The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCEI 27, Ha

any precautionary measures been taken ? Had the students
of Trinity College taken any part in the riots on the 10th ?
Was there such a place as " Bellina ?"
Mr. WHITESID E wished to know if any inquiry had
been made, or would be ordered, as to the conduct of certain
magistrates in not sending assistance quickly.
Sir R. PEEL said there had been a report of a sub-in-
spector of police as to the burning of the effigy of the
Prince, and the cases of several of the persons engaged in
the riot disposed of.
Mr. SCULLY asked whether there had been any in-
quiry as to the conduct of the mayor of Cork.
Sir R. PEEL said there had been no such inquiry, and
he had not heard of :any magistrate having been charged
with misconduct.

Secretary at War had arrived, and declared that the
treatment of his gallant friend was not such as they should
have received from the military authorities.
Sir J. SHE LLEY said that they had often heard of the
privileges of the Guards over the line, but in this case
even fair play had not been shown them.

After a few wards from Colonel DUNNE and Colone
DICKSON, the matter dropped.

SUPPLY-CIVIL SERVICE.

The house then went into committee of supply, Mr.
Massey in the chair.
On the sum of £1,923,000 being proposed on account for
defraying the charges of the Civil Service,
Mr. A. SMITH objected to voting sums on account when
the estimates were not before them. But he also had other
grounds of objection arising out of the large balances in
hand under the different heads of expenditure, and upon
this point he wished to have a clear explanation.
Mr. 'WILLIAMS considered votes on account injurious ;
but he was free to admit that the present mode of preparing
these estimates was a great improvement upon the old
method.

Mr. A. SMITH said it was an extraordinary thing that
the expenses of the last quarter of one year should be paid
out of the first quarter of the next.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the
perfect system would be to pay, on the last day of each
quarter, when the clock struck twelve, the whole ex-
penses of the quarter ; but, according to the mode of
managing sublunary affairs, he thought it would be im-
possible, however much 'they might approve the doctrine,
to carry it out in practice.
The vote was then agreed to.
On the vote of £754,154, salaries, &c., for the Customs
department,

Sir H. WILLOUGHBY complained that the charges
did not appear to fall in proportion to the duties that had
been repealed, but rather to increase. The present esti-
mate was £222,525 over that of 1861-2.

Mr, A. SMITH asked how it was the vote had not been
reduced £82,000 as promised on a former occasion.

Mr. PEEL said the increase arose from an increase of
trade, requiring additional officers in the examining de-
partment, and also greater accommodation,
The vote was ultimately agreed to.
The vote of £1,351,771 for the salaries and expenses of
the Inland Revenue department was agreed to.
On the vote of £2,098,920 for Post-office services,
Mr. W. WILLIAMS complained of so many votes being
taken on account. This, with the sum voted, would exceed
half the amount of the civil service.

Sir H. WILLOUGHBY asked how it was the Post-
office expenditure had been increased £21,250?
Mr. AYR rON asked what arrangements had been
made for paying the expenses of the Post-office swings
banks ?

Mr. PEEL said no sum would be taken in the estimates
for the Post-office savings banks, as it would not be re-
quired. The increase complained of by the hon. baronet
the member for Evesham, arose in consequence of the in-
creased accommodation afforded to the public in the estab-
lishment of fresh Post-office districts.

The vote was then agreed to.
The vote of £515,796 for the superannuation and ,com-
pension allowed for the officers of the Customs, Inland
Revenue and Yost-office departments was agreed to.
The vote A' £56,986, salaries and expenses of the officers
of the two Houses of Parliament, was agreed to.
The following votes, to defray salaries and expenses of
public departments, were agreed to :—£38,700 for the Trea-
sury ; £19,263 for the Home Office ; £56,225 for the Foreign
Office; £23,047 for the Colonial Office; £14,627 for the
Privy Council Office,

On the vote of £47,181 on account of the Board of Trade,

Mr. A. SMITH asked for some explanations with respect
to the expenditure on that department of the office which
superintended the weather returns. He was afraid that those
weather-prophecies--or, as they were designated, forecastes
issued under the superintendence of a certain gallant officer,
were not only.of no advantage but that they were positively
mischievous. If he were to go through the forecasts of the
present month he could show that scarcely on one day was
the weather correctly described. (A laugh.) He would
very much like to know whether the President of the Board
of Trade was in the habit of consulting the superintendent of
this department before he started on a sea voyage. Really,
these forecasts, as they were published from day to day,
were a perfect burlesque; and he was very much inclines
to move that the vote be reduced by the amount expended
on the department.
Mr. M. GIBSON said the expenditure on the meteoro-
logical department was about £2,000 a-year, although he
was not quite certain on the point. The department had
been originally organised for the purpose of enabling this
country to co-operate with other countries in collecting
facts in reference to the prevalence of particular winds,
in parts of the ocean, and in classifying those facts whereby
there might be established some rules applicable for the
purposes of navigation. The plan acted upon by the depart-
ment was drawn up by the Royal Society. They had now,
however, got into a different system, and instead merely of
collecting facts, they deduced rules from the information laid
before them, with a view of making forecasts of the weather.
Well, observing that he had asked the Treasury again to
communicate with the Royal Society, to ascertain whether
meteorological science was considered sufficiently advanced
as to admit of such forecasts being made with a reasonable
approximation to the truth. And when these scientific
gentlemen had reported on the subject they would be better
able to decide whether it was advisable to continue voting
public money for such a purpose.

Mr. DILLWYN was very glad to hear that the Board
of Trade was moving in the matter.

Mr. WILL EAMS hoped the department would not be
abolished until ample consideration had been given to the
subject.

The vote was then agreed to, as were also the following :
£1,921 for the office of Privy Seal ; £6,741 un account of
the Civil Service Commission ; £14,640 for the office of the
Paymaster-General; £2,972 for the office of Comptroller-
General of the Exchequer; £92,800 for the office of Woods
and Forests ; £15,255 for the Public Records department ;
£157,154 for the Poor •law department ; £37,901 for the
Mint ; £19,610 for the department of the Factories' In-
spectors ; £2,445 for the household of the Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland ; £11,580 for the Chief Secretary's office; £2,752
for the Inspectors of Lunatic Asylums in Ireland ; £16,314
for ; £25,060 for the Commis-
sioners the Public
foru Auditing
Accounts ; £14,351 for the
Pic Works, Irelandpublie
Copyhold, &c., Commissioners for England and Wales ;
£10,020 for the Office of Commissioners under the Drain-
age Acts ; £35,520 for the office of the Registrar-General
for Births, &c., in London ; £20,222 for the National Debt
Office ; £2,932 for the Public Works Loan Commissioners ,
£5,111 for the Commissioners of Loans in England and
Scotland ; £1,228 for the General Superintendence of County
Roads in South Wales ; £2,374 for the office of Registrar
of Friendly Societies ; £12,243 for the office of Charity Com-
missioners; £2,242 for the collection of Agricultural and
Emigration Statistics in Ireland; £24,000 for Secret Ser-
vice.

A vote of £244,139 for Stationery, Printing, &c,, for the
Treasury and Public Departments was agreed to.
On the sum of £6,500 being proposed to defray the ex-
penFes of the Niger expedition,

Mr. DODSON said that 18 votes had been passed over
in consequence of the absence of the Under-Secretary for
the Colonies, and owing to that circumstance a branch of
the estimates was taken up which many hon. members who
were present did not anticipate would be proceeded with
that night.
Col. SYKES said if the estimates had been taken in their
proper order, they would not come on at that early hour,
therefore he moved that the chairman report progress.
Viscount P ALMERSTON said he had often heard an
objection made to passing votes on account of the lateness
of the hour, but it was certainly something novel to com-
plain of the earliness of the hour. (Laugbter.) Full notice
had been given, and if hon. members were not present to
discuss the votes it was not the fault of the Government.

After some further discussion the motion was withdrawn,
the Government having intimated that the particular votes
objected to would not be proceeded with.
The vote was then agreed to, as were also the votes of
£66,000 for defraying the expenses of captured negroes un-
der the Slavery Suppression Act; £6,550 for defraying the
expenses of mixed commissions in relation with foreign
powers for the suppression of slavery; and £116,462 for
superannuation allowances to persons formerly employed in
the public service.

Sir F. BARING called attention to what he supposed
was an omission in the Superannuation Act, in consequence
of which great injustice was done to officials who suffered
from personal violence in the exercise of their duty. The
old Act contained a provision enabling the Treasury to
make allowance to such persons when disabled ; but under
the present Act there was no power to make any allowance
for personal injuries. A case of this kind had occurred re-
cently at Portsmouth, where a warder had suffered from a
murderous attack made upon him by a convict ; but there
was no provision in the Act for giving a man an increased
allowance, unless it happened that he was 10 years in the
service. This was a matter which, he thought, ought to be
rectified.

Several other votes were agreed to, among which were
the sums of £744 for pensioners who had served in the old
American war and in Toulon ; £325 for the Refuge for the
Destitute; £1,966 for allowances to Polish refugees;
£55,700 for pensions to masters and seamen formerly in the
merchant service; £20,043 for distressed seamen at home
and abroad ; and £3,625 for charges formerly defrayed out
of the civil service.

On the vote of £25,278 towards defraying the charges for
Nonconformist seceding Protestant dissenting ministers in
Ireland.

Mr. W. WILLIAMS opposed the vote. There was a
great objection to this vote, and he complained of its being
proceeded with in the absence of the hon. gentlemen who
were opposed to it, and who did not expect it would have
been brought on that night. It was increasing annually,
and it was time to put a stop to it,
The committee divided. The numbers were—
For the vote 53

Against it ..........
Majority . ...
The vote was then agreed to.
On the question that the chairman r.:port the votes to the

house,

Mr. HENLEY complained of the manner in which the

votes had been taken, and hoped it would not be draw n
into a precedent. The votes to be taken according to the
paper were, to say the least of it, equivocal. (Hear, hear.)
They might suppose that the votes to be taken were to be
votes on account, as numbered on the paper; but no one
could for a moment suppose that a vote was to be taken on
account in the early part of the evening, and the balance,
as in the case of the last vote, taken later on the same
evening. (Hear, hear.) The first part of the vote had not
been reported. He hoped the circumstances would not be
drawn into a precedent. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. W. WILLIAMS had known many votes in supply
to be passed in an improper manner, but he had never
known such an irregular course pursued as had been
adopted that evening. (Hear, hear.) The votes were all
in confusion, and no one knew anything about them.
(Hear, hear.) The house had not acted in accordance with
its public duty ; and he despaired of any change for the
better till they had a reform of that house. (Hear, hear,
and Oh.)
Mr. PEEL admitted the irregularity, but excused it as
a consequence of the change of voting the civil service esti-
mates introduced last session. It was an accident that the
balance of the vote was taken that night, as it was the last
night it could be taken to make the necessary payments for
the current year. It was impossible to know what progress
the committee would make in the votes; and, therefore, to
prevent any inconvenience from arising, the vote was
taken.

Mr. DILLWYN condemned the course pursued by her
Majesty's Government. He hoped some course would be
adopted that would prevent its repetition. (Hear, hear.)
Sir G. C. LEWIS said that no doubt the course pursued
that evening was unusual— (hear, hear)—because it was
the first occasion, or nearly so, that it had been done.
(Hear, hear.) He could not admit that there was any-
thing dangerous or unconstitutional in it, or that it limited
the responsibility of the Government. All that was re-
quired was to know that the Government had neither asked
for too much nor too little for the requirements of the en-
suing year. It was not, however, desirable that the course
should be often repeated. (Hear, hear.)
The matter then dropped, and the house resumed.
CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS BILL.

This bill was read a third time and passed.
The house then went into committee upon the Tele-
graphs Bill, the remaining clauses of which ana certain
new clauses were agreed to, with amendments after a long
discussion.

Sir G. LEWIS, in moving the second reading of the
Office of Secretary at War Abolition Bill, stated that there
was now no separate duty attached to the office, which was
absorbed into that of the Secretary of State for War.
Mr. HENNESSY objected that the but was an infringe-
ment of the prerogative of the Crown.
The bill was read a second time.

The Oaths Relief in Criminal Proceedings (Scotland)
Bill was read a second time, after a few remarks by the
Attorney and Solicitor-General and Mr. Cranfurd.
Sir G. GREY, in moving the second reading of the Local
Government Act (1858) Amendment Bill, stated the rea-
sons for which the bill was proposed, and shortly explained
its provisions.
On the order for resuming the adjourned debate on the
Salmon Fisheries (Ireland) Bill, it was proposed again to
adjourn the debate; but, after much discussion a motion to
that effect was negatived upon a division-59 to 5.
Lord FERMOY'S amendment, to refer the bill to a
select committee, having been also negatived, the house
went into committee on the bill, the Chairman reporting
progress.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained
leave to bring in a bill relative to stock certificates to bearer.
The houso adjourned at half-past one o'clock.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—Of the rights of the Poles under the
Treaties of 1815 there can be no question. Although
their connection with France during the war had
alienated the sympathies of the more zealous Allies
—although many thought that when Bonaparte fell
Poland might well be left to go into captivity with
him, yet the remembrance of their unfortunate
heroism excited the good will of European statts
men generally, and public opinion was even then
strong enough to forbid their being left to their fate.
The consequence was that the Czar entered on the
government of the new Kingdom of Poland with a
Constitution which guaranteed a Biennial Diet,
consisting of a Senate for life, and a Chamber of
Deputies, a separate Polish Ministry, an indepen-
dent Judiciary, a national Army, and a free press
Hsw soon these fair promises were violated, and
how the late Emperor and his brother Constantine
tortured the Poles into revolt within fifteen years,
are matters of history; but England and France,
and Austria, and the other Powers, if they re:olve
on inviting Russia to discuss with them the affairs
of the revolted kingdom, have only to point out
that the Government which now exists is not that
which Alexander I. guaranteed, and it will be for
Russia to explain her reasons for not fulfiLing the
obligations she had accepted. How clear was the
opinion of the great Powers in 1815 in favour of
Polish nationality is shown by the Proclamation of
the King of Prussia when he resumed possession of
his Polish provinces. " You are incorporated in
my Monarchy," writes Frederick William, " but
without:being obliged to renounce your nationality.
You will participate in the Constitution which I
intend to give my faithful subjects, and you will
have a provisional Constitution like the other pro-
vinces of the kingdom. Your religion will be
maintained, your personal rights and your pro-
perty will return under the protection of the
laws, upon which you will also be called in
future to deliberate. Your language shall be
used with the German in all public transac-
tions, and every one of you, according to his
abilities shall be eligible to public employments
in the Grand Duchy, and to all the offices, honours,
and dignities of my kingdom." Such was the spirit
even of absolute Sovereigns at the close of an obsti-
nate war, in which they had overthrown a dreaded
conqueror who had received the enthusiastic services
of the Poles. It contains as much and no more than
Alexander himself undertook to do for his own share
of the Polish race. It is to the credit of the Prussian
Kings that, whatever may have been their other
shortcomings, they have governed the Polish pro-
vince assigned to them with justice and humanity,
and we would hone that the recollection of the words
we have quoted from his father's Proclamation may
inspire King William with the desire to see these
humane principles carried out in the adjoining ter-
ritory. At any rate, there is now among the prin-
cipal States of Europe a desire to discuss together
the affairs of Poland. For some time past there have
been not only communications between England and
France, but between France and Austria. It is pos-
sible, indeed, that the two last-named Powers may
have entered into the discussion in a more earnest
spirit even than England. This country, from its
political traditiona,nu less than from its geographi-
cal situation, is not likely to do more than protest
against the excesses of the Russian Government.
But it is at all times possible that the two Continen-
tal Empires may resolve on a more decided course.
The rulers of France have always professed, and its
people have really felt, a strong sympathy for
Poland ; and no one can say that a war for the re-
constitution of Poland might not at any time
become the passion of the French. Nor is Austria
entirely devoted to peaceful counsels. The gulf
between her and Russia is now wider than ever ;
a settled jealousy prevails between the two
Courts and the two antocracies, and Francis
Joseph might not be indisposed even to cede
Galicia to the new kingdom in exchange for an in-
demnity elsewhere. We believe, however, it is the
opinion of all these Governments that a Congress is
the best field for the proper examination of the
questions connected with Poland. Of course, there
must be many and long negotiations before the
seven or eight Powers which signed the great treaty
can be brought together through their repreaenta-
fives, Russia, especially, we may presume, will
interpose difficulties, if even she does not absolutely
refuse to appear. But she has such weighty reasons
for endeavouring to stand well with her Western
neighbours that she is hardly likely in her present
state of confusion and exhaustion to prove wholly
contumacious.

Posi.—Lord Palmerston assured the House of
Commons, on a recent occasion, that the Govern-
ment had been " unceasing" in their endeavours to
find a prince who might be recommended to the
Greek nation as a desirable sovereign. It has been
quite understood that without for one moment, or
in any degree, abdicating their right of free elec-
tion, the Greeks have very naturally felt that,
owing to their comparatively remote position, they
were but little acquainted with the young princes
of Western Europe, and they therefore expressed
their wish that we should point out to them the
person whom we ourselves might dee. m most eligible.
This has proved a task not only of great responsi-
bility butlof considerable difficulty. In the instances
of Dom Fernando of Portugal, the Duke of Saxe.
Coburg-Gotha, and the Prince of Leiningen, each
of whom was desirable as a well experienced, clever,
and liberal prince, it was found that severally they
were induced from varied butimperative motives to
decline. Of candidates there was no lack. A score
of scions of illustrious families were willing to seize
the offer had it but been set before them. But it
was felt that, however unpleasant might be the de-
lay, no prince could be selected hastily, or with-
out the most careful regard to his satisfactory and
entire fitness for the important post that he might
be called on to occupy. Under these circum-
stances the Government have thought it judicious
to enter on negotiations with the Royal Family
of Denmark, whose recent presence in England
afforded peculiar opportunities for the purpose.
We have studiously refrained from alluding to
them, because transactions of this delicate nature
must reach a certain maturity before they can pro-
perly be made public. It is now, however, no
secret that the negotiation has arrived at a very

promising stage, and that vie may hope that Prince
William of Denmark will be recommended to the
Greeks as their future king. To the selection of
his royal highness there has been all along but one
drawback—his youth ; but that is a fault which
cures itself; and after all he is about the same age
as our own Prince Alfred, whom the Greeks so en-
thusiastically acclaimed. We believe we may state
that the Governments of Itur-sia and France have
already been sounded as to their disposition towards
this choice, and that the Cabinet of St. Petersburg
have replied that they had neither objection nor
opposition to offer, whilst M. Drouyn de Lhuys
has assured us of the cordial support which the
Emperor Napoleon would be willing to give to the
Prince. For our part, we cannot imagine a more
desirable sovereign for the Hellenic nation. They
dislike Germans and hate Roman Catholics. He is
a Dane, of English and constitutional sympathies,
and is a Protestant in religion. He is a sailor, and
is reported to be cf great intelligence and excellent
disposition. The strong sympathy and support of
England and France will be with him, and the pro-
spects with which he will ascend the throne are in
the highest degree encouraging. It will probably
be requisite to establish a regency for a time ; but
that will involve but comparatively little objection,
since the future will be settled or. a solid and per-
manent basis. Of course the cession of the lonian
Island may be considered as a fact of collateral and
immediate consequence, since we have always pro-
fessed our readiness to acquiesce in the annexation
of the Septinsular Republic to the mainland of
Greece upon the election of a king who should
combine so many qualifications as the young
Dane. We trust, then, that we may soon con-
gratulate the Prince on his accession to a
throne, and the Greeks on their acquisition of a
sovereign who may bestow on them all the blessings
of good government and its consequent prosperity.
In making this choice the Hellenic people will adopt
a prince who will go to his new kingdom with all
the advantages of popularity in Western Europe,
and who will bring with him honesty of intention
and sincerity of endeavour to work out the not very
difficult problem that is set before him. That the
Greeks are easily governed is proved by the fact of
t heir having endured the sway of Otho for 30 years.
That their country is full of resources is established
by the circumstance that their financial disorder is
not greater than it is; aed that their power of car-
rying out retrenchment and reform is real and ear-
nest is shown by the new and economical arrange-
ments of their expenditure, to which we recently
called attention. How disinterested this country
is in its anxiety for the success of sound and liberal
principles we have emphatically demonstrated by
refusing a crown for a British prince, while we
offer to yield what is almost a British possession.
We are glad to think that our motives are rightly
understood, and our conduct appreciated in its true
light by other Powers. To this we owe the acqui-
escence of Russia and the support of France given
to the Danish Prince whom we hope soon to con-
gratulate on his election to the throne of his new
country. We hear that Mr. Scarlett has already
sounded the leading personages in Greece, and has,
as we expected, found them willing and ready to
accept the candidature of Prince William. We can
hardly doubt that the whole nation will cheerfully
ratify this acceptance, and that the election of Prince
William will be carried with an enthusiasm little,
if at all, short of that which characterised the vet-
ing for Prince Alfred.
HERALD.—The member for Birmingham has
never been famous for his history, but if perversion
and fiction will give him a reputation he is in a fair
way to become so. His readings in American his-
tory are original, if they are not profound. "Pri-
vilege,"' that arch enemy, has been at work in the
United States. We are glad at least it is not en-
tirely confined to this country. " Privilege,"
when it saw, with the vision of prophecy, the glo-
rious future of the United States purged from
the contaminating effects of association with an
odious aristocracy, determined to mar that fair pros-
pect, and like the malignant fairy in the tale, took
care to set a canker at work in the shape of slavery.
It is slavery which has produced the wholesale de-
rnoranisation which we have sadly witnessed in the
American Republic—slavery designedly planted for
that purpose by an envious aristocracy. Mr. Bright
sees the United States as they were, and not as they
are. His eye refuses to dwell upon the horrible
atrocities of the present war, the corruption of all
classes in the North, the odious tyranny, the extra-
vagance and imbecility of the Federal Government.
The fact that there is no King, no Emperor, no
State Church, and no aristocracy blinds him to taxa-
tion, anarchy, and interminable bloodshed, and he
still harps upon the glorious results of republican
institutions in America, as if to-day they were not
teaching the civilised world the moral of the swift
ruin which has overtaken them. The United States
have existed as an independent power—not a cen-
tury, and have already ceased to exist. The writing
on the wall is as plain to any intelligent observer as
it was to the startled Babylonian. And what a his-
tory is theirs! Has there ever been such rapid
material progress, such precipitate moral decline.
Where are the great statesmen that should hsve
come to the fore in the North at this time ? The
sceptre, an iron one, is wielded by Mr. Lincoln, and
we may look through his Cabinet without finding
the name of one individual who inspires respect or
confidence. Is it " piivilege," or is it the demora
lising effect of the American constitution as it exists
in the North that has ostracised the worth and in-
telligence of the country from the administration of
its affairs ? Mr. Bright is full of rabid denuncia-
tions of the South, but, strange to say, it is in the
South that he will find the only true working of re-
publican institutions. Whilst the North is hastening
headlong down the steep of anarchy into military
despotism, the head of the Southern Confederacy
maintains the rights of his fellow-citizens, and up-
holds the majesty of the law. Years ago, when
Lord Derby was in the Southern States, he remarked
it was slavery which maintained the Republic, and
Calhoun, the statesman of the South, endorsed the
remark. If Mr. Bright would only think before he
speaks, or if, having thought, he would not allow
his stupid jealousy of the aristocracy to overpower
his common sense, and sway his regard for truth,
how much more likely he would be to aid the cause
he advocates. We had hoped that:this professed
sympathiser with the working classes would have
had something to say for the Lancashire operatives.
We are not aware that he has done anything in the
north for them. We expected words of counsel last
night. Scarcely a word, however, fell from his lips,
and what he did say upon the subject was a gross
and wilful misrepresentation. He would fain trans-
fer the guilt of the cotton famine to the South. "It
is not," argues Mr. Bright, " the blockade, but the
obstinacy of the cotton planters from which you are
suffering." How comes it, then, that ship after ship
leaves the Confederate ports, and runs the risk of
blockade laden with cotton ? Hovels it that Con-
federate cotton is made the basis of the new loan ?
Every one knows chat if the North would consent
to the opening of the cotton ports the mills of Lan-
cashire might within a month or two resume work;
and knows also that every possible difficulty has
been placed in the way of exportation of cotton by
the Federal authorities. Mr. Bright is false to his
principles and his professed sympathies. He de-
nounces war and bloodshed, and yet hounds on
the North to slaughter, and glories in the prospect
of servile insurrection. He would be thought the
friend of the working classes, yet he would rather
see 500,000 of his countrymen starve than witness
the humiliating failure of the Northern Republic.
The friends of President Lincoln should stop him.
He will do more mischief to their cause in a day,
than any other man in England would do in a
lifetime. The fortunes of the Confederacy must
be looking up now that Mr. Bright emulates the
vulgarity of Mr. George Francis Train and the
violence of Mr. Cassius Clay on the opposite side.

PERSEVERANCE REWARDED.--In a severe gale
on the 9th of January last the barque Pride of the
West, of London, which sailed from Liverpool on the pre-
vious day, went ashore on the Delas Rocks, on the Welsh
coast, The barque was bound for Monte Video, with a
general cargo, and from the storm which prevailed and the
severe injuries she had sustained, it was considered that she
must inevitably become a total wreck. She was not, how-
ever, abandoned, and after a partial survey it was consi-
dered that the vessel might yet be got off. Acting upon this
hope, energetic measures were adopted to effect the utmost
amount of salvage, and, if possible to rescue the ship her-
self. Her cargo was discharged by lighters, a task of con-
siderable risk and difficulty, from the exposed position in
which she lay, added to the fact that soon after striking her
hull was reported under water. By dint of great exertions
and perseverance the cargo was got out, and a partial repair
of the hull was made. These steps having been taken ar-
rangements were made to float her off, and buoyed by
"lumps" on each side and at her stern in tow of steam tugs
belonging to the Old Steam-tug Company, she was hauled
off, and after much anxiety and care brought safely round
to Liverpool, where she arrived on Tuesday, and has since
been got into the graving dock of Mr. Clover, at Birken-
head, where she will be repaired. This is considered a feat
of no ordinary difficulty, and it speaks well for the perse-
verance and judgment by which it was accomplished.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—TwofoId extraordinary cure effected
by Holloway's Pills and Ointment.—Mr, J. Webb, boot
and shoe maker, Chapel. street, Cahircevin, Ireland, writes
under date, Jan, 10, 1863, that he had been afflicted for 17
years with a most dreadful asthmatic cough and shortness
of breath, and latterly was also subject to benumbed sense•
tions in his limbs, attended with heavy drowsy feelings,
which threatened an apoplectic fit. In alarm he consulted
the most skilful of the profession within many miles of his
residence without avail, and fruitlessly used every means
recommended by friends, till he heard of the repute of
Holloway's remedies, and resolved, with death staring
him in the face, to give them a trial. They immediately
relieved, and ultimately cured him.

THE LATE RIOTS.

STALEYBRIDGE, Thursday.

The discontented and their advisers are in high
glee at the decision of the Lord Mayor's Committee
to give £5OO, with the stipulation that it shelf be
distributed in money. To some extent it ties up the
hands of the Local Relief Committee and compels
them to make some concession. It remains to be
seen whether any concession less than the abandon-
ment of the whole principle of relief in kind will be
accepted now that the door has been partially
opened. The unemployed operatives held a meeting
yesterday, and the result was that a deputation,
consisting of one male adult from each school, was
sent to seek an interview with the local Relief Com-
mittee. The interview was accorded, and the de-
putation stated that what they had to propose was
that the attendants at the schools should be paid in
money instead of tickets, and that a reduction of 4d.
per week having been made in the amount of re-
lief, in consideration of this reduction, one day's
attendance at school out of the six per week should
be dispensed with. This proposition the Relief Com-
mittee was not willing to comply with, but made an
offer to give the amount of relief half in money and
half in tickets. The delegates replied that their
powers did not extend to any middle course, but
said they would report the proposal to a meet-
ing of the schools and take an opportunity of wait-
ing upon the committee again on Saturday morning
with the decision. Sir J. K. Shuttleworth, deputy
chairman, and Mr. J. W. Aticlure, hon. secretary
to the Central Relief Fund, were present at the
meeting, but took no part in the proceedings. Mr.
Commissioner Farnall was also present.
Thus the matter rests for the present. Meantime
a committee of the unemployed is said to be carry-
ing round and offering for signature a memorial to
the Lord Mayor of London, thanking him for his
interference on their behalf; while the leaders of
the late movement are said to be exhorting the
people to be firm, and telling them if they are the
committee must yield to their wishes. There is no
question that the recent proceedings here have been
encouraged to a considerable extent by addresses
from the pulpit. A gentl -man long ago notorious
as an agitator among the people who has now a
chapel of his own in Staleybridge, but is affiliated
to no particular sect, is blamed for exciting appeals
to the people attending his ministrations for some
weeks past. A pair of ragged trousers, sent down
by the Lord Mayor's Committee some time ago,
among a bale of cast-off clothing, found its way into
the preacher's hands, and he is reported to have
exhibited them to his congregation, with depreca-
tory remarks as to the kind of charity which had
dictated such presents to the working classes. The
trousers are said to have been worth 4s. to 55., and
fit for any working man to wear after a little mend-
ing, but the preacher thought such a donation in-
sulting to the people, and said each leg was worth
£5O on that account, declaring his intention to send
one part of them to the Earl of Desby and the other
to the Lord Mayor. We are assured there is no
exaggeration in this account of his proceedings,
and, if so, there can hardly be much wonder that
people, many of whom are wholly uneducated as
well as poor, should have been led to acts which
will hardly bear reflection on the part of the right-
minded portion of society. _ _

At the sitting. of the magistrates at Staleybridge
this morning, two young men named William
Cheetham and John Kelly were brought up on re-
mand for taking part in the riotous proceedings of
Monday. Cheetham is a collier from Charlestown,
Ashton-under-Lyne, and had taken out a stone
from one of his pockets, and struck a policeman on
duty with it. The policeman, in return, felled
him with his cutlass. He had received a slight
cut of the scalp, bat had lost very little blood, and
appeared this morning to have wholly recovered
from the effects of the wound. Both prisoners were
committed for trial to the assizes, and were removed
at noon by rail to Chester Castle.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

MANCHESTER-MARCH 26.

A slender attendance to-day, with little disposition for
business on the part of buyers. Englist' wheat meta very
slow sale at last week's prices, and American receded 2d
per 100 lb. Flour moved off slowly. Oats and oatmeal in
limited request. There was no change in beans. Indian
corn 3d to 6d per qt lower.