The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 27, 185 2.

made to them—not with the view of exciting dis-
cement at recent legislation—but if the truth had been
fairly told them, we need not have waited until to-night
for the settlement of this question, but at least four years
ago that question would have been finally settled by the
.general assent and concurrence of the nation. (Hear.)
I must own, air, that what I must call double-dealing
has been carried on up to the results of the recent elec-
tions. (Hear, hear, and cheers from the Opposition.)
Now,
it has been said that the Earl of Derby has acted
vary fairly, that he put before the country this question,
.4 Ara you for free trade or are you for protection ? I
shall be ready to bring forward protective measures if the
country is clearly for them, but otherwise I shall assent
to the free-trade policy which has of late years been
adopted." Why, sir, I certainly do not wish to say
anything harsh of Lord Derby. (Ironical cheers from
the Ministerialists.) Besides other considerations, in
udging of Lord Derby, one should look to what his pre-
vious conduct had been with respect to office. I cannot
but recal to mind, in speaking of the conduct of the
noble lord, that when I was his colleague in the Admin-
istration of Lord Grey, he left that Cabinet because he
could not concur in the measures that were proposed.
Again, in 1845, he left the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel,
because he could not give his assent to the repeal of the
corn laws ; and last year, when he -wished to propose
Some duties on corn, and found that he could not make
a Ministry upon thatprinciple, he abandoned the attempt,
and gave up what must have been the highest object of
kis ambition. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, then, I
say that with regard to the man, one ought not to judge
prematurely or upon partial grounds that he has departed
from that character and that honour which becomes a great
public man in a high station. But I must say that the
theory upon which he seems to have gone was a theory
utterly impracticable with this constitution, and with
this Parliament—(hear, hear, hear)—that if he had been
the Sovereign of this country, or if he had been an abso-
lute Sovereign in any country, he might have said,
"Let the people decide, and let them tell their represen-
tatives their own views with respect to commercial
policy ;" but In this country, as the head of a party, it
was inevitable that those who were joined with him
should take part on one side or the other in the elections,
and thus we have had a most extraordinary spectacle,
and a most extraordinary result, because we had gentle.
men going into the towns and saying, "We are against
any tax on bread ; we could not bear a return to the
corn laws, and we support Lord Derby ;" and other gen-
tlemen going into the counties and saying that the great-
est mischief had been done by the repeal of the corn
laws, and that they were for protection, and therefore
that supported Lord Derby, the Administration all
the while helping- both, and taking care to provide them
with the best means of securing their election. (Hear,
hear.) They said to Mr. A, in the town, "You must
take care that you are for a large loaf, and that you will
never hear of protection ;" while at the same time they
said to Mr. B, in the county, "You are to take protec-
tion for your motto, and you must declare for a restora-
tion of the corn laws." (Hear, hear, from the Opposi-
tion, and loud cries of "No, no " from the Ministerial
benches.) I will not detain the house at this time of
night, but instances of that conduct have been given
over and over again. They were stated by the right
honourable gentleman the member for Edinburgh in
the speech which he made at Edinburgh, and he goes
through the different places and the different profes-
sions that were made at them. Why, sir, I believe, in-
deed, there was one case of a gentleman who stood in a
county on protection principles, and failing in that, he
stood for a town on free-trade principles. (Loud cries
of " Shame, shame," from the Ministerialists.) Well,
if it is absolutely necessary, I will come down another
evening—(the remainder of the noble lord's sentence was
drowned in renewed cries of " Shame" from the Mini-
sterial benches). Well, but what was the result ? Why,
the result has been, that we have seen it stated by a gen-
tleman who still remains on the side of protection, that
in many places a Protectionist candidate would have
succeeded, had it not been that the Government sup-
ported the free trade candidate. That is the statement made
by a Protectionist, not by a member of the Government,
but by one associated with them. And then comes the
noble lord at the head of the Government, and he makes,
as I understand him, this statement. I certainly do not
wish to misrepresent him, though I think he has often
misrepresented me, but should on that account be only
the more anxious not to treat him in the same way. But
as I understand him, he says, " This country has de-
cided in favour of its present commercial policy ; that
being the case, I am ready to adopt it, and to support
and carry measures in consonance with the free-trade po-
licy, but I still believe there is great danger in that po-
licy, and that—but God grant I may be wrong—great
calamities may ensue from this course." Well, that is a
new position for a Minister of this country. When
Sir R. Peel dissolved Parliament in 1834, he announced
what his principles were in what was called the Tam-
worth manifesto. He stated the principles by which he
meant to abide. The integrity of the Irish Church was
one thing by which he meant to abide. He did abide by
it, and when he was defeated upon a motion made by
me, he gave up office. (Hear, hear.) Again, when Lord
Melbourne proposed his measures in 1841, he said—" I
propose certain duties on corn, sugar, and timber." The
result of the elections was unfavourable to him ; the
House of Commons came to a vote against him, and he
at once -retired. But you have now a provision for a
perpetual Ministry. (Rear, hear, and laughter.) That
has been the case hitherto, according to the constitution
of this country. Ministers have had certain opinions,
certain views, certain principles ; and if they found that
they were thwarted in those principles, when they
thought that they ought to be carried into effect, they
no longer remained in office. (Hear.) But as I understand
at present the case stands thus :—" If the country ap-
prove of protection, I will carry protection measures, but
if the country approve of free trade, then I will bring
forward free-trade measures ; but if lam right, and free
trade produces great calamities, then I turn Protectionist
again. And thus the same Minister may be a Pro-
tectionist, then a Free-trader, and then again a Pro-
tectionist. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) That would be a
new thing in the history of this country ; and giving the
noble lord the utmost credit for thinking that his course
is consistent with integrity, and that he can reconcile it
to his own sense of duty, I still say that it is an example
full of danger. (Hear.) But then the right hon. gen-
tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer has adopted
this policy. Now he has shown to the house that while
he was connected with the cause of protection, he did
not faithfully serve the cause of protection. I say there-
fore, now that he has espoused the cause of free trade,
let us take care that he is not as faithless to the cause of
free trade. (Hear, hear, and loud Opposition cheers.)
When we observe, that which we must most of us ob-
serve, that in the course of his speeches when he sat on
this side of the house, he never boldly put forth such
opinions as the noble lord the member for Leicester-
shire expresses, and that he never defended with any
earnestness that cause of protection, although it
was very satisfaetory to the house that that cause
was not urged with more sincerity and with more
zeal, and although that was an advantage to the cause
of free trade, still it would be quite a different thing if
the cause of free trade were in his hands--(hear, hear)—
and it would be a great loss to that cause which we
prize if it were not properly represented by the right
honourable gentleman, if its principles were in any way
departed from, and if any measures were proposed con-
sistent with free trade, and extending free trade, but not
"prudently " extending free trade (according to the
phrase of the amendment), by which free trade measures
might become odious and unpopular. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore, sir, I think it is the duty of the House of
Commons to watch the course of the right honourable
gentleman, and to take care that in his free trade policy
he does that which is best for that cause. (Hear, hear.)
When Sir R. Peel came down, in 1846, he said, "I have
changed my opinions ; I render that homage to the
cause of truth as to declare that I will no longer be
guided by the observations of 1842." Every one sitting
on this side of the house at once gave full credit to his de-
claration. We believed entirely, and we are justified by the
event in doing so, that he had embraced completely that
system of commercial policy which is now connected for
ever with his name, and that we should have his support.
The only advice that I had to give my friends during that
struggle of 1846, and which I gave both to the members
of the House of Commons and to the members of the
House of Lords, with whom I was politically connected,
was to give their suport to Sir Robert Peel in that great
struggle which he was carrying on, I felt quite sure
that he would conduct it in the most skilful, in the most
able, and in the most prudent manner to an end, but I
have no such confidence in the professions of the right
honourable gentleman. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I
think the comparison of the honourable member for Bir-
mingham may not be a very elegant or refined one per-
haps, but may be quite true, and that there would be
great advantage to the country in having new measures
from new men. I should be quite ready to have those
measures proposed, and I for one should be sorry if
thl3ughte motion to-night should prevent them from being
forward. But I think that we are bound to
cwoautreahe With jealousy those measures, and the whole
who of this debate has shown that there are many
verseasittilpi ,Protectionists at heart, and who, if any re-
country, if tiapPen in the commercial prospects of this
should pr,Zer-apeculation or the state of the currency
lend their aideeajeraPerazy distress, would be ready to
the old system— to join in agitation for a return to
is our duty to Zear, hear.) I say, therefore, that it
ear, and cheers)
went. (Hear, h Leh the proceedings of the Govern-
Mr. WALPOLE said tha
ome observations which had
fallen from the noble lord thet member for London, induced
him to make a few remarks
nabew
The noble lord's observatio fore the debate was closed.
some respects similar
to the resolutions before them. ere
na
themselves into three parts, and were
hear.) They divided
tive character. Those points wojezetlae the
cooa pd ruo
ts p e
oc
f-
. .0
the y, the
himself and his colleagues, and
Ton on the subject of the con), laws. se f the Op-
posi
prospective part offered some prophecies as 4.
which he supposed his right hon. friend intended tobfient,
forward and, thirdly, observations on the conduct of theg
noble lord at the head of the Government. A, to the
first
subject, whether we adopt the motion of the hon. member
for Wolverhampton, or the amendment of it, -which bas
been moved by the noble lord the member for Tiver.
ton, the only point to be considered was, whether
they were prepared to say, that the measure of 1846,
was in all respects " wise, just, and beneficial." The
observations Which the noble lord had made on that
part of the subject,
should never confirmed him in saying that he
agree to that proposition. The grounds
on which the repeal of the corn laws was resisted
were, that it was impolitic to depend upon foreign nations
for our supplies of food .that the corn laws themselves
were in harmony with the general
policy of the country in
commercial matters, and that the
change which the repeal
would introduce was sudden and precipitate. He (Mr.
Walpole) came into the house is 1846 he the question

was first mooted. He voted against Sir Robert Peel on
that question, and he might say he never uttered a word
in any degree harsh against the distinguished statesman by
whom that great commercial change was proposed. (Hear,
hear.) On the contrary, he deprecated the attacks that
were directed against him, and only discussed the question
as a question of policy. Now, he contended that the
grounds to which he had adverted were of a nature to jus-
tify him in giving a silent vote, and the last two grounds
justified him in not concurring in the measure as a just
one. (Protectionist cheers.) Wisdom and justice could
corn-law debate, but there were reasons which he con-
bneontebficilaleditocaetvederyofclaaly. measure, unless
unlnoetssdeitsirweerteo equally
ya
ireonwoafs
the
nr.esoThlute
authority of Adam Smith for this general proposition
honourableecon-
ceivedjutifimeedmbheirmforinWoporversinhgamtphteo
in political economy, that it was wrong to remove pro-
tection from any particular interest hitherto protected,
without giving it an opportunity of adapting itself to the
altered circumstances of the times. Every such change,
said the great economist, should be effected by a gradua-
tion. (Hear, hear.) Now, as to the second topic in the
noble lord's speech, he could not forbear making a few re-
marks. The noble lord, taking up the expression of the
right honourable baronet the member for Carlisle, had
assumed in his speech that they were going to give what
he called, or understood to be, a compensation to the
landed ,interest, and he had employed a strong argument
against any such supposed compensation preparatory to the
budget itself being laid before the house. The noble lord
could not fail to remember that if there was one thing
more than another he had insisted upon in speeches from
the Throne, it was that a paragraph should be inserted de-
ploring the existence and extent of agricultural distress.
The noble lord, when he heard the budget, would find his
his suspicions totally unfounded. He (Mr. Walpole) was
not at liberty to enter into the budget, which his right hon.
friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would do in the
course of his duties, and with far greater ability than him-
' self; but he could assure the house that it would be
founded strictly on the resolution which the right hon.
gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer intended to
move as an amendment to the motion of the hon. member
for Wolverhampton ; that was, that they unreservedly
adhered to the policy of 1846—0 f free trade, as they (the
Free-traders) called it—of unrestricted competition, as they
(the Protectionists) called it. They would adhere to it
fairly and fully, and the measures they proposed to intro-
duce should not be inconsistent, or interfere with it.
(Hear, hear.) With regard to the third point, he thanked
the noble lord for the fair and honourable manner in which
he had spoken of the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
went. He (Mr. W'elpolo) had seen in the last few months
much of that noble lord, and he believed no minister ever
lived who was actuated by purer and higher motives, and
he was sure he would scorn to act in any other way than
honesty and the precepts of the constitution prescribed.
(Protectionist cheering.) The noble lord was perfectly
sensible that if they had taken office on principles they had
renounced, they were no longer entitled to retain it. Let
him remind the noble lord that the question of commercial
freedom was not the only question, nor by any means the
most important one, which constituted the bond of union of
honourable gentlemen on that side of the house (the Govern-
ment side). He must remind the noble lord that they did not
come into office by any motion of their own. They came into
office because the noble lord had not the confidence of his
supporters; 2dly, because the noble lord recommended that
Lord Derby should be sent for; and, thirdly, because Lord
Derby and his followers were at that time, in point of num-
bers, the only party likely to obtain the confidence of Parlia-
ment and of the country. If itwerenot so, bring the point to the
test. They only held office under the conditions of the
constitution. They did not desire to hold office a day
longer than they ought to, and he must say—and he said
it with regret—that he wished those criminations and re-
criminations which he had heard in the course of that de-
bate, as to gentlemen on one side only seeking office for
the emoluments which belonged to it, and gentlemen on
the other side only aiming at it for the same purpose,
might no longer be heard ; for he utterly disbelieved that
the majority of public men could be actuated by any such
motives. All he could say was, that the noble earl would
not hold office a day longer than his political justification
warranted him. The right hon. gentleman the member
for Wiltshire had said that Ministers holding certain
opinions, and not carrying them out when they had the
opportunity, being in office, ought not to remain in office.
He (Mr. Walpole) contended, however, that neither the
abandonment of opinions on conviction, nor the retention
of them when unable to carry them out, were disqualifi-
cations of men in office. (Protectionist cheers.) And, if
otherwise, he did not know who would hold office for any
length of time. If it were otherwise, as the right hon.
baronet the member for Carlisle once said, he would con-
cur with Lord Ashburton, in saying that the country
was not worth living in. (Hear, hear.) He was pre-
pared to adhere to the policy of free trade, upon the same
grounds that the most stedfast Protestant adhered to the
Emancipation Act, and that the purest Tory adhered to
the Reform Bill of 1832. (Hear, hear.) He was bound
to vindicate the character of his noble friend at the head
of the Government, and believing that they had a higher
policy to carry out, namely, a Conservative policy, which
had been always their bond of union, until the house with-
held its confidence from them, they should feel it their
duty, as Ministers of the Crown, to maintain those prin-
ciples by which they were united, and in the maintenance
of which he believed they would best consult the welfare
and happiness of the country. (Loud cheers, and calls for
a division.)
Mr. COBDEN then rose and said—Mr. Speaker, on this,
probably the last occasion on which the controversy be-
tween protection and free trade may ever be pressed on
this house, it may probably be not presumptuous in me to
offer a few observations. (Hear, hear.) Upon the last
and most solemn occasion on which this question was
treated—on the second reading of the bill of 1846—1 re-
member it well, because it -was a cause of the greatest
uneasiness to my mind—the noble lord the member for
Tiverton took a similar course to what he has taken on
the present occasion. It is no secret that in that Par-
liament there was a very large majority of the House
of Commons who in their hearts were opposed to a
repeal of the corn laws. Perhaps it would not be too
much to say that two-thirds of the members were by in-
terest, if not by conviction, opposed to it, and pro-
bably not more than twenty members of the House of Peers
were favourable to it. Now that which gave me, as one
most deeply interested in the success of the measure, the
greatest concern was, lest there should be a sufficient num-
ber of leading statesmen of the day, on either side of the
house, willing to carry on the business of the country and
maintain the duty on corn. For I was sure it only re-
quired a sufficient organisation of such men, with the sup-
port the House of Commons would have willingly given
them, to defeat the purpose of Sir Robert Peel, and give
us a fixed duty on corn. Under these circumstances, when
I heard the noble lord, the member for Tiverton, at the
conclusion of his speech at that time, declare that 'he was
still in favour of a fixed duty—that declaration, which is
still vivid in my recollection, gave me great anxiety. Now,
sir, the noble lord's political course has since that time been
the subject of great controversy in this house. I was one
of six on this side of the house who refused to vote for
Mr. Roebuck's motion, and my feelings with relation to
the noble lord's foreign policy, were affected by his con-
duct with reference to great questions at home. (Question
and order.) When I heard that Lord Aberdeen gave his
vote in favour of the repeal of the corn laws. (Cries of
" Question," which drowned the remainder of the sentence.)
I mention this as a reason why the juveniles, 88 they are called
in this house, shouldnot follow the noble lord into the same
lobby. When the noble lord rose, with that blandness
which characterises him, to suggest the alternative of his
amendment, we were under the impression that the noble
lord, who at present sits at this side of the house, would,
unless we accepted his mediation, have withdrawn his
nr
ft,
side
perfectly
tytappears,haewhraware
house
thatehowever,wl withnine-tenths
t
et
wa although o
huegeh tmh
members
vote
obe e
With the hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton,
es
leaoemrdtehisniaras
exceptions,ton,
yet the noble lord has pressed his amendment into the ser-
vice of the Protectiomst Government, and if this division
should result unfavourably to the free-trade cause, the
country will understand—(loud murmurs from the Minis-
terial side of the house)—that the noble lord—(renewed
murmurs)—is the author of our disasters. (Oh, oh, from
the Protectionists, and loud cheers from the Opposition.) I
do not complain of the terms of the amendment per se as
the noble lord has given it. Ido not complain of the terms
of the amendment so much because it does not go to the
full extent of the affirming of free-trade principles. What
I object to in the noble lord is, that when free trade is per-
fectly safe—and nobody can now believe it is in danger—
you might as well believe that you could pull the stars out
of the firmament, as that you could now impose a duty on
corn—the noble lord has, by his intervention, and by
uniting with the Protectionists, taken the only course
which leaves a chance of danger open. (Oh, oh, and
cheers.) Were the motion of my hon. and learned friend
adopted by a majority of this house that would, so far as a
vote could go, bar any claim to compensation--(hear, hear)
—but by refusing to acknowledge that the repeal of the
corn laws in 1846 was just, and, by excluding the word
" property" from where it appeared in my hon. and learned
friend's motion, the noble lord has just opened the door for
the question of compensation. Now, Ido not deny what
has been said on the other side, that it is perfectly compe-
tent for any member to bring forward a motion to grant
compensation to the landed interest. Nay, Igo further ;
if the majority of the house decided that we should not
grant compensation, still, if any hon. member thinks other-
wise, it is his bounden duty to bring it before the house.
But what we want on this occasion is, to affirm, by a vote
of this house, that the majority of the house are of opinion
that the repeal of the corn laws was a just measure, and
that, in consequence of that repeal, no party had any
claim for compensation. (Hear.) Now, the noble lord
wants to prevent us from taking that course. The noble
lord has not said a word against the motion of my hon.
friend ; on the contrary, he said he approved of it, and
would vote for it if necessary. The noble lord has not ad-
verted to the arguments on the other side for the purpose
of showing that they were wrong. He has not proceeded
in the manner a friend of ours should. Master of argu-
ment as he is, he has employed his talents not to bring the
opposite party over to our views, but to bring us over to
theirs. (Hear, hear.) Now, what is the objection to the
word "just ?" lam told it is objected to by those who are
not Free-traders at all. I know by the cheers of gentlemen
opposite, that a great many of those hon. members are still
Protectionists. Now, if that be the case, we do not expect
them to vote for this resolution. Those gentlemen will as
much betray their principles as Protectionists, by voting
for the noble lord's amendment as for the resolution of my
hon. friend. If any man thinks free trade injurious, and
protection a
_sound principle, that man betrays his con•

science and his duty to his constituents by voting for either
of those free-trade resolutions. (Hear, hear.) But the
great question now is, whether the act of 1846 was just to-
wards the great body of the people, or whether it was a
law which only served a small fraction of the people,
while it inflicted great injury on the masses. If the
latter be the effect of the law, then we have a right to
abrogate it, but if the former, it should be maintained, and
no claim for compensation should be allowed, because the
I.njar7 which the law would inflict on the few would be
o
l'aly the measure of the injury perviously inflicted by me.
h°el7elYonatib,e many, and instead of granting compensation,
how s .
stalls e..._ cow
,„
hon. gentle u De the best possible claim for restitution. But n who objected to the word " just," forgot
that
of 1815 had worked. When that law
of the p'euuopl:llhaetwas such a protest from the great body
liament with arnacjcri°:(tl had t° surround the Houses of Par-
work ? Have you forrtt'e• (Hear.) How did that law
years 1817, 1818, and 181'91?the prices of corn during the
[The hon. gentleman then
.:,oreigner named Willis,
of the the corn laws. The
quoted from a work, written b
a description of the injmious Jfeac
writer stated that the average price
during those
years was 103 s. a quarter; that the cornresnit
ing, were bankruptcy among the tenaut_dnneneerarsil:y speak-
disturbances, incencliarism, destruction of threshiPn7 ma- ,

chines, pillaging of houses and shops, encounters with the
military, 34 sentences to death, 5 of whom suffered, Luddite
insurrections, &c. The hon. gentleman was frequently in-
terrupted while perusing the extract, most of which was
cries of " Divide," that constantly resounded from
erial side of the house.] During that period we
the lost l
m y s
Capel-street conspiracy, and the outbreak of the
which led to the Manchester massacre. (Oh,
hhiankad thetee
oh ! from be Ministerial side of the house.) He (Mr.
Cobden) very' much doubted whether the greatest politica
changes which took place in this country had not resulted
from the corn law of 1815. (Oh !) That law put a prohi-
bition duty on corn until it reached 80s. a quarter in this
country. What was the state of this country in 1841 ?
Why the whole of the districts in Lancashire and York-
shire were given over to desolation. Stockport had then
3,000 empty houses. The people, reduced almost to despair,
by an extraordinary instinct had abandoned their houses
and workshops, and went to the roadside. Now all those
sufferings were as clearly traceable to the corn laws as any
effect could be to its cause. (Hear, and Oh, oh.) If
you looked to the prices of corn at that time in Russia,
Prussia, Germany, and America, and compared them with
the price in this country—a price sustained by artificial
means—yon would find that the greatest disparity existed,
and that if tie barrier of monopoly had been broken down,
you would have had millions of quarters coming in to feed
the unhappy masses of the country. The Registrar-
General's report showed what were the effects of this
unjust restriction on the health of the people, and our
criminal statistics proved that as the price of corn rose
crime increased, and as it fell crime diminished. (Hear,
hear.) In 1836, when wheat was as low as 395. sd. a
quarter, the commitments were little more than 20,000;
but in 1842, when wheat was dear, the commitments, ex-
ceeded 30,000. In 1850, when the price fell again, the
commitments also fell to 26,813. From 1846 to the pre-
sent period, notwithstanding the increase in the popula-
tion, the commitments had decreased more than 5,000.
(Hear, hear.) Was it not, therefore, clear that the corn
laws had produced all those calamities which, as Christians,
we prayed might be averted ? He would then ask whether
it was wrong to brand those laws as unjust ? (Cheers.) But
while they were discussing whether the odious epithet of
just should be applied to the repeal of the corn laws, the
only communications with which he was troubled were
complaints that the Free-traders were too quiet, and did
not assert their principles with sufficient ardour. (Oh,
oh, from the Ministerial side.) Hon. gentlemen opposite
had been allowed to assume too much the tone of a griev-
ance. They complained that the Free-traders were too
harsh, and wanted to trample on those that were down.
He saw no symptoms of being down among the supporters
of the Government. On the contrary, he had seen very
high spirit maintained among them, and he saw also, with
feelings much akin to disgust, the way in which a por-
tion of the other side of the house treated the son of the
illustrious man to whom we owed this measure. He
(Mr. Cobden) complained of gentlemen opposite, not
because they behaved badly to Free-traders, but because
they behaved badly to those who sent them to Parliament.
Some of them claimed compensation on the ground that
free trade had done some injury to the farming interest ;
but he complained that the landlords of this country had
been the authors of all the mischief that had ensued. For
six years they had kept alive the delusion about the resto-
ration of protection. Those six years might have been
better employed as a transition state for the farmers, for
he admitted, that in getting back from a vicious system to
a sound one, inconveniences must be felt by somebody.
That was the penalty which people who went astray had
to pay for being put right. (Hear, hear.) But the transi-
tion penalty should not be thrown on the farmer' shoulders.
The landlords had enhanced the mischief, by sending
round the honourable member for Warwickshire (Mr.
Newdegate) to delude the tenant farmers. That honourable
member had called him (Mr. Cobden) a successful dema-
gogue. He could not return the compliment. (Laughter.)
He had been sent on the platforms at Drury-lane and Con-
cert-hall, to do his best to keep alive the delusion. Such
gentlemen had been the mortal enemies of the farmer.
(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Cobden) would advise the hon-
ourable member for Cambridgeshire, a tenant farmer, to
keep out of bad company. (Laughter.) This metropolis
was a dangerous place, especially in the political world.
The honourable gentleman said the farmers had been
nearly ruined during the last six years, but what had
the agents of the landlords done for the farmers ? He
tells them not to talk about rent—about clearing away
hedge-rows and diminishing game. (Cries of " Oh, oh !
and interruption.) He was aware he was coming to the
marrow. (Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") The
agents told the tenants to look to protection, and to depend
on Mr. Newdegate, who had 100 protection societies
throughout the country. (Derisive opposition cheers.)
The honourable and gallant Colonel cheered. (Colonel
Sibthorp here called out " Hear, hear," in so loud and
boisterous a tone as to call forth laughter from both sides
of the house.) He (Mr. Cobden) had read the gallant
colonel's address at Lincoln, and he had marked his conduct
there and in that house • but he was sure the gallant colonel
would agree him with i when he said that he was not
persuing the course of hon. gentlemen around him. If
these gentlemen had principles, they did not show that
they were worthy of good principles. They came into that
house to maintain protection, and they told the farmers it
was the cause of justice. But, although they came there
to maintain protection, they were ready to say they were
for free trade, if they could get the noble lord the member
for Tiverton (Lord Palmersten) to draw up an amendment.
(Cries of Divide, divide.) If they persevered in their inter-
ruption, it would redound on themselves. (Cries of Oh.)
What was the language they had held in that house ? They
said they were in a minority—but they would bow to the
majority. Did the Free-traders do so ? When he (Mr.
Cobden) came into Parliament in '4l, for Stockport, a vote
of want of confidence was moved against the Government
by the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire on
the question of free trade—and what did the Free-traders
do ? Did they bow to the majority of 90, which turned the
Government out ? No ; they set manfully to work, and
they gained the representation of Yorkshire. (Cheers.)
If the Protectionists think their cause to be just, let them
trace the same course. He (Mr. Cobden) would say that
they wanted the courage of their countrymen if they did
not take that course. If they retained their convictions,
don't let them vote for the amendment of the noble
lord (Lord Palmerston), or for the resolution of his hon.
friend (Mr. Villiers.) Let them maintain their prin-
ciples, and if they be just they could not fail of success.
He thoughti he could not speak too strongly of the insult
offered to their reason and their common sense by the
language that had been held by the right hon. gentleman
the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the course of the
debate. (Cries of `: Oh, oh," and interruption.) He had
tried to make them believe that he had not been encou-
raging the party who called for protection. Why, he had
a pocketful of extracts to prove that the right honourable
gentleman had done so. He had told them that he had
measures in store for the agricultural interest, and yet the
Secretary of State for the Home Department (Mr. Wal-
pole) had told them that they were not to expect, in the
budget, any remedial measures for the agricultural interest.
The question really at issue that night—(interruption)—he
was going to say that the question at issue was to vote for
a resolution in support of a free-trade policy, and to vote
for a resolution for free trade accompanied with compen-
sation. (Cheers and interruption.) Looking at free trade
as a measure calculated to put an end to injustice, to
sedition, and rebellion—(loud cries of Oh, oh, from the
Ministerial side)—he should vote for the resolution of his
honourable friend (Mr. Villiers) and he should most em-
phatically state that the question of free trade was not
settled, while those who had taxed their bread-baskets had
their hands in their pockets. (Loud cries of "Divide
divide," for several minutes.) ,
Mr. BUTT could not recognise anything in Mr. Cobden's
past conduct or station that justified him in assuming the
tote of a dictator. The motion, as interpreted by Mr.
Cobden's speech, was not to approve of free trade, but to
record the triumph of himself, and what was known as the
Manchester school, and to humiliate every section of the
house. With regard to the motions, Mr. Butt explained
that ho could not, with his Protectionist opinions, vote for
the amendment, but with a clear conscience he could
oppose the motion.
Mr. GLADSTONE said, it was not his intention to have
addressed the house after the speech of the right honourable
gentleman, the member for Wiltshire (Mr. Herbert), after
the speech of the noble lord, the member for the city of
pL London
wasde
ho nocf(
oLtnohtreednr
it,Jog.
in speaking
-a s e 11) ,
honourable an do stilln tgentlemanh me ocirueetfiturnr
question,
oe.wpasoothingsp: lbey.)
Hthe antecedent conduct of the men who now held the
reins of office. But he had heard an appeal from an hon-
ourable member (Mr. Cobden) to the friends of the late Sir Robert Peel, in which he had expressed astonishment
at the course they intended to pursue, and how they
could be found in the gallery voting on this question with
the Protectionists. He could not, therefore, hear that
appeal in silence. The reason, then, why the friends of Sir
R. Peel would be found voting for theresolution of the noble
lord (Lord Palmerston) was because they believed their
vote to be dictated by the principles of justice. He (3lr.
Gladstone) was quite certain that the hon. member (Mr.
Villiers) when he proceeded to frame his motion, did not
intend to excite party warfare. It would appear, however,
from the explanation they had heard that night from the
hon. member (Mr. Cobden) that the object of the objection-
able words was to exclude the question of compensation.
(Hear, hear.) But he (Mr. Gladstone) took a different view
of the matter, and would say that from no rational con.
struction of the words could they draw such a conclusion.
(Hear, hear.) The epithet used was that the repeal of the
corn laws was just. It might be so, but collateral claims
might arise for compensation. (Ministerial cheers.) It
might be just to abolish the slave trade, but just to give
compensation.r
ds (Cheers.) He was simply arguing from the
relied on, and which did not bear the meaninggiven to them by the hon. member for the West Riding
(Mr. Cobden). He (Mr. Gladstone) did not forget or under-
value the services
words they
that hon. member had given to free
a
trade. Complain they might of the course of. argument
par.
it could not be denied that he had
sued in that house, but
triumph of that
been mainly instrumental in the._measure.
was this : —The Secretary of
The dirtinction between them
that
State, who had addressed house the evening, said that
•
in 1856 he did not think free trade _ was a just_ or a wise
policy ; but he says
that now he does think that policy
both wise and just. Then, what was the difference between
•
were united in this feeling, that
them ? Why, that they
while hon. gentlemen opposite were obliged to put up with
Omitting that they were wrong, the hard necessity of a
believed the
they on his side joined them, because they _
measure of free trade was wise, just, and beneficial,
which
hon. gentlemen on the opposite side also assented to.
(" No," from the Ministerial benches.) If this were so,
why need they travel back to the year 1846, for the pur -
pose of finding out materials with which to insult hon
gentlemen opposite ? He put it with confidence to the
hon. gentleman who brought forward this motion, and he
had no hesitation in declaring that the resolulion was
drawn up in form of language for which there was no Par-
litmentary precedent. He did not mean to say that there
was no precedent for a motion to adopt a similar resolu-
tion to that moved by the hon. and learned gentleman,
but he did contend that there was no case as a precedent
where such a resolution was adopted by the house, and if
the house would allow him he would refer to a case

which had the closest analogy to the present one of
any that he was acquainted with. He alluded to the

case of the celebrated appropriation clause, Hand he
did not refer to the case for the purpose of creating any
bitterness of feeling between parties on the present occa-
sion. The noble lord (J. Russell) could well bear a refer-
ence to this case, for it was one of those rare cases in which
the noble lord, notwithstanding the ability and judgment
which he displayed in the conduct of any matter which he
undertook in Parliament, was baffled. (Hear, hear.) The
noble lord, after displacing Sir Robert Peel in 1835, fought
the battle of the Appropriation Clause with consummate
ability, until he was obliged to give it up in 1838. He
had placed upon the records of the house the declaration
that no measure for Ireland could be satisfactory that did
not appropriate the surplus revenue of the Irish Church for
the purposes of education. Well, then, the Government
were defeated upon this motion, upon which the hon.
member for Devonshire brought forward a resolution, ca.

ing on the house to rescind the resolution which it had
come to on a former occasion favourable to the principle of
appropriation. The noble lord met this motion by say-
ing, that the party opposed to him ought to be content,
for it had gained its object in preventing the Govern-
ment from proceeding to carry out the resolution of the
house in reference to appropriation, and that it ought
not to ask the House of Commons to stigmatise its own
acts, or to oblige the Government to submit to the indignity
of having its propositions altered in the way recommended
by the motion of the hon. baronet. The noble lord the Se-
cretary for Ireland also brought around him his friends,
and took the same line of argument, and the result was,
that the appeal thus made to the house was successful, and
he (Mr. G.) was not sorry that it was so, and he trusted
that a similar spirit of moderation and forbearance would
influence their proceedings that evening. (Hear.) The hon.
member for the West Riding had asked how could they—
the followers of the late Sir R. Peel, support the course
proposed by the noble lord the member for Tiverton. The
answer to that question was, they pursued that course
which Sir R. Peel would have done himself had he been
present on that occasion. (Hear.) Let them, therefore,
imitate him in the magnanimity of the course which he
had always pursued undr similar circumstances. (Hear.)
He gave up, in accordance with his own views to promote
the public good, political associations which he had held
closelyfor3s years. He looked for his revenge for the attacks
that had been made upon him, not to stinging speeches, but
to the consciousness that the policy which he had recom-
mended would operate advantageously even for those who in
their ignorance objected to his policy. He looked, therefore,
in the first place, to have his reward in the goodness of the
measures which he brought forward; secondly, in the as-
surances that the aristocracy who had opposed these mea-
sures would find their best advantage in the abolition of the
corn laws, which they were anxious to uphold. The right
hon. gentleman then proceeded as follows:—" My right
hon. friend anticipated, I am convinced, those bloodless,
those painless rewards, which would be honourable and
delightful to him, had it pleased God to spare him—which
will be honourable to my hon. friend the member for Bury
(Mr. Peel)—to those who were entitled to claim kindred
with that great man—which are now delightful to us, who
have had, in former times, the high privilege of combatting
by his side, and who are now, as fondly as ever, attached
to his memory. (Hear.) These are the vindications for
which he looked, and looking for these vindications, and
seeing that we are now arrived at the point when we are
celebrating the obsequies of this obnoxious policy, and are
about to adopt by an overwhelming majority, in one sense
or the other, a declaration admitted to be perfectly une-
quivocal, of the beneficial character, and of the predomi-
nance of the system of free trade, which he defended—oh,
sir, I say in such a moment a. this, if we still cherish the
desire to trample upon those who have fought man-
fully, and have been defeated fairly, let us endeavour to
put it away from ourselves, and rejoice in the great public
good which we have been enabled to attain, and to take
courage from the attainment of that good for the perform-
ance of our public duty in the future. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. NEWDEGATE rose amidst cries of " Divide," and
said that he had designated the hon. member for the West
Riding as a democrat, with the will to become an autocrat.
He begged to withdraw these words. He would vote
against the motion of the hen:member for Wolverhamp-
ton, and if it was possible for him to have voted for free
trade, he would have voted for the amendment of the noble
lord, because it was dictated with the spirit of a gentle-
man. He would not vote for the amendment, but he would
not vote against it.
Mr. VILLIERS rose to reply, and in doing so said he
would only occupy the attention of the house for a very
short while, as the subject would be rather personal to
himself. As he had been frequently referred to in the de-
bate, it was necessary that he should say something in
respect to himself. And here he must remark, that he
was afraid that the selection made in this case, to bring
the subject before the house was not a wise one. (Hear,
hear.) He had been flattered by the reference made
to him. It was said that he was selected to bring
this question before the house, because he had been
a consistent advocate for free trade—that in doing so,
he had but a single purpose in view, and that he
was not taunted with any sinister purpose whatever in the
matter. He feared these were not exactly the qualities
that fitted him for the position that he was called on to
occupy. In framing the resolution he expressed what he
conceived to be the opinion of the majority of that house,
and what was of more importance, what he believed to be
the opinion of the country. That, therefore, was his prac-
tice. As he said last night, he had not the credit of being
the author of the resolution, but it was agreed to after
much consideration, and he took the responsibility of it.
He, however, now felt bound, after what had taken place,
to reveal the truth to the house—(hear, hear)—and he did
so, because many strong things had been said in the course
of debate against him, and the course he had pursued.
He was charged, for instance, with having -brought for-
ward a resolution for which there was no parliamentary,
precedent, and that it was such a resolution which no gen-
tleman could propose in reference to another. Now, he
was not aware of any person who had cast imputations
upon his resolutions in that respect on his (Mr. Vil-
liers) side of the house, who was not a party to the
drawing it up. (Loud and continued cheering.) Every
one must see that there was a great distinction to be drawn
between the expediency of the resolution and the charac-
ter of the resolution. (Cries of " hear, hear.") Now
his resolution was on the table before the amendment was
proposed, and if it was so objectionable in character, as it
was now said to be, it was so before the amendment as
well as after it ; but so fax from any fault being found with
it in that respect, when he showed it to the noble lord who
moved the amendment--(hear' hear)—and the right hon.
gentleman the member for the University of Oxford, they
both pronounced it unexceptionable. When he submitted
the resolution for the opinion of the noble lord the member
for Tiverton, he passed over the words " wise, just, and
beneficial," which had been since so much talked about,
without mating the least objection to them. (Hear,
hear.) The noble lord did suggest an alteration in
another portion of the resolution, and which he (Mr.
Villiers) acceded to. (Hear, hear.) He did not say that
the noble lord had not proposed a more expedient resolu-
tion than his was, but all he wanted was to vindicate
himself against those charges which had been brought
against his resolution. (Hear, hear.) The house, therefore,
must see that he had not taken the course he had done out
of any disrespect to the Government, or any portion
of the house, but being requested to do so, he framed
a resolution which he considered would have the
support of the great majority of the house, and which
he was certain would have the support of the great
majority of the country, the Government them-
solve admitting that the feeling of the country was in
favour of the principles he had set forth in the resolution.
It was admitted that there was a necessity for such a reso-
lution, and he had only proposed one embodying those
principles which were laid down in the Speech from the
Throne. (Hear, hear.) One, however, would think, from
the heavy charges which had been brought against him,
that there was a wide and important difference between
his resolution and the amendment, but let the house con-
sider how the case stood. The great difference between
his side of the house and the opposite side was, that free
trade had produced none of those beneficial effects which
were set forth both in his resolution and the amendment
of the noble lord, and if a bona fide amendment had been
submitted to that effect, the matter would have been
placed upon a proper footing, but that not having
been done, what he wanted was now to ascertain
from the house whether that which was admitted by
all to have improved the condition of the country was
wise, just, and beneficial. (Cheers.) Every one, there-
fore, who went into the lobby in favour of the amend-
ment of the noble lord, while they would affirm that
the people had been improved and that trade had been
increased by means of that policy, would at the same time
affirm that it was not wise, Just, and beneficial? (Cries of
"No, no.") One was, therefore, brought to inquire why
this difference of opinion between the resolution and the
amendment, and why the averseness to approve of the
words, " wise, and just, and beneficial," and as to that
they were not left in the dark, for some hon. members had
let the cat out of the bag. There was something, it ap-
peared, behind the scenes in the shape of compensation.
(Cheers.) That would be given as a substitute for protec-
tion. That seemed to be the opinion of the hon. member
for Surrey (Mr. Drummond), for he did not seem to find
any fault with his resolution. " But," said that hon. mem-
ber, " I have constituents who have suffered in consequence
of the repeal of the corn laws, and they would hardly be
satisfied with my conduct if I voted that that measure was
`wise, just, and beneficial.'" Had he been met in the
same spirit by other hon. members on that side of the
house, as he had been by the honourable member for
Surrey, he might have consented to withdraw the words in
question ; but why he thought the insertion necessary
was, that the Government were not converts to this
policy—(hear)—they only submitted to a necessity and to
a state of things which they could not control, and that
therefore it was proper that such words should be inserted,
in order to prevent them from intermeddling with that
Policy should an opportunity occur. (Hear, hear.) He,
therefore, asked honourable gentlemen who all along sup-
ported free trade, how they could go into the lobby in
favour of the amendment ?
Lord PALMERSTON said, as his hon. and learned
friend had referred to a conversation which he had had
with him in reference to his resolution, he wished to say a
few words in explanation. It was true that one evening,
towards the end of the night, his hon. and learned friend
showed him sitting on the end of that bench (pointing to
the bench on which Mr. Villiers sat), the draft of his
as to whether he would vote for it. He (Lord Palmerston)
re-
solution, for the purpose, as he understood, of ascertaining
pointed out one part of it which he could not agree to—
(he,;r)—and his hon. and learned friend agreed to strike
that part out. After the resolution was laid on the table
notice of an amendment to it was given by the Government,
on seeing which he wrote a note to his hon. and learned
friend in which he stated that he presumed the objection
to the resolution proceeded on one particular part of it, but
that he was sorry to see that a resolution which it was in.
tended should establish a great system of domestic policy
should degenerate into a mere party struggle, and he
the house. He did see
en-
treated him to endeavour, by putting himself into commu-
nication with the Government, to devise some form of
his hon.
ththeemin%pwrehsastion on his
toworhidms wthihacthhme might bde.
see him
to the great majority of
the Douse of Commons. His hon. and learned friend stated
atinedulalersarnof
him in the house accordingly, but without stating the par-
edthefricoeendverreltdionhimbetwleeften
mind that he was not master of his own conduct—(Mi-
nisterial cheers)—and that he was in the hands of other
Persons. (Hear, hear.) It was not, therefore, fair for him
to say that he made no objection until his resolution was
before the house. He wrote him that note, which he
could make what use of he pleased—show it to whom he
liked, and read it to whom he pleased. (Cheers.)
Mr. GLADSTONE also rose to explain. If they were
to be put into a glass beehive, so that all those communica.
time in respect of these resolutions might be seen, he had
not the least objection, for there was not one word which
he had spoken or written respecting which he was not
ready to place at the service of the house, for he had
thought it prudent to carry all the correspondence in his
pocket. Knowing the misunderstandings whick took
place in these matters, he took the precaution of taking
that course. (Hear.) As to the charge of the hon. and
learned gentleman, he met it by stating, that he believed
the resolution was placed on the table of the house at 12
o'clock, the 17th of , and on the 16th, at six o'clock,
he wrote a note to the *hon. and learned gentleman, ob-
jecting to the resolution in the precise point on which the
objection to it had been founded that evening, on the
ground that, if kept in that shape, it would not gain the
support of so large a majority of that house. (Hear.)
Mr. VILLIERS, in explanation, said that there was not
one single word that had been stated but confirmed what
he had said, and he felt called upon to add now, that the
terms which were since so objectionable to the noble lord,
did not strike the noble lord at the time that they were in
communication with each other on the subject, What he

said on the occasion had been made subject of doubt, and
all he had now to say was, that if the objectionable words
were objectionable at the time they were nevertheless
admitted to be true. With respect to the right hon. gen-
tleman (Mr. Gladstone) he had written to him (Mr .
Villiers), and stated that ho had been informed, as the
right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had
stated that he had been informed, that the objectionable
words had been put into the resolution for the purpose of
preventing others from giving their vote, and his (Mr.
Villiers') answer was, that no such object had ever been
thought of.
The house then divided, when the numbers were—
For Mr. Villiers' resolution
For Lord Palmerston's amendment 336

Majority for the amendment ... 80
The house immediately afterwards divided on Lord Pal-
merston's amendment as an original resolution, when the
numbers were—
For the motion
Against it,.,

. 468
. 53

Majority
The announcement of the numbers was received with
cheers, and the house immediately afterwards adjourned at
two o'clock.

FROM THE GAZETTE OF YESTERDAY.

WAR-OFFICE, Nov. 26.
6th Regiment of Dragoons--Acting Assistant-Surgeon
Henry Charles Boate to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice
Logie, promoted on the Staff, Nov. 23.
3d Foot—Assistant-Surgeon Edgar Dumaresq Batt,
from the 13th Foot, to be Surgeon, vice Reade, appointed
to the Staff, Nov, 26.
6th Foot—Captain Henry Phillips, from half-pay un-
attached, to be Captain, vice Crilice, who exchanges,
receiving the difference ; Lieutenant Henry Pratt Gore
to be Captain, by purchase, vice Phillipps, who retires ;
Ensign Walter Tyler Bartley to be Lieutenant, by pur-
chase, vice H. P. Gore, Nov. 26.
13th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon Frederick Clarke, from
the 25th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Batt, pro-
moted in the 3rd Foot, Nov. 26.
24th Foot—Ensign Samuel John James Burns to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Drew, who retires,
Nov. 26.
25th Foot--Acting Assistant-Surgeon Watkin San-
dom Whylock, M.D., to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice
Clarke, appointed to the 13th Foot, Nov. 26.
31st Foot--Captain Charles Octavius Eardley Wilmot,
from the 96th Foot, to be Captain, vice Rocke, who
exchanges, Nov. 26.
41st Foot—Captain James Eman. to be Major, by
purchase, vice Seaton, who retires, ; Lieutenant Hon-
ourable Richard Handcock to be Captain, by purchase,
vice Eman ; Ensign Henry Stratton Bush, to be Lieu-
tenant, by purchase, vice Handcock, Nov. 26.
55th Foot—Ensign John Richard Hume to be Lieu-
tenant, by purchase, vice Feilden, who retires—Thomas
Maude Roxby Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice
Mackinnon, appointed to the 64th Foot, Nov. 26.
64th Foot—Ensign David Mortimer Murray to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Hood, who retires ; En-
sign Walter Carr Mackinnon, from the 55th Foot, to be
Ensign, vice Murray, Nov. 26.
82nd Foot—Staff Surgeon of the Second Class Wil-
liam Ord Mackenzie, M.D., to be Surgeon, vice Hume,
promoted on the Staff, Nov. 26.
96th Foot—Captain Henry Bagshawe Harrison Rocke
from the 31st Foot, to Captain, vice Eardley Wilmot,
who exchanges, Nov. 26.
Ceylon Rifle Regiment--Captain Thomas Cochrane
Hammill, from half-pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice
Albert Watson, promoted, without purchase, to an Un-
attached Majority, Nov. 26 ; First-Lieutenant Frederick
Arthur Walter to be Captain, by purchase, vice Ham-
mill, who retires ; Second-Lieutenant Robert Seymour
Croxton Sillery to be First-Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Walter, Nov. 26.
St. Helena Regiment—Ensign Thomas Conway Lloyd
to be Adjutant, vice Prenderville, who resigns the Adju-
tancy only, Nov. 26.
HOSPITAL STAFF.--Surgeon Thomas David Hume,
M.D., from the 82d Foot, to be Staff Surgeon of the first
class, vice George Home, who retires upon half-pay.—
, Assistant-Surgeon Cosmo Gordon Logie, M.D., from
the 6th Dragoons, to be Staff Surgeon of the second
class, vice Mackenzie, appointed to the 82d Foot.—Sur-
geon Henry Cooper Reade, from the 3d Foot, to be
Staff Surgeon of the second class, vice George Hume
Reade, who retires upon half-pay.
BREVET.—Captain Thomas Cochrane Hammill, o
the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, to be Major in the Army,f
Nov. 23, 1841; Brevet Thomas Cochrane Hammill, of
the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, to be Lieutenant-Colonel in
the Army, Nov. 11, 1851 ; Captain Henry Philhpps,
of the 6th Foot, to be Major in the Army, Nov. 23,
1841; Brevet Major Henry Phillipps, of the 6th Foot,
to be Lieutenant-Colonel in the Army, Nov. 11, 1851.
MEMORANDUM. —Ensign Henry John Yonge has not
roverted to the 74th Regiment, as stated in the Gazette
of Nov. 23, but continues in the 61st Foot, as stated in
the Gazette of Oct. 15. •
Erratum in Gazette of Sept. 21.
Ist (or Grenadier) Guards—For Francis Byan Davies,
Gent., to be Ensign and Lieutenent, by purchase, &c.,
read Francis Byam Davies, Gent., to be Ensign and
Lieutenant, by purchase, &c.
ADMIRALTY; Nov. 23.
Corps of Royal m ll/1-ajnr Ilugh Evan,,
to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Garmston, retired on full
pay; Brevet Major Samuel Robert Wesley, Assistant
Adjutant-General, to be Lieutenant-Colonel ; Brevet
Major Thomas Fynmore to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice
Hornbrook, retired on full pay ; First Lieutenant and
Adjutant James Ainslie Stewart, to be Captain, vice
Evans, promoted ' • First Lieutenant and Quartermaster
James Pickard to be Captain, vice Fynmore, promoted ;
Second Lieutenant Thomas George Shelton Meheux to
be First Lieutenant, vice Stewart, promoted ; Second
Lieutenant William Tauzia Savary to be First Lieutenant,
vice Pickard, promoted ; First Lieutenant Rodney Van-
sittart Allen to be Adjutant ; First Lieutenant John
William Collman Williams to be Quartermaster.
COMMISSIONS BY LORD-LIEUTENANTS.
Walter Long, M.P., Herbert Watkin Williams Wynn,
Esq., M.P., and John Naylor, Esq., to be Deputy
Lieutenants of the county of Montgomery.
Edward Knight, Doctor of Medicine, Henry Allsop,
Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant of the county of Stafford.
George Henry Carleton Sunderland, Esq., to be
Deputy Lieutenant of the county of Lancaster.
3rd Regiment of the Duke of Lancaster's Own Militia,
Thomas Ellames Withington, Gent., to be Ensign,
Warwickshire Regiment of Militia, Lieutenant Ash-
ley Henry Wilson to be Captain.
Royal Wiltshire Militia, Walter Coleman, Gent.,
Alfred Oliver, Gent., Samuel Whitchurch Sloper, Gent,
John Leigh Reed, Gent., to be Lieutenants ; Beverley.
Robinsnn, Gent., Thomas Noyes Lewis, Gent., Thomas
Pocock, Gent., to be Ensigns.
East Kent Regiment of Militia, John George Wit
Liam Brydges, Esq., to be Captain ; Richard Penne-
father, Gent., to be Lieutenant.
Durham Regiment of Militia, Theman William Ush-
erwood Robinson, Gent., to be Lieutentint.
BANKRUPTS,
James Thomas Wheatley, lighterrnan, Cranmer-place,
Waterloo-bridge-road, to surrender, Dec. 8, at two, and
Jan. 7, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stans-
feld, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Lawrence and
Co., Old Jewry-chambers.

Henry Fisher and Edward William Selwood,
milliners
and lacemen, Aldersgate-street, City, Dec. 7, and Jan.
11, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards,
official assignee, Sambrook-court, Basinghall-street ;
Ashurst, Old Jewry.

James Gazely, Carpenter and builder, Ring's Lynn,
Dec. 3, at twelve, and Jan. 7, at one, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee ; Trinder and
Eyre, John-street, Bedford-row.
Thomas Crossley, commission agent, Noble-street,
City, Dec. 1, at half-past one, and Jan. 8, at half-past
two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official
assignee, Guildhall-chambers, Basinghall-street ; Sole,
Turner, and Turner, Aldermanbury.
Henry Kennall, stone mason, Hastings, Dee. 1, at
half-past twelve, and Jan. 14, at eleven, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, Basinghall-
street ; Gregson and Son, Angell-court ; Scrivers and
Young, Hastings.

~..
William Northwood, cabinet maker, Wigmore-street,
Cavendish-square, Dec. 1, at twelve, and Jan. 15, at
half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell,
official assignee, Guildhall-cha,mbers, Basinghall-street ;
Newbone and Evans, Wardrobe-place, Doctors'-com-
mons.

Joseph Ick Evans, clothier, Harrow-road, Paddington,
Dec. 9, at half-past twelve, and Jan. 13, at twelve, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee,
Basinghall-street ; Steinberg, Bread-street, Cheapside.
Joseph Taylor, grocer, Hoxne, Suffolk, Dec. 7, at
half-past twelve, and Jan. 6, at one, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman-street-
buildings ; Newbon and Hutton, Noble-street, Cheap-
side.

DIVIDENDS.
At the Court, Basinghall-street.
G. Burgess, Ramsgate, Kent, coachmaker, Dec. 18,
at twelve--T. Delf and N. Trubner, Paternoster-row,
booksellers, Dec. 20, at one—R. Cross, Southampton,
watchmaker' Dec. 20, at eleven—J. Hughesdon and A.
Mackay, Chundernagore, East Indies, merchants, Dec.
18, at eleven—W. A. Coger, Newgate-street, City, boot
dealer, Dec. 18 at half past eleven—J. L. Bensusan,
Magdalen-row, Goodman's-fields, merchant, Dec. 17, at
eleven—G. Staner, jun., Margate, Kent, baker, Dec.
21, at two—H. Saunders, Upper Thames-street, whole-
sale cheesemonger, Dec. 20, at half-past twelve.

In the Country.

T. Tomlinson, Winterton, Lincolnshire, corn mer-
chant, Dec. 17, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds—J.
Beach, Bradford, apothecary, Dec. 17, at eleven, at the
Court, Leeds—W. Kendall and J. Standish, Leeds,
Yorkshire, grocers, Dec. 17, at eleven, at the Court,
Leeds—A. L. Stocks, Huddersfield, Yorkshire, draper,
Dec. 17, at eleven, at the Court, Leeds—W, 11. Stafford,
Sheffield, Yorkshire, paintel., Dec. 18, at twelve, at the
Council-hall, Sheffield—L. Palfreyman, Sheffield, York-
shire, scrivener, Dec. 18, at twelve, at the Council-
hall, Sheffield R. T. Carlisle, Sheffield, York-
shire, builder, Dec. 18, at twelve, at the
Council-hall, Sheffield—T. Moyle, Deansgate, Man-
chester, draper, Dec. 21, at twelve, at the amrt, Man-
chester—R. Peel, Blackburn, Lancashire, ironmonger,
'
Dec. 22, at twelve, at the Court, IVlanchester—W. G.
Williams Accrington, Lancashire, draper, Dec. 22, at .
twelve, at the Court, Manchester—J. Brown, Kidder-
minster, Worcestershire, carpet manufacturer, Dec. 21,
at eleven, at the Court, Birmingham—W. J.Williams,
Wolverhampton, Staffordshire, hosier, Jan. 11, at eleven,
at the Court, Birmingham—S, Wilkes, Birmingham,
clock-dial maker, Dec. 18, at ten, at the Court, Bir- ,
mingham—C. F. Bailey, Burslem, Staffordshire, boot-
maker, Dee. 18, at ten, at the Court, Birmingham—W, 1

K. Broadhurst, Fenton, Stoke-upon-Trent, Staffordshire,
earthenware manufacturer, Dec. 20, at ten, at the
Court, Birmingham—F. Braithwaite, Hereford, apothe-
cary, Dec. 20, at ten, at the Court, Birmingham—W
Laird, Birkenhead,Pmerchant, Dec. 20, at eleven, at the
Court, Liverpool—T. M. Harris, Liverpool, shipowner,
Dec. 17, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—T. Tatters-
all, Liverpool, corn merchant, Dec. 17, at eleven, at the
Court, Liverpool.
PAYMENT OF DIVIDENDS.
J. Gouldesbrough, Manchester, manufacturer, id.,
and first dividend 7s. 2d., on Tuesday, Nov. 30, and
following Tuesday, between ten and on; at the office of
Mr. Lee, Manchester.

,
Guthrie and Cook, Liverpool, merchants, id., on
Monday, Nov. 29, or any subsequent Monday, between
eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool.
G. Walsh, Blackburn. Lancashire, pawnbroker,
12s. 5d., on Tuesday, Nov. 30, or any subsequent
Tuesday, between eleven and one, at the office of Mr.
Pott, Manchester.

E. W. Dickenson, Liverpool, merchant, Bd., on Mon-
day, Nov. 29, or any subsequent Monday, between
eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool.
T. N. Asshoton, Liverpool, merchant, 3d., on Mon-
day, Nov. 29, or any subsequent Monday, between
eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool.
NOTICES 01? CERTIFICATES.
At the Court, Basinghall-street.
H. N. Brewer, Deptford, and Bermondsey-wall, block-
maker, Dec. 20, at half-past eleven—T. Delf and N.
Trubner, Paternoster-row, City, booksellers, Dec. 17,
at half-past eleven—J. Holmes, Regent-street, West-
minster, shawl-warehouseman, Dec. 20, at half-past
twelve -J. P. Sandle, North Ockendon, Essex, cattle
dealer, Dec. 20, at half-past eleven—J. Strevens, Ber-
mondsey-wall, Bermondsey, sail maker, Dec. 18, at
eleven—T. Meeson, Fenchurch-street, coal-merchant,
Dec. 17, at half-past eleven—R. Pitt, East Donyland,
Essex, builder, Dec. 17, at one—A. Forfar, Dunstable,
Bedfordshire, straw bonnet-manufacturer, Dec. 21, at
eleven.

lit the Country.
T. Moyle, Deansgate, Manchester, draper, Dec. 20,
at twelve, at the Cpurt, Manchester—C. S. Harris, Li-
verpool, pawnbroker-, Dec. 20, at eleven, at the Court,
Liverpool. _ _

CERTIFICATES GRANTED.
J. W. C. Brewer, Gloucester, licensed victualler,
certificate of the first class.--R. J. Dangerfield, Dun-
stable, Bedfordshire, printer, certificate of the second
class.—W. Trego, Coleman-street, City, builder, cer-
tificate of the third class.—R. Brumwell, Halifax, York-
shire, draper, certificate of the second class.—J. Eyre,
Sheffield, grocer, certificate of the third class after two
years from Dec. 13, 1851.—E. Jones, Liverpool, linen-
draper, certificate of the second class, after twenty-one
days from Nov. 22.—J. B. Davies, Liverpool, provision
merchant, certificate of the second class, after twenty-
one days from Nov. 17.—H. Jones, Chester, hop dealer,
certificate of the first class, after twenty-one days from
Nov. 17.—F. James, Walsall, Staffordshire, ironfounder,
certificate Of the second class, after six months from
Nov. 4.

PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
T. Martyn and R. Martyn, Whitechapel-road.—
E. J. Featherstone, W. Wayne, R. Jenkins, arid Anne
Wayne (so far as regards E. J. Featherstone), Car-
marthen.—J. Peniston, E. W. Peniston, and J.
Peniston (so far as regards E. W. Peniston), Leeds,
clothiers and outfitters.—H. Adkins, T. Pinches,
J. C. Adkins, and G. C. Adkins, Smethwick, Stafford-
shire, soap, alkali, and red lead manufacturers.—
J. Milsom and W. Bowden, Bristol, sack manufacturers
—F. Millar and Major Usborne, Groningen, Holland,
corn merchants—S. Hartree and T. Hartree, Bath, pub-
lican—R. Skipwith and C. C. Sharp, Robbers Mill, near
Nottingham, starch manufacturers—J. Kirkley, W. A.
Swinburne, W. Anderson, and J. N. Buckland, South
Shields, brewers and maltsters—J. Preston and L. Top-
ping, Manchester, common brewers—J. V. Morel and
W. J. de Bammeville, New Burlington-street, manufac-
turing jewellers—B. Ward and W. J. Frood, Manches-
ter, brewers—H. Byrt and G. Chubb, New Sarum,
linendrapers Emma Leuty and Anne Spence Fox,
Bradford, Yorkshire, milliners.

INSOLVENT PETITIONERS.
Henry Sears, Hucknall Torkard, Nottinghamshire,
tailor.

John Hewitt, Nottingham, baker.
John,Williamson, Snenton, Nottinghamshire, butcher.
William Manners, Snenton, Nottinghamshire, clerk.
Benjamin Lacey, jun., Norwich, plasterer.
Robert Gunn, sen., Great Yarmouth, grocer.
William R. Critten, Great Yarmouth, publican.
Charles Howell, Bristol, sailmaker.
John Jones, Talgarth, Breconshire, farmer.
Henry Stevenson, Ipswich, horse and cattle-dealer.
Richard Taylor, Kidderminster, licensed victualler.
James W. Banyard, Ipswich, tailor.
Enoch Byham, jun., Colchester, jobber.
George Fairweather, Wragby, Lincolnshire, cooper.
Robert Williams, St. Asaph, Flintshire, publican.
Robert Bates, Buxton, Derbyshire, chemist.

SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION.
W. Reid, Edinburgh, Wright, to meet within Dowel
and Lyon's Rooms, Edinburgh, Nov. 29 and Dec. 20
attwo.

BANK OF
An Account pursuant to the Act 71
the Week ending on Saturday t

ENGLAND.
di and Bth of Victoria, cap. 32,
he 20th day of November, 1852,
aIITMENT.

£
Government debt.... 11,015,100
Other securities ...... 2,984,900
Gold coin and bullion 20,779,021
silver bullion .... .... 19,154

£34,798,175

MARSHALL, Chief Cashier,
;r, 1352.

:PART4ENT.

Government securities "'
(Includg.DeadWeight
Annuity) .. 13,962,688
Other securities 11,605,403
Notes .. .
Gold and silver coin 523,819