The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-25 00:00:00

4114;6' 07 XIV Tat%
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LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 23, 1352.

Economy—let us repeat it—we would readily see
introduced into the system of naval administration :
but, rather than see this economy degenerate into
merely parsimonious retrenchment, we would exult
in a course of absolute extravagance. Yes ! Rather
than witness any dangerous diminution in the funds
annually appropriated to the maritime department,
rather than observe the enervation by this means of
our sea forces, rather than behold the funds hitherto
devoted to the Royal Navy of England shorn away
like the locks of SAMSON by the DELILAH of false
economy, we would rejoice over the squandering of
yet larger supplies upon the men, upon the vessels,
and upon the dockyards. Briefly—it is not
the expenditure we are disposed to quarrel
with, it is simply the manner of its distribution.
The Hon. Gentlemen the Member for Tavistock, in
the letter addressed to us in consequence of our ob-
servations of yesterday, intimates that, notwithstand-
ing the apparent diversity of our opinions, he conjec-
tures that those opinions are in a great measures coin-
cident. Perhaps so. " I cannot believe we materi-
ally differ," he says, "since you desire to see our naval
force made thoroughly efficient." Precisely. And
we do not conceive that the most effectual means
of securing this efficiency would be the diminu-
tion of the naval estimates by another 2,000,000/.
sterling. There is the very point upon which we are
compelled to question the justice of Mr. TRELAWNY'S
conclusions. He expresses an anxiety to aid in
rendering the navy of Great Britain more efficient
than hitherto, and he commences his argument upon
the necessity of so doing, by demonstrating how
very easily the 5,600,C00/. and upwards could be
reduced to 4,000,000/.—diminishing what has already
undergone since 1847 a very considerable diminution
by 2,000,0001. additional. Now it is exactly because
we do not think this to be the most reasonable method
of rendering the maritime service of these islands
efficient that we dissent from the deductions arrived
at by the Hon. Representative for Tavistock. In-
stead of calling for a supplementary retrenchment of
2,000,0001. on the Naval Estimates, we should feel
disposed to demand even an increase of those esti-
mates, in the event of any such increase being found
advisable.

Agala— Mr. TIELAWNY, still insisting upon the ac-
curacy of hismiheccentric proposition, that 40,000 able
be engaged at 11. a week,
ts:amefinnd
thern,
e yes takes occasion to re•
mind us that h
, c arrangements in yachts
are found to be in every t respectmen
-of
- w a
rp,r practicable
c ha
ab
Assuredly : but yachts r
il-
a-dozen sailors a;:e not forty
thousand—to say nothing
of the yacht men being fine weather jack!," drop-
ping into all sorts of agreeable ports for the enjoy-
ment of " soft tack" and green vegetables, instead of
roughing it like the salt water tars to the tune of the
billows and the thunder. However, the g„, mem-
ber deprecates any serious reasoning upon
the
matter, observing that his remark "as to what could
be done, was merely intended as the basis of an esti.
mate !" Pass we by the illustration therefore, with
the surmise that "'fore gad, 'twould be
more
rieket.ty estimate than t'other," with such a corner.
stone to a foundation of 4,000,0001.
As to the folly of all these arrangements and re-
arrangements at Keyhatn, we agree thorow,hly with
the Hon. Member for Tavistock. Simply because it
would better serve the purpose of the contractors to
throw the refuse of their labours into a hollow so con-
tiguous as Mill-Ponds, instead of conveying it to
a considerable distance beyond the breakwater,
we do not think that the nation should
be subjected to an annual waste of some
twenty thousand pounds. Besides, of all places
along that part of the coast Millbay should have been
the last to have been placarded with " dry rubbish
can be shot here," seeirg that it afforded the advan-
tages of a natural harbour, and one defended more-
over from attack, es Mr. TRELAWNY judiciously ob-
serves, by Drake Llaud and its batteries, Everything

combines, indeed, to render the bungling nature of
all these proceedings at Keyham, matter for very se-
rious regret—regret none the less earnest from our
recollections of what happened some months back to
the Terrible, which, after injuring herself by
grounding, was unable to be repaid except by going
all the way round again to the dockyard,' at Ports-
mouth.

Alluding to the moneys squandered somewhat no-
toriously upon ship-building according to the present
system at the Admiralty, Mr. TRELAWNY suggests,
it will be perceived, that henceforth we should build
by contract. Now, building ships of war by con-
tract is a system which has of course its particular
advantages. Unfortunately, however, it must
be admitted that these particular advantages
are counterbalanced, if they are not actually
preponderated over, by no less particular disad-
vantages. Does the Hon. Gentleman, the Member
for Tavistock, bear in his recollection the results
(with regard to this method of building by contract)
of the national experience ? Has he altogether over-
looked the rather damning evidence afforded by
those forty seventy-fours, which were ultimately
and not inappropriately designated the " forty
thieves ?" Jour( Bunn was the Ali Baba, for the
occasion, but unluckily the old gentleman came
not off so comfortably as his prototype, having
his pockets somewhat disagreeably rifled. We
would instance also the lesson preached to the nation
subsequently upon the false economy of building
ships of war by contract, but that the mention of the
frigates furnishing the text might not be
so delightful to " ears polite," by reason of the un-
mistakeable honesty of their soubriquet.
Howbeit, the changes really desirable in our ma-
ritime administration would affect the navy very diffe •
rently indeed, we conceive, than by diminishing its
estimates by 2,000,0001. In order to secure to the
sea forces of England the efficiency which Mr. THE-
LAWNY, no less we believe than ourselves,
is really desirous of witnessing established, we
should have to regulate otherwise the funds already
placed at the disposal of the authorities at the
Admiralty. Properly applied, those funds, we
believe, would prove in the end sufficient,
though we cannot conceive that, even under the
most admirable re-organization, they would be
found, for an insular power like England, with a
commerce so extensive, and with colonies so scat-
tered, in any way whatever—extravagant ! Aided
by these annual grants of 5,600.000/. and upwards,
the Admiralty under this new system of arrange-
ment would be enabled to enhance the efficiency
of the service by a more rational scheme
of manning our ships of war ; by not dispersing at
the end of every three years the experienced sailors
educated during that interval in the duties of
their profession; by applying the screw-pro-
peller more generally in the construction of
new vessels, introducing it into (comparatively
speaking) minnows like the Phoebe, as well as into
mammoths, like the Royal Albert ; and, among a
variety of other equally rational and equally
requisite innovations, by organizing anew,
upon a larger scale and upon a better
footing, the whole framework of our marine artillery.
By this last-mentioned improvement, we should be
effecting more at a single "move" towards
the increase of the national defences than
by calling out a thousand "awkward squads"
of militia, or by inducing the London
'preutices to practise with pop-guns or minis
rifles in the shooting gallery of the Red
House at Battersea. By combining that development
of our marine artillery, moreover, with the changes
already specified, and with the still more obvious re-
forms we have considered it here unnecessary to
enumerate, we should be most effectually fostering
the energies and securing the efficiency of that
glorious service to which, under PROVIDENCE, the
great maritime power of England is mainly indebted
for her wealth, her grandeur, her prosperity, and her
independence.

It is universally admitted that a General Election
must speedily take place, the only question being
whether the appeal to the country will be made
within a few months or a few weeks. All, then, is
activity in the electioneering market. Eligible can-
didates are eagerly sought after and coming forward
more freely than on any former occasion. The
aspirants for senatorial honours are addressing the
several constituencies, and putting forward their
respective opinions on topics of general interest, more
especially on matters relating to free trade and pro-
tection. It is, however, remarkable, that while the
advocates of unrestricted commerce speak out clearly
and unequivocally, there appears to be extraordinary
caution observed by those who have heretofore been
termed "Protectionists." Although speaking of the
impolicy of the Act of 1846, and the distressed con-
dition of the agriculturists, few, if any, have ven-
tured to advocate a retrograde policy, or to insist on
the propriety of a re-imposition of the bread-tax. On
the contrary, men have, in the very hearts of agricul-
tural constituencies, declared the impossibility of
bringing back the corn-laws, and yet been received
as farmers' friends. And why ? Simply because
they avow their intention, not of affording them
exclusive advantages, but of remedying grievances
under which they are suffering, and for which
they are clearly entitled to relief. The opinion
which we have expressed, that the question of a tax
on food will not be even seriously brought forward
in the new Parliament receives powerful confirmation
from these significant facts.
As with commerce, so it is with shipping, The
very shipowners appear to have given up the idea of
bringing back the navigation-laws, and to direct
their attention solely to getting rid of the burdens
whieli press most heavily and unfairly on their in-
terests. Even Mr. HERRIES, on Monday evening,
declared that " the policy of 1848 was not reversible,"
using the quotation " restigia nulla retrorsum." It
w;11 be found from the admirable speech of Mr.
DIGBY SEYMOUR to the electors of Sunderland, in-
serted in another part of this day's impression, that
the Leirned Gentleman clearly and distinctly pointed
out the impolicy of attempting to bring back the old
restrictive code, and that the shipowners of that im-
portant port acquiesced in the conclusions at which
he arrived, was sufficiently attested by the rapturous
and enthusiastic applause with which his brilliant and
eloquent address was received by the numerous body
assembled to hear his opinions.

Nothing could be more clear and lucid than the
masterly epitome of the rise and progress of the navi-
gation-laws from their introduction by CROMWELL, in
1651,until:their repeal, after a continuance of 197 years.
The result of these impolitic enactments was that
other nations imposed similar restrictions on our ves-
sels, until, as stated by Mr. SEYMOUR, we found that
" American ships sailed to Liverpool in ballast, hav-
ing British ships in their wake laden with tobacco,
rice, or cotton ; while British ships traversed the
Atlantic to New York in ballast, with American
ships hard in their wake laden with calicoes, cutlery,
hardware, and iron." Well might the Learned Gen-
tlemen exclaim, " A pretty game for two great na.
tions to play fur 28 years." Reciprocity treaties
became necessary to extricate us from ',this disgrace-
ful state of things, and special compacts were entered
into with no less than thirty different States.
The Learned Gentleman strongly illustrated the
vast importance of free trade to the mer-
cantile marine, by showing the increased
imports into this country, and the consequent
increase of employment for our shipping. He com-
plained, indeed, of a want of reciprocity by other
nations, but he did not therefore desire a retrograde
movement. On the contrary, he said, " The deed is
done---the die is cast—the British shipowner is cast
into competition with the whole world. There is a
danger in going back to a course which has been once
abandoned. In the interval which has elapsed new
relations of commercial property and enterprise take
place, and like a relapse in the. natural body, the
shock of a reaction may be attended with the most
perilous consequences to the body politic." This is
justshripw
eaosonnr.
i:g3 and it rpplies to farmers as well
as
It shows the utter impossibility
of a reactionary policy. But if they cannot go back
they
may go forward. They may endeavour to ob-
tain the
_rep2al of the timber duty at least for ship-
buildingcomplained of. There variety are also aof
justly purposes, and also of the light dues so
local charges andjurisdictions that should be got rid
of. Every unfair restriction on British shipowners
should be strictly iavestigated, with a view to its re-

THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 25, 1852.

moral, and then British ships and British seamen may
enter on the competition without being overweighted.
There is nothing to fear with fair play ; on the con-
trary, all will yet be well.

We heartily commend Mr. SETNIDUR'i admirable
address to the electors not only of Snack rind, where
we believe it is already fully appreciated, but to every
constituency about to exercise its high pi irilege, so
that there may be a clear understanding of what
should be expected from candidates before they can
hope for a favourable reception. Mr. SErsiona's
election ia, we believe, a matter of perfect certainty.
It is such men who should be sent to the popular
branch of the Legislature, who have patience to
learn, end intellect to understand, and eloquence to
put forward their views with respect to the leading
questions of the day.

THE SHARE MARKETS.

14A RAI VV7.8‘78.

The veteran Member for Montrose has given ex•
pression to his views on the important question of the
malt-tax, in a letter, which will be found in another
column, and to which we invite the attention of agri-
culturists. It will show that the Free-traders are
really the farmers' friends in every matter where they
can fairly and justly render their assistance. The
Hon. Gentleman clearly and distinctly points out the
objections to the tax against which he has voted on
every occasion when a division has taken place
during the last thirty years. He considers it a
bad tax, not only "as violating the rules
of political economy and of commercial policy,"
but also " as b2ing injurious to the morality and
social happiness of the industrious classes of the
community."

These are grave objections, and any impost that is
really open to such charges, cannot justly be main-
tained, unless under an overwhelming necessity. We
are aware that it has been insisted that there is such
a necessity—that if the tax were abolished, we should
not be in a position to liquidate the interest on the
public debt, or to maintain efficiently the national
establishments. This, however, we distinctly and
positively deny. If a just and wise economy were
practised in every department—we do not mean
that there should be petty cheese-paring or stingy
parsimony in dealing with the public service, bnt
a strict avoidance of every unnecessary expense, and,
above all, a strenuous determination to put down
"jobs and jobbing"—much could be effected. But
why should there not be a re-adjustment of taxation ?
abolishing indirect impost', and substituting direct
charges on property, which could be more easily and
cheaply collected.
Next to the charge on bread there is perhaps none
more objectionable than that on "malt." It attacks
the poor man's beverage, and prevents the working
classes from obtaining a cheer, wholesome, and nu-
tritious article. It unquestionably limits the con-
sumption of agricultural produce, and is therefore ex-
ceedingly prejudicial to the farmer. But although the
corn-growers have reasonable and just' ground of
complaint, so far as their interests are concerned, we
look upon it in a still broader point of view, and con-
sider it chiefly as a consumer's question, which more
than doubles the price and materially de-
teriorates the quality of that which may be
considered essential to his health and comfort.
We are aware that there are many men who, be-
cause they do not like fermented liquors, or perhaps
because they have become teetotallers, desire
the continuance of the tax. Away with the flimsy
pretext ! Why should they wrong their
brethren who differ in opinion from them-
selves, and compel them to take that
which is dear and bad, in place of what is cheap
and good ? Do they for a moment believe that
there would be an increase of drunkenness by the
change ? Fer from it. They must be aware that,
in wine-growing countries, where drink can be
easily obtained, intoxication, or even intemperance, is
of rare occurrence. It is the difficulties imposed in
the way of obtaining wholesome beer that create the
demand for unwholesome spirits, and stimulate the
desire for drinking, If good, pure, home-brewed
beer could be procured in the cottages of the poor
you would not see men haunting " Jerry shops,"
or seduced into crime by the temptations and the
bad company to which they are there exposed.
The labourers would, after their day's work,
remain by their own fire-sides contented and
happy. Their domestic happiness would ba in-
creased, and there would be a considerable dimi-
nution in the charges for gaols and prosecutions.
Poaching might not flourish quite so much as at pre-
sent, if a vigorous exertion be made at the
ensuing elections. The impost, as well as the still
more obnoxious hop duty, will be entirely got rid of.
Is it not worth an effort, then, to accomplish such ob-
jects ? We are convinced that every consistent Free-
trader and fiscal reformer will gladly co-
operate, so that if the taxes be retained,
it will be chiefly ascribable to those who
call themselves the farmers' friend', and let it
not be forgotten that the malt-tax was, as stated by
Mr. Hume, imposed and continued in Parliament,
where the territorial aristocracy were in the ascen-
dant, and where the landlords might have got rid of
it if they pleased. Let electors understand these
matters before recording their votes on the hustings.
Let them clearly understand the opinions of the rival
candidates on these questions, in which their healths
and pockets are so deeply concerned.

711:fNME4.