The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-08 00:00:00

The North London Industrial Exhibition.

prayer was offered up by the Rev. W. Fowle, .M.A.,
and the Hallelujah chorus sung by the choir.
Mr GLADSTONE then rose and was g ied with
loud and continued cheers. He said .—" Ladies
and Gentlemen,—lt may be said with reat reason
that the series of proceedings be or, ing to this
exhibition is now completed. We h vs gathered
together within this specious ball the productions of
the skill and industry of the working men of
northern London. To this demonstration and to the
beautiful spectacle thus offered the feeling of the
public has answered, and the numerous total of
spectators who have hastened from all parts of the
metropolis, as we have been informed toenight, to
satisfy their curiosity and to improve their minds,
has crowned the labours of the exhibitors with the
most complete success. (Hear.) It is, perhaps, a
vulgar, but yet it is an important consideration,
that in a pecuniary as in every other point of view
the proceedings of this exhibition have reached the
consummation which all its friends have desired,
and your Minister of Finance—(laughter)—what-
ever may happen to other Ministers of Finance—
appears before you to-night with the glory of a
surplus in hand—(hear, and a laugh) —and in that
surplus we are to recognise not only a memorial of
past prudence but likewise a promise for the future,
for the way has fairly been opened to show what
things can be done through the medium of these
exhibitions. (Hear, hear.) But not the least inte-
resting feature in this series of proceedings has
been the tone and temper in which it has been con-
ducted, the humble sense of dependence upon Divine
favour, the acknowledgment that whatever gifts
any of us may possess we owe them entirely to a
heavenly source. (Cheers.) And in the proceed•
ings of to-night you have, by your crowded atten-
dance, borne witness to your emphatic desire that
at the close, as well as in the course of all these
proceedings, honour should be rendered to Him
from whom all hcnour comes. (Cheers.) Well,
then, ladies and gentlemen, it may be said if these
acts have attained to such completeness, that I as-
sume a function which is officious at the best, in
addressing you after what has taken place. But I
address you at the request of those who have been
your leaders in this important enterprise, and I will
attempt no more in such observations as it may be
in my power to address to you than to give you a
faithful record of the impression which the spectacle
we witness to-night has produced upon the mind
of one who views it from without. Ladies and
gentlemen, it is very easy to find a name for an ex-
hibition like this and for an occasion like this. It
is emphatically the festival and the triumph of
labour. (Loud cheers.) I do not use that word
to draw any invidious distinction between class
and class. Labour is the universal lot of man,
and those who endeavour to escape from labour,
and to convert into a period of mere enjoy-
ment that term of existence which has
been given us for exertion and for' dis-
cipline, are recreants to their own destiny and
to the law under which they live. (Cheers.) There
is no honourable, no useful place on this busy teem-
ing earth for the idle man, be his station or his con-
dition what it may ; and I arm sure that those who
belong to the labouring classes, properly so called,
will admit that in this happy country it is easy to
point out not only tens and hundreds, but thou-
sands among the very highest in the land, who vie
in their character as labouring men with those who
earn their bread by their daily wages. But it is
with the large and important class comprising the
mass of society that we have especially to do upon
the present occasion. It is to them I refer when I
say that this occasion, this exhibition, has been the
festival and the triumph of labour ? Why has it
been the triumph of labour ? It has been the
triumph of labour for reasons which, in my judg-
ment, it will behove us to ponder. I do not, indeed,
think that we have as yet reached a period at which
any of us can fully comprehend the entire signifi-
cance of exhibitions such as this. They are too
new, they are yet in their infancy. (Hear.) We
must wait awhile. It will be for us in later years,
or it will be for those who come after us, to form a
just and competent estimate of their social even
more and much more than their economical effects.
But even now we may see the immense importance
of such exhibitions. Can there be a more interesting
fact than this, that of those beautiful objects which
crowd the walls and the floors of this spacious hall
a very large part—l am told by much the largest
part—are produced not by persons given to that
special kind of production as a means of subsistence
but in the patient development of some other gift
which they pursue and cultivate in their hours of
recreation ? (Cheers.) Now is it not a consoling
truth that even the humblest of our society are not
so absolutely bowed down in this probationary state
to mere mechanical exercise tnat it is beyond the
power of a man to look outside the narrow career
which he traces in his daily toil from morning to
evening, and then from morning to evening again,
—that there is in all classes of society a diversity
and variety of gifts; that human nature, if it
be well used, is a richer and a nobler thing
thrn many of us take it to be ; that few indeed
are those to whom the path of excellence is not
open in one direction or another, provided only their
be the diligence and determination which is neces-
sary to pursue it with effect ? (Cheers.) Now,
ladies and gentlemen, one word as to the amuse-
ment which belongs to these exhibitions. The very
production of these works has been in most cases
the amusement of their producers, showing un-
doubtedly a true nobleness of mind, for it is only a
mind which draws its fire from heaven which would
find amusement in productions of such a nature
after the exhausting effects of daily toil. But yet
it is true, and it is another consoling truth, if you
consider that much of our best relaxations, much of
the most effseitive and most salutary amusement is
derived, not from a simple abnegation and abandon-
ment of toil, but comes from a judicious change of
one employment for another. (Cheers.) But if
there has been healthful and laudable amusement
from the producers of these works in the act of pro-
ducing them, what has been the effect upon those
who beheld them? Let the exhibitors take this
comfort to themselves. They have not only by their
contributions given a satisfactory and healthy bent
to their own energies, they have not only gained
that credit and applause of their fellows which are
among the most gratifying consolations and com-
forts of life, but they have likewise afforded an ex-
ample and encouragement to others, and many a
man, many a woman, many a young child, many a
one who has not heretofore done aught to distin-
guish himself in bettering his condition, in improv-
ing his mind, by developing his gifts by exertions
such as these—depend upon it many such ono will
receive the first suggestion, will derive the first in-
fection of such a desire from what they have seen
within these walls upon this occasion. (Cheers.)
Well, again, of the good effected and displayed by
this Exhibition, we have had satisfactory proof.
Thank God, it has not been the first, and I am sure
it will not be the last, although amongst the most
remarkable instances, that it is possible in this
happy country for a vast mass of the population
to meet together, aye, and to meet together
for purposes connected with their recrea-
tion, and at the same time not to need
the control or the coercion of the law, but, and I am
sure I may apply without irreverence the sacred
words, "tobe a law to themselves." (Cheers,) In
the hurried circuit which I have made round this
hall we were accompanied by a force of I think
some four or five policemen, and I learn from those
who had had the management of this Exhibition
that that moderate detachment positively comprised
the entire representation of that most useful force
which has been employed for the purpose of keeps
ing in order the 200,000 who, we are told, have
visited the Exhibition. (Cheers.) Well, ladies
and gentlemen, it is a great and a real and true
sign of social progress—it is much to distinguish
between true signs of social progress and false signs
—but I say it is a true sign of social progress
when it can be recorded, as was recorded by your
esteemed and able secretary to-night, that this Ex-
hibition has been conducted, with admission given
at so low a cost to the humblest classes of the com-
munity, without one single attempt at anything
like wilful damage to any object. (Cheers.) But,
ladies and gentlemen, it is not only with reference
to amusement of the best and highest kinds that
ouch occasions as this should be considered. Im-

Yesterday evening the Right Hon. the Chancellor
of the Exchequer went through the ceremony of
publicly closing this exhibition, which opened with
such e'clot three weeks ago, and which was last
night brought to a termination after its brief career
of unexampled and almost unhoped for success.
When this Exhibition was opened on the 14th of
last month it was intended that its curious and most
suggestive collection should remain on view during
two weeks only from 9 a.m. till 5 p.m, ; the charge
for admission was fixed at 6d, but after the latter
hour it was reduced to 2d to afford every facility to
the class to which the display was almost solely due
to visit it freely. Such numbers took advantage of
this reduction of price that the hall during some
evenings was so crowded that the doors had to be
closed and further admittance denied. Oa one even-
ing between 5 and 9 o'clock the turnstiles recorded
the admission of no less than 22,000 visitors, which,
with 6,000 who had paid 6d during the day, made
the total up to 28,000 in all—a number that would
do credit even to a national exhibition. Altogether
the average attendance during this fortnight
amounted to nearly 18,000 per day. With wine an
evidence of popularity and success before them, the
promoters wisely reconsidered their first decision as
to closing, and applied to the directors of the Agri-
cultural Hall for its use another week, and by those
gentlemen the new arrangement was at once acceded
to. The week expired last Saturday, and yesterday
the Exhibition was formally closed, after having
been visited by 196,926 persons, exclusive of those
who attended last night, probably 8,000 or 10,000
more. Such a success was so little thought of that at
the outset its most prominent promoters formed a
guarantee fund to cover the losses which were looked
on not only us possible, but probable in the extreme.
These guarantors—the Earl of Shaftesbury, Sir
Morton Peto, Miss Burdett Coutte, and Mr Cox,
M.P.—became liable for an anticipated or probable
deficiency to the extent of £3OO, but now it seems
that, in lieu of a deficit, there is every chance of
there being a surplus of £l,OOO, if not more.
Another most gratifying fact in connection with this
working men's exhibition, and which deserves espee
cial mention, is that throughout its career not only
has not a single article displayed been stolen or ins
jured, but that not a single police case of any kind
has arisen from it either during the time the Exhie
bition was open or when its thousands of visitors left
at its close. "Yesterday evening, though the price of
admission was raised to is and 2s 6d, every part of
the hall was crowded, and the large orchestra at the
end around the organ was filled with a choir to the
number of nearly 1,000. Beyond some mere formal
arrangements as to the route which the Chancellor
of the Exchequer was to take when inspecting the
exhibition, all remained in.the same state as that in
which the public have been accustomed to view it
any time these three weeks past. Considering the
numbers that have been to see it, every part has
been kept wonderfully free from dust or dirt. As a
general rule, the chief industrial objects with which
the exhibition was formed were most carefully kept
in view by the sub-committee, and it is to be hoped
that their success now will enable them to be still
more successful for the future. Next year we hope
their position will be strong enough to enable them
to exercise more rigidly their powers of excluding
unsuitable objects. This is by no means meant to
refer to articles of any kind exhibited by bona fide
amateurs, or to those articles of skilled labour pro-
duced in the leisure hours of regular workmen, and
which are often the most elaborate and highly
wrought specimens of their class. It is such objects
as ordinary articles of furniture sent in from ordi-
nary shops which require thinning down on future
occasions, and their places can be supplied either
by objects which would be willingly lent by South
Kensington, or the works of real amateurs. On this
occasion South Kensington lent a small but most
choice collection of works in metals and jewelry,
pottery and porcelain, which were not only conspi-
cuous for their rare artistic and intrinsic value, but
for the skill with which the objects were selected to
set before the assembled amateurs types and designs
for their imitation of the highest class known to art.
Her Majesty also lent from Buckingham Palace a
small, but equally fine collection of old porcelain
carvings in ivory, enamels, mosaics, and glass wares,
which were each in their way unique specimens.
These, however, with some groups or stuffed speci-
mens of natural history, sent by Mr J. A. Nicholay.
and a rare collection of antique watches from Mr
Benson, of Ludgate-hill, and the exceptions we have
hinted at, were the only departures from the rule
which made the whole exhibition one of the works
of amateurs. The collection comprised an almost
infinite variety of objects, painting, drawing, and
model, making by far the most popular arts, and
apparently the most successfully practised. It need
scarcely be said that among the drawings and paint-
ings there were very many which would scarcely
bear inspection, but, on the other hand, there were
some which reflected great credit on their authors,
and sums of very high merit indeed. Those which
were so placed as to illustrate the rising skill of the
self-taught artist were exceedingly interesting. It
has been urged by some against works of this kind
that it would be better to hold out encouragement
to the workers in various trades for improvements in
those trades only, and not foster in them the idea
that common w orkmen can ever excel in the paths
of high art. The works, however, which formed the
show at the Agricultural Hall were in nearly every
case the production of the workmen's leisure hours,
and nothing is more certain than that an artisan
does not choose as a recreation that branch of in-
dustry which forms his daily occupation. To those
laboriously employed during the day, dra wing, paint-
ing, or model-making is at once a rest and a pkg.•
sure, while those sedentarily occupied as invariably
resort to the work of the lathe or the garden to give
them that exercise of body with enjoyment of mind
which none of us can long abstain from with impu-
nity. The models shown in the hall were for the
greater part models of buildings or ships ; and here,
too, the same inverse rule of recreation seemed to
prevail—it was so to speak the builder or labourer
who makes his model of the ship, and the shipwright
or sailor who makes his model of a house. Some of
the models were exceedingly good, and in all cases
put together and finished with the minute care
which spoke of their having been a labour cf love.
It was a most characteristic and suggestive display.
Those paintings and drawings by labourers, letter-
carriers, and porters,those models in wood and ivory,
turnings and ironwork by clerks who have gone
through their eight or ten hours' work in a close
office, the visible and successful struggle after self-
improvement which all those works suggested, the
labour and self.denial each cost to produce, made
this North London Exhibition one of the most strik-
ing social features of the day, and one of the most
interesting also. It well deserved all the support it
has met with.
Yesterday evening the Chancellor of the E
•
chequer arrived at 7 o'clock precisely, and was re-
ceived by the secretary to the Exhibition, Mr
W. J. "Watts, and other members of the committee,
together with the Hon. A. Kinnaird, M.P., Mr
Bodkin, Assistant-Judge ; Mr S. Morley, Mr J. A.
leTicholay, Mr Norris, M.P., &i. After making a
circuit of the Exhibition Mr Gladstone was con-
ducted to the platform, where he was received with
much applause, which continued till the Hundredth
Psalm was given by the chorus. Mr Watts then read
the report of the committee, which, after referring
to the daily crowded state of the Exhibition, which
made it necessary to keep it open another week,
went on to state the numbers which had visited it,
and the fact, to which we have already alluded,
that not a single instance of disorder had taken
pace. The adjudicators had awarded the prizes,
which numbered 81 of the first class, 76 of the
second class, and 179 of the third, or 230 prizes in
all, excluding ten extra works specially recom-
mended for reward.
The committee being very desirous that every
exhibitor should be provided with a suitable
memento, and finding that their financial position
was very favourable, had given directions to Messrs
Potter and Galin to produce an illustrated memo-
rial, a copy of which would be presented to each
exhibitor by Lord Shaftesbury at the meeting for
the distribution of prizes.
A psrfornaance was then given on the organ, with
beautiful effect, by Dr. S. S. Weley, after which a

in the minds of the labouring community the useful
lesson which they have already learnt, and will
likewise prove to be en effective means of leading
them onward in the path, not of illusory and unsub•
stantial, but of true and rcal progress and healthful
and Christian civilization. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. S. Morley proposed, and Mr. Kinnaird, M.P.,
seconded a vote of thanks to the chairman.
The resolution was adopted by acclamation, three
cheers being given for the right hon. gentleman.

portant as it is in itself, it is probably yet more
important as an indication of something bc3ond
itself, as an indication of things which are, and yet
more of things which are to be. (Hear, hear.) No
person can, even es a contemporary observer,
reflect upon the recent history of this country
without perceiving that it is fraught with the pro-
mise of most important results, not only to the
community as a community, but particularly to the
labovring classes ; the greatest lesson which our
recent history ought to teach those classes—the
great lesson which I will presume to say has taught
them, and is teaching them, after a dependence and
thankfulness to the Almighty for the gifts and op.
portunities they enjoy, is the lesson of self-reliance.
Now, I believe it is not possible in a well-organ-
ized society that any one class should make essen-
tial progress in any way except through its own
exertions. (Cheers.) I know—l trust Ido not
forget—that there are duties of class towards class,
as there are duties of the individual man towards
his fellow-man. But the duty performed by one
class towards another, and especially by the higher
towards the humbler classes, will be found genes
rally to consist in the mitigation, possibly the re-
moval, but more frequently the mitigation, of evils
and abuses of a gross and galling nature. But the
mere mitigation of abuses will never give energy
and dignity of character to a class, and especially to
the great labouring classes of the community. It is
upon themselves they must depend in order to ex-
hibit in the face of their fellow•countrymen those
characteristics which constitute the true basis of
greatness. I know that it is too true that the ad-
vance of civilisation and the improvements which
have been made in our laws and institutions do not
and cannot be said as yet to have touched the entire
mass of the community. There are still those who
are said to belong to the "dangerous classes."
There are still those who, in mnch larger numbers,
are said, and with truth are said to belong to the
helpless classes ; those upon whom illness and be-
reavements fall, and not only such, but even whole
classes of persons, particularly unmarried females,
who, under the conditions of modern society, are in
a social position still beset with difficulties. The
bulk of the labouring population in the great towns
of this country, and particularly in this vast me-
tropolis, consists of those who being dependent
upon their own labour have the means of making
their labour as a general rule effective for their
subsistence, even for their comfort, and the comfort
of their wives and families. Now, much has been
done by good, honest, and wise legislation towards
setting free the industry of the labouring man and
enabling him to carry that best and almost the only
commodity which he can possess to the best market
it can command. (Cheers.) lam far from thinking
that Parliament has as yet done all in that respect
which we may reasonably hope for; but perhaps it
would be true—l believe it would be—to say we
cannot look again for such vast and wholesale im-
provements of the law, for such large and beneficial
revolutions in the condition of the labouring classes
of this country at any future time as has Leen
brought about within the last 20 or 25 years, partly
by the progress of new gigantic and most useful in.
ventione, and partly by a wise legislation in Par -
dement. Therefore, ladies and gentlemen, and yon,
my friends, whom I address in such numbers of the
working classes, bear with me when I say that it is
upon yourselves you must depend. If you are look-
ing for improvement in your state, if you are lock-
ing for a larger admission to the direct rights of
citizenship—(loud cheers), if you are looking fo• the
increase of the comforts of life, if you are looking for
a provision for the education of your children, if you
are looking to the making provision for the contin-
gency of your sudden removal—for each and for all
those things, depend upon it that, under the favour
of Almighty God, it is upon yourself you must
rely. (Cheers.) And, therefore, ladies and gentles
men, it is that I cordially and sincerely congratu-
late you upon an Exhibition such as that we have
witnessed here. A sentiment of admiration not un-
mingled with surprise will, I think, possess the
mind of the impartial observer when he comes
within these walls and sees, or has seen, the nature
of the works they contain. We see here an evidence
of the growth of the labouring class. I must say
that in one point of view an intereit attaches to
what we see within this Agricultural Hall, such as
never attached to the more gorgeous Exhibitions of
1851 and 1862. Those great Exhibitions and their
promoters will have reason to reckon among the
many beneficial results of these Exhibitions the fact
that without doubt they gave the first suggestion
for the creation of a sp?craele such as we now be.
hold. But in those great Exhibitions we saw what the
wealth of the world could do, we saw what were the
resources of skill and industry aided by the profuse
employment of capital. But here we have drawn
upon no such resources of capital. We see here as it
were inits first formation the effortsof British labour
and we have reason to congratulate the country first
of all for the possession of such skill as is here dis-
played ; and, secondly, upon the disposition to use
for such healthful and beneficial purposes the scanty
leisure afforded after the hours of toil and the rev
maining energies which the beneficial exercise of
labour has left unexhausted. Ladies and gentle-
men, as I have said, it is the property of these exe
hibitions to open before us a long vista in the future,
as well as to supply us with most interesting sug-
gestions for the present. But I see also in them a
manifestation of the desire of the labouring classes
to play out honestly and in the most conciliatory
spirit the game of life. The labouring class, like
every other class, has had its lessons to learn. Ic
has had to learn how to bear the reverses of fortune,
and how that lesson has been learnt the recent his-
tory of Lancashire will tell to our posterity. (Loud
cheers.) Bat the labouring class has also had to
learn a lesson—l venture to soy a still more difficult
one to learn—the lesson of respecting, under
whatever pressure, the rights, the indepene
dente, and freedom of choice of a minority of
their own body. But that is a lesson with
regard to which I ardently hope—nay, I confi-
dently believe—great progress has been made. Sure
1 I am that if the minds of the operative class be set
upon a permanent improvement in the condition of
its members, speaking from what I see within this
hall, I say they are walking in the right path. Let
them show before their fellow-countrymen the gifts
which they possess; let them continue to exhibit in
every relation of lite that obedience to law, nay,
that love of law which they have shown within these
walls ; let them carry home more and more to the
minds of every class of the community the convic-
tion that we of this country are all one in heart, one
i❑ hope, one in desire, one in interest. (Cheers.)
Let them take for their motto the union and har-
mony of all classes one with another, and I am confi-
dent they will find that whatever improvements they
may think they have a right to expect at the hands of
those who are invested with the privilege of govern-
ing them, they may rest confident in the belief that
such improvements will never be long or unduly
delayed. (Cheers.) Ladies and gentlemen, it is
with an earnest mind and heart I express to you a
fervent desire that this exhibition and all that has
belonged to this exhibition may be productive of
happy results, not only in the present but also in
future years. My concluding duty is to declare to
you that this exhibition is closed, but when I say
that it is closed I do not speak of it as of a i.hing dead
and departed. If it be closed, it is closed like the
year, which, whe❑ it dies away, by the very process
of its dying makes preparation for another spring.
(Cheers.) It is closed like the corn which we drop
into the earth, and which is placed there is order
that its death may be the precursor of renovated life
and of renewed fertility. That, happily, is not mere
anticipation. Already there are indications upon
every side that the example which you have set
is a fruitful example. The example which was
set to you some six months ago has been fruit-
ful in the production of your exhibition, and the
example you have set has already led to such results
that I could give you a list of towns and places in
which it is contemplated to hold similar exhibitions.
(Cheers,) Let us not, therefore, in speaking of this
exhibition as having reached its natural termination
in the sense that the doors of the hall will be closed,
and the objects here collected will be dispersed—let
us not forget that it still retains its moral force, and
still promises to be, as we hope it will be, the happy
parent of many children—of 'scenes like this, and,
if possible, exceeding this. It will help to confirm

Mr. GLADSTONE, in reply, expressced his thanks
for the compl:ment. While he could not attribute
to himself all the merits which the mover and se-
conder of the vote had ascribed to him, he must say
that he felt confident in the future of England. He
was convinced that there never would be wanting
those who, under God, would be desirous of con-
ducting the affairs of this country for the honour
and profit of the whole nation, aided by the loyalty,
the intelligence, the indulgence, and the goodwill
of their fellow countrymen. For himself, he could
only claim a sincere intention to apply himself to
the best of his humble abilitfes in the furtherance
of the public interests; and the mark of kindness
now bestowed upon him would, even if undeserved,
and perhaps even on that very account, be effective
as an encouragement to a faithful discharge of his
duty. (Loud cheers.)
The National Anthem was then sung, and the
proceedings were brought to a close.

The Southern Confederacy,

The Columbia South Carolinian gives the fol
lowing detailed report of the speech delivered at
that place on Oct, 4 by Jeff. Davis
Ladies and Gentlemen of the metropolis of South Caro-
lina—Your mayor has welcomed me to your home. I re-
ceive his greeting with that gratitude which one only feels
when he hears expressed the language of commendation
from those whose sileuct, would have made him realise that
his conduct had been bad indeed. If, in this great struggle
for the rights of the States and the liberties of the people to
secure the possession of which, and to transmit which to us
our fathers of the revolution shed their blood, South Caro-
lina, who has stood for 30 years in the vanguard, should
give him who asserted these rights no word of well-done,
he might turn convinced that he had failed as a public ser-
vant to perfor.n his mission, and, as a man, had proven un-
able to cope with the responsibility of his position. There-
fore it is, Mr Mayor and fellow• citizens of Columbia, that I
feel heartily grateful for the welcome receives at your
hands. South Carolina has struggled nobly in the war, and
suffered many sacrifices. There is, indeed, no portion of our
island where the pall of mourning has not been spread; but
I thank the Giver of all Good that our people still remain
firm there, above all other places. lam told there have been
none to waver and none to doubt. It often happens that at
a distance from a scene of action men who, if present,
would easily measure it, magnify danger, until at last
those become despondent whose hearts, if actually stirred
by perils, would no sooner think of shrinking from the
prompt performance of duty than the gallant sons of
Carolina, whose blood has so generously flowed on the
many battlefields of this war. But if there be any one
who feel that our cause is in danger, that final success may
not crown our efforts, that we are not stronger to•day than
when we began the struggle, that we are not able to con-
tinue the supplies to our armies and to our people, lot all
such read a contradiction in the smiling face of our land,and
the teeming evidences of plenty which everywhere greet
the eye; let them go to those places where brave men are
standing in front of the foe, and there receive the assurance
that we shall have final success, and that every man who
does not live to see his country free will see a freeman's
grave. (Applause.) There are those who, like the Israelites
of old, are longing to turn back to the flesh pots they have
left; who have thought there still may have been some fea-
sible mode of reconciliation, and are even willing to rush
into a reconstruction of the Union. Such, I am glad to
know, do not flourish on the soil of South Carolina.
Such cannot be the sentiments of any man in the Con-
federate States, if ho would only recollect that from the
heginning down to the present hour your Government has
made every effort within its power to avoid a collision of
arms in the first instance, and since then to obtain every
possible means of settlement honourable to ourselves, based
on a recognition of our independence. First, we sent com-
missioners to ask on what terms the quarrel could be ad-
justed, and since that time wo have proclaimed in every
public paper our desire for peace. Insolently our every
effort has been met. The Vice-President of the Uonfederate
States was refused a passport to the North when his object
was negotiation—that means by which all wars must be ter-
minated. The door was rudely shut in our faces. Interven-
tion and recognition by foreign States, so long anticipated,
have proved an ignis fatuus. There is, then but one means
by which you can hope to gain independence and an hen'
'Durable peace, and that is by uniting with harmony, energy,
and determination in fighting those great battles and achiev-
ing those great victories which will teach the world that
we can defend our rights, and the Yankee nation that it is
death to invade them. (Applause.) With every Confede-
rate victory our stocks rise in the foreign market—that
touchstone of European sentiment. 'With every noble
achievement that influences the public mind abroad you
are taking one step forward, and bringing foreign nations
one step nearer your aid in recognising and lending you
friendly intervention, whenever they aro satisfied that, in-
tervention or no intervention, the Confederacy can sustain
itself. Does any one believe that Yankees aro to be con-
ciliated by terms of concession ? Does any man imagine
that we can conquer the Yankees by retreating before them,
or do you not all know that the only way to make spaniels
civil is to whip them ? And you can whip them, if all the
men cepable of bearing arms will do their duty by taking
their places under the standard of their country, before the
veteran troops of the North receive the fresh increment
which is being gathered in the Northern States. Now is the
good and accepted time for every man to rally to the stand-
ard of his country, and crush the invader upon her soil ; and
this, I believe, is in your power. If every man fit to bear
(toms will place himself in the ranks with those who are
there already, we shall not battle in vain, and our achieve-
ments will be grand, final, and complete. Is this a time to
g
y
sa shalluro arias
tgthhhtroe:
gv :heatty:tv'ho them?"elrt Revolution,
es wet e not gathered
ask what the law demands of you—to inquire whether or
not you are exempt under the law, or to ask if the magis-
trateeneegaiime for every man
nointryeenebeydsa
rawyristeori
ha as; i takeus ey, o unoaut
ht
er of
st the enn,e:toi
y
When your heroic
fought in that war
capableviwhiche esfathers,ms secured
cf the
euNad\nr
yourht nri
by asking who can be forced into the field, but ' Who are
able to fight? No man was too old and no boy too young
if ho had the physical capacity to enter ranks of the army.
In the days of the Revolution the boy left his paternal roof
only to return to its blackened ruins. He grew to manhood
among its struggles—and may not
your country claim
similar service from the youth of the present day ? Like
them, you must emulate the glory of your sires. Say not
that you are unequal to the task, for I believe that our
people are even better than were our honoured ancestors.
They have fought more and bloodier battles, and there are
fewer who are lukewarm in the cause now than existed in the
day s of the Revolution. What a glorious reflection it is that
wherever the tide of war has rolled its devastating wave
over the land just there do you find every heart beat-
ing true to the Confederacy, strengthened, as it were by
vicissitudes, and every woman ready to share her last
lost with the soldier who is fighting for our rights. A
plan of negotiation has been offered for consideraeion—a
plan of negotiation by States. Well, it is not easy to see
on what terms the States can negotiate. In the first place,
they have no constitutional power to do so ; in the second
powertlaey cant a ccoannttrroel t
thhee a
ar
rmmyy, ahrye d t
rt ha
ietyo r
ac aans
yonly-
place, Mr Lincoln has said that he will not negotiate wi h
othbetaminunthleess
tempting to enter into a treaty contrary to the Government
they have instituted, But, suppose this were possible, what
are the terms offered ? If
YOU will acknowledge your crime
lay down your arms, emancipate your slaves, and turn over
your leaders—as they call your humble, servant—to bo pu-
nished, then you
will have permission to vote together with
your negroes upon the terms under which Mr Lincoln will
be graciously pleased to allow you to live as a part of the
nation over which ho presides. If there be a man within
the sound of my voice who contemplates such a proposition
I pity him from the bottom of my heart. My only wish is
that ho was north of the dividing line. His is not the
spirit that animated our fathers, and he is not fit to exist
among the men who are now perilling their lives in the
cause in which we are now engaged, for he who is so slavish
cannot be trusted with the sacred guaidianship of the wi-
dows and orphans of the soldiers who have died in battle.
I have just returned from that army from which we have
had the saddest accounts—the army of Ten.nessee—and I
am able to bear to you words of good cheer, That army
has increased in strength since the fall of Atlanta. It has
risen in tone—its march is onward, its face looking to the
front. So far as lam able to judge General Hood's. s
tegy has been good, and his conduct has been g
eye is now fixed upon aallant. His
point far beyond that where
assailed by the enemy. H hise
hopes soon to have hand
upon Sherman's line of communications, and to fix it
where he can hold it. And if but a halb—nay, one-
fourth—of the men to whom the eervico has a right
he was
will give him their strength, I see no chance for Sher•
man to escape from a defeat or a disgraceful retreat. I
therefore hope, in view of all the contingencies of war, with
all the confidence which I found in the army, that within
thirty days that army, which has so boastfully taken
en up its
winter quarters in the heart of the Confederacy, will be in
search of a crossing on the Tennessee River. That our army
retreated far was but a natural precursor of that despon-
dency which, spread itself over the country ; but as I ay•
preached the region occupied by our troops the hope in-
creased, until at last I found in the army the acme of con-
fidence itself. General Beauregard, so well known to you
all, is going there with a general command, which will
enable him to concentrate all the troops that can be made
available for the public defence, I, therefore, say be of good
cheer, for I hope that brighter intelligence aeon reach

Lause.

rnE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING,_ NOVEMBER 8, 1884.

you. (Applause.) But, my friends, if it be otherwise—if
we suffer reverses, it is what is to be expected from the for-
tunes of war. It is the fact of all human designs. In that
event we shall have reason to anticipate from all brave men
a conduct becoming the occasion, and shall look to you to
redress your misfortunes, to rise in the face of disaster, and
resolve to succeed, determined that you will live or die
free. (Applause.) Your brave sons are battling for the
cause of the country everywhere; your Fort Sumter, where
was first given to the breeze the flag of the Confederacy,
still stands. The honour of the State has not been dimmed
in the struggle, and her soldiers will be sustained by the
thought that when they are no more South Carolina will
still retain that honour with which she commenced the
war, and have accumulated that greatness and glory which
will make her an exemplar of all that is chivalric and
manly in a nation struggling for existence. You who
have so long been the advocates of State rights have
never raised a clamour against the laws which seem to
invade them, and I think, for obvious reasons, you are not
like those new-born lights who, perhaps, are just beginning
to appreciate the great principles of that creed. You saw
laws passed which were necessary to make those States
which are in co-operation effective for the good of the
whole. You understood the nature of the compact
entered into by the sovereign States, and you have not been
fearful that the agent created by yoursels es was likely to
turn against that Government for which he and you had
been so long struggling. Understanding the means of pre-
serving your State Governments, you have not been fright-
ened by the clamour of those who do not breathe the pure
air of State sovereignty. Then you have had no difficulty in
the organisation of the three forces incident to military ser-
vice. You are in that condition in which your defence must
depend upon what does not belong to the active forces of
the country. Your battles are fought on other fields, You
have on the coast some necessity for what is termed an ac-
tive army, and should it be incumbent upon you to furnish
troops from your reserves, you have no constitutional
scruples, like Governor Strong, of Massachusetts, against
marching your militia from the borders of the State, to fight
the battles of the cause in which you are engaged. I hon-
our you for it. It is needless for me to argue questions hero
which have been discussed elsewhere, for here I am among
the disciples of him from whom I learnt my lessons of State
rights, the great, the immortal John C. Calhoun. Among
those to whom we are indebted in South Carolina I have
not yet alluded to that peculiar claim of gratitude which is
due to the fair countrywomen of the Palmetto State, they
who have gone to the hospital to watch by the side of the
sick, those who throng your wayside homes, who have
nursed as if nursing was a profession, who have used their
needles with the industry of sewing women, who have borne
privation without a murmur,and who have given up fathers,
sons, and husbands with more than Spartan virtue, because
they called no one to 'witness and record the deed. Silently,
with all the dignity and grandeur of patriotism, they have
made their sacrifices—sacrifices which, if written, would be
surpassed by nothing in history. If all the acts of heroism
and virtue of the women of the South could be transmitted
to the future it would present such a record as the world
has never seen. Their gallantry is only different from
that of her eons in this, that they deem it unfeminine
to strike ; and yet, such is the heroism they have dis-
played—such the noble demeanour they have exhibited—
that at the last moment, when trampled upon and it became
a necessity, they would not hesitate to strike the invader a
corpse at their feet. (Applause.) It is scarcely necessary for
me, at a time like this, to argue grave questions respecting
policy, past, present, or prospective. I only ask you to have
faith and confidence, and to believe that every faculty of my
head and my heart is devoted to your cause, and to that I
shall, if necessary, give my life. Let every one in his own
• sphere, and according to his own capacity, devote himself
to the single purpose of filling up and sustaining our armies
in the field. If required to stay at home, let him devote him-
self not to the acquisition of wealth, but to the advance-
ment of the common cause. If there is to be any aristocracy
in the land after this war, I hope it will be an aristocracy of
those men who have become poor while bleeding to s_curo
our liberty. If there are to be any peculiarly favoured by
public opinion hereafter, I trust it will be those men who
have longest borne a musket and oftenest bled on the battle
field. If there is to be any young man shunned by the
young ladies when he seeks their favour, I trust it will be
the man who has grown rich by skulking. And with all
sincerity I say to my young friends here, if you want the
right man for a husband, take him whose armless sleeve and
noble heart betoken the duties he has rendered to his coun-
try, rather than he who has never shared the toils or borne
the dangers of the field. If there still be left any of those
military criers who have never spoken of our Generals but
to show how much better things could have been managed.
or of our Government but to find fault with it, because it
sever took their advice, in mercy's name let these men go
to the front and aid us in achieving our independence.
With their wisdom and strength swelling our armies I
should have some hope that I will not be a corpse before
our cause is secured, and that our flag would never trail in
dishonour, but would wave victoriously above the roar and
smoke of battle. I believe it is in the power of the men of
the Confederacy to plant our banners on the banks of the
Ohio, where we may say to the Yankee, 'Be quiet. or
we shall teach you another lesson,' Within the next 30
days much is to be done, for upon our success much de-
pends. Within the next 30 days, therefore, let all who are
absentees, or who ought to be in the army, go promptly to
their ranks. Let fresh victories crown our arms, and the
peace party, if there be such at the North, can elect its
candidate, But whether a peace candidate is elected or not,
Yankee instinct will teach him that it is better to end the
war, and leave us to the enjoyment of our own rights.
Prayerful for your welfare, confiding in the army of the
Confederate States to do that which soft words can never
achieve, and in the hope that God will preserve the little
ones of all brave men who are in the field, or who are going
to it, and trusting that in the future, under brighter aus-
pices, it may be my fortune to meet the good people of
Columbia, I wish you all for the present farewell. (Ap-

to sea. It is clear that no effective opposition was
offered by any of the Brazilian men-of-war, or by
the harbour forts, though " Voyageur' adds that
the Wachusetts was fired on by the latter as she
stood out. Some two hours later the Brazilian
Admiral gave chase in a smaller steamer, his own
flagship being a sailing vessel, but the Florida had
by this time got her steam up, and pursuit was of
course useless. The indignation of the Brazilians
at this gross insult to their neutral hospitality is
described as intense. The exequatur of the United
States' Consul, who had opportunely gone to sea in
the Wachusetts, was at once withdrawn by the
Governor, and the arms of the Consulate itself were
torn down by the people. The great body of mer-
chants at Bahia at once signed a document, in which
they emphatically denounce the conduct of the cap-
tain commanding the Wachusetts as an open defi-
ance of international law, and charge the Consul
with a direct breach of faith. This remonstrance
was forwarded to the New York Chamber of Com-
merce, with an earnest request that they would
appoint a committee to investigate the matter before
adjudging to the captors the reward of 500.000 dots.,
for the sake of which this outrage is believed to
have been committed. We are bound to presume
not only that this request will tweet with attention,
but that the Government and citizens of the United
States will hasten to repudiate the nefarious act
done in their name. Most aggressions on neutral
rights, such as the pursuit of a flying enemy within
the jurisdiction of a neutral State, have some kind
of excuse, whether in authority or usage, but we
cannot even conjecture what defence can be set up
for this. The United States have invariably claimed
the absolute inviolability of neutral territory, and
the American text books of international law are
full of the most dogmatical assertions of this prin.
ciple. One of the most recent of these, which bears
the name of Halleck on its title-page, recapitulates
the law on this subject with great force and clear-
ness. " The armed cruisers of belligerents, while
within the jurisdiction of a neutral State, are bound
to abstain from any acts of hostility towards the sub•
jects, vessels, or other property of their enemies;
they cannot increase their guns or military stores,
or augment their crews, not even by the enrolment
of their own countrymen; they can employ neither
force nor stratagem to recover prizes or to rescue
prisoners in the possession of the enemy; nor can
they use a neutral port or waters within neutral
jurisdiction, either for the purpose of hindering the
approach of vessels of any nation whatever, or for
the purpose of attacking those which depart from
the ports or shores of neutral Powers. No proximate
acts of war, such as a ship stationing herself within
the neutral line, and sending out her boats on hos-
tile enterprises, can in any manner be allowed to
originate on neutral territory, nor can any measure
be taken that will lead toimmediate violence." We
owe our readers some apology for re-entering upon
ground already familiar to most in connexion with
the Alexandra case, but this summary may at least
serve to remind them how far beyond the extreme
pale of international law the Wachusetts placed
herself by cutting an enemy's ship out of a neutral
port. Had the Florida, for instance, actually sailed
from Bahia, the Wachusetts could not have followed
her till after the lapse of 24 hours without infring-
ing the law of nations. To attack her by night in
the harbour, and that after a solemn pledge had been
given that neutral rights should be respected, was
neither more nor less illegal than it would have
been to kidnap Mr Mason in the streets of London.
The plea that was urged by Lord Ashburton and
admitted by Mr Webster in the very dissimilar case
of the Caroline—that of "a necessity of self-defence,
instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice of means,
and no moment for deliberation," was here conspie
cuously wanting, and we cannot believe that the
Federal Government will condescend to make use of
it. It may possibly be alleged that the Consul was
carried off against his will by the captain of the
Wachusetts, who is likely enough to claim the
whole credit and responsibility of the exploit, and
it is to be feared that some of Mr Barnum's coun-
trymen may chuckle over its shameless audacity.
But the New York Chamber of Commerce has a
character to lose, and unless we are greatly deceived
will scruple to forfeit it by rewarding or justifying
a crime so utterly subversive of confidence between
neutrals and belligerents.
POST.—The treaty which marks the termination
of the Dano-German war, and which formally ratifies
the dismemberment of the Danish monarchy, has at
length been signed. The Conference at Vienna has
ended its labours, and the fruits of its negotiations
has received the official stamp of the several repree
sentatives of which it was composed. Denmark has
been stripped of no inconsiderable portion of her
dominions. The Duchies have been finally separated
from the kingdom, and that most intricate of all
diplomatic puzzles, the Schleswig-Holstein ques-
tion, has been disposed cf for ever. The suit has
been tried out, judgment recorded, and execution
enforced, and nothing remains but for the defeated
litigant to reconcile himself with what grace he may
to the loss which he has sustained. Considered in its
details, the treaty, which we publish in our columns
to-day, furnishes nothing which calls for special
comment. It differs in no material respect from the
programme submitted by the German Powers as the
basis of negotiation when an armistice was agreed
upon some months since. Austria and Prussia at
that time frankly told Denmark what it was that
they required, and the latter had no choice but to
assent. The German Powers had conquered the
Duchies—they therefore demanded that their right
to retain them should be formally recognised by
their previous possessor. The inferiority of the
aggressors at sea had enabled the Danish cruisers
to capture several German merchant vessels, and
accordingly the restoration of these captures, or
compensation for the property destroyed or
alienated, was demanded by the Powers which con-
sidered themselves aggrieved. This was the pith
of the requisitions made by Austria and Prussia,
and the treaty proves that they have not been
made in vain. Everything that the Germans have
taken they are permitted to keep, everything that
they have lost will be restored to them. The cir-
cumstances which mark the close of the war are
in every respect on a footing with those which
distinguished its commencement. It is now, as it
was then, for Germany to demand and for Den-
mark to comply. The ostensible reasons for the
invasion of th© Duchies were shifted with each
succeeding day to meet the constantly varying
relations in which the belligerents stood to each
other, and now the formal instrument which gives
peace to Denmark expressly recognises in her Sove-
reign rights, the disallowance of which was neces-
sary to furnish even the shadow of a pretext for the
invasion of his dominions. The troops of the Cone
federation entered Holstein, and those of Austria
and Prussia entered Schleswig, because the as.
sumption of the sovereignty in those Duchies by
Christian IX. was deemed an act of usurpation.
Now, however, that the usurper has been ejected,
his rights are unreservedly admitted by his aggrese
sors for the purpose of giving to them by treaty a
good title to those very dominions whose invasion
could never have been justified except on the
assumption that they did not belong to him. The
events of the Deno German war succeeded each
other with such rapidity, and the phases of the
quarrel were so various, that many persons have
entirely forgotten the attitude assumed towards
Denmark by the German Powers only twelve months
since, and have lost sight of the multiplied assur-
ances given to Europe that an attack on the integrity
of the Danish kingdom was not dreamt of. In the
columns of this journal we unhesitatingly declared
from the first that, however they might cloak their
designs, Austria and Prussia had resolved upon
wresting the Duchies from Denmark, and that the
Treaty of London was virtually cancelled. When,
just a year since, Frederick VII. died, and the pre-
sent Sovereign succeeded to the throne, the Diet
proceeded without delay to sequestrate the Duchy
of Holstein. The measure had been threatened
during the closing days of the reign of the late
Sovereign ; but on the demise of the Crown addi-
tional reasons were supplied to the German Powers
for enforcing the oft-repeated threat of Federal
execution. The Federal execution, however, ads
mitted of necessity the title of the Sovereign, and
Denmark was counselled to offer no resistance to
a measure which indirectly confirmed rights which
were the subject of dispute. What the Federa-
tion in its collective capacity did in Holstein,
its two leading members proceeded to repeat
in Schleswig. But the same mockery which
was enacted in the one by pretending that an act of
war was simply one of domestic discipline, was suc-
cessfully imitated in the other by alleging that an
invasion with a powerful army was only a taking
in pledge. Prussia and Austria admitted, whilst
they deplored, the necessity of employing an im-
mense army for the purpose of carrying into effect
their peaceful project of sequestration; but they
nevertheless avowed most solemnly their intention
of supporting the Treaty of 1852, and of restoring
Schleswig to Denmark as soon as those obligations
on the part of the latter Power which formed the
consideration of that treaty had been unequivocally
acknowledged. The pledge has been taken, but the
recent treaty declares to all the world that it will
never be returned. The German Powers have been
thoroughly successful, but we do not believe that
the European Powers were at any time blinded as
to their real designs. Great Britain knew that
Federal execution in Holstein and sequestration in
Schleswig, in truth, meant conquest, and she did all
that lay in her power to prevent the consummation
of a great political crime. She failed, but it was
because she could not command the co-operation of
other Powers no less deeply interested than herself
in preserving the independence of Denmark, and,
being unable alone to prevent them carrying their
designs into execution, she was forced, however un-
willingly, to let 'Batten take their come. When,

SPIRIT OF THE PITBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The capture of the Florida by the Wa,
chusetts in Brazilian waters was reported by tele

graph from Lisbon some days ago, but it was not
until yesterday that the flagrantly lawless nature
of this proceeding could be appreciated. Tile story,
as it has now reached us from authentic sources,
beats those related of Paul Jones, and carries us back
to the time when the Spanish Main was made infa-
mous by the piratical deeds of civilised nations. The
Federal ship Wachusetts was lying in the inner
harbour of Bahia when the Florida anchored in the
outer harbour, on the 4th October, to ship coals and
stores, and to have a part of her machinery repaired.
The next morning she was bearded by an officer of
the Brazilian navy, and forbidden to communicate
with the shore until the Governor of the province
should have been consulted. The Governor invited
her commander, Captain Morris, to call upon him,
and the result of the interview was that the Fiorida
was allowed to remain 48 hours to get in supplies,
and to complete, if possible, the necessary, repairs.
It seem that Mr Wilson, the United States' Consul,
had protested against any shelter being given her,
but had afterwards pledged his word of honour that
the Wachusetts would respect the rights of neutrals
within the port. Capt. Morris gave the same assurs
ante, and the Florida was thereupon brought into
the inner harbour and placed in a berth close under
the guns of a Brazilian fort, and with two Brazilian
vessels cf war between her and the Wachusetts. A
number of the crew were allowed to go ashore on
leave, and the damaged machinery was put into the
hands of Brazilian engineers. Late on the same
evening, Oct. 5, a boat came alongside from the
Wachusetts, with the Federal Consul on board, but
as the letter which ee sent up to Capt. Morrie was
addressed " sloop Fiorida," the latter declined to
hold communication with him or the Wachusetts
until the public character of the Florida should be
recognised. Oa the next day, the 6th, a gentle.
named De Vidiky, presented himself as en-
voy from the Consul, and in that capacity read
out a note challenging the Florida to fight the
Wachusetts. Captain Morris declined to go
out of his way either to seek or to avoid his ad-
versary, and so the colloquy ended. In the middle
of the following night, Captain Morris and another
batch of men being on shore, the Wachusetts was
seen to leave her anchorage and steam towards the
Florida, running her down, and pouring in a volley
of musketry and canister shot. Lieutenant Porter,
the officer in command of the eruiser, thus taken
by surprise, beat to quarters and made the best
resistance he could, but, with more than half his
crew on shore and nothing in readiness for such an
attack, he soon found that the odds were too great.
After some 10 or 12 had been killed, and many
more wounded, he surrendered, when a hawser
was forthwith passed from the bows of the Florida
to theWachusetts, and she was towed out to sea.
The two vessels were afterwards sighted off Per.
nambuco, Fifteen men had in the meantime jumped
overboard to escape being made prisoners, but nine
appear to have been picked off from the Wachu-
setts, and the details of the capture rest chiefly on
the testimony of the six survivors. There is a
slight discrepancy between the two accounts which
we published yesterday with respect to the part
taken by the Brazilian naval authorities; but no
doubt can exist that the act was as entirely un-
foreseen by the.n as it has been vehemently re-
sented by the whole community at Bahia. The
Brazilian Admiral was present during Captain
Morris's interview with the Governor, and sug.
gested the position to be taken up by the Florida
in the harbour, near his own flagship, for greater
safety. While the firing was going on, according
to the narrative of our correspondent "Voyageur,''
the officer in command of the flagship sent off a
boat to require the combatants to desist. Accord-
ing to the narrative furnished by the paymaster of
the Florida to our Southampton correspondent, this
boat was not despatched until the Confederate yes.
sal was already being made fast to the Wachusetts.
The two accounts, however, agree in the statement
that the captain of the Wachusetts promised com-
pliance, and yet proceeded to carry ft' •
o prize

at the Conference in London, the concessions grgtei
by the neutral Powers upon Denmark, and agiehniot
to by. her, failed to satisfy her aggressors, n°t"„:
remained but to leave the belligerents the to of
agreeing between themselves on the conciitioeso
peace. At Vienna, as might have been 881°
Pecies
the demands of the German Powers were eves
more severe than at London ; but as soon es to
seat of negotiations had been transferred t° e 0
Austrian capital the Danish Plenipotentiaries /10
left no other task than that of recording „,0
assent to the conditions imposed by the Ger;;
representatives. If those negotiations have blot
protracted,. the delay has arisen from diific°
which from time to time presented themsel,B4ol
respect to the arrangement of matters of uwid
The broad issue has never been doubtful. &hies
1.0
and Holstein, together with Lauenburg, are noWOO
property of the two great German Powers, e5d,,,011
is now tempted to inquire what will they d°
them? tool
The minor States are anxious that 0
ehoulel be handed over to an Angustenburg
Oldenburg, and a vote to that effect Willt 1/1110
probability, sooner or later be given to the P.fo
But under this treaty, and more especially bill:01
of conquest, Austria and Prussia may B&W
title before which that of the pretenders
The leaders Powers of the Confederation havelleo
with Denmark, They must now set theo37o
about adjusting, with the remaining members °'
Bund, those differences to which the recent 10
salon
of territory by the two Powers will list
probably gave rise.