The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-04 00:00:00

Turnpike Trusts.

The select committee appointed to inquire into
the expediency and practicability of abolishing Tur-
npike Trust, have agreed to the following report :

Your committee have considered the report of 1836,
which was referred to them. They have received much
valuable information from Col Pennant and Mr Wrightson
as to the course pursued sinc9 that period, from which it
appears that the whole bonded debt on turnpike trusts in
England and Wales, which in 1836 exceeded £7,000,000,
has now been reduced to little more than £4,000,000. There
are, however, large arrears of interest which, although in
process of reduction since 1836, mainly by disallowances,
still amounted in 1860 to £760,000.

They have also considered the report of the Commissioners
of Roads for Scotland, where in several counties the system
has been greatly improved by the appointment of road
boards, who, by the consolidation of various trusts or by the
assessment of counties for the repair and maintenance of the
roads, and by the appointment of a competent surveyor for
each county, have effected a material diminution of expense,
whieh will lead to a speedy extinction of the existing debt
and a reduction both in number and amount of tolls.
In Ireland the removal of tollgates has been effected by
charging the repairs of the roads and the existing debt upon
the rates of the counties and baronies, the roads having been
submitted to the supervision of the county surveyors.
In South Wales, where some years ago great dissatis-
faction prevailed in consequence of the frequency and appa-
rently unjust distribution of tollgates, owing to the exces-
sive number of trusts, great improvement has been effected
by an Act of Parliament which consolidated the trusts,
regulated the number of tollgates, and provided for the ex-
tinction of debt by the advance of a sum of money out of
the Consolidated Fund, to be repaid by terminable annuities
of 30 years.
Your Committee fully concur in the conclusion arrived
at by the committee of 1836, " that the abolition of tolls
throughout the kingdom would be beneficial to the com-
munity," and they think that the anticipations of that com-
mittee as to the probable effect of railways have been to a
great extent realized, the traffic being now chiefly local, and
the tolls being generally paid by the ratepayers.
In the words of Mr Wrightson, " The through traffic
has been diverted by the railroads; the roads have become
a local burden, and the trustees have been driven to the
multiplication of bars."

Wherever the ratepayers are the principal tollpayers,
the inference would appear to be inevitable that it would
be better they should contribute to a rate which would be
administered under their own supervision or that of their
representatives than continue subject to tolls.
Tolls appear to your committee to be unequal in pres-
sure, costly in collection, inconvenient to the public, and
injurious, as causing a serious impediment to intercourse
and traffic.

Mr Wrightson estimates the cost of each gate at £25, and
he thanks there are at least lour gates in each trust, which
is probably too low an estimate, but, as the number of trusts
exceeds 1,100, the cost of collection, even on this estimate,
would be very large.
Mr Macefield states that in the Leominster trusts it
takes one half of the revenue to pay the expenses and este-
blishoent charges, while the repairs are put upon the
parishes. Mr. Wrightson adds that the cost of renewals is
enormous. Weie the system as productive and as satisfac-
tory as it is in many instances notoriously the reverse, the
existence of a double set of officers in one district would
still, in the opinion of the committee, be unnecessary and
extravagant.
Cases are not rare of trusts in which the whole produce
of the tolls, after payment of the establishment charges, is
absorbed in the payment of the interest of the debt, while
arrears accumulate, and the whole burden of the mainte-
nance of the roads is thrown upon the parishes.
This parochial burden, contemplated by the existing law,
and of inevitable incidence whenever tollgates are removed,
will, in the opinion of your committee, press unequally and
unjustly on many small, poor, or peculiarly situated
parishes, and they therefore recommend the adoption of a
more extended area of rating.
Your committee are far from saying that there may
not be some districts in the north of England or elsewhere
in which the abolition of tolls, under the exising state of the
law, would be unsatisfactory ; but they think such cases are
exceptional, and that tolls should not therefore be continued
generally over the whole country.
From the annual returns, as well as from the evidence of
Mr Leslie, it would seem that the bonded debt of England
and North Wales may now be taken at a nominal sum but
little exceeding £4,000,000. In the opinion of Colonel
Pennant and of Mr Wrightson the current value of this
debt is about £3,000,000, which sum might be liquidated
by an annual payment of say £lBO,OOO for 25 years.
On the whole, your committee are of opinion that the
abolition of the turnpike trusts, as now existing, would be
both beneficial and expedient, and might be practicable if
the system adopted in Scotland or in South Wales could be
acted upon in each county in England and North Wales.
Your committee are of opinion that, pending the aboli-
tions of the present system, attention might with advantage
be directed to the circumstances of the several trusts whose
Acts are continued from year to year by the Annual Con-
tinuance Act; and if it should be found that the power of
Parliament might be beneficially exercised, in order to pro-
vide for the more speedy extinction of the debt of any trusts
—to secure a full consideration of the propriety of abolish-
ing trusts which are free from debt (now amounting to more
than 100), or to obtain economy of management by the con-
solidation of several trusts; your committee suggest that
such trusts should be excluded from the operation of the
Continuance Act and be obliged to come to Parliament for
a renewal of their acts.

THE MANAGER AND THE CONDUCTOR.—It is ex-
traordinary that Costa should have failed where it was na-
tural to conclude his experience would have made him ab-
solute master, viz., in the adaptation of his music to the
singers' voices, The artistes all complained (in an under-
tone, of course) that the " Tessitura" was too high for them,
and that if the management continued to give Sig. Costa's
opera, injury to their voices would be the inevitable conse-
quence. One great singer (an especial friend of the com-
poser) urged this point strongly on the director, at the
same time expressing his surprise at Costa, who had had so
much knowledge of the voices of the company, should
compose for them a traysrs. But for these energetic re-
monstrances the opera might have been given oftener, not-
withstanding the serious loss it entailed upon the treasury.
For I felt how deeply signor Costa was interested in its
success, and as a matter both of good-will and policy, I was
desirous of pleasing my conductor. Combined, however, with
the private complaints of the artists, were the expostulations
of the subscribers, and in spite of personal inclinations I
was obliged to withdraw the opera. The composer, as he
could not suspect the artists, and slow to believe in dissatis-
faction of the subscribers, consequently threw all the blame
on the management; and although I had laboured hard to
procure an opposite result, he ascribed to me the compara-
tive failure of his opera. This incident is one among nisnY
that tend to show the wisdom of the law laid down at the
Grand Opera of Paris, peremptorily forbidding
the produc-
tion of any composition either of the chef d'orchestre or the
director of the music.—Lumley 's Reminiscences of the
Opera.
THREATENED STRIKE IN THE BUILDING TRADE.
—The building trade in Manchester is in a highly flourish
ing state, and the contracts in the hands of the principal
builders are exceedingly heavy. The joiners have chosen
this as a favourable opportunity for making a demand for
advance of wages to the extent of 2s per week. A meeting
of 16 of the principal masters decided unanimously to reject
the demand, and six
coothersain have given in their adhesion to
mpl that,e heavy contract
this decision. They
and have taken on th
the faith of a con-
they are now holding,
tinuance of the present rate of wages, such a course would
involve considerable loss. One builder estimates that this
advance would involve £35 per week extra in his present
wages payment. A strike took place some time back at the
new assize courts building at Manchester, but was defeated
by the contractor obtaining workmen from other parts of
the country. The men, however, have to work under the
constant protection of the police. It is expected now that
there will be a general state in the trade.

c,7C,.,

Social Science Association. -

~~':~~°

The annual dinner Of the National Association for the
Promotion of Social Science, with which is now united the
Society for Promoting the Amendment of the Law, was
held on Saturday, at the Ship Hotel, Greenwich. Lord
Brougham, the president of the association, occupied the
chair, and the company included Mr Cargill, M.P., Mr
James Heywood, F.R.S., Mr T. Chambers, Q.C. (the Com-
mon Sergeant), Mr M`Queen, Q,C., Mr Sergeant Wcol-
rych, Mr Sergeant Burke, Mr Joseph Parkes, Mr T. Web-
ster, F.R,S,, Mr G. Goodwin, F.R.S., Mr R. It. Torrens,
Dr Wadilove, Dr Hancock, Mr C. Clark, Mr Hastings, Mr
Westlake, Mr Wendt, Mons Chalot.
After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts had been di unk,
Lord BROUGHAM rose to propose the toast of the evening.
He said that of all social sciences there was none so im-
portant as the amendment of the law, and they ought to en-
deavGur to place their laws on the best possible footing. Ho
ought to give a summary of the labours of the Law Amend-
ment Society during the past twelve mouths, but as they
would b 9 found detailed in the report, he would only allude
to one or two of the latest att,rnpts at law amendment.
Th,2ir worthy colleage, Sir F. Kelly, had made various at-
tempts to amend and improve oar laws, of which Lis bill to
prevent gross bribery and corruption at elections had been
one of the most important. If that bill, or a considerable
portion of it, had been carried before the last general elec-
tion, we should not have seen those disgusting outrages sf
all law, as well as of all morals, which the last general
election produced. Another bill he had introduced was
for a court of criminal appeal. His learned friend considered
that it was quite impossible that he could go on much
longer without a regular reformed method of revising the
judgments recorded by juries. He (Lord Brougham) wished
that bill, with the various modifications and additions of
which it was susceptible, all possible success. There had
also been some important measures propounded by the Lord
Chancellor in the House of Lords, and one of those was of
a very great importance—he meant the County Court
Amendment Act Bill. If that bill, or anything like it, had
passed, he would venture to say that it would have shut up
the county courts altogether. County courts without the
power of commitment were absolutely impossible. There
were, however, parts of the bill which he considered ex-
cellent. He referred especially to the extension of equit-
able jurisdiction to these courts, which would be a very
great improvement. It had been attempted over and over
again, but had always failed ; still he hoped the Legislature
would be induced to pass a measure with that object. Then
there was the subject of the limitation of actions on simple
contract debts. He thought that the limitation of six years
was a great deal too long. The bill proposed one year,
which, on the other hand, was a great deal too short, but
the Lord Chancellor admitted that it was too short, and
said he was prepared to adopt two or three years. It was
unfortunate that these two excellent provisions were found
in bad company, because they suffered accordingly, and the
bill had to be withdrawn. The noble and learned lord, after
some further observations, gave " The Law Amendment
Society," a toast which met with a most cordial response.
Mr T. CHAMBERS (the Common Sergeant), in proposing
" The Health of the President," alluded especially to his
great services in the cause of law reform, and observed
that those members of the legal profession who were the
strongest opponents of the measures he was instrumental in
passing were now the first to acknowledge their great value
and usefulness,

The toast was drunk amidst loud cheers.
Lord BROUGHAM, in reply, said he had always consi•
sidered that our jurisprudence was generally good, and he
had only endeavoured moderately to select those parts
which were defective, or partially defective, leaving the
great body of it untouched. No doubt many of the
changes he had been the means of effecting were at first
bitterly opposed, not only by members of the profession,
but by the judges themselves. He Gould mention only
one of the chief instances—the great, and he thought the
most beneficial change which had happened in cur juris-
prudence during the last fifty years, of allowing the parties
in a suit to give evidence, and in some cases compel-
ling them to give evidence. This was at first opposed by
the whole bench, and every attempt was mado by the then
Lord Chancellor, his excellent friend Lord Truro, to prevent
its becoming law. Lord Truro went to Lord Lyndhurst and
appealed to him whether it were possible to open such a
floodgate for perjury as that of allowing parties to give evi-
dence in their own cause. Lord Lyndhurst heard him, but
would give no favourable answer, only observing " You may
depend upon it that the measure will be carried, and you
must make up your mind to that." As Lord Lyndhurst had
foretold the bill was passed and the effect had been salutary.
(Cheers.) And to do the learned judges who most stre-
nuously opposed the measure justice, he must say that a
year afterwards they confessed that it was of the greatest
possible use in accomplishing that which was the great ob-
ject of all trials, namely, ascertaining the truth. The noble
and learned lord then went on to say that he could not
avoid alluding to what he considered was the present hate-
ful state of things in regard to the Dano- German war.
(Hear, hear,) There was a too prevailing feeling in
society, and in the country, particularly among the upper
and middle classes, that this country had been humbled., I:
not disgraced, by its refusal to act. sow, it was very
well to say, We feel for Denmark, as oppressed by her
powerful neighbours, as we feel for Poland, as cruelty
treated by her tyrannical foreign Governments ; but still
we ought to have done more. We ought not to h tvc)
confined ourselves to protests and disapprove!, to re-
probation and lamentation; but we ought to have,
aced when we were clearly in the right, anti when our•
adversaries were clearly in the wr, nig, and we are mortified
and humbled, if not disgraced, by having done nothing."
Now, my opinion is the reverse of that. (Cheers.) My
opinion is that we should have been humbled and disgraced
if we had not expressed what all of us felt, and had a right
to feel, and that it would have been dishonest if we had not
felt, and cowardly if we had not expressed our horror of the
conduct of those who oppressed the one nation, and still
more of those who oppressed, pillaged, and plundered under
the name of "conquest," the other. He meant the German.
Powers, who thought they had gained glory by the strong
attacking the weak, instead of which the real glory to be
gained was, if the weak had attacked the strong, and
had been enabled, which, unfortunately, they had not,
to beat them. (Hear, hear.) The people of this country
had resolved that there should be no war, and whatever cer-
tain classes might think, or seem to think, the people were
right in their resolution. (Hear, hear.) They had no right
and certainly they had no duty, singly and unsupported, to
make war in favour of those ill used—gross and grievous as
the ill usage might be, and cruel, insulting, and blundering
as those might be who ill used them. He could not help feel-
ing it was rather a step in social progress that, instead of
having recourse to the sword on all occasions we should have
recourse to moral pretest—to plain, honest, and manly
remonstrance, complaint, and reason—that we should try
the effect of that moral influence upon them and the
public at large; and that we who were not parties on one
side or the other, having taken these steps and made these
protestations, given that advice and entered into these nego-
tiations for the right and against the wrong, should stop
short of actual force, and not throw away our forces upon
an impossible expedition for the sake of revenging the in-
jury of others. He was far from saying that any menace
or threat, either direct or which might be construed into
a threat, ought ever to be used on such an occasion. He
hoped it had not been used. If any had been used he
thought it was an error, He agreed with Mr John Stuart
Mill, one of their members, that if they could not be chival-
rous they were bound to be honest. (Cheers.) It was
honest to protest, and the Government would have been
disgraced and dishonoured, and the country humbled if they
had not made such protestation, and if they had not given
their advice, which was pretty sure to be rejected, against
wrong-doers and in behalf of the injured. (Loud cheers.)
In conclusion he begged to thank the company for the kind
manner in which they had received the mention of his name.

Mr M'QuEEN proposed " The Legislature," which was
responded to by Mr CARGILL, M.P.
The next toast was " The National Association for the
Promotion of Social Science," given by Mr J. IIEYWOOD,
secretary,
and replied to by Mr HASTINGS, the general
_ _

, -
Several other toasts were drunk before theoemPallY sepa-
rated.

The Oxford 'University Tests Bill,

In the first division no Friday night 290
members voted; in the second, 340; and in the
third, 344. The first division commenced at 29
minutes past 11, when several members who had
paired till half past were just prevented voting.
These, with others who arrived while the Opposi-
tion were speaking against time, increased thenext
vote by N. just before the final division three
more „embers arrived—two of them opponents and
one
a supporter of the bill. One of the Conserva-
tives had also, We believe, been found asleep in the
gallery, and was brought down to vote in the last
division, the Opposition thus obtaining their majo-
rity of two. It would have been one less had not
Lord Henley loft the house after the first division,
not knowifig that a second and third would follow.

In all the divisions the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer and the Attorney-General voted with the op,
ponents of the bill. Sir G. Grey took no part in any
of them. Mr. Disraeli, Sir E. B. Lytton, Lord
Stanley, and Sir J. Pakington elso abstained from
voting. Mr. Anerstcin, the Liberal member for
Greenwich, and Mr. Leveson-Gower, the Liberal
member for ItAgute, it will be seen, voted against
the bill. _ _

The bill wg,s supported by the following members
of the Cabinet—Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Gibson, Mr. C.
Villiers, and Sir C. Wood; and by the following
members of the Government—Mr. F. G. Baring,
Mr. Brand, Mr. Bruce, Mr. Childers, Sir W. Dun•
bar, the Solicitoi-General, Mr. Cowper, Mr. Chi-
chester Fortescue, Mr. Gilpin, the Marquis of Hart-
ington, Mr. Headlam, Mr. Hutt, Mr. Layard, the
Lord Advocate, the Attorney-General for Ireland,
Lord C. Paget, Sir R. Peel, Mr. F, Peel, and Mr.
White.

.
'F,,
e

AYL ITALIAN OPER,A, from insinuating that any menace cr any threat,
Covent-garden. either directly uttered or in any language which
Last Week but Three.
Extra Night.—Combined Entertainment. could be construed into a threat, should ever be used,
Fourth appearance of Mdlle. Artot.
Third Night of La Fig is Del Reggiwento. I hope that nothing of the kind has been used (!) If
THIS EVENING (Monday), July 4, a combined entertain- such have been used, I must say that it has been a
meat wil be given, on which cession will be performed, for
the third time this season, Don zrtti's opera, in two acts, very grave error." A very grave error, indeed, as
LA FIGLIA DEL REGGIMENTO. Maria, Mdlle. Artot ;
Marchesa, Madame Taglialco ; Sulpizio, Signor noncolli ; judged by the result. The "step in social
Caporale, Signor Pallar; and Tonio, S:gnor Neri-Baraldl.
Conductor, Mr. Costa progress," which we are called upon to
Commence at half past Eight. admire, leaves our confiding friends at the
Pit tickets, 73. ; amphitheatre sta Is, 103. ed., 75., and ss. ;
amphitheatre.:2s. 6d. Boxes, stalls, and tickets may be had mercy of relentless foes. Had Captain PEN effec-
at the box-office under the portico of the theatre, which is
open from ten to five, sad ac the principal musicsellcrs' and tually stayed the arm of Captain SWORD,
livrartans'.
then, indeed, we should be ready with
Ltrd BROUGHAM to exult in this " step in social'
progress," but when the result of the pacific inter-
ference has only betrayed the victim and exasperated
the offender we cannot for the life of us recognise the
advantage. To fold our arms and behold the
destruction of friends we have deluded by false
promises, may be a "step in social progress," but
it is certainly not the conduct for which England
has been hitherto distinguished.

riEATRE ROYAL HA YMARKET,-
Sole Lessee and alanager, Mr, Ruckstone.
THIS EVENING, GOOD FOR NOTHING.
After which, DAVID GARRICK. Messrs. Sothern,
Chippeniale, Buckstone, Rogers, Clark, ‘Veathersby, &c.
Mesdames Snowden, Neill Moore, Fitzwilliam.
Followed by LORD DUNDEE ARY MARRIED AND
DONE FOR.
To cone nde with TURNING THE TABLES. Mr.
Compton, Mr. Howe, ke-
Commence at 7.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATP,E.-
Sole Lessee and Manner, Mr. Geo. Vining'.
THIS EVENING, BORN TO GOOD LUCK. Paddy
0' Rafferty, Mr. Dominick Murray.
After which, the new pay by John Oxenford, Esq., THE
310NASTERY OF Si'.JUS : Messrs. Vining, H. Mars-
ton, J. Nelson, J. W. Ray, H. 3lellon, NV. Robins, Seyton,
thapman ; Mrs. H. Marston, and Mdlle. Stella Loins.

The new Holy Alliance is not likely to obtain
the renown of its predecessor, although it may
become notorious in its way notwithstanding.
Russia, Austria, and Prussia seem determined to
keep their affairs constantly before the world. The
game has been carried on for some time, and no
matter how numerous are the victims, provided
only that the despotic and tyrannical Powers can
hold their own, sad prosecute their plans. Poland
was the special mark for sacrifice last year, and now
Denmark and the Duchies are doomed. M.
Bls-
MARK'S communication to the Count de GOLTZ, at
Paris, is a remarkable production, and especially at
the present juncture it beams a deep significance.
It proves the insatiable love of power that seems to
possess the Powers alluded to, and their determi-
nation to leave no effort untried in order to accom-
plish their ends. The chief object of the despatch
' is to acquaint the Count with the substance of
what had passed at the meeting of the Sovereigns.
The Emperor ALEXANDER made certain proposals
to King WILLIAM, which are descanted upon. It
was all along understood, by those who were at all
initiated into the secret of affairs, that the real
object of this meeting was to consider the crisis
now at hand in pub:ie. matters, though the
pretext of ill health founded a very good ostensible
reason for arranging the convenient mode of
rencontre. M. BIS3IARX rejoices at the favourable
attitude which the Cabinet of St. Petersburg as-
sumes towards them in the question of the Duchies.
It appears that there is only one point of differ-
ence between the combining parties, being as to
the right of succession. The CZAR wishes the
Duke of OLDENBUYIG to bs chosen, while M.
EISMARK emphatically declares the " lively sym-
pathies" of the Prussian R)yal family are in favour
of Prince AUGSTENBURG. It would have astonished
many persons a short time back could they have
conceived the faintest notion of what extremities
would occur. That in the present enlightened age,
renowned for its march of freedom and its love of
liberty, it should happen that the Sovereigns of
various States should meet together and deliberately
plan and propose to dismember Duchies, to confis•
cafe the property of other nations, and to pug their
own puppets in nomination for the rule, would
appear incredible. They seem to think that they
can emulate the arbitrary doings and sweeping
changes of the first .NAPOLEON, without possessing
a tithe of his genius, his skill, or his martial
prowess. It is, indeed, a reproach to the
Western Powers of Europe that such a
contretemps should have occurred, as this meeting
of the Powers of the German league with the Auto-
crat of the North. France may deplore the cir-
cumstances, but no blame really attaches itself to
her ruler or her Ministers. Without comir.g into
collision with England it was impossible to make
any salutary change or to effsct any important ob-
ject. Had Earl RUSSELL done nothing at all, and
left the French Eetreflon alone, it is certain that
these sad casualties would not have occurred. He
persisted in taking the lead, and the result has been
confusion worse confounded to all the parties con-
cerned. It is a striking instance of the harm that
is wrought by the want of decision, and the absence I
of a firm and decided tone in matters of this kind.
We have been told that if we kept quiet, things
would right themselves, and peace be preserved. If
it is eo, at what a cost has it been gained. Mt
BIsMARI triumphantly avers that the " moral'
and, if necessary, material concurrence of Russia''
is secured to their policy. This is a pretty pass for
England to come to; while she has been inactive,
the destinies of Europe have been handed over to
the tyrant who rules on principles diametrically
opposed to the fund amental doctrines of her consti-
tution. It is as idle as insulting for a Cabinet to
declare that they cannot help it; they ought to
have done so. M. BISMARK announces as one of
the chief points of his intelligence that the
Emperor ALEXANDER and Prince GORTSCHAKOFF
distinctly gave them to understand that "it would
be desirable from every point of view to sign a
treaty or convention between the three Powers
which should be based on the reciprocal guarantee
of the territory of each Power !" This is decided

NEW THEATIDE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.—
Sae Proprietor and Manaeer. Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, SHAKSFE.E'S HOUSE. Mr. J. L.
Toole, Mr. R. Phillips.
After which, JANET PRIDE : Messrs. B. Webster, J. L.
Toole, P. Bedford, Stuart, Stephenson, Romer ; Miss Woolgar,
Miss Penman.
Followed by THE AREA BELLE, with a Norrible Tale:
biessrs. J. L. Toole, P. Bedford, rt. Bomer)Liss Woolgar, and
Mrs. IL Lewis.

Commence at 7,

ROYAL ST. JAMES'S THEATRE. under the
Management of Mr. B. WEBSTER.
Crowded with rank and fashion.

---,
at all events, and the meaning of it must be that

the three States are to assist each other all they can
and make common cause against all efforts at

freedom or escape on the part of the oppressed.
Stripped of the circumlocution of detail with which
ministerial and official harangues surround the
subject, this is the real conclusion to arrive at.
Austria has proved the sharpest in the affair, for
the suggestion that " Russia should declare in an
unequivocal manner that she will give her material
assistance to Prussia and Austria, in the event of

a war with the Western Powers for the affairs of
the Duchies," is a master-stroke of policy. Thz
Cabinet of St. Petersburg is anxious to settle the
details of the vexed Polish question, and wishes for
the concurrence of the two Powers, hence the Cabinet
of Vienna intends to make political capital out of
the business, and obtain some sign of support and
token of assistance from the mighty forces of the
CZAR, before pledging itself to concurrence in the
views and wishes of the EMPEROR and his confi•
dential assistant, Prince GORTSCLIAKOFP. .It is a
sad and solemn spectacle to see the star of liberty
on the wane, as it undoubtedly and assuredly is
with these conclaves and consultations, these meet-

ings and man cc avres. After centuries or struggle,
and when so much misery has been endured for the

cruse of freedom, it is now forced upon us as nu.
welcome intelligence inJeed, but not less authentic,

that the present is a dark era in tho history of inde-

pendent nations. Those who should do something

are inactive; those who do harm are remarkably

zealous in the performance of their ungracious and

unworthy tasks. If the leading Powers of Europe

are to be the members of this Holy Alliance, it is

indeed time for those who have the integrity
and independence of nations at heart to ba up and

doing. Hope may well bid the world farewell for
a season if the sovereigns who nut at Kissingen are
to be the arbiters of
the dastinies of peoples, and
the deciding judges from whom there is no appeal.

There is no more difficult subject for legislation
than our dealings with half civilized nations. I,
is easy enough to frame a treaty, to decide which
ports shall bo open to our commerce, and what shall
be the limit of foreign intrusion in the country;