The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-05 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 5, 1864.

Half-a.year's further retention of office—undis-
puted and unconditional—is the reward accorded
to her Majesty's Ministers for—well, frankly now,
For What P So far as we can understand—for
three things. And those three things as different
the one from the other as they aro each and all of
them, as Ministerial achievements, absolutely nn•
deniable.

Firstly, then—in regard to the Home Policy of
England—for doing—Nothing !
Secondly, and very conspicuously, indeed,
achieved as this Ministerial feat has been under
the observation of the whole wide world—secondly,
we say, in regard to the Foreign Policy of Eng-
land—by contriving with wonderful skill, after
the fashion of Bottom the Weaver, to induce
the British Lion for once to roar like any sucking
dove

Thirdly and finally—" the third" here, in truth,
" being the charm," or, to express the fact yet more
plainly, this ttiird being, quite indisputably, a
"clincher"—thirdly, we say, and finally, Minis-
ters have just now won their reward by according
to the House of Commons a reprieve ! Obtaining
in return—from the Reprieved House—upon the
reciprocity principle, as a sort of a qua pro quo—a
welcome reprieve also for themselves.
Voila tout ! Ile.e, in those three all-sufficient
reasons, the whole secret is fairly out—and Minis-
ters still in ! They retain office for another half■
year, undisputedly and unconditionally they retain
it—For not giving the coup de grace to the Mori-
bund Parliament ! For (wonderful to tell !) in-
ducing the British Lion (of all animals in the
world !) for once—under the marvellous influence of
that Political Van Amburgh, Earl .lEtussELL—to roar,
as we have already expressed it in the words of
BOTTOM the Weaver (Earl RUSSELL'S, prototype,
otherwise crede Lord DERBY !)—to roar you
like any sucking dove I Ministers, more-
over, retaining office thus, for half-a-year
longer as the especial reward of merit for
doing—nothing ! As for the foreign policy of the
Cabinet—well, the egregious failure of that espe-
cially and from beginning to end, is a fact long and.
long ago perfectly notorious, It is printed
in only too legible characters upon the
ample folio pages of a weary succession of blue-
books. It has been proclaimed only too audibly
in the one Great Debate of this recent session—
and proclaimed there, not by any means alone, from
the side of the Conservative Opposition I The
gametic irony, nay, more than that, the openly ex•
pressed condemnation of the Foreign Policy of
the Government, coming more plainly than from
the lips of any one of the Tory members, from those
of the so-called Liberal Independents sitting on the
Government side of the House immediately below
the gangway ! Although but one of those Liberal
Independents, it is true, proved himself afterwards
consistent alike in his irony and in his condemna-
tion (Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE, to wit) by abstaining
altogether from taking any part at all in the
ultimate delivery of the Verdict of the House of
Commons by means of the Division. It was
especially and distinctly of the Foreign Policy of
Ministers, as that Foreign Policy had even then
become apparent, that the Earl of DERBY, a
the very commencement of the session, pronounced
sententiously and alliteratively that it wae, from
first to last, definable only as an ex•
traordinary combination of " meddle and mud-
dle." Not alone, however, was the Con-
servative Chieftain's happy phrase, when so speak-
ing,applicable to the Foreign Policy of Her
MAJESTY'S Government. Of the whole complex
fabric of their policy—Domestic as well as Foreign
—we might say, as truthfully
as STEPHEN
BLACKPOOL used to say in "Hard
Times"—especi-
ally hard times to him, as they are now (let us sug-
gest by way of example) to Danes and to Reformers!
—as STEPHEN BLACKPOOL used to say in if Hard
Times," things in general, and of everything _

in particular—so now quite as truthfully might
we say, not of the Foreign policy alone
but of the whole Policy, Home as well as Foreign,
of her MAJESTY'S Government—" It's aw a
muddle !" Bet, so far as Ministers themselves are
concerned, it is evidently a' muddle after all that
(unwell.. It answers their purpose at least—by
keeping them in effice—if it answers nobody
else's. If, let us say for instance, it in
no way answers, as it certainly does
not, the purpose, the very comprehensible
purpose of those amongst us English who care very
much—for the rational furtherance and develop-
ment (not hushing up and shelving) of the prin.•
ciples of Reform—for the energctic progress of a
recognisable aad appreciable system of Legialation
—for the Honour of this country ! That
Honour that used to be cared for at
one time (say in the days of the great Earl of
CHATHAM) but apparently won't pay just now !
Now, when England's sceptre is lengthening out
into the semblance of a yard measure, and the globe
borne in the left hand of the Sovereign, is held
there no longer as a lordly symbol of power,
but as a mere sordid test as a metal weight
ready to be thrown into our huckstering scales as
a practical something weighing so much avoir-
dupois ! Yes, all this, no doubt, as a transforma-
tion of things here, in England, may be
very mean and very paltry—may be what we in
our national vain glory have been accustomed
to talk of hitherto as " un•Eaglish"—bat—we
repeat, it evidently, in spite of all our objections,
somehow or another answers. It answers
the purpose of the House of Commons, and
it answers the purpose of Her Majesty's Govern-
ment. They mutually accord to each other, as we
have intimated, a snug little comfortable reprieve.
Perish all that old-fashioned miserable rubbish
about the Honour of England, and so forth—all that
wretched trumpery that has cost us so much both of
gild and treasures in the maintenance of it, in the
'vindication of it, against every possible antagonist,
even against that mightiest of all antagonists,
that greater than CESAR, and ALEXANDER, and
CHARLEMAGNE, the Great NAPOLEON I Rather
than that—says the Ministry, and Ditto to the
ignoble cry says the House of Commons—.
rather than any farther bosh about the Honour of
England—let us see, henceforth, in regard to any
questions—Will it Pay ? Is it—whatever the ques-
tion before us may be—ls it one that is likely
to affect—not that stuff and nonsense, Oar Hon-
our but—Our Pockets, Our Balance at the Bankers,
Our Own Sense of Ease, Oar Own Ideas of
Respectability. Hearing this, seeing this, mus-
ing over this—the cry of our very heart and
conscience seems to be instinctively, 0, for One
Hour of the Earl of Chatham !

The result of the trial at Guildford of the engine-
driver and stoker far manslaughter in the recent
accident at Egham has given general satisfaction.
Tae public are not to be deceived by so palpable
a pretext as the implied culpable negligence of the
driver, whose real fault, if any, lay in the too
faithful discharge of the company's reprehensible
instructions. In the "good old times" such a mode
of extricating themselves from a difficulty might
have succeeded, but those days are past, and
public opinion will no more saEction the unjust
imprisonment of an engine-driver to shield a rail-
way company than it will the murder of an Ad-
miral to save an Administration. As the case at
present stands the company have not improved
matters by the evidence produced at the late trial.
It would have been far better to have made a virtue
of nteassity and admitted that the arre.ngemento
for the traffic were farlty, rather than have eb-
stinately maintained that they were sufficient for
public safety in the face of what had actually taken
place. As it was, three witnesses, on cross-exami-
netion, were compelled to contradict their own
statements, and Mr. Sergeant BALLANTINE elicited
some startling disclosures, which produced much
laughter by their absurdity, although the conse-
quences were too serious for merriment. In the
examination of Mr. STRAPP, the resident engineer,
tbat gentleman admitted that the practice of run.
ning engine-tenders first or backwards was
objectionable, and that there being no turntable at
Ascot the practice was unavoidable. He owned
further that telegraphic notice was not given of the
starting and arrival of the trains, which he consi-
dered unnecessary for public safety, although it was
practised in the case of Royal trains. In fact, said
Sergeant BALLANTINE, you use the telegraph when
you particularly desire to save people's lives, but not
otherwise. Mr GODSON, the traffic manager, ad-
mitted that instructions had been given to the ser-
vants of the company which the arrangements 01
traffic rendered the fulfilment of impossible. Plats
layers were stationed along the line with directions
to show the danger signal (a red flag) for five
minutes after every train had passed, and then the
caution signal (a green flag) for five minutes more,
and after ton minutes 'had elapsed the all right
signal (a white flag). According to this arrange-
ment, had the ordinary rule of the company been
followed, the accident would not have happened.
The drivers of trains are strictly ordered to stop at
once when they see the danger signal; but on the
day of the accident, when extra care and precaution
should have been taken, this rule was set aside, and
the engine drivers were ordered not to stop
when they saw the red flag, but to go on
with caution. Of what use, then, was the green
flag ? Now, although the red flag
was to be
shown for five minutes—i.e., while there was
danger, and the regulations implied that ten
minutes should intervene between the trains, they
were started at irregular intervals of five minutes,
in fact as fast as they were filled, so that the danger
signal was constantly flying. It was the old story
of the cry of "Wolf," for when the actual danger
was at hand there was no meana of imparting infor-
mation to the driver. This was one of the causes
of the accident, and Mr. GODSON was so hard
pressed by Sergeant BALLANTINE that he was
actually forced to admit the startling inference
drawn by the learned gentleman regarding the
special rule as to stoppage, as combined with the
construction that the red signal was not to be taken
as meaning 'stop.' " He asked, sarcastically, when
the conjoint effect of the special regulations was not
merely this, that the second train would run into
the previous one a little lees violently than it other.
wise would and kill and wound a smaller number
of persons. Well might Justice WILLES inquire
with surprise, if the witness was serious in his ad-
mission, and although the witness said he was not,
he gave no explanation. The real cause of the
accident, however, was not in the signals, though
that was probably more by luck than management.
In the present instance nobody seems to have tried
to stop the second train, though had they
wished to do so we do not see how it could
have been done. The danger signal was up,
but the driver had orders not to obey
it. The actual cause was the culpable,
nay, almost insane act of starting one train, with
orders to stop at Egham, and another train, five
minutes afterwards, with orders not to stop there,
informing neither driver of the orders given to the
other. In our opinion the coroner's jury were wrong
in, their verdict of manslaughter ag4inst the driver

of the train. It should rather have been one of
premeditated homicide against the parties who gave
such orders, the probable consequences of which
were so evident. Mr. Justice WILLES made some
very eensible remarks upon the liability of railway
companies, and the advisability of enacting some
law to render them responsible for avoidable acci-
dents. In the present case the catastrophe was
courted. Why was the danger signal suspended?
Surely there are more colours than red, green, and
white. If an extra signal was required, the com-
pany would have found it cheaper to have purchased
a few hundred blu3 or yellow flags than to pay the
thousands of pounds compensation which this acci-
dent has entailed upon them. how many more
lives must be sacrificed before a Government regu-
lation compels the adoption of sufficient break
power ? The driver saw the danger in time to have
stopped his train had he had the means of commu-
nication with the guards or they with him, and
more powerful breaks. In all probability the recent
disaster at Margate might hive likewise been pre-
vented.

Another Conservative triumph at Exeter has just
been recorded to swell the .ong list of the Minis-
terial reverses, and this election at Exeter may
fairly be considered in the light of a great party
triumph, inasmuch as there vere great efforts made
to return the Liberal candidate. It must be a great
mortification to the latter and his friends, and the
Government cannot but fee/, if they will not ac-
knowledge, the strong proofs so often afforded to
them by the issues of these elections. It is true
that it is too late for any detriment to accrue to the
Government policy this year, and whether an
opponent or, a supporter comes in no perceptible
difference will be felt. for some months. The cer-
tainty of this fact will, doubtless, take off the edge
of the disappointment, but not the lees it is a great
blow to the losers. It is a sure proof to all who
attentively consider the state of parties, that
gradually but surely the Ministerial strength is
being sapped, and that no power can long with-
stand such deteriorating influences. It is all very
fine for the Government adherents to be constantly
dinning into one's ears at any great crisis, that d
there is a defeat of Ministers they will appeal to the

country. This sounds very grand to the uninitiated,
and doubtless some members who prefer conve-
nience to conscience may be influenced by it, but in
the abstract it cannot be said that any gain would
result. It is not possible for the Government to

change the whols tone and temper of the conati•

luencies throughout the country by their having
Lecourse to a dissolution, and the opinion of the
public at large is pretty well manifested by the
decision of these elections. There can be no doubt
that if Lord PALMERSTON had put his threat into
execution and dissoivtd Parliament this year, he
would have had a very large majority against
him. It is a satisfaction to think this, at all
events, and to rest a.;ured that, however the ad-

verse influences brnught to bear have compro-

wised the expression of opinion in the House of
Commons, they who sent forth those represents•
Lives would have had them act quite otherwise.
This fact is sufficiently proved by the circum-
stance that in many cases a Conservative is elected
where only Liberals have before held the seat,
which is a double victory to one and a double
defeat to the other. Lord COURTENAY expressed
himself as strongly opposed to the foreign policy
of the Government, end this was doubtless his best
chance of success, This will not be the last time
that the avowal of such a conviction will be re-
corded at elections. Oft and again will it be

found that the unwise and unbefitting course pur.
,ued by the Ministers has been as ruinous to
iteir own prosperity and popularity as inimicai
to the intereets of their country and prejudicial to

its reputation. Lord COURTENAY truly observed
that the " result of the foreign policy of the Go-
vernment had been to leave the country without
o single ally in Eurcpe. It appeared to him they
had bullied the weak and truckled to the strong."
This is an epitome of their course. It is only
too true that to such a degree of degradation
have we sunk. Indeed, so distressing is it to
contemplate the position that England now holds,
and so perverted is the influence which she should
exercise, that a patriotic politician must contem-
plate the state of affairs with deep regret and heart-
felt vexation. Beyond and above the considera•
Lions of party, there is the question of

the welfare of the country, which it
should ever be the common objeot of all
shades of politicians to secure. The internal ar-
rangements of Es nation may be modified and
changed without any great difference being made
apparent, but it is otherwise in external affairs.
When the proper influence of a country like ours
is lessened or lost, it is very difficult to retrieve the
position, and make up for past deficiencies. Thus
it cannot be said that under the present aspect of
affairs there is much cause for congratulations, or
rejoicings in any political event or election result.
The only consolation is, that if the opinions of the
country are roused, if the feeling is against the
truculent course We have lately been compelled
to pursue, a reaction may take place. It is
something to reflect upon, that at no public
meeting, or no p;aco where a public mani-
festation of opinion is made, do we find anyone
advocating the cause of the Ministers, or giving
credit to their foreign policy. This feeling will not
die away, as they or their supporters may imagine

more and more, the
time wears on, and exposes,
—on the contrary, the sentiment will deepen as
sad effects and ruinous consequences of the policy
of Earl RUSSELL. When peace has been finally
see
declared, and the unfortunate Kingdom of Denmark
has been torn to pieces, no less by pacificatory in.
novations than by warlike oppressions, then the
people of this country will eee
tNhvehetrnuththeiny its fullthe
enormity and fatal evidence.
spoliation, and think of the sacrifice,
they must
condemn the course our Government has taken.
The effects will be that the Ministers will lose
every election that is taken separately, while all
their influence and all their misrepresentations
will not avert their overwhelming defeat at a gene-
ral appeal to the country. Mr. COLERIDGE appears
to have thought discretion the better part of valour,
for he does not seem to have said anything in
favour of the foreign policy of the Government.
This was very wise, as it could have availed him
nothing to attempt the advocacy of such a course of
failure, The eo-called Liberals who wish to serve
in the ranks of the Miniaterialists will find that
they have no easy task before them for some time to
come. Indeed, it will be very difficult to say on
what grounds they can rest their claim for support,
and in what manner they can make out that they
are likely to do service to their constituents if they
are returned. As for Reform, that is out of the
question, and, as the once vaunted foreign policy,
that is a reproach throughout the world. It is not
easy to define the future at any time, and just now
it is especially complicated ; but, at all events, any
defeat of the Ministers at elections is some gain. It
affords the shadow of a hope that the day may not
be far distant when their long abuse of power will
be over, and when the people of England may be.
hold a happier state of things than can ever appear
under their unwise and mischievous policy,