The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-24 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Time; Correspondent,)
NEW YORR, Sept. 9.

General M'Clellan has formally accepted the I
Chicago nomination, but explained away the I
" platform" of the Convention. lie is for union
" at all hazards," but will not, even to restore the
Union, consent to set aside the Constitution of the
United States, or make the abolition of slavery a
sine qua non of discussiona tending to the restora-
tion of peace. He says nothing of the armistice and
convention of the States which was the ruling idea
of the Convention. Without repudiating either the
language, the sentiments, or the intention of the re•
solutions adopted by that body, he puts his own in-
terpretation upon them ; and, if elected, will come
into office nnpledged to anything but the Union and
the Constitution—a Union already at an €td, and
a Constitution superseded in one-half of what was
once the Great Republic, and trampled under foot
on the plea of military necessity in the other. Be-
tween Mr. Lincoln and General!M.Clellan there is
little to choose on public grounds. The one would
restore the Union by fire, sword, abolition of negro
slavery, and extermination of the white people ; the
the people or the except independence.
That other would restore it by offering the South every-
thingb a t offer
ffe r
t claims,
fa l
failing or ctaon c l
conciliateaim
leaders, he would be in the same predicament as
Mr. Lincoln, and compelled either to make peace
with an enemy whom he had vainlytowar
asr tilltrive one
ntoe
cpoaerrtcyeoorr t
hpee rostubaedre
was, o b
r carryroen kand exhausted. To on the
the South—it it have the strength and the will to
persevere—the difference between the two candi-
dates resolves itself into as little as that between
those renowned musicians—" Tweedle Dum and
Tweedle Dee." The tune is fundamentally the same
—the sole divergence from the score consisting in
the flourishes and the appooiature.
The Republican party, seeing the danger which
menaces it from divided councils, is rapidly closing
up its ranks. Mr. Horace Greely has accepted
support
pr .or Lincoln
with
t a and will for the future
pt him h all the influence at his command.
Mr. Chase will doubtless be found in the Lincoln
ranks when the day of ballot approaches, and every
effort will be made to induce General Fremont to
withdraw. Mr. Lincoln's friends look for help in
every quarter, and despise none that is offered,
however feeble. Even the pert spinster who de-
livers parrot-like lectures to grey-bearded men upon
the strategy of generals and the policy of statesmen,
and who formerly had no words contemptuous
enough to express her estimate of Mr. Lincoln's
abilities, is paraded in the Republican journals as
having resolved to support his claim to re-election.
Miss Dickinson does not seem to have changed her
opinion of Mr. Lincoln personally, but will support
him, because the party has and can have now no
other choice. " Either the Republican party must
control," she says, "or Heaven will weep and hell
laugh aloud," and other buncombe to the same
effect. Mr. Wendell Phillips has not yet pronounced
on the question; but, if General Fremont should
be induced to retire, will doubtless help the cause
of Mr. Lincoln by his silence, if he cannot advance
it by his vote or his oratory.
Mr. Seward, of course, accepts the pleasant duty
of supporting his chief, and thereby himself, as
Secretary of State for another term of four years, or
20 years, or any longer time that it may take to
make him President of the 34 States. Being at home
in his native village of Auburn, he was serenaded by
a large concourse of his friends and neighbours, in
celebration of the barren, but, as it then appeared
both to Auburn and New York, the fruitful victory
achieved by General Sherman at Atlanta. The
Secretary made a speech in recognition of the honour,
and in support of Mr. Lincoln and denunciation of
General M'Clellan, which has attracted more than ,
usual notice and comment, in consequence of the
remarkable assertions it contains and the strange
disclosures which it makes, Mr.
Seward is always
genial and joyous, except perhaps when he rings
his little bell to consign a political opponent to
Fort Lafayette or Fort Warren. But even then it
is to be supposed that the grimness is but transient,
and that the originally kindly nature relaxes into
hilarious benevolence towards all mankind—the
aforesaid prisoner not included. His speech at
Auburn partook of all his usual characteristics. It
was hopeful, reckless, indiscreet, and, without
offence, it may be added untruthful. It was " hope-
ful" when he said that under the influence of the
cheering news from Atlanta all the discontent and

despondency of the people had disappeared, and 1
that the " rebellion" had become a mere eggshell
that would be speedily crushed, "being brittle with
the exhaustion of the vitality within." It was
" reckless" when he asserted that there would be
no draught, "because the army was being rein..
every
forced at the rate of from 5,000 to 10,000 men per
day by volunteering." These words were said on
Monday the sth. On Wednesday, the 7th, Mr,
Stanton, who ought to know better than Mr.
Seward, notified to General Dix that a draught will
chearstaniontlyfiallnedd suppeeidtsilyquboetamuadnde inender
Mr.e r
Lyincoln's call
for 500,000 men. -Which of the two Ministers is to district that
be believed—the one who speaks of matters that
are not in his department, or he Who writes offi-
cially ? Even supposing it to be trub that volun-
teering goes on briskly, the difference between 5,000
and 10,000 men per day is enormous
lower estimate were correct Would have pro-
vided in the month just ended no less thau 155,000
men. Can r. Seward believe this ? Or does any
one in America believe that even ; and if the
M
one half of the
number has been forthcoming within three months ?

Mari .
sn to Seward
y his sanguine.
He takes no
p
to be relied
upon for his facts by any one who desires to ascer-
v verify
fi s much
fi figures,
too
r es
a n dis
not
ascer-
tain the truth upon competent authority. The in-
discretion of his speechpalpable. is equally He told
his audience that it was necessary not only to vote
Mr Lincoln in again as president, but " to fight him
in." He also admitted that " the Federal capital
was in some sort held constantly in siege by the
rebels," a gloomy truth which seems to have escaped
his lips by accident and was not at all in keeping
with the otherwise roseate hues of his oration. Nor
was it less indiscreet, seeing that Mr Lincoln, if he
is to be a successful candidate for the Presidency,
must secure the undivided vote of the Republican
and Abolition party, to proclaim in his behalf that
the Niagara letter, to " all whom it might concern,"
was to be repudiated, and that the famous procla-
mation emancipating the slaves of the South " for
ever," and declaring the intention of the Govern-
ment to maintain such freedom by the sword, would
become a dead letter as soon as the South should lay
down its arms and consent to re-enter the Union. Is
such the policy of Mr Lincoln as the actual Presi-
dent ? And will Mr Lincoln, as President expectant,
demand the suffrages of his party upon such a plat-
form ? If an affirmative answer be returned to these
questions, Mr Lincoln has changed his mind since
he wrote his letter to Niagara, and will break up
the Republican party. If the answer be in the nega-
tive, where is the discretion o his Secretary of State