The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-15 00:00:00

Ste .11y dote sn the negaitive pat on the request for
ale an. Altogether it would be difficult to say in
'what more decided manner the Chamber could put
a veto on all the wishes and suggestions of the
Government. Another attempt was also fatal to
the Ministers, the proposal that the Chamber
should grant the expenses, as an extraordinary
credit was lost by 280 to 35. It is puzzling to
think what course will be taken by the Cabinet in
consequence of these adverse detchions. It is im-
possible that they can go on like this much longer,
as they have not yet suttee sled in passing any
measure of importance, notTsithstanding that the
Deputies and themselves stem to be d'accord as
regards the German quest=ion of supremacy. This
knotty point of contrcreersy is not likely to be
speedily terminated, or happily adjusted, as far as
present appearances would demonstrate. The
French Circular Note to the German States does
not tend to enlighten us very much, though it is
couched in terms anything but flattering to the
framers of the famous treaty of 1852. This is
called an " impotent work," which is a
significant phrase enough, and must be any-
, thing but satisfactory to Earl RUSSELL.
The same note refers to the notion of a Conference
' on the Schleswig-Holstein question, but holds out
no hope of its being practicable. The suggestion
that the Diet must be represented would very
likely prove fatal to its establishment, because it
is not probable that they would consent to their
claims being again settled by the foreign Powers
of Europe. Earl RUSSELL'S despatch to the
Federal Diet of the 31st of December seems to
enter into minute particulars. Ms lordship is
generally great in writing, and in this instance
does not appear to have departed from the rule.
Of course he makes allusion to the very strange
course which some of the States have thought fit
to adopt, in espousing the cause of the Duke of
A UGUSTENBURG. After citing some modifications
proposed by Austria and Prussia Lord RUSSELL
speaks out boldly as to the opinions of his own
Cabinet. He says that the Government of the
QUEEN cannot admit the justice of these views,
and distinctly states that the right of King
CHRISTIAN cannot be based upon the fulfilment
of the London Treaty. This is the proper way
of treating the question, for while it is an un-
doubted fact that all the cavilling about the treaty
not being complied with in all its terms is but a
sabterfnge, still it is as well to meet these
demurrers upon their own ground. It can thus
be proved how fallacious are their arguments,
and how untenable their demands. Very true are
the reflections made on the encroaching nature of
the Federal claims, and all must concur in the
force of the query here put in the name of Den-
mark, wishing to know how Denmark can rest
assured that the last concessions have beeu made.
This passage in the despatch of Earl RUSSELL is
worthy of especial notice, and may be regarded
by Denmark as an encouragement to opposi-
tion, rather than an approval of a cautious and
tame lice of action. "If her independence
is to be preserved, it would be better that
she should now offer resistance than allow
herself to be weakened by perpetual conces-
sions." Had Earl RUSSELL always adopted this
wise line of argument, and consistently throughout
the course of the fitful struggle maintained this
resolute demeanour, such words as these from the
Foreign Secretary of England might have had a
most important effect on the state of affairs, and
controlled the destiny of the assailed states.
As it is, it is to be feared that too much
latitude has been given to the aggressive demands
of the Diet. Finally, Earl RUSSELL demands in
the interests of peace that a Conference should be
held either in Paris or London to settle these dif-
ferences between Germany and Denmark, and also
that the status quo be kept until the conclusion of
the Conference. The reasons which call for this
are ably put forth, and it would be well if due at-
tention were paid to them. As Earl RUSSELL
emphatically remarks, it is most essential that
these disputes and differences should not be left
to the arbitrament of war. A heavy re-
sponsibility will rest on those who wilfully ne-
glect this warning, and persist in pursuing a line of
policy which will infallibly bring destruction to the
peace and prosperity of an ancient and independent
Monarchy of Europe. The course now pursued by
the Federal Diet is a most suicidal one, and cannot
fail in the long run to bring discredit upon all those
who uphold its advocacy and sanction its adoption.
The approaching session of Parliament may have
aroused Earl RUSSELL to a conviction of his former
shortcomings in this affair, or he may at last be
convinced of the necessity of doing something to
check the grasping conduct of the Federal Diet; at
all events his last despatch is a very good one, and
seems to exhibit something of the conception of the
propeo course to be followed by a great Power
in the face of such an emergency. It will be for-
tunate for the interests of many, if the wise counsel
and earnest exhortations therein advocated find
favour with those to whom they are addressed.

The appeal made by the Earl of SHAFTESBURY
through the medium of the daily press on behalf of
the Ragged School Union will hardly be read with
indifference. However much opinions may differ
with regard to the noble earl's theological tenets or
political views, all creeds and parties must unre-
servedly acknowledge the deep debt of gratitude
due to him for his efforts on behalf of the poor. It
is owing to his undaunted and persistent efforts, in
spite of opposition, ridicule, and denunciation, that
our factory operatives are preserved from the pro-
tracted and exhausting amount of labour to which
the cupidity of employers at one time subjected
them. He it was who rescued women and children
from the mine, who secured to them also the privi-
lege of rest. He it was who was among the first
to seek out some way by which the poor waifs and
strays of our civilisation might be brought safely
to shore, while wise men were contending over the
merits of arbitrary and impracticable systems, and
straining after an impossible perfection. Years have
rolled away since the question of educating the
masses first rose into social importance, and its ur_
gency was generally recognised ; years that have
passed over the heads of the little ones whose train-
ing was then for the first time discussed, convert-
ing them into men and women, developing them
into—what ? It is a question that in thousands of
cases must receive a painful answer; it is a question
that in thousands mere, thanks to the training of
ragged schools, refuges, and homes, may gain a
satisfactory reply. Th© rudiments of education,
which in most instances is all that these desultory
ill-fed children receive, cannot, it is true, do much
of themselves, though they open the gateways of
knowledgeaed dissipate a little that dark cloud of
ignorance which is in itself the handmaid of crime.
It is the moral teaching, the training, the discipline
that is of so great value, the chance it affords to
these poor little wayfarers to set their feet on a new
and straightluath, to escape from:the sin and wretch-
edness with which they are too often surrounded.
When we think of the hundreds of thousands who
have passed through the ragged schools since their
establishment, of the numbers instructed in the
means of gaining an honest living; of the troops of
little shoeblacks gathered from the Arabs of the
streets and lanes; of the bands sent across the seas I