The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-14 00:00:00

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operation of martial law before the election, in order
by military manipulation of the polling places to
make out a majority for Mr Lincoln ; and that if the
election were left entirely free it would probably in
the whole State, and most certainly in the city of
New York, be cast for Gen. M'Clellan. Whether in
American parlance Governor Seymour have back-
bone enough to resist this invasion of the rights of
his office remains to be proved, In the matter of
the alleged manufacture of military votes by the
Democratic party he has taken a stand against the
Ftderal Government to which neither foe nor friend
can reasonably object. If the New York Democrats
manufactured or attempted to forge such votes or
balloting papers to aid the election of Gen. M'Clellan,
which they may or may not have done, Mr Seymour
insists that the offence must be legally proved; that,
if proved, it is an offence against the State of New
York ; that the laws of New York are sufficient to
punish the perpetrators, and will do so; and that
the interference of the Federal Government is not
alone uncalled for, but illegal. The Governor of
Kentucky, in actual presence of the military in-
timidation which Governor Seymour deprecates,
but has not yet fully experienced, takes higher
ground, or, at least, speaks out with greater
boldness. Mr Bramlette, a Union man, and not a
Secessionist, though probably his sympathies are
not wholly alienated from the South, proclaims to
his people, that having been appealed to in his official
capacity to know whether there was to be a free
election in Kentucky, he has decided that to the best
of his power and resources it shall be wholly free,
and that the military shall not take part in it in any
way whatever except as unarmed citizens. "In
elections," he says, " there are no soldiers, only
citizens." " If, therefore," he adds, " any military
officer shall show himself so regardless of duty as to
assume to direct or control the officer of election,
you must treat such orders with indignant contempt,
and scorn the obedience which would imply perjury
or cowardice in you." . . "No officer of any
rank, from the President downwards, has any right
to interfere with an election. No order to do so can
legalise the act." . . . . "If there be sufficient
power in the citizens present at any place
where such interference may be attempted
to arrest the offenders and hold them over to
answer the violated laws, it will be the
duty of the Sheriff to make the arrest." This is
the bare truth, plainly put, but does not meet the
difficulty. Suppose the Sheriff and the people are
in the minority—that the military force has the
upper hand, as it has in the greater part of Ken-
tucky, what is there to be done by the people ?
Governor Bramlette recommends that no election
at all should take place under the circumstances,
bat that the offenders shall be indicted before the
grand jury. Possibly Mr. Lincoln would not ob-
ject to this mode of procedure. It would deprive
his opponent of votes, the greed jury would find
their true bill in vain, and martial law and mili-
tary necessity would be declared by an obsequious
Supreme Court, with Mr. Stanton acting in all
probability as its Chief Justice, to have superseded
the ordinary course of law, and for the public good
to have temporarily deprived Kentucky of its
liberties.

However the election may ultimately turn there
can be no present doubt that the exposure of the frauds
in Indiana, and the oral as well as written reply of
Mr Lincoln to the deputation from Tennessee,
have largely increased the strength of General
M'Clellan, not alone in New York, New Jersey, and
Pennsylvania, where it was always predominant,
but in the Great Western States, where public
opinion was more c (pally divided ; and, as if going
with the popular tide, the merchants and bankers
of this city have at length spoken out, and in
a large and highly respectable meeting—respect-
able in the truly American sense of the many
millions of dollars which the originators of the
meeting own and represent—have declared them,
selves against Mr Lincoln. After the close of the
banks and the places of business yesterday after-
noon, Wall street and Broad-street—that classic
region where stand the temples of Mammon—were
crowded by the devotees of that great divinity—
drawn together, not as usual by the hope of gain,
or to worship at the customary shrine, but by a
political principle—to listen to speeches delivered
by men of their own standing, experience, and
wealth. The denunciation of Mr Lincoln's conduct,
both of the war and the Government, and of mis-
management of the national finances, was earnest
and emphatic, and the voice of the not remarkably
numerous but influential assemblage, composed of
the first men of the city, was enthusiastic and
unanimous for General M'Clellan. The general
feeling to-day is that if the election be fairly cons
ducted throughout the country General M'Clellan
will be the choice of the people. But as the Elec-
toral College, to be nominated on the Bth, and not
the people in their collective capacity, must ulti-
mately decide, it may happen that Mr Lincoln may
carry the majority of the States—though supported
by only a minority of the people—and be made
President by the questionable votes of Maryland,
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana, If such
prove to be the case, will General M'Clellan and
the Democratic party submit quietly ? He would
be rash indeed who at the present moment would
undertake to answer this question one way or the
other. All that can be said is that the doubt
creates alarm, unsettles the minds of most men, and,
added to the unfavourable news from the Army of
the Potomac—presaging, as it dons, the close of the
campaign against Richmond—has produced since
Saturday last a rise in the premium on gold of 22
II
per cent., and something closely allied to a panic
1 among the operators in Wall'street.

Railway and other Companies.

p,r
- ki•A
$74
4111112;
adlat diaZe

At a special meeting of this company held last week at
Criokowell, Mr C. Bailey, M.P., in the chair, it was re-
solved, after some discussion, to dispose of the property to
the Monmouthshire Railway Company at the rate cf
per ordinary share, the debenture debt of £36,000 to be
paid in full, together with all the expenses of the transfer,