The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-03 00:00:00

FREE TRADE BANQUET
AT MANCHESTER.

Last evening the groat demonstration in favour of
Free trade took place at the Free-trade hall in this
town. Tho object of the meeting was to afford an
opportunity to the advocates of unrestricted commercial
intercourse, on the eve of the meeting of Parliament, of
declaring their firm adherence to those principles of
Free trade which received the sanction of Parliament in
1846. The public announcements of the meeting de-
scribed it as a " banquet," but, unless the " feast of
reason" is regarded by the men of Manchester as a com-
pensation for the more substantial viands, the entertain-
ment certainly had no pretensions to such a designation.
It was, in fact, a mere dessert, and its character may
best be judged by the following bill of fare, which would
scarcely be objected to by the advocates of vegetarian
diet :-4,000 pies, 4,800 meat sandwiches, 3,000 fruit
sandwiches, 2,000 raspberry and strawberry tarts, 1,000
black currant tarts, 3001bs. of biscuits, B.3wt. of grapes,
4ewt. of raisins, fewt. of almonds, 3cwt. of figs, 6,000
pears, 6,000 apples.
Among the gentlemen who accepted the invitation of
the League were—Mr. M. Gibson, M.P., Mr. Bright,
M.P., Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. Alcock, M.P„ Sir James
Anderson, M.P., Mr. arnes, M.P., Mr. W. Brown,
M.P., Mr. Bass, M.P., Mr. 11. Berkeley, M.P., Mr.
Brotherton, M.P., Mr. Biggs, M.P., Sir R. Bulkeley,
M.P., Mr. Ball, M.P., Mr. H. Brown, M.P., Mr. Brady,
M.P., Captain Bellew, M.P., Mr. Crossley, M.P., Mr.
Crook, M.P , Mr. J. Clay, M.P., Mr. Cheetham, M.P.,
Sir W. Clay, M.P., Mr. Cogan, m.p., Mr. Dunlop, M P.,
Mr. Esmonde, M.P., Mr. Eccles, M.P., Mr. Fagan, M P.,
Mr. C. Forster, M.P., Mr. Geach, M.P., Viscount Godo-
rich, M.P., Sir G. Goodman, M.P., Mr. Gardner, M.P.,
M.rp. Greene, e,M.
M.P., Alr.plla.,dfield, M.P., Mr. Heywood,
m Ingham,
M.P., Mr. G. Langton M.P., Mr. Lucas, M.P.,
Mr. Kershaw, M.P.. Mr.
Kinnaird, M.P., Mr. Kennedy, M.P., Mr. Keogh,
Mr. Milligan, M.P., Mr.' Serjeant Murphy, M.P.,
Mr. Joha Macgregor, M.P., Mr. Milner, M.P., Mr.,
Oliver* M.P., Mr. Otway,
Hr. P. O'Brien, MX
Mr. Potter, M.P. Mr. Pellatt, XX., Mr. Pilkington
M.P., Mr. J. L. Ricardo, M.P., Mr, Roebuck, M.P., Mr.
Scholefield, M.P. Sir J. V. Shelley, M.P., Mr. Sadleir,
M.P., Mr. J. Sadleir, M.P., Mr. Sullivan, M.P., Mr.
Serjeant Shee, M.P., Mr. F. Scully, M.P., Mr. Swift,
M.P., Mr. Thornely, M.P., Mr. Thompson, M.P., Mr.
Thicknesse, M.P., Mr. Wilcox, M.P., Mr. M. Wilson,
M.P., Mr. Urquhart, M.P., Mr. Devereux, M.P., Mr. W.
D. Seymour, M.P., Mr. M. Philips, &c. The invitation
W
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and Mr. Ricardo, and some others of the number we
Letters expressing regret at being obliged to be absent,
M,P., Lord 'Radnor, Mr. Phinn,
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Mr. Locke King, M.P., Mr. Duffy, stam
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Mr, Locke,
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Mr. Townley, M.P., Mr. T. F. Lewis, M.P.,
Sir G. Strickland, M.P., Mr. Bouverie, xp.ri
Lord F. L.
Smith, M.P., Mr. Kirk, M.P., Mr. G. Duncan, M.P.,
Mr. J. Wilson, M.P., Mr. Headlam, M.P.,
Gower, Lord Monck, Mr. V. Smith, M.P., Mr. M.
O'Connell, M.P., Mr. Miall, M.P., Mr. T. S. Duncombe,
M.P., Sir D. Norreys, M.P., Mr. F. Peel, M.P., Sir C.
Wood, M.P., Mr. Lowe, M.P., Mr. Strutt, M,P., Mr.
Hume, M.P., Mr. Currie, M.P., Sir B. Hall, M.P., Mr.
0. Ricardo, M.P., Sir W. P. Wood, M.P., Lord R. Gros-
venor, M.P., Mr. Westhead, M.P., Mr. V. Scully, M.P.,
Mr. Mitchell, M.P., and other members of Parliament.
When the meeting was resolved upon in October,
2,700 tickets were issued for the accommodation of ladies
and gentlemen at the tables, all of which were taken up
within four days. Additional provision was subsequently
made for the admission of persons whom it was impos-
sible to provide with seats, and, including those who had
merely standing-room, considerably more than 3,000
persons must have been present.
The arrangements for the accommodation of so large
a number of guests as were admitted to the banquet may
be briefly indicted as follows:—A.leng the body of the
hall, at right angles to the platform at the west end,
were 16 parallel lines of tables covered alternately with
white and pink drapery. In order to facilitate access
were ather
centre of the lines, so that there ltoge
to the seats, a wide avenue crossed the hall about the
he
tables in this part of the building; half of these afforded
seats for 56 persons at each, and the others for 62 each,
making 1,888 in all. In each of the two side galleries
were two lengths of tables, with seats for 76 persons at
each, and four tables in the front gallery, with seats for
224 persons. On the platform were six lines of tables,
with seats only on one side, accommodating 72 guests
and 167 vice-presidents.
At half-past six Mr. G. Wilson entered the hall, and
took the chair amid loud cheers from the vast assem-
blage, which became enthusiastic as Mr. Cobden, Mr.
Gibson, and Mr. Bright made their appearance after
him. Grace was said, or, rather prayer offered, by the
Rev. D. M'Kerrow.

After rather more than half an hour spent in disposing
of the viands.

After the usual loyal toasts had been drunk.
The CIIAIRM&N said, with respect to many who were
now present it would be impossible to ask their admira-
tion of a meeting in the Free-trade Hall, on the score
either of its members or its novelty; but he did think
that when they considered that at the present meeting
they had among them distinguished guests, a very con-
siderable proportion of the members of the House of
Commons, and in addition to that, those who most truly
might bo called the representatives of the industry and
energy of this country, collected from all parts of the
kingdom, then this meeting must bo admitted to be in
some respects unprecedented. (Hear, hear.) Why
was it that this question still retained its hold upon the
public opinion of this country ? Fourteen years ago, as
they recollected, it was the most neglected of all public
questions; no statesman of any eminence dared touch
it; almost all rising men iu Parliament refused to look
at it, as one of the most uncompromising subjects in the
whole calendar of national grievances. It was reserved
for some seven gentlemen, three or four of whom
were now present, to initiate the idea, to draw public
attention to it, to draw around it an organiza-
tion, greater perhaps than ever was known in
this country previously. They saw that idea
gradually grow and increase in magnitude until it
absorbed nearly every other ; they saw Ministers,
who formerly had deemed it almost the height of absur-
dity, become its great apostles and teachers and pro-
mulgators ; they say it afterwards become the rallying
point of the antagonistic feeling of the country, then be-
come an Act of Parliament, and become handed down
to posterity as their contribution—at least of the good
things of the world—to their successors. (Cheers.)
Three years ago, at a similar meeting in some respects
to the present, they ushered in a great era of free trade
amid rejoicings. Those who had been known to each
other in that arduous struggle for many years—those
who had left all their pursnits and sacrificed all their
connexions for the prosecution of this object, took their
final leave of each other there. So far as they were
concerned, ho did not believe one gentleman present at
that time ever anticipated that, within the range of the
remotest possibility, they ever should be called to-
gether again upon this subject in that hall. (Hear,
hear.) They left, it might be said, unlike other
generals, the field in possession of the van-
quished enemy, They marshalled themselves
under new leaders, casheried their old officers,
hoisted their old flag under new generals. They took
possession, as it appeared, of the forlorn hopes of this
country, and through meetings, speeches, marchings
up to London to wait upon their great leader, and
merchings down again with assurances from their great
leaders, the Free-traders looked on with the most perfect
indifference. There was certainly one occasion when
they felt some little annoyance at the observations of the
noble earl at present at the head of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, and that was when, early last year, he assured
a deputation from every county of England, which bad
met first at Drury-lane, and was then adjourned to St.
James's-square, one and all, that if there was in any
district in England any one who entertained the idea
that there was in his mind any flinching or change of
opinion, ho authorized them to go back and announce
to those whom they represented, that such was not the
case, and that, in the memorable words of the Duke of
Wellington, he only wished for an opportunity, he said,
to say, " Up, Guards, and at them." Well, gentlemen,
at that time, certainly, they felt themselves a little
ruffled, but they consoled themselves with this
fact, that tho noble earl had omitted to notice
certain portions of the subject, which were certainly
necessary to his success ; first, that the Earl
of Derby is not the Duke of Wellington, and that
they (the Free-traders) were not the French. (Loud
cheers and laughter.) So long as these were their
practical amusements, the people of this country showed
no evidence or traces of anxiety. But early this year
a change came over the complexion of parties. They
found the Noble Earl, the head of the Protectionists, also
the head of her Majesty's Government, and called to
administer the affairs of this country according to the
principles which ho said ho was bound in all honour to
maintain. They saw him surrounded with all those who
had uniformly backed his opinions during the last seven
years; all the great offices of the state occupied by men
who, rank and file, had no recommendation or antece-
dents in this country but as genuine, downright Protec-
tionists; and under these circumstances was it surprising,
or not at all to be anticipated, that the people, feeling,
perhaps, some temporary alarm, began to think that the
time was come when it would be necessary to inform the
Noble Earl at the head of her Majesty's Government,
that a demonstration should be made which should imme-
diately, on the slightest appearance of danger, spon-
taneously burst forth to an extent beyond any of which,
from any previous anticipation, he could have the least
idea? Under these circumstances, the merchants, traders,
and manufacturers of that district met at Newall's-build-
lags, in Manchester, on the 2d of March, and in the
short space of 25 minutes put down somewhere about
27,0001., which sum was afterwards increased to 70,0001.
(Cheers.) Since the League was reconstructed, it was
certain that they bad heard very little of processions
up to Drury-lane. lie believed that building was now
to be had very low indeed. And there was not much
said about Protection now at the Carlton, where, at the
beginning of the year, there was always so much noise
made on the subject. Somebody must have caused ail
this, and as to who it was he left them to draw their
own conclusions. There was one thing which they were
bound to do, and which they were met now to put in
operation,—to take care that this question was brought
to an immediate settlement one way or the other.
(Great cheering.) Experience of the benefits of free
, trade had given the working man au interest in this
. ggeetion stronger than he over felt betimes lb ham as

wet' as Lord Derby, or that ingenious trifler the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. who found the money. (Laugh-
ter.) Ls therefore called on the distinguished gentlemen
on that p:a'form to lend their able and energetic efforts
to brine it to ;an immediate and satisfactory issn„,
(Cheers.) hecged leave to propose the " Health of
the Free-trade mere 'bars of the House of Commons."
The toast having been drunk most enthusiastically,
the whole assembly r. ising to cheer.
The CHAIRMAN Cal led on. Mr. Cobden to respond, as
the representative of ~.he 'Largest constituency in the
kingdom. (Great cheer;ng..)
Mr. COBDEN, M.P., on xi sing to respond, was received
with most enthusiastic oheering, the whole company
rising and giving cheer aner cheer for some time. He
said,—Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I am much obliged
to my friend, the chairman, who has explained to you
the reason why he has chosen me to return thanks
for the toast, on account of the extent of my con-
stituency rather than any personal merits of my
own, or I should not have had the presumption
to appear before you to represent so numerous
and so influential and distinguished a body of
men as those for when I have now the honour of re-
sponding. Gentlemen, a portion of the Free-trade mem-
bers of the House of Commons have been tried men, and
therefore they need no voucher from me to commend
them to your confidence; but there is a very large por-
tion of the present House of Commons consisting of new
and untried men. Many of these are now before you,
and I have no doubt whatever that when they appear on
the arena in Westminster they will be found as true and
faithful to their pledges and recorded principles as any
of those with whom I have had the honour of fighting
and winning some Free-trade battles. (Cheers.) Now.
gentlemen, I was very glad to see ono sentiment so
loudly applauded when it fell from our respected chair-
man in connexion with this toast. It was where he said,
what you expect from us is that we should bring this
question of Free-trade and Protection to a speedy set-
tlement. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I confess to you
that, so far as Free-trade is concerned, in this meeting
to-night, it appears to mo that that is almost the sole
object we can possibly have in view. It does not appear
to me that we meet hero to discuss the question, when
all the arguments relating to it have been worn thread-
bare by means of discussion; it does not appear to
me that it requires we should convince ourselves or con-
vince others of the superiority and justice of; Free
trade as opposed to Protection;: but what mo must
ask ourselves is this:—How is it that, when un-
doubtedly 19-201hs of the population of these realms are
in favour of Free-trade—when in all our commercial
cities you cannot find a sane man who is for Protection
—(Loud cheers)—when, I verily believe, in the whole
metropolis you could not find a score of individuals out-
side of Bedlam who would commit themselves to Protec-
tion—(Cheers and laughter)—when the whole agricul-
tural labouring population are vehemently in favour of
Free-trade, how is it, I ask, that in such a state of things
as that it can be necessary that we should meet here, in
this not very temperate atmosphere or very salubrious
room, again to protest against a Protectionist Govern-
ment ruling this country? Why, gentlemen, the reason
is this—and although I am as little apt to infringe the
rule of a Free-trade meeting by introducing extraneous
topics as anybody—the truth is this, that our House of
Commons is a packed House of Commons. (Loud
cheers.) It is a House of Commons where the intellect
and the wealth and the power of the country are so
unequally and unduly represented, that, instead of its
being a fair exponent of the opinions of the country, it
seems to be little more than a machine where ingenious
jugglers, like Signor Blitz himself, can shuffle the cards
and play their game, and win the stakes in spite of the
opposition of 19-20ths of the population of this
country, (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I still think
that if the Free-traders who were sent to Par-
liament at the last election are, as I believe they
will be, tree to their principles, we may bring this
question to a close, as we are bound to do, in
my humble opinion, before the next Christmas.
(Cheers.) Now, as you have shown that you are in
favour of the immediate settlement of this question, and
as I am sure the Free-trade members of the House of
Commons would be glad to have your sanction, or to in-
quire the opinion of a body so influential as this—so
powerful and socially so influential in all parts of the
kingdom—as to the mode by which wo should bring
this question to an issue, I ask your opinion on the plan
which I humbly submit ought to be followed by the
Free-traders in Parliament. (Cheers.) We want to
make a Government declare its opinions. (Cheers and
laughter.) We want to know what are the opinions of
the Government, in order to know whether the Govern-
ment be in harmony with the majority of the House of
Commons and the vast majority of the population of
this country. Have we not a right to know the opinions
of our Government upon the question which,of all others
at the present moment, concerns the welfare and the
happiness of the people of ;this country ? Then, I say,
when Parliament meets we have a right to know what
are the views of the Government upon the question of
Free-trade and Protection. When I had tae honour
of meeting you in Manchester in March last I stated
that I had had a conversation with Mr. Villiers
urging kim to put a notice on the paper of the House of
Commons, pledging the House to withhold its confi-
denos from any Government that was not pledged to
carry out the principles of Free-trade. You are
aware that when we mot again, after the short
recess, and after the Ministers had been re-elected, that
motion was altogether evaded by a declaration from Lord
Derby, and his representatives in the House of Commons,
that the Government did not expect or propose to carry
any measures in the House of Commons, knowing they
were then in a minority, but intended at the earliest pos-
sible period to take the sense of the country on their
policy. Lord Derby told us at the same time that he
would call Parliament together before Christma,, in
order that we might come to a decision on the commer-
cial policy of the country. (Hear, hear.) Well, gentle-
men, we have had that election, and, defective as is our
representative system, still there is a considerable ma-
jority of the House of Commons pledged to free trade.
(Cheers.) I have a very high authority in these matters
with the Government, Major Beresford, as for the fact.
(Cheers and laughter.) Well, now, gentlemen, all I
stipulate for is, that when Parliament re-assembles we
should know whether the Government be now Protec-
tionist or Free-trade. Is there anything unreasonable
in that? Why have we had a general election but to de-
cide that question? Why do we meet now before Christ-
mas. but avowedly, by Lord Derby, to settle that ques-
tion? I propose, therefore, to follow out that view which
seems so much in accordance with your sentiment; I pro-
pose that the Free•trade Members of the House of Com-
mons should bring Lord Derby's Government to a decla-
ration of their principles on this question. Now, I say
that if the Queen's Speech does not contain a distinct
renunciation and recantation of Protection on the part
of this Administration, then I think the Free-trade
majority, if they are true to their principles—as I
honestly hope and believe they are—are bound, either
by an amendment to the Address, or by a substantive
resolution in the House, to declare that no Government
will have the confidence of the House of Commons which
does not avow—mind I say avow—(Loud cheers)—its
determination to adhere to the policy of Free-trade, as it
has hitherto been adopted, and to carry it out in every
practicable way. (Cheers.) I sas the House of Commons
should call upon the Government to avow its opinions,
because I draw a very great distinction between a decla-
cation of the Government or the intimation—the mysti-
ral intimation—from the Government, that they don'

intend at present to interfere with free trade, and an
avowal of the Government that they have changed their
opinions, and they are honestly in favour of Free-trade.
I say that, having nineteen-twentieths of the population
of this country, and a largo majority of the House of
Commons, in favour of a certain policy, our constitu-
tional system is a farce unless you can have a Govern-
ment in harmony with that majority. (Loud cheers.)
It is not enough to satisfy you, I am sure, that those
who have been the inveterate enemies of the principles
which you have met here to support, should be left in
possession of the Executive power in this country, and free
to damage the progress of those principles, or to prevent
their extension, and if possible to bring back a return
of Protectionist principles. That will not satisfy you
nor satisfy the country. But why I wish a determinate
and specific course to be taken by the Free-traders is
this, that nothing short of that will ever settle the ques-
tion in the agricultural districts. (Cheers.) The great
home of this delusion of Protection is in the dark cor-
ners of our agricultural districts. (Hear, hear.) It is
there that still survives this 'faith; in a Ministry which
promises one thing at the market-table and talks in an-
other tone at the clubs and coteries of London. I need
not tell you how rife is this faith in Protection in the agri-
cultural districts. We have seen almost every agricultural
county, swayed as they all are by aristocratic influence,
owing to the system of voting in this country—we have
seen them nearly all carried in favour of Protectionist
candidates; and, in fact, some of our best and ablest mon
among the agriculturists themselves, such as Mr. Pine
and some of our Liberal aristocracy, like Lord Nor
reys, in Oxfordshire, for merely. saying "we have no
faith in this delusion;" and eminent men, like Mr.
Cornewall Lewis, in Herefordshire, have been discarded
solely on the ground of speaking for and of leaning to
Free-trade opinions. And who encourages this? The
political party who have crept into power on the faith
of this delusion. And you cannot put an end to this de-
lusion in the agricultural districts by any other process
than that which I have alluded to—by carrying this
theory to an immediate issue in the House of Commons,
and compelling the Government either to avow itself
Free-trade, thereby opening the eyes of these deluded
people in the agricultural districts to the delusions prac-
tised upon them, or else declaring themselves still for
Protection, and then going, as they must honestly go,
into opposition to advocate their principles. Now, I
don't blame members of Parliament, and members of a
party. for advocating, perseveringly and continuously,
principles in which they believe. I say, if the mem-
bers of the present government are still of the same
opinion that they were when they were in opposition,
let thorn avow it, let them go into opposition again.
They are in a minority, but you have seen that when
you have faith in your principles, and belief in those
principles being true, you may make a minority into a
majority, but that is a process to be done in op-
position and not in the Government. (Hear.) Now,
the agricultural districts of this country have been kept
for the last six or seven years in a state of suspended
animation by the course that has been pursued by the
political landlords of the country. They have prevented
men from devoting themselves to their pursuits, and re-
lying entirely on their own energies;
they have been
looking to those members of Parliament and those poli-
tical parties to do something for their interests, which
can only be done by their own 'individual and united
efforts, The agricultural constituencies, in the way in
I which they have been standing agape at these political
A

parties, and beliefn,t; everything that these political jug-
glers have told them, have reminded me of a bumpkiu
on a village green watching a juggler, who is pullin-
ribs.nds by the yard Out of his mouth and scvallowin:::
Eire, and believing that he is doing all that in the cours;
of nature, and nit by mere artifice and legerdemain.
(Laughter.) Now, gentlemen, I have had some oppor-
tunity of witnesAing the effect of this long continued de-
lay upon the interests of agriculture. You ore prospering
here in the manufacturing districts, and if they are nor
prospering in the farming districts of the south of
England to the same extent, it is very much owing to
the fact that those engaged in the rural pursuits of this
country have had their attention and energies di-
' verted from their own individual pursuits by the
delusion that has been practised upon them. The
agricultural labourers of this country aro not, I am sorry
to say, so well off as they should be, though they are
certainly better than they were under the auspices of
Protection. But I sometimes hear it stated that you are
short of labour in this part of the country. Now.
having resided some time in a purely agricultural dis-
trict of England, I venture to say that the wages of
agricultural labourers in the southern countios—inelud•

ing Oxfordshire, Worcestershire, Gloucestershire, Kent,
Su,sex, Surrey. and all the counties southward, includ-
ing Devon and Dorset—the wages of agricultural la-
bourers, the heads of families, honest, industrious
men, do not average 9s. a-week, and in DJrseishire and
Devonshire many are working at 7s. a-week. They ara
better off than they were under the regime of Protection,
when the price of the loaf was double what it is at pre-
sent; but they are not so well off as they ought to be;
and " the reason why " is, that there is not capital
enough in the agricultural districts to give the people
full employment. You cannot improve the condition of
the labourers in the agricultural districts of England—
and I want to see them improved there, rather than to
see them compelled to come here for employment—
(Cheers.)—more effectually than by investing capital in
the cultivation of the soil, with the view of affording
them employment; but if you want to deter the flow
of capital to the land you cannot do it more
effectually than by keeping up those delusions under
which the farmers of this country are looking to Mr.
Disraeli and Lord Derby for their safety, rather than
to the increase of their capital and the application of
skill and industry to the culture of the land. (Cheers.)
In the interest of the agriculturists. therefore, I call upon
the Free-traders in the House of Commons to bring this
question to a decisive issue. (Cheers.) Now, gentle-
men, will this suit political parties ? Will it suit the
old game of Whig and Tory ? I hold that we are not to
consult political parties in the settlement of this ques-
tion. (Hear, hear.) When we first assembled in Man-
chester fourteen years ago, we resolved that we would
keep this question distinct and free altogether from the
old political combinations, and it was owing to that re-
solution Cote that complete success was the issue of our
agitation. Had it been otherwise—had we joined the
Whig ranks—it was impossible that Sir Robert Peel
could have taken up this measure. It was by hold
ing entirely aloof from both Whigs and Tories that
we enabled Sir Robert Peel to take up and to settle
this great question. Now, do political parties want
to procrastinate this question that they may play
a game of delusion, in the hope of mixing it with
some party struggle, tripping each other up, and
having Free-trade in reserve as a small and infini-
tesimal subject for party discussion? If so, have no-
thing to do with any political party whatever. (Hear,
hear.) We want to bring the matter to an issue—
(cheers)—and having cleared the question of protection
out of the way of all parties, we leave them to make
some new combination. Indeed there is no honest man,
whatever party he may belong to, who wishes to see
progress made with any other question, who is not inte-
rested with us in removing the questions of Protection
and Free-trade from the category of political discussion.
(Hear, hear.) I know that it is very fashionable among
certain politicians to say, " Why don't your Liberal
members of the House of Commons get together and
form yourselves into a party?" Some people out of
doors will say " You should form a Radical party."
Others will say " Why don't you form yourselves into
a progressive party?" I must confess I think that all
people who look to members of the House of Commons
to form parties or to determine the policy of the coun-
try have a very insufficient notion of what it is that con-
stitutes the force of political movements in this country.
(Hear, hear.) What is it that makes Free-trade now
a powerful political question that gives to the
question of Free-trade the vitality and force which
it possesses in Parliament? It is not because a few
members of the House of Commons got together, and
determined that they would make a party question 9f
Free-trade. (Hear, hear.) Free-trade did not become
a powerful question in the House of Commons or among
politicians until some men, rather young in years, and
who had never before been known as politicians, engaged
most actively and energetically in the advocacy of the
principle out of doors, and by means of such meetings as
this, gave an impetus to the question which enabled
members of the House of Commons to carry Free-trade
as it was carried. But if anybody supposes that till this
question is settled any members of the House of Com-
mons could form themselves into a party for any other
object, unless the people out of doors indicated what
they wanted, and prepared a question for Parliament to
deal with, such person has entirely forgotten the history
of the Free-trade agitation, and must be totally ignorant
how parties aro constituted in the House of Commons.
(Hear.) Therefore, whatever other subject may be most
yours out of doors—whether you want an extension of
the suffrage, ballot, or any other measure, you are inte-
rested in clearing the ground of this Free-trade contro-
versy. Get rid of this out of your path, and then,
like sturdy, honest Englishmen, set to work, bringing
out some men not above 30 years old, because you will
want some time to do it ; and whatever is just and
right and politic, if you only work for it, you will let
sure to succeed in obtaining. (Hear, hear.) Now I
should not wonder if we should be met by some wise
politicians with the question—What are you going to du
if you turn out the Government ? How will you mak..
another? Well, I think that question is much easier 01
solution after the experience of the last six months that
it was before. (Laughter and cheers) I don't think we
shall ever be in any great difficulty in finding a Govern-
ment, after the experience of the last Government.
(Renewed laughter mid cheers.) Wo have a Cabinet
now, I believe, comprising a dozen very worthy and
respectable men, but I venture to say there are at least
500 men in the body of this hall who are quite as
competent to fill the office of Cabinet Minister a:
those gentlemen. (Laughter.) It has been show',
that it does not require that you should have an-
cesters who were Ministers before you ; it does not
require that you should have been chin deep in " red
tape" all your days (hear, hear) ; it does not require
that you should have a broad coat of arms, or even
a crest—(A laugh) ; it does not matter what lineage or
race you belong to—(Laughter and cheers)—there is no
sort of embargo henceforth against anybody being a
Cabinet Minister. (Cheers.) Therefore, the difficulty
we used to be met with is everywhere lessened. (Hear
hear.) But we started—the Free-traders started, by
declaring that they bad no political rights to serve.
(Hear, hear.) I confess I won't be chargeable with suce
transparent hypocrisy as to affect the modesty of not
being able to be as good a Cabinet Minister as some
half-score gentlemen now in office. (Great cheering.)
I hope it will not be supposed that I have any ambition
to fill any such office—(Some laughter)-1 have no snob
desire. (Hear, hear.) Not that I think, where people
can hold office and hold their own convictions too, it is
not a most honourable and desirable post, a post which
gives men great power to do good. (Hear, hear.) But
I think nobody will charge me with having any ambition
of that kind, in wishing to see the present Government
brought fairly to brook, and compelled either to give it
on the question of Free-trade, or to go out as Protec-
tionists. (Hear, hear.) But, I think, we are fairly en-
titled to say this—that whatever else the men may
be, we insist upon having a Free-trade Administration.
(Cheers.) And when I say a Freo-trado Administra-
tion, I mean a body of men, if they are to be the men
now in office, who shall distinctly and emphatically re-
pudiate all the doctrines they have been promulgating
in their past lives upon this great question. (Laughter
and cheers.) We have seen that done before by greater
and better men than they (cheers); and Heaven forbid
that in these times of marvellous change, when the world
itself is undergoing transformations almost like the ka-
leidescope, where we see such incidents occurring to
upset all calculations and combinations in the physical
world, I should deny it to men at the eleventh hour, of
the eleventh and three quarters, to recant all they have
said upon the subject of Free-trade and protection.
(Hear.) But it must be emphatic. (Hear.) They
must say that Free-trade does not lower wages (hear,
hear); they must say that Free-trade does not cause a
drain of gold from this country (hear, hear); they must
say that Free-trade has not thrown land out of cultiva-
tion in this country (hear, hear); they must say that
the land of this country is still worth something (hear,
hear); and they must say that wheat, good wheat, has
not been imported into this country, and cannot be,
at 245. a quarter. (Hear.) Those are a few of the
things they must say, when they said the
very opposite before. (Hoar, hear, and cheers.)
And we must have no aceampaniment about " compen-
sation." (Hear, hear.) Do you look in
and see what the word "compensation" means.taan_d_, rt
your dictionaryo
will see that if there is any compensation duelBa
611vre:s
to those people who, from 1815 down to 4
kept upon short commons by the aristoorancy.wo(
Recollect that when we launched our Lesg 0 Cheerer)
opted
and unconditional
for our motto—" Total, immediate;
repeal." (Hear, hear.) Co I boldly
deny that there is any loss. ( ation ;
millee:r hear Owe"' but
I
declare, and challenge the adversary'todenylaint,d,thtaatkitnhge
value of land in this country, agriculturalile county with another, is
one acre with another, anndloB44.
(Gear, hear.) I do
greater now than it was i
not mean to say that there are not particular cases;
where, for instance, some of the great landed_
proprietors
were oolish enough to
prevent
.railroads coming into
their neighbourhoods, in
which there may not be found
some empty mansions and stagnant country towns.
That is the fault of those who opposed railroads, as they.
did Free-trade, and everything else that is good.
(Hear, bear.) But that is more than compensated by the
vast increase in the value of the land where railroads
have been allowed to run. (Hear.) But taking one
with another, I am prepared to maintain and prove that
the value of land has not diminished since 1844, before
the Corn-laws wore touched by Sir R. Peel. ( dear.
hear) But I do not mind if it had. Have not the
landlords had their share of compensation already in the
advantages Free-trade has given to them, in theprice
of living, and in other ways? (Hear, hear.)
be-
sides that, if they had had no such advantages, And, I
main-
tain that no class of men in this
country can have a
vested interest in laws. (Hear, hear.) individuals may
have a patent right and may be entitled to compensation
if their individual interests are invaacd for the benefit of
the country at large; but classes, great classes, such as
drapers or grocers, or any other class, can have no claim
to compensation when their interests are affected. Take
the cue of the lawyers: We hare lately had grtiit

changes in the law; we have had " John Doc and
Richard Roe" abolished. (A laugh) They wore much,
more ancient acd venerable than Protection, and yet th,e
lawyers, with the modesty that characteriz d there—
(laughter)—lever asked tor compensation. No, there
must be no eprnoonsarion. (Hear.) The party that
holds office in a Free-trade country like this must be
prepared to carry out Frea trade to its legitimate 'conse-
quences—(hear, hear)—to advocate Free-trade, to argue
in favour of Free-trade—(hear, hear)—not to sneer at "the
Alancheser School," but to put themselves to the Man-
chester School to learn their lessons, (Hear, hear.)
We must be able to present before the world a Govern.
ment which, when it meets foreigners, as it does in its
foreign relations, shall be able to show them the reason
why we :are Free-traders, and to lay before them, with
industry and pertinacity, from year to year, the fruits
of Free-trade in this country. (Hear, hear.) Could an
wpeeatrleyin to
friendly
uil lity
ambassador be better employed than in conveying
en
irnei
i ''at et
relations, s the o,
fi°
rsetiagn t
withstSictaalteirsuits(
4Er whomc e,
trade in this country? (Hear, hear.) Could anything
be mere convincing to a Treasurer, a Chancellor of the
Exchequer abroad, than if the Chancellor of the 'r&x-
chequer in England took care that he should know that
the revenue had improved rather than fallen off in con-
sequence of Free-trade? (Hear.) But how can you ex-
pect the Chtheellor of the Exchequer to do this so
ex-
pressed as he is adhering to the opinion he has always that Free-trade is sure to cause a great falling
off in the revenue? (Hear, hoar.) You must have u
Government not only avowing itself in favour of Feao-
trade, but prepared, in every possible way, to pro-
mote the extension of the principle in all its ra-
mifications and consequences. (Hear, hear.) For
instance, I am very much sneered at sometimes
because I couple with this question of Free-trade
the question of pacific relations with other countries. I
am told I am Utopian. Why, lam only doing a little
more practically what those who support Free-trade do
theoretically ; for I scarcely ever heard a good free-
trade speech but what the peroration is showing the con-
nexion between Free-trade and pacific relations. lum
only carrying Free-trade to its consequences when I say
it will have the effect of rendering nations more de-
pendent upon each other, and that they will therefore
be the more bound together by ties of amity and friend-
ship, as was most happity and beautifully expressed by
the Rev. Gentleman who asked a blessing to-night, and
whom I always hear with pleasure (Hear, hear), ono
who has invariably denoted his powers of mind to the
advocacy of sound principles. (Hear, hear.) lam not
Utopian—l am practical ; I give a reason for the faith
that is in me. (Hear.) I see Free-trade an accomplished
fact in this country, as the greatest commercial country
in the world,—l see that its example must be followed,
and that that example must lead to the extension of the
intercourse between this and other countries ; and I see
in that, not the Utopian realization of a dream, but I
see cause and effect (Hear, hear) ; and I say men
will be made peaceable because their interests will be
allied in the cause of peace. (Cheers.) Now, I only ask
you this in conclusion—to watch our proceedings in Par-
liament—(hear); and, as you come from ail parts of the
kingdom, and I have no doubt have had a powerful voice
in the election of perhaps hundreds of members of Par-
liament, I hope that you will have your eyes steadfastly
upon us all—;hear, hear); and if any of us falter, if any
of us seem disposed to palter with this question, and to
postpone its final and definite settlement from this short
session to another, that it may be mixed up with other
questions and bo made the gam© of party, that you
should admonish us and keep us to our duty. (Hear,
hear). It is with that feeling that I beg to propose as
a sentiment, " Health to the constituencies who have
returned Free-trade members to Parliament." (Great
cheering).

The CitAIRDIAN then proposed " The Health of Sir
W. Clay."
Sir W. CLAY, M.P., was received with loud applause.
lie said, the toast which had been given from the
chair was "The Constituencies which had returned
Free-traders to the new Parliament." They were, no
doubt, perfectly aware that the constituencies which
bai returned Free-traders comprehended, almost with-
out exception, every large town constituency in the
United Kingdom. There was one doubtful exception,
to which ho would not allude, but it was not very
remote from the place where ho was now spcaking.

(Hear, hear.) With that exception, every great town
constituency in the kingdom had returned Free-trade
members to Parliament. And those constituencies,
in so doing, had only pronounced and given voice to the
opinions and deep-seated convictions of the entire people
of this country. But what was to be the result of the
entire views of the people of England being pronounced
in behalf of the principles of Free-trade? Why, those
results must flow from it to which his hon. friend had so
well alluded. lie agreed with him that the time for ac-
tion was come. The arguments in favour of Protection
had long since been swept into that lumber-room where
were accumulated the exploded fallacies and forgotten
sophisms of the past. With regard to the men who had
used them, they were fast vanishing from their view; it
was becoming more and more difficult to meet with a
pure Protectionist. They would very shortly disappear
from view in the dim obscurity of distance. He was
going to say that they would " loom " obscurity in the
past, but a great man had especially devoted that word
"loom," to what he denominated "great objects." Now,
he (Sir W. Clay) believed that nothing could be smaller
than Protectionist statesmen, and every day that passed
rendered them smaller still. They would soon take
place in the imagination with those venerable persons
whom come of as still remembered—gentlemen with
powdered heads and pigtails, with knee-buckles end
;op-boots, and whose chief delight was, be believed, in
long whiskers. But if this was now the state of public
opinion, it was not always so. The time was not remote
when this great question first assumed its due importance
ihere was a time, net remote, when one large part of
the people of England were ill-informed on the subject,
and a yet larger portion cold and indifferent. He could
himself remember when, some 15 years since, ho pro-
posed to the House of Commons the repeal of the Corn
Laws. (Cheers.) lie remembered that when he brought
forward that motion ho should have been well pleased to
obtain the encouragement and support of that giro at con-
stituency which then, as now, he had the honour to re-
present. He could not obtain it; there were fe iv who
gave him any encouragement or support. But what was
the fact now? There had recently been long and. fierce
contests in that borough; there were five candidates,
and not one of them would have dared to present him-
self to that, the largest borough constituency in the
kingdom, if a doubt had hung over the sincerity of his
devotion to his principles. One of the first men he
applied to at the commencement of that contest was
among the largest, if not the very largest, of the ship-
owners of this country—that class among wnom Protec-
tionist principles had lingered longest. Ile said, speak-
ing the views of one of those parishes which constituted
the port of London, " Give yourself no trouble, we
are all Free-traders." If this was now the state of the
constituency, to what was this blessed change mainly
owing? In his calm and deliberate opinion, it was
mainly owing to the men of Manchester, to the Anti-
Corn. law League, and to his hon. friend who sat near
him, whom he need not name, for his name had become
a household word. (Loud cheers.) It was the mca
of the Anti-Corn Law League who had, by their well-
directed exertions, informed the ignorant, confirmed the
doubtful, given courage to the timid, aud, at last, by
their unceasing perseverance, rendered those trutbs,
once perceived and contended for by the few, the pro-
perty of the world. (Cheers.) He remembered the first
beginning of that League, the feeling with which it was
regarded, the sneers with which it wan met, and among
the sneerers were not only Tories, but those who sat
apposite
to Tories, some of whom were aCterwards
floated into power upon that title of public opinion
to which its exertions had given the first motion.
(Cheers.) They had persevered and triumphed, and
round the greatest compliment paid to thorn in
the imitation of their method of agitating by
char opponents. They said the League distributed
so many tracts, and they- would distribute so many
more hundred weights, and they might possibly have
succeeded, for heavier literature than Protectionist tracts
it had never been his misfortune to meet with. The
men of Manchester and the League had set a glorious
example, and he hoped the people of Eogland
would fol-
low it. It was from the battle-field oe which they had
planted their victorious standards that the friends of
progress and constitutional reform must advance to fur-

tiler' triumphs. (Cheers.)
The next toast was " The Anti-Corn-law League."
Mr. BRIGHT, who was Called upon to speak to the
toast, was received with several roun s
d of chee rs. Tie
said—Being called upon to respond to this sentiment, 1
meeting somewhat likeheld
feel myself in a very singular position; for, on recur ring
to the proceedings of a
eaents
Was that of " the M nearly four years ago, I find that, among the sentie
of the
offered to that meeting,
~ Memory
Anti Corn-law League. (Laughter and cheers.) Ido
not recollect whether it was rceeiven in mournful silence
or with acclamation—(a laugh)—but this I knowsthat
(t
all
lineaments,
a mh eeanrt.
5) i
(W, r e
the recollected
benevo-
lence
we felt wo had followed the League from its .
ment to its extinction, and we fancied that Lornece-
ithe pertentou's warning which
we had seen
li PfOleotid,h
ieitnsg
ariatesnt
idogenur:r v
feoo.fr
it hold out to the
should see it again
but we never imagined tOhp
a living combination, as woaptreswsnor
have seen it during
and the unjust;
the last eight months,
and as e see it by its representa-
tives Our opponents said
gathered within this hall
that it to-night. (Hear, hear.)
not the first body of people
League. well,
they
are was but the ghost of the
who have
been driven -
from the field by a ghost.
(Laughter and cheers.) i
last4en take leave, however, to assert
chat the manifestation of opinion during the period of the
general
elnaccotniothns;h ansd especiatlY
dung the period of the
been such a 3 to 6tICIW, that if the
League was buried, its spirit is still an existing and a
living spirit—( h
c eera)—a spirit that dare and does defy
any Cabinet that may exercise authority in this country
to touch again the sacred question of Frce-trade. (Loud
cheers.) If any man says that we were wrong in reor-
f=3wzing• the League, let him for one moment look at
the facts. Lord Derby, the notorious and unscrupulous
h ader of tho most intolerant of the Protection party—.
(hear, hear)—came into office. It isdifficult to say how
he came there. (A laugh.):l have heard of generals sur-
rendering with whole armies at discretion. I am not sure
that the leader on our aide of the House did not surrender
without discretion. (Laughter.) Some say his staff was
disordered; some say his troops mutinied. Some felt
that they were almost as often led into the racks of the
foe as led against thorn. (Hear.) But whatever be the
reason, somehow or other Lord Derby came into office.
We had Protection blasts, and, finally, Lord Palmerston
offered himself as the great trumpe 4r, and the walls of
the Whig Jerioho fell at once to the g, hand. (Laughter
and cheers.) But having Lord Derby in office, the re-
presentative of a great, though a mistaken policy, we can
hear nothing of that policy. (Hear.) When the:Reform
Ministry came into office, everybody talked about re-
form; the followers of the Government were encouraged
to talk about reform. Whoa Sir R. Peel came into office,
after his temporary resignation seven years ago, evet v.