The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-23 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AA ERICA.

your on the scheme. The instinct of liberty was
alarmed ; but ss Gen. M'Clellan, the favourite can-
didate for the Presidency, would undoubtedly re-
ceive the all but unanimous vote of the soldiery of

(From the Times Correspondent.)
Nzw YORK, March 9.
The spring campaign is an acknowledged fiasco,
and were people not so exceedingly busy in specu-
lating in gold and stocks, would excite, so far as its
history is yet known, the indignant reprobation of
every honest and sensible man in the country.
Gen. Kilpatrick, misled by the reports of dishonest
or over sanguine deserters and escaped prisoners
from Richmond, took it into his head that he would
capture that city by a cavalry coup de main and
make his name illustrious for evermore. He laid a
wager at heavy odds with another cavalry officer,
Gen. Pleasanton, that he would do it within a fort-
D:ght, and though opposed by every real soldier to
whom he submitted his notion, obtained, it would
appear, the sanction of the President to try what '
he could do, with the best wishes of that amiable
but most unmilitary Commander-in-Chief that he
might "go in and win." He went in accordingly ;
committed a large amount of ruthless and wanton
destruction in the rear of Gen. Lee's army, broke
down bridges, burnt corn mills and factories, fright-
ened the women and children and the impotent or
bedridden old men in all his line of march ; reached
the suburbs of Richmond, threw a few harmless
shells into the city, and fearing the capture of his
whole command of 6,000 horsemen—which would
have been the befitting punishment for his foolhardy
experiment—rode out of the enemy's lines into those
of Gen. Butler, with the loss of four colonels and
500 soldiers—admitted, but which time, perhaps,
will show to have been treble that number. He
onlyescaped by sheer good luck, having accomplished
nothing by his raid but the exasperation of the
Southern people, and the embitterment of all pre-
viously existing bad feeling. Nor has Gen. Sher-
man's more magnificent raid across the State of Mis-
sissippi been attended with happier results. The ut-
most mystery is preserved with respect to him ; but
not all the arts and efforts of the Government to con-
ceal the unwelcome truth can prevent the diffusion
of unfavourable reports, to the effect that, less for-
tunate than General Kilpatrick, he has been defeated
in a pitched battle with tremendous loss, and that his
army has been virtually annihilated. The division
that marched from Caattanooga under Gen. Thomas
as far as Funnel-hill, on the road to Dalton, has, if
rumour be not entirely untrustworthy, been forced
to retrace its steps, and take refuge within its ori-
ginal intrenchments ; so that nothing remains of all
the great plans of the opening campaign but the
presence of Admiral Farragut before the outer de-
fences of Mobile, to repeat, perhaps, after a suffi-
cient lapse of time, the abortive operations of Ad-
miral Dahlgren before Charleston. Under the in-
fluence of these simultaneous failures and shortcom-
ings the gold market has been considerably disturbed
and the precious metal yesterday ranked above
greenbacks at the rate of 63'4 per cent., and has this
morning gone up as high as 63, with the prospect
of a still further rise if Mr. Chase does not " bear"
the market by selling a few millions of the reserves
in the Treasury which he holds at his disposal.
None of the military heroes whom the war has
produced has enjoyed a very long lease of popu-
larity. Their fame and favour have been as
evanescent as the rainbow, and as unsubstantial as
the foam upon the water. One General alone
remains with a reputation which nothing seems
capable of shaking ; and that is M'Clellan. All the
rest have disappeared into the outer darkness, never
more to emerge into the light of the people's love.
The present favourite is General Grant, the recently
appointed Commander-in-Chief under Mr. Lincoln,
and the newest new broom that is expected to sweep
everything before it. The General arrived at
Washington yesterday, and, while quietly eating
his dinner at that uncomfortable caravanseri
known as Willard's Hotel, was recognised by a too
inquisitive lieutenant, and compelled to get up
and show himself to the 590 or 6SO men and
women who were all feeding together. The
General made the best of the difficulty, suffered an
immense amount of handshaking, and finally beat
a retreat without finishing his repast. In the even-
ing he presented himself before the President at his
customary public reception,, when the two remark-
able men met for the first time, and surveyed each
other, it is to be presumed, with mutual curiosity.
The spectacle that presents itself to the. General at
Washington, if he study it attentively, is not of a
nature to impress him strongly with the faith that
his own popularity will endure much longer than
that of his predecessors. He will find a divided
Cabinet, as well as a divided people, and in the
upper ranks of the army, which he is about to
direct, an amount of professional jealousy and
heart-burning of the very worst augury for its
discipline and efficiency. Every captain thinks
himself fit to be a brigadier, every brigadier fit to
be a major-general, and every major-general fit to
be President. Everybody is in the way of every-
body else; and self-seeking is the vice and bane and
misery of every one above the rank of corporal.
General Meade in winning the battle of Gettysburg
made himself a host of enemies, and is accused by
some of his subordinate brigadiers, who think them.
selves better soldiers than he, of giving the order to
retreat in the very heat of the contest—of having,
in fact, lost the battle, as far as his skill or general.
ship was concerned, and of having declared what
hundreds of thousands who are not generals do not
hesitate_to avow, that the conquest of the South is
impossible. For these offences—charged against
him by persons whose business was to obey his
orders and not to criticize them—General Meade
has been examined before a Congressional commit-
tee, to learn what answer he has to make, and,
unless supported by General Grant, will probably
be superseded by some other officer who has no
friendship for General M.(Ciell an and no admiration
of the military genius of the hero of Antietam. The
truth is that Meade has served his turn; his poli-
tics, though he seldom avows and never thrusts
them forward, are distasteful to the ruling faction ;
and his history, if General Giant will read it as
attentively as he should along with that of every
other General who has borne a prominent part in
the war, will give him reason to walk warily is his
new position, and not trust too confidently in the
continued favour either of the President, the Cabinet
or the people.
New York, both city and Sate, were yesterday
called upon to decide, through the agency of the
ballot box, the question whether soldiers cease to be
civilians while they are in the field. One of the
greatest of the many perils that liberty is doomed
to encounter during the progress of the war and the
convulsions that may attend the final triumphs of
the principle of secession, is the exercise by the mili-
tary in tie camp of the right of voting. By the
constitution of nearly all the States, this right is
practically denied by the provision which enacts
that the voter shall personally record his vote at
the appointed polling place of his electoral district.
In the case of an army in the field this is impossi-
ble ; and the soldier is temporarily, end, many think,
rightly deprived of the suffrage accorded to all
other classes of the community. Were the Ame-
ricans of this day as jealous of their liberties as
their British ancestors, they would not only not
seek to interfere with the existing practice, but
would strenuously oppose every change which
should even have a tendency to allow the soldiers to
vote in a body under the direction of their officers.
An attempt was made last year in New York, New
Jersey, Peuneylvanla, and other States to bring
about the desired innovation by means of an Act of
the Legislature. In New York a measure was passed
by both houses, but was vetoed by Gov. Seymour
on the ground that a change of such magnitude
could only be legally effected by a vote of the whole
people calling for an amendment of the Constitution.
Yesterday was appointed throughout the State
for putting the vote on this single question.
The republican pariy very generally supported
the change, and with their principles they very
naturally did so; (Jr to give the soldiers in the
camp such a privilege is a step towards the military
despotism to which, under the impulse of their love
of centralisation, they are 5o rapidly driving the
eTiuntry. Besides, such a means of taking the vole
is an attack on the principles of State rights, which
they have resolved to destroy, and on that ground
alone would have been entitled to their support.
The Democratic pansy generally looked with disfa-

he army of the Potomac, and a large portion of
hat of the army of the Cumberland, they were in-

duced in an evil hour to waive their opposition and

loin with the Republicans in the silly cry that it

would be ungrateful to deprive American citizens
of the suffrage, merely because they were doing
military duty at the cannon's mouth. The vote both
in the State and the city was lighter than usual,
but was about two to one as far as the numbers

have yet been made up in favour of the proposition.
A little incident that occurred a fortnight ago in

the army of Gen. Meade miy serve to show how in-
juriously the system may be made to work both
against the soldier and the public. A young Irish-
man, son of a naturalised American, who had en-
listed for the bounty money, declared in camp, in

.e hearing of an officer, that if the soldiers were

allowed to vote in the Presidential election he would

vote against Mr. Lincoln, and that if he had a thou-
sand votes they should all be given the same way.

For this breach of discipline he was placed under

arrest, and at the last accounts was still in cap-

tivity without prospect of release. This is not
liberty for the soldier; will it be liberty for the
people ? Time will show—and perhaps more

speedily than the Americans imagine.
There are, it appears, some things which are too
bad even for General Butler. Under his command
in the new disirict to which he has been appointed

is a certain Brigadier• General Wild, who t wo months

ago distinguished himself at the head of a negro
regiment in a raid which he undertook to make
through a defenceless portion of the State of North

Carolina, Wild, envious perhaps of the great re-
putation of his chief, not acquired in the battle
field, but in the persecution of women and non-
combatants, looked around for a victim on whom
he could practise in a similar manner. He found
one in the person of the Rev. S. H. Wingfield, of

Portsmouth, an Episcopalian clergyman, who we s
reported to be a Secessionist and a disseminator of
traitorous dogmas. Without giving Mr. Wingfield
warning of his danger, or any opportunity to defend
himself against a charge which might have been
grossly exaggerated, or altogether unfounded, the
brigadier issued a special order (No. 44) to meet
_ _ _ . .

the case. In this he declared his belief that " a
wholesome example was necessary for the benefit of
Mr. Wingfield in particular, and the class of the

community which he represents in general, to teach
men of education and ability that they could not be
allowed to use the talents God had given them for
the purpose of stirring up strife against the Govern-
ment of the United States.'' He therefore ordered
the arrest of this gentleman of education and ability,
and turned him over to a provost-marshal to be kept
to hard labour for three months in cleaning the
streets of Norfolk and Portsmouth, " thus," as he
graciously added, " employing his time for the bene-
fit of the Government he has abused, and atoning in
a small way for his disloyalty and treason." But
the bolts of Jove must not be seized by inferior
hands, aad the novice in demonology must not be
allowed to use the magic books of the master, lest
evil should come of his temerity. General Butler,
if not scandalised, was offended at the act of his
subordinate, and, in a highly characteristic order,
dated five days subsequently to the arrest of Mr.
Wingfield, released that gentleman from the de-
grading portion of Gen.Wild's sentence and remitted
him to military confinement—" not," said the aw-
ful and implacable Butler, " because the punish-
ment is unjust, but because ifs nature may be sup-
posed to reflect upon the Christian Church, which,
by his connexion with it, has already been too much
disgraced." Thus Butler gained a double triumph.
lie snubbed a too presumptuous subordinate, and
launched a second insult at the head of a gentleman
who is unable, even if he were willing, to retaliate.
If there were any esprit de co7ps among clergymen,
irrespective of their creeds, it might be worth the
while of the Northern preachers to raise their voices
against the tyranny of which General Butler has
set the example. The day may come when military
ruffians may wield all the power of the North, when
major-generals and brigadiers may, in Mr. Lincoln's
phrase, " run the churches," and not only decide
what is loyalty in the pulpit, but what is " truth"
and what is " Christianity." There may be in the
armies of the United States many embryo heroes
who do not believe in " Beecher," who have no faith
in " Cheever," who have no reverence for " Tyng,"
and if the turn of the revolutionary wheel should
invest any one of them with supreme authority in
New York, it might be awful to reflect to what hard-
ships, indignities, and persecutions these now shining
lights of the loyal churches might be exposed it
what is now loyalty should receive another epithe t
from the mouths of men in power. But the Northern
pulpit is silent on the subject. In the eyes of halt
the clergy of New England and:Nevv York, Butler
is a saint and a hero—a pillar of orthodoxy as well
as of loyalty—who" runs the churches" for the glory
of God, the support of the national life and the honour
of the flag. Is this the spirit of the Puritan Fathers ?
Or is it a new spirit altogether, the existence of
which is incompatible with civil or religious liberty ?
The Union League of this city, an association
composed principally of war contractors, jobbers,
political clergymen, and other devoted adherents
of the Administration, organised on Saturday last
a novel spectacle for the amusement of the multi-
tude. Regiments of white men going to or return-
ing from Southern battlefields have long ceased to
attract notice. They pass up or down Broadway
without exciting even the cheap compliment of a
cheer or the flutt©r of a pocket handkerchief. It
seems, however, to have struck the mind of some
more than usually imaginative member of the
League that if white heroes could no longer move
the crowd to sympathy or rapture, black heroes
might. The idea took root and flourished. The
fair ladies who, though not members of the League,
were mothers, wives, sisters, or sweethearts of
those who were, took up the notion with avidity,
and wrought with their own delicate hands a silken
banner to be presented to the 20th Regiment of
New York Volunteers, a black regiment, com-
manded by white officers. The flag was publicly
presented to them in their square on Saturday; a
" spread eagle" address was read, and a " spread
eagle" speech was made in presence of a large mul-
titude; the white Colonel returned a " spread
eagle" reply on behalf of his black fellow-soldiers ;
the officers, all white men, having been regaled
inside, at the Everett-house, and the rank and file
having been regaled on less sumptuous and luxu-
rious fare outside in the open square, marched down
Broadway, amid the vociferous cheers of a great
multitude of spectators. The black soldiers looked
very fine fellows. They were dressed in bran new
uniforms, marched jauntily along, with their new
banner fluttering in the sunshine, and seemed a
thousandfold more delighted with themselves and
with their reception than white soldiers would have
been under similar or any circumstances. A year
ago such a spectacle in New York would have been
a perilous experiment on the temper of the people ;
and, if attempted, would have led to serious
breaches of the peace. It may be asked if the prin-
ciples of those who acknowledge the negro as a man
and a brother, and as a person as fully entitled as
themselves to all the political rights and social
privileges that belong to honest manhood, have
made such progress in the interval as to have effaced
the ancient antipathies and prejudices of race, and
produced that moral sympathy between white and
black which is hereafter to produce that physical
" miscegenation" tolwhich tho advanced humanita-
rians of this continent look forward es the perfec-
tion of our species ? The answer is, decidedly not.
The crowd which cheered the negro soldiers cheered
in derision. They looked upon every black recruit
as a satisfactory reason for the non-employment of
ewhite conscript. "The greater the number of
black men who fight in this war, the smaller the
number of white mon who will be required." " Let
the niggers go—and if they never come back, so
much the better." " Black food for powder is better
than white."
Such, without the profanity and ob-
scenity with which they were mingled, are but a
few specimens of the comments of the crowd which
witnessed the procession, though, like the berh
banded and garlanded bulls of ancient Greek sacri-
fices, the joyous negroes knew nothing of the fate to
which they were so coolly consigned.

THE, SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 23, 18M

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS.—March 22,

(Before Mr. Payne.)
A SCENE TN COURT,

Robert Griffiths, 24, cabinetmaker, was indicted for steal-
ing six knives and six forks, a stock, a die, a plough-plane,
and six irons, the property of Martin James Boon.
Mr. J. P. Wood prosecuted ; Mr. Pater defended the
prisoner.
The prosecutor is an ironmonger and tool-dealer living at
No. 45, St. John-square, and the prisoner rented a room at
the back of his shop for six or seven months, and he used to
look after the shop while the prosecutor was out on business.
During that time a quantity of tools were missed. The pri-
soner was suspected of stealing them, and George Ranger,
police-constable 199 G, took him into custody, telling him
he was charged with stealing a stock and die. He said at
first he knew nothing about them and attempted to run out
of the shop, but he was followed and taken to the station-
house. The policeman then went to the prisoner's house,
and in a portfolio found 7J duplicates for tools, three of
them relating to the tools then produced. The prisoner was
asked how he accounted for so many duplicates relating to
tools, and he said some of them belonged to him, but the
greater portion of them belonged to the prosecutor.
During Mr. Pater's cross• examination of a witness, the
foreman of the jury remarked he thought the learned coun-
sel had no right to insinuate that witness was not speaking

the truth.
Mr. Pater said it would be better for the foreman not to
get into collision with him, and insisted upon his right to
cross•examine the witness with a view of eliciting the truth,
and in his address to the jury with great emphasis exclaimed

—" I thank God there is more than one juryman to deter-
mine whether the prisoner stole the property with which he
is charged ; for if there was only one, and that one was the
foreman, from what has transpired to-day, there is no doubt
what the result would be."

Mr. Payne said that was a very improper observation for
Mr. Pater to make to the foreman of the jury, and if he
went on in that strain he should consult Mr. Bodkin, the
Assistant-Judge in the other court, as to what should be
done.

This sort of thing being continued,
Mr. Payne left the court to consult Mr. Bodkin, and on
his return he said—l have consulted the Assistant-Judge in
reference to this matter; but it is his opinion that at this
stage it would not be fair to interfere, as it might prejudice
the case against the prisoner at the bar ; but when it is con-
cluded we shall then consider what course should be taken
as regards Mr. Pater.
Mr. Pater said there ought to be a fresh juryman in the
place of the foreman who had acted so improperly.
Mr, Payne—You are only repeating your former insults.
Mr. Pater—And I shall continue to do so to the eud of
time. Things have arrived at such a pitch that lam bound
to resent, and as a great number of the remarks which have
fallen from the bench have been applied to me, 1 feel it my
duty to speak my mind boldly, and I will always do so, no
matter what the result may be. I am entrusted with an
important duty, and although the duty of the jury may be
more important than mine, yet still mine is an important
duty, for you are sworn to return a true and just verdict,
and according to the evidence. I have to do a duty accord-,
ing to my own conscience and the interest of the client com-
mitted to my care, and I thank God I have discharged that
duty to the best of my ability, and which I shall continue
to do as long as I have the honour to wear a wig and gown.
Notwithstanding the interruption I have received from the
foreman of the jury,let us now approach the fact cf the case,
and see how the evidence points to a conclusion to warrant
you in returning a verdict of guilty. My learned friend Mr.
Wood, in opening the case, asked you to return a verdict in
favour of the Queen, but the Queen cared very little what
result they arrived at, and I do not know why the name of
the Queen was introduced, unless it was to give extra
weight to a case that it did not possess. lie then went over
the evidence, and celled upon the jury to acquit the prisoner.
Mr. Payne summed up the evidence, and the Jury found
the prisoner guilty, but recommended him to mercy.
The prisoner made a long statement that he had been
driven to the commission of the enlace through poverty.
Mr. Payne sentenced him to be imprisoned and kept to
hard labour for eight months.
The Assistant -Judge then came and took his seat on the
bench.
Mr. Payne said—There is a matter connected with this
case to which I have felt it to be ray duty to draw the at-
tention of the Assistant-Judge and the magistrates. Mr.
Pater made use of some observations tov,ards the foreman
of the jury of a personal character. Those observations
were—" I thank God that there is more than one juryman
to determine whether the prisoner stole the property with
which he is charged ; for if there was only one, and that
one the foreman, from what has transpired to-day there is
no doubt what the result would be." The foreman was in
that position ; but although he wished some other person to
take his place, his brother jurymen considered that to be un-
necessary, and he remained. These personal observations
were highly unjustifiable on the part of Mr. Pater, and I
have thought it right to bring them under the notice of the
Assistant-Judge. I, therefore, wish the opinion of the
learned Assistant-Judge as to what course he would recom-
mend should be taken.
The Assistant-Judge—Such things as these are most
painful, and tend greatly to embarrass the administration of
justice. I trust that Mr. Pater will withdraw the observa-
tions,

Mr. Pater—Let me first inform your lordship of a fact
that has not been brought to your knowledge, for you were
not present when this interruption occurred. The foreman
on the previous day interfered in the same unjustifiable
manner, and a learned friend of mine took the first oppor•
tunity of challenging him, and he was removed front the
jury box. I can form no opinion as to his reason for doing
so, unless it arises from an inability to control his own tem-
per. I conscientiously stated my opinion, that if there had
been but one juryman to decide the case an adverse verdict
would certainly be returned, and when he interfered by
making observations, such conduct was unchecked by Mr.
Payne. The foreman said he knew the object of such in-
terruptions by counsel, and after the observations which
feil from tho Bench, I do not feel warranted in withdraw-
ing the observations, and adopting the coarse suggested by
the Assistant-Judge.
The Assistant-Judge--This is a gross dereliction of duty,
for the use of such language is perfectly unwarrantable, I
should recommend Mr. Payne to treat these observations
from Mr. Pater as a contempt of court, and unless they are
withdrawn I should recommend that a fine of £2O be in-
flicted on him, and returned to the Court of Exchequer,
and the Barons of the Exchequer will determine whether
the privilege of counsel is to be abused in that way. He
hoped it would act as an example, not much needed, be-
cause such conduct was confined to a very few individuals.
Mr. Pater—l have acted conscientiously, and I decline
to withdraw the observations.
Mr. Warton—l wish to say a word. I confirm Mr. Pater
in what he has said, The foreman was challenged by me
for improper conduct the day before.
The Assiatant-Judge—To challenge a juryman is the
right of counsel, bat it was a very different thing to abuse
him.
liMr. Payne—l saw nothing in the conduct of the foreman
to justify the observations made on him.
Mr. Pater—l wish to make a few observations.
Mr. Payne—l must decline to hear you, unless you with-
draw the observations. DJ you do so?
Mr, Pater—Certainly not.
Mr. Payne—Then I fine you £2O.
Mr. Pater—l can now say that the opinion I have
formed of you is concurred in by every member of the bar.
Mr. Abram—l do not concur in it,
Mr. Wood—Nor I.
Mr. Pater—You (Mr. Wood) prosecuted. The matter
shall not rest here. I shall bring the subject under the
notice of Sir George Grey, and very probably your removal
from the bench will be the result.