The Sun.
London, England, 1852-07-10 00:00:00

every side. The procession, on its return, had to pass
the Seven Stars, the hotel of the Blu^s, in order to reach
the Seymour Hotel, in Bridge-town, on the opposite side
of the river. Close by the Seven Stars i 3 an opening
known as Mill-lane, and from the bottom of this lane a
miscreant named Beer, a chimney-sweeper, threw a
bottle of vitriol at a purple silk flag, bearing Mr. Mills's
name ant the words " Free Trade Triumphant." Un-
forfunatej y-,
in addition to destroying a very handsome
banner, 80223 of the contents fell on the spectators and on
some of the psrsens in the procession. A young man, an as.
sistent to a chemist. was burnt on the whole of. one side of
his face, and a child named Ash was so much injured that
it is supposed the sight of one eye will be lost. A second
bottle of vitriol was thrown at the procession almost
simultaneously, by aperson unknown, from either a
house or spot near the bridge. The contents made sad
havoc with the dresses of tee ladies, and of several men,
but fortunately did not increase to any terrible extent
the injuries above mentioned. The procession having
crossed the bridge and escorted Mr. Mills to the Sey-
mour Hotel, returned to the Seven Stars, and, under the
impression that the vitriol was thrown from one of the
windows. commenced an attack upon the house, smash-
log the windows, and endeavouring to force the doors,
which had been opportunely closed. A gentleman
unconnected with either party, who was staying
at the Seven Stars, jumped out of one of the
windows, which was very near the ground, and tried to
pacify the men, who were greatly irritated by the abomi-
nable acts just described. Finding his efforts useless he
proceeded at once to the Seymour Hotel, and called upon
Mr. Mills to come to the scene of riot and prevent fur-
ther mischief. That gentleman was about to do so when
his agent dissuaded him from it on the ground of per-
sonal danger to the Hon. Gentleman. The agent, how-
ever, returned with the person who had come from the
Seven Stars, and was jest in time to intercept some
twenty or thirty stout fellows, who were pursuing a
phaeton, containing a lady, which was being driven with
great rapidity across the bridge. At that moment a
gentleman, who evidently bAonged to the carriage, was
beset in his attempts to make good the escape of the
lady, and stones were being thrown in considerable
numbers. They had come over from Torquay, not
thinking of the election, to view the beautiful scenery of
the Dart; and, therefore, the attack on them was
prompted by the simple fact that their carriage drove
out of the Seven Sara yard. Mr. Mills' agent mixed
amongst the crowd, and succeeded in preventing any
further breach of the peace. The Blue party at the
Seven Stars came out, and repudiated countenancing or
knowing (anything of the vitriol being thrown. That,
however excellent in putting a stop to farther mischief,
could not recal the injuries inflicted. and the matter will
be the subject of magisterial inquiry, as warrants are
issued for the apprehension of the man Beer and another
man, suspected of having thrown the second bottle of
vitriol. The night passed off very quietly.

}.III)IIIJithT.
This election` took place yesterday.
Mr. WALPOLE, the Herne Secretary, who was pro-
posed by Mr. T. A. Davis, and seconded by Mr. Hasler
tiollist (having been declared duly returned) bald, that
whether in offeee or out of office he assured them he
' would do the best he could to serve the interest of the
Cleeen.—(Cheery.) This was the fourth time within
seven years since they first engaged him to serve as
their representa iva in Parliament, and he felt bound
te give them an account of his stewardship, and also
What they might expect of him in future. His friend,
Mr. Hollist, told them just now that the only. point on
which in his address he had not been so specific ao he
(Mr. Hollitt) conk' have wished, was that which had
be-n called, erroneously, he thought, the free-trade sys-
tem. It had not been his habit, and never Should be, to
reserve from his constituents his honest opinions.—
(Cheers.) It they agreed with him he should expect
their support; tut if they did not agree with him, he
was sure they would not entertain any hostile feeling to-
wards him in that respect. During the seven years that
he had had the honour of being their representative is
took them hack to a most important period. Seven years
ago, in 1846, was first commenced the new system which I
had ,aitat,ci the country from that time to this. In the
year 1846 he was sent by them to Parliament, when the
Conservative party was comeletely broken up by the
conduct of those who had originally formed it, when the
principles which had brought that party into power
were abandoned and given up by all its leaders, only ex-
cepting one, and that one was at the present time the
head of her Majesty's Government—(Cheers)—tho one
faithful only among the faithless who had adhered to
the policy that had brought them into power, and which
had driven the Whigs from office in 1841.—(Cheers.)
The Conservative party being broken up, to whom
could he look, or in whom could he trust? All confi-
dence in public men had been broken, and any person
who was then sent to Parliament, for the first time,
could do nothing but examine for himself and judge for
himself, which line of policy was the best for the
country, or which line of policy, upon the whole, it
would be his duty to follow. There were two
policies prominently brought before them on that
occasion. There was the policy of 1842, sup-
ported by the whole Conservative party, and the
policy of 1846, which was supported by only a portion
of it. He pointed to that act because he tnought that
the main distinction between those two polices had
never been properly or sufficiently adverted to. That
policy was founded on commercial freedom. It was at
that time admitted and argued that commercial freedom
ought to be the principle upon which this country should
be governed, so far, at least, as they could have that
freedom in a highly taxed, highly cultivated, and in a
highly artificial state of society. Now, it was not so easy
a thing. in such a state of society, to have abstractedly
free trade, but they had to consider the application of
that system in reference to all the interests which were,
or which might be, affected by it. Now, by the policy
of 1842 there was a main and broad distinction betweec
that policy and the policy of 1846. By the policy of
1842 all prohibitory duties were entirely taken sway.
By that policy, however small, duties were kept upon
all articles of import, particularly for the purpose of
realising therefrom the largest amount of public revenue,
and particularly for the purpose of protecting those
trades which made, and were instrumental in making
those articles, the duties on which were necessarily va-
rying duties. and they were regulated in amount in re-
ference to the points to which he bad adverted. There
were duties of 5 per cent. on all articles of raw material;
there was a duty of 12 per cent. on all materials that were
partially msnufatuired; and there was a duty of 20 per
cent.
wason
the
all mposnluicy of ls 4
facuretath2a; butweretwhat completely
w etapales thetely made up.
'That policy
of
1846? The greater portion of ar idles, the duties on
which unqaestionebly were very email when taken indi-
vidually, bet very large in. the aggregate, amounted, he
thought, to 1,250.0001. These were entirely taken sway
without, he thought, any corresponding advantage to the
consumers of this country; but a general ad valorem
duty was put upon all articles of produce, whether they
were completely or only partially manufactured; whit,-
those articles which arose from the produce of the land
had all the tidies t tken from them, while the corres-
ponding burdens affecting the soil were lett upon the sod
and those who were irntnedietely in the occupation or
Cultivation of them. That be believed to be a perfect
account and just description of the policy established in
1851, and that introduced in 1846. That was the infe-
rence to b 3 obviously drawn from it; and if he was right
in his description, the former policy was an equal, just,
and equitable policy;
it put upon all the same burdens,
and gave all the same advantages. The policy of 1846
was a our, sided policy; because, in point of tact, it did
not put upon all the same burdens. It put greater bur-
dens; upon oae elesi than upon another. In censiderin,g,
deal ':,)
lioelrrre, the
answer to be given to his friend (Me.
in reference to the mode in which they were to
thought, to Le
wisheditti that question which was called free trade, he
to make cote other remark. The local taxation,
equal to
or burdens which were left upon land amounted, he
the lend had say the
ly 15,000,0001. a year, a sum that was
the wholear of the revenue of ltutsia. Now, they
dens to which
had taken ay
required thatws advantage of the high duty which
land for the burdens:le e
ujj,t9Yed, but had not taken away the bur-
as exposed. Surely justice and rea-
sonquivalent should be given to the
they had taken a which were still left open when
way the corresponding advantages
out by the highest authorities which were required
Those were his " " equivalent for those burdens.
not uts own o '
man than Mr. MeCulloch. INvissalone; they were borne
bear upon such a subject,
andles which could bo brought to
that before this country admitted
upon the facts to which he
all articles from abroad we w amongnie et': c tiheyn ,h founded
ullidg e 1
r:iip.roen.hapdoratdatvieornt,odf,
youbi r oat©i areespje all:: "hht11:115 ttth:i
s"elylunvi
li
7.taxation at home.—(Lend cheerse.r‘e
lion
which
e"omthpaetileifd
phatically,
em-
will not be able to maintain the :rnesit_rnelseiv .you
year." Now, Sir James (} m--had Biagio
ad pealed
corn-laws, but he ha 4 not leht a band in alleviating the
arising from the melt tax. It was the
the
burdens
which induced Mr. Glad 0 eat,.
viction also tone, a, highly ho.,
l tman, and s
nottrable, independent . one of the first pro-
moters,ved he might say one of
ho believed ,
vocatee, of the free-tradesystem,
.to. support Mr.
his motions for relieving the agri-
Disraeli in one of
by taking away from i
-1; a portion of
cultural distress, _
of
from the payment the poor
the pressure which arose
rate. Bur, he would ask, hay that relief been given?
from the pa of
Did not the pressure arising .
was befoy
rement the
that
poor-rate remain remaia entirely where ft ,
supported by Mr.
tion was made by Mr. Disraeli and . .
11
had yet big
.er au-
Gladatone?--(Appleuse.) But he
thority to produce. Is was the like, convictions which in-
duced A A
—"I Smite to say that there were certain
causes to
r 1 -eVil' in au t* a full development of the
ppor in, g . No w he would
prine.pte of free-t duce.
just point out how rt ah do es in ft pro
laid down byAdam
Smith had been groseie pritnctiplees asn statesmen of the
present d ,y. The
late v.,,atte- ey
he to .k (SF all the Sir
P. Peel violated them.
first
when
edvante eawhichthe land enjoyed by
a protecive they withoutg
which presued upon. alleviatiog the
Lord
J. Rus3vll, in the oseitilta iThe Government of Lor
they repeelee the neviget!oule?l, ha I violated them when
other nations should enter, i7s. without regal, ing this:
(chnclrs ) He
iv
quid
ask
- l''') an Neel reciprocity."'"
k them whether there
fair answer to the ebservatiees he u, L was any
said that the, condition of the peopleid made. It may be
lioreited; that every clsse in the cminwt 13
greatly ame•
owner 4 and nccupisra of • the soil, haverYlaemeePtl" the
and ev t
butenefited by it,
ury °lass in the country could no
by the system, wail at hat the owners and occupiers be
benelied
the soil itself mu,t participate in the cAninOccneiers of
on recipro-
city. That utiquestioeably was a striking
tiog it. Ile adwhat
he beti, •
would be pertee-it
cly- true and just as an inference, -F NI
had certainly itieteired whe her thole benefits hadi beenthey
derived from the policy of 1822, or whether they
sprung-from the policy ft had
0 1846, There
three tests he would apply to this b' c were
and " 4
ho trusted the oeentry weuld rover
su ie !., which
test to judge of the condition of the'ver forget.people, . The best
in which ,bas cicdition aa- imp
s lired, was the aisle of
' h t
pauperism, t 9 cx.eut of crime, and the amount of

THE SUN,

savings the people were enabled to make. Ho would I
now mike those three tests. He contended that the
state of pauperism end crime were diminished by the
p ,(icy of 1842, bat not bY the policy of 1846. The
savings of the people were much larger under the former I
policy, and had fallen off. Defier the latter policy.—
(Heart hear.) That Otero might be no mistake about
this he had taken down the figures. The poor-rates in
1845 were 6 791,0061. That was the year before the
repeal of
the c ern-leavoorted it was mach about the same
in the years 1843 and 1844, or two years atter the cow
tariff of 1342. Now whet had been the poor-rate since
the corn-laws toed been repealed, or during the years
1847. 1843, and 1819? Is was, es he had said,
6.791,006/ in 1845; in 1847 it was 6,964.8211.; in 1848
it was 7,817,4301.; and in 1849, 7,694,1461 Contrast
the figures and then they would be enabled to tell whe-
ther the improved condition of the country arose from
the one-aided, policy of 1846, or the policy of 1842. The
next thing was the state of crime, mei he owned he was
astonished when he looked at those returns, lie would
take the three years following the policy of 1842, and
the three years following the policy of 1846 Now, crime
increased in tho country up to the year 1842. From
1842 to 1845, for the first time in the history of this
country, crime, both in commitments and in convictions,
was materially diminished: In 1843 the c nnelitments
were 29,591 ; in 1844, 26,542 ; and in 1845, 24,303.
Now, since th policy of 1846, which was to give to the
country correspondieg advantages, and when they ought
to have expected a diminution of crime they would find
that, in 1847, the commitments were 28,833 ; in 1848.
30,319; and in 1849, 27,816. He thought he had shown
that it was only an act of justice, the advantages having
been taken away, that the regricolturists should also have
the burdens to which they were exposed also taken away.
He thought as an act of policy that the land ought not
to be left with tiny burden upon it which other classes
of the commu&ly were not subjected to, because sa 87,
be greater than before, and. would also impede
act of, policy, tie amount 10 be raised from laud would
to a
great extent the labour, the industry, and the PresPe. •
rity of the people.—(Applause,) The way to remedy
this was not by the re-imposition of duties, but rather
that it should he thought advisable to re-adjust the
taxation of the country se as to melte., it more fair.
and even.—(tlpplause.) The second subject on which
he had to give them some account was a witch shorter
n Four
one, but: not, he hoped, entirely unimportant'
months azo he was in that hail, to receive from the ele-
tore the intimation of their opinion as to whether isefface" acceptance ot efface was approved of, and whether theyh
had that confidence in him which he had previously en
joyed. They we.e pleased to return him :
when he got back to London he found that the WhJg.
Government was not turned out by his Party but
had fallen to pieces, because his own supporters
would
support it no longer. (Loud cheers.) dH e found
thithd
emhh
that a determined opposition was array° against
take
them—that a new organisation of parties was to
place—that every ner.o -was to be strained rind
tive msde to cause the downfall of the Conservative Whig
Govern-
ment; :hat independent of the business rib'
to Government had left undone they endeavouredeffort
ide an
pro-
mote a dissolution, and they ridiculed the, Govern
efficient legislation on the part of the Dnr"
or them to
tiaid to thorn that it was follyiamong them
ment. They
attempt it; bur, thank Heaven, they
easHe told them
as gallant and high minded a statesman"'
the annals of this country.—(Cheers., Government
when the threat was held out to the country
',hat there was all the private business.
of
the
that there
to get through; and he reminded them
ware measures necessary to be pssscd or the pro-
ever adorned
tection of the country, and f„h oth
of uteful tiled to
Lord Derby ePPea mere
them whether they would carry
that if they
would not desist, that no diftitulties, sr purposes
party warfare, and he boldly avowed • • •
no mortification,
should induce tom to recommend her ..);tlo4°Ja9:idtYprtooeidneiersd,-,
dis-
solve Parliament until he had attended
for all the great and impertant interests which were
committed what has
committed to his charge,—( 'heel9d23°"first time
been the result? t The 'result' was that)for the
in the annals of history, every
into law.
Government hsi introduced had -been "9' the laid,
189 private Bills had also become the lave of
and the advantages which had resulted from them would
had attended to
have been postponed if the Government
single measure which the
the advice of their political oonent'''. But that was
not all. They had provided fur
the invasion
such a state of
ofthe
country, so as to be at any rate in •
They had
se-
curity as to be prepared for any surprise.
also improved, to an unprecedented extent, the law and
equity of this etuntry.—(Applause.) The procedure in
both courts had been shortened, and the expenses l
sened, and he hoped they would
had
reproach as they bed hitherto been.—(Cheere.) This had
a -
been done mainly because they had at their head one of
the most remarkable lawyers that ever lived—a man
no longer be
who, be it remembered, had risen from the lowest station
to that magnificent height to which he had now at•
tained solely and entirely by his
own industry and
abilities. The Government, too, had materially contri-
buted towards the sanitary improvement of the metro-
polis. They had given the metropolis a better and purer
supply of water, such as the inhabitants had never had
before. In addition to this they had passed other acts,
amounting, he believed, to 88 in onnaiwr. The ministry
had been accused of incompetence and inexperience; but
in the face of an opposition which hail been divided
against the Government upwards of 100 times, they had
been beaten, be believed, only on three occasions.—
(Cheers.) He knew that it had been stated that that
success was owing to the forbearance of their opponents.
, Forbearance, indeed! Why, their opponents never lost
a single opportunity of taking all the advantage of them
they could. The real truth was, that instead of that
success bring derived from the forbearance of their
opponents, it had been arrived at in spite of their oppo-
sition, sod because the measures had such intriesic
merits in themselves that they were not open
' to obj'ction or opposition.—(Cheers.) He had now
rendered his account of the past. He hed detailed
k them some of the entries of that account. He had
struck a balance and he asked them if they would not
Pass it as audited and approved, and whether it was
discreditable either to the party or to the Government
to which he had the honour to belong?—(Applause.)
He would now take up a more difficult theme, and say a
few words with respect to the future. Tao future to
them all was a matter of uncertainty, and in speaking of
the future there was a ctrain amount of peril. But he
thought they could avoid that peril if they did not steak
too confidently or promise too much. He did not in-
tend to boast at a time like this, when the general elec-
tions were going on, and when the voi in of the country
wee bring appealed to, and when it was to the interest
of all that they should understand each other so as to
ascertain whether the Government possessed the confi-
dence of the country or not. The best way of judging
of the policy of a government or of a party was by re•
ference to the men who produced that policy, and not to
the measures they undertook to propose. The free
promise of measures might be defective; bat the
mind, the character, the conduct of men were
open to them all, and they could judge pretty
well by the conduct told character of men as
to their
,future policy in reference to the affairs
which would be brought under their notice.—(Hear,
hear.) Men, not measures, said they; men, not mea-
sures, said be.—(Applause.) The Right Hon. Gentle-
men then took a comprehensive view of the relative pa.
iitins of parties. In the late Parliament, he said, there
were four distinct parties, and ho had no doubt there
would be the same number in the next. There were the
followers of the late Sir Robert Peel; the Whigs, under
the leadership of Lord John Russell; the ultra-Liberal,
or m erscoent party; and a great body of Conservatives,
who supported Lord Derby. Of the first of these par•
ties, the followers of Sir Robert Peel unquestionably
were men of great power and ability—( Hear, hear)—but
their numerical strength was trlfita,g and intignific tat.
They would, no doubt, have. great weight with the
Legislature. ('hey would either have to unite them•
selves with the Conservative party, or they would be led,
from motives of ambition, to join the Whigs, although
he did not think there was much fellow-feeling ex-
isting between them. If they did, the former G stern-
went would gain considerable weight and importance by
that connexion, bat they would add another page co the
history of the inconsistencies of public men. The next
party to which he burl adverted were the Whigs, at the
head of which was Lord John (Russell, than whom no one
had obtained a more lasing reputation as a statesman,
and whose constitutional knowledge, manly eloquence,
power of debate, courage, and noble bearing, had we
tor him the admiration of his friends and taa-easpaet of
his opponents.—(Cheers.) But lie-elms-frankly speaking
of his Lordship he thouere fie had lately made two
mistakes--ores. whin in officP, and the other when be
bad quitted it. The first was that he consented, without
just cause, to re-open the great qaestioa of Parliamentary
reform; and the attend, the; ho had jeined himself to
integrity and maintenance of cur
Lord John Russell had
recently stated that the aue
justify, for
institutions would
t of Parliam,ntary jec
re-
form, when once settled, ought to be re-opened with
tahpeartywho would carry him further than the safety or
country and the
the greatest possible care. The third party were
the ultra-Liberal or movement party. No doubt they
were men of great energy and ability, and formed an in•
aleetial party in the Legislature, but ha doubted whether
their itaience was of that kind which was likely to in-
spire confidence in the people of this coutitry, The
fourth party were the supperter and followers of Lord
Derby; and the best way, perhaps, to describe that
party would be
by contrasting them with the opinions of
the other
general terms adverted to the questions of free trade,
the maintenance of our present institution., and the
s
parties. Tao Right Hon. Gentleman then in
question of the further extension of the franchise. In
respect to the first queetion, as he bad already stated,
he thoueht all Classed of the cotnmuoity had a right to
be put on a lair footing of equality. In reference to the
maintenance of their present institutions, they had been
menaced with (linger from two great quarters; they
had been menaced from without, and they bad been
menaced from within, white he was opp 'sod
to those attacks, ho would tnairtain for the ut-
most and fullest toleration; but in doing so, if any one
under that pie's, interfered or eaereached upon the Pre-
rootetive of the Crowe, or the law of tee land, or the
rights of the
heenle, his 11113 wei won!" 13,.. th,lt .qich i‘
not be endured.regard' the
within, be would speak of that with a degree
attack from
The establishmeats of this country gave
of hesitation.
of action to all its members; but it could not
a liberty
on cotia
of action to any singularities of any
give that liberty
produce disputes or lead to I
k n which might
toiiedrati
rj9 would endeavour to keep all its members within its
Id be in harmony and peace. Ile
pale so that they h6u
establishments WI. d •
re great deposito-
ries that their
A he would do all he could to
ries of s,cred truth, se-
streneth en e •th in• The Right lion. Gentleman next
pass,cl to the subject of
Bewould redress all
posed to any org uni • t, changes.
and wituld do all he
reform. He was strongly op-
practical grievances and abuses,
could to improve their institutions, but organic changes
he would strongly resist. He believed, however, if the
new aanlionamion of party yr:,,s carried into effect.)