The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-22 00:00:00

?*""7.2.1tr,
it L. ... A Sun,

V..).NDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 22, 1864.

Everything givee plainer and plainer indication
that the Government have certainly muddled their
Foreign Policy—but more particularly their
Foreign Policy in tho matter of this miserable
Dano-German war—to perfection ! They hare
dins it now—with a vengeance ! But—the
vengeance will come to them and not from
them, It will come to them both in the Lords and
the Commons. Acd not alone from the side of the
Opposition. Patriotic and independent Peers on
the Liberal side of the House of Lords, like Earl
GREY, will, at this juncture, we may rest perfectly
well assures', be quite as uncompr,mising'rutspeken
as the E,rl of DERBY himself, the Leader of the
CJLservative Opposition. Patriotic and indepen-
dent representatives of the people, again, ranged on

the Ministerial side of the House of Com-
mons—such a thoroughly out-speaking M,P., let
us say, as Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE—wiII seize the
opportunity now, we may be certain of that,
quite as readily, Trite as eagerly to condemn this
meddling and muddling of Earl RUSSELL'S as be-
tween the Danes and the Germans, quite as readily,
quite as eagerly as the right hon. gentleman the
member for Buckinghamshire. Why do we say
this, and thus confidently, upon the very day
set apart for the sitting of the Conference here
in London ? Because, simply, upon this
vary day, the worst anticipations es to what would
ensue from all this pottering and procrastination,
from all these delays and mystifications have, so
far as any reasonable human being can j Idge,
been to the full realised. Oa the wings
of the lightning, the telegram comes to us this
afternoon from Frankfort-ou-the-Main, from the
old Imperial capital of Germany—and it comes
thus and thence as ominously as though in
a rolling crash of thunder, heralding a
general war in Europe. " Prussia," says
the Telegram, " rejects the English proposals
relative to the line of demarcation in Schleswig.
She also rejects the arbitration of any Power
represented at the Conference. Prussia will not
recognise the decision of any arbitrator as binding,
but will take it into consideration." There is talk,
too, about Prussia's readiness to accede to any pro-
posal for a prolongation of the armistice—but, in
that event for a prolongation of not less than
two months. Prussia saying this probably from a
consciousness that any prolongation of the armistice,
much less a prolongation of it for a couple of months,
it would be impossible to obtain Denmark's consent
to 7. Wherefore Prussia babbles about it with an
air of safe magnaniarity. "It is believed," adds the
Frankfort telegram, " that the last sitting of the
Conference will take place to-day, and that hosti-
lities will commence on Monday. The armistice
terminating in due course, that is on Sun-
day ! From Vienna meanwhile comes another
intimation indicative of Austria's readiness
(if she can only find a plausible excuse for it!) to
back out of a war threatening, at last, to
become complicated into, what must prove
for her, very formidable dimensions! The
Kaiser's hinted wish now being to have the matter
here in dispute, so far as it relates to Austria, sub-
mitted to the arbitration of the Emperor NAPOLEON.
Not to the arbitration of England, observe—Eng•
land, so "fallen from her high estate" under the
regime of Earl RUSSELL—but to the arbitration of
NAPOLEON ! Here, however, the suggestion is
blurted out merely throughsemi-official channels. The
notion of arbitration being simultaneously rejected
befirehand by Prussia—supp'lsing that arbitra-
tion to be one dreamt of by any Crowned head re-
presented at the board of this abortive Conference.
Altogether, a charming prospect! For which we are
indebted mainly, if not solely, to our own Govern-
ment. A prospect, in one phrase, be it said, of con-
fusion worse confounded.

It is satisfactory to find that the " Gaols Bill'
has been read a second time. It would be very
provoking if another session were lost and more
time wasted without coming to any definite settle-
ment of this question, and making any alterations
in a system which so imperatively calls for change.
Sir GEORGE GREY showed great discretion in con-
senting to some of the changes that were proposed
and thus avoiding the chance of being defeated in
his attempt to get the bill through this stage. It
is true that there was a division, but not one which
involved any risk. The difficulties that lie in the
way of these changes are very great, and one of the
chief obstacles is found in the fact that the mention
of the case always brings forth the latent prejudices
and excites the angry criticism of those who must
find some fault, and are resolved to put their veto
upon the proceedings in some eleape or other. Sir
G. GREY'S statement was a sensible exposition of
the matter. There are few subjects of legislation
which offer more comr:iication than those connected
with prisons, but t;nat is no reason why some reme-
dial change sheguld not be effected. ," Hard labour"
has engaged, much of the attention of the committee
of the Ilsease of Lords, and there seems valid grounds
fur their endeavers to arbitrate on that point. They
reeommended that there should be a strict defini-
tion of the term, and this is only reasonable, and a
change greatly called for, since it has been found on
examination that this part of the discipline has
been very much neglected. Mr. ADDERLEY laid
great stress on this, and very truly declared that it
was imperative to make a decided definition. It is
well known to all attentive observers of the subject
that if some impassable barriers are not put up
advantage will be taken in every direction, and
that virtually the effect of discipline is nullified by
the introduction of change, and the laxity too
generally observed. It is shocking to contemplate
the pictures drawn by those who have visited some
of those gaols, and to think of the criminal taking
his ease, as it were, while honest poverty is toiling
without the prison wall, and wearing out strength,
health, and spirits in the weary struggle for -,zist,
ence. Doubtless from the best motives P.-ad actuated
by the kindest feelings, some `';ell-meaning but
mistaken individuals have teen very instrumental
in affording the prisone'ls every possible relaxation
from their toil, 0-ed also in giving them many
luzuries whiffo, properly speaking, they should
never enje,y. It is only by the exercise of a firm
7111 and the interposition of a strong hand that
.nose anomalies can be rectified, and this very
tin-
suitable state of affairs ameliorated. It is well that
Mr, ADDERLEY made such a strong point of " hard
labour," as that doubtless tended in a great measure
ti".) ensure the fulfilment of the designs of the Com-
considerably in different
mittee. After varying
only is such e. course subversive of dis-
places, in some prisons hard labour meant nothing
at all. Not
to do. Mr. ADDERLEY also insisted
cipline, but it is also most rksorne for a prisoner to
conformity
fosrm have
i
have nothing
on the necessity for uniformity
among the gaols,
certainly
ai
oly expressedfol l
follow
scfro pi
his opinion
iointhat good results would
practice.
As things
ty
hitherto been arranged there seems
no
om
to rules, and " in a considerable number of gaols
there were no rules at all, and some rulescontained
every possible absurdity that could come into the
head of the wildest theorist." This is sure to be
the ease where attention is not paid to orders—dise
crepancies will creep in, and, finally, no one could
recognise the proportions of the system as it was
originally devised, previously to the omissions and
corruptions that have been gradually introduced
and fostered. It is not the question whether the
present plan will be more convenient, more com-
fortable, or more practicable; but whether it will
more efficiently carry out the purpose which it
should effect, and more fully develope the scheme
of reformation, or at all events of discipline, which
it should be cne of the first objects of all imprison-
ment to realise. Those who cavil at the change pro-
posed, and animadvert upon the prospect of this
alteration, seem to partially ignore, if not entirely
to overlook the fact, that the present system is about
as faulty as it can possibly be. It is rife with in-
consistencies, teems with improprie es, abounds
in absurdities, and altogether has been a reproach
to our lawgivers, and a grievance to the community.
If the plan is simplified, and the several prisons

and gaols are managed in a more uniform system,
it is certain that the task of supervision will be
simplified, and the general process rendered more
satisfactory. Besides, if these changes are not
deemed sufficient, when carried into effect, it will be
easy to make an addition or alteration hereafter in
practice, but no mistake can be greater than
co do nothing in the way of practical interference
and reformatory legislation. The effect produced
on all cusses would be generally detrimental, while
among the prisoners it would exercise a very perni-
cious influence. Oa all accounts, then, it seems
satisfactory that Sir G. GREY has succeeded in so
fir carrying this Bill through Parliament, and the
moderation he has displayed affords a good hope
that he will be able to see it become law before the
close of the present session, It is a curious subject
for the attentive observer to speculate upon, this
difficulty that we have bad in the management of
our convicts and prisoners of late years, and the
solution will not be readily arrived at. At all
events, it shows that there is not progress every-
where, and that, with all our boasted resources, we
often make mistakes and fail to realise results as
our forefathers did. It is called a safe extreme one,
but experience has shown it to be a very dangerous
one to persist in modifying the severity of all prison
laws until the dwellers therein come to regard the
whole affair very much in the light of a nonentity.

The old proverb respec'ing the month of March
has been strikingly exemplified in the case of the
Government Annuities Bill. On its first introduc-
tion the Chancellor of the Exchequer explained its
provisions with his wonted eloquence and ability,
but in the course of his exposition he made such
strong remarks upon the general management of
friendly societies, and brought in so many per•
sonalities, that a storm of opposition was forthwith
raised both within and without the doors of the
House. Hon. members who had been in any way
connected with such societies seemed to regard the
bill as ,an aspersion on their characters, and they
were accordingly ready with word and vote to offer
it all the opposition in their power, Outside the
Parliamentary walls private interests were not less
busy in organising a formidable opposition. Public
meetings were got up, and working men were
induced to believe that a measure designed wholly
and solely for the benefit of themselves and their
families was nothing but an unwarrantable attack
upon their constitutional liberties. Happily, all
has passed away under the magic of a select com-
mittee, and Monday evening saw the bill which
had given occasion to so much attack and defence,
mutual recrimination, charges and counter-charges,
pass through its final stage, amidst nothing but
courtesies and congratulations, exchanges of com-
pliments, and expressions of goodwill. It is true
that some important additions have been made to the
measure, and some modifications of it have improved
its power and substance ; but the principle apon
which it was originally founded remains the same,
now that it has become law, anti consequently
there is good reason to congratulate the Chancellor
of the Exchequer and the country at large on so
valuable an addition to our legislation. The fact
is that the bill was so much needed, it offered
such valuable facilities to the working man for se-
curing the independence of his family, it tends so
much to protect him against the fraudulent or
im-
provident application of his hard-earned 89:,:inge,
that when impartial and well-qualicd
judges
began to examine into its structure
there could be
but little doubt of the result. It shows the diffe-
lxv,asure and a scheme for
rence between a party
the national good, irrespective of political conside-
rations. When
4...ae angry feelings too rashly and
acafraeilreeierl4uiryy
ei`Jited by Mr. GLADSTONE had subsided,
into the case brought forward eatth a
mats of evidence to substantiate all the arguments
on behalf of the bill tnat there could be but one
result. It is worthy of notice, that in the principal
difference of opinion which took place in the cogi-
tations of the committee, a division took place in
which the greater part of those who supported-Mr.
GLADSTONE'S view of the case were his original
opponents, while those on the other side had been
all along favourable to the measure. Mr. GLAD.
STONE himself cited this singular fact as a proof of
the impartiality with which the committee had
examined into the matter. The point on which its
members were at issue on the occasion referred to
was one of considerable ireportance, and the
question was whether the assurance created
under the bill should be a property transferable
by law. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
took the affirmative side, and it was happily decided
in his favour, since many instances might arise in
which the operation of such a permissive clause
might be very advantageous. Other changes were
made in the bill, many of them of a restrictive cha-
racter, which never had the effect of removing the
objections made to it. Mr. i.SOTIIERON ESTCOURT,
who at first made many such objections, now ex-
presses hieeself as being most anxious for its sec.
oe2s• "He had feared that the Government was
likely to interfere with private enterprise, but the
introduction of words limiting any payment made
after death to the sum of £lOO quite removed that
fear. Teen he had been apprehensive that the bill
would injuriously affect those establishments and
associations which are got up and managed exclu-
sively by working men. This objection was removed
by the enactment that no contracts for payments
made at death should be for less than £2O, so that
the opposite dangers are guarded against by these
two limitation clauses. The stipulation that the
tables on which payments are calculated shall be
based on a 3 per cent. rate tended still further to
remove any idea that the Government scheme would
compete injuriously with fairly established indepene
dent companies. Such companies have little to fear
from a scheme whose profits are so small, whose rate
of interest so low, and whose operation is confined
within such strict limits. On the other hand, there
can be no doubt that it offers most solid and lasting
advantages to the prudent and industrious. It is
especially useful for young men of the working
class, who, before they marry can thus lay up a
store and ensure their families from destitution in
case of their death. The amount ensured for would
enable a working man's widow to enter upon some
respectable means of gaining a livelihood, would
help her to apprentice her children, to pay her rent,
and provide for any other expenses contingent on
her husband's illness and death. Mr. GLADSTONE
decided that the condition attached to savings banks
deposits was not applicable to these annuities, so
that the fact of efft.cing an insurance under this
act will not hinder the insurer from depositing any
savings he may make in an ordinary savings bank.
Working men will not be slow to find out the ad-
vantages which it oilers to them ; and we trust it
may tend, by its successful operation, greatly to
diminish that distress and destitution which so
often adds heavily to the weight of a domestic be.
reavement in the labouring classes, and the pros-
pect of which for those dear to him must often em.
bitter the last hours of a working man.

ABD-EL-KADER is about take up bi 3 relidence on
the estate at Biraboubeblah in the Isthmus, which has been
given to him by the Suez Canal Company.
THE ROYAL ACADEMY EXHIBITION mill be
opened in the evening, as cf late years, at the end of the
0041 week of its Colltilli,l4l2Ce, 913, the 27th but.