The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, ITESDAY EVENING, JUNE 28, 1864.

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to the belligerents and procured fer commerce this interval
of security and repose.
After having obtained this first result, the Plenipoten-
tiaries of Great Britain proposed to proceed in the next sit-
ting io the discussion of the prebmiharies of pease.
With this object Lord Russell, on the I2th of May, after
having referred to the adhesion of the Court of Vienna and
Berlin to the proposal to assemble in Conference in London,
in order to devise means for the restoration of peace, recog-
nised that it belonged to the Plenipotentiaries of Austria
and Prussia to explain the motives which induced their
Governments to occupy a large portion of the Danish terri-
tory, and to make known the intentions of their Courts with
a view to the re-establishment of a solid peace.
In reply to this appeal, the first Plenipotentiary of Prussia
thought it his duty to declare that the German Powers,
before entering into a discussion on the condition for the
re-establishment of peace with Denmark, think it right to
observe that they consider " the ground of discussion as
entirely free from any restriction resulting from engage-
ments which may have existed before the war between their
Governments and Denmark. 'While thus claiming for
themselves lull liberty of discussion, and the power of mak-
ing such proposals as they may consider to be of a nature
to insure a solid and lasting pacification, the German Go-
vernments do not mean to exclude any combination which
may tend to attain that object, without prejudicing acquired
rights."

The explanations which were given by the Plenipoten-
tiaries of the German Courts on this subject in the sittings
of May 12 and 17 clearly brought to light a complete diver-
gence of opinion existing between all the members of the
Conference with regard to the validity of the engagements
resulting from the Treaty of London of 1852.
The Plenipotentiaries of Grea: Britain maintained the re-
spect due to the reciprocal obligations contracted by all the
Powers who were parties to thattreaty. They observed that
though, strictly speaking, war may put an end to a treaty
between two Powers who have bea4me belligerents, yet it
" "-- 41••-• I"•"'Gra Troila their ehiiev.44o.o to *3.0
other Powers who joined in the signature of the same treaty.
They showed that before destroying this act that decision
ought to be justified by satisfactory reasons. In short, be-
fore abandoning an agreement, it ought to be understood
what was intended to take its place.
The Plenipotentiary of Russia expressed himself exactly
to the same purpose. "Ho maintained that before abandon-
ing a treaty which has been ratified by the Powers who
signed it in the general interests of Europe, it would be
necessary to bring forward reasons which should be gene-
rally agreed upon as satisfactory. These reasons must be
very grave ones. The Treaty of 1852 was concluded with
the objects of consolidating the peace of the North, and pre-
serving the balance of power in Europe. It was concluded
not only between the Powers actually at war, but also be-
tween all the Powers who were parties to it. Their represen-
tatives, now met in Conference, are assuredly at liberty to
exchange their ideas as to new combinations to be adopted,
provided that they are of a nature to offer guarantees for the
peace of Europe equivalent to those on which the system
of the balance of power now rests."
The Minister of Sweden, while adhering to the line of
argument of the Plenipotentiary of Russia, observed that,
as the Plenipotentiary of one of the Powers who signed the
Treaty of 1852, he must maintain that basis of negotiation
until it should been proved that it was insufficient to enable
them to attain the object of the present Conference; that,
before abandoning it, it was at least necessary to be ac-
quainted with the exact nature of the arrangements which
it was proposed to substitute for it.
The Ambassador of France, animated by the same conci-
liatory disposition, asked the German Plenipotentiaries if
in case the arrangements of 1831 and 1852 should not admit
of being maintained, it would not be possible, in their
opinion, to substitute for them fresh combinations without
departing from the circle traced out by tho stipulations of
the treaty.

M. de Quaade maintained that his Government considered
the Treaty of 1862 as being still in force. Baron de Beust
observed that its validity had never been recognized by the
Confederation.
In the presence of such divergent doctrines there was
little expectation of being able to arrive at a result at all
in conformity with the thoughts of conciliation and peace
with which her Britannic Majesty's Government had in-
vited the Cabinets to cause themselves to be represented in
a Conference in London.

Nevertheless, howeVer uncertain the hope of arriving at
a satisfactory conclusion appeared from the beginning, the
Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, in entire accord with
the Plenipotentiaries of the neutral Powers, did not the less
persevere in their efforts to bring about an agreement be-
tween the two belligerent parties.

Animated by this desire Earl Russell opened the sitting
of May 17, by recalling the engagement entered into by
Count Bernstorff to announce the bases of pacification which
the Courts of Austria and Prussia propoeod to eubmit to tho
Conference.

Protocol No. 5 sets forth the means which the German
Plenipotentiaries considered as the best adapted to bring
about a solid and durable pacification. To use the words of
Count Bernstorff, "it is a pacification which assures to the
Duchies absolute guarantees atainst the return of any
foreign oppression, and which, by thus excluding for the
future any subject of dispute, of revolution, and of war,
guarantees to Germany that seekrity in the North which
she requires in order not to fall periodically into the state
of affairs which brought on the present war. These
guarantees can only be found in the complete political in-
dependence of the Duchies and their close connexion by
means of common institutions."
The Plenipotentiaries of the neutral Powers did not con-
bider this programme as positive, clear, and satisfactory.
They deemed it necessary to invite the German Plenipoten-
tiaries to bring forward their plan in a more precise form.
Count Apponyi replied 64 that the proposal comprises the
complete autonomy of the Duchies, with common institu-
tions and entire independence itt their political and admi-
nistrative relations, in order to avoid the complications
which have hitherto taken place. As to the question of the
succession if remains open, the Diet having only suspended
its solution without pronouncing on the rights of the King
of Denmark.
The Earl of Clarendon could not refrain from observing
that the proposal of the German Plenipotentiaries was so
vague that no member of the Conference could understand
its bearing.

The language of the Plenipotentiary of the German Con-
federation was more explicit—
" He thought it right to remark that he had not joined
in the proposal made by the Plenipotentiaries of Austria and
Prussia ; and that, although not directed to do so by his in-
structions, he cannot help affirming officiously that the Diet
will not consent to an arrangement which, even under an
eventual or conditional form, would restore the union be-
tween the Duchies and Denmark."
What was to be concluded from the sum of these explana-
tions ? It resulted from them that the idea of the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin was to make the Duchies ;entirely inde-
pendent in political and administrative matters, to allow a
dynestic tie to subsist between the Duchies and the Danish
Monarchy, but to make that tie dependent on the decision
which the Frankfort Diet might give as to the validity of
the titles of King Christian IX. in his quality of Duke of
Holstein.
To complete the description of the merits of this plan, rut
forward in the name of Austria and Prussia, it must be
stated that the Plenipotentiary of the Germanic Confedera-
tion did not feel justified in joining in it. Finally, that
Minister affirmed that the majority of the Diet would
refuse its adhesion to an arrangement which, even under a
condition of form, would re-establish a union between the
Duchies and Denmark.

These explanations did not enable the Danish Plenipoten-
tiaries to give their assent to such a plan. They had no
hesitation in declaring it entirely inadmissible.
This refusal put an end to the first combination proposed
by the German Plenipotentiaries, with a view to the re-
establishment of a solid and durable peace.
pro-
posal brought forward by the Plenipotentiaries of Austria
The sitting of the 28th of May 0 paned with a second
and Prussia. This plan, still more unexpected than the
first, had for its object to demand a complete separation of
the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein from the Kingdom
of Denmark, and their union in a single State under the
Sovereignty of the Hereditary Prince of Schleswig Holstein
Sonderburg Augustenburg.

Protocol No. 6 gives the reasons which determined the
Ambassador of Russia to express his dissent with regard
to the proposition of the Plenipotentiaries of the German
Courts to detach from the Danish Monarchy the whole of
Holstein and Schleswig, and to place that State under a new
dynasty.
In the first place, he said, by what right were those coun-
tries to be disposed of ? They are occupied in fact by the
allies. By right they do not belong to them.
In regard to the dynastic combination mentioned in the
proposal of the German Courts, the Ambassador of Russia
observed tilt it would prejudge a question which could not
be decided alone, and which was not yet open for those
Powers who considered the Treaty of London as binding.
further, in his opinion, the Prince of Augustenburg was
n
one who had claims to assert. When the
the only

question of the succession of Holstein came to be opened,
other rights would be entitled to serious examination.
Especially the Grand Duke of Oldenburg would have just
claims to assert. The Plenipotentiary of Russia considered
it his duty to reserve them.
The refusal with which the Plenipotentiaries of Denmark
met the plan proposed by the German Plenipotentiaries was

expressed I
‘ considered` the proposal,of the
Danish
preceding sitting inadmissible, so much the more it is im-
possible for them to discuss this one."
f the thei s
h following
Government terms
Two combinations brought forward on the 17th and 28th
of May had thus been, one after the other, rejected, without
the negotiation haying advanced bil3glo step, while the 0116-

pension of arms was approaching its termination. In this
state of things, the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain
thought that the moment had arrived when there should be
no further delay in opening to the belligerents the path
which might lead them to an honourable arrangement.
They recognized that unless the foundations of a solid and
durable peace were laid it was not for the neutral Powers
to renounce the Treaty of London. Neither could they
agree to a new arrangement insufficient for Germany or un-
satisfactory to Denmark. Finally, the Plenipotentiaries of
Great Britain showed that they were deeply imbued with
the conviction that on the one hand respect must be paid to
the national sentiment with which the Danes know how to
maintain the independence and honour of their ancient
monarchy; and, on the other, fair satisfaction should, as
far as possible, be given to the sympathies which from time
immemorial have united the populations of German origin
who inhabit the two banks of the Eider.
Lord Russell sought in these elements of conciliation and
concord the means of effecting between the belligerents the
desired reconciliation. With this object he read the follow-
ing declaration--

"The Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain have seen with
deep regret that the last sitting of the Conference has not
resulted in the establishment of the bases of an agreement
between Germany and Denmark.

" In our opinion the elements of a solid and durable peace
can neither be found in the engagements of 1851, which
during 12 years have borne no other fruit than dissensions
and troubles, nor in the analysis of an obscure and compli-
cated law.

"But unless it is possible to lay down the bases
of a solid and durable peace, it is not competent for
the neutral Powers to renounce the solemn treaty
by which they recognised the integrity of the
Danish Monarchy, neither could they concur in a
new arrangement which would be insufficient for
Germany or humiliating for Denmark. •
" Tho Clc wont" or . ...na ~,a durable peace must
therefore be sought elsewhere.

"For many years a lively sympathy for their
brethren who are subject to the Xing of Denmark
has animated the Germans of the Germanic Con-
federation. The Danes, on their side, are inspired
by the love of independence, and the desire of main-
taining their ancient monarchy. These sentiments
on either side deserve the respect of Earope.
" In order to prevent a future contest and to satisfy
Germany, it would be necessary, in our opinion,
entirely to separate Holstein, Lauenburg, and the
southern part of Schleswig from the Danish
Monarchy.

" To justify so vast a sacrifice on the part of Den.
mark, and to maintain the independence of the
Danish Monarchy, it is desirable, in our opinion,
that the line of the frontier should not be drawn
more to the north than the mouth of the Schlei and
the line of the Dannewerke.

" It is also necessary for the security of Denmark
that the Germanic Confederation should not erect
or maintain fortresses, nor establish fortified ports
in the territory ceded by Denmark.
"An equitable arrangement of the public debt,
and the renunciation by Austria, Prussia, and the
Germanic Confederation of all right of interference
in the internal affairs of Denmark, would serve to
complete the friendly relations between Germany
and Denmark.

"A question remaius which would not form the
object of the Treaty of Peace, but which interests
Germany, and cannot be passed by in silence. In
the opinion of the plenipotentiaries of Great Bri-
tain, it should be understood that the future destiny
of the Duchy of Holstein, of the Duchy of Lauen-
berg, and of the southern part of the Duchy of
Schleswig which will be annexed to the Dachy of
Holstein, shall not be settled without their consent.
" If the King of Denmark consents to the sacri-
fices of territory which are required of him in the
name of peace, it would be just that the indepen-
dence of his kingdom should be guaranteed by
the great European Powers."

This plan, which had been previously communi-
cated to the representatives of the neutral Powere,
received their most cordial support in the Confer-

ence.

The adhesion of the Plenipotentiary of France
was expressed in the following terms :
" The ideas which the Principal Secretary of
State has just expressed with regard to the prin-
ciples according to which the Dano•German affair
should be settled are in full accordance with the
views which I was myself instructed to maintain
in the Conference. After having studied the causes
of the present conflict my Government have re-
mained convinced that they were attributable to the
improper division of the different groups of popula-
ftion of which the !Danish Monarchy is composed,
as well as to their incessant rivalries, and that it
was from that moment necessary to seek for the
basis of an agreement in new arrangements more in
harmony with the national sentiment of the two
races. The arrangement of which the Principal
Secretary of State has pointed out to us the bases,
consisting in dividing, as far as possible, the two
nationalities in Schleswig, incorporating the Danes
with Denmark, and uniting the Germans more
intimately with Holstein and Lanenburg, could not
fail therefore to receive the adhesion of the Govern•
ment of the Emperor. Moreover, it does not seem
that the application of this principle can give rise
to any difficulty as regarda the two extreme parts
of Schleswig, where the nationality is clearly deter.
mined, As to the mixed districts of the centre, in
whatever manner their fate may be determined,
there will always be Danes subject to a German
country, or Germans subject to Denmark in them•
Considering the absolute impossibility of taking
nationality as a rule on this point we think that it
would be just to decide the difference in favour of
the weaker party, especially when she is under-
going the sacrifices which this rule imposes on her
in all the points where it is manifestly against her.
My Government equally consider it as essential
that the frontier should be traced in conformity
with the necessities of the defence of Denmark, for
these necessities must be taken into consideration
by the Conference, whose mission is, while satisfy•
ing the legitimate claims of Germany, to take care
that the new arrangements should sufficiently
guarantee the independence of Denmark and the
interests of the balance of power in the n3rth of
Europe."

The assent of the Plenipotentiary of Russia was
expressed in the following manner :
" In the opinion of the Cabinet of Russia, it is for
his Majesty King Christian IX. to pronounce him-
self the first as to what is expedient for the interests
of his country. If that august Sovereign approved
the bases of the pacification to be concluded, the
Imperial Cabinet would not refuse its assent to a
transaction which the Court of Copenhagen had
freely accepted.
" But, so long as the stipulations of the Treaty of
London preserve their binding force for Denmark,
as well as for the neutral Powers, the Plenipoten-
tiary of Russia must decline a deliberation, which
in his opinion is premature, as to the future fate of
the territories which his Majesty the King of Den-
mark has not surrendered.

" If, subsequently, his Majesty King Christian
IX. were to surrender the Duchy of Holstein, the
question of the succession would be open. In the
opinion of the Plenipotentiary of Russia, it could
only receive a legal solution by paying due respect
to the justice of the cause of the parties interested,
who would have to assert their titles, in conformity
with the principles of international law."
The assent of the Plenipotentiary of Sweden was
contained in the following declaration :---
"Count '\rachtmeister declared that, like Great
Britain, his Government recognise that if the
Treaties of 1852 must be abandoned, no solution
could be found except on the principle of separation
of the two nationalities—Danish and German.
Starting from this point of view his Government
would have considered it more natural that the new
frontier of Denmark should have been established
on the Eider, as this river has always separated
Denmark and Germany.
He is, however, authorised to adhere to the pro-
posal put forward by Lord Russell, on condition
that the frontier of Denmark shall not be drawn
more to the north than the Schlei and the Danne-

PR1CE...... ...4d.
STAMPED... ..sd.

werkL—that the part of Schleswig situated to the
north of this line shall be completely incorporated
with Denmark—that Germany shall in future have
no right of interference in the internal affairs of
that monarchy—and that the new frontier to be esta-
blished shall be placed under a European guarantee.
"As to the provinces which in the aforesaid even-
tuality would be ceded by the King of Denmark,
his Government expect that their future destiny
will not he decided without their consent, and that
the freedom of the choice of the population will be
protected by sufficient guarantees."
The German Plenipotentiaries accepted the prin•
ciple of Lord Russell's plan, reserving to their Courts
the right of making counter-propositions on the
various questions of detail of which the projected
arrangement was composed.
The Plenipotentiaries of Denmark undertook to
bring this project to the knowledge of their Court,
having no doubt of the serious attention with which
it would be received.
This expectation was justified.
The Protocol of the 2d of June, No. 7, contains
the declaration made by M. Quaade by order of his
Court. This document evinces such noble and
exalted intentions, that we think it right to pre-
serve its text in full in this record of the delibera-
tions of the Conference of London :
" When, at the time of the conclusion of the
Treaty of London, the present King of Denmark
accepted the choice which had been made of his per-
son to succeed eventually to the King then reigning,
the principal and decisive motive for his Majesty's
resolution was the firm hope that Europe would
know how to maintain what she had recognised and
resolved by that solemn treaty. His Majesty would
not by his refusal prevent the Danish monarchy
from receiving a farther pledge of stability, and he
knew, thanks to the renunciations and sacrifices
made by the rightful claimants, that he infringed
the rights of no one by accepting the offer which
had been made to him.
" Since then things have changed, and his Ma-
jesty has been subjected to a most cruel disappoint.
ment. Notwithstanding his own efforts and those
of his devoted people, his sole support in carrying
out a work in which almost all Europe had con-
curred, his Majesty has been compelled to consider
the possibility of his hopes being realised.
"If such is to be the case, if really the Powers
of Europe wish to abandon the Treaty of London,
his Majesty, to prevent the resumption of hostili-
ties, will not oppose a territorial cession, provided
always that he obtains thereby, not only peace, but
also an independent and perfectly autonomous
existence as regards the remainder of his States,
and on condition that the future destiny of the
territories ceded be not decided without their

consent.
" The Danish Government accept, therefore, in
principle the proposal made in the last sitting by
Earl Russell for the re-establishment of peace be-
tween Denmark and the two great German Powers.
"But in order that this peace, so earnestly de-
sired by us, may bring with it a true reconciliation,
it is necessary that it should be in every respect
adapted to secure to Denmark the independence
which belongs to her of right, the political hide.
pendence which the Treaty of London was meant
to guarantee to her, and for the preservation of
which the Danish people have not hesitated to en-
gage singlehanded in a sanguinary conflict with
forces far superior to their own.

"The Danish Plenipotentiaries must, therefore,
at once observe that there are limits to the sacrifices
which it is desired to impose upon Denmark which
the Danish Government cannot exceed.
" Thus the new frontier of Denmark is a vital
question for that country. She requires a frontier
which shall provide for both her military and her
commercial intorEsts; and that frontier must be pro-
tected by sufficient guarantee.
" There is another point on which the Danish
Government reserve to themselves full liberty.
"It is only on special conditions that his Ma-
jesty the King of Denmark will consent to the
cession of the Duchy of Lauenburg. That coun-
try was acquired at the time by the King of Den-
mark in exchange for a part of Pomerania, to serve
as an equivalent for the Kingdom of Norway, which
was sacrificed for the re-establishment of the peace
of Europe, and it is essentially unconcerned in the
dispute which has caused the present war.
"Finally, the Danish plenipotentiaries must claim
for their Government full liberty to resume the po-
sition which they have invariably maintained until
now on the ground of the Treaty of London as soon
as they may find that the provisional and cor.ai-
tional abandonment of that position will not conduce
to a just and equitable arrangement adapted to re-
place the provisions of that treaty."
The Ambassador of Russia, in the name of the
other Plenipotentiaries of the neutral Powers, has.
tened to render on this occasion just homage to the
intentions of his Majesty the King of Denmark. To
replace the facts exactly as they stood, Baron de
Brunnow called attention to the fact that the com-
plaints made on the part of Holstein and of Lauen.
berg, &c., do not date from the present reign, but
from a previous period. Scarcely had King Chris.
tian mountEd the throne when he found himself
surrounded by difficulties becoming more threaten-
ing from day to day. Time was not left to him to
repair the faults of the past, or to calm the antipa-
thies dating from a very distant period. It would,
then, be unjust to throw upon his reign the respon-
sibility of misfortune which are in no degree its
work.

The Protocol of June 2 contains also the declara-
tion by which the Ambassador of Russia announced

to the Conference that the Emperor, desiring to
facilitate as far as depends on him the arrangements

to be concluded between Denmark and Germany
with a view to the re-establishment of peace, has

ceded to Monseignor the Grand Dake of Oldenburg
the eventual rights which section 3 of the Protocol
of Warsaw of May 24 (June 5), 1851, reserved to
his Majesty as chief of the elder branch of Holstein
Gottorp.

The said protocol was deposited in the archives of
the Conference.

All the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Conference
hastened to render homage to the spirit of concilia-
tion which dictated the declaration of the Court of
Russia.

Baron de Beust, while joining in the expression of
these sentiments, thought it his duty to make, in
the name of the
which the Diet Confederation, the reservations
might consider necessary relative to
the effect of the Protocol of Warsaw, and to the
pretensions
Which might be founded on that
document.

The Prince de la Tour d'Auvergne, while render-
ing entire justice to the intentions which dictated
the declaration of the Court of Russia, seized the
opportunity to maintain formally the views of his
Government, according to which no new state of
things could be established in a detached territory
of the Danish monarchy without the concurrence
and consent of the populations, loyally consulted.
M. de Quade observed that, as the Government
regard the Treaty of London as being still in force,
the combination settled by that treaty has not yet
failed.

The Ambassador of Russia recapitulated the con-
siderations under the influence of which the Rmpe•

ror of Russia has resolved to transfer the eventual

rights of the elder branch of Holstein Gottorp, of
which he is the chief, to the younger branch, repre-
sented by Monseigneur the Grand Duke of Olden•

burg. His Majesty has reserved to this Sovereign
to establish their joint titles, whenever he may con-
sider that the moment for it should have arrived.
As a member of the Germanic Confederation, that
Prince would be called on to assert his claims him-
self in the legal course, before the Federal authority
on which he depends. The Emperor of Russia will
remain unconcerned in this suit. He is henceforward
free from any direct intervention in a question of
contested succession in nolstciu—a question

which he is anxious not to complicate. Rrilferti'
wishing to aggravate the difficulties which may-6-
tard the re-establishment of peace, his Majesty seeks
to diminish them.
The Plenipotentiary of Russia, after haviug ex-
plained these views, by order of the Empercr,
added—

"I congratulate myself on having been called
upon to express, as I have just done, the sentiments
of his Majesty, in depositing the Protocol of War-
saw of the year 1851 among the archives of the
Conference. That document has given rise, more
than once, to false interpretations. They will be
contradicted by the publicity which the declaration
I have just made in the name of the Emperor will
not fail to acquire. The spirit of conciliation which
presides over his Majesty's policy will then be
ganerally known, as it has been unanimously appre-
ciated to-day by all the members of the Conference."
Already the task confided to its care ran the risk
of being rudely interrupted by the sudden resump-
tion of hostilities. We had arrived at the 6th of
June, There remained only six days up to the
term fixed for the duration of the truce. It was
with hesitation that the Danish Cabinet decided to
prolong it. At the reiterated request of the Pleni-
potentiaries of the neutral Powers, they ended by
consenting to it. But they limited this prolonga.
tion to a fortnight.
Austria and Prussia, on their side, felt extreme
repugnance to accepting a truce of'such short dura-
tion, when they had proposed the conclusion of an
armistice of several months.
After discussions, the record of which we abridge,
it was agreed to suspend hostilities till the 26th of
June. Clearly, this period was insufficient to leave
to the Conference the necessary means of mom*
plishing its task successfully.
The Protocols of the 6th and 9th of June attest
the perseverance of the efforts employed to obtain
the consent of the Danish Government to a cease,
tion of arms of a longer duration.
In order to explain the refusal repeatedly pre-
nonneed by order of this Court, M. de Quaade de-
clared more than once that it could not consent to
a prolongation of the suspension of hostilities unless
there should appear to be a fair probability of agree-
ment upon a point so vital as that of the frontier.
This particular question has formed from that
time the main subject of discussion. It has been
discussed not only in Conference, but in meetings
held confidentially by the Plenipotentiaries of the
neutral Powers, both with the representatives of
Denmark and with those of the Germanic Powers.
These frequent deliberations, prolonged and
directed by a feeling of sincere friendliness, have
had for their object to bring about a desirable re-
conciliation batween the two parties.
We will indicate briefly the results of this attempt
at conciliation.
The first
-line of demarcation adopted by the
Danish Government had bean traced from Eckern-
forde to Frederickstadt, a little to the south of, the
line proposed on the 28th May by the Plenipotens
tiaries of Great Britain. It was only at a later
period that the representatives of Denmark were
authorised to adhere to the line of the Schlei and,
the Dannewerke. They stopped there, their in-
structions not permitting them to entertain any
other arrangement whatever.

The first line of demarcation put forward by the
Plenipotentiaries of Prussia and Austria was traced
from Apenrade to Tondern. Nevertheless, Count
Bernstorff, wishing to give a proof of his desire
for conciliation, declared his readiness to recorrad
mend to his Government a second line which
should be drawn from a point to the north of }lens.
burg, and would terminate to the north of Tondern
at Hoyer. This second line would have had the
advantage of leaving the Danish Government in.
possession of the Island of Alsen.
Count Apponyi did not at first consider himself
authorised to adopt this second line. Subsequently,
however, he obtained permission to do so. The
Protocol No. 9, however, states that this second line
which Count Bernstorff had recommended to his
Government was not definitively adopted, "because
hitherto no steps had been taken on the other side
to meet the German proposals."
This consideration decided the Plenipotentiaries
of Austria and Prussia to recur finally to their first
line traced from Apenrade to Tondern, and this•
proposition forms the extreme limit at which they
bare finally taken their stand.
In this state of things there remained between
the two lines—the one Danish and the other tier-
man—an intermediate territory in dispute, and it
was not in the power of tire Plenipotentiaries of the
neutral Powers to indurJe either one or the other of
the two parties to advance a single step towards an
equitable arrangement.
Such was HIP., situation on the 18th of June. One-
half of the period granted by the Danish Govern*
meat for the suspension of arms had elapsed. There
remai'aed but a space of eight days to accomplish
tbb work of peace confided to the Conference.
Wishing to persevere in this task without permitting
themselves to be discouraged by the obstacles which
they encountered at every step, the Government of
her Britannic Majesty resolved upon a last attempt
at conciliation.

In; suggesting this arrangement, Lord Russell
conformed to a desire earnestly expressed at the
Congress of Paris in the interest of the maintenance
of a general peace. This desire, enunciated on the
14th of April, 1856, had for its object to recommend
to the Cabinets, in the event of a serious misunders
standing, to have recourse to the good offices of %
friendly State before appealing to force.

In making himself the organ of this proposition,
Lord Russell expressed himself in the following
terms, which we quote verbally :--

"Now that the principal question in dispute has
been reduced to the tracing a frontier some miles
more or less to the north, when the two belligerent
parties have brilliantly sustained the honour of
their arms, and when the renewal of hostilities
would produce a new series of calamities, disastrous
to humanity, and unworthy of the civilisation of our
age, the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain think it
their bounden duty to propose to the belligerent
Powers—namely, to Austria, to Prussia, and to
Denmark, that a friendly Power should be appealed
to, in order that a line of frontier may be traced,
which should neither pass to the south of the line
indicated by Denmark, nor to the north of that
designated by the German Plenipotentiaries."
The Plenipotentiaries of the belligerent Powers,
being without special instructions, took this pro.
position ad referendum.
The Earl of Clarendon thought proper to explain
its meaning, so as to prevent any misunderstand.;
ing. With this object, he said, that he did not
admit the interpretation of M. de Krieger that the
declaration of the Congress of Paris is not applicable
unless an appeal is made to the mediating Power
with :regard to all the questions in dispute. The
disputed territory and the frontier are alone in.
question. The intention of the English Plenipoi
tentiaries is to propose that the question of the ter-
ritory between the two lines pointed out should be
Power,
th
engaging to accept its de-
tliegderteo thntpe arowebrsitration of a friendly
nsuisebionabneital
final,

In the same sitting the plenipotentiaries of
Prussia demanded that the inhabitants of Schleswig
should be consulted upon the arrangements to be
adopted with regard to them, and that the fate of
a part or the whole of those populations should be
decided without their wishes being first properly
declared.

This project gave rise to a discussion which the
Plenipotentiary of Russia summed up in these
terms :

" In this meeting we sometimes chcose divergent
Paths in order to arrive at an object which is common

to us all ; I mean the restoration of peace. The
proposal which the Plenipotentiaries of Prussia
have just made with this object has not met with

an unanimous essent in the Conference.. The
Plenipotentiaries of the Court of Austria have
stated how far their views differ from those of
Prussia. The Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain
_ _

have pronounced their dissent in a manner still more
formal. I have been compelled to express myself
in the same spirit. The Ambassador of France has
limited the question to the mixed di.stricts, without
extending it beyond them. The Miuister of Sweden
and Norway has been unwilling to prejudge in this
respect the intentions of the Plenipotentiaries of

Danmark. Their reply is decisive. Ir. declines the
Prursian proposal, which is supported by the Pteni-
potentiary of the Germanic Confederation alone.
The result of this deliberation proves that the
manner of solution indicated by the Court of Prus-
sia has not secured the united suffrages of the
Conference."

The Conference assembled on June 22 to hear the
decisions which the belligerent Powers had taken
upon the proposal made by the Government of her
Britannic Majesty with the view of calling on a
friendly Power to settle the question of boundary,
which was now the principle difficulty that delayed
the pacific solution of the dispute.

The reply of the belligerent Powers did not re-
spond to the wishes of the Government of her
Britannic Majesty. Austria and Prussia, " while
showing themselves disposed to accept the media-
tion of a neutral Power not represented in the Con-
ference, were willing to engage beforehand to con-
sider themselves definitively bound by the opinion
which might be expressed by the mediating Power,
as circumstances did not allow them to accept an
arbitrative decision.

The Danish Government expressed a refusal even
more decided. They declared that, to their great
regret, it was impossible for them to give their
consent to the proposal of the English Cabinet.
The Plenipotentiary of Denmark explained this
refusal by the necessity which obliged him to re-
gard the boundary proposed on the 28th of May
as final, so as not to allow hitt., to agree to an arb:-
trary decision which might modify that line.
Lord Clarendon combated the opinion. While
representing facts in their real light, he showed
that the line indicated on the 28th of May had been
proposed in the interest of Denmark and of peace,
and not with the intention of laying down a prin-
ciple from which there could be no departure.
The Plenipotentiary of Russia concurred in the
opinion of Lord Clarendon. He affirmed that Lord
Russell never intended to propose that as an ulti-
matum, nor to impose it as such on the belligerent
Powers.

The Ambassador of France and the Minister of
Sweden expressed themselves in the same sense.
All the combinations brought forward to arrive
at an agreement en the line of the frontier having
unfortunately been rejected, the Prince de la Tour
d'Auvergne thought fit to lay before the Conference
a new proposal. He said—
" When the Government of the Emperor gave
their adhesion to the plan of arrangement proposed
by her Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of
State, in the sitting of the 28th of May, they I•.oped
that the united efforts of the Plenipotentiaries of
the neutral Powers, seconded by the conciliatory
disposition of the Plenipotentiaries of the bellige-
rent Powers, would succeed in bringing about
between the interested parties an understanding
as to the tracing of the line of frontier.
"These hopes have unfortunately sot been
realised. All the arrangements proposed have been
rejected, and no compromise seems as'yet to have
any chance of being accepted. In this position of
affairs, the Government of the Emperor consider it
their duty to make in the interests of peace a final
suggestion. It is in virtue of their nationality that
the northern districts of Schleswig are to be es,igned
to Denmark, and those of the south to Germany.
It has not been thought expedient to make an
appeal to the wishes of the population where those
wishes seem to be manifest ; but they might be
consulted where they are doubtful, and where no
other means exist for establishing an agreement.
While admitting the impossibility of taking nation-
ality as an absolute rule in the division of the mixed
districts of Schleswig, the Government of the Em-
peror are, however, of opinion that it would be
right to obtain, by means of a vote of the com-
munes, the elements of appreciation on which it
should be agreed to base a decision. This vote by
communes would allow the most exact account to
be taken of each nationality in the definitive trac-
ing of the frontier.
" In order that it might offer in other respects the
guarantees desired, it would be well to stipulate
that all military forces should previously be with-
drawn, and that the votes should be given freo from
all pressure. Esch Power might, moreover, send
delegates to the spot in order to insure the perfect
impartiality of the scrutiny."
Lord Russell, in asking the opinion of the Danish
plenipotentiaries, said that as regarded the Eng-
lish plenipotentiaries, they would be disposed to
concur if the Danish Government thought proper
to give their adhesion.
M. de Quaade replied that be was, of course,
without instructions on the subject, and that he
could not even conssnt to accept it ad referendum.
He alluded to his declaration of the 2d of June, in
which he said his Government would make great
sacrifices in order to obtain the restoration of peace,
but that there were limits beyond which they could
not go, and his instructions forbade him to consent
to any other line than that proposed by the English
plenipotentiaries in the sitting of the 28th of May,
and accepted by Denmark.

This declaration ended the debate. It showed
at the same time the obstacle which the most per-
severing efforts of the neutral Powers have not
been able to overcome.

It is before this insurmountable difficulty that
the labours of the Conference have come to an end.

The Engagement between the Alabama. and

the Kearsage,

SOUTHAMPTON, June 28.
The following is a correct list of the killed,
drowned, and wounded belonging to the Alabama
in her engagement with the Kearsarge r
Killed.— John Roberts, John Adams, James Hart,
seamen ; Christian Past,
and James King, Peter
Duncan, and James Weir, firemen.
Drowned.— F. M. Johns, purser', steward ; A.
F. Minrera, carpenter's
Norhook, ship's cook ;
mate; A. G. Bartelli, captain's Steward
; Henry
Fisher, George Appleby, Walter Vaindes, John
Williams, John Wilham, John Buckley, Charles
Colson, Thomas White, and David Henry, seamen
Andrew Shilling, fireman ; D. IL Llewellyn,
assistant surgeon ; William Robinson, carpenter ;
William Robertson, third assistant engineer.
Wounded—Robert Wright, captain, main top;
Peter Hughes, boatswain's mate ; William M‘Gin-
ley, captain's coxswain ; John Neil, seamen;
John Carew, Robert Divine, Jacob Verbor, David
Williams, seamen ; Thomas Winter, Samuel
liams, Martin King, firemen; William Morgan,
captain fore-top.

Threatened Arrest of " Manhattan."

NEW YORK, June 14.

My last letter informed you of an appointment
at eleven o'clock with Major-General Dix, the com-
mander on this station. He was punctual to the
appointment. He is a fine, gentlemanly old man
of 70 and odd years. Ho remembered me as Mr.
Calhoun's old private secretary. I cannot narrate
all that took place ; but the general laboured under
the impression that I was the incarnation of all that
was bad in the Southern Confederacy. It was of
no use my telling him that I was for the Union.
He did not seem to believe it. He honoured
me by saying that both ambassadors (Dayton and
Adams) thought I did more injury to the cause of
America than any other man could do. He said he
was in favour of arbitrary arrest in my case—that
he would stop these letters in future—that the past
he would leave to the Prezident —that he would
send those papers (file of Standards) to the Presi-
dent, and await his decision—whether to send me
to Fort I„ Fayette or Richmond.
We shall know the Pret-iden t's decision by Wed.
nesday, June 15. If he agrees with General Dix,
this is the laat letter you wit get from me, unless
I am sent to Richmond, It will probably make
both Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell laugh at the idea
of sending me to Richmond. If the President does 1
1
this, I will continue my letters. I believe at Fort
Lafayette there is no writing paper.

THE MURDER AT PENGE.—At the Lambeth
Pollee-court yesterday, Edward Turner, aged 19,
and John William Clark, 23, were again placed at the bar
before Mr Elliott, for further examination, for the wilful
murder of Louisa Dyer, at Penge. Some further evidence,
net very conclusive in its nature, was taken, and the pri-
soners Were again remanded.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
ram DAY.—Morning, Bh. 43m.—Afternoon, 911.18 w.
ro-itounow.-Morning, 911. 51m.—Afternoon, 1011. 28m.

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