The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-08 00:00:00

HOU

SE OF COMMONS, May 7.
THE INCOME-TAX.

On the question that the House at its rising do ad-
journ until Monday next,
Mr. HUME complained that the Income-tax Bill was
road a second time at so late an hour as two o'clock
in the morning. If he had had the slightest idea that
the second reading would have been proposed he
should have stayed beyond twelve o'clock, though
he had then been upwards of twelve hours within
the walls of the House. He protested agaiast the Bill
being further proceeded with unless the Government
were prepared to carry out the abolition of the remain-
ing imposts on articles of necessity. Sir Robert Peel
when he proposed the tax gave a pledge that
he would gradually reduce the duties on articles
of general consumption; ho thought this pledge ought
to be fulfilled. Free trade ought to be extended to the
fullest limits, so that the agricultural and all other inte-
rests should be put on the same footing. The Committee
upstairs had declared the income-tax to be most unequal
and unjust in operation. He did not advocate any party
doctrine, because relief from taxation benefited all
classes. It was their duty to the country not to con-
tinue an onerous tax for one purpose while it was
levied for another—viz., to enable a general reduction of
taxation to take place.
Mr. NEWDEGATE differed with the Hon. Member
in his statement, that it was inconsistent on the part of
the Government to continue the income-tax without re-
ducing taxation. On the contrary, he took their con-
duct in this respect to be an earnest pledge that the suf-
ferings of the agricultural interest would be brought by
them under the consideration of the future Parliament.
It was with deep satisfaction he heard that the Govern-
ment intended to effect more equal adjustment of taxa-
tion. Ho complained that it was irrelevant to the busi-
ness before the House to introduce questions about the
income-tax
After a few words from Sir DE LACY EVANS,
Mr. RICARDO agreed with the Hon. Member for
Montrose that it was improper to bring forward a Bill
of such great importance at two o'clock in the morning.
The declaration made last night by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer was entirely at variance with that con-
tained in his financial statement.—(Hear.) He had
said that it was the intention of the Government to shift
the burdens from the landlords, and to place them on the
shoulders of the manufacturers, and before the Income-
tax Bill passed the people ought to be informed what the
real object of the Government was.
Mr. WAKLEY also concurred in the impropriety of
moving the second reading at such an hour. The pro-
ceeding was unworthy of any Administration. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer's declaration had produced
out of doors not only profound astonishment, but great
indignation. He was bound to tell the House
and the country not in any mysterious language,
but in plain, bold, and intelligible expressions,
what the Government really intended to do. Did they
want to get a majority at the elections, and then to lay
on protective duties? The eountry had a right to know
the nature of their policy at once, so that a fair battle
might take place on the hustings. If they declined to
give the required information, they would be guilty of
absolute dishonesty. He was positively disgusted with
regard to the course taken by the late and present
Governments on the Militia Bill—they were both alike to
blame, being tarred with the same brush. He had
hoped that the wit and good sense of the present Go-
vernment would have induced them net to take up so
unpopular a measure, for it was evident it could not be
passed without creating great annoyance and incon-
venience to the public.
After a few observations from Mr. BAILLIE COCH-
RANE,
Mr. BRIGHT thought this discussion would dispel
two delusions which at present existed throughout
the country, and were calculated to do a great deal of
public injury. One had been originated by the Hon.
Member for 'Warwickshire (Mr. Spooner), who had a
motion on the paper for inquiry into the College of May-
nooth. The leader of the Government in the House
of Commons was deeply responsible for not bringing
such questions as Maynooth to an immediate
crisis.—(Hear, For For instance, upon the ques-
tion of Protection, the followers of the Government
were for one thing, while the speeches of their leader
preached another, and their countenances were conti-
nually alternating between cloud and sunshine, according
to the tone of the Right Hon. Gentleman's addresses.
The Right Hon. Gentleman, in fact, reminded him
of a character which was to be found a few years
ago in a party of Indians who were visiting
this country. He advised them upon all their
temporal and spiritual concerns, and was also their
medical adviser.(Hear, hear.) He was, in a word,
the mystery man of the party—(A laugh)—and
the Right Honourable Gentleman appeared to
him to be the mystery man of the aboriginal
party opposite.—(Laughter.) He urged upon the Right
Hon. Gentleman, then, the propriety of postponing this
question until the Parliament to be held in autumn
or till the session of 1853. b There was no
necessity for a militia now, and, therefore, he
insisted that the Bill ought to be postponed until after
the general elections, when those who were returned to
Parliament would be able to judge this question in a clear
and impartial spirit.—(Rear, hear.)
Mr. P. MILES rose to state on behalf of the followers
of protection that they had the utmost confidence in
her Majesty's Ministers, and whether in the next
Parliament it was done in the shape of an import
duty on corn, or by any other means, they were con-
vinced that the Government would make an effort
to carry into practice those great principles
which they had so long and ably advocated in opposi-
tion.—(Cheers.)
Mr. SPOONER said he was neither a dupe nor a de-
ceiver; but, nevertheless, he should persevere with his
motion on Monday next, though at the same time he
thought that no motion, which was not absolutely neces-
sary, ought to be brought forward this session.—(Hear.)
Sir B. HALL believed that the present Government
came into office for the purpose of carrying out
the principles of protection, and he was informed
that immediately
after Lord Derby was called
to the head of affairs in this country, that a society,
which was called " A
Society for the Protection of
Native Industry," and which was, in point of fact, a
pro-corn-law society, held a meeting, at which the Hon.
Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate)
presided; and that Honourable Gentleman commenced
the proceedings by offering up thanks to the Almighty
Goodness for haying restored tho Earl of Derby to
power, in order that the principle of protection might be
fully carried out. There was no archbishop present on
the occasion—(A laugh)—but it was left to the Hon.
Member for North Warwickshire to offer up prayers.
Mr.
NEWDEGATE rose to order. What the Hon.
Baronet was stating was quite incorrect. He did not
think it right to permit an allusion of this kind to be
made without interrupting the Hon. Baronet. He did
not say any prayer on the occasion referred to. He
begged the Hon. Baronet would afford him the only re-
paration in his power, by reading the terms of the reso-
lution therein.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir B. HALL said he intended to do so. He would
withdraw the word " prayer," and would substitute the
word " thanksgiving." The document was headed
" Meeting of the acting committee of the National So-
ciety for the Protection of Industry and Capital through.
out the British Empire." It then went on to say—" At
the meeting of the acting committee of the National As-
sociation for the Protection of Industry and Capital, held
at the South Sea House, in London, on tho lit March,
1852—Charles N. Newdegate, Esq., M.P., deputy chair-
man of the acting committee, in the chair—it was re-
solved that eee This association, in the first place, ac-
knowledge the hand of Almighty God, and hails with
fervent atitude the advent to power of the Earl of
Derby"'
The next resolution was to this effect:—" It
is l.comrnended to the supporters of agricultural and
British industry to use every possible and legitimate in-
fluence to secure the return to Parliament of such men
for
boroughs and counties as will support the Govern-
ment of the Earl of Derby, and that policy of which he
is the able and most distinguished exponent." It was
further
agreed upon, that the resolutions should be
transmitted to the Earl of Derby, and that copies
be forwarded to the chairmen of the local societies
throughout the kingdom, and should be otherwise
thoroughly circulated.—(Hear, hear.) He would now
tell them what were the objects of this society, and who
were the chief officers of this association, and then he
would be able to show it was utterly
impossible for men
holding such a meeting at such a time to give up the
principle of protection. The objects of this association,
as stated, were the restoration and maintenance of pro-
tection.—(Elear, hear.) And to give effect to these ob-
jects, it was proposed to concentrate in the metropolis
the vast but scattered power invested in those persons
within the United Kingaom who were favourable to the
principle of protection; and to apply that power to the
subYereiou of the present *ltem CI free Wide, by every