The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-09 00:00:00

11.4 k tivniatt ,*l-,-,"4 Mrs

LONDON, MONDAY. FEBRUARY 9, 1852.

German influence it was which led to the dismissal
of Lord PALMERSTON. Of this there can no longer
be any question whatever. It was apparent from the
commencement, it is undeniable in the conclusion of
the very remarkable occurrences which have thud
formidably shaken to its centre the Cabinet at present
conducting the affairs of administration. There
could not from the first be a moment's doubt in any
reasonable person's mind that to German influence,
and to German influence alone, the late Foreign
Secretary owed his expulsion from her MAJESTY'S
Government. As we have already repeatedly observed,
the fact was transparent at the very instant when that
rash act on the part of Lord JOHN RUSSELL was ori-
ginally proclaimed through the columns of a morning
contemporary. It was made public in the Times of
the 24th of last December, and yet lo ! and behold !
it was mentioned in a letter written from Vienna on
the 23d of last December, being printed in the
Breslau Gazette on the night of the 24th, and pub-
lished in that journal on the morning of the 25th—a
coincidence too extraordinary of its kind, in rela-
tion to a matter of such vast importance, not
to be admitted at once as one in every way most
singular and significant. As such it was alluded to
immediately afterwards by ourselves. As such it has
been subsequently brought under the consideration of
the House of Commons by the Hon. Baronet the
Member for the borough of Marylebone. But this
is not all. A variety of other circumstances have
gone far to corroborate our earliest statements as to
the German influence which really led to the
dismissal of Viscount PALMERSTON. The abbreviated
and evidently cautious explanations made
by that statesman himself before the popular branch
of the Legislature pointed out only too clearly the
motive of his reservations. He was touching ground
altogether too delicate to be trodden upon boldly.
He was, therefore, compelled to restrict himself to those
portions of the argument which were the least cab u-
lated to draw the general attention to the latent ems,
of his removal from the Government. Nevertheless,
although little has been said upon the real bearing
of these secret but perfectly comprehensible
reasons, the nation has heard quite enough
to enable it to form something like an accu-
rate judgment upon the position in which the late
Foreign Secretary stands i❑ reference to the country
and the Administration. Displeasing his policy may
hitherto have been in high quarter:, but in the pre-
sent instance, in the instance of his Parliamentary
exculpation, it must necessarily, we feel assured, be
a subject, in those same high quarters, of very
genuine and profound admiration. It will be per-
ceived there, at least, clearly enough, that out of
office Lord PALMERSTON is as loyal as in office he
is patriotic. _ _

Never was a Minister so disgraced with so entire
an absence of diminution either to his dignity or to
his popularity. Perhaps we are not altogether accu-
rate in saying " never," when we call to our remem-
brance the ovations which accompanied Sir ROBERT
PEEL on the occasion of his ever-memorable downfall
—on that occasion when the great administrator was
greeted by the multitude at the moment of his re-
tirement from the head of the Government
with an enthusiasm such as had never
been displayed towards any statesman at
the time of his assuming the reins of administration.
Somewhat in a similar manner has Lord PALMERS-
TON sent in the seals of the Foreign Department.
There is no perceptible change in the elevated position
in which the Noble Lord has hitherto stood before
the millions of his fellow-countrymen. Almost equal

regard is had to his ir.fluence as at the period when he
was still one of her MAJEbTY'S Principal Secretaries
of State. Insomuch is the prestige of his name sus-
tained even at the moment when he is supposed
ro be under the cloud of his dismissal from
her 3.la.rxsTr's Government, that on Saturday evening
he was surrounded by as numerous and influential a
throng of diplomatists, politicians, statesmen, and
legislators, as at any period when he was most
popular as a member of the Administration. Donee
erisfelix multos numeratis amicos,is the old sneer of the
Roman at the insincerity and evanescence reputed
to be the characteristic of friendship. Even supposing
the axiom to be true—which we don't—Lord PAL-
MERSTON cannot but be regarded as one still numbered
amongst the ranks of the prosperous. We consider
these `! troops of friends," however, as bearing testi-
mony not so much to the continued felicity of the
Noble Lord's position, as to the sympathy entertained
towards one whose difficult and innumerable
labours as a statesman have been inadequately recog-
nised, or if recognised repaid only by ingratitude. IN, e
deduce, moreover, from the attitude assumed towards
the late Foreign Secretary by so many public men of
distinguished character, that anticipations neither
few nor feeble are entertained that his withdrawal
from the toils devolving upon an administrator is
only for a while, and that before many months have
elapsed he may not merely be infusing anew his in-
fluence into our foreign policy, but presiding—facile
princeps—over the entire fabric of the Government.

Another significant intimation has been given of
the nature of the new Reform Bill, and some insight
afforded into Ministerial intentions on other matters.
The new President of the Board of Control has
addressed his late constituents viva voce at the Town-
hall, Perth, humbly seeking " their most sweet
voices" and a renewal of former confidence. It was,
of course, incumbent on the Right Hon. Gentle-
man, who has for some time held a seat in
the Cabinet, and who has just been promoted
to a more important situation—one, indeed,
peculiarly so—at the present moment, when
the renewal of the charter to the East India Com-
pany, and the various modifications and changes that
must be introduced in the government of that
gigantic empire are necessarily under consideration—
to say something respecting the various matters that
have so strongly excited the public curiosity. It was
still more essential that he should explain the
reasons. that induced him to change his opi-
abl:en ns on questions of the deepest interest. He had
a supporter of " the ballot," and certainly
did not incur the
vote on the occasion
displeasure of his constituents by his
Would he still maintain his
course by supporting
which would afford
pro-
tection to the that
theel,ctor in
honest exercise of the
franchise, and check the infamous
h system of bribery
and corruption,
ofwhich
:m*l'3f n s ? Or would
late years re-
ceived so many disgraceful illustrations
on which a
u the ballot" remain an open
questios
Cabinet Minister might remainth neutral ? It
could scarcely be supposed that
the hostility
of the Whig Ministry, to
one
of n,
the topics
of most vital importance, a topic, indeed, essen-
tial to the true and faithful representation of the
people, could be of a character so implacable as to in-
duce them to compel their colleague to eat his former
words, an operation that must necessarily be as un-
pleasant as the mastication of the leek by the antient
PISTOL. it should have been their object to sustain
his reputation, and to bring him back to Parliament
with the greatest degree of credit possible. It was
therefore generally supposed that the Right Hon.
Gentleman would announce one of three courses—
viz., Ist, Ttat the ballot would constitute a portion
of the new measure (although the hopes of that " con-
summation so devoutly to be wished for," had become
faint indeed); or 211 y,
That it would remain an open
question on which he might vote as he thought
proper ; or, 3dly, That he might at least maintain
neutrality, and be conveniently absent from the divi-
sion. It was scarcely anticipated that a case of such
gross and sham-less tergiversation would be unblush .
ingly avowed as that " the Honourable," we beg par-
don, " the Right honourable Gentleman," should
venture to go through the farce of announcing a corn- i!
plete alteretion.-no doubt a conscientious alteration—

in his former epinionl, and, like his celebrated proto-
type, bestow a heal:y kick on what he foolishly sup-
posed to be the dead lion.

But so it was—the Right Honourable President of
-he India Board not only chronicled, but absolutely
41oried in his shame. He coolly announced, that
when " first returned for the county of Perth, and
subsequently when returned for the city, " his
opinions were always more against the ballot than for
it 11" 'What a happy state of mind for this political
MACHEATH. Could one be imagined more conducive
to his private fortunes, although by no means
so creditable to his public character ? He could for a
proper con-si-de-ra-tion take either side. If his patron
ignored " the ballot" he could declare that " his opi-
nion had always bean more against it:thanfor it." But
put the question in a proper shape. Let him under-
stand the reason why he was to -support it, and he
would speedily listen to reason. He would vote, aye,
and speak most eloquently and impressively in favour
of the system, which he was always more against

;t) an for.

He now declares that " the only argument he ever
saw for voting for the ballot" was the existence of
certain fictitious votes that were created—not in Eng-

land, nor in Ireland—but only in Scotland, and that
he therefore advocated the plan for giving protection
co the voter merely that "the party creating
-he fictitious vote might not be secure in

the exercise of it." Was there ever so ab-
surd, so utterly ridiculous an argument
put forward by a man of ordinary capacity ? At
one moment he tells us, that the ballot does not pro-
vide the requisite secrecy, as every man not only
avows, but glories in his vote. Ergo, he supported
it as a mode of preventing the creation of fictitious
votes—that the party guilty of such an act
might have no security as to the mode in which the
votes would be exercised I He voted for that which
would not give secrecy merely on account of that
very secrecy ! Again, if we had universal suffrage he
would support the ballot, but "so long as the elec-

tions turn, as they do now, on the influence subsisting
between the non-elector and the elector, he had no
right to deprive the non-elector of the only way in
which he can bring his opinions to bear in regard to
how the elector exercises his vote." The Right
Honourable Gentleman is thus the strenuous advo-
cate for external influences being brought to bear
on the elector. He is not to exercise his own free-
will, bat to respect the wishes of the non-electors. If
these parties are so well qualified to control others in
the exercise of the franchise, why should it be still
withheld from them ? What excuse can be offered
for keeping theca political cyphers ? We shall
await the reply of the Right Honourable Gentleman
to that interrogatory. Wa cannot, in our inno-
cence, understand why a serious injury is to be
inflicted on the voters, because others are sub-
.peted to still greater wrong. We shall not follow
Mr. MauLE through the tissue of fallacies
which he thought proper to offer to his late con-
stituents. We must, however, say, and that with
regret, that his speech cn the occasion affords by no
means a favourable augury of the good intentions of
his colleagues, or of the concessions to be granted by
the new Reform Bill of 1852.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of Saturday
and yesterday. Their contents are of no great
interest.
The Union recommends the Legitimatists to exer-
cise their influence as a party in every way in which
this can be done legally and effectively. This
journal has been regarded as the organ of the great
msjority of the Legitimatist party ; but it is evident,
from what it says to-day, that there is great division
as to the course to be adopted, and that it is feared
by the Union that the refusal of the leading Legiti •
matiats to take part in public business would have
the effect of rendering them powerless for the future.
In the Constitutionnel there is a grave article on the
costumes to be worn by members, senators, &c, a
subject which it appears, occupies the attention of
M. CASARIANCA, the Minister of State. It is yet a
most doubefal point whether the senators are to sport
white or black feathers. The different sorts of em-
broidery which are to mark the gradations of official
rank engage much attention. There is some appre-
hension lest the members of the corps Zegistatif may
rebel against being put in livery, Ali that is certain,
according to the somewhat simple confession of the
Government journal, is, that the salons are making
merry at the roan-millinery.
The President of the Court of Appeal has addressed
a letter to the Bdtonnier of the Order of Advocates,
directing him to require that advocates shall appear
before the Courts in the costume fixed by the laws of
Nivo3e, An. xii., and of 30. h March, 1808. This,
says the Gazette des Tribunaux, has been rendered
necessary, in consequence of young advocates per-
sisting, in spite of the warnings of the judges, in ap-
pearing in costumes not in accordance with the dignity
of justice.
Prince NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, cousin of the PRE-
SIDENT of the Republic, arrived at Calais on the sth
from Paris, and embarked the same day for Dover in
the Garland steamer.

Among the French refugees who have made known
their intention to take up their residence in Belgium
are MM. Bazs (ex-questor of the Assembly),
ManftEu, its,r, and BAJARD, ex-representatives of
the Drome; LAMARQUE, of the Dordogne; BRUCK-
NER, ex-representative ; and AUGUSTE MOREL, ex-
editor of the National. Liege has been designated as
the residence of the two last-named; and Louvain as
that of M, JULES FAVRE.
The Debuts says:—
" Accounts have reached Paris from Constantinople,
that the liberal Ministry,under the presidency of Re:chid
Pacha, has been replaced by one much less favourable,
it is said, to the idea' of reform of which Reachid Pacha
was the ardent and constant promoter."
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, FE8.17. I
Dutch Rhenish, 3% —East Indian, 20z,i—Luxembourg,
336 —Namur and Liege, sjs—Northern of France, 18A,—
Paris and Rouen, 26j—Rouen and Havre, 10—Sambre
and Meuse, 3%.