The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-01 00:00:00

DAILY WEATI4F4II TABLE.

State of the Wind and Weather at each of the following
plszea at Nine o'clock yesterday morning.—The stations
ar,, arranged in order of latitude.
HaTrnms—Wind W.N.W.,!fresh breeze—partially cloudy.
Soo THAXPTON— Wind W., strong breeze—rain.
leomennronn—Wind N.W., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
TUNBRIDGE—Wind S. W., gentle breeze—cloudless.
GREENWICH—Wind S., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
Smooo—Wind N. W., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
Cistnnmon—Wind S.W., gentle breeze—cloudless.
YARMOUTH—Wind W., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
The returns from the following places indicate the state of
the wind and weather on Wednesday morning at nine .
o'c!Gck

MuumiGAß—Wind N.E., strong breeze—rain.
SountrimrToN—Wind W., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
LicroirroN—Wind N. W., gentle breeze—overcast.
HOLYHEAD—Wind N.E., heavy gale—rain.
LANCASTER—Wind N. W., gentle breeze—overcast.
DA /4.12210T0N —Wind N.N.W., storm---rain.
Step—Wind N.W., strong breeze—rain.
13RATTocx—Wind N., hard wind—overcast.

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two decrees prohibiting any foreign vessels, upon the
penalty of confiscation, from removing guano from
any of the islands near the coast of Peru without a
licence from that Government !" Mr. WEusTERI we
repeat, confesses in his letter of the 25th of
August that " information" to this effect has reached
the Cabinet at Washington since the date (June
the 16th) of his former communication. Surely a
somewhat strange acknowledgment from the prin-
cipal administrator in the ranks of the United States
Government / It simply comes to this—that the
Secretary of State at
and very rashly and
talks very largely
in ignorance of public documents, of
the existence of which he acknowledges three months
afterwards that he has recently received " informa-
tion." Let it be remembered, too, that these same
documents are not old crumbling parchments, dating
back to the times of CORTES and PIZARRO, but "two
decrees" issued in 1842 by the Peruvian Government,
yet of the circumstance of their publication eleven
years ago Mr. WEBSTER recently required to be " in-
formed!" Upon a careful reconsideration of all these
agreeable little incidents, it must be allowed that
nothing could by possibility have been " worse timed "
for the interests of DANIEL WEBsTEß—occuring as
they have done simultaneously with the selection of
some eminent citizen to the American Presidency !
Eminent, even amongst the most eminent of those
citizens is unquestionably, in many respects, the very
man who has been revealing of late such melancholy
incapacity as an administrator. Conspicuous amongst
the ranks of the great orators now living, WEBSTER
occupies in America, as a rhetorician, the posi-
tion occupied in England by BROUGHAM, in Hun-
gary by KOSSUTH, in Italy by GIODERTI, in France
by LAMARTINE. His reputation in this respect, at
least, is world-wide, and as such is regarded with the
interest always attached to genius when it creates for
itself a more than ordinary influence among the
masses of the population. Until very recently, in-
deed, we cannot but think that the generality of the
enlightened spectators in Europe would have observed
with emotions of pleasurable sympathy the elevation
of DANIEL WEBSTER to the position of chief magis-
trate at Washington. During the present year,
however, he has betrayed so much precipitation, so
little adroitness, and such very unseemly want of
temper in reference to the Lobos Islands
and to the British North American Fish-
eries, that the sentiments of many on
this side of the Atlantic have been distressingly, be-
cause abruptly and unexpectedly, changed in his re-
gard. Time may yet show whether the undoubted
genius, and what we are fain still to regard as the ra-
tional patriotism of DANIEL WEBSTER canyedeem him
to the re-assertion of the dignity of his somewhat
deteriorated reputation. It were but a sorry consi-
deration for the future BANCROFT of America to re-
member that, as with QUINCT ADAMS, the last public
acts of DANIEL WEBSTER were those expressive of
angry and unstatesmanlike vituperation. History
should have nobler facts to record as the crowning
incidents of lives calculated by the promise of their
early days and their maturity, to prove throughout
uninterruptedly illustrious. Not thus gloomily should
the annalist commemorate to after generations the
existence of those who were admitted by their con-
temporaries to be undisputed chiefs among the Patres
Conscripti of the young American Republic.

The Whigs are coming out again. Prelusive
speechifying has already begun. We shall soon have
another Chasham-place meeting, with the second
Member for London as its chief speaker. Scotland
it is, the university of whose capital had the honour
of educating the leading Whig statesman, which has
afforded to Lord Joss the opportunity of expounding
VVhig claims to popular gratitude and confidence.

His Lordship has been honourably distinguished in

several emancipations, and Stirling and Perth bestowed
upon him, therefore, very appropriately the freedom
of their respective boroughs. At Stirling there were
speeches and a banquet, at Perth a dinner and
speeches (a report of which appeared in The Sun of
Monday). At Stirling the honour was all to Lord
JOHN, the presentation of the freedom of the borough.
At Perth he shared it with one of his old colleagues.
The Hon. Fox MAULE has, by the death of the late
Lord PANMURE, succeeded to his estate and titles,
and his late constituents determined to celebrate their
lamented loss, and his entrance on the second of the
political heavens (for the ,third no unroyal blood
may covet) by a public dinner. It was
to be expected that the Perth meeting should be
by far the more jovial and it was so. All were
good tempered. All praised Lord PANMURE and
Lord JOHN, and Lord JOHN and Lord PANMURE
praised each other and praised their hosts also. In-
deed, everybody was praised but the Earl of DERBY,
and his " Sweet ARIEL," the ARIEL, whose promised
feats of financial magic the official veterans, of course,
treat as they would the promised wonders of some

itinerant katerfelto. Indeed, it must tempt one to
mutter an et to quoque, when we read Lord Parr-
MURE'S smart fling at the DERBY Cabinet—" Judge
them from the past, they are of one colour, judge
them from the present, lo ! they change, judge them

from the future, lo ! they are blank." Recollecting
Irish Appropriation Clauses, professions of retrench-
ment, and certain other peccadilloes, the Whigs
should remember, that if their house of the past
be not exactly a glass one, there is yet enough
glass in it to make them careful how they
throw stones at others' houses. But the " blank
future"—that is what most struck us. Why what a
blank is Lord JOHN'S future ! In his electoral ad-
dresses this summer, he had next to nothing to offer.
Custom's reform was the prominent figure in his fu-
ture. We are perfectly sure that Mr. DISRAELI is
prepared to do quite as much in that department as
the late Premier. No ; his future was nothing. To
the question, what are Lord JOHN'S claims to supplant
Lord DERBY, the chief answer appeared to be that he
was Lord JOHN and not Lord DERBY. In respect to
the future, like his opponents, his only reply was an
oratorical version of a sentence we all learned 'at
school, " open your mouth and shut your eyes and
see—." Quite of the same cast are all
the Scottish speeches. The Stirling people
commended the past of the great statesman, and Lord
JOHN gracefully accepted the commendation, praised
religious liberty, and praised the Reform Bill, which
had given as many voters to Messrs. COWAN and
MACAULAY as formerly returned all the Scottish

Members—and went off to the Duke. And so at the
greater Whig gathering at Perth, the topic of the
day was the past ; what the Whigs had done ;
form Bill, reduction of taxation, slavery abolition,
municipal reform, and measures for religious liberty
and even soma things, like the window-tax, which
were rather squeezed out of their incompetent and

reluctant Chancellor of the Exchequer than given
by him, where all set down to the credit of the
Whigs. Well, all thi., as parties ace, was fair and
natural. Character is worth a grant deal ; some-
times, however, it is worth too much in its possessor's
eyes. When one of our domestics begins to flourish
his past services before us, and to assume airs in virtue
of what he has done for us, we begin to fear he will not
be worth quite so much as formerly; and if we soon
find him less thoughtful, in many respects, of our
wishes than formerly, we quite understand that we
had better part with him as soon as possible. A party
praising its past deeds, is much like a person doing
the same thing, we begin to perceive that their work
is done. Lord JOHN spoke of the late Duke most
justly us one whose principal excellence, his steady
and unhesitating duty, was one in which we could all
imitate him ; we commend to Lord JOHN'S attention
great moral excellence in the Great
another equally
Captain, one which indeed sprung from the other—
namely, that be thought of his greatest deeds and
hardest labours so
simply in the light of duty,
that he was the last man to Speak of them. We
never renvsniber, not even when that great
adverted in the remotest waY
men incurred great unpopularity, that he ever
gratitude" which his to any " debt of
country -owed him. What he
yet could do, was ever with him the only reason for
retaining or accepting any office whatever.
Lord PANMUBE we see exhorts the Liberals to be
!rafted. United for what? that is the question.
What are we to have more from the Liberals in
office than from Tories in office? Lord JOHN may
dream as he will, ,but this is the question which is
asked throughout the country, by U
al -m--,.
mere party
men, and expectants of place. They ask that the
great question of Free -trade versus Protection be
settled as soon as the Funereal duties of the Rolm of ,
Commons are at an_end. They believe that it will be

done. The PREMIER can have no difficulty on that
point. He may adopt Free-trade as the late Duke
did the Reform Bill. He put it to the
country to decide ; it has decided. And as
a constitutional Minister he can honourably carry out
the decision which he anticipated, but which he never
professed to consider adverse to his retention of office.
When that question is settled how will the case stand ?
There is a long string of reforms of vast social im-
portance, which, if Lord DERBY will propose, the
Liberals must agree to. We freely confess a wish,
that we could believe that Lord DERBY'S Govern-
ment would not, if out of office, oppose the same re-
forms. Still this very fact, that the Tories can carry
them if they propose them, that the Whigs on the
other hand could not carry them against the Tories,
especially since the House of Lords has lost its regu-
lator—this very fact, amongst others, leads many Li-
berals to hope for more reforms through the Tories
than through the Whigs. This may be, and is a
hardship on the Whigs ; and it redounds but little to
the political credit of the other party ; it is a hard-
ship, however, which they must bear, or which they

can only escape by once more heading the people.
When, twenty years ago, they worked a
King fond of popularity, and an enthusiastic
people, against the whole power of the House of
Lords, they compelled the latter to give way, and
their first Reformed Parliament placed them firmly
in power. How they rapidly lost it by their repeated
sacrifices of the people to the aristocracy is known
to all. Liberals can stand only by continual reform.
They must always have some important task in hand,
which the Tories will not execute, and they must so
take it in hand, and so conduct it, as not to give
room for suspicion that they rather court defeat than
not. They must not, practically adopting finality in
anything which 'can be improved, oppose the most
admirable and reasonable propositions of independent
members. In a word, they must work for the people
and the people will work for them. If then Lord JOHN
wishes to be Prime Minister again, let him, too, cease
to be a " mystery man." Let him in November tell
the country what he will do for it more than the
Tories. A Reform Bill with the ballot will, we appre-
hend, be the testing point between Whigs and Tories.
Financial reform will, indeed, doubtless, be the
first thing. The abominations of the income-tax,
which the Whigs embalmed, must first be purged by
any party desirous to retain office, and that now in-
dispensable tax also ; the two great parties, however,
are tolerably likemiuded respecting it, both wish
to retain the iniquities of taxing all incomes alike,
and both will yield no more than they are forced ;
but when this, and some other points, perhaps, are
settled, there will be a Reform Bill still behind. The
people are determined that their interests shall not
be jeopardized again, as they were last summer, on
the question of Free-trade. They are determined
that a list of people-less landlord boroughs shall
not, from time to time, nullify the votes
of the largest populations of the kingdom, and the
unrepresented voices of immense towns which have
no Members at all. Lord JOHN must make up his
mind. Chesham-place meetings to cajole the Liberal
Members will not do. He must face the people. If
he will only carry into act some of the views he ex-
pressed last friday at Perth, he might soon resume
the position be longs for. After rebutting the charge
of being a democrat ! and an anarchist I he goes on—
" But it may mean something else; it may mean some-
thing else which it behoves us all to wish—that the de-
mocracy of this country—meaning by that term the
people of this country—by increase of power, by in-
crease of intelligence, by increase of wealth, has increased
in that weight which they must have not only in this
country, but in each of the countries of the world; has
gained an increase in that weight which is due to a
people highly industrious, and earning a competence by
their labour, physical and intellectual—employing their
minds in the acquirement of knowledge, and in the
forming and fostering of that public opinion which is so
much the guide and government of this ouuntry. But,
gentlemen, if these attempts to which I have lately al-
luded are made, which, though they have existed,
ought to be discouraged and resisted—this fair growth
of the honour of democracy—this growth of intelligence
—this growth of wealth—this forming of opinions more
enlightened and more calculated to carry on, in an en-
lightened manner, the government of the world—this is
an increased power which ought not to be crushed, and
ought to be encouraged and maintained.—(Enthusiastic
cheering.) Bat I will say more—l will say this, that
the manner of dealing with that increase of the powers
of democracy could not be according to the old system
of restraint with which I was but too familiar daring
the first few years after I had entered Parliament in
1817 and 1819, which, besides all the faults of an irri-
tation, promoting that discontent which it was intended
to check, proved utterly powerless, and had much the
same effect as if persons were to attempt to dam up your
magnificent river with the view of preventing an inun-
dation—or, to use a simile which applies perhaps more
properly to the present time, as if persons were to lock
up all the gates of the railroad, with the hope that the
express train would be stopped in its course.—(Laughter
and applause.) Well, then, that is not the mode in
which this increase of the power of democracy ought to
be dealt with; but the way in which the power of de-
mocracy ought to be dealt with is, by listening to every
complaint, by considering every grievance, and by giv-
ing a legitimate and legal organ to that power and in-
fluence which otherwise may be mischievous, irregular,
and injurious.—(Load cbeering.) That is my way of
dealing with that which is complained of—this increase
of democratic power in this country."
Such is the language of Lord JOHN RUSSELL out
of office ; could we believe that, somewhat vague as it
is, he would hold the same in office ; could we further
believe that it would not be (like, for instance, his
speech on giving charters to the colonies, and many
other speeches) a mere admirable exordium to a most
meagre and drivelling proposition ; could we think,
that as with the Duke of 'WELLINGTON, deeds would
answer to words—why, then we should feel pretty
sure that the days of Whigs in office would soon
return. Meantime our real hopes are of getting
something from the fears of the " Ins," and more,
eventually, from the aspirations of the " Outs."

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The Government has received the following tele-
graphic dispatches .
" Toulon, Sept. 28. Half-past Eleven at Night.
" His Highness leaves Toulon for Aix to-morrow at
nine o'clock. The enthusiasm which greeted the Prince
at the ball cannot be described. The room resounded
with cries of Vive l'Empereur.'
" Sept. 29, Seven in the Morning.
" The reception given to the Prince President at Tou-
.

lon will be long remembered. The population, which
flocked from every aide, showed an enthusiasm amount-
ing to delirium. Every instant the air resounded with
cries of Viva l'Empereur!"Vive le Sauveur do la
France!' The city yesterday gave a fairy ball to the
Prince, which, for brilliancy and splendour, outdid the
most magnificent fetes. The Prince at different times
expressed his admiration. He is at this moment pro-
paring to return to Marseilles on board the Napoleon.
He has left to all the corps of the Marine proofs of his
high and generous solicitude."
On Sunday last a Te Deum was sung with great
pomp at St. Cloud, and prayers were offered up for
the preservation of the life of the PRINCE PRESIDENT.
The local authorities, Prince JEROME, the superior
officers, and several other persons or note were pre-
sent. In the evening, all these personages, with
four of the Ministers and the Turkish Ambassador,
went to the Chateau of Meudon to a grand dinner
given by Prince JEnomE.
GAILLARD, the Marseilles jeweller, the principal
author of the infernal machine of Marseilles, and who
succeeded in escaping at the moment of its seizure,
has been arrested at St. Etienne. Ile is in the hands
of justice, and has made the most complete avowals.
A man named LORIOT, coppersmith, has also been
arrested at Tours. The name of the man arrested
when the infernal machine was seized is BUECKLER,
a blacksmith.

The account of the plot of Marseilles has pro-
duced the most lively indignation in all the depart-
ments. Te Deems were sung in most of the towns.
At Toulouse, when the Prefect quitted the ca-
thedral, a unanimous cry of" Vive l'Empereur" was
raised.
The Debats has the following :

th;mWselhveens at
th et
heh police-agentsous e in
whichofMarseilles
infernal
machine
presented
was round, Gaillard, a watchmaker, and Bueckler, a
blacksmith, were together. The furmer, on hearing a
knock at the street door, immediately, by way of pre-
c iution, blew out the candle, and then going to the
window of the first floor, asked who was there. It was
then that he saw the police agents. He hastily ran
down the stairs which led into a small court at the back
of the house, and mot knowing how to escape, he, at
the risk of his life, jumped into a well which communi-
cated with an adjoining house, and from thence gaining
the roof of another house, he succeeded in eluding the
search of the officen. Bueckler, who was less alert and
less daring than Gaillard, fell, in seeking to gain a back
door, and was secured by the agents. The affair will
bo brought before the Court of Assizes of Aix, and not
before the High Court of Justice."
It is the Court of Aix which has been charged
with the examination into and trial of the conspiracy
of Marseilles. The investigations are being carried
on with the greatest activity.
The Nouvelliste of Marseilles says--" On the arrival
of the PRINCE PRESIDENT on the Place Saint-
Ferreol he found drawn up there 120 Arne-