The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-24 00:00:00

The Spanish Elections

MADRID, Oct. 18.

The Minister of Justice has addressed the an%
noted circular to the rresidents and public authoris
ties of every tribunal ttroughout the country :
" Madrid, Oct. 17.
" The royal decree of March 7, 1861, has the fol-
lowing in article 21 :

" Magistrates, judges, and individual public
authorities, being bound to limit themselves to
freely giving their personal vote in elections, and to
abstain in every case from interfering with all
influencing the electors, whether directly or indi-
rectly, in favour or to the prejudice of any condi.
date at a public election, every act or fact contrary
hereto, the rather because it does not amount to a
crime legally punishable, will be considered as just
cause for the dismissal or removal to a different post,
according to the gravity and importance of the
offence, of any person who shall commit eueli
fault.

" It is unnecessary to explain the high object of
this peremptory order. To none more than the
classes above mentioned is it of greater importance
to exercise their liberty of action, and abstain from
private conflicts, in which it is not rare, and where,
indeed, it would be often inevitable to see the ac-
cuser, in his quality of a minister of the law, striving
against the accused, and the judge brought into
collision with a party.
"Justice thus administered would not have a
political character, but might appear to possess it ;
and, upon the other hand, the consciences of all must
be aware that justice with a political bias would be
one of the greatest evils a country would have to
deplore.

"Nevertheless, it is not to be apprehended that
the members of the Department of Justice, whether
judges or magistrates, will for an instant forget
this impprtant part of their duties. If, however,
notwithstanding this stringent and still existing
order, the contrary should take place, such acts
could not be committed with impunity. To ob-
viate all possibility this present communication has
been drawn up, which confines itself to recommend-
ing the vigorous and punctual execution of the
above cited royal order, under the responsibility
specified.
" I bring this to your knowledge by order of the
Government, for due execution and being carried
into effect according to law.

"May God preserve your excellency many years.
(Signed) " ARRAZOLA, Minister of Jastice."

Our Financial and Commercial Relations
with Japan,

(From the Ilfonei Markct Review.)

We are not disposed to regard another display of
febrile violence on the part of the rulers in Japan
directed against foreign settlers, as unfavourable to
our financial and commercial interests in that
quarter, provided the occasion be taken advantage
of to define more clearly our national relations, and
widen the basis of our trading transactions in ac-
cordance with the spirit and letter of Lord Elgin's
treaty,the provisions of which have been continuously
and systematically violated by the Tycoon's Go-
vernment. This violation has come in the shape of
official intervention to the free intercourse, the plac-
ing of a wholly factitious value on Japanese goods,
the withdrawal of merchandise brought to market,
the turning back of produce on its way to consular
ports, unreasonable exactions and duties, the en-
couragement given to the non-fulfilment of contracts
on which money advances have been made, and the
extreme and arbitrary variations in the rate of ex-
change of Mexican dollars for Japanese currency.
Every disturbance affecting the power of the Ty-
coonate shakes also those internal engagements by
which that potentate endeavours to secure, as far as
possible, the profits of our trade to himself—profits
for which the Daimios are equally revenues. The
power of the Tyooon is confessedly on the wane,
but it allows just that amount of cohesion between
the native princes which will allow any arrange-
ments with him on our part to obtain, in name at
least, the force of general law. Now is the
golden time for the revision of our commer-
cial relations before the composite political
structure falls to pieces. Our first object is, of
course, the extension of our trade. There is nothing
in the treaty to prevent our holding direct commu•
nication with the native Powers at ports in their
own territories, instead of confining ourselves alto-
gether to Government towns. Although it is true
that the Daimois would rob the native merchants
quite as readily as the Tycoon, the way would be
thus prepared for closer contact with the people ;
markets for our camlets and woollens would be mul-

tiplied, and Japanese exports would be increased
both as to quantity and variety. The Prince of
Shendai could supply us with timber that would
compete successfully with India teak ; the Prince
of Matsmai could furnish us with manufactured
copper to any amount; and Satsuma's agents would
most probably fulfil the offers of trade they made
subsequent to the bombardment of Kagosima.
It is time that we should demand, too,
as a portion of redress for any additional
insult to our flag, en extension of commer■
cial privileges. No concession would be more ser-
viceable than the immediate opening of the remaining
treaty ports, including 03aCCB, that great central
market of the empire, with its neighbouring en-

trepot of Thogo. We may fairly assume that had
we compelled the Japanese even to act up to the
terms of the existing treaty, the value of the trade
in goods at the consular ports in the present year
would have reached £25,000,000, whereas it cannot
exceed £3,500,000, involving, besides, a large
balance in favour of Japan, which must be settled
in silver specie and bullion. It is not to be expected
that a country able to supply us with tea, silk, to•
basso, oils, and increasing quantities of cotton and
copper, with a variety of minor articles, including
porcelain, lacquered ware and medicinal drugs will
absorb for some years our manufactured goods to
the same value—but both imports and exports
admit of immense development, and, were no arti-
ficial obstructions created, it is obvious that as sup-
pliers of manufactures we should ultimately be the
greatest gainers. Each succeeding season our trade
appears to receive a new-impulse; new firms spring
up at- the different settlements; the tone of the
foreign community is improved ; land increases in
value; and tonnage both for China and Europe is
enlarged. The establishment from time to time of
new branch banks constitutes an additional sign of
promise. What is now demanded is prompt action
on the part of the Foreign-office in favour of the
interests of our merchants and bankers, and,
amongst other things, a settlement of the longs
pending question of the Japanese currency. The
key of access to the empire may be pronounced to
be in Art. X. of Lord Elgin's treaty, which pro-
vided for the exchange of foreign for Japanese
coin, of the same sort, weight for weight, and for
the general circulation of the foreign coin at a
fixed rate of valuation.

We trust Sir R. Alcoa willabe instructed to urge

among other things, on the Tycoon's Governmen
the propriety of establishing the practice, now dis

allowed, of Japanese merchants submitting to a lien
on their goods as security for advances.: At present
the money advances of our merchants are made to
irresponsible petty brokers, whose business it is
to :shield their principals when the fulfilment
of the contract proves inconvenient. Merchants
are ready and willing to give these liens, but they
must not come to the knowledge of the Japanese

officials. Here is a branch of business in which

our banks will be enabled to perform most effec-
tual service. Add to this the removal of existing
obstructions, arising solely from the desire to limit
trade by the Tycoon, and to secure the main profits
to himself, and it is easy to see that the face of the
empire will be quickly changed, its available
wealth be doubled, its resources utilised, and a
new condition of things brought about in which
the present conflicting political and national ele•
ments will disappear, or assume more favourable
phases. We are in Japan simply as a trading ne.e
tion, and it is the bounden duty of the Foreign-
Office to pursue henceforth an uncompromising
course in the interest of commerce. By these means
we shall soon secure in our dealings such a hold on
the material interests of the country as will prove
the best guarantee for a lasting and prosperous
put.