The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-23 00:00:00

motion of education, as well as innocent amusement in the
evening of the labourer's day. The success of the cooking

depots was appropriately dwelt upon at the general naeet-
ing, and accounts were received from our colleague, Mr B.

Jerrold, who had taken great pains :with their establish-

went. The first of them was at Glasgow, and an excellent
one was set up in Edinburgh by Miss Catharine Sinclair.
It appeared that at the central depot, in New-cut, Lam-
beth, 1,500 working men daily dine—that for an excellent
meal of roast beef, vegetables, and soup only 6d. is paid ;

and the establishment is self-supporting, inasmuch as after

every expanse is paid there is a net prc•fit of 20 per cent. on
the capital. The promoters of social science, friends of the
working classes, can desire nothing more
..than the multi-
plication of such establishments, of which steps have been
taken to form 18 or 20 in London, and it is devoutly to be

hoped that the like steps may be taken in the provinces.
The importance has more than once been considered at oui
congress of introducing into this country the decimal and
metrical system now so universally prevailing on the Conti-
nent ; and its importance is regarded not merely with a view
to facility of accounts in our extended commercial dealings
with foreign countries, but also with regard to its advan-
tages in education. It appears by Mr Chadwick's state-
ment, from his communication with numberless teachers
in various parts of the country, that the result is to obtain
a saving equal to between a third and a half of the time
taken to teach pupils arithmetic. As this is reckoned
three quarters of an hour daily, the benefit of the saving to
the working classes is manifest, even on the half time sys-
tem, now it is to be hoped generally adopted. The Weights
and Measures Bill, moved by our colleague Lord Fortescue,
though opposed in the Lords, was carried by a very con-
siderable majority, and the Act is passed. It is only per-
missive and confined in its extent ; but it is a step in the
right direction, and will inevitably be made general, and be
universally adopted. But with all the care taken for the
working classes, for promoting their comfort and furthering
their improvement, shall nothing be done, even when we
find them improved, to increase their weight in the corn
munity, by extending their influence on public affairs—in a
word, by lowering the elective franchise and admitting a
larger number to concur in the choice of our representa-
tives? Every oue must remark how constant the occur-
rence is of the poll having a very different result from the
show of hands. Can nothing be done to bring them nearer
together ? Is it impossible so to arrange that the person
returned by the show of hands should sit unless the poll
exceeded by a certain proportion the first return ? This
would give the voters a very decided preponderance, but
without denying the existence of the more numerous class.
But whatever difference of opinion may prevail upon the
extension of the franchise there can be none upon the evil
effects of corruption and the absolute necessity of freeing
the community from that which is injurious to its most
important interests—above all, to its morals. The desire
to have a seat in Parliament is such that all risk of
costs is willingly encountered, and the punishment of
fine or imprisonment without hard labour is not suffi _ient
to deter the candidate or his agent, who yet would not
expose themselves to the risk of the treadmill. The
slave trade flourished under the pecuniary penalties of fine
and forfeitures, but when it was made felony the crime en-
tirely ceased. Men would run the risk of losing ship and
cargo, because the profits of a successful voyage made them
whole after a forfeiture; but the risk of transportation they
would:not run, and the crime ceased at once and for ever to
disgrace the country. So would bribery at elections were
the treadmill the punishment, and a public prosecutor ap-
pointed, as has become necessary on every account, unless
we desire to see our criminal law continue to be most imper-
fectly administered. The bill for awarding this punishment
was introduced into the House of Lords so late in the ses•
sion that when Sir Fitzroy Kelly took it up in the House
of Commons, with the important addition of requiring a
declaration to be made by every member, on taking his seat,
that he believed no illegal expense had been incurred by him
or his agents (a provision which could not well be intro-
duced in the Lords), it was found impossible to pass the bill
before the prorogation. The prospect of immediate disso-
lution being no longer in view, the postponement of the
measure till next session was less to be regretted. The
effect of the declaration proposed by our distinguished col-

league, Sir John Pahington, would be very great; for, as
the Lord Chief Justice Cockburn observed when he intended
himself to move such a provision, no man of the least re-
gard for his character could make it when he knew what
sums he had expended himself, or by his agents, in corrup-
tion. If the Commons really wish to prevent bribery, as
we are bound to admit they do, notwithstanding all rumours
to the contrary, they will take care to pass a bill with this
provision. It is satisfactory to find, as the Lords' committee
did upon municipal elections, that the persons guilty of
corruption at these as well as parliamentary elections, are,
generally speaking, of the mostignorant classes—those who
never read at all, But whatever may lately have been done
by the legislature, or left undone, for the working classes,
it is clear that they possess the power of doing much for
themselves, and that happily they are resolved on pro-
viding for their own advancement in all respects, for
bettering their condition, and for acquiring the time and
the means for their moral improvement. This is by the co-

operative plan, now so universally adopted, and which since
our last congress has made such steady progress. The
yearly report cf that excellent and most able officer, Mr
Tidd Pratt, has been made, and is most cheering. It shows
that there are in England and Wales 454 co-operative so-
cieties, and though of these 74 have made no returns, either
from neglect or from having been too recently established,
of the other 381 the number of members is 108,588, of whom
22,732 were admitted in 1863, only 11,358 having been
withdrawn. The amount paid for goods was £2,370,153,
the sums received for goods £2,626,741, leaving a profit of
£213,`403. The whole expense for wages, rent, repairs, &c.
was £176,544. The account which we have received since
Mr Tidd Pratt's report (which comes down to December,
1863) shows a very considerable increase during the present
year, in numbers, capital, and transactions. The profits are
divided in proportion to the shares held by each member;
and it is most satisfactory to find that the sums withdrawn
were far less in 1863 than in 1862, the relief from distress,
which caused the withdrawing of these sums, having been
much less considerable in consequence of the improvement
of trade. The principle in almost all cases is, "No trust,
no debt"—and the only exceptions are when from sickness
or other infirmity individuals are assisted by others, and
repay the small sums thus advanced. The whole manage-
ment of these concerns is in the hands of the workmen
themselves, and the gains are for the most part accumulated
so as to form a small capital, which is generally employed
in the productive branches of co-operation. But the great
bulk of these societies are the stores, for the purchase and
sale of the goods consumed by the members. The profits are
thus earned in proportion to consumption, and a most
pleasing part of their appropriation in very many instances
is the provision made for education, by the purchase of
books and journals, and the support of reading-rooms. But
a most important step has been lately taken, which in its
consequences promotes co-operation in a degree almost in-
calculable—the establishment of wholesale stores, the
purchase and sale by general agency, For this great
improvement we are indebted to Mr Greenwood, of Roch-
dale, who having observed the failure of former attempts to
establish such an agency, devised the plan, which after being
submitted to a conference, held in March, 1863, of delegates
from almost all the societies in Lancashire and Yorkshire,
was adopted by their unanimous concurrence, and is now in
active operation. An office is established in Manchester,
and the whole expense, including the purchase and sale of
the goods, is defrayed by a small contribution from the
members of the societies in connection with the office. All
the goods required by the societies are bought of the great
dealers, and sent by them at the cost of the receivers. The
goods are thus of the best quality and at the lowest prices.
The societies are of course required to confine their pur-
chases to the central agency, which, buying perhaps for 158
stores, can afford to charge a very small commission from
each. Mr Greenwood's estimate was grounded on the actual
consumption of 3,500 persona of the Rochdale Pioneers, and
this made the amount consumed by 40,000 persons equal to
£524.000 a quarter of groceries. He reckons on 2s 6d for
each member in these counties, which would yield £5,000,
a sum amply sufficient for all the expenses of the central
establishment and agency. Great as the step has been there
is besides a remarkable increase in the number of co-opera-
tive societies and of their members. Instead of 332 societies
with 90,000 members in 1862, we have now, for 1863, 454,
with 108,000 members, and the sums paid for goods have
risen from £2,300,000, with a profit of £'_45,000, to
£2,600,000 with £213,000 profit by the comparison of the
last two years. But since December, when Mr Tidd
Pratt's accounts were made up, we have received returns
for August, which show that the increase has gone on this
year more quickly. It is impossible to doubt that much
is due to the unremitting and powerful exertions of Mr
Pitman, and to the journal so ably conducted by him—
the Co-operator, But he has been indefatigable is his la-
bours,having gone round the country to deliver lectures on
what may truly be called self-help to working-men; teach-
ing them the uses of co-operation, and having ever in view
the paramount duty of exciting men to work out their own
improvement by helping themselves. It is to bo hoped that
we shall have the great benefit of his presence at this con-
gress, and among various subjects to be discussed at our
section of Social Economy there is one which his experience
and his intimate acquaintance with the working classes
renders him peculiarly fit to handle—the proper distribu-
tion of profits in concerns of productive industry. Some
have contended that the distribution should follow no rule,
but the apportionment to each person according to his
wages ; others that it should depend entirely on the capital
employed ; while between these two extremes it may be
hoped t 7 at a middle course might be found, so as to give a
share both to the labour of the workman and the capital by
which it is put in motion. The extension of cooperation
to farm labour has been continued since last year, as we
shall find from Mr Gardon's statements. The incalculable
benefits of co-operation to the comfort and independence of
the working classes are even surpassed by the advantage
which the community derives from the reconcilement to
each other of the different bodies that compose it. There
no longer prevail the feuds which most of us remember to
have set against each other the master and the workman,
the middle and the humbler classes. We shall soon outlive
all strikes of men and combinations of their employers in
sell defence; and the time will never more return which
brought a special assize to this great county for the trial of
outrages not only upon property hut life; and although
doubtleee the progress of the people ill education and moral