The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

POST.—In the diplomatic intercourse between
nations there exist eertain unwritten rules of cour-
teey which are tacitly conformed to, and the obser-
vance of which is held to be as binding as though
they were regularly incorporated as a part of the
acknowledged law of nations. It is in conformity
with one of these rules that Governments consider
with respectful attention all communications
couched in proper language which may be pre-
sented by the accredited representatives of other
friendly Powers; and although they are not lite-
rally bound to believe all the representations which
may be made, yet diplomatic courtesy demands that
no doubt should be expressed in regard to the sin-
cerity of those who make them. When, therefore,
the pretended report of Mr. Mallory, the Secretary
of the Confederate States Navy, was brought to the
attention of the British Foreign-office by the
Government of the United States, as furnishing a
complete confirmation of the complicity of the
Confederate Government in the alleged violation of
the Foreign Enlistment Act in the matter of the
steam rams which were in process of construction
by the Messrs. Laird, Earl Russell could not have
done otherwise than give to the subject all the con-
sideration to which it would have been entitled
even if the facts alleged had been in reality true.
If this spurious document, which is now admitted
by Mr. Seward to have been "entirely a forgery,"
had been the result of a premeditated plot, it could
not have been propagated at a time more auspicious
for the consummation of its intended purpose than
the period at which it was first launched before the
British public. The pomp and circumstance which
surrounded its advent were well calculated to im-
pose upon the willingly credulous or the unwary.
The pretended report was first brought to the
attention of Lord Lyons by Mr. Seward, and under
such an aspect that, in forwarding the document to
the Foreign-office, Lord Lyons expressed no doubt
in regard to its authenticity. Mr. Adams trans-
mitted the pretended report to Earl Russell, ac-
companied by the somewhat cautious observation
that, " although the paper had been received only
in the form presented, there was little doubt
that in substance it might be relied upon as
authentic." In the meantime the paper obtained a
wide circulation by means of ifs distribution in
pamphlet form throughout England, and notwith-
standing the prompt denial of its authenticity by
Confederate naval officials and others in L';iroPe, it
cannot be denied that the general influence
the public mind was precisely what its projectors
desired and expected. Although it may be a matter
of regret that our Foreign-office should have lent
too ready an ear to the apparent confirmation of its
own suspicions, and adopted too trustingly testi-
mony which appeared to be an entire vindication
of the extreiae measures which had been taken in
the matter of the seizure of the steam rams, yet the
tardy admission of the United States Government
that a document thus earnestly pressed upon the
attention of Earl Russell as genuine was, in fact, a
fraud and a forgery, must produce upon the British
Government and people a most painful impression.
If our Government is bound in courtesy to credit

the statements made to that by the United States,
the latter is under a much stronger obligation to
exercise not only good faith, but extreme caution,
in the representations it may make. T►he circum-
stances which surround the present case are of a
character which, in the aspect under which they
now present themselves, cannot but gravely com-
promise the Government which employed such ille-
gitimate means for the attainment of its ends.
There is no doubt that through their official repre-
sentatives they did impose upon the British Go-
vernment and people,by the dissemination of a docu-
ment which not only turns out to have been a

forgery, but which, it now appears' bore upon its
face the most undoubted proof that it could not
have emanated from the source to which it was
ascribed. If we adopt the charitable conclusion
that the officials of the United States had no
agency in conceiving the fraud, we cannot acquit
them of having zealously propagated the
very worst species of false testimony, not only
without any corroborating evidence of its reliability,
but against all probabilities. In arriving at a con-
elusion concerning the complicity of the United
States Government in this discreditable affair, it
cannot be forgotten that no other interests than
those of the United States could have been promoted
by the success of the fraud, while the period chosen
for its dissemination was at the identical moment
when testimony was moat required in support of
those interests. This, however, is not the only
instance in which this species of false testimony is
alleged to iieve been resorted to. In the more re-
cent affair of the Chesapeake we have precisely the
same story of an intercepted despatch of a Confede-
rate agent, and preciseij the same appeal to British
officials to act promptly uvon the testimony thus
providentially, as it were, throien in their way. In
this case the complicity of the Federal Government
is absolutely certain, and if the despatch is in reality
a forgery, it could not have been the act of any
other than an accredited agent of the United States,
acting under the special authority of the President.
A complete history of this intercepted despatcis is
to be found in the Parliamentary paper recently
published concerning the seizure of the Chesapeake.
It will be remembered that this vessel had been
taken by the Confederates, and afterwards recap-
tured by a United States cruiser in British waters,
whence she was turned over to the Colonial autho-
rities of Nova Scotia, to await the judicial investi-
gation of the questions involved in her various cap-
tures. Mr. Seward was evidently eager to get im-
mediate possession of the vessel, and it was with a
view to the attainment of this and other important
ends that the intercepted despatch in this, as in the
former case, was first brought to the attention of
her Majesty's representative at Washington. In
a despatch (No. 4) to Earl Rasseil, Lord Lyons
says;—" Mr. Seward then gave me a paper, a copy
of which forms enclosure No. 3 in this despatch.
: the decipher of a letter from a Con-
It was, he sal.federate agent at 14`Tew York to Mr. Benjamin, the
Secretary of State et Richmond. Some of the
proper names were, he observed, undecipherable,
but most of the letter had beet; made out, and it
showed that there were plots tt, seize two other
steamers besides the Chesapeake, and to make use
of the neighbouring British territory to further Use
nefarious designs of the enemy. Mr- Seward went
on to say that the statement in the letter that a
large number of rifled muskets had been sent to
Halifax, and other facts which had come to his
knowledge, had made him apprehensive that the
Chesapeake might not be safe. He begged me to
warn the authorities, and to ask whether the vessel
would be made over at once to her former owners,
if they applied for her with the sanction of the
United States Government." In consequence of
these opportune discoveries and disclosures, and of
the request with which Mr. Seward closed his com-
munication to Lord Lyons, the latter forthwith
despatched a telegram to ajor-General Doyle.
The authorities of Halifax being forewarned of the
" nefarious designs" of the Confederates, took
prompt precautions against the apprehended seizure
of the Che.! apeake, but declined to give her up for
safe keeping
to the Federal Government. Alto-
gether it woule; require a wonderful degree of
credulity to credit tts..' story of this intercepted
despatch,
even if we hat: never before been
ry of similar de-
ceived by the pretended discoe:
Con-
federate secrets. How is it the!: •.the Federal
officials have such a wonderful facills,v in trans-
lating intercepted letters written in cipher ?
What bunglers the Confederate agents must 1.1:e to
write in cipher that which, with the exception ce!
the proper names, may be readily deciphered by
the first United States postmaster into whose hands
it may chance to fall. However, the name of
one individual, Mr. Slidell, the Confederate Com-
missioner at Paris, who, it would appear, played the
important part of " receipting bills," was made out,
and through him the public may possibly be en-
lightened in regard to this mysterious affair. In the
meantime it is understood that the reputed inter-
cepted despatch has been pronounced upon the•
highest possible authority to be, like the pretended
report of Mr. Mallory, " entirely a forgery." For
the second time this species of fraud has been suc-
cessfully practised upon English officials, the effect
of which, both upon the Government and people of
Great Britain, must be to cast a grave shadow of
doubt over communications of a similar character
which may be hereafter made by the United States
Government. International courtesy may require
that statements made with so much gravity should
be respectfully considered, but the too frequent use
of such means as were employed in the two cases
referred to, to stimulate the British Government to
act upon evidence furnished by forged papers, is
well calculated to create a distrust and a reserve
which cannot fail in the end to produce unpleasant,
if not more serious, consequences.
DAILY NEWS.—Really our Tory friends must be
' hard to please if the Premier's neat little speech on
Mr. Locke King's little Bill, yesterday, does not
reassure and rally them to the standard of the safest
of leaders. There is only one thing more surprising,
perhaps, than the continued existence of a Conser-
vative opposition to Lord Palmerston, and that
is the appearance of a Tory candidate on the
hustings as a rival to the " Liberal," or the ap-
pearance of a Liberal candidate of the Palmerston
persuasion as a rival of the Tory. Yes; there is
something even more surprising; and that is, when
a Liberal constituency deems it worth time or
trouble to set up a Liberal candidate, who believes
in Lord Palmerston, against a Conservative can-
didate, who is content with Lord Palmerston.
What on earth, we humbly ask, can it signify to
• that large portion of the Liberal party which does
• not include expectant placemen, whether the suc-
cessful candidate be a Conservative supporter of

Lord Derby, in favour of all well-considered re.form, but opposed to the spirit of innovation and
-
to organic changes, or a Liberal supporter of Lord
Palmerston, who deems that " there does not now
il
exist the same anxiety for organic change
was observable some time ago," and that ' all
such changes as were desirable have long since been
effected." Let any dispavalionate Liberal, who has
no personal predilections in favour of this or that
s
Minister, ask himself whether Lord Palmerston'
remarks on a Bill for extending the County Fran-
chise would not be admirably well placed in Foe
mouth of a lealer of the Conservative paletY.
our own part, we think it would be difficult for a
Conservative of any shade to express the reason for
the faith that is in him—the faith in ex:Sting
arrangements, the "balance which we must ali.hve
most anxious to preserve"—in a more comprehensao ...-
and compendious form of words than that which
drew cheers and approving laughter from the Oppo•
sition when Lord Palmerston was speaking yester-
ism draw
day. We cannot but recommend it as a formula of
the purest and simplest Cons
masterrva hand. Young Tory candidates are mby
ale-.
times a little embarrassed in the presence of a
crowd of non electors, and liable to blunder into,
dangerous advances. Lord Palmerston, inspired
by more than half a century's exverience of party.
warfare and of office, offers them the simplest and
ts till. Hets
pu
easiest of arguments for standing into
the noble sentiment " Rest and be thsnkful''
prose. He assures them that the object
we ought
fran-
all to have in view with regard to the elelectoralchise is to make it fairly represent "all the great
interests" of the country. There is no such th:ng
as political rights of citizenship, except, perhapa.,
the right of restricting such rights to a sixth of the
adult, unconvicted, and sane male population of they
United Kingdom. Our Whig Premier speaks of
Parliament as a " legislative machine" for repre-
senting " all the great interests" of the country;
while he carefully limits " all the great interests'
to two—the commercial and the agricultural. Ali
the rest is—a blank. The one thing needful is not
to disturb the balance, as he calls it, by infusing too
much of the commercial element into the agricul-
tural constituencies. Can the purest Tory preach
sounder doctrine than this ? Opposition cheers say'
as plainly as inarticulate language can, " We thank
thee for that word." There is not, it seems, the
same desire for " organic changes," that is, parlia-
mentary reform, that existed some time ago, be-
cause the present House of Commons—which has
not abolished Church rates, but has enacted a stria•
gent game law—has effected all " desirable
hges ;" and because " there are also considera-
tions ,nnected with external affairs tending to
c
abate our anxiety for organic changes." To
what external affairs this mysterious sentence
alludes the Preiniel' doth not vouchsafe to tell ; but
we dare say our reader: have occasionally met with
these views—we believe !` views" is the word—in
leading journals more or less ye:belly inspired. It
would be interesting and instrucl:.
ive to ascertain
from Lord Palmerston, on some apps..7riate occa-
sion, whether it is the civil war between the slave
states and the free of the American Union which
should abate the desire of English working men tGe
be admitted within the pale of the constitution
the country, or whether it is the working of a dc"
mocratic suffrage under a military Government itu
a neighbouring country—of a suffrage organised,
directed, and controlled by half-a-million of
functionaries, without a free press, without public
meetings, without any elementary guarantee of
independence. Lord Palmerston will some day
or other explain the analogy which exists in his
own mind between the British Constitution and
the Second Empire in France, and between podia.
mentary reform in these islands and a civil
war for 'the extension and perpetuation or
abolition of negro slavery in North America. It is
not to be supposed that a veteran statesman should
treat the House of Commons, on so plain and prac-
tical a subject as the reform of the representation,
to empty generalities, which may be the pap of Tory
babes, but not, we would fain hope, the strong meat
of Whig old women. Let us, however, be just and
fair. There is one considerable difference still be'
tween our Liberal Premier and the leaders of the
Opposition whose encouraging applause he never
deserved better than yesterday. We are not refer
ring—it may be inconvenient to do so—to a recent
hint from the Chancellor of the Exchequer to a
deputation of working men, that he might have
something to say shortly on the subject of the ez'
tension of the franchise ; nor do we dwell upon past
pledges and promises of any Liberal Minister ; nor
do we pretend to treat Mr. Locke King's little
annual bill as a subject for enthusiasm or invective.
But, in fairness to a statesman who has done so
much for his party, we would observe that the
reason why Lord Palmerston cannot vote against
Mr. Locke King's bill is not because he supports it,
but because ho is unwilling to affirm that he does
not. It cannot but
.be satisfactory to the Liberal
party to confide their destinies to a Minister who is
unwilling to oppose the second reading of a county
franchise extension bill—a Premier b 0 considerate
as to give his vote for the second reading of a bit of
a reform bill, which he will be prepared to consider,
but not to support, in committee, and which is
thrown out within ten minutes after he sits down.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

LYNN-TUESDAY.

At to-day's market there was a moderate attendance and
a fair show of wheat, with a dull trade, and the prices of
last week declined is to 2s per qr.
White wheat 43s to 44s i Barley. 32s to 36,
Itcd .. 4os to 41s I grinding ..28s to 305
Beans .32s t0134s { Oats .2os to 245
Small 34s to 36s 1 Peas —s to --3