The Sun.
London, England, 1852-01-06 00:00:00

12,625,016

12,000,055

THE MINISTRY.
(From the Morning Herald.)
Every quid-nunc has bad his conjecture as to the
causes of the retirement or dismissal of Lord Palmer-
ston, and almost every one of the metropolitan jour-
nals has put forward its statement of alleged or quasi
facts in relation to the event. All these statements
have been coloured heretofore with regard to the pre-
judices of the parties by whom they have been circu-
lated. Some organs of public or of private opinion
will have it that the Court and the Premier were in-
dignant at the replies given by the Foreign Secretary
to the metropolitan addresses respecting M. Kossuth ;
others, again, professing to be possessed of all the facts
of the case, insist that an intrigue of the Greys—or of
the whole Family Party—had driven from power
almost the only antaagonist to a complete Cabinet
clique of " the cousins ." others, equally oracular in
their pretensions to be thoroughly correct, insist that
the Kossuth—i. e., the democratic leanings of Vis-
count Palmerston had nothing to do with the matter
—nay, they have alleged, " without fear of contra-
diction," that the Absolutist tendencies of the Noble
Viscount formed the stumbling-block over which he
fell ; and thus the public have been left to
choose between the most opposite motives—between
reasons the most antagonistic—as to that which
is the most likely to prove the fact when all the de-
tails are brought before the Legislature ; for before
Parliament the whole case must be placed, in what-
ever shape the members of the present Whig-Radical
Administration shall meet it—whether as a re-con-
structed or patched-up Cabinet, or as a feeble and
weakly opposition. We, however, happen to have
possession, from undoubted authority, of all the facts
in connexion with the recent event, and we shall pro-
ceed to detail them without any current note or com-
ment, adhering closely to the narrative of the events
as they occurred. We shall thus afford to our readers
the best possible means of deducing their own conclu-
sions. Before the Cabinet differences respecting the
Finsbury-Kossuth affair bad been arranged with his
colleagues and in higher quarters by Lord Palmer-
ston, Count Waleswki called on the Noble ex-Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, and communicated to him
the fact of the coup d'etat which had been accom-
plished by the Prince President, together with the
reasons by which Louis Napoleon considered
himself compelled to take the steps which he had
adopted. Lord Palmerston on that occasion, as
the result of the interview, approved of the course
adopted by the French President, considering that the
reasons assigned for it by Count Walewski were suffi-
ciently to justify it. These facts having been made
known to Lord John Russell, the Premier sent a
written remonstrance to Lord Palmerston, complain-
ing that the Foreign Secretary had taken a step so
important as that of an approval of the coup d'etat of
Louis Napoleon, without consulting his colleagues,
whom be thus committed to it. The reply of Lord
Palmerston to this written remonstrance was, that his
interview with Count Walewski had been a private
conversation, and that neither its terms nor the result
committed the Government to any particular course
of action, and that the British Executive might, if it
pleased, go to war with France even then without
violating any official pledge given by him—that Count
Walewski had proved to him, by unquestionable docu-
ments that Louis Napoleon would have been arrested
in a few days by the opposite party in the Assembly
(who had prepared their coup d'etat), and would have
been shut up in Vincennes, had he not struck the first
blow—which he had thus been compelled to strike.
Thus far Lord Palmerston approved of the course
adopted by the President; but, he urged, he had not
then been made acquainted with the arrests, the
fighting, and the other circumstances which had im-
mediately followed the new state of affairs, and, there-
fore, he did not think it necessary to consult formally
his colleagues as to circumstances which had only
been initiated. Moreover, he did not consider it ne-
cessary for a Secretary of State—the acknowledged
head of a department—to consult his colleagues as to
every transaction which came properly and positively
under his administration. This reply to the Premier
Lord Palmerston considered would be thoroughly sa-
tisfectory, and he rather expected the arnende
honourable; but to his amazement he received
a demand for the transmission of his seals
of office to the First Minister of the Crown.
On Monday, the 22cl ult., the Cabinet met. The
members of the Administration were up to that time
perfectly ignorant of the above-mentioned occur-
rences, and it was then they were first informed of
the fact that Lord Palmerston was no longer in office.
As his dismissal was a fait accompli, there, of course,
was not any opportunity for discussion, or for an
attempt at reconciliation. After the Council the
Premier proceeded to Windsor Castle, and commu-
nicated the fact of the Noble Lord's dismissal. We
leave the public to judge with what feelings the an-
nouncement was received. Four letters were subse-
quently addressed to Lord Palmerston by four of his
recent colleagues. Three of these were from parties
who had been considered to be inimical to the general
policy of the noble viscount; therefore, whether or
not they were passing acts of courtesy, the more
called for because they were the less to be expected
on ordinary grounds, we submit to public opinion.
All the facts are now before our readers.
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
Lord John Russell proceeded yesterday to Windsor
to have an audience of her Majesty. There can be
no doubt as to the object of the Premier's visit to his
Sovereign. It is to report the present position of his
Ministry, and to lay before her Majesty the steps be
has taken, not only to fill up existing vacancies, but
those also which he knows to be impending. The
parties to whom the Noble Lord has made advances,
are those whom we were the first to indicate as the
"corning men" who were to bring "a great accession
of strength" to the Whig Government. The Duke
of Newcastle and Mr. Cardwell, were the first parties
to whom the Premier paid court, and they, we have
good reason to believe, led him to understand, that
before any negotiations could be entered into with
them, Sir James Graham should also be invited to take
office. Whether or not the Netherby Baronet has
consented to cast in his lot with the rapidly dissol-
ving W big Cabinet, we are not in a position to state
with confidence. Of one of two things, however, we
feel perfectly assured. Either Sir James Graham
will not take office under Lord John, on such
terms as the Noble Lord can acquiesce in ; or if be
do, the two will not go on harmoniously for one
brief fortnight together. It is a fact which well
deserves the serious consideration of this Protestant
country, that all the men, from the Duke of New-
castle downwards, to whom the Premier has made ad-
vances to join his Ministry, are men remarkable for
their pro- Popish principles.. Some of them are, in-
deed, se deeply tinged with Tractarianism, as to be
on the verge of Popery. They are, besides, persons
who belong to the Conservative party in their political
views—a
tact which may afford a fair idea of what
sznioeisrtteorifaal
craheaansguersewthheic:othelicom forthcoming Reform Bill will
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of the case. The truth is, that since the month of
elelyv receivedcahinet, herh,2
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deep, like many more of our statesmen, into the spirit
of Puseyign; and if he only make as great pro-
gress towards ilome in the next six months, as
May last,