The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAI,I

TIKES.—We are not prepared to admit that 6,01 al)"
stractedly the principle of direct, as superseding indirect
taxation, is founded on no better principle than the inability
e
of Government to carry through the Legislature a mensal
involving the abolition of indirect taxes. We maintain that
there is something more in the question than this, and that
it is not fair to attribute to prejudice or selfishness opiniell,
founded on sound sense and clear reason. If the houseof
Commons is, as Mr Gladstone thinks, most truly opPosg
to, we will not say, the abolition of indirect taxation, but 0
any material alteration in the balance now existing between
these two modes of collecting revenue, it is not because tile
lt
House consists mainly of the posessors of large prope
who would be the principal sufferers by such a change 1
is because there is involved in this question something
much more important than the mere interests of a c 16859
the principle, namely, whether the taxes areor
,_
are not, to be imposed by the persons who contrisn;
towards them. Repeal all indirect taxes, and the Pc'ere;
class of the electors, who constitute the majority in ev,e„,g.'
constituency, would be in the enviable but ancnsi°"-
position of imposing taxes which they do not pay, while the
richer class of electors would be paying taxes in the itar;
sition of which they could scarcely be said to have any v°'l
The country would be divided into two hostile cameo;
class possessed of accumulated wealth would bear the vrile'e
burdens of the State, and the remainder of the coral:Mini!
would by an agreeable division of labour have nothing "-
do but to assess them. The Liverpool Financial Rof°r°:
Association seem to have persuaded themselves that 8110.,er"
state of things would have no evil effect upon trade.
do not admit that the prosperity of trade is the only object
to be kept in view in the imposition of taxes ; but were it e"t,
it is quite clear a predominance of direct taxation Would
have a most injurious effect on the prospects of trade en
commerce. People go into business for the purpose f
making money, and everything which tends to make money
a less desirable acquisition tends directly to discourage til°,°:
pursuits which are directed towards acquiring it. If t""
moneyed man, the possessor of accumulated wealth is to be
marked out as the especial object of the vengeance of the
taxgatherer—if he is to form a member of a proscribed cist
on which is laid the whole burden of the State, the pursuit(/'
money will lose many of its attractions, and what is eves
more important, that capital in which the strength of Enr
land lies—which is the most movable and transitoryof bum
possessions, will make itself wings and fly from a 13hA
where it is so ungenerously and inhospitably treated, as
seek out for itself some place where it will be received With
a less churlish welcome. If thus appears that this question
between direct and indirect taxation involves issues ronellf
more important than those of time and manner, and °,:f
cheapness or dearness of collection, and that the theory "
Free Trade, noble and true as it is, may be reduced to ast
absurdity when it falls into the hands of fanatics who insl°.
upon pushing it to its extreme condition scithout reference
to political expediency, or to other economical considerationo
quite as true and quite as worthy of our attention as tile
doctrines of Free Trade themselves.

POST.—The reigning dynasty in Greece having bosh
changed, the representatives of the nation for some time
past busied themselves in creating those constitutional B'l.,,d'e'
guards which will at the same time ensure for the Cr°
,17.
the unrestricted use of its legitimate prerogatives, and I°'
the people the enjoyment of that political liberty which t.bel
believe they have now secured. It is easy to frame conStiltv
tions, but the difficulty consists in preserving them. I.ll°
representatives of the Greek nation are desirous of proVidint
against every possible contingency which, on the one
could threaten the security of the new dynasty, or on
the
other, give to it powers which might be employed to
.t h,
prejudice of the nation, It is no doubt exPede7
to write down in black and white what they intend
shall be rules for the guidance of the SoVereigl
and the people ; but they must not suppose the
when the new code has received the sanction of Parliament
and the assent of the Crown, when it has been COI2firLOCI
with every formality and solemnly enrolled amongst tile
muniments of the kingdom, that their task is completed •
A charter is worth nothing more than the parchment °II
which it is written if the Sovereign and the people vilnlee,,
respective rights and obligations it prescribes do not loyal
and conscientiously observe its provisions. Paper ecnsti
tutions do not prevent dynasties from being overturned, not
the liberties of a people from being trampled under foot• jj
the Greek nation. then, is desirous of inaugurating under
its present youthful Sovereign a new era, let it unite 111
supporting and protecting the Throne which it has raised;
In the presence of the monarchy which it has created' le:
it banish that anarchy which even at the present moms'
threatens to involve both Sovereign and people in a 092_,
"non ruin. If the Greek nation would have its liberties
respected, let it prove to the world that they are prised,
and that it knows how to discriminate between pclitlee!
freedom and lawless license. Their own future lies in ,
hands of the Greeks. It is for them to decide whetller
tt
shall be as radiant as their friends wish it to be, or whether
it shall be as clouded as the past.