The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-06 00:00:00

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Ap.tvip, n

LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH. 6, 1855.

There will, it appears, be but little, if any,
delay occasioned at Vienna by the death of the
Emperor NICHOLAS. It is said that Prince
GOBTSCHA.KOFF is in possession of ample powers,
and that no further attempt at procrastination, at
least in the preliminary stages, will be made on
the part of Russia. Many difficulties that pre-
viously existed have unquestionably been removed,
but it is by no means clear that others of equal
magnitude have not arisen ; and it is as yet
hard to say whether the event that has oc-
curred may prove beneficial or otherwise.
There was the personal pride of NICHOLAS,
Which WOUld prompt him to resist to the
uttermost rather than consent to what he might
fancy to be a humiliation, or even to the aban-
donment of his long-cherished policy. He has
frequently declared that he would expend " his
last man and his last rouble" before he would
assent to terms which he subsequently accepted
as the basis of negotiation. Every stringent pro-
vision, every demand which he had previously so
contumeliously repudiated, would have created
fresh obstacles ; and, considering that his will was
the solo law of the country, we may easily estimate
the character of the impediments to be successfully
overcome before conditions could be finally adopted
that would be acceptable to the Western Powers,
or that would be regarded in France or England
as the foundation of a just, an honourable, or a
(probably) permanent peace. His pride—the
predominating element in his character—excited
by the prolonged possession of absolute and irre-
sponsible power—would revolt against points
which, if the representative of England fulfilled
his duty to his country, would be regarded as
perfectly indispensable, without which no truce
or temporary armistice could be patched up.

We must, however, look to the other side of
the picture. He had the power, if he had the will,
to yield. He might offer ample securities for the
future, allow material guarantees to be taken, which
would supply unquestionable assurance against
A repetition of the disastrous policy which
has created so much annoyance, expense, and
bloodshed. Is his successor equally master of his
position ? That is the question, and one of vital
importance at the present moment. We have
hitherto been accustomed to give the new CZAR
credit for an amiable disposition ; and it has been
generally, and,
we believe, truly asserted that he
entirely disappecwed
of the aggressive course
to which his father was stimulated by the Mus-
turbulent brother CONSTAN-
covite party, and his
TINE. That brother has,'
however, put forward
pretensions to the throne. A .
of the Great
point utterly un-
tenable—which the least learned
Unpaid could dispose of in a few minutes, even
if unassisted by the arguments of counsel or the
hints of his clerk—has been started. CONSTANTnin
was asserted to be the rightful heir, because he
was the first born after his father had indued the
Purple ; whereas ALEXANDER was the son of the
Grand Duke Nicaolas. Ridiculous as the mat-
ter may seem, it may yet have some influence on
the future. And even were it otherwise, and
that there was no question as to the succes-
sion, the proverbial uncertainty of life, more '
especially under despotic Governments, should
teach us not to rely too strongly on the good will
or pacific intentions of the Emperor ALEXANDER
11. He may, from personal motives, be unable
to give full effect to that good will; or, if disposed
to do so, he may not be long spared to maintain
the Policy he had inaugurated.
What, then, should be the course of tho Western
diplomatists under the circumstances ? Should

they make allowance for the difficulties in which
ALEXANDER is now placed ; or, on the con-
trary, should they still insist on every
condition which an attentive consideration
of the present aspect of the politcal horizon may
render advisable ? These are questions of grave
interest at the present crisis, from which we
should not suffer ourselves to be diverted by any
sentimental notions or fits of spurious generosity.
We must recollect the well-known adage of the
necessity of being "just before we are generous."
We must be just to our Allies—to France,
which has so nobly joined us in the struggle,
and so honourably fulfilled her part of the con-
tract—to Turkey, so grievously and unwar-
rantably assailed—to England, dragged into the
oontest with so heavy an expenditure of blood
and treasure. For all these we must obtain
" indemnity for the past, and security for the
future." We may not be enabled to obtain a
suitable recompence for those of our friends, kin-
dred, or countrymen who have perished in the
Crimea ; but the millions that have been ex-
pended must be recouped to the national treasury.
The claims that enabled Russia perpetually to
menace other countries, and the naval power that
gave vitality to these claims, the strongholds from
whence the Russian eagle might at any moment
stoop on its quarry, must be surrendered, and
stringent terms arranged against any attempt to
resume the status quo. These are indispensable,
but there aro other points that must also be
noticed. The sword cannot be replaced in its
scabbard until the relations of Russia with other
countries, not only in the vicinity of the Euxine
and the Baltic—with Circassia, the Danubian
Principalities, and Bessarabia—but also with
Poland, long-suffering and deeply-injured Poland,
be regulated and disposed of. Should Lord JOHN
RUSSELL attend to these points, and bring the
matters connected therewith to a satisfactory con-
clusion, he will entitle himself to the thanks and
gratitude of the country. Should it unfortunately
be otherwise—should he neglect the golden oppor-
tunity, he will indeed be deemed " too small for
his place," and irretrievably sacrifice the scanty
remnant of political reputation that still remains
to the ex-Leader of the ABERDEEN Administration
in the popular branch of the Legislature.

An important question was last night sub-
mitted to the consideration of the House of Com-
mons respecting the efficiency of our Military
Academies, and the suitable education of those
who aspire to become the leaders of our armies.
Heretofore money has been " the ono thing need-
ful"—the sine qua non, without which no man,
however meritorious, could hope for rapid promo-
tion. Interest would unquestionably be a valu-
able auxiliary ; but money was the ALADDIN'S
lamp that could remove every obstacle and insure
speedy advancement. It would provide even the
" interest" itself, and act as an adequate substitute
for either the aristocracy of birth or of merit.
There is, however, a general repugnance to this
system of venality. It is at length decided that
money is not to be omnipotent. If those who
choose to work, to engage fairly in the
honourable field of emulation, and to meet the
competition of the untitled and unendowed
classes, chance also to possess rank or wealth, let
them do so. We would not object to their pre-
sence, although it might operate injuriously on
their less fortunate fellows ; and a well-known
and very powerful naval author—Captain MAR-
RYATT—has declared that a midshipman with
6,000/. per annum was "an anomaly that could
not be tolerated." But these accidents should
only be of secondary importance ; should, if prac-
ticable, be totally disregarded.
What, then, are the substitutes that should be
provided ? How are enthusiastic young men to
find admission to the service without passing
through the minor grades ? The answer is simple
—the problem, important as it is, is of easy solu-
tion. The only portals to promotion should be
service and education. Indeed we might limit
the matter still further, and make education the
single road—for however urgent the claims of a
man who has conducted himself well in an inferior
station he must be qualified for the situation to
-which ho aspires, or his appointment cannot be
'beneficial either to himself or to the country.
The Ensign NORTHINGTONS of the olden time
will no longer be tolerated. The Gentleman (!)
who would enunciate that

"Your Novids, and Omens, and Plutarchs are stuff,"
would find himself strangely out of place in a
regiment where a high standard of education was
required, and estimated at even less than " the
pinch of snuff" which ho considered the value of
classical attainments.

It does not follow, because we stipulate
for a high educational standard that
we are to transform our young officers
into mere'pedants cr book-worms, that they should
be like University students, capable of throwing
off a given quantity of Greek hexameter; or Latin
verses within a given time. No—the edu-
cation required is emphatically that of a
gentleman a general acquaintance with
modern languages and the other branches
of information usually looked for in
society; and the standard should be higher when
service was wanting. The rough school of ser-
vice as a private soldier should be peculiarly
favoured, inasmuch as it would afford the best
opportunity for testing the military capacity of
the neophyte. Next to that • the public schools
and universities, but those educated at private
seminaries should not be rejected. We have known
an instance where not a single pupil of a private
master has failed, and officers now in the Guards,
and some of our crack regiments, could testify
to the efficiency of the system pursued at Coblentz,
where the students have the daily opportunity of
inspecting the, fortifications and studying the
tactics pursued in the Continental armies. Th e
great point is to obtain a suitable education.
When that principle is conceded the details will
easily be determined. •

Perhaps in no instance is the wisdom of a rea
sonable regard on the part of employers for the
moral and intellectual welfare of those in their
employ more apparent than in connection with
railways. We are become a travelling people.
Thousands on thousands of us aro hourly to be
found speeding along the numerous lines with
which this country is intersected, in the wake of
re locomotive. Thousands on thousands of us are
hourly at the mercy of a railway employee. A single
rnotliiscaipara and how
ehension or neglect of orders by the lowest
many of the best and noblest
of the land may
not be cruelly crushed to death,
maimed, or otherwise
seriously injured ? A single
blunder by a stupid employee, and beside under-
going the odium of such a catastrophe, his em-
ployers are a couple or more thousands out of
pocket.
So much the reader will perceive de-
pends on the fidelity and intelligence of railway

employees.
At the first blush, therefore, the announcement
that any railway company has taken steps indica-
tive of such regard is not calculated to excite much
surprise, nor to call for any particular commenda.
tion. But when it is remembered how impatient
shareholders too often are for a good dividend—