The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-14 00:00:00

tijose
the .nrged by the rig& hon. gentleman.. I defy, however,
Pght hon. member for the University of Oxford to
—"IfY it either on the ground he has taken of a solemn
national engagement, or even on the ground of a legal,
'ir,ra.l, and eqm'table right, in any of its consequences.
hi': If that be so, we shall be asked, how do you deal with
tax Payers—upon what principle? You are taxing him
e same manner as you tax others whose estate is nit-
!lna, in duration. You may tax the English or the Irish
trldholder, and if the nature of their estate is the same,
re: Principle is equitable. But what does this question
en ewe itself into ? If you are justified in making a dffer-
thee' you must put the fundholder in one class or in
ax you
with precarious incomes, or men with
th ed. incomes. No one, however will say that he is-in
efe first class—he must be therefore placed in the class
au ,fined incomes, and consequently you must tax him, with
IT exemptions, and no more, accorded to this class (hear,
-1-r') Sir, lam sorry to have troubled the house at
that length on this point (loud cheers.) When, however,
Public faith was said to be broken with the public
111• 4,., to, r, it was but right to look at the whole question,
rfe ' a party question, but fairly and honestly, with the
,2r of ascertaining whether we are dealing fairly with
itumlholder or not (cheers.) I think, sir, for the reasfins
ta,:re adduced, I might ask a verdict of the house in
hawur of my right hon. friend's proposition (cheers). I
tot,e now gone through the whole of the proposals sub-
"en to the house by my right hon. friend, and I have
titeeP°l3gize to the house for the time I have detained
right CO
I have stated the principles on which my
hon. friend has proceeded—the objects my right hon.
i,;;;44d had in view, and I challenge the right honourable
thlteman any of his followers to show that these than
beneficial are quasound, or !that those objects are other than
not
to the country (Cheers.) And, sir, though Ido
rti see the right hon. member for "IrTnlifax in his place, I
Pat still take leave to add, that, notwithstanding the tone
?: aelf-constituted superiority—(loud cheers)—that right
gentleman assumed the other night, I defy him or any
h suPPorters to prove that the proposition of my right
friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer are propositions
71dated to shake or to impair the credit of the country,
(elite tarnish the good name of the British community.
eell.) The right hon. gentleman told my right hon.
fiendfel on that occasion that he ought not to be ashamed to
the example of Mr. Pitt's government, or the govern-
hode of the Earl of Liverpool, but to take baok his budget
amend it before Christmas. (Laughter.) If my right
n• friend had any need to amend his budget, he need not
Zlc for precedents so far back. (Cheers and laughter.) He
ila find a precedent in the instance of the late govern-
(laughter)—who inthe course of one year had amend-
Itir budget three or four times, the Chancellor of the
Illehequer being no other than the right hon. member for
ffax. (Loud cheers and laughter.) Sir, my right hon.
will have no necessity, as I believe, to alter his bud-
n at least in any material point ; and I think you will
that the miscalculations referred to by the right hon.
11,nber for Halifax were those of the right hon. member
ylf,b'self, and not of my right hon. friend. (Cheers.) I think
will find that though the measure of my right hon.
end is large and comprehensive—so large and banscompre-
nive, indeed, that the right hon. member for fialifa.x
'eed him to divide it into two budgets—one for 1853
,l
One for 1854. (Laughter and cheers.) I think you
44. find, sir, that my right hon. friend has proved to the
th isfaction of the house that he can do in one year what
ye: right hon. member for Halifax could not do in three
Cl's' (Cheers.) I must ask—l would not have gone into
h e subject exceptor thdisparaging tone of the right
4L4' pntleman's remarks-I must ask, wherefore are these
th,"7"a upon my right hon. friend? (Cheers.) What is
po;,'Leason why he is to be thus assailed—(cheers)—on every
(07' which he has made in his two financial statements ?
Its,-eers.) He has made two in one year, both of which
hove Met with the approbation of the house, I would. fain
t,„..1)c--of the country I am certain. (Hear.) Is it be-
/a'!" hon. gentlemen are jealous of his success? (Hear.)
Ix It because he has struggled hard and long with genius,
toTt.and power, until he has attained the highest point
Loch an honourable ambition can aspire—the leader-
of the House of Commons ? (Hear.) Is it because he
edified in person in his past career and in his present?—
" Tentature ingenio, contendere habilitate,
Noctes atque dies, prestante labore
Niti ad summas, emergere opes."
right hon. friend has attained that position. Who
b,,7'udges it to him? (cheers.) I shall not speak disparag-
itry of the right hon. member for Halifax ; his power and
1411ities are admitted. But without disparaging him, I
,27. say that the budget of my right hon. friend will bear
ti7Parison with any of those which that right hon. gen-
ii, ma„ has laid before this house (cheers). The best judges
hr,'ne country have declared that by his budget my right
e44(11. friend has placed himself on a level with the boldest
nd most prudent financiers of this country (cheers, and
tree of " oh"). They will tell you, at any rate, in the
thea,test emporium of commerce on the face of the globe,
the' his plans have reflected on him, in the judgment of
efee capable of forming a just opinion the highest degree
Lcredit (cheers and oh). They will else tell you that he
;C,,,disproved by his propositions the common fallacy that
.C`tanh;, of genius cannot be a man of business (cheers).
sir, whatever may be the results of his polio—what-
beer may be the fate of the government—whatever may
the effect of the ill-assorted alliance that I see before
14
eoe---(loud cheers)—l firmly believe that the voice of the
ttelfin'rY will say my right hon. friend has earned for him-
oa reputation as extensive as the empire—(langhter and
eers)—for which he has so greatly legislated—(laughter,
and cheers)—and a gratitude as permanent as the honest
retoty of a thankful, a united, and a reflecting country.
ti,&• GOTJLBURN repudiated any feelings of self-consti-
cned superiority, or of jealousy; but he rose to oppose the
iidget, because it was opposed to those principles on which
e had, administered the public finances and on which
t
had ever acted when in opposition—principles which he
considered bound up with the best interests of the country,
And from which he was not prepared to depart, in defer-
ence either to the eloquence of his right hon. and learned
t
'rid, or to the talents of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear.)
43te right hon. gentleman had told them that the object of
' e • budget was, first, to maintain and prudently to extend
lse trade or unrestricted competition ; in the second place,
I
deal with the distressed interests in such a manner that,
htaffording relief, they should not contravene the general
li%mniples which had been affirmed by the house ; and,
;7111Y, to apply equal taxation to every class of the
nmnity. The right hon. gentleman had then proceeded
he of the large reductions in the excise duties which
Proposed to effect. The Government of Sir R. Peel had
t?;eceeded on such a basis, that by a skilful management of
e receipts and expenditure of the country, they had a
fake
balance available, out of which they could afford to
-"eice reductions. (Cheers.) They did not in the first in-
stance, create a deficiency, and then call upon the house to
W--",e large reductions of taxation. (Hear, hear.) This
the
the broad distinction between the course pursued by
tee Present Government and that of which he was a mem-
r• His right hon. friend talked of the acclamations with
-tech the budget had been received in the city; but, if,
lvtuen two years had elapsed, instead of a surplus
ill ere was a deficiency to be supplied, by loans and other
egitimate sources, it was very doubtful whether the same
PPlause would continue. (Hear, hear.) This question
should
far higher considerations than whether they
Muld relieve a certain class by the remission of duties
Which eh they now paid, or whether they should enter
tit° a controversy about the consumers or the brewers
tt'lvint the larger portion of the benefit • it involved
ithe stn ility of the financial system. (Loud cheers.)
question was, whether the finances were in that
to in which they could afford to part with two-and-
half millions of productive duty which might press in a
certain degree upon the general consumer, but which was
Ze least oppressive, of all taxes and the removal of which
Was the least called for. And they were doing this at the
risk of creating a deficiency. We had been latterly era-
, negligence,
in removing evils that had arisen from our former
,-egiigence, and in adding to the defences of our country,
met with the view of hostile operations, but to place our-
selves during peace, in the position in which every great
that ought to stand. But, had the government forgot
oat if there were any element of safety for the country,
~eti3r ground on which its defence more surely rested than
ether, it was the unembarrassed state of its finances ? If
they did wilfully and wantonly create a deficiency, and.
im,,,• "er upon the service of the year with a confident expec-
,,7ton that at its close they must necessarily involve them-
selves in debt, they raised up an obstacle to adequate defence
tereafter which no military preparations and no amount of
hr„°°, Ps would overcome ; they inflicted a blow upon that
t lie credit which had previously enabledus to withstand
" most hostile demonstrations. (Hear.) The budget
itlkr°eeeded on the assumption of a surplus of 400,000/. at
he end of the next financial year. With a surplus so
;„„,• all, it was natural and reasonable to look at the items
',' of which it was derived ; and though individually there
"ght be small differences of opinion as to the valuations!in
:iistlrplus so small, the amount of difference made the whole
stinction between having a deficiency or a surplus at the
~11. (1 of the year. The right hon. gentleman did not ex-
ain why he estimated the loss on the malt duty at one
As He stated that he should have to !pay a million
drawbacks. Surely the house had a right to expect
some explanation on that point ; in default of that they
rl'ltid only form their own opinions. He had had some ex-
-01-ence as to estimates of drawbacks, and he never yet
row an instance of a Chancellor of the Exchequer assum-
ag a. reduction of duty and a drawback on the stocks in
and, where it did not turn out that his estimate was fal-
eed to a great degree by the event. (Hear, hear.)
ftruld that occur to the right hon. gentleman, which had
iienrred to others, this would be an element f loss which
%,‘!as impossible to calculate. In the same way, there was
p-''Llfiing difference made by the tea duties, about 50,0001.
assumed that 400,0001. was to be received from the re-
,--ne
LaYreents of loans ; the sum was in reality but 360,000/. ;
king a loss of 40,0001. more. Taking into calculation
eat by the projected alteration of the income tax there
''''',lll(l. also be a loss of 150,0001., and that the expense of
etettection would be greatly augmented, it was probable
that 150,000/. or 200,000/. more woald have to quitedd
that
ra the surplus. If that were so, was it not q clear
at the right hon. gentleman, having in his possession a
ari al surplus of one and a-half millions, proposed deliberately
calmly to subject the country, at the end of the next
financial year, to a deficiency which it was impossible to
calculate beforehand ; for it was impossible to foresee what
tght be the effect of accidents and adverse seasons. He
7:ZYe the right hon. gentleman credit for courage of a cer-
ttl.ll kind. The Government of Sirbert Peel had not
e courage to spend the money when they had it not in
thesession. (Cheers.) They had not the courage to risk
tmlet. credit of the country in order to gratify any claim-
a for remission of taxation, when they knew that it
ould end in injury to the public credit, and perhaps
'4,,sacrifice of confidence. Surely the right honour-
:".10 gentleman could not view with very tranquil feel-
;fa the prospect before him, comparing it with 1842,
t-lert there had been a succession of deficiencies, and
4re_national credit was only recovered by a great
We should be reduced to the same state again,
"way .t,;oss the right hon. gentleman was prevented from making
with the small surplus he had. He did not cor-
h of the reduction of the tea duties
,• that came within
t4° Means of the existing surplus, and it might give in-
coe,"!:(1. employment to the shipping interest and great
rtZe_rt.!3 to the poor. It might, as in the case of sugar
tir°l!eo, replace the revenue that would be sacrificed
the first instance. But the repeal of the malt tax stood
therLe a different footing. Barley lands had suffered
al W of any in this country ; and yet the Government
pught it necessary to relieve their cultivators,
wo„;_rn the way in which it was proposed to be done
to!atrbiebtiltnnotrhealit.etfhaetGeallv.ern(Hmearen.t)
pr e had e. with great
eposed to allow sugar
refined in bond ; he presumed that it would be
rifined to rta'
perossbty, tehe reeevenume ;classes of sugar. This would cause a
why was not a statement given of the
sruit:i°ll3- ,mount ? Whatever injury class interests might
More 41 ne was certain they would suffer from nothing
an from what affected the national credit. Then
the co°late relief was found in the growing prosperity of
foraortcr and he was no friend to those intemsts who,
mg what was due to the national credit, sought to