The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-29 00:00:00

THE SUN,

chairs. Indeed, had the tests been rigidly enforced,
such men as Forbes and Brewster, who were Episcopa-
lians and could not take the oaths, would have been
precluded from accomplishing the wonders they
had
done?—(Hear, hear.) Of the eighty professors in
the Universities, twenty-four had not subscribed . to
the tests, while in reference to many recent appoint-
manta many eminent men, who were sound in doctrine
and unblemished in reputation, had been excluded from
chairs because the Church authorities sud-
denly took it into their heads to enforce the
tests.—(Hear, hear.) Now, was that a state of things
which ought to exist, for the sake of keeping up an old
and obsolete law? Well, then, upon these grounds he
asked the House to pass this Bill, and to do away
with the needless and useless tests.—(Hear, hear.) They
might, perhaps, be modified, but that was no reason for
rejecting this Bill, while, with regard to the Act of
Union, these tests could be modified or abolished,
as
they had served their turn, without in anyway violating
the principles contained in the Act of Union.—(Hear.)
He therefore thought the time was now come when he
might appeal to the House that for the advancement of
science and religion those tests should be repealed.
Sir R. li. INGLIS said that the Right Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had either proved too much or proved
nothing at all. Whatever were the numbers of the Es-
tablished Church of Scotland, they had certain privileges
to which they had a ri▪
ght, and he would oppose any
attempt to deprive them
of them. It was said
that they bad no ri▪
ght to impose these tests;
now he would ask any Roman Catholic gentlemen pre-
sent whether he would admit into any college which ho
supported a Presbyterian professor, or any Presbyterian
gentleman whether he would admit a Roman Catholic
professor? Ho contended that the superintendence
over the education of the people of Scotland was
a vested right in the Established Church, and
against this he could listen to no petition, however
great might be the personal qualities and respectability
of those from whom they might proceed. For this rea-
son he should oppose this Bill.
Mr. BETHELL supported the Bill.
Mr. WALPOLE said that though the Right Ho-
nourable Gentleman opposite had said that the Bill
was opposed by the Government, even before any mem-
ber of the Government had spoken, it was still quite
true that that was the case, and indeed he could scarcely
understand how any Government, whoever they might
be, could do anything but oppose this Bill.' In the first
place, the Bill was a direct violation of a national con-
tract at the time of the union, which it would now be a
breach of faith to interfere with, except on very strong
and conclusive reasons. At the time of the
union the Commissioners were precluded by the
preliminary conditions from interfering with the manner
of public worship and with the universities already esta-
blished in that country. He thought that the case which
had been made out for disturbing the Act of Union was
one of the weakest which ho had ever heard made out.
The Honourable Gentleman opposite had cited
the fact that 24 professorial chairs were now filled
by gentlemen who could not take the tests as an
argument for doing away with testa altogether—(Hear,
hear)—whereas he took it as a proof that those who
had the control over these matters did not put into force
the fall stringency of the power in their hands when
they found that it was not necessary for the purpose of
preventing the ingress of persons likely to misuse their
position. He had not heard, and he did not know,
that these tests had worked ill with regard
to the education of the youth of Scotland—
quite the other way, in fact, as far as his knowledge went.
Another objection he had to this Bill was that it was a
violation of the Ecclesiastical Establishment of Scotland;
and if they did it in this instance they must do it to
England and Ireland as well. He had objections
to the details of the Bill, and ho thought that
the second section of the Bill, which went to retain the
testa as applied to the theological and church-history
chairs, was of itself a proof that the framers of this Act
thought that it was to a certain degree! necessary
to fence about with tests the religious education of the
country. For that reason he felt it his duty to oppose
this Bill..

Mr. ANSTEY supported the second reading of the
Bill. He considered the opposition as prompted by the
bigots of the Church of Scotland.
Mr. E WART said the Bill was necessary, in the first
place, because the law had already been violated, and
secondly, because they had now only an uncertain tribu-
nal to regulate these matters.
Sir A. CAMPBELL joined issue with the Hon.
Member who had just sat down as to the violation of
the treaty of union, which he had said afforded a suffi-
cient reason for passing the Bill. Ho did not consider
that either the alteration of the representation of Scot-
land by the Reform Bill, or the alteration of the right
of patronage in that country, was en infraction
of the treaty. That treaty was made between
two independent countries, and any interference
with its articles would bo a positive violation of good
faith. The House could not fail to arrive at the con-
clusion that the Bill originated with those who opposed
the Established Church of Scotland and the church esta-
blishments generally, and ho warned the House against
giving its sanction to a principle which, if adopted,
would lead to the entire subversion of the established
religion of that country.
Mr. HUME entered into a statement of the number of
students who matriculated at the colleges of Cork and
Galway, for tho purpose of showing that Roman Catho-
lics were not afraid to send their sons to seminaries
presided over by Protestant professors. Ho considered
that this measure was consistent with the wishes and
wants of the majority of the Scotch people, who were
opposed to the continuance of any religious tests in
universities.

Sir G. CLERK observed that the tests were first im-
posed to guard against the Jacobite party, who wished to
see the exiled family restored to the throne of Scotland.
He thought that the recommendations of the Royal Com-
mission to continue the imposition of the tests ought to
have great weight with the House, composed as it was
of members of different denominations and of every shade
of political opinion. It was the general opinion in Scot-
land that these tests ought not to be abolished, because
they were the only link connecting the Universities
of Scotland with the Church of that country. When
the tests were enforced, in consequence of the
suggestion of the Commission, no dissatisfaction
was occasioned, though it was a time of great excite-
ment, when there were loud outcries for the redress of
all kinds of grievances. On the contrary, a disposition
was evinced by the people to maintain that form of re-
ligion to which they were sincerely attached, and for
which their forefathers had bled. Neither was there
any objection to the tests during the excitement
produced by the Reform Bill. The movement
which originated the present Bill took its rise on a
more recent occasion—he alluded to that great seces-
sion from the Church in 1844, which he,_ as a Scotch-
man, looked upon as one of the most unfortunate and
melancholy events which had ever taken place in the
country. Ho contended that the people of Scotland
were justified in availing themselves of their ancient
right to prevent persons becoming professors who would
not submit to the discipline of the Church. Ho was de-
sirous that Scotland should maintain that proud distinc-
tion for learning and science for which it had been so long
distinguished, but the effect of the Bill would tend in the
other direction, and, besides, he thought it was only the
first step towards a greater alteration in the constitution
of their universities and seminaries. He hoped the edu-
cation of the youth of the country would never
be entrusted to tho hands of those who
would not subscribe to the belief and great
doctrines of the Christian faith. This was only
the commencement of a very grave change in the edu-
cational system of the country as by law established,
and, once sanctioned, it would bo impossible to maintain
the Church of Scotland in its integrity. The Bill was
intended to apply to Scotland, but would bo extended to
the English Universities, and also to private schools. It
was on these grounds that ho opposed the Bill.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL owned that he had heard
nothing which ought to induce him to oppose this Bill.
Tho speech of his Hon. Friend who had charge of the
Bill, he thought, was unanswerable, and the last speaker
had failed to controvert any arguments which had been
urged in favour of the Bill.—(flear, hoar.) It was said,
indeed, that the law as it now stood was not obeyed,-and
the House was asked of what use the repeal would be.
—(Hear, hear.) And ho was surprised to hoar the
Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary for the
Home Department following up the same ar-
gument, for ho for one believed that a
law, which was systematically disobeyed, ought no
longer to remain in force. In point of fact the law was
never enforced at all except in some few individual
cases, and in the generality of those cases the law never
contemplated touching those individuals. Well, then,
ought such a state of things to continue? He confessed
he was favourable to a change, and nothing which he
had heard in the course of this debate was calculated to
alter that opinion. The last speaker told them that the
students were not subject to any test, and the consequence
was_ all classes of religionists were admissible into the
Universities, and yet he wanted to impose teas upon the
professors who were to teach these students.—(llear,
hear.)_ Such an anomalous state of things was a dis-
grace to the Legislature; it was both unjust and intole-
rant,lightly to
at
practical
and he owned to a conviction that the House ought
gree.
C.
put an end to it.—(llear, hear.)
the existence
be BRUCE insisted that the law ought not
re ens for
repealed and done away with.—(Hear.)
The
inconvenience was supposed to arise from
already heard, he
further r
the Bill than those which ho had
of these tests, and in the absence of any
rapst offer his decided opposition to
cation tehhenruil
iandriaTie° notes'—(Hear,
effect people
of
(Hear, hear.) Religion and edu-
us:operated and that, he believed,
inionlioett SehoetlHanodu;seand
thenas this
pay
was the o
posed to it.—(Hear, hear.)
ieth°oPut more d
they... were unanimously op-
Bill wouldP
e andf er e n
agree
twh
_ the great body of the
highly objectionable, becau.ae irreligi
elay to r •
eject
this
aoe
omel ed,
2klr. OSWALD claimed the attention ous meaaure.
a short time upon this momentous ioti of the House for
question. He •
in the least disguise the momentous nature' ofdid not
jeet, but in 1843 the House neglected to take the
sub.
of the crisis that then existed
to settle this
advantage
matter, and
they had only themselves to blame for the delay which
had taken place in the settlement i
of
it.
hear.) He had listened attentively to the arguments'
which had been urged from the Treasury bench
against this Bill, and he confessed without hesitation
that he had heard nothing which should induce him to
reject the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) It was said in the first
place that the Bill was opposed to the Act of Union,
and in the second that it would endanger the religion of
Scotland.—(Hear, hear.) Now ho was not lawyer
enough to decide upon the first of these objections, but he
thought there was nothing in the Act of Union which
ought to prevent the House doing justice to the people of
Scotland—(Hear, ;hear)—while, as to the other objec-
tion, he knew that the existence of these tests retarded
rather than promoted the interest of religion.—(Hear.)
It would have been much better, therefore, if the Go-
vernment had issued another Commission to inquire