The Sun.
London, England, 1852-07-15 00:00:00

dustry. It follows you must take care that the same
justice be done to all her Majesty's subjects.—(Cheers.)
And I am well aware, gentlemen, if the question be
viewed in that light, and if taxation shall certainly be
placed upon a new principle, I am convinced we shall be
able to bring forward measures of relief which will re-
ceive the sympathy and approbation and support of all
the various classes of this country.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, gentlemen, I am sometimes told that we supported
in Opposition what is called the Protectionist policy,
but have abandoned it in the responsible position of the
Ministers of the Crown. Gentlemen, I should like to
hear that accusation made in the House of Commons by
any of my opponents. You know very well, gentle-
men, I never have been one of those who asserted that
any sufficient compensation for the abrogation of a law
of protection could be fairly found in a moderate fixed
duty upon corn. I have all along declared, in my official
position, that I should be extremely glad, as a financial
measure, if a moderate duty were agreed upon. It would
bring an immense quota to the national revenue, and I
think. it is a very great mistake so far as financial
considerations are concerned, to suppose that a duty
upon corn is a trifle; but it seems to be determined that
we shall not raise any portion of the revenue from
foreign grain. But suppose, gentlemen, that a measure
were passed, say a ss. or a 4s. duty upon the importa-
tion of corn into this country—suppose this; and, I ask,
will that place you in a position equal to that which
you occupied in 1845?—(No, no!) This would be a
relief, gentlemen, I have never supported, and it would
not, by
any means , eatl y contribute to place you in a
just position. The moderate rise in prices that might
gr
accrue from this to the producer before it fell upon the
consumer would not really remunerate you for the suf-
fering you have encountered, nor rectify much that un-
just legislation of which you are the victims.—(Hear.)
But if you could secure this course, if you could manage
to Ret this done, you would meet with great provocation
rrom other classes, at the same time that you reaped no
great or particular advantages. I believe if the counsel
I have gum:, 4. taken, b1...0_
which I hope, as far as I am
concerned, we shall bales _t execute—l believe you
will receive an efficient, an effective reuseay—(Cheers.)
I do not mean to say, gentlemen, that a neg-
ligent man without capital—(No, no)—would find
my remedy much to his advantage.—(Laughter.)
That none of you would desire.—(Hear, hear.)
Bat I say the cultivator of the soil, who embarks in his
undertaking with ardour and with enterprise, with all
the personal conditions requisite to success—who brings
an adequate amount of skill on the one hand, and a fair
share of capital on the other, will then be allowed to
enter on his undertaking with a fair prospect of obtain-
ing that remuneration to which he is entitled.—(Loud
cheers.) Well I say, gentlemen, it is, in my opinion,
the duty of a Government to redress the grievances un-
der which the agriculturists have unjustly suffered. I
say more, it is their duty to do so if they have the op-
portunity; and I say further, it is their duty to meet
the electors of the country, and to ask from them an op-
portunity of effecting this redress.—(Cheers.) And
eta
countiesi n tha t r thateb-f
ipi
raerst iscbuyl,aar ?e 0
hltfi
hlu
at ht
iooung
bh
ft ws
nen epoour Id onlyfiom
what are our prospects, gentlemen, of success in
othb
England, although I might think the case. abstractedly
a just one; although I might feel that be log. just we
should not refrain from doing which that is founded in
justice, yet I could only do it
with regret? under such
circumstances I might shrink from attempting
risk o ceaciliation.—(Flear.) Bat 83 fareslesantehieewgrteleaet
appeal which my Lord Derby has made to the naeion,l see
no evidence that only one class—the agricultural class—is
about to give its sanction to such views,—(Hear.) I see
some of the greatest towns its the country—(A. voice—
" Liverpool")—eagerly and zealously advancing to give
u 3 the Opportunity of bringing forward these measures,
and taut they believe such remedial measures to be just
and necessary. An Hon. Friend has just mentioned
Liverpool, and Liverpool is the greatest port in England
—(Cheers)—much more extensive than London. But
this decision of Liverpool is not unaccompanied, by
others equally startling and satisfactory. The city of
Dublin—(Cheers)—has done the same; and I have
leernBd within these few hours that the great manufac-
turing town of Belfast—the Manchester of Ireland—has
returned two Members to support the Government.—
(14 end cheers.) And if I take the other great towns of
the country—Dover, Greenwich, and Pie mouth—(Cheers)
—I ;find the same result. Well, gentlemen, it is
unnecessary for me further to vindicate the course which
we took in opposition, and which we mean to preserve in
power. You have only to adhere to that principle, and
make justice to the land the condition of all those you
return to Parliament, and I am certain measures will be
brought for yard which will place you in a position
to get a fair return with cheerfulness. I say with cheer-
fulness, for no man can do where there is injustice.
I shall not for the present trouble you with the details
of any measures we may present. We have been some-
times asked. " Why don't you say what you will do?"
Why, gentlemen, we ought to go to the country upon
principle, and not upon details. We say we think there
should be measures brought forward to place the culti-
vamrs of the soil in a position to allow him to compete
with foreign industry. That is the principle. We are
not going to tell you what these measures of detail are.
Aye or no, do you think it fair that English industry
should be burdened?—that is the question.—(Cheers.)
We do not look back, gentlemen, to oar opposition to
Sir Robert Peel in 1846 with regret. We think his
measures were conceived in panic and carried in preci-
pitancy—(Cheers)--without any accompaniment of re-
medial plans; we ask England to support us that we
may establish a just policy.—(Cheers.) And, gentle-
men, as far as the measures we propose go, I may say
that I sincerely believe they will receive the general
approbation of all the great classes in the community.—
(Cheers) Mind you, gentlemen, I am not using that lan-
guage now as a condition of office. I am speaking, at least,
with the responsibility of one, however reluctantly to him-
self, who is honoured with the important trust of an ad-
viser to the Crown.—(Cheers.) My Hon. Friead, gen-
men (Mr. Dup.-6), has referred to the circumstances
under which the present Government acceded to office.
Gentlemen, I would not have touched upon that theme
had it not been brought before me ; and it is only in
justice to myself, as a member of that Government, that
I bring it under your notice. It is only, I think, four
months ago, since, at our county town, with I believe
the unanimous feeling of the county, I was returned to
Parliament as a Minister of the Crown ; and then it was
said that within l's or 15 days our authority would ter-
maintain th e business
ter-
minate through our incapacity to
of Parliament.—(Laughter.)
And, gentlemen, no sooner
had I taken my seat in the House of Commons than I
was subjected to a most extraordinary cross-examina-
tion.—(Laughter.) I was called upon to announce
when we would appeal to the country, and I suppose
some of them wanted that event to take place within a
week.—(Laughter.) I suggested that certain great
questions should be settled before an appeal was made to
the nation ; and I specified measures respecting the de-
fences of the country, the reform of Chancery, and some
others. Lord J. Russell hoped that we would not perse-
vere with any measure for the defence of the country,
although he was the author of that project—(Cheers)--
and as a friend his Lordship advised me not to meddle
with the Court of Chaneery.—(Laughter.) And another
great statesman, no other than Lord Palmerston, al-
though offering no factious opposition to the Ministry,
said he was very sorry to hear that the House was about
into Chancery.
to be put —(Laughter.) Well, we had
all these sneers and jibes to encounter. But, gentlemen,
we carried all the measures we introduced.—(Cheers.)
We carried
that reform of the Chancery Court which
Sir James Graham at Carlisle has stated to be a matter
with which everybody must be pleased; and I will tell
you a little, Parliamentary anecdote. When the report
of tehe Chancery commissioners was placed upon the
table of the House of Commons, the report upon which
I admit our Bills were founded, Sir James Graham said
these w
ment to were
the greatest measures put before Parlia-
ment
to
carry
the abuses; bat where, asked he, is the
--(Loud cheers)
yeetreem out? We, gentlemen, found the man
we carried every reform
under the present Lord Chancellor
Gentlemen, theyr reform proposed in our Bills.—(Cheers.)
we should havee is
another subject upon it is expected
absorbing topic, tivl:rY clear opinions—l mean that all
day. I know, religious feeling of the present
gentle
to treat; but I have ua'n, this is a subject difficult
sense. Gentlemen, ineXdence in your extreme good
cently delivered, her ma.:Peech from the Throne, re-
uphold the Protestant iiisjtY expresses her desire to
(Cheers.) Now there was eintetions of the country.—
engrossed the people of this :Ou'lhiect which very much
met, and that was the endowment °f before Parliament
and there existed a very strong fe°24aynooth College,
not limited to any one class; and itn an the subject,
the height of folly for her Majesty's Zald have been
treated that feeling with contempt. I could'aters to have
sonally occupied a position with respect to have per-
which would, if acted upon, have done away question
controversy; for I was one of those
who
Y with all
no opposed that
endowment at first—(Cheers)--thinking it betrayed
a
total ignorance of the wants of the age, and that it would
ultimately be opposed by those who were obligated as
well as those who had given it as a concession; but I had
to view the question, not in the light of my personal
feeling, and I thought it necessary to support the motion
for inquiry of Mr. Spooner; for this was an age in which
Roman Catholics themselves should not oppose inquiry.
—(Hean hear.) But the Government were pressed to
institute a Royal commission of inquiry. Gentlemen, a
ee
'bora commission has not the power of compelling the
attendancewitnesses, and its proceedings would be
of
i liable to all kinds misrepresentation; but, however in-
decorous may ' sof a House of Commons,
the country, at
proceeding
in such a; tribunal,
being composed settileast, has confidence
there is another of
men of allßut, gentlemen,
there
ing of the county Point connected with the religious feel-
tion a little. tee-
%upon which I must crave your atten-
tion
to issue thoughtai
it our duty to advise her
tention of preserving gsl proclamation, with the in-
doing this, every species e ofPeace of society. But in
circulated ; and I confess misrepresentation has been
do not object to unrestrictthat to this free country I
men, we have been told ed criticism •
, but, gentle-
issued
to ' that is 1 influence the election 1 proclamation was
statement made by rather hi
wet©
I have seen that
hustings. All i could wish g authority upon the
such statements in the Housewere they should
it might of c,
. be brought to the emultnons,
make
test before so
that
tribunal whether such sordid 'loft great
Governm means ever
Government. Gentlemen, in the course ced the
were only influenced by a great imperial we
took We
matter was laid before the Privy . necessity. Th
Council, an - e
ner which could not bemistaken,' din
4 n-
dence supported by
most and with eye.
which we took care toexaminehigh authority—evidence
act—evidence that, in before we proceeded to
certain districts in England, in
consequence of numerous
processions which the Roman
Catholic priesthood had instituted, consequences would
result, in more than thirt
' endanger the life of manyyPohrebs at least, which would
What was our duty under these
ec e'r aMajesty's subjects.
gentlemen, the moment bad come finrc•ns to mstances? Why,
could not hesitete. We recoramendedtlsa t interfere.
her
Majesty We
should issue that proclamation which has received the

THE SUN,