The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-28 00:00:00

deed, only a few weeks since—hit it, as
one may say, just exactly between wind and
water —where he depicted the ideal Goddess of
Franc a in her atelier painting Mr. JOHN BULL'S
portrait in the character of an Arch. Conspirator—
a scowl on the stout old gentleman's brow,
revolvers and bowie knives thrust in his girdle, a
guerilla-like sombrero on his pate, the smear:of a
brigand-like moustache upon his upper lip. And
all the while—confronting Gallia—there was Mr.
JOHN BULL himself, in the flesh, very substantially
in the flash, giving her goadesship a sitting with an
ineffable smirk upon his lips, looking, in fact, as
sheepish as any old bellwether on his downs, as
harmless, in truth, as any unweaned calf in his
farm yard. That—as plainly as pincil could put it
oa boxwood—was literally the English of it! Yet,
while) we ourselves know the fact of the matter to
be just as we are here putting it into words from
a remembrance of the good humoured satire drawn
by the most gifted of all our political caracaturists
—we know perfectly well also that such is our
nati anal reputation on the continent, that hardly
any people in Europe will give it credence, even
partial credence. And certainly it must be con-
fessed we have here in England been blundering,
time after time, of late, or at any rate we have
been allowing our statesmen so to blunder re-
peatedly into false positions—yielding thereby a
sort of an excuse to the more cynical of our tradu-
cers on the continent. Things, in fact, have so
fallen out here, not once or twice, but repeatedly—
that afforded a kind of a colourable reason to the
base insinuations of sinister motives and dark
underhand designs on the part of our Government.
Immediately before GARIBALDI's coming to
England, for example, there was a certain member
of our Administration, a subordinate one, no doubt,
(though he did vaunt himself a Minister of the
Crown)—but, however subordinate his position, still
a Member of the Administration who was
detected not merely as being an intimate friend for
many years past of MAZZINI'S, not merely as being
a sympathiser with, and an eulogiser of, MAZZINI,
but as one directly mixed up with MAzzim in his
Secret Correspondence, the Secret Correspondence
of a man notorious all over Europe as an
Arch- Conspirator. That came to light—that was
dragged to light—with difficulty at first, but fully
and clearly in the end—not in any obscure corner
of London, but within the House of Commons itself
—immediately before the recent arrival in this
country of General GARIBALDI. And, then—after
all this extraordinary manifestation of en-
thusiasm in favour of GARlBALDl—another
Minister of the Crown, one who, by his posi•
tion, no less than by his own personal
importance is entitled to be so defined, is detected
(that is really the word for it), is at first with some
difficulty, but afterwards quite clearly, found out
to have been, on the sly, 4' hinting" a reason,
"hesitating" a cause for GARIBALDI'S hasty depar-
ture from London, on the spur of the moment, from
England immediately afterwerde—just upon the
eve of the opening of the sittings of the Confe-
rence! Proceedings of this kind, whether on the
part of an ex-Junior Lord of the Admiralty or
on the part of a Chancellor of the Exchequer, are,
certainly (there can be no denying this at least) not
above board—and, therefore, it need hardly be
added, are not worthy of any member (great or
little) of her Britannic MAJESTY'S Government.
Conscious of these kind of unlucky facts, our more
cynical observers on the Continent will not un-
naturally, under the circumstances, be putting
their own construction upon the wording of this
Address of Farewell to England, this Address
penned at the moment of his departure from
' our shores by General GARIBALDI.

Lord CHELMSFORD'S observations on the subject
of the law of Prizes were very much to the purpose,
and just at the present time seem very appropriate •
It is very important that all who are well qualified
to give an opinion upon E u h topics should come
forward at this juncture and lend their aid to the
disentanglement of a subject which concerns so
many persons, and relates to such varied interests.
It is only when men of mark come forward that the
authorities will condescend to pay any attention to
the eager and expectant individuals who want to
know what is going forward, and are very anxious
to see some changes wrought in the system. The
correspondence concerning the Tuscaloosa was the
groundwork of Lord CHELMSFORD'S discourse, and
he very ably demonstrated the fallacies of the ex-
pressions made use of by our Government in the
course of the discussion. Certainly our Ministers
do not meet with much encouragement in their
publication of despatches and bestowal of corres-
pondence. There is always some one to get up and
declaim against the want of spirit that they have
displayed in dealing with this potentate, or to des-
cant upon the illegality of their claims and the false
nature of their policy. Be these strictures true or
not in a general sense, it is certain that Lord
CHELMSFORD made good his case against the powers
that be. He asked whether the Government had
recalled their instructions, which was about as
strong a hint as he could give that they were of a
class suicidal in policy and ruinous in character to
those who had sent them forth. No one could have
put a case more strongly than did Lord CHELMS-
FORD in showing the illegality practised by our
Government in their actions with the Tuscaloosa
from the outset. It is a very good thing to let this
subject engross the thoughts and occupy the atten-
tion of the House and public for a brief period again
before the whole question is cast into the limbo of
things forgotten. Unwise and incomprehensible as
has been the conduct of our Government through-
out the whole course of the American war, the
Tuscaloosa case stands prominently forward
as an example of inconsistency, harshness,
and injudiciousness. From first to last
there have been a doubt and hesitation
and an utter want of proper feeling exhibited
that must prejudice our country in the eyes of
foreign nations, and militate against the appearance
of coesistency which we ought to maintain in our
relationships to belligerent Powers. Why the
Tuscaloosa should have been interfered with at all
is a question that may very naturally be asked by
the ignorant, and the well-informed may reecho
with double earnestness and energy The injudi-
cious interference, and the most unwarrantable
intrusion created an awkward situation, and
formed a dilemma ready made, es it were, into
which our infatuated authorities plunged them-
selves double deep, and for all the subsequent cone
fusions that environed them, and for all the atten.
dent annoyances and mortifying rotractations they
had bat themselves to thank. So far as anyone
can make a sequence to the story or draw a moral
from the tale, it was a case of unjust seizure, and
shameful spoliation of the rights of others, fol-
lowed ,by timid retractation, and undignified re-
scinding of orders. As Lord CHELMSFORD forcibly
put the case, the previous instructions must have
been either right or wrong. "If they were wrong,
her MAJESTY'S Government need have felt no
humiliation in admitting their error, and making
an apology, and it would further have been an act
of generosity to which the Confederates were en-
tirely unaccustomed." Lord CHELMSFORD went on
to show the mistake made in the line of procedure
adopted by the Government, if their instructions

were right, for they gave the vessel back to its
original owners, and then summarily dispossessed
them of it. The real secret of all this confusion
worse confounded was distinctly given by the noble
and learned lord in this short but sharp summary.
" The fact was, her MAJESTY'S Government did
not like to admit they were wrong, and could not
assert that they were right." Matters have truly
come to a pretty pass when this is the record fur-
nished of an official transaction in which our
Ministers have been concerned for many months.
It needs no political opponent to teach the adhe-
rents of the Government that a change is impera-
tively necessary when such tactics rule the hour,
and such policy obtains favour in high places. The
sooner the debateable point is settled, and the re-
sponsibility left to the discretion of Ministers
taken from those so manifestly incapable of exer-
cising it, the better. Rules and regulations had
better hedge in the conduct of officials in all these
perplexing situations, and the law of "neutrals"
be too firmly fixed and clearly defined for the
veriest partisan to alter it, or the most reckless and
prejudiced chief to depart from it. It was a piece
of arrogant assumption and gross impertinence to
send out such a series of instructions as those
which emanated from our Cabinent. On this occa-
sion, as Lord CHELMSFORD very properly put it,
there was no authority for the proposition that was
laid down concerning the right of neutrals to deal
with prizes after the fashion pursued by her
MAJESTY'S Government respecting the Tuscaloosa.
Earl RUSSELL'S remarks were very much what
might have been expected from the noble lord, full
of grandiloquent asseverations and indignant re-
monstrances that really signified nothing,
and would not bear investigation, either
as to the validity of his arguments or the
consistency of his statements. For the noble lord
to have uttered this last sentence, however, was a
piece of astounding assurance, of which few could
have believed even him to be capable. After
descanting upon the several points of the affair, he
thus wound up—" It appears to me that in all these
cases the right course to pursue is that of perfect
neutrality, and that we ought not to show ourselves
to be animated by a feeling of partiality either on
one side or the other." This is excellent in theory,
but who can honestly aver that such principles are
put in practice at our Foreign Office P Have not
our Ministers time after time exposed themselves
to the ridicule, the contempt, and the indignation
of all honest and independent men by their deter-
mined advocacy of the Federals in every especial
particular, and by their unjust and unprejudiced
conduct towards the Confederates. The best proof
of their very inconsistent policy is afforded by the
fact that over and over again they have compromised
themselves in going too far to please the Govern-
ment at Washington, while in no single instance has
there been any need to draw back in their friend)),
movements towards the South, nor in aggressive
actions to its opponents. When a Minister gets up
in the House and enunciates a principle or lays
down a scheme of policy which sounds very well
and promises very fairly, and then goes back to his
department and directly contradicts by his deeds
what he has eagerly and earnestly advocated by
his words, a very sad state of things occurs. Such
a grievance is now felt by those who seek for public
truth and political morality, and beyond the in-
jurious and injudicious workings of our foreign
regulations at present, we have to lament a decad-
ence in the tone and a deterioration in the character
of our authorities at home. It is all a system of
shuffling that prevails, and a regular course of
action is laid out consisting of bullying the weak
and cringing to the strong, so that the old prestige
of our national spirit is fast vanishing swap. Those
who pursue a devious course cannot possibly be
clear in their accounts of themselves or over scrupu-
lous in their dealings with each other, and one of
the consequences of all this double-dealing in foreign
affairs has been, that we never get a bona fide
statement from Ministers about anything that
touches on awkward subjects.

One of the most difficult questions connected
with our colonial administration came up for dis-
cussion in the House of Commons en Tuesday even-
ing. On that occasion Mr. MILLS moved for copies
of any correspondence which may have taken place
between the Colonial Secretary and Sir GEORGE
GREY, relative to tile proposed policy of confisca-
tion. The hon. member, in a speech of some
length, called the attention of the House to
the condition of affairs in that country. He
deplored the continuance of the war, and
regretted that the local Government should
have proposed measures which could only tend to
prolong it : he expressed hie belief that the actual
expenses of the war would not fall far short of
£1,000,000 sterling, and entreated the House to
consider calmly which course it was the duty of
this country to pursue, and act upon it without
delay or vacillation. The acts which the hon. mem-
ber brought under the notice of the House must
certainly be regarded as harsh and exceptional
measures. Those on the spot can probably best
judge of the necessity and desirability of such ex-
treme proceedings, but they certainly seem to be
opposed to the usual principles of English
legislation. A military dictatorship may be
advisable just now, but the existence of
such an exigency is always much to be de-
plored, and we shall hope that within a very short
period Governor and governed may alike decide
upon withdrawing one at least of these arbitrary
measures, whose extreme severity can only be
justified by the common peril of the settlement.
The first of these acts confiscates 5,000,000 acres of
native land, although a favourable clause is added,
giving to innocent persons a right to compensation
on establishing their innocence. The other act
suspends the operation of the ordinary courts of
law, and to hang, imprison, or otherwise punish
persons suspected of treason, who were to be tried
by a combined court of regular and militia officers.
The passing of such an act by the Colonial Legisla-
ture puts the Home Government in an awkward
position. They are loth to countenance such ex-
treme measures, and yet, as Mr. CARDWELL very
jastly pointed out in his clear and temperate reply,
it might create serious difficulties were the Colonial
Office to disallow the act in question. Mr. CARD-
WELL went on to say that such a course would, in
his opinion, be neither " wise, politic, nor even
possible," and in this view we fully coincide. It is
difficult for us rightly to appreciate the perplexities
and embarrassments of the local Government, placed
as they are in the midst of treacherous and disaf-
fected natives ; but of late years they have more
frequently been censured for an excess of leniency
than for unnecessary harshness. If, therefore, they
have been driven to pass such measures, we may feel
confident that they had some plausible reason for
adopting a course so foreign to their usual policy,
and it would be highly indiscreet on the part of the
Colonial Office to lessen their authority, to suggest
injustice and disunion in our councils to the
natives, and to irritate the already agi-
tated and incensed colonists by so abrupt
an interference with that privilege of self-govern-
ment which we long ago bestowed upon them.
Under these circumstances Mr. CARDWELL has fol.
lowed a wise and prudent course, avoiding alike
injudicious interference, on the one hand, and a too