The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 2, 1864.

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MADAME RACHEL ON "FEMALE GRACE AND BEAUTY."

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ABOOK OF B E A U T Y.
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QOHO ESTATE. HOUSE, AND GENERAL
1.7 BusINF SS AGENCY OFFICES.—Persons requirintr,
Freehold or Leasehold Property, or havintr. Business and
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Soho, W.
Valuations for Probate Administration, Fire Claims, Rail-
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REARDEN, LAND ESTATE. and
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personally, or forwarded free of charge. N.B —Several Town
and Country Residences, Landed Properties, and Farms
wanted to Rent and Pur hale immediat, ly.
Direct full particulars to Mr. Reardon as above.

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IFEBOAT SERVICES.—Daring the recent
A heavy gales some of the Coats of the Royal Naional
Lifeboat Institution have been instrumental in rescuing the
crews of the following wrecked vessels :—Schooner Theophi-
lus, of Aberdeen, 5 men; barque Tamworth, of Norway, 17 ;
schooner Northern Lights, of Preston, 4 : pilot boat, of St
Ives, 7 ; schooner Arion, of Workington, 4; schooner Gipsy,
of Drogheda, 4 ; smack Saucy Jack, of Inverness, 1 ; barque
Marietta, of Lisbon, 1 ; fishing boat, of Filey, 2' • Tenby
fishing bet, 3; and barque Providence, of Dantzic,7. Total
lives saved, 65. The lit eboats also assistel in bringing safely
into port, with their crews, consisting of 20 men, ihe Italian
brig Camoglin,,, the schooner Sir Colin Campbell, of Whitby,
the schooner Guilin, of Palermo, and the ketch Snip, of Am-
sterdam. The lifeboats also went off in reply to signals of
distress on fourteen oosasions, but their services were not
ultimately required. The amount of reward p ,id for all
these services was £216.
- - - -

Vaal
The Committee of the Institutionearnestly AP PEAL to the
public for ASSISTAN,E to enable them to meet the con-
tinued heavy demands on the Society's 125 lileb at estab-
lishments. Contributions are receiv. d by all the Lonilon
and country bankers ; and by the Seoretary, Richard Lewis,
Esq., at the Institution, 14, John-street, Adelphi, London.

A.D. 1720.
ROYAL EXCHANGE ASSURANCE
CORPORATION
(Established by Charter of his Majesty George the First)
FOR SEA, FIRE, LIFE, AND ANNUITIES.
Offices, Royal Exchange, London.
Branch Office, 29, Pall-mall.
OCTAVIUS WIGRAM, Esq., Governor.
GEORGE PEARRES BARCLAY, Esq., Sub-Governor.
Sir JOAN HENRY PELLY, Bart., Deputy-Governor.
DIRECTORS.
Henry Bainbridge, Esq. Wilmot Holland, Esq.
Robert Barclay, Esq. Earl of Leven and Melville.
'ohn Garrett Cattley, Esq. Chas. Jno. Manning, Esq.
Mark Currie Close, Esq. Henry Nelson, Esq.
William Davidson, Esq. Hon. Josceline W. Percy.
Thomas Dent, Esq. Charles Robinson, Esq.
Alexander Druce, Esq. Samuel Leo Schuster, Esq.
Fredk. Jos. Edlmann, Esq. Eric Carrington Smith, Esq.
Riversdale W. Grenfell, Esq. William Soltau, Esq.
obi. Amadeus Heath, Esq. Joseph Somes, Esq., M.P.
Wm. Tetlow Hibbert, Esq.: William Wallace, Esq.
Jas. Stewart Hodgson, Esq. Chas. Baring Young, Esq.
Medical Referee, SAAILYEL SOLLY, Esq., F.R.S.
NOTIC E. The usual fifteen days allowed for payment of
FIRE PREMIUMS falling due at Christmas will expire on
9th January.
FIRE and LIFE ASSURANCES may be effected with this
(:orporation on advantageous terms.
Insurances against Fire on Merchandise in the (looks and
warehouses in the Port of London are accepted at the late
reduced rates of Premium.
FAR M ING-STOCK.—No extra charge is made for the use
of a Steam Thrashing Machine.
The Reversionary Bruins on British Life Policies has ave-
raged nearly 2 per cent. per annum on the sum assured.
Equivalent reductions have been made in the Premiums
payable by persons who preferred that form of Bonus.
The divisions of Profit take place every Five years.
Any sum not exceeding £15,000 may be insured on one
Life.

This Corporation affords to the Assured—
Liberal participation in Profits—with exemption from
the liabilities of partnership.
A rate of Bonus equal to the average returns of Mutual
Societies—with the guarantee of a large invested Capital
Stock.
The advantages of modern practice,—with the security
of an Office whose resources have been tested by the ex-
perience of nearly a CENTURY AND A HALF.
ROYAL EXCHANGE, LONDON.
ROBT. P. STEELE, Secretary.

ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Grav's-inn-road,
in the immediate vicinity of the Great Northern Rail-
way Terminus. King's-cross.
Patron—Her Most Gracious Maje3ty the QUEEN.

Vice-Patron—Tlis Royal Highness the Prince of WA LE 7,K.G

President—Dis Grace the Duke of BUCCLEUCII, K.G,

Treasurer—Edward Masterman, Esq.

The numerous and urgent appeals of the si k poor for ad-
mission compel the Committee to entreat the bounty of the
affluent and humane, as the medical officers are daily obliged
t ) treat as out-patients many distres -tug cases which. with
more adequate funds, they would gladly admit into the wards.
The premises of the Hospital are capable of containing 500
beds.
The Hospital is not endowed, but is wholly dependent on
voluntary contributions and legacies, which are received by
the Treasurer, Edward Masterman, Esq., Nicholas-lane; also
by Messrs. Coutts and Co. ; Drummond and Co. ; Hurries and
Co. ; Ransom and Co.;• Prescott, Grote, and Co.; Smith,
Payne, and Co. ; Glyn and Co. ; Jones Loyd and Co. ; Barclay
and Co. ; Denison and Co. ; W Maxus, Deacon, and Co. ;
Overend, Gurney, and Co. ; Nisbet and Co., Berners-street ;
Masterman And Co. ; 7. Barned and Co., Liverpool ; and at
the Hospital, from 10 till 5.
STANFORD S. SMITH Secretary.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—We may presume that the list of an-
ewers to the invitation of the Emperor to the Powers
to meet in Congress is now complete, since we have
received the answer of the no' st remote of them
all. It is certainly rather startling to find that, by
virtue of the new position which has been allotted
her among the Powers of Europe, Turkey has a
seat and a voice in an assembly which, according
to the Emperor Napoleore pos,esses the right to
arbitrate on whatever disputes may arise between
Christian Powers. To say truth, however, great
as this privilege may be, Turkey evinces no very
strong inclination to avail herself of it. She does
not meet the Emperor half way, with that bound-
ing step and those outstretched arms with which the
smaller Powers meet the proposition to open a Court
before which every oae may gain a hearing for any
claim however stale, and every grievance however
antiquated. Turkey is, as the Sultan pointedly ob-
serves, an "empire the interests and prosperity of
which depend in a great measure on the mainten-
ance of peace ;" and we can well imagine that her
wisest statesmen would wish to see that peace placed
on solid and durable foundations. It cannot well be
otherwise. Of all the nations of the earth Turkey
has probably the most to dread from war, and the
most reason we should think to dislike the notion of
a European Congress. The Turkish empire is made
up of a number of provinces, some more, some less
dependent on the central Government, from Egypt,
whose dependence is little more than nominal,
to the Asiatic and European provinces in the im-
mediate neighbourhood of Constantinople. It
may be compared to a tree whose fruit is in every
stage of ripeness, sesntresteanetng to maturity, some
ready to fall immediately, but all preparing sooner
or later for a separation from the parent stem. Ser-
via, Moldavia, and Wallachia are specimens of the
latter class; Candle, Epirus, and Thessaly, of the
former. It seems almost a mockery to ask the Go-
vernment of such a country whether it wishes to
enter into a conference in order to hear what the
Great Powers—the friends of its disaffected
provinces—have to show against their remaining
any longer part of a Mahomedan Empire, and
to argue the case before a jury of Powers all
professing the religion of its disaffected subjects,
all entirely hostile to the religion of the dominant
race. The Turks probably also have not forgotten
how narrowly in the course of the Congress at
the close of the Crimean war they escaped the
presence of Russia on the Danube, which the Go-
vernment of France exerted itself so earnestly to
obtain for her. Nor can the wish of Turkey to
enter a Congress be, we should think, in any way
increased by the information that in this Assembly
England, her only heart! and disinterested friend,
whose policy has been more Turkish than the Turks
themselves, will not hays a seat or a voice. Still,
Turkey is not in a position in which she can afford
to make an enemy of sc potent a protector as the
Emperor of the French, and she ought not to for-
get that she owes to him, in conjunction with Eng-
land, her deliverance frors the standing menace of
Sebastopol, even though by his rather hasty with-
drawal from the conflict to prevented the complete
humiliation of the Mescovite Empire, and the
consequent security of 'Turkey. We trace in the
manner in which the Sultan responded to the
invitation to join the European Congress the tactics
of a diplomacy long need to deal with Powers
to whom it was not advisable to give a direct
negative, and deeply versed in all the arts of eva-
sion and subterfuge. Any one who will carefully
read the written answer returned by the Sultan to
the question whether Turkey would be willing to
join a Congress of the European Powers to be assem-
bled at Paris will find, amid all the civilities and
amenities of the document, that this is precisely the
question to which it does not afford any answer.
The Sultan thanks the Emperor for his friendship,
assures him of the reciprocity of his feelings, and of
his earnest desire to prove the high value he attaches
to it. The prosperity of the Turkish Empire de-
pends on the maintenance of peace. As to the per
sonal opinion of the Sultan on the Emperor's pro-
position, he refers to his conversation with the
French Ambassador, and to such communi-
cations as may be made hereafter by the
Turkish Ambassador at Paris. The question thus
remains unanswered, in writing at least, and the
records of the French Foreign-office will show no
official document declaring whether Turkey is or is
not ready to join in Congress with the other Euro-
pean Powers. We cannot believe that the Sultan,
or, at any rate, tt.ose who advise him, are so igno•
rant of the ordinary forms of public business as not
to be aware that the proper answer to such a ques•
tion. as it was proposed by the Emperor of the
French in writing, would be a written acceptance or
rejection, not a string of empty compliments with a
reference to a former conversation and to another
which had not then taken place. We can only sup-
pose that this peculiar manner of meeting the question
was a bungling attempt to conciliate the demands of
civility with the unwillingness to give a positive and
binding answer, and that itwas thought that it might
be more easy to explain away the report of a con-
versation than a formal and deliberate statement in
writing., To know, then, whether the Sultan is
willing to join the Congress or no, or rather, as he
says, what, are his personal views, we must refer to
the version of the conversation between him and
the French Ambassador which is printed in the
Moniteur as the key, we presume, to an explana-
tion of the written answer, which explains nothing.
The Sultan, after compliments, set's he shall be very
happy to make the acquaintance of the Emperor,
and visit so fine a capital as Paris. But if he could
know beforehand the bases on which an under-
standing would be come to, that would, perhaps, be
better, since in that case he could act with a full
knowledge of the subject. The French Ambassador
assures him, in reply,
that it is for the Congress, and
not for the Emperor, to decide on the points to be
treated on. The Sultan replies, with evident
anxiety, that his observation did not conceal any
position ; he now understands the
difficulty
of of or
position
known beforehand the subject
sentiment
of deliberation. He therefore accepts the invitation,
but, as his presence alone in France would not be
sufficient, he will not go unless the other Sovereigns
go also. If the meeting take place, Turkey will
not be the last to make herself represented at it.
He dismisses the Ambassador with the assurance
n
that he is about to reply to the Emperor's letter,
a Emperor will be satisfied with his
answer Points. The Sultan should have said
" on which an answer is given," for,
a
the principal question
and that
all
havel al
ot
points
to
ahi
beforee ts
shown, on
that was asked the reply gives no answer at all.
This is certainly a very strange proceeding. The
letter refers to the conversation, and the conversa-
tion refers to the letter, which almost seems to
amount to a vicious circle, in which the letter is to
be interpreted with the assistance of itself. Never-
theless, we do not doubt that should a Congress ac-
tually be summoned—even a restricted Congress—
Turkey " will not be the last to be represented
there." She, doubtless, does not wish the Congress
to meet ; but if it must meet, she will take care to
be represented there, in order to protect interests
which might otherwise be seriously imperilled, The
whole proceeding is an enigma, and we offer these
remarks as the best solution of it at which we have
been able to arrive.
POST.—The note of Sir Alexander Malet to the
Federal Diet at Frankfort carries the Danish ques-
tion, to a certain extent, into a new phasic. While
it clearly explains the general views of the British
Government, on the leading points in dispute, it
announces the readiness of this country to enter
into a Conference both with the other signataries of
the Treaty of 1852, and with the Germanic Confe-
deration. Although it did not become the dignity
of all the non-German Powers who signed that
Treaty to make collectively such a concessio'i to the
present prejudices of Germany, it is not difficult to
perceive that such a proposal as the present one is
practically equivalent to the formal proposal of a
Conference on the part of all of them. There can
be little doubt that Denmark has lookeea with satis-
faction on the suggestion of an expedient which
may result in her disembarrassment, by means of
general diplomacy, from the difficulties with which
she is at present surrounded. It would seem, also,
from the terms of the note of Sir Alexander Malet,
that France, Russia, and Sweden concur in the
moderating and conciliatory attitude which the
British Government has assumed is its present de-
spatch ; and therefore, by a fair c construction, it is
to be aslumed thlt the three gr Q.atest Powers of
Europe, and Sweden besides, are, ready to see the
present Danish question brough% within the limits
of a diplomatic settlement in a Conference. Indeed,
such an expedient would be peculiarly coesenta-
neous to the recorded policy of the Emperor of the
French, who may fairly regard it as offering, pro
hac vice at least, some sort of substitute for the
general Congress to which he had wished to submit
the Danish question among the other contingent
difficulties of Europo. The same may be said also
of the Emperor of Russia and co' the King of
Sweden, who, at the outset, looked on the pro-
posal of the Emperor Napoleon less unfavourably
than most of the considemble Powers of Europe.
The King of Denmark, moreover, was so ex-
plicit a supporter of the scheme of a general

Congress, when it was propounded by Frauce,
that a very great change must have come over his
views if he does not readily adopt the present sug-
gest:on of England at a period of greater difficulty
in his own affairs than existed when his letter to
the Emperor of the French was written in Novem-
ber last. This, then, being so, the question next
arises what view would be taken by Austria and
Prussia, and by the Germanic Confederation collec•
Lively, now that a Conference is suggested by Great
Britain, with the almost certain concurrence of
France, Russia, and Sweden ? The knowledge that
these Powers are in accord on the Danish question
must necessarily exert immense influence on the
policy of Germany. Sir Alexander Malet points
out to the Federal Diet that England, France,
Russia, and Sweden were not only parties to the
Treaty of 1852, before the eventuality of King
Christian's accession occurred, but have actually
recognised King Christian since his accession, as
Sovereign of all the territories ruled by Frederic
VII. It may fairly be assumed that such an array
of European opinion would carry with it a weight
that must be irresistible, whatever were the real
wishes of Austria and Prussia. But the more im-
mediate question, is as to the answer which Austria,
Prussia, and the Diet would return. The Danish
Geeeeneeent would probably feel itself already sup-
consent of England, France, Russia,
n such an event it seems literally
ported by tk',9
that Austria and Prussia, the
and Sweden.
impossible to suppos:
two remaining signatarifs of the Treaty of 1852,
could do otherwise than agte:e to discuss the points
in dispute, as arising out of, or s affected by, that
treaty. And Austria and Prussia, it must be re-
membered, whatever may be the activity of the
minor Powers of Germany, are still essentially the
Germanic Confederation ; for, whatever excesses
may have been committed by the agents of the
minor Powers in Holstein, no overt act of the
Federal Commissioners has yet appeared in ad-
vance of the policy declared by the Austrian
and Prussian Governments at Vienna and Berlin
respectively. We may, therefore, look forward with
some expectation to the result of such a propo-
sition for a Conference of the signataries of the
Treaty of 1852 ; inasmuch as the concurrence of
the majority would then doubtless be already had,
and the two remaining Powers could not decently
refuse. At the present moment, it would of course
be quite premature to discuss the particular manner
in which the present differences between Germany
and Denmark might be treated in a Conference.
We can readily imagine several modes of treatment
which would not be inconsistent with the dignity
and honour of either party. These, however, would
probably present themselves to the minds of those
who are acquainted with the bearing of the questions
at issue, and are conversant with the methods by
which diplomacy acts. In point of fact, but few
international differences which once go into a Con-
ference ever survive to come out again. Diploma-
tists rarely let their work be in vain. Some com-
promise is hit upon, dome construction is framed
and adopted, which is felt to be infinitely preferable
to allowing the fire to smoulder anew, and perhaps
to break out in a flame, even if the construction be
not perfectly logical. Although the conduct of
Austria and Prussia themselves has been very far
from what we had a right to expect, we must still
clearly distinguish between their own sense of re-
sponsible action and such frantic dec'arations es
those of the Wurtemberg Minister of Foreign
Affairs, that the little Court of Stuttgardt had
receded from the Treaty of 1852—an announcement
which may be made with as much impunity as were
the wild ntterings of the little band of grand dukes
a few weeks ago. The attitude of the Federal
Commissioners in Holstein affords another evidence
that the Federal Diet is by no means atimated with
the decided views of the petty princes; and the
evident antagonism between those commissioners
and the agent. of such States as Saxony and
Hanover is probably a main cause of the inaction
which prevails in Holstein on the part of the
Federal authorities. The King of Denmark justly
stands upon his rights; but he has also shown
himself to be a prince of a moderating and
conciliatory temper : and the position which he
will hold, under the present suggestion of Great
Britain, with the support of Frauce, Russia, and
Sweden, it will be morally impossible lor Austria
and Prussia to withstand.

Collision off the Lizard.

About 9 o'clock on Wednesday night the schooner
British Queen, of Plymouth, Adams, master, with

coals from Newport to Yealm, came into collision

with the E chow:ter Emblem, of Looe, Bartlett,

master, with copper ore, the weather being thick
and the night very dark. At once it was discovered

hat the British Queen was in a sinking state, as

she was fast filling with water. Both vessels were

n close contact for some minutes, and the master

and mate of the British Queen got aboard the Em-
blem; but in the consternation and darkness it was
scarcely possible to know what had best be done.
The boat of the British Queen was lowered and four
men got into her, and also three men from the Em-
blem ; but it was now found there was no painter
to the boat, and she was soon half filled with water.
Jest then the fishing lugger Naomi, of Newlyn,
Thos. Carter, master, from Plymouth, came along-
side, and took the boat in tow. The British Queen
went down in five minutes, and everything in her
was lost. Two or three of the men were in their
berths with Ecarcely any clothes on. The Emblem
struck the British Queen on the starboard bow and
stove her in, carrying away her bulwarks, stan-
chions, &c. The men were obliged to jump into the
sea to reach the boat. One man had on only a pair
of drawers and a Guernsey frock, and neither shoes.

stockings, nor cap. The Naomi followed the Em-
blem a short distance and spoke to her, the crew
of the latter replying that they believed they were
all right, but this is doubted. The Naomi's hawser
parted through the violence of the weather, and the
boat was lost. The poor weather-beaten fellows
reached Penzance about half-past one at midnight,
and had great difficulty in getting into the pier,
as the tide was low and a heavy sea was running
at the time. The next morning Mr. Ludlow,
honorary secretary to the Shipwrecked Mariners'
Society, fed and clothed the men, and sent them by
railway to their several homes at Plymouth and
Looe. This makes 63 seamen forwarded to their
destination by rail from Penzance by the society
during December 1863. It was hoped the Emblem
might have arrived at Falmouth, but on inquiry by
telegram it was found that no such vessel was in
the harbour, or near, at 1 p.m. yesterday. The
names of the men landed at Penzance from the
British Queen are John Matthews, Edward Clarke,
Henry Shipley,
.and William Collins—From the
Emblem—Edward Scantlebury, mate, Thomas
Steaens, and Samuel Good. Carter, the master of
the Naomi, ought not to go unrewarded, as he lost his
hawser, and throughout exposed his own boat and
himself to considerable risk in bringing the seven
destitute men safe to Penzance. The men
themselves were full of grateful expressions,
and the Emblem's men were very sad at
what they feared mast be the loss of
their ship and the men on board. All declared
that as it was they had a fearful struggle for life,
the captain of the sinking ship begging them to
jump into the sea to the boat, and he being the last
man to leave her, only a few moments before she
went down. Had they stopped to save even their
clothes they must have been lost. The collision
occurred just outside the Stag Rocks. The first
report of the occurrence, from a Penzance corre-
spondent, was as follows—" The schooner British
Queen, Adams, of Plymouth, from Newport for
Yealm, with coals, was run into by the schooner
Emblem, of and from Looe, for Port Talbot, with
copper ore, off the Lizard, on Wednesday night.
The British Queen immediately went down. Her
captain and mate got on board the E:ablere, and,
it is supposed, praceeded to Falmouth. The mate of
the Emblem and two of her crew got on board
the British Queen, and with four of the crew
of the latter vessel were picked up in the ship's
boat by the Mount's Bay fishery lugger, Naomi,
Carter, from Plymouth, and landed at Penzance,
yesterday morning. The names of the men are
as follows :—From the British Queen, John Nen-
theus, E. Clark, W. Collins, and Henry Shapcott.
From the Emblem—Edwin Scantlebury, Samuel
Good, and Thomas Stevens."—Western Morning
News.