The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-28 00:00:00

between Schleswig and the Danish Crown, with
which that country has been incorporated for more
than a century ; nor did it make any alteration in
the relations between the Duchies of Lauenburg
and of Holstein and the Germanic Confederation,
to which the King of Denmark belongs as regards
Holstein and Lauenburg ; and it did not give to
the Germanic Confederation any kind of com-
petence other than that which it possessed
in virtue of the Federal Act and of the subsequent
resolutions legally taken in consequence of that
Act. As regards Schleswig particularly, the Ger-
manic Diet had already recognised in 1823 that
that Duchy was perfectly free from any influence
on the part of the Germanic Contederation.
"Not only all the non-German Sovereigns, but
also (with scarcely one exception) all the more
considerable, and sues of the less considerable,
States of Germany took part in the conclusion of
the Treaty of London, or subsequently adhered to
that treaty. No Federal resolution can liberate the
German States from the obligations which they
have Thus taken ; the Germanic Confederation can-
, not release any one of the Sovereigns represented in
the Federal Assembly from the obligations con-
tracted by them in the most solemn manner. A
contrary practice would entirely overthrow the
principle of European international law on which
the existence of the Confederation is based.
"The authority of the Germanic Confederation
is limited by treaties, by the Federal Act, and by
the subsequent resolutions taken legally in conse-
quence of that Act. Its members are not legally
subjected to any vote of the majority. The Danish
Government have never recognised the legality of
the reasons on which the Confederation based the
resolution of execution which was carried into effect
in Holstein during the last winter; but they did not
at the time think fit to oppose it by force, and in
the same manner they submitted to the altogether
illegal suspension of the King's authority in Lauen-
burg.

" Prussia and Austria have invaded by armed
force the non-German countries of the King of
Denmark. Those Powers commenced this war,
alleging as a reason that the King of Denmark had
arbitrarily withdrawn from the performance of
certain obligations contracted with Prussia and
Austria.

"Denmark, ready to account for her actions, her-
self solicited a mediation in conformity with the
declaration of Paris. She subsequently accepted the
invitation to a Conference, supposing that the trans.
actions,the pretended violation of which had afforded
a pretext for the invasion, would also afford a basis
for the negotiations. The Danish Government are
persuaded that if a discussion had taken place on
this basis it would have been proved that it is not
Denmark who has arbitrarily withdrawn from the
performance of her obligations ; they think rather
that it would have been shown that it is Germany
which has rendered it impossible for the King to
execute the intentions which the German Govern-
ments engaged themselves not to oppose. This dis-
cussion has been rejected by Prussia and Austria,
and instead of availing themselves of the opportu-
nity which still offered to effect an amicable arrange-
ment they have attempted to withdraw from the
European obligations created by the Treaty of
London.
" The Danish Plenipotentiaries need not now
dilate on the state of things which has been the con-
sequecceof the attitude thus assumed by the German
Powers. The Danish Government had indulged in
the hope that the sacrifices which they had declared
themselves ready to make in accepting the proposal
of May 28 last would be sufficient for the restoration
of peace, but that hope not having been realised, it
only remains for the Danish Plenipotentiaries to
refer to the reservation recorded in the conclusion of
their declaration of June 2, and they are instructed
expressly to declare that, in virtue, of that reserva-
tion, the Danish Government resume from this mo•
ment, on the ground of the treaty of London of May
8, 1852, the position which they had only abandoned
provisionally from their desire for peace, and on the
condition that. the peace to be concluded should be
adapted to replace the provisions of that treaty."
Baron de Beust expressed himself in these terms :
"The task which was imposed on me in coming
to the Conference consisted principally in maintain•
ing intact a question of right. The Conference
has, I hope, understood how much its accomplish-
ment has tended to limit my personal disposition to
show myself conciliatory and to enter on the path
of arrangement. But I flatter myself that I have
never forgotten the consideration as b:ch seerred to
me to be necessary in order to avoid wounding sus-
ceptibilities. I regret the more that it is only at
the conclusion of our deliberations that the first
Plenipotentiary of Denmark has raised questions
on which I was unwilling to enter, and which I
should at least have wished to discuss sooner. Since.
however, the Treaty of 1852 is to be reverted to, I
will also indulge in a few observations on this sub-
ject. It is not for me to decide on the question
whether, after all that has passed in the Conference
the Treaty of London can be regarded as intact,
although it appears to me that either a treaty is
invalid or it is not, and that from the moment that
the contrary has been proposed and accepted it can
no longer be pretended that it is so. It is sufficient,
according to my ♦iews, that the Confederation has
never adhered to it. I now hear the adhesions of
the German Governments quoted. Such adhesions
did, in fact, take place; reservations also were made,
as, for example, that of Saxony with regard to the
competency of the Diet. But let me be allowed to
go further. I have never denied that in principle
the object of the Treaty of London was a desirable
one. Some German Governments have themselves
admitted this, but the steps which were required to
bring it into force should have been taken. If the
Danish Government hod taken advantage of the
first years after the conclusion of the Treaty to
grant to the Dnahies the benefit of a paternal
Government, if they had respected their constitu-
tion, and, above all, respected the free use
of the German language, no doubt they would have
succeeded in obtaining the consent of the agnates
of the States, and of the Confederation, and then
it is hardly probable that convulsions would have
taken place at the death of his Majesty King Fre-
derick VII. But things have happened differently,
the Diet has had to give its decision under circum-
stances which rendered all adhesion impossible.
"The German Governments have been compelled
to remember their Federal duties. and I deny that
the policy of the Confederation ought to be guided
by the policy of the various Governments. As to
the statement which Count Apponyi has read, I
consider it to be in conformity with the truth ; if a
further proof were required to show that the two
German Powers have shown themselves concilia-
tory, it would be found in an assimilation between
the declarations of their Plenipotentiaries and mine.
"Finally, as regards the summary which has
been read, as I cannot consider it as complete, nor
concur in the views expressed in it, I must beg that
my silence may not be regarded as assent. Each
Plenipotentiary is free in his tur❑ to submit in the
proper quarter a summary of the proceedings of the
Conference."

Count Apponyi proposes that the Conference
should, before separating, offer its thanks to Earl
Russell. He expresses himself as follows :
" Gentlemen.--At the moment of closing our de-
liberations, I feel that I express the sentiments of
all the Plenipotentiaries in offering, in their name,
to Earl Russell the warm thanks of the Conference
for the spirit of conciliation and the courtesy with
which he has directed its labours.
"Whatever may be the result of onr meetings we
shall none the less ali of us retain a pleasant recol-
lection of the personal kindness of our President."

--- ---
This proposal having been unanimously adopted,
Earl Russell thanks the Conference in the following
terms

"I thank tae Plenipotentiaries for the honour
which they have done me.

"It is through the assistance and support which
hey have afforded me that our discussions have

been conducted in the spirit of moderation and

courtesy which was necessary for the perfect free-
dom with which our opinions have been expressed.
"I perform an agreeable duty in expressing to
my colleagues in the Conference my gratitude for
the support they have given me."
At the proposal of M. de Balan, the Conference

offers its thanks to Mr. Stuart for the care which he
has devoted to the drawing up of the protocols.
The present protocol is read and approved.
APPONYI. RUSSELL.
BIEGELEBEN. CLARENDON.

G. QUAADE. BERNSTORFF.
BILLE. BALAN.
RRIEGER. BRUNNOIV.
LA TOUR D'AUVERGNE. LE CTE. WACHMEISTER.
BEUST.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.—In the feverish period of expectation
which precedes a great party battle, it is but natural
that there should be little commotions and spasms
indicative of the coming struggle. One of these oc-
curred last night, when the Government were de-
feated by nearly two to one on the motion for pre-
serving ttie open space in the neighbourhood of the
metropolis. Mr. llaulton had a subject which has
always been a favourite with the country. It is
impassible for any thinking man to contemplate the
increase of this capital without finding fear mingle
with his admiration. Every year the " province
covered with houses" extends in every direction ;
suburbs become, in the number and massiveness of
their houses, part of the town, while outlying vil-
lages receive more and more the character of
suburbs; the country roads grow into so many long
streets, and appear as if the overgrown city had
thrust out its hundred arms to grasp the land
around it. What is occurring in the neighbourhood
of every great town in England is to be seen in its
fullest extent about London. The thoughtful ob-
server, the philanthropist, the sanitarian, when he
looks at those collections of houses, cannot but form
a comparative.y low estimate of the importance of
what are usually called politics, the battles of par.
ties, the history of foreign alliances and interven-
tions, or even the structure and working of the
Parliamentary machine. The most serious question
for our statesmen, after that of employing and feed-
ing the people, is how to make town life consistent
with physical and moral well-being. Already about
half the inhabitants of Great Britain are dwellers
in these labyrinths of bricks and mortar, and the
larger the town the more rapidly it seems to extend.
What is to be the future condition of a people living
in great cities P Let us hope that it will be better
than the present. No one can enter the more close
and crowded parts of London, or pass through the
narrow courts which abound at the back of our
most splendid thoroughfares, without being con-
vinced that the conditions of life are absolutely
inconsistent with the possession of health and
strength, or even freedom from deformity, by the
population which is bred among them. The pale-
faced children, the sickly miserable women, the dull
sodden-looking men, bear witness to the effect of
feted air and of lanes which are never cheered by
the full light of Heaven. The unhappy creatures
who inhabit these places are generally not aware of
the evil that is wasting their strength. With the
pallor of death visible in their faces, the children, if
questioned, would say, "Nothing is the matter with
me," and the grown-up people are only reminded
by their craving for some stimulant that their sys-
tems are depressed by the fatal influences around
them. Yet this evil, which was already complained
of in the times of our grandfathers, is increasing
every day as the country is being more and more
thrust away from the districts inhabited by the
town poor. In former days, however bad their
dwellings might be, they might, at any rate, get
away from them and from places like them, and find
a little Leah air and a place for exercise in the open
spaces on the skirts of the town. To take only the
last 40 or 50 years, there were fields to the north of
Bloomsbury,and Pimlico was a wilderness, roamed
over by the Westminster boys. Now the dweller
in the heart of Loudon must go miles before he can
see a green thing except the smoky trees in some
closely-guarded square. The more wealthy classes
have migrated continually westward, regions which
held a high social rank are now almost deserted,
and fashion encamps round the park which is the
great pleasure-ground of London. But the poor
cannot move. Where they are, there they must
stay ; where their business is, where there are
houses cheap enough to lodge them, there must be
their home. It is, then, a sad thing to see the open
spaces which were formerly within their reach
built over one by one, and the poor and their chil-
dren shut in, almost entombed, in this metropolitan
Babel. The resolution of Mr. Doulton, "That it is
the duty of her Majesty's Government to provide
far the preservation of open spaces within the
limits assigned by the 14th section of the Inclosure
Act of 1845," was likely, therefore, to receive
considerable support. Yet, though we feel all
sympathy with his objects, we are unable to say
that to act on the terms of his resolution is prac-
ticable. if it be the duty of her Majesty's Minis-
ters so to provide for the preservation of open
spaces, they must be entrusted with much larger
funds than any that Parliament has ever allotted
for such a purpose, and those funds must come from
the general taxation of the country. Withia about
the last 20 years two new parks, the Victoria-park
and Bittersea.park, have been made, and lately
there was much talk of another for Finsbury. But
the cost, actual, or prospective, of these pleasure-
grounds has been so great that if the Governmelit
is to labour in this line it must receive funds much
greater than are likely to be extracted from
the inhabitants ot' the metropolis by local taxation.
Is Hampstead-heath to be secured to the public—
is the building over Wandsworth-common to be
stopped--is \Vimbledon to be secured for the next
generation of Londoners, whose city will then have
advanced to its precincts P As Mr, Doulton very
justly observed, it would be impossible for the
Metropolitan Board of Works to preserve these
places if the cost were to be defrayed by the me-
tropolitan ratepayers, for it was imposible to go on
imposing taxation on London, particularly as the
benefit would in some cases fall to the lot chiefly of
suburban towns, such as Richmond or Croydon. It
follows, then, that if commons which are the pro•
perty of private persons ate to be taken for public
use, and compensation made to their owners, the
burden must fall on the public at large, fur we can-
not think that merely to give the Metropolitan
Board of Works fresh taxing powers would over-
come the disinclination of the metropolis to a large
increase of the rates. Then, if the public at large is
to pay for the " open spaces" of London, why should
it not provide similar spaces for the other great
towns of the kingdom ? It may he said that London
is incomparably the largest of these towns, and con•
sequently suffers most from the distance of its cen-
tral points from the open fields ; also that, as a ca.
pital, it has a right to b. considered apart, and to
be the subject, if necessary, of exceptional legisla-
tion. But before committing itself to such a pro-
position Government might well hesitate, and be
glad to see so important a resolution fail..

POST.—Mr. Disraeli last evening gave notice that
he will on Monday next move an address to the
Crown, censuring the foreign policy of her Majesty's
Government, The terms of the motion ere compre-
hensive and to the point. The House of Commons
will be asked to express its deep concern that the
Conference has failed to realise the objects with
which it was convened, and its " deep regret that
while the course pursued by her Majesty's Govern-
ment has failed to maintain their avowed policy of
upholding the integrity and independence of Den-
mark, it has lowered the just influence of this coun-
try in the councils of Europe, and thereby dimi-
nished the securities for peace." Nothing can be
more unequivocal and specific—nothing which
could more clearly express the real nature of the
issue which the country is truly desirous of seeing
definitively determined. The question is not one of
war or peace, but whether, in the policy hitherto
pursued, the advisers of the Crown have adopted
the most fitting means to avoid the one and to pre■
serve the other. Nor is the issue of war or peace
the only one which the Ministry had to decide.
They sought to preserve the independence of Dens
mark, and their failure to secure that object is not
unfairly advanced by the Opposition as a ground
for questioning a policy which was avowedly pur-
sued with that end. Success is not necessarily
test of merit, nor is failure a proof of incapacity ;
bat, regard being had to the mechanism of our form
of government, it may be admitted that an Oppo-
sition would be wanting in its duties to the
.Sove-
reign and to the country if it did not court an in-
quiry into the circumstances under which e
Government have failed to secure those objects for
which they have so long and persistently striven,
If the preservation of Denmark as an indepen-
dent State is admitted to be an object in which
tliis country is politically interested, it is legiti-
mate to inquire how it has come to pass that we
have allowed that State to come to the verge of
extinction, and are now to all appearances prepared
to remain passive, even though it should be blotted
from the map of Europe. In canvassing what has
been the policy of the British Government in respect
to the Dano.German dispute, the Opposition will
most probably direct their main attacks rather
against what they conceive to have been the vacilla-
tion of the Cabinet in conducting the earlier nego.
tiations, than against its refusal now to recommend
an armed intervention in Denmark's favour. The
charge brought against Ministers will be, not that
they decline now to take up arms in vindication of
the rights of Denmark, but that they have contri-
buted to create a state of things which will sooner
or later force this country into war. If a war with
Germany would be impolitic; if, in the event of its
being undertaken, we should stand unaided by the
side of our weak but heroic ally ; if the object of
such hostilities—namely, the reestablishment of
Denmark in her pristine integrity—would be to all
appearance unattainable; if such a war would en-
tail upon this country sacrifices whose extent it