The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-19 00:00:00

...Y".# a
isfeolrlmb,ellonsghsontlod
wrongboth. the
out
tint
e-I•dii...
nlieVw ejfrbhni sßuuns
to withhold this true testimony to his great w' orate/w4lraenti 7 -
unmatched ability.—(Cheers.) Igo fniticarhttuhwreear.liivats64464
obil
to 7;1 rhe ir i aristocraticConstitution,dsnedandext
ende
d utnhdaetrthwoh
and safest Ministers of that Constitution are th "g
—s ' I
Whig families. I certainly—except en foreign matters
t
—have never opposed them as an opponent. Let me
take the case of a statesman—the best abused
public man of the day—Lord Grey! I have alwa) s
thought his broad, origins!, and onward views of
colonial reform have been impeded and hindered
by the intrigues of colonial monopolists them-
selves. Oa the cc-Taejon of Lord Elgin's Indemnity
Bill, when the mass of the Peelite party voted against
Lord Grey'S Canadian policy, I supported it; on the
question of Lord Torrington's administration as Gover-
nor of Ceylon, and indeed whithOer the policy of his
office was attacked. And theta forsooth, lam to be
caballed against by my colleague becteuse two miserable
votes are hunted cut to prove that I have not supported
a Government which certainly I resier professed to sup-
, port.—(Cheers.) I say, then, this is a cabals,- b'ereanee
the very frivolity of the pretext trumped up against me
proves it to be such. It is a cabal because it was com-
menced by treachery on the one tide -and was reeled
by patronage loofa the o.her.—(Cheers) It is a cabal
because it originated at a hole-and-corner, dinner; and
was continued at a hole-and-corner meeting. It is a
cabal because it • began in the dissimuletion which.pre-
vented Colonel Romilly from telling me ony votes at
the time had nullified our coalition, and because it
ended in the hypocrisy which professed ignorance of
Sir W. Somerville's introduction to the. constituency.
—(A. hiss.; answered by counterecheers.) I understand
the meaning of that hiss. This I know is strOnglan-
guage, -hut it is language far too weak for
_my ',feel-
ing; and I will ask the gentleman v.-bo dissents from me
to eourteously, whether I have not a right to stigmatize
that cabal which proposes to oust men whose family, for
more thanthrcecenf perfecthasteuiries,
stenenngrGeOtto ouste.elti tze‘h
lt ywoyourCounty, in favour of
o
have served you for three Parliaments in favour of one
who has barely served you for three years.—(Cheers.)
Such, gentlemen, is my ease as between my colleage and ,
m:1'1,0 ; which I leave in all confidence and trust within
your hands. I believe that my friends will take care to
ereveseenrvoyefsevfloofrlin Colonel Romilly the fate which he intended
for myself, I
for Mr.
jthoantstothneereanids
mnonsGteipp—psi:ootusthpoti)!
iiticaiTo)Pt°ankeen, tt9o—pwolnli7hh tmhaatnycacbral t heenald tahreei rli justeot deter-
minedfi c a
don oonsiets in the feet,
be-
trey us".—(Scouts of n N
say I believe with them, tha't as
" as Colonel Romilly has betrayedeir
to use th • ' own language, that
you, so he will
ever never.") lam bound to
betrayed
my own reason-
Ine, so •
think I can already detect the first (Uproar.) And I say in Colonel Romilly has
for-ilthis belief is, that I
will be betrayed.—
spite of this inter-
ruptiontreachery. When Colonel Ro
whole length of Kennington-conarnmilY
germ of meditated
—when he declares for something like i
ng goes
able almost
speechtbe
and when he proposes the complete separationtuouldiversaol fsCuffhrilargeel;
011 that he
aonndlySintaetaen,
meant ail
tin
this k ho
excessiveoug ht t olibeharvaei
isol so Sou
Lord
n of
fhaen
Derby was in office. lam perfectly certain
Lord John Russell was in office he made no Sig
extraordinary zeal in the cause of reform, and I thinlre
if Lord John Russell were to come into office again; all
this liberalism would miraculously calm. lie himself
has omitted to give you the exact measure of his poli-
tics.' feith. It will be in your recollection that in 1850
Mr. Locke King brought forward his motion for an
extension of county franchise. Upon that occasion my
Gallant Colleague voted in favour of that extension of
the county franchise. The next year Lord John
Russell went out of office on that very question;
but the motion was renewed, and on that second occa-
sion Colonel Romilly stated, that, inasmuch as Lord
John Russell had given a pledge that ho would go for-
ward and onwards at some time or other, and sooner
rather than later, with a Reform Bill of his own, he bad
no hesitation in voting against Mr. Locke King's motion.
—(A laugh.) The question was again brought forward
in 1852, and then my Gallant Colleague returned to his
first love, and voted in favour of Mr. Locke King's mo-
tion, which he opposed in 1851.—(Laughter.) Now 1
shell be much mistaken if I shall be supposed to blame
Colonel Romilly's conduct on those occasions. All I
simply mean is this, that Colonel Romilly took up a fair
constitutional position, which was, that when a Minister
in whom he had confidence was opposed to a measure of
reform, and although ho was himself in favour of that
reform, yet he merged his own opinions and sacrificed
his own judgment in order to support that Government
in which he had entire confidence and trust.—(Rear,
hear.)' I think, therefore, I have a right to say that Col.
Hominy's (Radical opinions are only operative so long
as Lord John Russell may be out of office. Now,
cor my own part, I will only say that my own views are
independent of Ministerial connexion.-a(Chcare.)7 I
have so often given you my opinion on political affairs
that it will not be expected trona me en this occasion to
enter at any great length, or in any particular detail,:on
a statement of my views. At the same
mtaimelntrhituta
think
this epoch, when we are all agreed, ate.
I y coga
you on the advantages of free trade:----(Cheers.) So
early as 1842, when Sir Robert Peel was going on in
:hose tariff reforms by which you have so largely bene-
fited in almost every article of consumption, I then called
'on him to go forward, while I characterized his measure
of that time as the first instulment of a wiser end a
noire thoughtful policy.e4elmers.) In Nen I had the
honour of biting a member of the.; Government which
carried the great boon, and now almost unblasphereed
blessing, of corn-law repeal.—(Cheers.) Now I think,
in conuexion with this subject, and with another in
which you aro greatly concerned, the happiest mode
of extending the franchise in this country wouii
be that by which the wealth of this country
should match so rapidly as that all should
be drawn by their prosperity within the magic infl J-
ena) of the IN. franchise.—(Cheers.) And although it
may seem a somewhat Utopian and romantic theory,
vet if you look at the statistics of the question you will
rind, since free trade has been in operation, this most
rmiarkahls fact, that your franchise has increased more
than twice as fast as your population. Your population
within ten years increases et a ratio of about 12i per cent. •
end your fratcbite increases within the same period
more than 25 per cent. Under these circumstances, I
tan justified in saying that nothing in itself can be more
st;iking testimony to the real value of frea trade than
your franchise. But I conked this
tishenoatu
enough,entat i
there are born into this country more than 1,000 human
augmentation
of
we cannot forget that every day
use
beings, whom I should desire to see, not proscribed into
disaffection, but educated in affection to the
desirecommon-
Ithashoupldaisof the fran-
chise, to see them
because you h
htcyoeweeirts.hLinust recollect that there is
what is
thtermed e
htrhaei
olowest
furtherwea lth .
with
cnloatssa
wshinogletsunnitot
of minus before his name—(Great laughter)—beemse
the groat majority of individuals in this country are, so
amboonrng
to speak, swaddled in insolvency, credled in deficiency,
baptised into bankruptcy.—(Renewed laughter.) per
thfey the all
old Whit;ave tops,pry pay their quotas of the national debt.
I
in last century, who laid down the
position chat taxation and representation ought to b
concurrent—if the great men, like Mr. F e
ex; who laid
down that principle, were
h
alive. at the present onennt
when the principles of taxation Was better In -----,
I think that they would see that their undersiood,
the whole length of 'adrenal sate", principle went
one who consumes is—however indzrt 0e; because every
I beard, in this sense,
theother 1:: o tly--.--
plainly taxed.
words which fell from the lips ofay, some significant
Exchequer, about the claim, of labour
the Chancellor of the
meant anything at all, would seemabour, which, if they
inten-
tion of going somewhat further to indicate an
in the comae of electoral than Lord John Russell
- •reform.
one more point upon which Now, there is only
to occupy your attention
I wish for one moment
to the Bajada „esti f !lad that is with regard
the militia, not because I°l3. I have voted Benet
scheme of rival part' Was in favour of any particular
les, but simply because I believed
that all such schemes
were uncongenial to, and inhere
mercial community; temper and spirit of this greate ,°,_°.s,s-
-the whi-.4 thing tlyta; and because, in one word,.
wi think
the
about to be invaded by that;
If,. licnodrpc'esd'theewn7wu .
almost disbanded NationallaGt very s.onfal•triaseee—
('A laugh)
—the issue might possibly be doubtful; but inasmuch as
Ido not apprehend such a result, I am afraid that our
militia eau scarcely expect to boast of victory over the
most warUco troops of the 'most warlike nation in Eu-
rope.—(4. laugh.) Let me now leave my case in your
hands. I, of course, cannot presume to tell what may
be the issue of this election. lam not indifferent to its
result, neither am I sanguine; bat of one thing lam
certain, that if this cabal shall prevail against me—as it
will probably prevail both against me and against its
author—not now, perhaps, amidst the heats and
jars aid conflicts of a contested election, but months
hence, in the calm of disappointment—(,Hear, hear)—
I shall at least be regretted by the non-electors and
unrepresented poor of your city.—(Cheers,) They
whatever may have been ray deiin-
will never forgot. w
quencies of Parliaineutaryn attendance, tha !I never lost
an opportunity of
ffuthweerialfht"
e r interests, and of pt o-
meting, through their . the common wealth; to
Ido not mince the word—from their brn-
raise them—
, t r a
BMC condition—and nothing brutalizes so mach as
• —to raise them up to an education, which always
mtseryed
is always stolen from them by the zealous ra-
pro-mis f contending religionaries—(Cheers)—to raise
petty 0
e responsibility
up to a sense of serrate by all th
..
hem
oft self-representation—to raise them up to an shame
with the State, not only by the links, and gy vea, and
fetters
of taxation, but by gentle ministrations on the
one side, and by grateful thoughts upon the other—
(Cheers)—to raise them up, last not least, in their ma-
terial happiness, by cheapening to them in their homes
every necessity.—(Cheers.) article of primary . Among
tease, also, of easier circumetences and happier posi-
tion, ;Elio may bo better able to determine the mo-
tives which sway politicians, I believe that I shall t e
not only regretted, bet also understood.—(Hear, neer.)
Here was one, they will say, who.bad a vision of his mu
—a crotchet, if you will, in politics—who loved an Peal
liberty, as poets love their mistresses—(ChnerB)--Whose
worship, through good report or bad report, he idolized
clone. Not the liberty of certain Tories, who regard her
as a sort of housekeeper,
.perpetually mourning over the
ruins of a " Bleak House' of her own, always to be let
unfurnished, with
her as a " bitter
to bid.: Not the liberty of
cer-
tain Redicals, who seem to consider ter bar-
maid," for ever chinking coppers in the presence of the
greatest trade the world ever saw, of which they either
will not or cannot understand ell the wisdom of its' mag-
nificent unthrift. Not the liberty of certain Whigs, who
treat her as a courtezan, who must, at the risk of losing
caste, give her favours only to the
privileged and few—
the worn-out odalisque of the Whig harem.—(Laughter.)
But a liberty—how describe her! One who, in our con-
stitutional System, has almost always been in a minority,
sometimes. represented by units, sometimes, I fear, by
ciphers..-the liberty for which Doliogbroke oulked,