The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-04 00:00:00

SUN;

ben -- -
11111th-injured man, who had exerted himself in oppo • dered that no reason had been given of a nature to justify
!loon to a bad Government; and, having done so, had been the dismissal of the late Foreign Secretary, but, after the
Interfered with by another Government. 114 had never explanations which had been offered, he (Lard D. Stuart)
18;11,rd Kossuth ask for the intervention of England in the , entertained the conviction that there had been a forgone
_ airs of Hungary. He only asked for non-intervention, 1 conclusion—a determination to get rid of the Noble Lord,
and he was right, because if Russia, or any third party, I and he feared the step had been taken in consequence of re-
Were permitted to interfere in the affairs of, another Govern- presentations coming from abroad. Of this he was satisfied—
ea nt in a very short apses of time the absolute Governments that the proceeding would not be found conducive to British
Might unite to make Europe despotic. interests.
Mr. H. J. BAILLIE could not understand on what Sir H VERNEY considered that the cause of liberty
rounds the explanations by the Noble Lord (Lord John and of Protestantism throughout Europe was most deeply
tart'
relative to the statemeat of the late Foreign Secre- indebted to the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston), who had
l'lrY had been given—whether to satisfy the curiosity of the been the friend of liberty and Constitutional government
mourable Member for Marylebone. •or an appeal so the wherever they had existed. What was the first thing that
J.!clglnent of the House. He had always had the misfortune had taken place since the Noble Viscount left office ? The
‘e differ. from Lord Palmerston upon matters of foreign efforts of the Bible Society had been condemned to be
13eneY,, and he might, therefore, possibly be re- stopped where Austria bed authority, and the Scottish
,ene carded as not altogether unprejudiced. But, having missionaries were required to leave Hungary, though
tstd to the explanations given, and the state- they had done nothing contrary to the laws of that coun-
Tents made on both sides, he could not arrive at try. But if the Noble Viscount did on the 16th of De-
flY other conclusion than that the Noble Lord (Pal- camber write a dispatch contrary to the opinion of the
Whole
had been offered up as a sacrifice for the sins of the British Cabinet, and embodying sentiments which it
tul °l°
_, Administration.—(Cheers and laughter.) They were would have been a very different thing to utter on
th eby those powerful organs of the press which defended the first blush of the events in France—(Hear, hear) —if he
__ e Government that our foreign relations were not in that did this without consulting the Members of the Cabinet, and
went
state in which they once were, that the Govern- without receiving the accustomed sanction, the opinion of
all of this country was very much hated and abhorred by the House and of the coun ry in general would surely be,
foreign Governments, that we were without a friend or that under these circumstances, the Prime Minister was
illy • ~
,ln rope, except Sardinia, and that all this was to be justified in declaring that he would no longer act with the
in 18461
to the Foreign-office. Now, if it were true that Noble Viscount as the responsible Minister of the Crown for
an,118L.,461 our Government outraged Austria, Naples, Sicily, conducting our foreign affairs.--(Hear• hear.]
the Spain—if, in 1850, the Government wantonly persecuted Mr. OSBORNE observed, that his Noble Friend (Lord D.
, e unhappy Greeks, the Noble Lord at the head of the Go- Stuart) began by criticising certain observations of the
tree:mut was responsible.—( Hear, bear.) Hs supported mover of the Address; but whatever cavil might be taken
04 t Policy In the House of Commons, and promoted to high on the ground of particular expressions used by a gentleman
eethose who were most clamorous in aPProving it.—(Hear.) not accustomed to speaking in the House, the House gene-
Until thisday he thought the Government entirely approved rally wou'd probably be more struck with the readiness of
tee Wks! of the-Noble Lord lately at the head of the Fo. the Hon. Baronet's address, and feel regret that he did not
_gli offi__.
ce To-day the Noble Lord, it appeared, was dis- oftener mingle in the debates.—(Hear, hear.) The present
tned, because he, a most able, experienced,'and successful discussion had been so wrapped up in one absorbing subject
tMinister, as he was described, had had the "presumption" to that it would be almost looked upon.as an impertinence to
'PhaetliPm himself the management of his own department. allude to any other; but there were other. matters interest-
was the o ing to -the country. The speech mentioned three counties
real! head and front of his offending," and was it
Y 'Von such grounds that a most able and successful of Ireland, but no member from Ireland had risen to express
Minister was to be so lightly shaken off? Was there a man an opinion upon this remarkable passage. It was a grave
on that House who believed that these were the real groands, question for the House, whether in the state of those three
rann° had any doubt that the recent changes in Europe counties the ordinary trial by jury was perfectly success-
at th ranee had at last browht conviction to the Noble Lord ful.—(Hear, hear.) Without calling for excessive powers,
had he (Mr. Osborne) was not the man to do so—he would
. e head of the Government that his foreign policy
woulda failure, and that under existing circumstances it throw out to the Government whether, it being impossible
be dangerous to
_persevere in it? taut, if it were ne- to procure a verdict under the peril of being shot for giving
ce_ssary to offer up his Foreign Secretary to the evil genius it, there might not be imported into Ireland the Scotch
!3f. continental despotism, would it not have been the most principle of allowing a majority of the jury to convict ex-
Vst, the most generous, and the most chivalrous course if cept in cases of treason.—(Hear, hear.) Life and property
thought
First Minister of the Crown and his colleagues bad also could not be secure under the present system.—(Hear,
;u°laght proper to accompany the Foreign Minister in his hear.) The system of offering money rewarjs in Ireland
resignation? ? But the Noble Lord had not hesitated to get was mischievous and unproductive; would it not be better
Of one of his colleagues when he and the rest of the to offer a grant of land in a colony to an approver.—(Hear,
cabinet were equally responsible.—(Hear, hear.) hear.) Gentlemen here had no conception of the horrible
mr • GRACH had never heard Kossuth, in his many state of districts that were under the Riband system.—
ales, ask for the intervention of this country in the (Hear, hear.) With regard to the subject on which an ex-
„e'_`l,r, of Hungary. All that he complained of was inter- planation had been offered to the House, he must say he felt
rition by other countries, since, if Hungary had been al. more than common pain at what had occurred. He looked
lowede_ to settle its dispute with Austria the result would have upon the loss of the Noble Lord who had retired from the
wen very different.. He (Mr. Geach) had been in France Government, not only as a great loss to the Government, but
all the 2d. of -December, and had gathered the opinions of a great national loss. But he wished to state that he could
IT classes. He believed that the People of France were not entirely approve of the way in which that Noble Lord
~.talost universally satisfied at the solution of the difficulty had spoken of the recent transactions in France. As a
;1' Which they had become involved, not as being the best Member of that House, representing the great county
for
isFrance, but as being the best solution possible under the of Middlesex, he (Mr. Osborne) felt that he could 'not
-cunistances., He regretted, considering the feeling that go before his constituents and say that he sat silent
eXisted in France with regard to the expression of opinion while he heard any Minister, or ci-defiant Minister, give
;In the part of the press of this country, that a gentleman se- even his qualified cpprobation to the coup d'etat.—(Hear,
]acted for the important Position of moving the Address hear.) He did not wish to add fuel to flame, but he would
should have been so indiscreet as to express the opinions to adopt the words of Lord Chatham, and say, that " power
Which he had given utterance. without right is one of the most pernicious and detestable
Mr.G, MILNES thought the Noble Lord at the head of the things which the human imagination can conceive—perni-
f evernment would find that the speech of the Hon. Member cious to the man who holds it, and destructive to the people
°r Inverness.shire in a great measure represented the over whom he wields it."—(Hear.) He hoped there was no
ePini ,
Xis of Europe on the subject of the dismissal of the late Member of that House who could, even by implication, give
Foreigndebate
Secretary. 'He believed when the reports of this any approval to the proceedings.—(Hear, hear.) He would
. yttte went forth to the public it would scarcely be credited say no more of the unfortunate rupture which had taken
lo
bfittirOpe that upon the mere ground of Ministerial disci- piece, but he hoped matters had not proceeded to such an
h!le a great change had taken place in the Government of extremity but that, in process of time, the differences might
.8 country and that an important Minister had been sum- be:healed, and the Noble Lord might join that body of which
rit t_rilY dismissed from office. He did not presume to doubt he was so leading an ornament.—(Hear, hear.)
LO. Perfect veracity of all that had been stated by the Noble Mr. ROEBUCK would be sorry that the debate should
osll (Lord John Russell), but he believed that public pass away with simply a personal explanation. The Speech
yonion, both in this country and elsewhere, would see be- from the -Throne travelled over a vast variety of interests.—
',1,,,"i1ie1l the statement he had made motives and intentions (Hear.) He wished, in the first place, to bring from the
he had not expressed, and of which he was, perhaps, discussion some sort of moral with respect to the pecu-
-114(111'
ter Y conscious himself. It might be said that the charac- liar position of the Government. It was admitted by
until he
reputation of a Minister were hardly understood the Noble Lord himself (Lord J. Russell) that
il'llt he had lost power, and it was perhaps only when tha the position of affairs at home, in our colonies,
xeuvra of the fall of Lord Palmerston spread throughout and' abroad, was in the highest degree difficult. We
4,ll°Pe that the estimation in which that Noble Lord was were on the eve of great administrative changes. In our
tu was realty ascertained. What was the meaning of the colonies we had discontent bordering upon rebellion, and in
tl,. `lVersal jubilee of the absolutist Powers of Europe—of the some actual war ;on the continent we saw a person in
rejoicingsp of the oppressors and the lamentations of the op- power, with nothing on earth able to control his will ; and
flirted? What, was the reason that Lord Palmerston's we ourselves were trembling, not with fear, but with anxiety
had been regarded as showing the accession of the lest the peace of this great country should be invaded; and
English Government to the new order of things to be in- surely this was a time to scan somewhat narrowly, if not
iltisgurated in Europe? He (Mr. Milnes) had always be- with severity, the capacity, firmness and energy of those who
eved that the Administration of the Noble Lord had been had in charge the destinies of this country At this critical
;rely misunderstood and misrepresented throughout En- period the most marked person of the Administration—he
He had found that wherever upon the continent men around whom all the party battles of the Administration
Weree, aspiring after liberty, or were i n any way oppressed, had been fought, whose political existence had been made
there the name of Lord Palmerston was mentioned with re- the political existence of the Government itself, and upon
eet and regard by the oppressed and the suffering. In the whose being in office the Government had rested its exist-
remoteteant dietricts of Germany, in the cities of Spain, in all ence as a Government—was dismissed ; the right arm of
portions of the world where principles of liberty the Government was cut off when it was most needed.
oolreer:iiledrtgginlding into birth, the Noble Lord's name was re. What was left in that Government that should conciliate our
il._ffection;7ith respect--he might almost say with reverential confidence ?—(Hear.) We must judge of the possible future
and it was natural that those Powers which repre- of this Government by its actual past ; and, looking at those
nntepedeopimions totally alien from the wishes and desires of
confidence in them?—(Hear, hear.)
who remained in it, it was right to ask why were we to
;142 Mop le of England should regard the Noble Lord with place The Noble
..„sy.ecnottrary feelings. They consequently represented the Lord's Government was founded upon a most unwise
(I'l4r dto their people as as sortof hob oblin—an object Policy ; the system of his administration, as far as the forma-
e terror and evil g .
with tion of his Government
all kinds oe r repute, connecting his name
wholly alien evolution and confusion, to which his spirit was family party—(Hear, hear)—and the great interests of the
just influence.
and thus endeavouring to diminish his real and country were forgotten. The Noble Lord surrounded him-
the Noble Lord it: (Mr. Milnes) thought, therefore, that self with those who doubtless were very near and dear to him
done great injury tot theth•but who were not so importaut to the country.
head of the Government had —( A laugh )
taken. 'He believed —(Hear.)takemanagement of
this country by the course he had To the
.epartment of the
In the affairs s Europe
were approaching a period that House; had there existed a Government in the House?
of -turope when the Foreign- Had the Noble Lord the least power to carry through the
o%ce of this country would require to be guided by a prat- House any plan he propounded, so that there should be a
tised hand, and the authority of the Noble Lord (Lord Pal- unity of conduct and purpose, and a firmness of policy ?
Inerston
ability, 2 ndlight prevent a great many evils which all the (Hear, hear.) In regard to the law, the business had been
not enable lust and good intentions, of any successor might thrown abroad, and the real changes were made by pri-
no, him to avoid. The fall of the Noble Lord had vats persons.—(Hear, hear.) In regard to the colonies,
is:tbeen accompanied by any peculiar demonstration of the proposition after proposition was made and abandoned.—
eZyc.dveement of our relations with foreign Powers, but was (Hear, hear.) Haw was it with the Admiralty depart-
tiot_n _nt with a large demand for the increase of our na- ment? Was not the whole machinery of its administration
%fur defences. He (Mr. Milnes), as a supporter of the disgraced before the country ?—( Hear, hear.) We could not
htt:emdtment, felt very great regret at the dismissal of the send out a ship to take men to a colony, but it had to put
ase,seoree ign Secretary, which he believed had materially in at Plymouth in a few days—(Hear, hear)—so ill-found
11417 d the efficiency of the Government, and had dimi- that it could
,not go on without.—(Hear.) Another had
viii. 7, its influence in the country ; for the department over not provisions enough on board, because it was unable to
Of the tile Noble Lord had presided had certainly been ens reach
awes Cape in less than three months, and was obliged to
jeetr_elost popular and the least obnoxious to general ob. stop sel on the way for help.— (Hear, hear.) These
must. The Noble Lord at the head of the Government were mere routine matters, which a common clerk ought to
eight have seen in the demonstration which took place some be able to perform, but the Admiralty was unequal to them.
tertoieen months ago what was the feeling of sympathy en- (Hear, hear.) They could not build a ship but they had
tilinin,ed, for the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) on that (the to cut her in two again.--(Hear, hear.) From the begin-
woliisdserial) side of the House—(Hear, hear)—and which ning to the end of that establishment it was clear that
ow follow him into the position of independence he had searching radical inquiry was required. - (Hear, hear.) To
d.asinerned. He- would only express his hope that the return to the Kafir war. Injustice attended our entrance
eralsaal of the Noble Lord might not be the Precursor of into that country, and what benefit had we obtained? We
Ofil
ter
k symptoms of weakness and dissolution on the part had there some thousands of the finest troops that England
etre" Ministry, which he would profoundly and sin- could furnish, and we should soon hear at what expense.—
r. 7 regret. (Hear, hear.) We should find that what was begun in in-
)40....w0_r,d D. STUART observed that the Hon. Baronet who justice proceeded in imbecility, and that the colonists, whom
event of
the address had referred to what he had called an we had pretended we would protect, were exposed to all the
tettiltr of small importance—the visit of Kossuth to this outrages and spoliation that savages could perpetrate, and
nits_ 7.• . Now, ne (Lord D. Stuart) considered tbat the devastation reigned from end to end of the colony.—(Hear,
viordler in which Kossuth lied been received rendered his hear.) Bad the Government abstained from creating dis-
reid''„all avant of some importance. The feeling of the content and alienating the colonists, sent them a constitu-
ei.„7. classes in favour of the great patriot bad been uni- tion, and told them to take care of themselves, there would
cliZt,s and, if the same feeling did not pervade the- higher have been no call for all this.—(Hear, hear.) Why had
We 3.--11 few of the nobility or gentry came forward to New Zealand been kept in hot water so long after the con-
Werdrae the distinguished exile—he must say their back- stitution was passed, though there had' been nothing ,t°
%lioness did them very little credit. He could add hischange our relations with that colony ?--(Hear, hear.) at,
fly to that of the Hon. Members for Birmingham and home the whole administration of the law was in a state 0,
Pors,,ntFY, and could declare that Kossuth was not sup. dislocation. Nothing was so mischievous as constant ehangke-
li -""'''' in this country on account of his advocacy of reput. There was no presiding mind in the matter ;it was left t° ue
e4e doctrines Kossuth Was
cenn,, and that bad not called upon this dealt with by individual members at their pleasures,
ceuiP7 to interfere by arms in behalf of Hungary. He there ever such peddling?— (Hear, hear.) It was said that
timi tlk,gt'eOngratulate the Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Bulkeley) no one but the Noble Lord could take the Government;
th,at Molise"
success• in conciliating the different parties -in but let us really have a Government, and not have the House
kttekesuciiiiie; and he did not think the Government would feel merely an arena for every gentleman to try his hand.—
hieebligeel to the Hon. Baronet for the mode in which he (Hear, hear.) Foreign policy was a delicate matter, but
advocated their cause. The Honourable Gentleman though the Legislature was not called upon to ex-
hadst,s. told them that he abhorred the ballot—a noble press an opinion as to changes abroad, individual
efl.lllNent to be Cheered by hearty Reformers, many members of a great representative assembly were not tra-
ns; .Whkern thonght as he (Lord D. Stuart) did, that veiling beyond their duty in expressing,
ther." ballot was a sine qua non, without which guarded language, their sorrow at least, if not indignation, at
in grave and
to i° , Would be no true, free, and complete represen- what had passed in a neighbouring country.—(
dialltleef the people. The Hon. Baronet also talked of the It was idle to say there was no danger to our relations with
1n like Of the landed interest of the country generally to the France, ruled by a man whom no sanction held. We must
Hear, hear.)
eiroverine'bts He (Lord D. Stuart) did not know how the know that he would -consult only his own interests, and that
to k. titnent would like that statement, or whether it was we should de wisely to be upon our guard, not in any the
eii,7 taken as an indication that the Chancellor of the Ex- most distant way sanctioning the opinion that he bad done
Otter intended to relieve the country from the impost.— justly by his people, though at the same time strictly ad-
ioictlaugh.) With regard to Irel„d also the Hon. Baronet hering to the rule of not interfering with the domestic affairs
to
_them that it had
attars)maintain the Protestant
always been ad!), rinoi'ple of this. country of France.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Roebuck) should be
past, that the principles which had hoped, however, whateverin toe might have been sorry to create an unwise panic, and fancy that we were
nourish. bit this country were those Prudence,
were now about to be the victims of an invasion, when all we required
equality.- s '.- He ' felt - great re
change in regret at th
the Ministry, for he thou
of complete religious at the hands of the Government was calmness,
'stored at a.great Minister whothe made by preceding
e late lamentable watchfulness, and caution.—( Hear, hear.)
thought it much to be de- Mr. NAPIER answered
one of .the principal departments ofd beEel Irish Members, and referred to the case of
charged with Member to the
years, during -which he had conductedt-he
credit to himself, and with honour to the public State for many the three counties in the north of Ireland. The special
affairs with commission which had been issued had proved an abortion.
had, in most difficult times preserved uninterrupted
should have been removed from office upon whual)
country, and who The ordinary course of the law was insufficientsecur.t tofoprrogereoar
lid peace: conviction for murder. There was no
would be not but call the most paltry pretences The speeeeoc"leremedies for the evils of
bad heats] to-night from the Noble Lord at the head they Parliament for further powers. The .
each property, and yet the Government did not intelnyd to apply to
Governmentwould forththe -and
goto world,unfortunatelreland
e were only to be found in making
of the law to protect
scanned with a careful eye both in this and in foreign coup- individualhim. satisfied with the efficiency _
.. ..e
tlese. What might be thought of it abroad he did not Others pecial commissions had proved successful. It
.neer, but he believed thepeople of E land would see it
ng complainedt also that the Government had not in the recent
V trials exercised its right jurors. Ireland
A 3 pretty clear that the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) was
was cert • all
desirous; for some reason or other, of finding an excuse for hope of returneinly slowly recovering from her visitations, but
tatting rid of his Noble Colleague. Whether the Noble Lord vigorous administrationdia to prosperity would be vain unless there was a
of the .
tis
rrd Palmerston) was too liberal in' his principles, or whe- Mr. E. B. ROC HE
iit4! his advocacy of those principles occasioned remora- petrated in Ireland as
HE deplored .the murders recently per-
kier
of a disagreeable nature from foreign Courts, or tleman who had much as the Hon. and Learned Gen-
Wile thcoercion would just sat down, but feared that a return to
%b
er there was some truth in the existence of the foreign aggravate the •
which was alluded to in the debate on the affairs of of the state of the relations between
evil. These murders arose out
reece in 1850, he could not say, bat it was 'clear, from Government bad shameful] landlord and tenant, and
4 P4ever reason, there was a foregone conclusion and important question. With shamefully the settlement of that
beterrniqation on the art of the Noble Lord (Lord John that when measures of extezatnto the franchise, he hoped
Zasaell) to get rid' of" the Foreign Secretary as soon as Ireland would not be forgotten, as at were in contemplation,
11:.°enld, and he took the pretext of the Noble Lord's boroughs in Ireland with only
8,046 present there were 24
,:t.ing offered an opinion upon a certain question. Could complain generally of the mode in. which each business
he must
ia,than believe that if the Noble Lord (Lord John Rus- conducted in that House. -Bills were proposed then
. was
qt 11).. YV been anxious to secure to the country the services poned, afterwards cut in halves, and ultimately tr 13" -
Is s °bre Colleague he would
ee this to have allowed such a reason half given to Ireland, as had been the case withye worst
hoped that before the Medical
at --'''' operate? The Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had Charities Bill. He,
ated twould be inaugurated with
long a wiser and more
anb that he gave an extra-official opinion upon a certain generous policy , h regard to Ireland.
leoill?efe That opinion, it seemed, was disapproved' by the Mr DISRAELI—r
• nw'll'
am u ting tat we should assent
pc, le Lord at the head of the Government, but the late to the Address to the Throne without making a few observe-
teerei.4ll_ Secretary had told them that similar opinions had tions. I know it is inconvenient, under any circumstances,
eillii-ZPressed by the Noble Lord himself (Lord J. Rus- to make observations on an address to 'the Crown upon
offered. The subjects
th ''Y the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the President of which no amendment has been , are so
EI Council . so universally engaging, that really
the sse, the Secretary for the Colonies, and interesting, so various,
attempt
tile'l, Noble Lord who had succeeded to the Foreign-office. If, nobody thinks it an body's business to , them. Every
'Nere t" Statement were correct and the Ministers present body is convinced that in the course of the session legitimate
,a_, perfectly aware in detail
no—it opportunitieswill be afforded of discussing the
..eas prat y whether it was inaccurate or
h ve been placed before
dltoio, . Y clear that the reason assigned for Lord Palmer- programme of questions which a
of v_ dismissal could not be the real reason. The speech 1 the House ; and it very often happens that we are told by
lef the Noble Lordunanimity
Government certainly the Minister that the House is pledged by its
~, 4 an is,„, at the head of the
on the therefore, indis-
reSefiression that the late Foreign Secretary had ex-
reaid in strong terms his approval of the conduct of the I posed at all times to refrain (though the office is not a very
kite? Anst of France. If that were so, it would very much ' agreeable one) from offering some remarks on the address,,
Ors
(Lord D. Stuart's) opinion of this case, because, when no amendment has been brought forward which ,
oat] Ve as he was that a od nderstanding should re- naturally arrests the attention and commands the interest
_ etweeu this go_ u
pguY clegree country and France, he could notlook
with of the House. ' There is also which weighs
another reason
te-rsned b oft_ complacency upon the conduct which had been with me—that it is scarcely respectful to the GO-
trance chose
ehePresident. It was true that if the people of vernment to pass unnoticed.the -interesting and remarkable
litt):,re.gar for the
to be governed by a military despot, who had scene with which the opening of Parliament has peen
liberty,
off y+ right, and justice under his feet, it was their own Commons—an experience which is longer, I confess,
their and this country
. '''' ; but he had no business to interfere with than I care to recollect—l should say tat when it
,y British . thought the proer course to be pursued by is the duty den Hon. Member to make inquiry of a Minister
ts favour
Minister was to abstain from 'yin an opinion he is in general not very successful in eliciting any particalar
Wish ‘ihr of such condo • gi
.g information—(A laugh)—and h —and I a
, the ed that in this •t as he had described, and he
members of theet" greater caution had been used by not think the Honouroble Baronet the Member for Mary-
lebone has to-nightproved a remarkable
tiattiapprobati f Government generally with respect to 1
is exception to that
p„._ oon o such nefarious ' - had which the experience of the great body'
,of
oceedings asMembers.
we ll the Other Side 9f the Channel, lie consi- , The lion. Baronet gaye due notice of his intention to address

country has been perpleted and.has been bewildered.- I ask
you to give no opinion now, and I am giving _none, on .the
merits or demerits of the. system you destroyed ; but this,
Sir, I wish to impress, that while we have destroyed the'old
system we. have never established a new one.-(Hear, hear.)
We have never distinguished between. imperial duties and
municipal rights-we have never settled any
of the great
questions on which the material prosperity of any of our
colonies depends. We went on in the infancy of the change
with experiments,. until five or six years ago we had an
illustrious and avowed: colonial reformer. , who took the
seals of office; .and what has been the consequence? A.Kafir
war.-(Hear, hear,) •I must say that, as the,Noble Lord so
easily gotaid of one. Secretary of State, I wish. he had tried
his hand.at some other Secretary of State.-(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) . Let him take a hint to night. The Noble Lord
is a bold and an adroit man. He can finish- the business
with a rapid dexterity which very few of us can rival. Why,
half Europe was kept in alarm by the Secretary of State
which he recently discharged; and I can fell him that all our
colonies are quite , terrified .at the other.-(Cheers and
laughter.) Sir, in taking up this remarkable document- and
having travelled, with it from Schleswig-Holstein to Ger-
many and,Denniark, the Cape of Good Hope, Ireland, ind
New Zealand, I was somewhatstruck with a strange omie-
aim in the Speech, to whicn.l beg the House's attention. I
dare say, even in this age of rapid events, the House can
scarcely have fargetten the circumstances under which it as-
sembled last year. The Noble Lord had written a letter, as
he has written a.letter now, and as he always writes a letter
-(Laughter) - but.that letter was published. It must still
.dmeeopsetsptassayimoupaattehciehsaroafeter.
the TeohuenNtrobloenLaordsuabpjpeecat,ledntoot
be fresh in the. mind of the House and the country-a letter
ethfea
only of, grave, hat I might say, of eternal interest., The
Noble Lord announced -,to the people of England that
there had been an insolent and an insidious aggression upon
ogfi ant
lade. N So
bi rl
e . IL. oa i •ilit I . 11
( )tI
one
othfethtveewrei.lgoncarin4detishee4rtetia4lnti,ieorteErn,
gretted that there were expressions in it which hurt the
feelings of largebodies of ,her 'Majesty's subjects, and which
for aught I know might have been misapprehended by them.
o 6bglaiedL,deorudbits. not
uotnree
i ne
It is enough that the. oble Lord explained those ,expres,
whoseibe r
ll truth
that
that under
letter any
was addressed virtually. to the people of England. Remem-
berthecircumstancesNoble the purport Of that letter. Remember what it announced
-to what symeatlnes it appealed, and what result it was
pledged to. Remember the effect it produced on the Country
- one not equalled by the Reform Bill of 1830, with all its
factitious excitement,. and certainly not likely to be equalled
by the Reform Act of 1852.. , There, were.. no hired
..agents
going about England to stir up. the, passions and convictions
of the people into a response to the letter of the Noble Lord.
There were no messages ,between DoWning-litteet and Bir-,
mingham and Manchester. There were. no organized com-.
mittees ; but the conviction of. the people, the
indignation of
the nation, in the proudest city and the huniblest hamlet, an-
swered that. latter of the Noble Lord.-ru
.-ear.) It was
,quite
clear, then, that a Minister who took a step like that was not
justified in taking it unless, he had resolved to act upon it.
Talk of the Noble Lord being a bold man beet...._,4e he.dared to
turn out one of the members of his Cabinet! -,Why ,he ,was
ten times a bolder, pan when: he told the nation that the
Pope of Rome had committed an insolent and insidious ag-
gression on ,their s9VeFeign., W ell, it may be that the Noble
Lord acted from impulses-from the impulie ,of a high 7
spirited and generqii.si gentleman as he is. Ile may, in, a
moment of indignation, hive done that, which *as 'rash, but.
which he might fairy ;We believed that the feelings, of the
people and'of the Parliament .of England would have sus-
tained him in doing, if it was not .meelianicallY wise. But
it was not a rash act,. The Noble Lord had three months.
to ponder on his course.: The Noble Loid met parlianiera..,
He came forward and aldressedius and. idle country in an
oration equal to the occasioni sustaining his
great. reputation'
and not 'unworthy Of hisfioble .cause; he
7 gay.e to the nation
the reasons that had likticed him to aka that, singular-
that unexpected-that startling step, which.for three months
had agitated, without
,exaggeration tricity sallied disturbed
and agitated, every hearth in :the kingdom,. tie came to this
table, and told uattiathe had,not ac ed in . haste or in pas-
sion. nq, made what I at",the-time ventured to describe as
the most .important , statement that had for ~ years ' been
made by a • Prim& Ministei of England.: ,Ile gave , us the
solemn conviction "Cif the Cabinet-)f .that that Cabinet of
which the,. Noble Lord ,the Member. for Tiverton (Lord
Palmerston') was A
.thehihei..,.that. there was , an orga-
nised conspiracy, egaipst the Protestant liberties of Eng-
land and of Europe, and that he was determined . to baffle
the conspirators, and to' look to the people add the Parlia-
ment of England, without respect to parties, to support him
in his endeavours. With, this conviction, and not acting
front impulse,' but 'frOnt the statesmanlike conclusion of a
man worthy tulead Ails empire, the Noble Lord gave us the
convictions of his Calsinet, and brought forward the measure
which was to meet this .all-surpassing , emergency. I will
not make any observations now on the measure of the Go-
vernment---4 measure that was Heralded by the memorable
letter.of NoVernber-on a Measure, Which was introduced on
the deeply=eprisidered,- -elaborately-maturekand . most im-
portant deelarationof ' the Preinier of. England. I. voted for
that measure ; for there' was no` other means of expressing,
even in' the most fuigatoiy Wanner, the feelings of the House'
of Commons on the' subject. ' But I ventured, then, to de-
nouoce that measure as, paltry, and. most inefficient, and as
one the least calciilate'd 'to cope with -the exigency, and
as one the least 'worthy' of "the cause and the man ever
devised • and bronght 'forward in Parliament. I, on the
part *of many `with 'whom I have the honour to act,
ventured to expiesi the principle upon which the. proper
measure ought to' be founded. 'I said the ' measure pro-
posed by the Noble Lord asserted and vindicated no
.principle-that it • did ' 'not bring the hierarchies of
the' Roman 'Catholic Church in Great Britain within the
grasp. . of the law. - ' Tie- Noble Lord, however, 'notwith-
standing his pOrteotans annbacentent that there was, ac-
cording to. 'the conviction of his :Cabinet; a conspiracy
throughout Europe against the Protestant liberties of Eng-
land, the Noble' Lord-persisted in his Measure. -I did not
doubt the statement of the Noble Lord at the time. 'I am
sure that no man in the position, with the character and the
abilities of the Noble Lord, could in his place in Parliament
have made such a statement to the country " unless he was
profoundly 'convinced of its truth. .I am sure that on` that
occasion, instead of exaggerating, he placed before the House
and the country, 'I should- say, the calmest expression of
what his Government felt. Well, now, I ask the Noble Lord
what has been the fate of the. Bill which he persisted in car-
rying through the Perliament ?-(Hear, hear.) Has it vin-
dicated the outrage which Was offered to the Sovereign and
her kingdom? Has it punished the iniolint aggression?
Has it bellied that great EutoPean conspiracy against
the realm of England and the Protestant faith? Why,
we' all know that it has ' been ' treated with con-
tumely' which cannot be expressed, and with derision which
I think was merited.-(Hear, hear.) . We knol that from the
first in Ireland it Wei publicly announced that it would be
treated as a dead letter. But we may be told that Protea-
tantism is weak in Irelandthat Ireland is 'always . to ' be re-
garded with peculiar consideration that it was never in
tended to check in that country the indulnce in these ilia-
gitiMate. yranks-that the honour'of E gland t least has
been yindicated:•-•that the great Cardinal hasbeena put in the
position which he dederYed. ' But
the Noble Lord recemmended,. in a. great Cardiaa
h'l think
was scarcely as dignified'as his usual tone,
whic
England, '
has not quitted Englim4 but I find ;fine, to quit_o__
newspapers' as the Lord' Cardinal--the lin, adve,ktri6satisiliop,uoef 1
Westininster.--(Hear, .hiat.) And I. haveord ther in-'
stances brought tinder My' notice which had o
~
1 'that
the law has been evaded, but that it live-prove, not on a' .
been 'as flagrantly
set at nought in England as 'it had been in T 1 '
A- and that
recently; just as Parliament-was going -re an-,
if they
meant to show before Parliament 'Me to meet,just as
they were
determined,to have some synodical actingailin there had- taken
plaCe an aggregate assetnblage of the hiehio ef the Aratieati,'
to give a kind of, response•to the letter °f' she Noble Lord.
Well, but I see no mention of all this • r o the NobleSpeech
-no notice whatever of that which fo in the Queen's
ta
part
of the Royal Speech. last year:.....notriillleclao promineu
soient
salon or the ' insidious . con • nag about the in
aggre ~ _
spirse-,
a it was our duty to
bane, and which were the ,great toic • tendt year.
Here we find not a single' Syllable about sf mteres
all this; surely
with regard to such an omission I may ask the Noble' Lord
what the intentions of the Governinent . 'mean,
as the only Measure they have ado are? Do they,
000l_
p tishipg their' object=-do-they meared ' 'an failedc
ina
to
some other measure? Dn'You mean
to' have recoursew
ea o proose some no
law to Parliament in place of that which last' we
told was not only necessary but indis ich year Who
hear.)
Is it found that the aggression wrnable?-(ll6ar' that
there was no conspiracy against the ot insolent, and_faith ?-
( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord his
infor-
mation as to why. he has thanged bound to, gi
Velttl.s a sub-
*hieh he is bound '
ject on to speak franPinion. the pen le of
England.-(HCar, hear.) Rae
we
nkly to p.
him to believe that last year we J'el•lng occurred to induce
were, rash and ill-advised?
hear-) .In his place
-(Hear,, _
. a, this table, in the most
solemn manner, after opportunity,
s° •the Noble Lord, infor
sideration,
in this •that it was
le Collar),
the knowledge of the Cabinet th
in ,at there was a conspiracy
Protestant f •
against theaith a
Eng-
land. Has the Noble Lord discovered and , liberties of Eng-
Until the Noble Lord comes forward that he was mistaken?
I, like others, must form -*my opinion that information,
instructionand priVate information public ion from those means of
that are open to
thing '
am I don't see any -In the occur
that Rome is les • rences of Europa to
convince me , s ambiti
that the designs of the Papal Court ous-(Hear, hear)-
(Hear, hear )-or that the Vaticau r° more mitigated-
defeats that'she, no longei'means to ei fts experienced such
land, which the Noble Lord last ye__ atun this realm of Eng-.
-(Hear, hear.) Every place whereartheold us she aspired to ?
can be traced, we find her not out influence of Rome
mount.-(Hear, hear.) What is h.?' Successfl but pare-
hear)-or in England, or whaty! conduct in Ireland-
(Hear,
tours® does she adopt
rse
in other countries? In every piaci, she
of sepremacy.-(Hear, hear.) If the isEl'oexhibits the stamp
feed last year in sounding the tocsin in
~ ble Lord was justi-
does it happen that on this occasion '44
h: national ear how
either by intimation from the Throne or jednes not think fit,
Minister, to say anything on the or
speech of the
I think we' have a right - to press upo (Hear, hear.)
quire in a manner that cannot beun, and to in-
•
'her Majesty's Ministers, what the,.
__ mistaken of
to change the .murky convictions ~,rhZiaa at present
public mind during the last Year? huh filled the
• --arlear
The Noble Lord said he would confine kitaseift ! hear.)
peisonal question ; but, instead of confining-IP-Right to the
personal question the Noble Lord has • traverunself to the
all Europe and Asia, but America too.-(Bear, not only
were not the politics of a single court, nor the re ar.) There
a single country, that the Noble Lord did not to
with
and enlighten the House, with one exceptio touch upon
Court of Rome which last year he said had h-that very
insolent aggression on the Queen, and engaged ioaminitted an
againet our liberties.-(Hear.) As to the subject c_onspiracy
I am not going to enter into any long discussion 'f Irelana,
unhappy country, which I ant sure, ere long, willuleTrl' that
consideration.-(llear, 'hear.) It appears that some elicit our
counties
are the scenes of outrages of the most serious d cription.
-(Hear, hear.) I must say I am extremely dis 7
in what has occurred in Ireland, and at *the necessity
or,
introducing in her Majesty's Speech this r,
.raragaYia.
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Considering the :
.nterestP li r
Majesty's GovernMent take in the cause of " law and
order"-r(Laughter)-and considering that one member alone
of the Government has expended a considerable sum out of
his-- avrn-pociret-to-recure 6, law and order"-(Laughter)
-it is extremely disappointing to England, and mortifying
to the House of Commons, and must be most astounding to
Lord Clarendon, that after such an investment he should find
so many counties in a state that al
curet
requires a Coercion
Act.-(Hear, hear.) That is a subjec op 1,; 1,
wo.ca we require
The Inv ' t
some information.-(Hear, hear.) _ eS meat of capi-
tal, if confined to the private revenue of the Viceroy, is one
that for his sake I regret, but if it were a public
investment
for public objects, certainly the Queen's Speech seems to
prove that it was a sorry one.-(Hear, h
_ ear.) ; There is an-
other point that I cannot but notice, and that is the absence
of any expression to show that- _you.sympathise.avith the
difficulties of the cultivators of the soil. (Hear, hear, from
the Protectionists.) At least you should notice them. Two
years ago these were noticed without being acknowledged-
last year they were sympathised with.-(Hear, hear.) I
am not aware that any mitigatory circumstances can now be
appealed to. I am not aware of any change of such import-
anee in the condition of the cultivators of the soil as would
authorise a Minister who had established the precedent of
noticing the state of 'their fortunes in omitting them from
the Queen's Speech this year.-4Elear, hear.) It might be a
question,with the peculiar opinions of the Noble _Lord and,
his colleagues, to makelhat acknowledgment and offer -that

a question to the First Minister with respect to a subject of
imperial importance. The First Minister responded to his
inquiry, and was replied to by a statesman recently of his
councils. The persons, -therefore, were considerable, the
subject important, and the audience were the assem-
bled Commons of England. But, so far as I can say,
from listening to this performance, it appeared to me to be
a Downing-street eclogue, and that, so far as we are con-
cerned, no reasons have been given or information impacted
to account for circumstances so remarkable and a catas-
trophe so sudden. (Hear, hear.) The First Minister, in-
deed, did impart one most interesting piece of intelligence.
He gave us one of the great rules by which he manages his
Cabinet. He tells us that he had not consulted his Cabinet
—that their expression of opinion would have made the
transaction appear the affair of a cabal. We have heard
comments on the conduct of the present ruler of France, but
the Noble Lord seems to have acted on much the same
principle as Prime Minister of England.—( A. laugh.) Not-
withstanding those remarks of the Noble. Lord, I think we
are bound, after the scene that has taken place, to express
'our opinion as far as the displacement of the Noble Lord,
the late Secretary of State, is concerned. It has always
been my lot and my duty to oppose the political system re-
presented by the Noble Lord. I never refrained under any
circumstances from doing justice to the abilities of the Noble
Lord. I never for a moment supposed that he was justly
exposed to 'hose absurd or strange imputations which have
been sometimes circulated. I always believed he was a
faithful British Minister. I always believed the great ob-
ject of the policy he recommended was to maintain and to
vindicate the honour and interests of the kingdom. But I
thought that, unfortunately for this country, the means by
which the Noble Lord sought to attain that object were
often means directly adverse to the result he wished to ac-
complish. But I never severed the policy of the Noble
Lord from the policy of the Cabinet. When that great de-
bate occurred which involved a direct impugnment of the
department over which the Noble Lord presided, I for one
repudiated the idea that you could consider the transactions
of a single Minister except as associated with the proceed-
ings of the complete Cabinet. The First Minister came
forward candidly to take his share of the responsibility on
that occasion. I remember how that subject was intro-
duced in the other House by a Noble Friend of mine; I
remember that the motion of that Noble Lord was sup-
ported by various sections not acting in political commu-
nity ; and I remember the charges brought against the
Noble Lord and those who supported him in either House.
We were called conspirators. We were held up to public
reprobation as, in fact, being instruments of a foreign cabal.
I know that I was tempted one afternoon to give an opinion,
and a very honest one, on the subject, because the Govern-
ment had denounced us as a band of conspirators for having
challenged the conduct of the department over which the
Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton presided. I under-
stand, from what has passed to-night, that the present Go-
vernment is the representative of that policy with which
she Noble Lord was identified ; that in no respect is their
policy varied from that which was pursued under the Noble
Lord's auspices. I thought that policy would lead to incon-
veniences and injuries, which I understand that it has. If
that policy is to be administered unchanged and un-.
mitigated, I 'would rather have it administered by a man
whom we all recognize to be able, and in whose panegyric
all his recent colleagues join. If the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government, indeed, had come forward to-night and
said that experience satisfied him that he had been rash
in prosecuting that policy ' • if he would tell us, as we have
seen, that our policy had left us isolated in Europe,
that we found ourselves, at a most critical moment, without
allies—that we found it necessary to take steps which
would place England in a more secure position—we should
at least receive an assurance which would be agreeable to
the nation ; and how far that would be consistent with
their conduct to their late colleagues would be a matter
between them and their consciences. I must make one ob-
servation, also, on the speech of the First Minister. The
Noble Lord, eminent in many respects, was eminent for his
constitutional knowledge—for his acquaintance with the
spirit of the constitution ; but I cannot recollect any ana-
logous occasion on which the name of the Sovereign had
been so frequently introduced.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever
was done at the command of the Sovereign was at least
done on the responsibility of the Noble Lord. - (Hear, hear.)
—and, though it may be explained why it is that minutes
should be read to this House which we are informed have
been drawn up by a personage whose name is rarely intro-
duced in our debates, I must express my astonishment at
the narrative of midnight dispatches, which were the con-
sequence, as I understood—though I may have misappre-
hended the meaning of the Noble Lord —of conduot (as we
understood) pursued by the Noble Lord the Member for
Tiverton in matters of an urgent nature. I suppose that
for everything that has been done the Noble Lord the First
Minister is responsible. The Noble Lord is not the man
to dispute his responsibility. lam at a loss to comprehend
how the Noble Lord will account for that introduction of
her Majesty's name, that frequent and unnecessary introduc-
tion which has taken place. As lam one who never voted
for the motion that the power of the Crown had increased,
was increasing, and ought to be diminished, as I should be
willing to have the converse of that proposition, as I think
one of the great misfortunes of our time, one of the circum-
stances most injurious to public liberty is, that the power of
the Crown is diminished, I am not one to look with unneces-
sary jealousy on the assertion of the prerogatives of the
Crown. But the Noble Lord is an eminent representative
of apolitical party which has adopted opinions of a very
different character. The Noble Lord is a member of that
party which introduced—to our disgrace—that resolution
on the Journals of this House, and certainly I am asto-
nished at •the Noble Lord on an occasion 1 ike the present,
when he seems to me—l suppose unintentionally-- to have
shifted from himself the responsibili which he would
be the first to adopt for himself.—(Hear,
respect to the programme of the session, the sub-
jects are various, the localities are different, nor were
they introduced in a geographical manner.—(A laugh.)
We pass from the Indus to the Pole with a rapidity I have
seldom seen rivalled. Of three Members of the Cabinet
each appears to have afforded his paragraph; and the Noble
Lord seemed in turning out the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs to have forgotten the arrangement of the
Queen's Speech. I shall only draw attention for the present
to the last paragraph of this State paper :
"It appears to me that this is a fitting time for calmly
considering whether it may not be advisable to make such
amendments in the Act of the late reign, relating to the
representation of the Commons in Parliament, as may be
deemed calculated to carry into more complete effect the
principles upon which that law is founded."
Without expressing any opinion on the necessity or non-
necessity of what is called Parliamentary Reform, or of
any degree or kind of Parliamentary Reform, I am bound
to say that I cannot agree in the statement that this
appears a "fitting time" for the consideration of that
question.--(Hear, hear.) It may be a subject which a
Minister may think necessary at a fitting time to bring for-
ward; but when he asks the House to agree to a statement
that this is not only a " fitting time" for considering such
a subject as the reconstruction of this House, but a fitting
time for " calmly" considering the subject, it is impossible
not to stop at expressions which I think so inapposite, and
not to ask the House at least to pause before they allow such
expressions to pass unchallenged. From all I have heard
to-night—when the continent is in a most disturbed state,
when the Noble Lord himself told us the whole aspect of
circumstances relating to the nature and exercise of the
franchise in foreign countries had clearly changed within
the last few years, disappointing and confounding the ex-
pectations of all men at a moment when experience had
failed us and experiment distracted us—though it may be
necessary to consider the question of Parliamentary reform,
I cannot admit that it is a fitting moment for the calm con-
sideration of the question.—(Rear, hear.) It might be so
if there were an irresistible demand in the community for
measures on the subject, but no one contended that
there existed that circumstance. I will give no opinion
on that subject to-night. I will listen with attention,
and of course with interest, to the Noble Lord if he
favours the House and the country with the reasons which
have convinced him that the immortal measure he not
only introduced but devised in 1830 has failed of the
objects he then thought it would accomplish. I will listen
with attention to the Noble Lord when he, lays, down the
principles on which he thinks, after twenty years expe-
rience, a new Reform Bill ought to be established, and ex-
plains how all those anomalies of representation of which we
are all sensible may be removed, many of which, ,it may be
remarked, render our system of representation as practical
as we find it to be. I believe I may say there is' 'no Gentle-
man on this side of the House who is not ready to consider
any change that may be proposed, to" supply any well-
proved deficiency in our representation ; and I would say
even more, for my friends as, well as' myself—that there is
no one who insists that the increase of the franchise is the
same as the increase of democratic power. I. will consider
the proposition of the Minister'entirely without prejudice.
I will, with interest, watch the Whig critic of the Whig law.
The Noble Lord could hardly expect, on the other side, any
superstitious feeling in favour of the Reform Law. People
said —" It is a new Magna Charts. You cannot trust the
men who opposed it.' My answer will be the speech of the
Noble Author. 'While I express the most sincere desire to
receive without prejudice any proposition the Noble Lord
may bring forward, I must. at the same time ex-
press those sentiments to which I gave utterance last
year, that if I find, under the name and guise of a Reform Bill,
only a reconstruction of this House which is in favour of the
predominance of some political party, which. without that
change, cannot govern this country, I will oppose, and I
believe the whole country will oppose, a device of that kind.
If, also, I were to meet 'a measure the object of which was
to destroy or even disturb that just and salutary balance
which now subsists between the various classes of the
country—if I saw a measure to destroy the legitimate and
salutary influence of landed property in this country—the
surest security both of the prerogatives of the Crown and of
the liberties of the people—(Hear, hear)—the fear of no im-
putation of being an anti-Reformer would prevent me from
giving such a Bill My determined opposition. I hope the
subject of Parliamentary Reform will not be allowed to divert
the House from subjects of as great importance. I find no
less than two colonies specifically mentioned in her Majesty's
Speech. Is Parliamentary Reform to prevent you from in-
quiring into the Kafir war?—(Hear.) Is it to be an answer
to us it we humbly wish some ex
passage in the Speech respecting the constitution of
explanation of that singularliew
Zealand ? The House has been so engaged in listening to
the interesting discussion of this evening that its attention
perhaps has been diverted from that remarkable passage. If
If
in the Speech that the Act of 1848, for suspending the tahtteerbetaioroe
taon
ythicsoeloxntiral aordreformersioaryetaitnemthebet.HoWuseealre
iptnheedir
ope-
ration of a previous Act, conferring representative institu-
tutions on New Zealand, will expire early in the next year.
Of course, we would naturally suppose that in that event
New Zealand would then enjoy those institutions which
they had been so long promised. The Speech proceeds to
say, "1 am happy to believe that there is no necessity for
the renewal of the Suspension Act." This must be most sa-
tisfactory to those who are supporters of representative in-
stitutions in New Zealand. What other inference could you
draw.from that paragraph than that, the Act of Suspension
being about to cease, the inhabitants( of New Zealand
would enjoy those representative institutions which were
suspended by that Act ? But what is the next sentence?
acia`sorTen
ahotbieodoef consideruon
consideration."—(Hear,
tooonf.
~c_we thesea:o:le:
einstitutionstahr:otbs hee
ar.
) swoi
that,
b,
a t,
although however, require
y o youro er
are
sn this-pompous manner informedrtovthbeanot the Act of Suspension
allowthat tphaerliCa omnesnttiaturytiornefo
o n st6nsyliooay
irsmeinasatmituectime
enjoyed,
be. Will
that3you
into this comparatively humble,r'
butor really importantiuthci augti
inquiring
esno
gu.
t(itionea?r Ahreeayr.o)u prTepoauredrutaovnctooontsiduedfrolut
the
and wholetbe
colonies
otbhiee
s
no l'onger with impunity rely
oeseiToonne called
rela-
tions between the mother countryr
to it by gen-
tlemen Year after year your attention has bitha you can
t. inquiry.
zealous and well informed on this subject, who have
scarcely been able to command a House on le question.
need not refer to the Hon. Baronet the Memberfor
South-
wark (Sir W. Molesworth). I do not agree with all or
witlamany of his views and principles with respect to colonial ad-
ministration ; but no one can deny that he never addresses
the House on that subject but in a manner which ought to
command our attention and deepest consideration. Well,
you have destroyed the ancient colonial empire of England.
You have destroyed it in deference to the dogmas of political
economy and of abstract inquiries. Ido not believe that the
country itself has ever approved of that destruction. I regret
that it did not take ea attire part in opposition to it. no