The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL'

ab'
TIMES.—We are not prepared to admit that even
taxation,st ractedlyi thes
foundedprinciple
o u
no
u"
of Government to carry through the Legislature a messthat
involving the abolition of indirect taxes. We malataill„"t
there is something more in the question than this, and ". 0-0
it is not fair to attribute to prejudice or selfishness °Phil° of
oobfetdtierrepctriinacsipslaePtehrasned:ininadbiirlcitc;
founded on sound sense and clear reason. If the Sense
Commons is, as Mr Gladstone thinks, most truly oprse,,,
to, we will not say, the abolition of indirect taxation, but wo
any material alteration in the balance now existing betvl,ebee
these two modes of collecting revenue, it is not because it
House consists mainly of the possessors of large
who would be the principal sufferers by such a chayge
00007
is because there is involved in this question
much more important than the mere interests eta elasa;
the principle, namely, whether the taxes tribute
are not, to be imposed by the persons who coner
towards them. Repeal all indirect taxes, and the 1)„ry
class of the electors, who constitute the majority fn
el-
or"
constituency, would be in the enviable but aucn;a-dio
position of imposing taxes which they do not pay,
richer class of electors would be paying taxes in the frt,
sition of which they could scarcely be said to have full "ithe
The country would be divided into two hostile camps ;unit)
class possessed of accumulated wealth would bear the vii""o
burdens of the State, and the remainder of the coraratinitdo
would by an agreeable division of labour have nothing "
do but to assess them. The Liverpool Financial Itefli:
proper ;
Association seem to have persuaded themselves that °news
state of things would have no evil effect upon trade. ..ot
do not admit that the prosperity of trade is the only e/39-4
to be kept in view in the imposition of taxes ; but vrere it id
it is quite clear a predominance of direct taxation wen d
have a most injurious effect on the prospects of trade allof
commerce. People go into business for the purpose
making money, and everything which tends to make ruenooe
a less desirable acquisition tends directly to discourage tbijo
pursuits which are directed towards acquiring it tope
-
moneyed man, the possessor of accumulated wealth Is the
marked out as the especial object of the vengeance ni,e
taxgatherer—if he is to form a member of a proscribed 0.-1
on which is la'd the whole burden of the State, the purfirtit
money will lose many of its attractians, and what is elne
more important, that capital in which the strength °f vr
land lies—which is the most movable and transitoryof 1111`" a
possessions, will make itself wings and ay, from a land
where it is so ungenerously and inhospitably treated, 9.11„
seek out for itself some place where it will be received wute
a less churlish welcome. It thus appears that this questloh
between direct and indirect taxation involves issues rag°
of
more important than those of time and manner, and of
cheapness or dearness of collection, and that the theory
Free Trade, noble and true as it is, may be reduced tat
absurdity when it falls into the hands of fanatics vill°
upon pushing it to its extreme condition without referello
to political expediency, or to other economical considersti°,„6
quite as true and quite as worthy of our attention se '-
doctrines of Free Trade themselves.
PosT.—The reigning dynasty in Greece having gees
0
changed, the representatives of the nation for some time
past busied themselves in creating those constitutions' P:1;
guards which will at the same time ensure for the Or°in
the unrestricted use of its legitimate preromatives, 901;
the people the enjoyment of that political liberty which :Lae
believe they have now secured. It is easy to frame eonsin,-h;
tions, but the difficulty consists in preserving them,
iflß
representatives of the Greek nation are desirous of provumi
against every possible contingency which, on the one
could threaten the security of the new dynasty, or on tlltiie
other, give to it powers which might be employed to
prejudice of the nation. It is no doubt exPediept
to write down in black and white what they in
shall be rules for the guidance of the Sovereigns
and the people ; but they must not suppose at
when the new code has received the sanction of Pal/Ow-a
and the assent of the Crown, when it has been conflrte,ea
with every formality and solemnly enrolled amongst tl
muniments of the kingdom, that their task is complete
A charter is worth nothing more than the parchment ou
vir',
which it is written if the Sovereign and the people i-pi
respective rights and obligations it prescribes do not lorlit
and conscientiously observe its provisions. paper coaster
tutions do not prevent dynasties from being overturned,linq
the liberties of a people from being trampled under founder
the Greek nation, then, is desirous of inaugurating
its present youthful Sovereign a new era, let it unite :11l
supporting and protecting the Throne which it has ral0";
In the presence of the monarchy which it has created, let
it banish that anarchy whioh even at the proeont mon°
threatens to involve both Sovereign and people in a cone'
-non ruin. If the Greek nation...would have its libelt-
respected, let it prove to the world that they are Pritl
and that it knows how to discriminate between
freedom and lawless license. Their own future 48 in tit
hands of the Greeks. It is for them to decide whether
shall be as radiant as their friends wish it to be, or whe-
the:
it shall be as clouded as the past.