The Sun.
London, England, 1864-12-02 00:00:00

'SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It was not without reason that the Ame-
ricans anticipated an eventful period in the year
1864. Both Federate and Confederates have made
greater efforts than in any former campaigns, and
though the results have in themselves been as inde-
cisive as ever, yet the close of the year finds the
belligerents in such critical positions that the con•
test, if not terminated by agreement, must enter
upon a fresh stage as inscrutsblo and unpromise
jog as the first. It would be premature to
strike the balance of success between North and
South until we learn the end of that mysterious
expedition on which a Federal General and army
have recently disappeared. Such a phenomenon
as that presented by Saerman's movements has
never been witnessed in any but Asiatic war;
and even when Sir Charles Napier vanished
in the Scindian Desert it was known what he
designed, and upon what point he was march.
ing. But General Sherman, with 50,000 men under
his command, has been missing for weeks without
leaving a sign of his intent, or even a truce of his
direction. The Americans either do not know or
will not tell what has become of him, and the po-
pular conjectures of his destination are so vague and
various as to include Cnarloston and Lynchburg,
Savannah and Mobile. On the end of this enterprise,
however, the belance of Federal gain or loss will
mainly depend. The capture of Atlanta was the great,
achievement of Northern arms in the present cam-
paign. if it should culminate in some ulterior and
more important triumpb,tlae balance of fortune will
be in favour of the Federals—if it should end in a
reverse, the Confederates will be materially the
gainers on the score of the year. They have success-
fully resisted the enemy in Virginia, and President
Davis has just been enabled to sketch, after the
fashion of Mr Seward, the ground that has been re-
gained by his Goveroment in the campaign of '64.
But, apart from these military calculations, there
are circumstances in the relative positions of the
belligerents which will impart a most critical cha-
racter to the resolutions which within the next few
weeks they may respectively cd opt. It is the remark
of en American that America never has more than
four years of history. The election of a new Pre.
sident obiiteratce all previous annals, and opens a
new and distinct era in the national life. The re-
mark is no longer so true as it was, but there is no
doubt that the Mr. Lincoln of 1865 will not be the
Mr. Lincoln of 1861. Ho will not he under the
same obligations, temptations, or inducements. It
will be a new reign, though of the same king. He
may either terminate this war by negotiation or
commence it anew. It is already presumed that he
will embrace the former alternative if possible, and
as the proposition came from so fierce a partisan as
General I3utier• himself, the popular belief in its
adoption is probably correct. Nor can we wonder
at the decision. If the war is to go on, Mr. Lincoln
must begin afresh to raise armies even larger than
before, although the expedients of volunteering and
bounties have been nearly exhausted, and conscrip-
tion is the only resource. He must begin again
to borrow in the name of the nation, though the
national debt is already as heavy as our own, or he
must begin to tax his constituents in reality, which
may, perhaps, be more difficult still. The other
day the Confederate Government thought it worth
while to circulate a statement of the Federal debt,
transcribed from Federal statements, in the belief
that nothing beyond the sight of such figures
would be necessary to stop all further supplies
of money from European lenders. In the year
1861 the credit and confidence of the people were
boundless alike; and yet, though starting with those
untouched and apparently inexhaustible resources,
Mr Lincoln has only arrived at the point where
he now finds himself. Easy, therefore, is it to
understand that he would be glad to make peace,
and the commencement of a new term of office
furnishes him with a singular opportunity for
the proposal. But what will the South say P
It will have been oboerved that the conditions of
peace suggested by General Butler are more
liberal than those formerly talked of. They include
an absolute, immediate, and universal amnesty,
comprising even those leaders of the rebellion who
were once excluded from mercy. They offer com-
plete and unconditional oblivion of the past—all by-
gones to be bygones, and nothing to be thought of
but Union once more. Of the great question of
slavery not a syllable was uttered, and we may
shortly perhaps have an opportunity of ascertaining
from infallible evidence how far those authorities
are right who have proclaimed slavery as the
origin, cause, and subject of this civil war. Will
the North offer to leave slavery alone, or glide over
the question by an acceptable compromise ? Will the
South close with such terms ? In short, will the
North sacrifice Abolition to Empire, and will the
South sacrifice Independence to Slavery P We know
what Mr, Seward thinks on this question, He
thinks, or thought, three months ago, that the Con-
federates would make independence exactly such a
basis of negotiation as the Federate would make of
union, and there is little in the present aspect of
affairs to invalidate that opinion. The South has
lost one chance in the peaceable and decisive re•
election of Mr. Lincoln. It was possible that in
the conflict of opinions attending a Presidential
Election either a poace'party might acquire influ.
eneo or the war party might have been weak-
ened by divisions ; and, indeed, it is well known
that the Confederates anticipated the period of
election as a time which • might produce various
advantages to their cause. Those expectations
have not been realized. If the Southerners really
preferred Lincoln to M.Clellan, they have so
far been gratified, but beyond this they remain
in state quo, with the evidence before them that as
far as present sentiments are concerned the North
is prepared to commence a fresh series of cam-
paigns rather than let them go as they desire. So
far, therefore, they have been disappointed. We
cannot, however, discover in any proceedings of the
Confederates a disposition to forego the object of
their struggle, nor can we discern in the recent
events of the war anything which should induce then
to think worse than formerly of their prospects of
success. That their finances aro inconceivaoly de-
ranged is true, but they enjoy in this matter an ad-
vantage without parallel or precedent. In their stores
of cotton they possess a commodity little less nego.
tiable than gold itself. For this material half Europe
is craving, and any blockade runner that can get into
a Southern port with munitiona or merchandise is
sure of a return cargo as convertible into specie as
an English bank-note. If the Confederates have not
money they have money's worth, and so valuable is
their medium of exchange that all risks are incurred
to obtain it. It is by this that they have been enabled
to attract to their parts all the products of Europe
and America too. Except with cotton they could
hardly have paid for a dozen cargoes, and the Fede.

rale have shown their perception of the truth in the
efforts they have made to reach the cotton stores ofl
the South, and to export from New Orleans what is
now carried away from Wilmington. This unique
resource, however, the Confederates retain still, and
they have the resource, also, of their black popula.
tion for the reinforcement of their armies when they
choose to employ it. At present they seem to con-
sider that their necessities are not such as to drive
them to that expedient which the Federals were fain
to embrace some time ago ; and whereas President
Lincoln declares that the war cannot be carried on
without negro soldiers, President Davis, on his side,
sees no necessity for yet enlisting them. In men
and money, therefore, the means of the South are
sufficient for the continuance of the contest, its spirit
appears unabated, and its actual achievements in
this last campaign will at least bear comparison
with those of the North. But though we cannot
forecast the answer which may be given, we can
foresee that the question of peace or war may soon
be put under such conditions as will decide the
policy of the belligerents once and for all. Each
party may now reconsider its position by the light
of four years' experience, each may again learn its
own mind, and take its decision. Such an occasion
has not happened before since the beginning of the
war, nor for at least four years to come is it likely
to happen again.
HERALD.—A great deal of feeble facetiousness
has been expended on the dearth of current topics
in the dull season which is supposed to drive jour-
nalists to their wits' end. Popular pleasantry on
the subject even goes so far as to suggest political
writers sitting down and concocting paragraphs
about showers of frogs and enormous gooseberries,
in order to diversify their columns and give their
readers something to talk about. That such ap-
pearances are more manifest in the public journals
in some periods of the year than in others is not to
be denied. Bat it does not follow that the records
of such phenomena are imaginary, for it is a fact
that showers of frogs do take place, and from mere
tained causes, and it is also true that gooseberries
and such small fruit occasionally assume proportions
undreamed of in the philosophy of market garden-
ers. Apart, however, from this question, we may
safely assert that, whatever the time of year, the
conductor of a public journal is seldom at a loss for
subjects of interest wherewith to satisfy his readers.
It may be a providential arrangement which does
better than temper the wind to the shorn lamb
by making the lamb sufficiently woolly to
be independent of the blast. But it most certainly
happens that when Parliament is nowhere in par.
titular, when Ministers make no sign, and the Op.
position have naturally no sign to make to any prac-
tical purpose, the world out of doors never fails to
force matters upon the attention of the journalist
which deserve or demand attention. And even
granting that the writer has comparative leisure to
look about him, such a condition is clearly to the
advantage of the public, since it enables him to do
useful work in the byways which he could never
hope to accomplish on the high road of politics,
where the race must be to the swift and the battle
to the strong as far as the immediate contest is
concerned. We all venture to declare, indeed, that
some of the most valuable work of the press is
performed during the Parliamentary recess, when
Government and Opposition—besieged and bee
siegers—havo suspended active hostilities ; when,
under a flag of truce, they mingle in comparative
amity, dine together at neutral tables, and, discover
perchance that neither are quite so bad as they seem
in the heat and fury of pulling one another to
pieces. Far be it from us to desire any ridiculous
moderation when the campaign has fairly com-
menced, to deprecate hard hitting when hitting
must be the order of the day. In proper time and
season let us have war to the constitutional knife.
In the meantime, we know that those in possession
are strengthening their works, or trying to do so,
and that we in our place are certainly advancing
our parallels and encompassing the doomed city on
different sides. Why not, then, pull together upon
what neutral ground may remain so long as active
hostilities arc postponed ? Happily there is a tacit
arrangement to that effect, and upon social affairs
generally we justify the poet laureate's philosophi-
cal belief that for a good end of some kind all
parties are combined. Here is an illustration of
the advantage of a recess. Who in the heat of the
session, having much care for politics, would trouble
himself about the Guild of Literature and Art ?
Some of our readers may have forgotten what the
Guild of Literature and Art happens to be. We
have, fortunately, time to tell them. The Guild of
Literature and Art is an institution projected by
Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, Mr Charles Dickens,
and an association of kindred spirits, having for its
object—well, something not very clearly defined,
except as regards its general purpose, to improve
the position of persons engaged in literary and
artistic pursuits who may be less fortunate than
their neighbours, and to encourage provident habits
in others, so that they may be saved from falling
into the same category. In order to meet existing
wants, incidental at least to old ago, a sufficiently
intelligible plan is proposed—that of providing
dwelling accommodation and annuities to a certain
number of persons to be elected from time to time
—the dwellings to be erected upon land which
Sir Edward Lytton has handsomely given for the
purpose. Towards the ways and means Mr
I.Yeltens and the band of theatrical amateurs, now
broken up, gave a series of performances,
and the result, after the payment of all
expenses, with the addition of some independent
subscriptions, is a fund of, we believe, nearly
£4,000, at the disposal of the committee of the guild
for employment in whatever form may be ultimately
selected. What will they do with it ? The question
debated some years ago still remains unanswered.
The summer before last an attempt was made to
set the undertaking once more in motion, and a
meeting was held at which some little progress was
reported and a great deal promised. This year, we
believe, the members have met; but if the results
of their deliberations were published they have not
attracted our attention. At any rate, we see no
sign of any advancement being made in the main,
and, as far as we can understand, the only practical
object proposed. The home for the pensioners ap-
pears to have as little chance of existence as the
pensioners themselves. It cannot be that the delay
is merely attributable to the proverbial cause—
everybody's business being nobody's business. The
gentlemen concerned have exerted themselves ac-
tively in benevolent projects before now—there is
•no reason why their aid should not be forthcoming
in the present case, which is one particularly con-
cerning their own calling. The fact we believe to
be, that promoters of the scheme have no heart in it.
They have discovered, as everybody else discovered
long ago, that the plan is distasteful to the class for
which it is intended, and that in its present form
it is ,not wanted and will not work. A literary
man or an artist must be very old and very helpless
before he would consent to shut himself up in an
almshouse for the remainder of his days, and the
cases of men who would be fitting and willing objects
of such charity are so few that they may be left
without much fear to be dealt with by special means.
To connect such misfortune with any thing like an
institution seems to us undesirable, and even mis-
chievous to this extent—that the most deserving
objects would be the least likely to avail themselves
of its advantages. For many reasons, indeed, into
which it is unnecessary here to enter, it is the opi.
nion of most competent persons who have considered
the subject that the plan of an asylum is not adapted
to the ends in view. Far better would be a simple
benefit society, like the Theatrical Fund. But
the most satisfactory form, perhaps, would be that
of an assurance office, which, backed up with a
handsome endowment and such subscriptions and
donations as the public might choose to contribute,
might do business at a rate so low as to render it
available to persons of the most limited resources.
By this means provision might be made either for
a sum of money at a certain age, or at death for
the benefit of survivors; and to proper persons
loans might be made upon easy and advantageous
terms. The usual conditions of an assurance office,
in fact, would be applicable to the purpose, with
the result that a large number of struggling per-
sons would be assisted, and saved, perhaps, from
finding themselves qualified, in more advanced age,
for the asylum at present proposed. To belong to
such an institution need not lower the dignity of
any man. In the regular professions assistance in
a more directly charitable form is made in many
cases. There are several societies for the benefit of
clergymen ; solicitors if we mistake not, have some
institution for the relief of members of that body;
and the officers of the army have not thought it de-
rogatory to their profession to set on foot a sub-
scription for schools for the education of their
daughters on reduced terms. Other instances
might be cited, hut the classes concerned can
scarcely require a justification of the principle. es-
pecially as any among them who may not oare to
receive the amount of his assurance can always
make a present of it to the institution. We have
thrown out these remarks with all respect for the
promoters of the Guild of Literature and Art, and
in thorough appreciation of their services and in-
tentions. But we believe their plan to be a mis
take, and should be glad to see it abandoned for
something more acceptable to the class appealed to
—something, in fact, which is wanted and will
work.

The Head. Mastership of York Cathedral Gram•
mar School, rendered vacant by the appointment of the
Rev. Wm. Hey, M.A., to a canonry residentiary in York
Cathedral, has been conferred on the Rev. Richard .Elwyn,
M.A., of Trinity College, Cambridge, late headmaster of
Charterhouse School. Mr Elwyn graduated in 1849, when
he rims 14th junior optima in the mathematical tripos, and
lit in the first class in classics,