The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-09 00:00:00

THE AUSTRIAN FLEET.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY rose to ask the Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs whether he could give the
house any information respecting the movements of the
Austrian fleet towards the Baltic, In doing so he vehe-
mently denounced the conduct of Austria and Prussia, and
said that he had never before known the country so deeply
stirred as it had been by their wholly unj istifiable aggres-
sion upon Denmark. Whether the force the Austrians were
sending was great or small, we ought to take means to re-
strict its operations, and, if necessary, to defend the inte-
grity, and he would add the sanctity, of the kingiom of
Denmark.

Earl RUSSELL said that when her Majesty's Govern-
ment first heard that Austrian ships were to be sent from
the Adriatic, he inquired what was the intention of the
Austrian Government. He was first told that it was requi-
site to protect Austrian ships in the Adriatic and the Medi-
terranean. He was then told that it was necessary to send
two or three Austrian ships to the mouth of the Channel, in
order tt protect some 150 German ships which were bound
from America to the British ports. But within the last two
days further rumours had been circulated, and he had re-
ceived further information. It was stated in the first place
that it was not intended to send ships into the Baltic, or even
to the Cattegat ; that was the statement of the Austrian Go-
vernment. But it is said that it was necessary to prevent
the Danesblockading the Elbe, and thus inflicting a heavy
loss on German commerce. 'Without venturing to state
what course might eventually be pursued by the Austrian
Government, he must say that, considering what the Aus-
trians were, and what the Danes were, for Austria to send
a fleet to the north of Europe to protect a nationality op-
pressed by a foreign race was a course which every true
friend of Austria must deplore, (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH wished he could give
that credit to the representations of Austria which he would
willingly have done three months ago. But when he
saw her censenting to the invasion of Jutland, and lead-
ing [her troops to form the siege of Fredericia, after
having given us reason to believe that her operations
would be confined to the occupation of Schleswig for a
special purpose, ha was compelled to believe that the
Austrian fleet was destined for the Baltic, there to form a
junction with the Prussian fleet, and thus to establish a
maritime superiority in addition to the military superiority
which they already possessed. That would involve the fall
of both Duppel and Fredericia, and the consequent loss to
Denmark of the islands of Alsen and Fusee,. It would in
fact amount to the sacrifice of the integrity of Danmark.
He would ask the noble lord whether he would stand by
and see that atrocity perpetrated upon a weak Power only
because she was weak. This was a war against Denmark in
the spirit of the partition of Poland—in the spirit of the
war of the League of Cambrai. It was a league of great
Powers for the destruction of small ones. What was done
to-day in the ca.e of Denmark might be done to-morrow in
the case of Holland. Should we stand that ? It might next
be attempted in the case of Belgium. Was this to be per-
mitted ? Was there no point at which we should consider
it essential to the honour and dignity of England to protect
the weak Powers against the strong ? He was told that in
ten days Parliament would be prorogued for three weeks,
during which the Government would be deprived of the
support of Parliament. He did not think they should
separate without assuring her Majesty that they would sup-
port her in any steps she might deem necessary for secur-
ing the maintenance of the independence and integrity of
Denmark. By the time they met again,
in four weeks from
the present time, that
might have been done that never
could be undone. 'We might have witnessed the destruc-
tion of a noble nation which we could have prevented, but
that, from weak and pusillanimous motives, we did
not dare
to do so. (Hear, and cheers.)
Earl GREY had never read an ofacial correspondence
this with such feelings of humiliation for
pa country as those
with which he had perused the
Danish question. He thoughtthatapeno: relating to this
pportuuity should
be afforded Parliament for expressing an
opinion upon the
policy pursued by her Majesty's Government.
The Earl of HARROW B Y thought it absolutely
neces-
sary that the hands of the Government ehc strength-
eneduldboeserexpre. during the Easter recess by a strong and el
eion of the opinion of Parliament.

Earl RUSSELL said that surely no noble lord imagined
that, having only received the information to which he had
alluded that day, ho should come down to that house and
make declarations which would bind this country and might
lead to war. Anything that was to be done must be maturely
considered. What her Majesty's Government had done was
not only to negotiate, but to leave themselves at liberty to
act with other Powers, or if necessary to act alone, if the
honouror the paramount interest of England required it. His
noble friend (Earl Grey) said that he had read these papers
with humiliation. He believed, however, that these papers
agreed in spirit with the general spirit of the country. If
hie noble friend thought that the Government should have
acted differently, he could at once move a vote of censure.
It he thought the Government should now act differently
—that without negotiating, without hearing what
these Powers had to say, we should rush into war—
he could move a resolution on that subject. The Go-
vernment would consult according to their own opinions
the honour and interest of England. They would not
make war when the integrity and independence of Denmark
could be otherwise secured, and they would not neglect any
means by which that independence could be secured. With
regard to our own fleet, it had, within the last few days,
been ordered into one of our home ports, in order that it
might be within reach and easily at command if it were re-
quisite to give it any orders. He should certainly not ex-

pect that any fleet of Austria or Prussia wonld venture to
encounter the fleet of her Majesty.
_ _

The subject then dropped, and their lordships adjourned

HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening.
The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock.
LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH COAST
RAILWAY (ADDITIONAL POWERS) BILL.

On the motion for the second reading of this bill,
Mr, TITE said that in his capacity of a trustee of Dal.
wich College, he felt bound to move as an amendment that
this bill be read a second time that day six months. If the
bill were agreed to it would have the effect of trenching on a
very valuable portion of Dulwich College, and the trustees

of that foundation had already afforded aufficietr

accommodation to the neighbourhood as regarded
railway trains, by an arrangement which they
had entered into with the two local competing com-
panies. Notwithstanding that arrangement the London,
Brighton, and Dover Company endeavoured to carry out
their original plan, although there was no doubt the neigh-
bourhood of Dulwich had ample railway accommodation.
Captain JERVIS seconded the amendment.
After some discussion the amendment was negatived, and
the bill was read a second time.