The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-20 00:00:00

Prince Napoleon on the Polish Insurrection

Prince Napoleon, in the Chamber of Deputies
on Wednesday, said—lt will be readily understood
that I have nothing to reply to the speech of the
Marquis de la Rochejaquelein, If the slightest
doubt had been possible, it would have been re-
moved from your minds by the words which you
have just heard. I heartily thank Count \Valewski
for having, delivered them, and I declare that they
completely satisfy me. I have only one regret to
express, which is, that Count Walewski did not
confine himself to those words which he repeated
with an energy which resounded in my soul : " It
is false ! It is false! It is false !" That, in my
opinion, is all that the speech of the Marquis
merited. (Murmurs.) I now return to the calm-
ness of discussion, for the speech to which I have
alluded is not of a nature to produce impression
enough in the country to make me depart from it.
I begin by declaring that he had no intention of
speaking, and what had taken place proves that
silence would have been opportune. I found that
there was an advantage for every one—for the
country, for the Government, and for the Senate—
to bring about a unanimous, or almost unanimous,
vote. In order to obtain that vote, I was ready to
make every sacrifice. The committee, morever,
had itself hesitated on the course to be adopted. I
had besides heard—and be assured that in giving
those details on my own responsibility, I do not
make myself the echo of vague rumours coming
from sources which I could not mention—l had
heard that the Government had shown it-
self undecided, and that it had been in contem-
plation to refer the matter, in the form of a vote of
confidence, to the Emperor. I should, I confess,
have preferred that solution to any other, and it is
only because I am forced to it that I now speak. I
do not come to perform an act of opposition. I am
oot in the habit, and my adversaries themselves will
do me that justice, of concealing my sentiments. I
could have wished in fact not to speak. I well un-
derstand how difficult it is to discuss when all the
elements of discussion are wanting. I feel great
sympathy for the Poles, but I am completely de-
prived of the necessary information as to the prac-
tical means of action, in order to express those sym-
pathies by political acts. I can very easily point
out the tendency which I should wish to see develop
itself in the conduct of the French Government.
But must war be made, or must it not? I cannot
say. Have we allies ? What is the situation abroad?
That I am ignorant of. A foreign diplomatist is now
on a journey, and the whole of Europe is preoccu-
pied with that excursion. In order to have an opi-
nion on that fact it would be necessary that I should
have the portfolio of Prince de Metternich before
me, but I have not. The Government alone knows
what is to be thought on that important point. No
useful discussion can take place except on events
which have been accomplished. F .r instance,
we were able to discuss the Italian question, for
on that everything was known. You are well
aware that on that subject I approved of the past,
and endeavoured to impel the French Government
orward as regards the future. The Senate united
with me in approving of what had taken place, but
on the other point it was not of my opinion. In the
present case the situation is not the same ; we art
on unknown ground ; we do not possess the
elements of discussion, and that, I repeat, is why I
did not wish to speak. The report of the committee
has, however, compelled me to do so. There are
in that document many points of which I approve,
but there are others, and particularly the conclu-
sion come to, which I differ from. I confess that
on hearing the report, I expected a proposition of
referring the question to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, but the conclusion surprised me. The re-
port resembles a sentence of condemnation when
ail the reasoning had appeared to tend to an ace
quittal. On finding that the order of the day was
proposed, I found it impossible not to come forward.
I am well aware of all that we have to expect from
the ability of the Government-speaker; he will
endeavour to show that the order of the day has
nothing that can be blamed by the opinions whi,:lll
defend, and nothing that opposes their expansion.
Those are all Parliamentary quibbles at Which we
must not stop ; I prefer to attend to the dictates of
plain common sense. There are three plans to be
adopted with regard to petitions—the previous
question, the order of the day,
and referring them
to the Minister. The previous question, except by
five or six members, has no great chanee of being
supported in this Assembly. Next comes the order
of the day, which wounds my feelings, and—
which is more legions—offends a notable part of
public opinion in France. Last, came thereference
to the Government, which I should have preferred;
not a reference for any particular motive, but pure
and simple, and voted with confidence and unani-
mity. Distrusting my own warmth, I should not
have raised my voice to trouble the general accord ;
in that way I should not have compromised any one.

Did I then fear the dangerous results of a decision
manating from you P No. I have a great respL ct
for the votes of the Senate, but I know that they
have but a very indirect influence on the resolutions
of the Government relative to oar foreign policy.
What I wished was this—to prevent the Senate
from suffering in public opinion. It is in your own
interest that I could wish to see a unanimous vote
in the sense I have indicated. For if it is true that
a vote of the Senate has no influence on the vast
projects of the Emperor, it is not the less true that a
vote of the Senate may have some weight in the eyes
of foreign nations. Well, then ! It would be a good
thing to find the great bodies of the State grouping
themselves compactly round the Government with
unanimou confidence, and thus enabling it to display
the flag of France gloriously before Europe in one
of the most momentous of causes. (Applause.) I
believe that a simple reference, unanimously voted,
is preferable to an order of the day, which might
give rise to much misunderstanding and regret
When I heard Viscount de la Gueronniere speaking
yesterday about the Treaties of 1815, I fancied that
many of my colleagues, batter versed in the diplo-
matic history of the century than myself or the
Viscount, must have smiled. If lam well informed,
nothing can be less exact than the sketch drawn by
the hon. Viscount. I think lam well informed
enough to say that the following was what took
place at Vienna :—The Emperor Alexander, obeying
rather a personal sentiment tha❑ a political or libe-
ral policy, wished to reconstitute the kingdom of
Poland, but he was prevented by Prussia, by
Austria, and by other Powers besides. Prussia
and Austria, not content with having Posen
and Gallicia, said, "If you reconstitute a
great Poland, give her to me." Then the
statesmen named yesterday—the Talleyrands, the
Hardembergs, the Castlereaghs—pronounced their
sentence :—" No—we must have no Poland in such
terms—no Poland liberally constituted." Thus it
was that the realisation of the projects of Alexander
was frustrated by Prussia, Austria, and the diplo-
macy of 1815. My opinion relative to the reminis-
' cences of 1815 is well known,—they make me ill—
they oppress me. I could wish that the treaties of
1815 should never be mentioned in the Freneh
Chambers unless with execration—above all I could
wish that the inspirations of a Government having
Napoleon 111. at its head, should never be drawn
from the tendencies of that disastrous epoch. Admit
that you do nothing for Poland, the Emperor will
I am sure do something ; I have confidence in his
intentions and in his heart. But in that case the
order of the day will be in contradiction with his
own conduct. Under any circumstances, the vote of
that order of the day will be a great misfortune. Do
nothing ! Do you therefore wish co have the spectre
of Poland constantly before your eyes? In 5, in 10, or
in 20 years you will see it again, for there is no sta-
tute of limitation for crimes of the nature of those
which are committed against unfortunate Poland.
The danger will exist so long as the policy of post-
ponement be not set aside. Never were circum-
stances so favourable as they now are for putting
an end to this formidable question. The Emperor
is in the full vigour of his age aed of his geniu:, ;
his Government, thanks to the wars of the Crimea
and of Italy, has a great prestige abroad, and great
strength at home. There are around film passions
which are not strange in a vigorous nation like the
French, but those passions are not turned against
the Government. There are also bad tendencies in
some parts of society, but I confess that they do not
alarm me. The Government enjoys great power
and prestige both at home and abroad. It is a
favourable moment to undertake a great cause.

A Voice—We can leave the decision to the

Emperor.

Prince Napoleon—By referring petitions to him
you do not advise the grunting of all their prayers.

Marshal Baragnay Ci'Hillieis—He would not do
so, if you did.

Prince Napoleon—l accept the interruption.
What inconvenience can arise from referring peti-
tions, when the Emperor would not follow the advice
given, especially if unsound ? A simple reference is
all that is necessary.
A Voice—But it would no longer have the same
meaning after your remarks.

Prince Napoleon—l now come to the great objet•
tion. We are told—" You. want war." To that I
reply—" No ;" but I don't want peace either. (Cries
of Ah ah ! and laughter-) Your interruptions do
not embarrass me, because I know the Senate, and
expected them. What can be done? I know not,
nor is it my business to know. I do not pretend
to be discussing either a military or a diplomatic
plan. As a simple senator, how can Ibe sufficiently
acquainted with the state of affairs to advise any
decision ? We cannot indicate the course to be
followed, but we can at least defend the cause of
Poland. That is neither war nor peace. lam no
advocate for war. I know its dangers, and feel that
it should not be undertaken without mature reflec-
tion. But be careful not to weaken your Govern-
ment abroad, by advising peace. I know that here
our opponents have another argument at command.
When we defend the cause of Italy, they call us
Italians ; and Poles when we speak in favour of
Poland. We are in reality liberal Frenchmen. We
defend the cause of nations, in accord with the feel-
ings and interests of France. As an encourage-
ment to my friends, I will ask, on what question
has France ever been more unanimous! On
many points I differ widely from an eminent
author, Count de Montalembert, but on this ques-
tion our opinions are the same. (Noise.) He bae
published a pamphlet which I have read with
deep interest, and have reason to congratulate
both him and myself. (Noise.) Ido not think we
ought to reject the aid of an opponent when we
meet him on common ground, however we may
disagree on other matters. I cannot believe that
you will refuse to refer these petitions to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs. It is impossible. I
see before me a Minister, who in his youth bravely
fought o❑ the fields of Grodno and Oatrolenska;
would he vote the order of the day P No! There
are here brave generals who have shed their blood
on the glorious battlefields of the Empire; will they
vote the order of the day ?
Several Voices—Yes ! why not

Prince Napoleon.l have still before me the gene-
rals who led our soldiers in the Crimea against the
Russians. Can they vote for the order of the day ?
No ! I repeat. Nor can I believe that the venerable
prelates, who sit in this assembly, will consent to
declare themselves againatCatholics. (Interruption.)
If, however, it should be otherwise, leave me my
illusions ; or, if you deprive me of them, let it
not be all at once ; let me still entertain some
confidence. And the judges, too, who sit on these
benches, will they be able to accept a vote which
throws no blame on the violation of all rights ? It
you vote the order of the day, public opinion may
misconstrue it and address to you reproaches from
which I desire to set your conscience free. In my
conviction, France, with Napoleon 111. at her hpad,
cannot, ought not to abandon the cause of law and
justice ; it is her duty to defend it; she has done
so and she will do so again. But we must use de.
spatch. Blood flows in torrents, and if you now
abandon Poland, the massacre will last a long time.
Act then immediately ! In what way ? Ido not,
I cannot know. (Interruption, " Ah! ah!") But
act at any rate. The insurrection will last if it is
encouraged ; let the Emperor do what he thinks it
is possible to do, but let not the Senate pass a vote
that may be wrongly interpreted. Let every man
vote ao3ording to his conscience. I, for one, have
confidence in the cause Nv ich the Emperor shall
take in hand. (Loud applause.)