The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-05 00:00:00

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amount of stock, maintained•in the agricultural districts.
The cause of that diminution I take to be this—the necessi-
ties of the small farmers have been so great that they have
been compelled to sell off their stock at an earlier age than
usual, and the stock has consequently been reduced, the
farmers not retaining a sufficient breed to keep up the quan-
tity. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, there is another circum-
stance connected with Irish distress which must not be
overlooked on the present occasion, viz., that enormous and
unparalleled emigration which has recently taken place from
Ireland—an emigration so extensive that nothing has ever
approached it--an emigration, too, the more to be regretted
because I am afraid a large proportion of those who emigrate
will really servo to feed the unhappy and desolating war in
North America. (Hear, hear.) lam afraid that many who
are going away in the hope of finding peaceful employment
will find those hopes disappointed, and will entail upon
themselves and their families great misery, while they are
entering into an atmosphere which is not likely to improve
their love and affection for the land of their birth. (Hear
hear.) With respect, my lords, to the prospects of legisla-
tion for the present session, I cannot say that the Speech is
very encouraging. (A laugh) We are told that various
measures will be submitted for our consideration, That is
all, and therefore I think I may say that in this case. the
performances of her Majesty's Government cannot possibly
fall short of their promises. (A. laugh,) The only action
which the Government announce themselves to have taken
is the appointment of commissioners to inquire into the
various forms of subscription and declaration required to be
made by the clerical members of the Church. A copy of the
commission is to be laid before us, and therefore I shall not
now'presume to comment upon what its ecope and object
may be; but from what I have heard, I am afraid that the
object of it is so extremely minute, as compared with the
magnitude of the machinery put into operation, that it will
do but little to settle any of those questions to which public
attention has recently been attracted. I am sure it is not suf-
ficient to satisfy my noble friend who has so frequently
brought the subject of subscription under our notice, while,
on the other hand, I am afraid it may lead to the renewal of a
critical agitation without producing any but trifling results.
(Hear.) So much, my lords, for the prospects of domestic
lrgislation, and for the present internal condition of the
count y. I proceed now to a much more serious and much
more anxious question—viz., the position in which we stand
with regard to foreign countries, and the perilous position
in which the peace of Europe is at this moment placed.
(Hear, hear.) My lords, foreign policy has been for the last
two or three years that upon which her Majesty's Govern-
ment have mainly reeled their claims to public confidence.
(Hear, hear.) As coon as that very ingenious, if I cannot
say very ingenuous, stratagem by which the noble earl
opposite obtained office had served its purpose—as soon as
he had obtained office by the declaration that Parliament
was dissatisfied with the modicum of Parliamentary reform
offered by his predecessors, and that the country could never
be satisfied, and ought never to be satisfied, until a much
more extensive measure were carried by the Government--
from the moment at which that pretext had served its pur-
pose, I need not remind your lordships how feebly, how
faintly, the noble earl and his colleagues attempted to
realize their programme. Nor need I remind your lordships
that the great expectations held out by the noble earl were
defeated, not by the opposition of his predecessors, but by
the voluntary abandonment of himself and of his supporters
in the House of Commons ; and that a very short time ago,
when the noble earl, after retiring from his labours in the
Lower House to the serener atmosphere of your lordships'
benches, pronounced the funeral oration of his defeated bill,
he sang its requiescat in pace, and while congratulating
himself on having attained the summit of his wishes de-
clared that he was now disposed and advised his friends to
" rest and be thankful." (Cheers and laughter.) From

that time foreign policy has been the main groundwork
of the confidence which the country was called on to
place in her Majesty's Government. I trust that in

the position in which we stand it will not be thought
that I am wandering from the subject if, in order to
enable your lordships to judge of the full gravity
of that position. I examine somewhat at length what
has been the course of policy pursued by her Majesty's
Government, and what is the degree of consideration which
they have obtained for us in foreign countries. (Hear.) My
lords, I think that at the commencement the foreign policy
of the noble earl opposite might be summed up in the affir-
mation of the principle of'non•intervention in the internal
affairs of other countries, the extension of Liberal principles
by the exercise of our moral interference, and above all, the
maintenance of uninterrupted and cordial relations with the
Emperor of the French. We were told more than once that
the present Ministry was the only one :to maintain a good
understanding with the French Emperor, or, at least, that
its predecessor could not possibly have done so, and that if
the country desired to preserve cordial relations between

itself and France, her Majesty's present advisers, and espe-
t cially the noble earl opposite, were the only persons qualified
to secure that most desirable object. (Hear, and a laugh.)
Now, my lords, as to non intervention in the internal affairs
of other countries, when I look around me I fail to see what
country there is in the internal affairs of which the noble
earl has not interfered. (Cheers and laughter.) Kali in.
faction reliquit nihil tetiget quod, I cannot say non ornavit,
but non conturbavit. (Laughter.) Or the foreign policy
of the noble earl, as far es the principle of non-intervention
is concerned, may be summed up in two homely but ex-
pressive words—" meddle and muddle." (Great cheering
and laughter.) During the whole course of his diplomatic
correspondence, wherever he has interfered—and he has in-
terfered everywhere—he has been lecturing, scolding, blus-
tering, and retreating. (A laugh) In fact, I cannot think
of the foreign policy pursued by the noble earl and his col-
leagues without being reminded of another very distin-
guished body of actors commemorated, as your lordships are
aware, in "A Midsummer Night's Dream." Of that cele-
brated troupe the two chief ornaments were Bottom, the
weaver, and Snug, the joiner. It appears to me the noble
earl opposite combines the qualities which are attributed to
both those distinguished personages. (A. laugh.) Like
Bottom, the weaver, he is ready to play every part, not even
excepting that which he has all eady played most satis-
factorily—viz., " Moonshine." (Great laughter.) But his
favourite part is the part of the lion. " Oh," says the noble
earl, " let me play the Lion. I will roar so that it will do
any man's heart good to hear me ; I will roar so that I will
make the Duke say, 'Let him roar again; let him roar
again.' " (Cuntinued laughter.) The noble earl, too, knows
as well as anyone, how, like Bottom, to "aggravate his
voice," so that he will "roar you as gently as any sucking
dove ;" and, moreover, he has had recourse more than once
to the ingenious and somewhat original device of letting half
his face be seen through the lion's neck, as if to say, " For
all my roaring I am no lion at all, but only Snug the joiner.
(Renewed laughter.) There is, however, one point of diffe-
rence which I would have you observe, because it is rather
important. Bottom, the weaver, and Snug, the joiner, were
possessed of an earnest desire not to alarm the ladies too
much, and consequently they gave due warning at the out-
set. On the other hand, the noble earl's disclosure that
though the roar was like that of a lion, the face wa3 only
that of the noble lord himself—(a laugh)—was not made
betimes in order that the audience might not be frightened
but only because he found that all the roaring in the world
would not frighten them. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Se-
riously, for though there may be something ludicrous about
it, the matter is of too great importance to be treated only
in a light and jocular manner—seriously, then, I cannot
but feel as an Englishman that I am lowered and humi-
liated in my own estimation and in that of other nations by
the result of the noble earl's administration of foreign
affairs. Thanks to the noble earl and the present Govern-
ment we have at this moment not one single friend in
Europe—(hear, hear)—and more than that, this country,
the chief fault of which was that it went too direct and
straightforward at what it aimed, which never gave a pro-
mise without the intention of performing, which never
threatened without a tut' determination of striking, which
never made a demand without being prepared to enforce it,
this country is now in such a position that its menaces are
disregarded, its magniloquent language ridiculed, and its
remonstrances are treated with contemptuous indifference
by the small as well as by the great Powers of the Conti-
nent. (Hear, hear.) Wo have heard a great deal of har-
mony and good understanding with France. If we really
are on a footing of cordial understanding with France, all I
can say is that the Emperor must be the most forgiving and
forbearing of all devoted friends, because there is scarcely a
question of recent times on which we have not, I will not
say purposely, but at least uniformly, opposed his policy
and placed him in a situation which must have been pain-
ful to his feelings and very humiliating to his pride. (Hear
hear.) I find no fault with the noble earl for withdrawing
from co-operation in regard to the affairs of Mexico as soon
as a considerable change was apparent in the project. At
the same time, when this question was first under discussion
I took the liberty of expressing regret that we should have
exposed ourselves to possible inconvenience and embarrass-
ments by the course we took,and that we did not on our own
part make demands and enforce our claims. And, although
I do not blame the noble earl for withdrawing from the enter-
prise, still that was an act which exposed our conduct to un-
favourable consideration on the pee., at all events, of the
people of France, and added to the difficulties of the Em-
peror of the French in carrying out the scheme. (Hear, hear.)
Then, my lor,'s, it is notorious that the Emperor was very
desirous of taking steps, at any rate, towards the recognition
of the Confederate States. Rightly or wrongly, the noble
earl opposed that idea, and the Emperor, with an earnest
wish to co-operate as far as possible with this country,
shaped his policy in accordance with ours, and accommo-
dated his views to it. I must now, my lords, call your atten-
tion to a matter which has had some grave consequences.
What was the next question into which we were brought into
intimate combination with the Emperor of the French ?
It was the painful, embarrassing end difficult question of
last year—the condition of Poland, and the representations
to be made on the subject to Russia. There is no doubt
that in this country and in France also there was a very
serious and Gprdial sympathy with Poland. (Hear.) There
was a very earnest respect fur the gallantry, bravery, and
patience with which the Poles had fought the battles of their
country, and there was a general conviction that they were
suffering from an amount of oppression that was sufficient
to rouee the feelings and excite the indignation of Europe.
It was determined that the Emperor of the French, the
Emperor of Austria, and her Majesty should engage in a
joint representation to the Emperor of Russia in favour of
Poland. The terms of that representation were not identi-
cal, and I cannot but think, as I ventured to say last year,