The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-05 00:00:00

next day by Lord Cowley, representing the opinions of the
French Government. He said—" As to the Four Powers
impressing upon the Diet the heavy responsibility that it
would incur, if by any precipitate measures it should break
the peace before the Conference which had been proposed
by the British Government for considering the means of
settling the question between Germany and Denmark, and
thereby maintaining the peace, can be assembled. M.
Drouyn de Lhuys observed, that he had not forgotten that
when Russia had been warned by France, Great Britain,
and Austria, of the responsibility she was incurring by her
conduct towards Poland, Prince Gortschakoff bad replied
that 'Russia was ready to assume that responsibility before
God and man.' He, for one, did not wish to provoke ano-
ther answer of the same sort, to be received with the same
indifference." The interest of the drama ceepens. The
next day Lcrd Russell writes to Lord Cowley, and pro-
poses concert and cos 'operation with France. Lord Cow-
ley writes the next day to Lord Russell that the French
Government want to know what "concert and co-opera-
tion" mean. Lord Russell writes that "concert and co-
operation.' mean, if necessary, material assistance to Den-
mark. (Opposition ironical cheers.) That must have
been about the same time that the Cabinet was sitting
to draw up her Majesty's speech, and when we were
being assured that negotiations were continued in the in-
terests of peace. (Renewed. Opposition cheers and laughter.)
Now what was the answer of the French Government, when
at last England had invited Franca to go to war, in order
to settle the questions between Germany and Denmark ?
The right hon. gentleman then read a despatch from Lord
Cowley to Earl Russell, eetting forth that while the French
Emperor recognised the value of the London treaty, a war
with Germany was the most burdensome and hazardous
that France could undertake, especially when he (the Em-
peror) remembered that he was an object of mistrust and
suspicion to Europe, on account of his supposed projects re-
lative to the Rhine. For these reasons the Government of
the Emperor declined to make any engagement on the sub-
ject of Denmark. Well, after having received that despatch
—although it may be very hard to convince the Secretary of
State—the noble lord might have begun to suspect chat the
great influence of England was lowered in another quarter
of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I have now brought events down
to the point of the meeting of Parliament—but I will not
dwell on what then occurred. When we met there were no
papers before us. I asked for papers, and I telt at the
time that on neither side of the house was there a sufficient
sense of the great importance of the occasion, and of the
singular circumstance that papers h.ad not been presented to
us. I remember it turned out afterwards that it never was
intended that papers should be presented at the meeting of
Parliament. Subsequently, however, the noble lord at the
head of the Government, treating the matter in his jaunty
manner, said, "You shall have papers, and I wish you joy
of them." That was the tone in which the First Minister
spoke of the most important diplomatic correspondence that
has been presented to Parliament since the treaty of Amiens.
Weeks and weeks elapsed before we wore really masters of
the case; but during the interval most alarming and distres-
sing circumstances had occurred--circumstances involving
the greatest perplexities. You all remember Jutland ; you
all remember the inquiries made on the subject, and the as-
surances given by the Government. It was impossible for
us to act, because at that time we had not these papers be-
fore us, and the moment we had the Conference was an-
nounced. Now, one word about the Conference. I myself
had no hope that the Conference would arrive at any advan-
tageous results; and, after reading these papers, I cannot
fail to perceive that no side wished for a settlement of the
question—except, of course, her Majesty's Government.
(Laughter.) The Conference lasted six weeks, or rather it
wasted six weeks, It lasted as long as a carnival, and, like
a carnival, it was an affair of masks and mystifiewions.
(Laughter and cheers.) The summary of the Conference
was this—Her Majesty's Government made considerable
proposals to the Conference. They proposed, first, the dis-
memberment of Danmark. (Opposition cheers.) So much
for its integrity. (Continued cheering.) They proposed,
secondly, that the remainder of Denmark should be placed
under the joint guarantee of the great Powers. They would
have created another Turkey in Europe—the scene of the
same rival intrigues and the constant source of misappre-
hension and frequent wars. Now, I ask the house what is
its opinion with respect to the management of these affairs ?
I have shown at the beginning that this interference of
England originated in a treaty in which we incurred no
obligations different from those of France. I have shown
you, upon the evidence of the Secretary of State himself,
that the position of France in regard to Denmark is one
quite magnanimous and free from all perplexities. I have
shown you, on the other hand, that the position of England
is most embarrassing, intolerably difficult, and full of humi-
liation. (Cheers.) . I have narrated to you how your affairs
are managed—and now, what is your opinion ? Do you see
in the management of these affairs that capacity which is
adequate to the occasion—that sagacity, that prudence,
that dexterity, that quickness of perception, and those con-
ciliatory moods which you always hold to be necessary for
the transaction of your foreign affairs ? (Cheers.) Is that
the knowledge of human nature, and especially that pecu-
liar kind of science most necessary in these affai's—a know-
ledge of the character of foreign countries and of the chief
actors on the scene ? For my own part I find all these qua-
lities wanting, and in consequence I see that three results
have accrued—let, that the avowed policy of England has
failed; 2d, that our great influence in the councils of
Europe has been lowered—(cheers)—and 3d, that in con-
sequence of our great influence in the councils of Europe
being lowered, the securities for peace are diminished.
These are the three consequences which have oc-
curred owing to the want of qualities to which I have alluded
and in consequence of the management of these affairs by
the Governmsnt. I need not trouble the house with addi-
tional argument to prove that the Government have failed
in accomplishing their avowed policy of upholding the in-
dependence and integrity of Denmark. (Hear, hear.) That
result may for the present be thrown aside. I come, there•
fore, to the second. By the just influence of England in
the councils of Europe I mean an influence contradistin-
guished from that which is obtained by intrigue and secret
understandings—l mean the influence that results from the
conviction of foreign Powers that our resources are great
and that our policy is moderate and stedfast. (Hear.) Since
the settlement that followed the great revolutionary war
England,who obtained at that time, as she deserved to do—
for she bore the brunt of the struggle—all the fair objects
of her ambition, England has upon the whole proceeded on
a Conservative foreign policy, Ido not mean by a Conser-
vative foreign policy a policy that would disapprove, still
less oppose, the natural development of nations, but I mean
a foreign policy that is interested in the tranquillity and the
prosperity of the world, whose normal condition is peace—
(cheers)—and which does not ally itself with the revolu-
tionary party of Europe, (Hear, hear.) Other countries
have their political systems and their public objects, as
England has, though they may not be obtained by them
The position of England is, therefore, in the conduct o
public affairs and in the councils of Europe, essentially that
of a moderating and mediational Power. Her interest and
her policy are, when changes are inevitable and necessary,
to assist, so that these changes, if possible, shall be ace, m-
plished without war, or, if war occurs, that its duration and
its asperity shall he mitigated. That is what I mean by the
just influence of England. It appears to me that this just
influence of Europe has been—l will not say forfeited, but
has been dimini-loe 1. Within 12mcnths we have been twice
repulsed at St. Petersburg ; we have supplicated more than
once at Paris ; we have menaced Austria, and Austria has
allowed our threats to pass over like the wind. (Hear, hear.)
We have threatened In ussia ; Prussia has defied us. Our ob-
jurgat ions have rattled over the heads of the German Diet.
and the German Diet has treated them with contempt,
During the last few months there is scarcely any form i.r
diplomatic interference that has not peen suggested and
adopted by the English Government, except a Congress,
(Laughter.) A Conference of Vienna, a Conference of
Paris, a Conference of London, all in their turn have been
suggested. Joint mediation, sole mediation, original
notes, relative notes, ieentic notes, sole notes, or notes
joint and separate. (Laughter.) Couriers have been
securing Europe in exuberant rapidity ; and last, and most
of all, a Conference was held in the Cabinet of our Queen,
over which the chief Minister of our foreign relations
presided, which was attended with all the pomp and solem-
nity requisite for so great, an enterprise ; but we find that
its sittings have been perfectly barren, and the chief Mini-
sters of the Crown closed the proceedings by quitting the
battle 'scene of their exertions, and appearing in the two
Hawes of Parliament to tell the country we have no allies,
and bee, we have no allies England cannot act alone
(Loud cheers by the Conservatives.) Ido not undertake
to do justice to the exulting boast of the Secretary of State,
in the bitterest moment of his discomfiture, when he seemed
to take consolation for the moment even in the sympathy
and politeness of the neutral Powers. Ido not grudge
Lord Russell the sighs of Russia or the smiles of France ;
but I regret that, with the characreristic indiscretion in his
present forlorn state, ' be should have quitted the Confer-
ence, and to have taken his neat in the House of Lords to
denounce the perfidy of p
- "1184 and to mourn over the
fickleness of Austria. There wanted bat one touch to com-
plete the picture, and it was supplied by the noble lord the
First Minister of the Crown. I listened with'ustonishment
—(loud cheers by the Conservatives) _I
listened with
astonishment to the noble lord as he denotuiced the vices
of his victim, and inveighed at the last moment over the
obstinacy of unhappy Denmark; Denmark which would
not submit to an arbitration, an arbitration which the
German Powers would not have accepted. And what
ecurity had Denmark, when in the Conference she
could not be assured that the neutral Powers
• would have recourse to force to secure her the line of
the Schlei—what security had she that any other line
would be secured to her by an unknown arbitrator?
(Hear, hear.) It deer appear to me impossible to deny
that, under these circumstances, the influence of England,
the just influence of England in the councils of Europe, is
lowered. (Cheers.) Now I ask, what are the consequences
of this just influence in the councils of Europe having been
lowered? I say the consequences are, to use a frequent
phrase of despatches, " most serious," because, in exact pro-

portion as the just influence of England in the councils of
Europe is lowered, I say the securities of peace are dini-

nished. (Hear, hear.) I lay this down as a great principle

which cannot be controverted, in the management of our

foreign affairs. If England has resllved on a particular

policy, war is not probable; if there be, under the circum-
stAnceo, a cordial alliance between England and France, war