The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-16 00:00:00

EVENING, JUICE 16, 185.2

THE COUNTRY MARKET'S.
IPSWICH, JUNE 15.
The market was very thinly attended by farmers, and con.
sequently the show of wheat was very small indeed. Holders
were fair in their prices, and the sales were at figures ;showing
a steady upward tendency. We continue to be so inundated
with wet',' that at this period of the season it begins to be a
critical time for the growing crops.

19t1t, QUARTZR. - PEA QUA RTEH.
Wheat, red
Ditto, white 46s to 49s Oats oos to 00s
Barley, malting ... 00s to 00s Rye oos to 00s
Ditto, grinding ~. 00s to 00s Malt oos to 00s
Beans
• --- - - -- --- ---

- -
AVERAGES FOR THE WEEK ENDING JUNE 12, 1852.
Wheat
Barley
Beans, 5 „ 30s Od
Peas
Oats ......... —. 12 „ 23s 6d
HULL, JUTE 15.
Messrs. Taylor and Bright's Circular states :—There
has been a considerable fall of rain during the past week, quite
sufficient for the present; the weather is cold and ungenial.
Arrivals of foreign wheat continue trifling, but as our millers
continue sufficiently supplied from the farmers, it is of little
consequence; the quantity of foreign used is small, and makes
little impression on granaried stocks. To-day we had a fair
supply of English wheat, which met very ready sale at fully
the rates of last week, 39s to 40s being the current rates to
the farmer. Very little doing in foreign, English weight for
weight being still comparatively cheaper. Barley for feeding
meets a moderate consumptive demand, which must soon in-
crease. The stock of yeas is very trifling, and good quality
command our quotations. In oats there is not much business
passing, and good fresh corn would meet a market. There is
a moderate business doing in linseed, fine qualities of which
are rather scarce. Linseed cakes are dull, but a little business
has taken place in Hull•made on contract, and also in fine
foreign, of which the market is nearly cleared. No rapeseed
one ale, but cakes continue in demand, as do also bones, which
fetch our quotations as they arrive.
The following are the present prices of grain :

Wheat, English, red 38 to 41 Peas, white and yel. 32 35
Do. white 42 44 Do. grey 2B 30
Dantzic and Ko- Linseed, Black Sea 44 46
nigsberg 4O 45 Do. Petersburgh ... 42 45
Pomeranian and Do.Riga&Archngl. 38 —42
Hamburgh . 3B 40 Do. Konigsberg .... 38 40
Danish, B.olstein, & Per ton.
Friesland 36 38 Lins. c., Hull 7i lOs Od to 0/0s
Russian and Odessa 34 38 Do. fine for. —7l 2a 6d to 0/0s
Oats, English lB 20 Do. inf. foreign... 0/ to 61 Os
Do. Danish 16 18 Rapeseed 23110 s to 00/
Do.Friesland lB 20 Rape cakes...92s 6d to 95s Od
Do. Russ. & Odessa 15 18 Tares, English 34s —00 s
Barley,malting 25 30 Do. foreign °Bs —32 s
Do. grinding 26 27 Guano 4/ 7l to 91 Vs
Beans 29 32 Bones, do 97s 6d to 100 s
Do., foreign 27 30 Rye Meal 71 Os
LIVERPOOL, JUNE 15.—At this morning's market there vas
a good attendance of town and country dealers. Wheat met a
fair sale, at the full prices of last Tuesday, and fine qualities
of sack and barrel flour were in improved request, at rather
better prices. Oats and oatmeal were in limited demand, at a
decline of 'Ad to Id per 451bs, and 3d to 6d per load. Barley,
beans, and peas supported late rates. Indian corn met a slow
sale, buyers holding off in anticipation of lower prices. Galata
brought 31s; American yellow, 30s 64; and NN hite, 29s 6d to
30s per 480Ibs.

issue would be indifferent to him, it would redound only
to the discredit of her Majesty's Ministers. Messrs.
Smith and Wingate were two ministers in the Scotch
church at Pesth, where they had settled in 1848. Mr.
Edwards was in Lemberg in 1848; but all three gentle-
men had settled in the Austrian dominions with lull
permission of the Austrian Government to undertake
their spiritual functions. The first two having resi,ted
more than ten years in Pesth, bud, by the law of
Hungary, become naturalizsd; all of them had ac-
quired property, both real and personal, in
the country, and they, no doubt, intended to
pass there the rest of their days. On the 10th of De-
cember, 1851, Count Buol wrote to the Noble Lord
the Member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston), then at the
head of the Foreign-office, and informed him that by
way of retaliation upon England for protecting Kossuth
and his companions the Austrian Government intended
to subject English travellers, however innocent of acts to
the prejudice o.f the Austrian Government, to what he
called exceptional measures of precaution, About
Christmas-day Mr. Edwards received a peremptory no-
tice to leave Lemberg. His wife at the time was within
four weeks of her confinement; there were other children
in the family; and in a most inclement season of the
year they were told that within six days they must
travel 500 miles, and that if they did not set out force
would he used. Mr. Edwards proceeded to Vienna end
saw our ambassador, the Eerl of Westmorland (who re-
ceived a princely income for doing nothing), but he re.
fused to interfere. It was not without great difficulty
that this unfortunate gentleman was able to get beck to
Lemberg at all, to escort his sick family and his wife to
the frontiers of Prussia; and they had no sooner crossed
the frontiers, after a journey of no ordinary length and
severity, than Mrs. Edwards gave birth to
.a dead child.
That was th© case of Mr. Edwards, and to this
.day no ex-
planation had been given of the sentence against him—
au illegal sentence, because it was the effect of a single
mandate issued by the command of Prince. Schwarzan-
berg, who was now answerable elsewhere for the deeds
done in the flesh. Messrs. Smith and Wingate, on the
sth of January following, received a notice to quit the
Austrian dominions within five days. They too, appealed
but in vain, to the English Legation, and to the tender
mercies of the Austrians. The common precautions
which humanity might have suggested to mitigate their
lot was denied them. When Mr. Wingate (whose
youngest child was in danger of death) asked permission
of the military Governor of Hungary that the child's
nurse should be allowed to accompany them, he was
fleely refused. The order went forth that no one should
be permitted to attend them, and it was only at half-
past twelve at night, at a ball where the military Gover-
nor of Pesth was present, that Mr. Wingate
was able to obtain permission for a journey which
was to begin at the dawn of day. In all these cases
no reasons for the expulsion had been so much as hinted
at, end opportunities of explanation were denied
them. Neither the Earl of Westmorland nor his em-
bassy did what was their duty; but at the time they
wore in Vienna the American Arebessedor, when the
Earl of Westmorland would do nothing for them, gene-
rously placed hie purse and his House et tho disposal of
these distressed men. Those gentlemen had property
which, ss ith the exception of one trifling article, they
were obliged to abandon to the mob or to the dishonest
end spoliating Government of the country. The Go•
vernment of Great Britain, unless it was a coward and a
bully, should act en the principle it had adopted in the
case of Mr. Finlay. Vats], Grotias, and others laid it
down, that due notice should tile ays be given to one na-
tion of the abolition of any mum in another. But here
notice Was given, and theta was a forced sale of their
goods; and yet Lord Malmesbury said they had no
right to expect any redress. The final letter of his Lord-
ship stated, that the reply of the Austrian Government
was—

An iToN. ME3IBER here moved that the Houle be
counted; and, it being found that o%ly thirty-woven Mem-
bers were present. the House stood adjourned, at a
Quarter to Eight, to Twelve o'clock this day.

LIOUSE OF LORDS, June 15.
THE MILITIA BILL.
The Earl of DERBY. said he rose for the purpose of mov-
ing the second reading of this Bill, the importance of which
would not be denied by their Lordships. It had already re-
ceived the assent of the other House of Parliament, after
/oeig and persevering discussions,- by overwhelming majo-
rieies, both with regard to the principle and all the details,
It was a Bill for re-organizing and placing in a state of com-
parative efficiency the ancient constitutional militia force of
th e country, and he hardly entertained a doubt that the
pr inciple of the Bill, at all events, would meet with the
unanimous concurrence of their Lordships.— (Hear, hear.)
In the first place there was an universal consent on all sides,
th at for the more efficient defence of the country an increase
of the disposable force of the kingdom was necessary, and
accordingly her Majesty's Government received the assent of
th. ether House of Parliament to a resolution allowing
them to bring in a Bill to re-organize the militia. If
he were asked whether he grounded his reasons
for bringing in this Bill on any immediate apprehensions of
attack from foreign powers, he should distinctly answer that
he did not. Neither did he rest it upon any apprehension of any
personal hostile feelings of the Prince President of France,
but he could not shut his eyes to the numerous changes of
Government which had taken place in France, to the large
class of persons in that country adverse to the cause
of order and tranquillity, and actuated by a feeling of consi-
derable hostility to this country, and he felt that it would he
the height of folly and madness to wait for a contingency,
however remote, of this country being exposed for the first
ti me for centuries to the danger of a hostile invasion.
The Noble Lord then continued—My Lords, when the
pvoposition of the late Government was brought before
the House of Commons, although there was a great ac-
quiesence in the necessity for increasing our military
force, and for the establishment of a militia force, a dif-
ference prevailed in that House to which I will not fur-
ther
allude,—(Hear.) I do not wish to advert to cir-
cumstances which might be painful to the feelings of
any Noble Lord.—(Hear.) But a difference of opinion
prevailed in that House which negatived tho specific
plan of her Majesty's late Government for providing a
local militia force,' and which passed a resolution de-
claring that it was necessary to introduce a measure for
a general militia, or rather for amending and consoli-
dating the law which regulated the regular militia of
this country. Thus we arrive step by sten, first, that
all parties have agreed that our existing means of de-
fence are insufficient. Next, they have agreed that a
militia force was absolutely necessary, and ought to be
raised. Thirdly, that they entertain an opinion that a
militia force should not to he local but general in its cha-
racter, in accordance with former laws upon this subject.
That was the position in which affairs stood when we
were called to take a part in her Majesty's Government.
We took that part in a period of some difficulty. We
were much pressed with regard to the measures which
we would think it necessary for the service of the
country to pass previous to the period anticipated by
all, namely, the dissolution of Parliament, and desired
by none more than those who were charged with the
administration of her Majesty's Government. We were
quite convinced of the necessity for a dissolution of Par-
liament at as early a period as was consistent with the
public interest and with the safety of the country. It is
undoubtedly true that we might, had we been so dis-
posed, have declared that we were not bound by any
obligations incurred by our predecessors, or by Bills
which our predecessors had introduced. We might have
said that we were not responsible for the position in
which we found the country, nor for the judgment which
pronounced that a militia force was necessary. By taking
that course we might have saved ourselves a considerable
amount of difficulty and obloquy, We might have pre-
vented risking the popularity of the Administration in
the country at large. Because we were told that this Mi-
litia Bill, and, indeed, any Militia Bill, was objected to
on various grounds by a very large proportion of the
population. Objections were taken to it on various and
very different grounds, and there was an appearance, at
least, of a very considerable resistance to any such
burden being inflicted upon the country as would be
imposed by this Bill. But, my Lords, we felt that we
were not at liberty to enter upon any such personal consi-
derations.—(Hear, hear.) We did believe that our pre-
decessors were right in their judgment, that the estab-
lishment of such a militia force was indispensable for the
security of this country against aggression, and im-
pressed with that opinion I took the liberty of pro-
nouncing that whatever other measure might be thrown
overboard, this was one of those measures to which we
thought it indispensable to obtain the sanction of Par-
liament previous to a general appeal to the country con-
sequent upon a dissolution of Parliament. I will add
further, that I thought it a matter of considerable im-
portance that no delay should take place in pushing this
measure through its various stages, so that a militia
force might at once be organised. This has been a
subject of anxious deliberation on the part of those
charged with the Government of this country. Periods
have recurred—it so happened in 1845 and again in
1848—in which some immediate anticipated difficulty
suddenly called the attention of this country
to our want of means to meet the exigencies of the
occesion. Hasty propositions were made; but from
whatever motive, whether to avoid Parliamentary die'
cussion, as soon as the immediate danger was passed
over the matter was forgotten, and no steps were taken
to avoid the recurrence of similar dangers. In that
state of things I saw, and expressed that I foresayse
se-
rious dangers and inconvenience likely to arise. I ven-
tured
to call your attention to the fact that thethe
tesneorree
peaceful your relations with foreign state were,o
_en__ to
incumbent it was, without giving ceicasionwoofulippecren3ad..
foreign powers, to take such means as aasfooting as wool.
neatly place your resources upon such
imperfect prop 9
were
save you, at some future
.plyerisodde,pteeodne,
sitions, which, being hastily
imperfect, and only tended to i
(Heart hear.)
Militia
they were intended to obvia
consolidation o
the law, was itself
a little remarkable thatthe existing
the basis of the Neeieen two wars. It
alarm which
increase
the
)neeietsissarniolyt
Bill, which is _
0,
peace betw .
ace which followed
was at that time that
proposed in au intent"' t
Lord. Sldmouth, Lind it
thei t s proposed
re
eoa apt os
areoe fd
waAnan3ds ceioannior eend - introduced
cs, en° dy2 Mb byyr
Pitt and Mr. Fox. Phis
then it a measure for protection
of peace.—(Hear, hear.) Her
totwh was
snlesoiusPatSreet enudt:harGovernmentthat
felt,a ritl:d tlehrc these circu ca st anccs,
MejestY's their duty to proceed at all rides, and carry
h
„.
ea measure for the organization of a militia which
ttbraot l
thought t w
most effective for the purposes proposed to
w accomplished, and least liable to the plausible and
liar arjeCtions which might be raised against any de-
fensive force proposed to ho raised. My Lords, I have
said that her Majesty's Government were bound not to
look to the question whether the measure was popular
with the country. Bu lam bound to say if it is un-
popular—of which I have great doubts, that the greatest
credit-is due to the House of Commons at large, and to
the Oat majority of that-House, that they--in• the face
of au impending dissolution of Parliament--have
had the

courage and patriotism to consult the interests and the
exigencies of the State rather than nay personal consi-
deration of unpopularity with their constituents. ger
n.tietnY'ri Government had then to consider by what
means they could hest raise an efficient force least open
to the various objections to which every Militia Bit'
would be liable. I believe that there are none of your
Lordships who entertain . a doubt that some increase of
the military force of the colliery is c esirable.—(ll"'")
Whether wider ordinary eircuinstances the British
army, small ai it is, with the onerous duties it has to
perform, be adequate to the due discharge of those du-
ties, or whether for ordinary purposes, looking to the
great amount of those duties, and the constantly increas-
ing calls which new acquisitions and new exigencies
render imperative—whether under all these circum-
stances the British army, efficiently disciplined and per-
feet, in its organization as it is, be sufficient to meet,
with a due regard to the comfort of the soldier, the
various demands made upon it, is a question Ido not
think it necessary to enter upon. But if it is insufficient
to meet the requirements of a peace establishment, it is
certainly insufficient to meet any extraordinary exigen-
cies which may arise. Still lets is it able to meet a euddsu
invasion of a large and well-disciplined body thrown is a
few hours upon our coasts. !tut then it has been salve
if' this he the case, why do you propose a militia force?
Why do you not propose an increase of from ten to,
twenty thoesand men in your army? Ten thousand
British troops are more effective and more economical
than fifty thousand militiamen. I must take the li-
berty of adopting that declaration under sonic qualifies-
doe:, I speak with great deference in presence of the
highest authority upon such subjects; bat in the first
place' as regards expenditure, I think it would be east"
to show that 10000 reguler troops would be less effi'
dent for the purposes for which this force is to be raised,
and more expensive, than 50,000 militiamen. I think
it very probebie that my Noble Friend the Gallant
duke, if entering upon a protracted campaign, or about
to fight a pitched battle on which the fate of an empire
might depend, and which was to be tested by discipline,
severe pressure, coolness under fire, firmness and sal'
dietuie-r like
, would
prefer a body of 10,0000 re'
g ci ti e sbody
troopsue ltioa of 50 000 half-disciplined militia-
men.—(Hear, hear.) But in the case of a sudden rota"
sion of this country, and not for the purpose of keeping
on a permanent force, what would be required would ,
be so much organization and discipline as that in
the regular army would undoubtedly he deficient, ViS4
numbers and masses.—(Bear.) I believe it has been
stated, over and over again, that the utmost amount of
the regular army which at this moment could be drawn
together for the defence of the country—setting aside
the troops in Ireland—would not exceed about 24,000
men; which, if the 8,000 enrolled pensioners were
added, would give a total force of about 32,000 men la
all for the defence of the ceuntry against such an argil
as I have alluded to. This calculation, it mast be ob-
served, proceeds upon the assumption that you with'
draw every man from every garrison and fortified Pls°
in the country. All these places, together with the shir;
ping stores, would be therefore absolutely left withe,e
men to defend them, and upon the most moderate scale,
the whole of that 32,000, including the 8,000 enrolled
pensioners, would not be more than sufficient to settled,A
and protect these fortified places.—(hear, hear.)
therefore, 10000 men to the regular force of the eetie-0"
try, and, in the case which I am supposing, the 30:0uer
men being required for the defence of the garrisoo, yens
whole available army would then not exceed 10,0tif
men, with about 4.000 cavalry. Instead, therefore, v'ef
bovine only 10,000 men available for an emergenoY,t'n
this ad, we propose under this Bill to have 80,0_utva
militia men; 25,000 of these militia men will be able',
perform the garrison duty, assisted by a comparatic7l
small portion of the regular army. It is not toe me_et
to suppose that 30,000 militia men will be able to
fres from the general service of the country from 20,0tt.!
to 25,000 out of 30,000 regular troops,
stitutes the whole of your defending force, and beyond
that you will still retain from 40,000 to 50,000 of the
which DOW
militia to co-operate with the 20,000 or 25,000 regular
troops whom you have thus relieved from garrison duty
By this arrangement, instead of an army of I°.'
regular troops free to act in. the field,
which you week!
possess by adding that number of men to the presen_..s
force, you will have from 20.000 to 25,000 red.
gular troops assisted and supported—and their set'
vices in that respect would be invaluable—by
.that
ets
force coroperatieg with the 40,000 or 50,000 Owl ai
men, the defence of the garrisons and arsenals being
the same time folly provided for.—(Hear.) I have De
stated the grounds upon which her Majesty's Govern'
-lidsmeat—not undervaluing the great advantages of
-lids
[dice, nor pretending to compare the individual to
man with the individual soldier—still prefer, for thee
defence of the country alone, a large increase in
the
militia, to a comparatively small augmentation of r_av
army. Various other reasons might be adduced we'e'it
would lead to the same conclusion. For instance, u_e
augmentation of the regular army, undertaken::
a time of immediate pressure, would lead to a corittd_n:
re-opening of a vexed question in the House Of Co
mons, for the purpose or reducing the force so
emergency soon
the immediate might appear to have pss 47t
away. In addition to this, although—undoubtedly, not
a point which ought to stop you in the consideration Of
d_Ot
the question if the circumstances required it—by the
establishment of 'a militia force you indicate to all
foreign powers that your motives are purely, strictly,,
and exclusively defensive, an augmentation of the naval
forces or of the regular army, they being instruments
of offensive as well as of defensive warfare, mel
naturally suggest to foreign nations the propriety of in-
creasing their own forces is a corresponding degree.
But when you make an augmentation of these troops
whose services are not fitte for foreign warfare, sad
which must be strictly limited to the defence of our oraze
shores, you state in language unnaiitakeable to forel.t
countries, that your intentions are pacific, and that y 6
policy is a perfectly defensive one.—(Elear, hear.)
se
now come to the particular mode in which we propose
.
to carry into effect, with various amendments, the etd.ara.
lished law of this country with respect to the
as
Let me remind your Lordships, before I go further, tivet,,,
that law is absolutely and strictly the law of the cottaittif.,
and that without an Act passel in each successive ye'
Yeeee
the Crown has the power, although it may have to
sire of dispensing with its exercise, of calling Out a
of
militia force under the ballot, as it existed in the
ct
1802. I do not wish to enter into any invidioto
_v
parisous of the 'measure which we propose with that pro'
posed by the late Government, and I have still less
the
clination to do so, because the Noble Lord Isle at an.
head of the Administration made no difficulty ?no vTitiii
the rnunicating to me privately and personally
which he stated it had
.been his intention to ,(.) feel
the consideration of Parliament, and I therefore
doubly unwilling to enter into any possible et ea'
meats upon the points of difference in the twe,,,itted
sure& At the same time I may be Pert by
to steto that although the BM introduceve,..
thu late Government was nominally one for establisTe'ar:
u local militia, yet that in two most important pare" ria
lars it so far deviated from that character which ii.
usually affix to the term of a local militia, as to coai
the
tutu a considerable difference between that 13111°1,01
one which I now submit. Because while the term
militia conveys the idea of a force not only ice, in
trained, but qualified wed called upon to act
et! ie.
its own immediate locality, yet the Noble Lord tir_uvas a
troduced the previous measure stated that it Id be
matter of the utmost importance that a farce 5111%.,.0
provided which should be applicable to service
__7oele
part of the United Kingdom in which its servitatii
might be required; and whereas a local militia !arse en
excluded the admission of substitutes, and rQq..,t.„o
persons believed for to serve in person, the Noble Idee
and his colleagues felt so strongly the inconventenie
and hardship of such a provision that he announced
intention of departing from that principle of the owe
militia, and placing it in this respect upon the the
footing as the general militia. With respect t 0 no
numbers proposed to be raised, there 'slee
, ve -
difference between the two measures. There ireOt
ever, one difference to which it is necessary to oc,
attention—the Act of 1802 (42d George III.) renorr:„,,'''
liable to the ballot, and consequently to service .in
ltesu'e
milititeall persons not entitled to claim exemptto t fe:it
tween the ages of 18 and 45. The late Government
the inconvenience of the liability to the ballot exte
_a
over so great a range; but I confess that, fort_nli3Y_°:"o,
part, I cannot but think they fell rather into the
6°. P_F_Li
site extreme when they announced that the ballot_
be drawn from men between the ages of 20 and 23
for
for men of t'
the present year, and in subsequent
for by eau
upon the population. The numbers
provideddent of one or tvto
single year alone. Observe how the Act would prose
Act of 1802 was about 40,000, independent
and othere.
other local corps, such as
that a pressure of
than doubled; you will see, there
lation would not be
80,000 men upon the whole poP
4ouooo would have been
Since that period the popultahtieoCniotifotthee, coulitrY has more
greater now than a pressure of re °
sed to subject to the
l)
in 1802. But the Bill of 1802 P
es of 18 and 45. The Bill
eo
ballot all persons between too doubt with a desire to ob-
of the late Government, .n
,
and no doubt also with a
s possible interference with family
desire to avoid as fatrea
80,000 men should be raised, not
ties, proposed that
between 18 and 45, but from one Of
from a population between
and 23. It proposed, therefore,
the ages between
rain more effective recruits,
upon a population extending
three years instead of twenty-seven
over only
Act of 1802. Th „ in the e consequence
years,
id have been that the pressure cf the ballot
this won.
boon felt with far in the
would havegreater force than
to raise
The N bl
previous case. o e Lord (Lord J. Russell) e
owed, I believe, that about one-fifth of the entire row'
the force
population between the ages of twenty and twenty-
three
would have been liable to the ballot. We have taken
course intermediate between the proposal of the late
Government and the existing law, but approschipt
somewhat more nearl to that of the late Governmen
We propose to exten the period from eighteen to thirty'
tee
five years, a period at which recruits drawn for to
militia will be in full vigour, and be perfectly able_d
discharge the duties required of them for five years;
en
a very large portion of them will no doubt at the
erit`tt,
that period of service make good volunteers into
regular troops. The numbers we propose to take ts_a
taken therefore upon broader limits than these
tabsinigne__
by the late Government; and I cantlicat,.
ahelp
careNtt
that the strong opinion felt by them that
1 n greatbetween rb°
oppreesoa would fall upon the
from the principle of a. e.t.a
ins them to depart fro
of providitg 51113511
and introduce the permissive power
ages prescribed by the Bill, wal). groundl local militia'
iftsitte:
tune; upon the
ever, 01
Hug substiores does not, bow
That plea of piievet
whichfall upon that
.
any means dinsmish the aril night
part of the men who might be balloted'
portion of the populationlittle
which would be subject t° the
) It may ho a matter of very --re
3 tray be within
individusls
the prescribed ages—and
Lordships
sorce few happy . ote
ttenin
your who ar
there are amongto be bal-
ibtraiplO3rLt—an(ciejetntlizeTitno-f year Lordships a
pre
tie. Their) would be no inco
scribed cit,'"`A lac en
harp nvenienee
loted for the loth
itibatitutos,
in a pecuniary point of view, in obtainirr,l bt a sad
but that which fell but lightly on your la"'