The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-25 00:00:00

that'athtehleye,either
But the Noble
exertions of the Brazilian Governmecnot-ba
mcuobmaenist
easrl'avhe trade oulf ---
Earl is in error, wheu, in speaking of
ogurreste o
tof
saydim diminution.—(Hear, ti o
thatu.— the(iet
that the slave trade is put down, or
The fact
I ii
ts
, iasn and nI
e
r
1 on the increase; and no two subjects can be more closely
I connected than the effects of free trade in sugar in the
West India colonies, and the increase of the slavetradei
Cuba. At this moment, when, as has been admitted by th:
Noble Earl, Jamaica is in a state of deep depression and
distress, the steam machinery of Jamaica is being transfer-
red in large quantities to Cuba, thus withdrawing it from the
cultivation of free-labour sugar to the cultivation of slave-
labour sugar. I believe there can be no doubt whatever—
the Noble Earl has admitted—that although in some of the
colonies there has been an increase in the production of
sugar, yet that in Jamaica there is a state of deep depression,
and distress existing, not arising from a diminution of pro-
duction, but from the unremunerative prices obtained for the
produce. The opinion I entertained on this subject in 1846
I entertain now; and it is, that in the long run it is not pos-
sible for free-grown sugar, except in some very favoured
situations, to compete with the slave sugar of Cuba and
Brazil; and although it be quite true that at this moment
there is an increasing amount of sugar imported from B• itieh
colonies, yet if the Noble Earl will look at the Price
Currents, he will see that the increased amount
is more than compensated by the fall in price,
so that the planter has not the alternative of
abandoning the trade, and at the same time he has no
hope of carrying it on with advantage. But, my Lords, I
say that the question of sugar is wholly apart from the ques-
tion whether we shall or shall not continue the income-tax
for the present year.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl has
introduced the question of the sugar duties, not apropos to
any measures proposed by her Majesty's Government, or
statement made or aneouncement given, but because he
understands, or has heard some rumour, that in another sea-
sii,n of Parliament her Majesty's Government intend to re-
trace past steps with regard to sugar. I apprehend that this
is not a question upon which the Government are called at -
this moment to make a declaration, more especially under the
engagement we have entered into—namely, that we are not,
in the course of this session, to submit any fiscal or financial
measure to the consideration of Parliament. The House will,
therefore, agree with me that nothing is more impolitic, im-
prudent, or improper than to suggest or hold out any expec.
tation of fiscal change, at a time when it was impossible to
discuss them, or to decide upon them until another Parlia-
ment. The Noble Earl who has just sat down said that the
speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the coarse of the
present session shows that the subject of free trade is neces-
sarily connected with the consideration of the income-tax.
Now, it was the bounden duty of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer to go into
or finances of the country, setting forth not the merits of
a ow
this or that plan, but toh '
what the progress o f the re-
venue had bees, before the House could be expected to agree
to any measures ibr the
and the expenditure of thr corpose of
equalising the revenue
consequently impossible for hlntrY—cliear, hear.) It was
i
questions of duties in the large m to avoid dealing with those
especially in respect to suga and articles of consumption—more
of those articles which enter largelyrn, and the importation
country. It was impossible for
theinto the revenue of the
Ex-
chequer to overlook these facts.—(Hem..)
the Noble Lord opposite, ‘,Oh, recollectßut,
then,
says
s that last year
you admitted that if you were in office
income-tax." I am ready to admit that
iwould reduce the
:m
time, and I say so now, if I had the means doingof
so at that
(Hear, hear.) But, subsequent to that declaration, no.—
Majesty's Government having at their command a
ooicalsid her
able surplus, thought proper to do away with it theler
-
abolition of other taxes, and thereby rendering the rsedu
tion of the income-tax, which I then thought wit;
an impolitic tax, and now think is an impolitic tax, alto-
gether impoesible.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore I do not think
that the Noble Lord is justified in pointing to any apparent
inconsistency on my part because last year I expressed an
opinion favourable to the gradual reduction of the income-.
tax during these times of peace. You have, however, de-
parted from your general financial system, and I submit
that you must now submit to this tax for a single year at all
events, because you have no surplus upon which you can
confidently rely.—(Hear.) I am not going to follow the
Noble Lords who have spoken from the other side of the
House into a general discussion of the abstract measure of
free trade, or what is called our commercial policy. To
one portion of our commercial policy I confess 1 was a wile
ling party. I willingly assisted to reduce the amount of
our differential duties, because I was desirous of placing the
home and the foreign producer upon a footing of a real—
not a nominal—equality—l was desirous of intro-
ducing a bona fide competition, so as to give a fresh
stimulus to this as well as to other countries. lam not igno-
rant, nor does it take me at all by surprise, when I am
told that so far from diminishing, it had greatly increased,
the amount of consumption. Whether the principle upon
which this system was founded was introduced by the late
Sir R. Peel or any other party—to that principle I am
willing to give my utmost support, provided it inflicts no
injustice upon any party, nor entails any loss upon the re-
, venue.—(Hear, hear.) It may, no doubt, be practicable to
give the people a greater command of the comforts and
luxuries of life. No doubt, if the reduction of duties will do
this, and not act unjustly to other classes, it must be a
matter of rejoicing to any man that the price of these ar-
ticles is brought so low as to come within the reach of the
masses of the population. I will not deny but that there has
been a great boon conferred upon the consumers of this
country by the diminished price of sugar, consequent upon
the reduction of the duties. No one doubted but that such a
measure would giVe a greater addition to the comforts of the
people. But the question which we have to consider is, not
singly or simply whether a great advantage has been con-
ferred upon the class of consumers in this country, but
whether that advantage is bought by an act of injustice and
spoliation to other parties, and by involving in ruin a large
class of those who, upon the faith of your own Act of Parlia-
ment, embarked their all in the cultivation of the article the
duties upon which you have so reduced? - (Hear, hear.)
When those things are done, it is difficult to 'enema them.
But I confess in the face of this great advantage which the
people have derived from the importation of slave-grown
sugar, I would much rather have seen a smaller advantage
derived by the improved cultivation and encouragement
given to those who have a natural and rightful claim upon
us than an increased advantage by an amount of cheapness
gained by what I thought, and still think, was an act of in-
justice—an act the tendency of which was to stimulate and
encourage the production of sugar by means of slavery, and
by that of increasing the infamous traffic in slaves.—(Hear,
hear.) Ido not deny that it is possible that the consump-
tion of the comforts and necessaries of life has been increased
in consequence of the reduced price of corn ; but that such in-
crease has been in anything like the proportions stated by the
Noble Lord opposite, I say is contrary to the fact; and if I
had the figures here before me I could show that they have
been grossly exaggerated. Noble Lords opposite have talked
of an increase of 10,000,000 quarters of corn in the consump-
tion of the people of this country. Now that calculation I
believe is taken upon an average of years which includes
some years of famine, in which of course the imports had
been considerably larger.
The Duke of ARGYLL was here understood to say that
the highest amount of corn consumed within the years
quoted were 11,000,000 quarters.
The Earl of DERBY—But even supposing that all that
been consumed, you are not to suppose
quantity has f the consuable roduce
that that is a gross increase o
the p .
of this country. In the first place, average d
im-
ofl think, 3 000 000 or
portation
• before the year 1846 was, , , ,
4,000,000 of quarters, and if I deducted these from the
10,000.000 alleged to have been consumed, will reduce it to
6,000,000 or 7,000,00 J of quarters. I
tosay
noted, ou
that from these
be th •
e quan
mity
consumed upon t
10,000,000 quarters, assuming thist
he average in tbe years q y wit
00 an 4,000,0
0
deduct something between 3,000,0
and before that f
quarters which were imported the y
eh
ill
which the alteration of the law was made. Tat leaves
an increase of consumption to the Inmant of something
like 6,,,
000 000 not of wheaten flour, but of corn of all
Noble Lord asks me whether I
descriptions. The . believe
wheat land had gone out of • •
that 800,000 acres of cultivation
in the face of the immense enclosures that have taken place.
, in the first place, a large portion of those Enclosure
Now, towards adding to a i :
Acts did nothing whatever the cuitiva-
tion. They were the enclosure of lands generally which
were held in common. But they are just as much in
as they were before those Acts culti-
vation now were passed.
Although no doubt 800,000 acres had not gone out
• does the Noble Lord mean to ea that of culti-
vation, 5- there has been
no diminution in the amount of produce •
Ireland to this country ? NS h
-Y, there has beenreceived from
like a diminution of 300,000 quarters of something
last few years of what was usually wheat within the
mean to say that there has been no increasereceived. I do not
' sumption of corn ; but I say that
such a fact that there has been when you argue upon
ing powers of the people to an addition to the consum-
quarters, that you grossly anything like 10,000,000
increased consumption xaggerate. But how is this
lightly over this part opurchased? The Noble Lord passed
very well for him, or f f the subiect. It may be
that we can afford to receiveor the large proprietors, ti:' FlaY
the power of less in order to afford the masses
incomes. But there consuming more—we shall still have sufficient
lords and e is a large class who are both /and-
also suffer. Nfarmers—so that when one Buffet-5, the other !rill
They are small Now what is the condition of that class
whom this loss proprietors, cultivating their own land,
n upon
umber
of this class have falls a double weight. A large
recent legis-
lation, that they haveen pressed upon.. by °tired
been utterly ex as cultiva-
tors of the soil in this have been driven to seek
country, and
a refuge in other I confess I sae with
the greatest satisfaction,uries.— 14
and( I believe it to be true, that
the labouring classes aree •
toying a considerable amount of
prosperity, and I should be the last man that would desire
port
of any ion of that
by any measure to deprive them
prosperity. But undoubtedly the prosperity a the labouring
prosperity of the classes is wholly dependant upon the
em-
ployer. If, then,youdiminish the means of the employed, the
labourer, sooner or later, will fail in obtaining employment, and
on him ultimatel the injed ury will falls The wages, no doubt,
y have not been diminish
in proportion to the reduced
that is merely to say that the burden is
price of corn ; butlandlords and the tenants and .
at present sustained by the
e the shoulders of the labOnrer.
has not yet been cast 111-- and
This I believe to be the fact; a . the consequence is that
the labourers are eujsYlr a considerable degree of pros-
t is also true, as stated, that in the
perity.—(Hear, hear.) or threeyears both
course of the last two _. tenant and land-
lord have made extraordinary exertions to improve the
cultivation of the land. The stimulus of necessity has ope-
And to a certain extent most wholesomely
rated upon them,
and advantageenslY, nevertheless with great severity, oPP!,_6I-
- and hareishit•
on, And I have very great doubts wnewer
--sas alt ough great expenditure is undertaken by
in many ....---,
the great portion of the outlay is not a loss to
those classes,
• tor and the tenant, although at the present time
the proprie not deny but
be advantageous to the labourer. Ido
it may
• the course of the last few years there has
that in exportation.
A great increase of our articles of .
been
I am not going to enter into the question
Now, in various places
in reference to the discovery of gold
but of this I have no doubt, if it had not been for these
great and increasing discoveries, and the large influx of
gold into this country with rapidly increasing speed, you
Would have seen a different state of commercial affairs here
than what you see now.—(Hear, hear.) And although it
way be quite true that the amount of our imports has
largely increased,' as well as our exports, although it
may be true that the amount of our productions has greatly
increased, I very much doubt, if we could look into the
balance-sheets of our commercial men, we should see that
increased amount of traffic of these exports and imports a,.
companied with a corresponding profit. On the contrarY
with the largest amount of trade almost ever known, it has
been less profitable to them during the last few years 5
than in
any period within their experience, except in years of
As a proof of the prosperity of the country, the N panic.
Noble Lords
are fond of quoting statistical returns of
the reduced amount
of pauperism. The Noble Lord opposite commenced with
the year 1848, and congratulated the country on the im-
mense reduction of pauperism si •
nce that period. Well, but
is it fair to take the year 1848 as starting post for these
calculations? In taking up this a t we
s part of the argument
have had a vivid declama • NobleenEar 1
declamation from the
who has just sat down.of a most
But that was a year
exceptionable character, in which all classes almost
were involved in absolute ruin. That was a year of famine,
BD that the amount of pauperism then cannot be fairly said
to be a data upon which you have a right to calculate foe