found
the capital of Timour in a state of decay, and although he
saw a few remains of its ancient glory, was convinced that
the ancient reputation of the place was greatly exaggerated.
The most remarkable of the ancient edifices were the me-
dresses or colleges, one of which, erected by the wife of
Timour, a Chinese princess, was a most splendid building;
but the magnificent portico, ICO feet high, inlaid with mo-
saic in the form of roses, is now all that remains of

it. The palace of Ti hour he described as very interest-
ing, especially his tomb and a huge block of green
stone, the base of his throne, which must have been de-
rived from some distant country, although how it was con-
♦eyed to the place is now difficult to surmise. M, Vambery
terminated his narrative with his arrival at Herat in Octo-
ber ; the country to the north of which place he found in
great disorder, owing to the revolt against the Affghan
yoke consequent upon the death of Dost Mohammed.

Sir H, RAWLINSON said the country which M, Vambery
had traversed was interesting in a twofold point of view. In
the first place, it had hitherto been a terra incognita, and in
the next place it possessed great political interest, as form-
ing the debatable land which intervened between the Rus-
sian Empire and oar own Indian possessions. It would be
remembered that 25 years ago great alarm was felt at the
extension of Russian influence in Central Asia. T hat

feeling, which brought about the Affghan war, had passed
away, and had, been succeeded by a feeling of supineness
which, in his opinion, was as little to be justified as the
previous alarm. We have very much lost sight of what had
been going on during the last 25 years. While we have
been imagining that all was quiescent, the Russian and
English frontiers have been gradually approximating over
a space of 1,000 miles, so that at present there is only a
breadth of 500 or 600 miles between the twe frontiers. This
is a matter which ought to interest the English public, and
to which attention should be drawn. Ho begged to be un-
derstood that he attributed no hostility to England on the
part of the Russian Government in this extension of fron-
tier towards India. It is a sort of law of nature—stated to
be such by the late Sir R. Peel—that when civilisation im-
pinges on barbarism, barbarism must give way. The jour-
ney of M. Vambery was therefore of great value, because it
will make us acquainted with coun tries full of so much
political interest to England. Many portions of the route
which he had followed were entirely new, and he might
fairly claim the honour of having been the first European
who had visited and described Samarcand for 450 years.
He was glad to learn that an ample account of M. Vam-
bery's travels was about to be puolished by Mr Murray, so
that the general public would soon be put in possession of
full details.

Lord Strangford, Dr Worthington, Mr Crawford,:Mr
Drach, Mr Markham, and Mr Michell took part in the dis-
cussion which followed, and which related chiefly to the
great trade, especially in cotton, which was carried on be-
tween Bokhara and Russia.

The PRESIDENT closed the proceedings by saying that
long before England had any empire in the East Russia
had e,arried on a trade with Bokhara, so that there could be
no ground fer jealousy in that respect. He announced also
that ➢I, Vambery was making preparation for another
journey, in which he intended to penetrate into China,
taking Samarcand as his starting point.

tiations in the form of a mediation intrusted to
a neutral Sovereign, not represented in the Confer-
ence. This last means of arriving at an under-
standing, the acceptance of which would have
naturally resulted in the continuation of the sus-
pension of hostilities, again offered by the German
Powers, was equally rejected by Denmark.
" There remains, consequently, but one duty for
the German Powers to perform—it is that of
solemnly declaring that they decline, in the name
of their Governments, the responsibility of the
blood which will be shed and of the evils which will
result from the renewal of the war. This responsi-
bility cannot fall on the Powers whom they have
had the honour to represent in this Conference."
Count de Bernstorff follows this mutual declare•
Lion by an additional declaration of the Prussian
Plenipotentiaries, expressed in these terms:—
"It only remains for us to add to what Count
Apponyi has just said in the name of the Plenipo-
tentiaries of the two German Powers, that we also
made, in the lasting sitting
but one of the Confer-
erne, a proposal which was essentially calculated to
bring about a pacific solution of the question which
occupied our attention, and that, moreover, we
declared ourselves ready in the last sitting to take
the proposal of the Ambassador of France ad refer-
endum, but that the two proposals in question were
absolutely rejected by the Danish Plenipoten-

.aries."

M. de Quaade must, in his name mad in that of hie
colleague, decline for his Government all responsi-
bility for the failure of the negotiation, and the
blood which may be shed. lie uffirms that "Den-
mark in contributing to the work of pacification,
has been deterred by no sacrifice compatible with
her own existence, and that the Danish Government
are consequently convinced that they have no reason
to reproach themselves if an understanding has not
been arrived at. The situation in which events have
placed the Danish Government is very different
from that of the German Powers, and if allowance
is made for this difference a judgment quite con-
trary to that formed by the German Powers will be
passed on the conduct of the D,nish Government."

The first Plenipotentiary of Denmark then reads
the following declaration:—
" When the Danish Government received the in-
vitation of her Britannic Majesty's Government to
a Conference, the object of which was the restora-
tion of peace, they were under the conviction that
the treaty concluded a few years before, and de-
signed to afford a further pledge of stability to the
integrity of the Danish Monarchy as an essential
condition of the balance of power in Europe, would
be maintained by the concurrence of all who had
taken part in its conclusion.

:erme ;--

" The Treaty of London of May 8, 1852, was not
conditional or hypothetical; it did not depend on
the adhesion of a third party.
"The treaty made no alteration in the relations

iiiiL 6LJA, LONDON' , 'WEDNESDAY 'EVENING-, JUNE 29, 1864.

between Schleswig and the Danish Crown, with
which that country has been incorporated for more
than a century ; nor did it make any alteration in
the relations between the Duchies of Lauenburg
and of Holstein and the Germanic Confederation,
to which the King of Denmark belongs as regards
Holstein and Lauenburg ; and it did not give to
the Germanic Confederation any kind of com-
petence other than that which it possessed
in virtue of the Federal Act and of the subsequent
resolutions legally taken in consequence of that
Act. As regards Schleswig particularly, the Ger-
manic Diet had already recognised in 1823 that
that Duchy was perfectly free from any influence
on the part of the Germanic Confederation.
"Not only all the non-German Sovereigns, but
also (with scarcely one exception) all the more
considerable, and same of the less considerable,
States of Germany took part in the conclusion of
the Treaty of London, or subsequently adhered to
that treaty. No Federal resolution can liberate the
German States from the obligations which they
have thus tal:en ; the Germanic Confederation can-
not release any one of the Sovereigns represented in
the Federal Assembly from the obligations con-
tracted by them in the most solemn manner. A
contrary practice would entirely overthrow the
principle of European international law on which
the existence of the Confederation is based.
" The authority of the Germanic Confederation
is limited by treaties, by the Federal Act, and by
the subsequent resolutions taken legally in conse-
quence of that Act. Its members are not legally
subjected to any vote of the majority. The Danish
Government have never recognised the legalLty of
the reasons on which the Confederation based the
resolution of execution which was carried into effect
in Holstein during the last winter; but they did not
at the time think fit to oppose it by force, and in
the same manner they submitted to the altogether
illegal suspension of the King's authority in Lauen-
burg.

" Prussia and Austria have invaded by armed
force the non-German countries of the King of
Denmark. Those, Powers commenced this war,
alleging as a reason that the King of Denmark had
arbitrarily withdrawn from the performance of
certain obligations contracted with Prussia and
Austria.

"Denmark, ready to account for her actions, her-
self solicited a mediation in conformity with the
declaration of Paris. She subsequently accepted the
invitation to a Conference, supposing that the trans-
aetions,the pretended violation of which had afforded
a pretext for the invasion, would also afford a basis
for the negotiations. The Danish Government are
persuaded that if a discussion had taken place on
this basis it would have been proved that it is not
Denmark who has arbitrarily withdrawn from the
performance of her obligations; they think rather
that it would have been shown that it is Germany
which has rendered it impossible for the King to
execute the intentions which the German Govern-
ments engaged themselves not to oppose. This dis-
cussion has been rejected by Prussia and Austria,
and instead of availing themselves of the opportu-
nity which still offered to effect an amicable arrange.
ment they have attempted to withdraw from the
European obligations created by the Treaty of
London.
" The Danish Plenipotentiaries need not now
dilate on the state of things which has been the con-
sequence of the attitude thus assumed by the German
Powers. The Danish Government had indulged in
the hope that the sacrifices which they had declared
themselves ready to make in accepting the proposal
of May 28 last would be sufficient for the restoration
of peace, but that hope not having been realised, it
only remains for the Danish Plenipotentiaries to
refer to the reservation recorded in the conclusion of
their declaration of ;Tune 2, and they are instructed
expressly to declare that, in virtue of that reserva-
tion, the Danish Government resume from this mo-
ment, on the ground of the treaty of London of May
8, 1852, the position which they had only abandoned
provisionally from their desire for peace, and on the
condition that the peace to be concluded should be
adapted to replace the provisions of that treaty."
Baron de Beust expressed himself in these terms :
"The task which was imposed on me in coming
to the Conference consisted principally i❑ maintain•
ing intact a que3tion of right. The Conference
has, I hope, understood how much its accomplish-
ment has tended to limit my personal disposition to
show myself conciliatory and to enter on the path
of arrangement. But I flatter myself that I have
never forgotten the consideration which seemed to
me to be necessary in order to avoid wounding sus•
ceptibilities. I regret the more that it is ouly at
the conclusion of our deliberations that the first
Plenipotentiary of Denmark has raised questions
on which I was unwilling to enter, and which I
should at least have wished to discuss sooner. Since.
however, the Treaty of 1852 is to be reverted to, I
will also indulge in a few observations on this sub-
ject. It is not for me to decide on the question
whether, after all that has passed in the Conference
the Treaty of London can be regarded as intact,
although it appears to me that either a treaty is
invalid or it is not, and that from the moment that
the contrary has been proposed and accepted it ca❑
no longer be pretended that it is so. It is sufficient,
according to my views, that the Confederation has
never adhered to it. I now hear the adhesions of
the German Governments quoted. Such adhesions
did, in fact, take place ; reservations also were made,
as, for example, that of Saxony with regard to the
competency of the Diet. But let me be allowed to
go further. I have never denied that in principle
the object of the Treaty of London was a desirable
one. Some German Governments have themselves
admitted this, but the steps which were required to
bring it into force should have been taken. If the
Danish Government had taken advantage of the
first years after the conclusion of the Treaty to
grant to the Duchies the benefit of a paternal
Government, if they had respected their constitu-
tion, and, above all, respected the free use
of the German language, no doubt they would have
succeeded in obtaining the consent of the agnates
of the States, and of the Confederation, and then
it is hardly probable that convulsions would have
taken place at the death of his Majesty King Fre•
derick VII. But things have happened differently,
the Diet has had to give its decision under circum-
stances which rendered all adhesion impossible.
"The German Governments have been compelled
to remember their Federal duties, and I deny that
the policy of the Confederation ought to be guided
by the policy of the ♦arious Governments. As to
the statement which Count Apponyi has read, I
consider it to be in conformity with the truth ; if a
further proof were required to show that the two
German Powers have shown themselves concilia-
tory, it would be found in an assimilation between
the declarations of their Plenipotentiaries and mine.
"Finally, as regards the summary which has
been read, as I cannot consider it as complete, nor
concur in the views expressed in it, I must beg that
my silence may not be regarded as assent. Each
Plenipotentiary is free i❑ his turn to submit in the
proper quarter a summary of the proceedings of the
Conference."

Count Apponyi proposes that the Conference
should, before separating, offer its thanks to Earl
Russell, He expresses himself as follows :
" Gentlemen.--At the moment of closing our de-
liberations, I feel that I express the sentiments of
all the Plenipotentiaries in offering, in their name,
to Earl Russell the warm thanks of the Conference
for the spirit of conciliation and the courtesy with
which he has directed its labours.
" Whatever may be the result of our meetings we
shall none the less all of us retain a pleasant recol-
lection of the personal kindness of our President."

This proposal having been unanimously adopted,
Earl Russell thanks the Conference in the following

"I thank the 21enipotentiaries for the honour
which they have done me.
"It is through the assistance and support which
they have afforded me that our discussions have

been conducted in the spirit of moderation and

eourtesy which was necessary for the perfect free-
dom with which our opinions have been expressed.
"I perform an agreeable duty in expressing to
my colleagues in the Conference my gratitude for
the support they have given me."

At the proposal of M. de &dun, the Conference

offers its thanks to Mr. Stuart for the care which he
has devoted to the drawing up of the protocols.
The present protocol is read and approved.
APPONYI. RUSSELL.
BIEGELEBEN. CLARENDON.
G. QUAADE. BERNSTORIT.
BILLE. BALAN.
KRIEGER. BRUNNOW.
LA TOUR D'AUVERGNE. LE CTE. WACHMEISTER.
BEUST.

SPIRIT OF TILE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TemEe.—ln the feverish period of expectation
which precedes a great party battle, it is but natural
that there should be little commotions and spasms
indicative of the coming struggle. One of these oc-
curred last night, when the Government were de-
feated by nearly two to one on the motion for pre-
serving the open space in the neighbourhood of the
metropo:is. Mr. Doulton bad a subject which has
always been a favourite with the country. It is
impassible for any thinking man to contemplate the
increase of this capital without finding fear mingle
with his admiration. Every year the " province
covered with houses" extends in every direction ;
suburbs become, in the number and massiveness of
their houses, part of the town, while outlying vil-
lages receive more and more the character of
suburbs; the country roads grow into so many long
streets, and appear as if the overgrown city had
thrust out its hundred arms to grasp the land
around it. What is occurring in the neighbourhood
of every great town in England is to be seen in its
fullest extent about London. The thoughtful ob.
server, the philanthropist, the sanitarian, when he
looks at those collections of houses, cannot but form 1
a comparative_y low estimate of the importance of
what are usually called politics, the battles of par-
ties, the history of foreign alliances and interven-
tions, or even the structure and working of the
Parliamentary machine. The most serious question
for our statesmen, after that of employing and feed-
ing the people, is how to make town life consistent
with physical and moral well-being. Already about
half the inhabitants of Great Britain are dwellers
iu these labyrinths of bricks and mortar, and the
larger the town the more rapidly it seems to extend.
What is to be the future condition of a people living
in great cities? Let us hope that it will be better
than the present. No one can enter the more close
and crowded parts of London, or pass through the
narrow cours which abound at the back of out
most splendid tnoro:ightares, without being con-
vinced that the conditions of life are absolutely
inconsistent with the possession of health and
strength, or even freedom from deformity, by the
population which is bred among them. The pale-
faced children, the sickly miserable women, the dull
sodden-looking men, bear witness to the effect of
feted air and of lanes which are never cheered by
the full light of Heaven. The unhappy creatures
who inhabit these places are generally not aware of
the evil that is wasting their strength. With the
pallor of death visible in their faces, the children, if
questioned, would say, "Nothing is the matter with
me," and the grown-up people are only reminded
by their craving for some stimulant that their sys-
tems are depressed by the fatal influences around
them. Yet this evil, which was already complained
of in the times of our grandfathers, is increasing
every day as the country is being more and more
thrust away from the districts inhabited by the
town poor. In former days, however bad their
dwellings might be, they might, at any rate, get
away from them and from places like them, and find
a little fresh air and a place for exercise in the open
spaces on the skirts of the town. To take only the
last 40 or 50 years, there were fields to the north of
Bloomsbury,and Pimlico was a wilderness, roamed
over by the 'Westminster boys. Now the dweller
in the heart of Loudon must go miles before he oan
see a green thing except the smoky trees in some
closely-guarded square. The more wealthy classes
have migrated continually westward, regions which
held a high social rank are now almost deserted,
and fashion encamps round the park which is the
great pleasure-ground of London. But the poor
cannot move. Where they are, there they must
stay ; where their business is, where there are
houses cheap enough to lodge them, there must be
their home. It is, then, a sad thing to see the open
spaces which were formerly within their reach
built over one by one, and the poor and their chil-
dren shut in, almost entombed, in this metropolitan
Babel. The resolution of Mr. Doulton, "That it is
the duty of her Majesty's Government to provide
far the preservation of open spaces within the
limits assigned by the 14th section of the Inclosure
Act of 1845," was likely, therefore, to receive
considerable support. Yet, though we feel all
sympathy with his objects, we are unable to say
that to act on the terms of his resolution is prac-
ticable. If it be the duty of her Majesty's Minis-
ters so to provide for the preservation of open
spaces, they must be entrusted with much larger
funds than any that Parliament has ever allotted
for such a purpose, and those funds must come from
the general taxation of the country. Within about
the lest 20 years two new parks, the Victoria-perk
and B ittereeeepark, have been made, and lately
there was much talk of another for Finsbury. But
the cost, actual, or prospective, of these pleasure-
grounds has been so great that if the Government
is to labour in this line it must receive funds nm,
greater than are likely to be extracted from
the teL•ebitanta of the metropolis by local taxation.
Is Hampste.:
d-heath to be secured to the public—
is the building over Wandsworth-common to be
stopped—is Wimbi,ablo to be secured for the next
w. tee city will then have
Mr. Doulton very
generation of Londoners,
advanced to its precincts ? As
justly observed, it would be inel;ossible for the
Metropolitan Board of Works to pre: erve these
places if the cost were to be defrayed by the me-
tropolitan ratepayers, for it was imposible to g,". on
imposing taxation on London, particularly as the
benefit would in some cases fall to the lot chiefly of
suburban towns, such as Richmond or Croydon. It
follows, then, that if commons which are the pro.
party of private persons are to be taken for public
use, and compensation made to their owners, the
burden must fall on the public at large, for we can-
not think that merely to give the Metropolitan
Board of Works fresh taxing powers would over-
come the disinclination of the metropolis to a large
increase of the rates. Then, if the public at large is
to pay for the " open spaces" of London, why should
it not provide similar spaces for the other great
towns of the kingdom ? It may be said that London
is incomparably the largest of these towns, and con-
sequently suffers most from the distance of its cen-
tral points from the open fields; also that, as a ea•
pital, it has a right to ba considered apart, and to
be the subject, if necessary, of exceptional legisla-
tion. But before committing itself to such a pro-
position Government might well hesitate, and be
glad to see so important a resolution fail.

POST.—Mr. Disraeli last evening gave notice that
he will on Monday next move an address to the

Crown, censuring the foreign policy of her Majesty's
Government, The terms of the motion are compre-
hensive and to the point. The House of Commons

will be asked to express its deep concern that the
Conference has failed to realise the objects with
which it was convened, and its " deep regret that
while the course pursued by her Majesty's Govern-
ment has failed to maintain their avowed policy of
upholding the integrity and independence of Den-
mark, it has lowered the just influence of this coun-
try in the councils of Europe, and thereby dimi-
nished the seeurities for peace." Nothing can be
more unequivocal and specific—nothing which
could more clearly express the real nature of the
issue which the country is truly desirous of seeing
definitively determined. The question is not one of
war or peace, but whether, in the policy hitherto
pursued, the advisers of the Crown have adopted
the most fitting means to avoid the one and to pre•
serve the other. Nor is the issue of war or peace
the only one which the Ministry had to decide.
They sought to preserve the independence of Den.
mark, and their failure to secure that object is not
unfairly advanced by the Opposition as a ground
for questioning a policy which was avowedly pur-
sued with that end. Success is not necessarily a
test of merit, nor is failure a proof of incapacity ;
but, regard being had to the mechanism of our form
of government, it may be admitted that an 01)13°
sition would be wanting in its duties to the Sove-
reign and to the country if it did not court
In-
quiry into the circumstances under
Government have failed to secure those objects for
which the
which tbey have so long and persistently striven.
If the preservation of Denmark as an
. indepe n-
dent State is admitted to b
e object 111 which
tt,is country is politically interested, it is legiti-
mate to inquire how it has come to pass that we
have allowed that State to come to the verge of
extinction, and are now to all appearances prepared
to remain passive, even though it should be blotted
from the map of Europe. In canvassing what has
been the policy of the British Government in respect
to nDanamGerm an dispute, the Opposition will
most probably direct their main attacks rather
mtte p
against what they conceive to have been the vacilla-
tion of the Cabinet in conducting the earlier nego-
tiations, than against its refusal now to recommend
an armed intervention in Denmark's favour. The
charge brought against Ministers will be, not that
they decline now to take up arms in vindication of
the rights of Denmark, but that they have contri-
buted to create a state of things which will sooner
or later force this country into war. If a war with
Germany would be impolitic; if, in the event of its
being undertaken, we should stand unaided by the
side of our weak but heroic ally ; if the object of
such hostilities—namely, the re-establishment of
Denmark in her pristine integrity—would be to all
appearance unattainable; if such a war would en-
tail upon this country sacrifices whose extent it ,