The Sun.
London, England, 1864-12-03 00:00:00

Tht

LONDON, SATURDAY, DV. 3, 1864.

It unlit be very gratifying to the friends of the
1..t0 Sir U. CORNEWALL LEWIS to witnesl so many
proafe of admiration fur the services he rendered
to his country, and such grateful recollection of his
memory. Indeed it is not often that those pos-
sessed of more shining and striking abilities than
the lato Secretary of Wcr receives such posthumous
tributes to their merits. In this rather noticeable
peculiarity we may recognise the personal influence
that is so widely lilt and so generally disseminated
among all ranks of English society, In this
country there is hardly ever witnessed the spectacle
of a man attaining to a widespread popularity if
he be not possessed of excellence in private charac-
ter as well es of distinguished qualities of public
value. In the repeated demonstrations that have
been made in honour of this departed Statesman
we may rejoice to think that the estimable nature

of his domestic and private existence was held in
as much repute as the more apparent abilities that
rendered him an efficient servant of the Crown,
and a useful worker in his country's service as a
statesman, a senator, and a minister. At New
Radnor last Wednesday an impressive ceremony
took place. A short time after the death of Sir
G. C. LEWIS it was resolved to erect some monu-
ment to his memory in the place with which his
name was so intimately associated and where he
had passed away. In life as in death he was thus
connected with the spot, and thus a more appro•
priate place could not have been selected thus to
afford a solemn proof and a striking example that
when the good man rests from his labours his works
remain to speak h:s character to those surviving
him, a living witness of his enduring integrity, and
a deathless instance of the immortal part of our
earthly nature. It is very instructive and interest-
ing for the readers of the news of the day to turn
aside occasionally from the beaten track and dwell
on impressive ceremonies like this. It is at the
same time a warning and an encouragement to the
compeers and competitors of the departed in the
political arena that they should fix their thoughts
on the destiny and rewards of public life, and not
on the transient, if splendid, circumstances of power,
so that when the night comes when no man can
work—be he prince or peer, orator or statesman—
the sweet remembrance of the just may flourish in
decay as a sure and certain hope that some record
is left of the works of the departed, laid up where
the corruption and despoiling of earth have no place.
The ceremony was conducted in a very impressive
manner throughout, and the addresses delivered on
the occasion are well worthy of perusal. The Earl
of CLARENDON made some remarks which were
very suitable for the occasion, and proved that he
fully entered into the spirit of the affair. He said
that such a movement was particularly appropriate
to the memory of one who never, either in public
or in private life, made an enemy, for it was raised
by the subscriptions of those in all ranks and of
every shade of political opinion. Truly did the
noble earl also add that he considered such a tribute
was of incalculable importance, not only "as a
record of the feelings of those who had the
best opportunities of knowing Sir G. LEWIS'S
worth, but also as an encouragement to others, far
and near, to follow in his footsteps, and to imitate
his bright example." There are few more gracious
duties that fall to the lot of men eminent in public
life than thus to come forward and do honour to
the memory of their departed colleagues. It is an
affecting sight for those who address such an assem•
bly and those who hear them. No sound of the
jsring elements of that sphere to which the departed
once belonged ever intrude on such a solemn cere-
mony ; but for the hubbub of political strife, we
find the hush that seems to speak of the stillness of
that state into which ha has passed, lately so full of
life and spirit, who has impressed his character in
his day, and left a name dear and honoured to the
generation that deplore him. Mr VERNON HAR-
COURT excited the interest of those around him, by
dwelling on the touching nature of his visit to that
place where he stood, " Every spot about the little
town speaks to me of the touch of a vanished hand,
and the sound of a voice that is still." lie also en-
❑umerated the proofs that had that day been afforded
of the intrinsic worth and high value of the achieve•
ments of the departed, and statesmen of European
fame, and political adversary, and a distinguished
scholar, had all concurred in bearing testimony to
his pa ivate worth and public excellence. The Bishop
of ST. DAVID'S delivered an admirable address, in
which he paid a just tribute to the excellence of Sir
G. LEWIs'S attainments as a classic scholar of great
repute, and added that he entertained a very high
opinion of the advantages of such polite learning
at this time when people are prone to be so
captious as to the good of spending time
in the acquisition of languages, which were not re-
quisite for the purposes of daily life and the trans-
action of business. The Bishop effectively showed
that this was an error, and indeed it may be consi-
dered that the late lamented baronet would never
have attained to such proficiency in his labours had
his mind not been stored with elegant literature,
and his judgment strengthened by stern studies of
a refining nature. His lordship concluded in most
emphatic language, by declaring that the monu-
ment before them might remind others that if they
followed the path trodden by him in whose honour
it was erected, " although they might not, like him,
win for themselves a name in history, they would at
all events secure for themselves that which belongs
to virtue." Sir J. WALSH in his remarks exhibited
a thorough appreciation of the subject before him,
and thus fittingly inaugurated an affair of such im-
port and interest. He showed how they were mis..
taken who believed that Sir G. C. LEWIS could not
perform the duties of a Statesman because he was
so learned and had devoted time to pursuits of an
erudite character. The hon. baronet touchingly al-
luded to the great loss they had sustained, and also
expressed his disappointment mingled with regret,
because those who knew him best were of opinion
that still greater achievements were in store for
him. There is a never failing source of consolation
to all who admired the departed, however, in the
conviction that ho lived long enough to win for
himself universal regard ; and when a career has
found favour with God and man it cannot be said
that it is too short, for a bright and cheering pro-
mise sheds a halo over its memory that is not
dimmed by the shadows of the Valley of Death, for
it represents the principle of the best part of exist-
ence, begun here and perfected hereafter.

Although the speeches of county members at
agricultural assemblies have now lost much of their
novelty, and the public is rather looking forward
to the debates of St. Stephen's than noting the
utterances of the present moment, unless they re-
flect the opinions of the leaders of parties, Lord
INCIESTILE'S remarks the other evening are not un-
worthy of attention. Setting aside his observations
on the favourite question of the farmers—the repeal
of the malt tax, and on the connection between
Church and State—he touched upon two topics,
both of vital importance, The first of these was
the conduct to be pursued by this country in re-
ference to the American War, the second was
Parliamentary Reform. With regard to the great
Transatlantic question, Lord INGESTRE confessed
his sympathies, in common with most Englishmen,
to be heartily in favour of the South, although he
declined to pledge himself to the policy of recogni-
tion. Few politicians have yet found courage to
but, if we mistake not, the voice of the
countrythat,
will before long insist upon its represen-
tatives acting with boldness in this matter. It has
been left long enough in the hands of a weak and
who have proved unable or
incompetent Ministry,
s
unwilling to attempt aolution of the problem.
Either from reluctance to assume the direct respon-
sibility, or from a decided bias in favour of one
party to the struggle, they have suffered the moat
disastrous war of modern times to be waged for
years, at a cost to human life, and happiness, and
national prosperity rarely equalled, without
so much as an effort to arrest it. They
have kept on avowing that they have
had no share in it—that they must leave
the Americans to
.settle their own affairs.
But they seem to have everrooke i the fact that

they might have recognised the South as a belli•
gerent Power without prejudice to the indepen.
deuce and self-governing faculty of the Ameri-
cans. They might settle their own affairs peace-
ably instead of by the sword, but the -mere fact of
recognition could not alter the matter if the North
were really able to subdue the South. Could the
Federals triumph by force of arms over their ad-
versaries very certainly the simple recognition of
the European Powers—for no one suggests armed
intervention—would not prevent them from doing
so. Those who insist so strenuously upon the duty
of nonrecognition forget that by so doing they
afford convincing testimony of the weakness of the
Federal cause. If the mere scratch of a diploma•
tist's pen can virtually settle the question, what is
the boasted Northern superiority worth ? Federals
make no secret of their conviction that if conquered
by force of arms the S )uth must be held by the
sword, and some of their leaders have spoken
openly of annihilation and expatriation as the ne-
cessary penalties of the refractory States. Yet
though the Southern President and other men of
eminence openly declare that English recognition
would go far to arrest the war, our Ministers still
refuse to act, still plume themselves on the so-ealled
neutrality, and decry any share in the responsibi-
lity of the war. In reality they are answerable for
the thousands of brave men maimed and slain, for
desolated fields and ruined homesteads, and for the
ghastly catalogue of miseries that war brings in
its train. Of course, the responsibility lies first
at the door of the Americans themselves, but the
English Government must have their share. The
hopelessness of the struggle has long been appa-
rent ; and Lora INGESTRE observed that, having
travelled through the States just before the war
broke out, he was then convinced that if the rup-
ture once topic place, reunion was impossible.
"The North and South fell out, nominally on the
subject of slavery, but really to see which should
have the upper hand on that great continent of
America." He further expressed his conviction
that, when the matter came on in the House of
Commons, as it certainly would this session, the
honest English feeling of the House would come
out, and an effort would be made to stop a war
which was unparalleled in its horrors, and a dike.
grace to humanity. As Lord INGESTRE justly
said, it reflects upon us as a nation, that no effort
on our part should be made to arrest the carnage,
for, in spite of Earl RUSSELL'S disclaimers, the
duty is especially binding upon us, who are so
closely connected by race, by language, and by
sympathy with the people of that vast continent.
Toe conviction is gradually growing and deepen.
ing among all classes of the necessity of some
definite action. We have amply proved that we
are actuated by no no selfish motive ; but surely
the sufferings of our own people should add to
our anxiety to stem the tide of war. Despite his
own reluctance and the influence of the Manchester
school, Lord RUSSELL may find himself compelled
by irresistible force, by tho unanimous expression
of the common sense, right feeling, and humanity
of the public, to take a more active part in the
great American struggle, than submitting to the
dictation of Mr. ADAMS' spies, and of tacitly al-
lowing men and arms to be shipped off to the
Federal ports. The Reform question, Lord IN.
GESTRE said, was likely to occupy a promiuent
place in the next session, and he had been told
that " an out-and-out Reform Bill" would be pro-
posed by the Government. None of their antece.
dents gave us reason to hope for any such thing.
Lord INGESTRE admitted their right to have fair
play, and said he would not treat any measure of
the kind as Lord DERBY'S Reform Bill was treated
by the professing Liberals, but we very much doubt
whether his resolutions will be put to the test.
Reform may serve as a cry on the hustings, but Lord
PALMERSTON'S Government are not the men to in-
troduce any substantial and comprehensive measure.
Lord INGESTRE admitted there was a general desire
for reform throughout the country, and observed
that the conduct of the Lancashire workmen en-
titled their class to great consideration. He was
anxious, as far as possible, to make education a test
of the suffrage, and was unwilling to admit igno•
rant, illiterate men to the same advantages as the
industrious and intelligent artisan. No doubt the
possession of political power by such men is no real
advantage to them, since they only fall under the
influence of demagogues and mob orators ; men
who know how to inflame their passions, and who
chiefly busy themselves in stirring up and fostering
class animosities. But this is no reason why the
large body of English working men, who are able
to judge and think for themselves, and whose inte-
rest in the maintenance and stability of law and
order is as great as that of those above them, should
be excluded from all voice in the direction of public
affairs. A sincere and disinterested Government
may possibly find its way to the solution of the
problem. Lord PALMERSTON'S Cabinet is not very
likely to give us the answer.