The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-24 00:00:00

away, having enlisted as a marine. About Christ-
mas he deserted, and came dawn to the neighbour-
hood of Leominster.
For the defence it was contended that the act was
only one of manslaughter.
His lordship summed up with great care and
minuteness, and
The jary, after a short consultation, returned a
verdict of guilty amidst a deep silence.
His lordship then passed the awful sentence of
death in the usual manner.
The court was crowded all day, and the prisoner
bore the trial with great fortitude.

WESTERN CIRCUIT.—TAUNTON, March 23.
(Before Mr. Baron Martin.)
James Howell, 32, labourer, was indicted for the
wilful murder of Susan Cleverly, at Bath.
Mr. J. W. Saunders and Mr. Bailey prosecuted.
The prisoner was undefended.
It appeared from the evidence of several wit-
nesses that the prisoner cohabited with deceased at
a lodging-house in Little Corn-street, Bath, and
early on the morning of Tuesday, the 16th of
February, cries of " Murder" were heard coming
from the room in which they lived. Marsh, the
man who kept the house, and Police-constable
James went to the room, and they found the poor
woman seriously injured, and complaining of the
prisoner's violence. The deceased at first threatened
to give him into custody, but subsequently declined,
saying that she should be murdered if she did. A
woman who lived underneath, and other wit-
nesses deposed to having heard noises in the pri-
soner's roam, as of same one jumping upon another.
The deceased, who was pregnant, was removed to
another house, and she died on the Sunday follow.
ing. The post-mortem examination proved the
death of the woman to have resulted from internal
disease, caused by the external injuries which were
apparent.
The jury found the prisoner guilty of man-
slaughter.
It appeared that he had been previously tried for
the murder of a woman with whom he cohabited,
found guilty of manslaughter, and sentenced to six
years' penal servitude.
His lordship now sentenced him to penal servi-
tude for life.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It is very remarkable that at this momen
the most conspicuous result of the American war is
a gradual elevation of the black race in social and
political position. The Northern people, as a body,
though they have obviously learnt a species of tole-
ration for the coloured race, are probably not more
solicitous than formerly for the welfare or emanci-
pation of the negro ;.but, as happens in all revolu-
tions, the most thoroughgoing party has proved the
most enduring, and that party is the Abolitionist
party. It was pointed out at a very early period of
the war that slavery could hardly escape from the
double danger with which it was threatened: lithe
Federals were victorious, they could deal with the
institutions as they pleased ; it the Confederates
established their independence, a free soil would
bound their territory, and any slave by crossing the
frontier could assert his freedom. Something akin
to this process has now been long going on. Many
negroes have actually taken refuge on Northern soil ;
many more, though still on Southern soil, have been
enabled by the presence of Federal armies to escape
from slavery. In the border counties, indeed, slavery
may be said to have been abolished though slaves in
great numbers still remain, but it has not been found
necessary in any of those territories to resort to such
edicts as that of General Banks in Louisiana. Icy
justice also to the Abolitionists, it must be confessed
that the extreme representatives of their party are
consistent in their views. They do not, while as-
serting the rights of the negro, condemn him to
social proscription. They accept the logical
consequences of his emancipation, and have even
astonished the world by the completeness of the
recognition which they have recently announced,
and which our correspondence so vividly portrays.
It still remains to be seen, however, what part
the Southern people will take in the question thus
developed. If the war, as some Northern writers
tell us, and as appears by no means improbable,
is henceforth to be prosecuted with armies of
blacks, it is obvious that the superiority of re-
sources will now, for the first time, be on the side of
the South. If by men is meant black men, the Con-
federates are stronger than the Federals, for there
is no reason to presume that the Southern negroes
will refuse to fight on the side of their masters. lii
any case, however, their position must be materially
affected, and it is certainly remarkable that the only
result of this extraordivary war as yet visible should
be the gradual subversion of that institution which,
if it was the remote cause of strife, was forgotten in
the first hours of conflict. Three years ago the
Federal Government made no secret of its willing-
ness to give every satisfaction to the slaveholders of
the South on condition of resn:ning their allegiance.
In all probability the great majority of the Federal
people would still be ready to make peace on the
same terms, but such a policy is neceeorilflacking
in vigour, and while the Democrats hesitate to avow
their pacific sentiments the more zealous Ateelition-
ists have carried their standards to the front. In
the meantime, by the mere course of events, the
black man is pushing his way to a new position.
In the North, though still rejected by the bulk of
the population, he is encouraged and favoured by a
determined faction, and has become necessary to all.
In the South he is invited by the invaders to quit
the state of slavery, and has actually the option over
a considerable portion of Confederate territory of
becoming what he was not before. It is not much,
perhaps, to be promoted from slavery to serfdom,
but it is a move, nevertheless, and when once accom-
plished will be hard to reverse. We do not see, in
fact, how slavery, thus dealt with on all sides, can
either remain what it is or become again what it
was, and that is one of the least unsatisfactory pros-
pects of this terrible war.'
HERALD.—The anxiety of Lord Palmerston to
satisfy the Government of Louis Philippe in 1840,
not only that he had not connived at the Boulogne
expedition, but that neither he nor Lord Melbourne
had for years set eyes upon " that madman" Louis
Napoleon, is hardly reconcileable with the readi-
ness with which the noble lord has vindicated and
assumed the whole responsibility for Mr. Stansfeld's
intimate connection with the plotters against the
life of Louis Napoleon, the Emperor of the French.
There was then nothing but an insinuation, which
the noble load could have afforded to despise. Had
he seen Louis Napoleon, who enjoyed a good social
position in this country a short time before the ex-
pedition, there would have been nothing in it to
justify complaint from the French Government.
But the canards of French newspapers were suffi-
cient cause to induce the noble lord to deny in the
official newspaper that he had called upon the
Prince, and send for the French Minister to give
him the most emphatic and detailed denial that he
had the slightest knowledge of the conspirators
against France. We applaud the anxiety, worthy
of an English Minister, to repudiate all part, even
the remotest, and most indirect, in conspiracies
against a friendly Government. How is it that we
find a Minister, then so extremely susceptible, now
not only refusing to give the French Government
an explanation in a much more serious matter, but
wantonly and offensively assuming the responsibi-
lity of aiding and abetting conspiracies against the
lire of a friendly sovereign ? Upon prisoners arrested
in Paris, in whose luggage were found weapons in-
tended, as they confessed, for the murder of the Em-
peror Napoleon, were found papers implicating Ma z-
zini as the organiser of the insurrection, and instruct-
ing his instruments to communicate with him at the
house of Mr. Stansfeld. These facts are men-
tioned at the trial. The Procureur General ex-
presses his surprise and regret that a member of
the English Parliament should assist such scoun-
drels, bat he observes that this member of Parlia-
ment had been mixed up in a previous conspiracy
against the life of the Emperor. Now, here was a
case against Mr. Stansfeld, infinitely plainer and of
far greater gravity than that which Lord Palmer-
ston was so eager to explain away, and Mr. Stens-
feld, to do him justice, seems to have felt that he
had committed an indiscretion which made it im-
possible for him to remain a Minister of the Crown.
He offered his resignation. Lord Palmerston,
however, refused to accept it, and the result was
that Mr. Stansfeld, emboldened by the support of
his chief, refused to give any explanation, and pro-
nounced a glowing eulogium upon the arch-revolu-
tionist and apostle of the dagger. The House of
Commons was not to bo put off thus easily, and Mr.
Stansfeld was compelled to explain; and the Go-
vernment was only saved from defeat by the pathetic
appeals not to spoil the young man's prospects with
which the supporters of the Government accom-
panied their acknowledgments of his indiscretion.
Lord Palmerston alone refused to express regret,
and boldly, tauntingly, assumed the responsibility of
Mr. Stansfeld's friendship with Mazzini, and his
unintentional plots of the Italian revolutionist
against the Emperor's life. It has been said that a
man body changes altogether in seven years, and
that at the end of that period it contains not the
smallest fraction of the substances with which it
commenced the septenniad. Thrice seven years have
passed since Lord Palmerston showed himself so
anxious for his honour to these days in which he
eagerly accepts the responsibility of harbouring and
assisting assassins. Are we to suppose that his
mind has been changed with his body, and as each
set of framework has given place to a weaker and a
worse, so the mind of the noble lord has in each
change lost something of its sense of honour, until
now it can accept without difficulty the scandalous
part which the Premier has undertaken; orshall we
a82111:120 that Lord Palmerston wets al indifferent

then as now to his own and his count Ty' s honour,
but that his chief, Lord Melbourne, co swelled him
to offer Baron de Bourqueney these e: tplana'ions ?
Or is the Premier offended with that distrrjat, the
creation of his own policy, which has 5120 'n itself
in the refusal of the Emperor to draw t L d chesnuts
out of the Dano-German fire for Engl ? And
would he take the small satisfaction of a feeble
mind by telling the Emperor that,. as .1 ne does not
choose to help the English Ministry out of the
scrape into which their folly, inarerl inence, and
cowardice have got them, his would-be, assassins and
the patrons of those assassins shall 13,,:a taken under
the protection of the English Ministr y ? Whatever
the motives which have actuated the remier in re-
fusing Mr. Stansfeld's resignation, • 3n d accepting,
for the whole Government, the respo risibility of hie
relations with Mazzini and Mazzini's band of asses'
sins, the consequences cannot fail to be most injuri'
ous to that alliance for which Mr. Gladstone and
Mr. Bright profess to be so anxious. The Emperor
is the sincerest and best friend e f the English
alliance in Fiance; he knows its i m mense value;
he appreciates its undoubted power to preserve the
peace of Europe and to secure th e t tai ,elopment of
material progress.. To maintain it t e has made
many sacrifices. Often since he he sbe en upon the
throne he restrained the national hat red of Eer
land, and it is of the greatest importat ice that be
should continue to do so until a party ii formed in
France which, forgetting old rancours, will recog"
nise as well as the Emperor the vat'. ue of the
alliance. If, however, the English Go vernniat
will take every opportunity of wantonly insul Ling
the Emperor; if the Premier, instead of 4110'7414
a member of his Ministry, whose ind iscr etion
had mixed him up in a plot against th a :life Of
the Emperor, to resign, keeps him i a office,
assumes the whole responsibility of I its acts,
jauntily declaring, in fact, to France ant I Europe
that it is compatible with the honour of an Eng;
lish Minister to be the friend and pr 3tector
of
men whose lives are spent in organising attempts
for the murder of the Emperor, it wi II be liar
possible for the Emperor to reta,in friend'
ship for England—impossible to rest rain the nem-
ral indignation of his people. Already seriously
shaken, the Anglo-French alliance wil,7 l soon, if
Lords Palmerston and Russell remain in power, be
at an en`—at an end not because thei ntei .eats of the
two countries ran counter, not becatu la 7 France in:
sisted upon pursuing a policy whic h threatened
English interests or offended English f eel ing, but et
an end because the English Ministers ware discour•
teous, insulting, and insidiously host ile. Of what
value the cordial co-operation of Fra ace and Eng'
land is we see now, when the want of it has per
mitted the Schleswig-Holstein controversy to break
out into a war, which threatens to become general.
The Ministry profess to feel the value of what their
have done so much to destroy ; but t iespairing of
succeeaing in repairing their fault, th, ay, with the
assistance and approbation of Mr. I trl ght, display
their spite and annoyance by a policy' which cannot
fail, if pursued a little longer, to suitatitute open
hostilities for the alliance.

COUNTRY MARKET'', 3.

-.~M__„

LYNN—TUESDAY.
At to-day's market there was a fair atten dance, with an,
average show of wheat, and the prices of lits, t week decline,'
is to 2s per qr. Other articles unaltered.
White wheat 40s to 44s Barley ...... 34s to 36g
Itcd 4os to 41s Grinding.... 39s to 32J
I Beans .32s to 31s Oats.. ..... ......18s to 21a
Small 34s to 36s Peas

HULL—TUESDAY.
At to-day's market there was a small stti)ply of English
wheat, for which needy miilers paid last we ek's full rates;
in foreign there was nothing doing, as holders refused to
accept the rates offered by buyers. Fine m? siting barley i°
better request, but grinding neglected. Beans and peag
easier to buy, but not lower in price. Oats held firmly 0
former rates.
03
Wheat.... Old white.... per qr 42s Od to 44s ~A
Old red
New white .. ~
New red .... „
Barley.... English malting 27s Od to 348 ())
Grinding 24s Od to 25s 63
Saal and Oderbruck
Holstein and Danish 3os Od to 31s 04
Grinding
28s
22s OO cld
tto o - 31524;
(1
Oats English, old
Archangel and Riga' per st.. 08121 d to 13a
Friesland and Dutch osl3d to 0313,
Swedish and Danish osl2id to °sr.?,
Beans ....English, old, per qr ... .. 40s Od to 435 Od
New pigeon 42s Od to 44s C';
New tick
Egyptian .. 30s Od to 33s 6,3
Peas .. Foreign boilers .. 33s Od tc 34$ v,,a
Grinding
Tares ....Spring —s Od to —s Od
00
99 3
Indian Corn
Linseed, feeding
SGS °IIA
crushing . 4os Od to 5 0
Linseed cakes (Hull) £9 10 0 to I 9 15 0
Foreign: Bl5 oto 9 0
0
Rape cakes 5lO 0 to, 0 0 0
Bones 5 5 oto 510

MELTON MOWBRAY—TUESDAY.
The following were the currencies :—New white wheat!.
43s Od to 46s Od ; new red, 36s Od to 42s per 36 stone!
beans, 40s to 42s for old ; new sorts, 34s to 37s per 3S et:
barley, 34s to 37s for malting, and 28s to 30s p,,?.r qr. t'„
grinding; new oats, 19s to 23s_0d per 24 stone; old, 21'
to 28s.