The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-10 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.
SHEFFIELD.
On Thursday a large open-air meeting was held in
Paradise-square, to receive our borough Members,
Messrs. Parker and Roebuck, as candidates for re.
election.
The hour fixed for the meeting was two o'clock in
the afternoon, and a few minutes before that hour,
Messrs. Parker and Roebuck appeared in the square
with a number of the members of their committee,
who had lunched with them at the Royal Hotel. The
attendance was not very numerous.
Mr. Caow.retEtt proposed that the Ilayor should be
sent for to preside ; the motion was seconded by Mr.
Rooms°er. and carried by a general show of hands.
The MAYOR, having arrived, was received with
cheers. He hoped that they would show that a Shef-
field audience would give a fair hearing to every man
who might have to speak. He first introduced Mr.
Parker.
Mr. PARBER—(Cheers with an attempt at hooting,
and cries of " Order)—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen,
having been for many years the representative of this
borough in Parliament, I assure you that though I
have a deep sense and conviction, which experi-
ence has not removed, of my unfitness, to a cer-
tain extent, for the great task I have undertaken,
I have been sustained by the principles that have
always animated me, and I never came before you with
greater confidence in the position I have maintained.
.—(Cheers.) Yet, gentlemen, strange to say, though
that word " Protection" has for many years been
familiar in our ears as household words in the mouths
of a certain party in the House of Commons—though
that House has been mystified, though some counties
have been seduced, though boroughs not intelligent
and large like this, in some parts of the country have
been deluded with the idea of a return to this Eleusi-
nian mystery of protection, so great a change has
come over the spirit of the dream of that party, and
since the chancee of the Government—since Lord
Derby, the head and foundation of the Protectionist
party, was called to office—since the Protectionist
chief summoned his Protectionist colleagues around
him, and formed what the world vainly believed to be
a Protectionist Government—yet now the word is
never named by that party—and the only people from
whom we hear nothing of protection are the Protec-
tionists. They never mention it—" that once
familiar word." It seems as if, by common consent,
whether in speeches in the House of Commons, or
in addresses to constituencies, or in the usual inter-
course between political men and their connexions,
the phrase that used to animate their phalanx is dis-
used by common consent. Having eubverteulathe late
Administration, and being now on the sunny side of
evvning-street, the very subject which formerly
bound and confederated them together is forgotten,
and they are going about the country addressing the
towns as Free-traders, and reserving protection for
counties. I beg to advise you—whoever may have
the honour of representing you in the next Parlia-
ment, to send, be they who they may, gentlemen who
have given bail for free trade. I do not presume to
say that I am the right man to represent you ; upon
that point it is for others to give an opinion ; but this
I have a right to say, as a member of the British
public—as one who has seen something of public
affairs, and who knows a little how things are
worked in the House of Commons—whomsoever
you send to Parliament, send men who will adhere
to this policy, and who, by their conduct in the pest
have given assurance of their conduct for the future.
Whatever difference of opinion there may be, and
there must always be differencee, not only among op-
ponents, but difference of degree among those who
have common objects—acd of those differences I do
not complain—it must at least be acknowledged by
those who have considered the commercial and finan-
cial affairs of the country, that they have been handed
over to the new Government in a way that reflects no
discredit on those who have recently held power. The
peace of Europe—of England—has been maintained :
profound peace, so far as relates to the old dynasties
of the continent, ard the balance of pdwer. There is
in this country a firm determination, under all cir-
cumstances, it possible, to preserve peace, and to cul-
tivate friendly relations with all foreign countries.
But there is a resolution also, with energy and with
success, to maintain our right?, and to uphold the
honour of the British flag and the glory of the British
name in all quarters of the world. Such is the policy
of the English Parliament, and such, I am sure, must
be that of any person whom the electors of Sheffield
will send to that Hoarse.
The Mezoa then announced that Mr. Parker was
ready to answer questions. The first put was " The
Ballot."
Mr. PARKER—Some years ago I voted fur the
ballot. For the last five or six years I have not
voted upon it at all.—(Laughter.) It is quite true,
gentlemen. Ido not deny the popularity of the
ballot at present. I knew the great interest with
which it is viewed by a large class of persons ; and I
really have no strong opinion against it, as is proved
by my having, as I said, voted for it.—(Laughter.)
I am not singular in saying, and it is the opinion of
a great many practical and thinking men, that I am
not so confident of the efficiency of the ballot as to
feel fully justified in advocating it with warmth. I
very m uch doubt its efficiency. I doubt whether it
would accomplish tho object.—(" Let us try it.") As
I tell you, I have already voted for it. ( " And you
voted against it last week.") No I did not. I have
no strong opinion on it one way or the other ; and I
voted for it twice a few years ego, in deference to
what I believed to be the opinion of the borough. I
have not voted against it ; but I am bound as an
honest man to say that I do not believe the result
would be what the public expect. Having this be-
lief, I owe it to you to state it without reserve.
Mr. ROERUCK—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I be-
gan public life in 1832. I was then, as lam now, a
Radical Reforrner.—(Cheers.) I have always advo-
cated the largest extension of the suffrage. I have
voted always with my friend, Mr. Hume.—(Hear.)
I have supported the ballot,—(" You did not run away
like Parker."—Laughter.) If you will let me go
through steadily as I wish, I will answer any ques..
tion afterwards. I take it that as far as regards my-
self there can be no doubt about the ballot. I have
always supported, as I have told you, an extension of
the suffrage. I have also voted for triennial Parlia-
ments. lam against annual Parliaments,—(" Why are
you?") I will
tell you why. I know something
about the confusion which frequent elections create,
and with annual Parliamentsw the elections would come
so rapidly,
thath
when
a man once „e•ot
m office you
could never get hi
lam for a him out again. Therefore, I say
perfect res?onsibiiity, and I believe a
perfect responsibility will gained by
three years thin be better
shall
want those
what else I the by
one' But I will tell you
regularly, that ythree years to come
man's will, but when the three. be dependent upon any
ment shall cease, and a new t years expire, Parlia-
Tn?be elected.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, when in 1832
these were my opinions. Tthe first entered public life,
and as far as a human b=eing Caynare my opinions now,
with respect to his own mind, sl'eak of the future
Free -
believe those will be my opinions havei, every reason to
gned free
the large Whig party in this collu,netr?r'ireteaefetteri; When
you we do n"o‘t.ee aiotixn‘tend to lose
traders I was a Free-trader.
trade, and let me inform
it.—(Cheers.) Now I come to the n
the last. I am about to address myself to Ilriqnutesatinocril
of education ; and I come now to the great'
doctrine
of civil and religious liberty. My opinion is this,tha
the opinions of a mad with respect to religious views
are between himself and his Almighty Maker, tal;
voice, here and elsewhere, has always been raised in
the great cause of civil and religious liberty. Some
gentleman below asked what Mr. Parker did about
the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Now, had I wanted
to court popularity in this town, what should I
have done ? I should have fallen in with the leading
principles and views of that time. And let me tell
you that the people of England were against the Ca-
tholics on that occasion. But I said then, as I say
now, that Ireland is Catholic, England is Protestant,
Scotland is something of a stronger degree of Pro-
testantism. You see very few bishops in Scotland.
That being the case, I, as a statesman, was bound to
consider how to govern this country, and it so pleased
the Catholics to do certain things which I thought
not wise, certainly because they gave offence to the
great body of their countrymen ; yet, having done
so, I was bound to inquire whether in reality they
bad attacked the peace, the comfort, or the rights of
their fellow-citizens, and I was bound to say they had
not. Until they had, I thought legislation concern-
ing them unwise, and therefore I voted against the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill.—(Hear, hear.) And what
is more, I suspect that the Noble Lord who pro-
posed that Bill is now very sorry for what he has
done.—(Laughter.) I am a Protestant to the back-
bone, and therefore, as far as civil and religious li-
bert-y is concerned, I go with my Protestant friends ;
but I would give them this caution, not to let their
zeal for great principles of liberty outrun their dis-
cretion. It sometimes happens that a man being
liberal is illiberal in his liberality.—(Laughter.) I
am told that I bear a very sharp tongue—that I am
an ill- fellow.—(Laughter.)
ill-conditioned ill-tempered
I acknowledgedeal, and it lam a vehement man. I talk a great
deal say at
times
happens that people who talk a great
and may eswhat they do not altogether intend,
the great convey Dissenting impressions not designed. But, of
I am bound to speak l'"'dies, taking
To them I belie.'" them as a whole,
we
the greatest possible regard.
maintenance of the gre:ve the mpifeetation and the
gious liberty; and thou PRrhi pies of civil and reli-
with our old Puritan fore-fatlaeshould have quarrelled
were very often wrong, shott,a,tand thought they
1640, for then was laid the nave been a rebel in ;
English liberty. Now, I think Tat\ foundation of
told you what my views are. Let.e Pretty well
1,0 Sffield
observation befbre I conclude. tanje. makhe e one
ix:l_lB.u, I stated my views in this
fete
Was elected without opposition. Sineetqar !
en I have

;'+'~:~,

fzr
'

fl