The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-24 00:00:00

MAY 24, 1852.
N°.18,618.] LONDON, MONDAY S N 7

GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
WHITSUNTIDE HOLIDAYS.
CIIEAP EXCURSION TRAINS.
On SUNDAY, May 30, and on MONDAY, May 31, trains will
leave Paddington, at a Quarter before Eight o'clock in the morning,
tor Bath and Br stol, and will return in tne 'evening of each day
frorif Bristol at Half-pest Six' o'clock, thus enabling the public to
remain either one or two days in the country.
Fares in
To Bristol and back (to returnclosed m the saecarriages—
day) - —10 s. and Cs.
ditto (down on Sunday and return on
Monday) Us. and 10s.
- -
To Bath and back (to Muni the same day) 9s. and 53.
ditto (down on Sunday and return on
Monday) -
12s. and Bs.
-
Another train will also leave Paddington on SUNDAY, bray 30,
at a Quarter before Nine o'clock in the mornidg, for Chepstow, It
lug at Swindon, Cirencester, Stroud, Gloucester, anl
(lA, at Suba
ix raturning from Chepstow on Monday evening.. May ,
o'clock, thus aff rd.rig the public an ozportunity of_
Abbey, and the celebrated scenery of the river Nye.
'visiting 'intern

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

hofadfr2eoe,Otroaod,ooo
was, to
f btoburlliinogn
biunilliBons2inttoheirtgefeoorffeeorns.e result
leaving California out of view, and describing that as
having flowed from free trade, which had only happened
in spite of free trade. But let us give Lord John Russell's
own words. He thus writes:—
It is not necessary for me to celebrate the success of
measures intended to continue and complete the policy
of free trade. You will find the more recent facts, fur-
nishing the most conclusive proofs of the wisdom of that
policy, in the financial statement of the present Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. That speech deserves your at-
tentive study.
"The financial results of the policy of the last ten
years may be thus summed up:—
" 1. Customs duties have been repealed or reduced to
the extent of 9,000,0001.
"2. Excise duties have been repealed or reduced to
the extent of 1,500,000/.
" 3 Stamp duties were reduced in 1850 to the extent
of 500,0001.
"4. The window duties have been commuted for a
house-tax, by which relief was given to the extent of
1,200,000/.
"5. The produce of Customs, Excise, Stamps, and
Taxes was, in 1842, 48,000,000. In 1851, 46,600,000.
Thus the relief to the country has been 12,200,0001.
The loss to the revenue only 1,400,0001."
Now this representation would be" excusable if we
could suppose Lord John to be profoundly ignorant of
all that took place from 1821 to 1830, he being a Mem-
ber of the House of Commons all that time. But, if we
cannot believe him to be thus ignorant, then he is guilty
both of the suppressio veri and also of the suggestio
His position is this: " See the admirable effects of free
trade? In ten years we have taken off 12,200,0001. of
taxes." Why does he keep out of sight the imposition
of the income•tax, of more than 5,200,0001. per annum,
which reduces the real remission to leas than 7,000,0001.
per annum? But dais but- u anaull port of the oapproo-
sion. During all the years, from 1821 to 1830, Lord
John Russell was a regular attendant on the business of
Parliament. And in those ten years he saw the follow-
ing reductions made:—
In 1821. Duty on agricultural horses 460,000
1822. On malt, hides, salt, tonnage,
• hearth. money
1823. Assessed taxes, spirits, Customs 3,200,000
1824. On rum, coals, stamps. wool,
silk, union duties .......
1825. On salt, hemp, coffee, wine,
spirits, assessed taxes, Cus-
toms, cider
1826. On tobacco

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS rem
TIMES.—Amid a perfect shower of election addresses,
usually of the short and pithy character, one has now
appeared from Lord John Russell to the electors of the
city of London. The very tille of the document takes
one back to the days of that feverish recess when Sir
Robert Peel was in power and the League at work,
when a famine hung over us, and all manner of fearful
events, since written in blood, lay hid in a gloomy
future. It takes us back, also, to the time when Lord
John had enjoyed a long rest from office, and was six
years younger than he now is. No manifesto could now
be framed that could come up to the interest of that
crisis, so perhaps it is unreasonable to complain that the
document before us will barely pals muster in the series
of great party manifests. Youth, they tell us, is the
season of hope, and age of retrospection; and certainly
we never read a political address in which the past occu-
pied so large, and the future so small a place. Lord
John traces, ab eve, the history of that Liberal policy
which, whether under Whig or Conservative Administra-
tions, has been the uniform rule of British Government
since the retirement of Lord Liverpool. ;'.ln doing so, be
could not but instance the great measureitishiell he per-
formed the chief part, and those in' hick circum-
stances allowed him only a secondary reit of operations.
Lord John Russell could, neither do just to himself,
nor be true to history, if he did not assign to himself a
very prominent position in the great and beneficial
changes of the last quarter of a century. It is the cha-
racter of certain men, as it is of certain measures, that
their influence reaches beyond the range of their power,
and they are often moat effectually when, least visibly,
and
obeyed. Lord John Rossetti& a nsan dr this class;
even were the{e no other men,,Aan.cithavt menories,
no other guarantees for liberty and p , he wouldconstitute in himself a sufficient bulwark against any re-
actionary designs. We are not likely to go back under
any circumstances; indeed we never have gone back in
this country. The causes that impel us onwards are
ancient in our history and inherent in our nature. Lord
John says very modestly—" The chief causes of these
results must not, however, be sought in the conduct of
any existing men or in any recent measures. They
flow from the spirit of our people, from Magna Charts
and the Bill of Rights, from the freedom of public dis-
cussion, and the temperate use of power-by the Crown,
the Parliament, and the people.' An appeal so true,
so forcible, and so modest, proceeding from the chief
of the party that represents these principles, and
from the man whose ancestors, more than a century and
a half since, won their final triumph in this country, is
almost irresistible, and the city of London cannot disre-
gard it without positive dishonour. But after the thou-
sand and one retrospects of our commercial and other
policies during the last twenty, ten, or five years, we
will not follow Lord John Russell through this part of
his theme; nor will we go back to the interesting cir-
cumstances under which his Lordship " at that time in
the enjoyment of the confidence of the electors of
e at the ensuing elec-
Stroud, ' and having, as he boasts, no reason to fear
ltihuaut, he
neverthelessshould los equ ithattte
d thatc on fi d e nchononrable position to
fight the battle of free trade in the metropolis. If his
Lordship is now verging on his grand climacteric, and
if the society of his venerable colleagues has given a
still greater maturity to his tone, the people and its or-
gans are always young, and we must look at this address
rather for the future than the past. What does it amount
to as a bid for power? In this respect we must say it is a
very mild affair, and argues either that his Lordship having
resigned the other day expects to be in power again
next autumn, and therefore speaks with proper Minis-
terial caution, or that his budget of measures is well nigh
exhausted. `What will he do next session? He will
oppose Protection in all its forms. He is for strengthen-
ing, supporting, and upholding the commercial policy of
t
the last ten years. He is for facilitating and cheapening
transfer of land. He is for simplifying the machinery
of the Customs as far as the safety of the revenue will
allow. He thinks that the burdens which still impede
the shipping interest ought to be removed. He hopes
for the progressive improvement of Ireland on the
groundwork of the important measures of the last six
years. He trusts that the successful results of oar
Canadian policy will not be lost, eitherupon our other
colonies or upon the Legislature at home. He will pay
unremitting attention to the subject of popular educa-
tion, with a view to supple',
if necessary, the shortcomings
of voluntary efforts. With the spread of education he
couples a corresponding extension of the franchise, by a
timely adjustment that shall respect ancient prescrip-
tion, the claims of advancing trade, increased popu-
lation, and growing intelligence. He still hopes to
see Jews admitted to Parliament. We have carefully
riddled and sifted every sentence and every expression
that promised a grain of more hopeful matter, and we
really think we have now given all that we are to ex-
pect from Lord John Russell in the event of his resto-
ration to power. It is evident that there it nothing
new in this quarter. That increasinrattlility of inven-
tion that gave so stale, flat, and unprofitable a charac-
ter to the two last sessions, and which threatened to
mark the present session also, even had Lord John still
continued Minister, has not yet been removed. All
that is hero hoped for or promised is nothing more than
the remnants and fag ends of a Ministerial career. It
comes to so little that everybody will ask why it Was
not done before in the plentitude of power. The city
of London, for example, has been for years crying
out for that simplification of the Customs which Lord
John now announces, but which he withheld as
long as he was Minister. Why, again, post
pone Parliamentary Reform till it was two late?
As it is, the public will compare this budget
of known political commodities, now tolerably worn out,
with those that they hope for even from Lord Derby.
The Conservative Minister, they know, must do some-
thing; he must bid high for power; he has nothing to
fall back upon, no " Bill of Rights," no Reform Bill, no
free trade in sugar and corn, no venerable colleagues,
nothing, in fact, except what he can do with his own
hand. He has now to make his own torten. He and
his colleagues are, so far, desperate men. Unless they
are Ministers they are nothing, and they most assuredly
will not be long Ministers unless they beat Lord John
Russell very considerably in their promises. But there
is something more in the address before us, and of course
it is contained in the postscript. After a rather weak
e
sentence about the final and irrevocable triumph of free
trade, to be aided by Lord John Russell's return for
the city of London, he finishes his
address' with the
words, " Let it however, be
recollected,' that if the ad-
verse party is to be encountered with success, it
must be met by the Free-trade Reformers in a body.
Large and useful improvements in our laws and
administration can only be effected by the cordial union
and untiring energy of all friends of enlightened pro-
gress, commercial freedom, and civil equality." Here,
then, is the real meaning of
the address. It is an appeal
to the " Free-trade Reformers" to join Lord John " in a
and for oods and then
body," and assist him to make the large and useful im-
provements that may then be expected.—You see what I
have done without you, or with
your occasional aid; but
bind yourselves to me once more
you shall see what I can do,—No doubt,g if Lord John
has two or three years allowed him to excogitate new
ideas on the Opposition benches, and to talk them over
with his friends from the North, he will do a good deal
more when he returns to power than he would do now.
That is the chief reason why
we regard his present po-
sition with a content hardly due to his great services.
It is too evident that he has got nearly to the bottom of
his Ministerial wallet, and bas nothing to produce but
the crusts and husks of former entertainments. When
he
H comesEß A tape k.
HERALD.—Lord
0 shallr d
John find him
sadden move
on Saturday. He sent forth altogether unexpectedly a
long electioneering address to the electors of the city of
made
better
a provided.
London. No other candidate had appeared, no hostile
movement had taken place, the election was at least a
month distant. Was it consistent, then, with the dig-
nity of the late Prime Minister to rush into the field so
far in advance of all his colleagues? The reason, how-
ever, is not difficult of discovery to us who live in Lon-
don, however obscure the matter may seem to the dwel-
lers in the provinces. A meeting of certain " Liberal"
electors is to be held this very Monday
morning, and
Lord John had heard that it was not at all certain that
his name would then and there be received with favour.
The correspondent of the Manchester Examiner, an or-
gan of the League, thus writes in that paper of Satur-
day, dating from London the clay previous:—" Baron
Rothschild's committee is in a healthy state of organi-
zation; but its aim does not embrace a coalition with Lord
John Russell." It was a knowledge of this doubtful
and disagreeable position of
_Taffairs that brought forward
the strange production of
i Saturday. And „
strange"
we have a right to call t. o receive on a fitting
occasion a manifesto from some leading statesman is not
an unusual circumstance. Thus, When
Sir Robert Peel
was suddenly called to the in helm ae
~sovember, 1834,
after having been four years in opposition,
it was ob-
viously most fit and proper thathe should address to his
constituents at Tamworth a full statement of his views
and purposes—intended not so much for their informa-
tion of the nation as for the information at large. But
what has called for this unusually long s epistle from
Lord John Russell at this particular moment? Nothing
but this—that a committee is going to meet on the City
election this very day, and that ho hopes, by this pre-
vious declaration, to coerce them into accepting him as
a candidate. It is important that this should be clearly
understood. In fact, it furnish es Lord John's only apo-
logy for inflicting this long preachment on his consti-
tuents. Leaving out of view this consideration, we should
naturally ask, What! has Lord John Russell served
the City for eleven years past, and
has he filled the
Government for nearly six years,
and post in the .
to
$
obliged write a whole column
and is he now .
defence of hie past career? Is
not
in explanation or
such a career, does not
the fact a condemnation? After
he who excuses thereby accuse himself? Wren's epitaph,
in St. Paul's, simplybids the gazer, Circumspic 1
class, after - e Ought
not a man of Lord Johnshaving been a re-
London for
presentative of the city of,
__ I nearly a dozen
say, ' For myself, refer you to the
years, to b© able to
more." But we have
past, and shall say
no
John than merely thepublishing
w worse
fault to impute to Lord _
praise. He condescends to use
a long essay in his own
altogether fictitious, and which
an argument which is ..
It is
he must have known to b© fictitious. _ . the common
fallacy of assuming, that because a thing followed after,
it therefore followed from, some other thing. As if, for
instance, a man should argue that inasmuch as the Bank
of Zngloutl bgt4 only 4,000,0004 a bullion ill 1647, find

Fares in closed carriages—
To Chepstow and back - -15 s. and 10s.
To Gloucster or Che)tenham and back - -12 a. and Bs.
To Cirencesthr or Stroud and back - - -10 s. and 7s.
To Swindon and back - - - - - Bs. and Gs.
On IiONDIY, May 31, a train will leave Paddington, at Twenty
Minutes bethre Nine o'clock, for Reading, Newbury, Hungerford,
and Oxford, returning the same evening from Oxford and Hunger-
ford, at Half-past Six o'clock.
Farcs in closed carriages—.
To Reading and back - - - - ss. and 3s.
To Oxford, Hungerford, and Newbury and back - Ga. and 3s. 6d.
Further particulars may be, had at the Company's Offices, 27,
King.street, Cheap Ade, and 269, Strand, and at the Railway Sta-
tion, Paddington.
Paddington, May 21, 1852. •

•
BEATGWESTERN RAILWAY.
Notice is hereby Given, that on WHIT-SUNDAY and
every succeeding SUN DAY until further Notice, FIRST and
SECOND CLASS RETURN TICKETS, available for the day of
issue only, will be granted at Paddington for all Stations on the Great
Western Railway at SINGLE FARES.

WINDiOR.—On SUNDAYS OPEN EXCUIVIA.RRIAGES
for WINDSOR will tailittaclredlo thd 9.0 it7MTM*I., Brid 81..4:
Trains down trom raddington to Windsor, Ana Lu th 1.40 n.ac , n. 35
P.M., and 9.45 P.M. Trains up from Windsor to Paddington.
• FARES THERE AND BACK, TWO SHILLINGS.
Paddington, May 21, 1852.

1,727,000

3,146,000
600,000
3,375,000

1832. On beer, leather, cider

e,
sixteen millions ; and
tohneis t
taxesG mov Government,
.C 15,883,000
Thus
o uwitui t
haitnewu ha yes epmae
small
el
efofrfa
forst
fraction
nPtrrooetfdec
no income-tax imposed to make up the deficiency.
On the other side, under a free trade regime,
says Lord John, we have seen, in ten years, taxes
t
repealed to the amount of 12,200,0001. He forgets
deduct from this the income-tax imposed, which
yields more than 5,00,0001. So that when this is de-
ducted, the remission of taxes, in ten years of tree trade,
is less than seven millions, while, in ten years of pro-
tection, it was nearly sixteen millions. Are we to suppose
Lord John Russell to be intensely ignorant, or exceed-
ingly dishonest? One of the two he must be. We leave
it to his City friends, who will meet in a few hours to de-
cide his fate—to determine under which designation he
should be ranged. Either, in boasting of the last ten
years, he knew nothing of what had been the state of
the case in Lord Liverpool's days; and then he was
most disgracefully ignorant. Or else, knowing it, he
concealed it, and then he was a political trickster. On
one or the other of these two horns of the dilemma he
must be impaled; there is, clearly, no escape for him.
CHRONICLE.—If to have abandoned his position
and lost his army is a general's best qualification for the
command in a new campaign, there can be no doubt
that the claims of Lord John Russell to the leadership
of the Liberal party stand pre-eminent. If the author
of a rout is necessarily the most competent chief that
can be chosen to rally the disordered troops, no man can
be fitter than the ex-Premier to retrieve the mischief
which be has effected. That such is his own view of
his position appears from the letter which he has ad-
dressed to the electors of London—a composition in
which the ordinary terseness of his Lordship's egotism
is exchanged for an unusual and apologetic prolixity.
He founds his claims upon two grounds—the gratitude
due to his past achievements, and the expectation of
benefits from his future services. We much tear that,
as human nature is constituted, the former title will
only avail in so far as it tends to establish the
latter. But if the hopes which Lord John Russell
holds out are to be measured by his performances, he
reehleyrut p oren
eamcel
ra
isese o
or s uTpeproyrtetrisiewi
the
do havedesir e eithers n
verymust
rehearsing the good deeds of his Administration, he
must have been rather at a loss for material when he
was obliged to revert to such measures as the suspen-
sion of the Bank Charter and the Irish distress loan.
Tho temporary abrogation of the laws which regulate
our monetary system may have been a necessary expe-
dient, but it can hardly be reckoned a high stroke of
policy; and as for the 8,000,0001. squandered and jobbed
away in Ireland, we should have thought the less said
about it the better. But the especial claim which he
sets up is, that for the last six years he has been the
bulwark of free trade. Wo must confess that this asser-
tion strikes us as involving a gross confusion of cause
and c&ct. It would be much nearer the truth to say
that for six years free trade has supported Lord John
Russell, although at the head of an upopular Govern-
ment and of a disunited party. We have nothing to ob-
ject to the statistics which he parades; but we cannot
help reminding him that it was not hs policy which
created the state of things which they represent.
On the contrary, it was the existence of the latter
which kept him in office. The fear of losing free trade
reconciled the public to keeping Lord John Russell; and
if there is, at this moment, any danger of the restora-
tion of Protection, it arises solely from the apprehen-
sion of his Lordship's return to power. When we read
the catalogue of the blessings which commercial free-
dom has secured to the country, what surprises us is,
not how the late Government contrived to maintain such
a system, but how an Administration commanding such
resources could be compelled to abdicate in favour of a
minority pledged to Protection. When Lord John Rus-
sell puts himself forward as the natural leader of the
Liberal party, the question which every reasonable
politician will ask is—why has he alteady involved us in
defeat, and what reason is there to believe that he will
henceforward lead us to victory? If he be not an in-
capable statesman, it cannot be denied that he has been
a most unfortunate one. Soon after the Reform Act
the fortunes of the Liberal cause were mainly en-
trusted to his conduct. The Whig party started,
under his guidance, with the gigantic capital which that
great triumph had given them; but their subsequent
history has been a continuous record of political bank-
ruptcy. Weak Administrations alternated with insig-
nificant Oppositions; and the long annals of inglorious
office, interrupted from time to time by some signal
defeat, have been illuminated by no gleam of even tran-
sient success. Lord Melbourne's and Lord John Rus-
sell's Administrations will go down to posterity as the
feeblest. Governments that ever retained office without
exercising power. Political campaigns are lost either
by the intrinsic weakness of a cause or by the misma-
nagement of the commander. Lord John Russell, we
imagine, will hardly refer his repeated failures to the
former source. On a careful consideration of his
career, we have no hesitation in ascribing his
repeated disasters, in the midst of such abundant
resources, to his incapacity to appreciate the
effects of the Reform Act. That singular want of
pliancy which is the chief characteristic of the ex-Pre-
mier's mind prevented him from comprehending the con-
seqaences which his own measure bad produced. No-
thing can be more remarkable than the contrast between
the manner in which Sir Robert Peel's mind assimilated
itself to the new condition of things, and the pedantic
rigidity with which Lord John Russell adhered to all his
old traditions. The principles of his party led him. to
d
Reform; but they could not give him the grasp of mm
requisite to understand and accept its results. Hence_
Reformed Parliament with the machinery
oligarchy. His Lordship • seems to have
orted
that the Whig families wh supp
arose the miserable attempt to conduct the business of
.a
gined
the Revolution, were to have a pee
under-
of office. He never appears to. have
_"of Parlia-
stood that a capital change in the constitution
timed to be
the Reform Bill, like the " Houses" whicht co.ntr.elveesde
went, as it created a new political powers requ
middle-class in-
knew as little how to deal with the
kenstein did with
fluence which he had evoked as Fran
This fundamental
met by statesmen in a new spirit. The "
the man whom he bad constructed..
disqualification on the part
h shattered the Whig
bottom of all the disunion which
rhino
les.
The middle-
party and endangered Liberal p p
riJ
ohn Russell, ®
class politicians do not trust Lord
We bate no desire
he has no sympathy with them.
ll as olitician, or to
to run down Lord John Reese
,afterbat the experience
undervalue his merits as a manhe;
worse than idle to
of the last six years, it would
of their leader is at the
It
isofeghaiisnssttahnidainpgre,teenxspieornis.
refound incapacity for the
con-
ceal our conviction of h
to occupy that situation that
word
nevertheless be told
to say against the un-
doubted our remarks are exclusively
ant the city of London in
ence, and character, to
mustrepresent positiondirected;
ff o ar
claimswp party
or
have
ya
arl
saltdiaoeitster .samasn
and incompetent, and he gives
shown chief, he has him-
self feeble, half-hearted,
proof that he so much as understands
not the slightest
bl failure Th •
ere is no reason
the taus® of his deplore
t of his returning
for believing that, in the even
of to office,
he would correct a single error his past career; he
does not throw out a hint from which his best friedds
13waittsuulteruetervBe.ut At hse
a truth
political
vernment thatas a mistake which will not bear repetition;
and,
policy is the exact measure of our repugnance to
can infer
cofisque hnteirr:toguarrdasntxhiee
typrfionrcitphlee
triumph
u‘m, Family
beral
see Lord John Russell again entrusted with the lead of
the Liberal party.
DAILY NEWS.—Lord John Russell has again ten.
dered, to the electors of the city of London, his services
as their representative in the
i House of Commons. We
cows eatertall doubt 044 the offer so frankly mule

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4

e'llrJ~l~//>.7le€
"There are, however, restrictions on the pursuits of
industry which still require our attention,
The transfer of land is still clogged by legal difficul-
ties, expenses, and dLlays which unfairly diminish the
value of that species of property, and to a great degree
prevent its becoming an investment for the savings of
the industrious classes.
The machinery of the department of the Customs
ought to be simplified to the utmost extent consistent
with the safety of the revenue.
It should be the object of the Legislature to remove,
as far as possible, those remaining burdens or restric
tions upon the shiptiog interest which still impede its
prosperity.
• Leaving questions of commercial policy, I must now
advert to other subjeots of importance which, during the
career of the late Ministry, required from time to time
our attention. In 1847 the perils and alarms of com-
merce induced us to assume the responsibility of sus-
pending the law regulating the issues of the Bank of
England. In 1848 the revolutions on the continent of
Europe led to a threatened disturbance of the public
peace in England, and wild projects of insurrection iu
Ireland. The se dangers were met and overcame. In
1846, 1847, and 1848 occurred the fearful destruction
of the potato crop in Ireland by an unknown and
mysterious disease. The ravages of a dreadful
famine were mitigated by the expenditure of nearly
8,000,000 of money in wages to the unemployed and
food for the starving. Such were the measures of ins-
mediate relief. The Acts of Parliemenet which have
been passed for promoting the great trunk railways, for
loans for arterial drainage and land improvement, for the
sale of encumbered estates, for amending the provisions
of the Poor-law, and lastly, for a large extension of the
franchise, will, it his hoped, lay the groundwork for the
permanent welfare of Ireland.
The last five years have seen the wise enjoyment and
sound exercise of constitutional freedom in the great
united province of Canada. Instead of bicherings be-
tween the upper and lower provinces, dissensions between
the Legislative Councils and Representative Assemblies,
and an executive vibrating between arbitrary power and
helpless inaction, we have seen all the powers of the
State working harmoniously together, and a marvellous
indreaee in revenue and population reward their efforts.
I trust that this example will not be lost, either
upon other colonies in circumstances somewhat similar,
or upon the Legislature at home.
In the West Indian colonies the two great
.changes
effected within twenty years, from slavery to rreetiom,
apalneoadnrefrotiotmb:mannoonbweopsfeooeluyknidtengf competition, have no doubt been
severely felt, bat, generallyspeakig, these colonies ap-
pear
Reviewingan d
ts polio c
of a revival of prosperity where
7,:" improved methods of cultiva-
tbuesetn
policymatter
oo f
witness, satisfaction
o n leaving
tot us
who last
havefive years, it has
and increparseesdid
aex les largelyoffie
e
public credit fully sustained, t
the enjoyment of greater comfort emdeosvnesr,
threedupceeodple
within
scarcely any loss of revenue, preserved, and the
world.
name of England respected throughoutP peace
The duet cause of these resultamust the world.
however, be
sought in any existing men, or in recentaneyopi
measures.
p
They flow from the spirit of our r
Charta and the Bill of Rights, from th
e from Magna
freedom
public discussion, and the temperate use of power by
of
the Crown, the Parliament, and the people. It was from
a confidence in this wise and considerate use of popular
l
strength that we thought it at once just and prudent to
extend the right of voting for Members of Parliament.
It appeared to us that the advance of the working
classes in knowledge and intelligence ought to be accom-
panied by an increased share of political power. I am
aware how difficult a task it is to adjust in any plan of
representation the respect due to ancient prescription
with the claims of advancing trade, increased population,
and growing intelligence; but it appeared to us wiser
to endeavour to make this adjustment when various pro-
positions for the purpose could be calmly weighed and
deliberately settled, than to wait for the storm, when
the conflict of the elements might overpower the voice
of reason, and the rush of the encroaching tide oblite-
rate the footmarks of experience.
There is a subject not strictly connected with the
franchise, but which has an important bearing on the
safety of our institutions,—l allude to education. Vo-
luntary effirt has dune much, but the means of in-
struction, even in reading and writing, are still unattain-
able by a great portion of our working classes. I can
only say, I shall pay unremitting attention to a ques-
tion which so deeply affects the future condition of the
people.
Upon another question, which last year so greatly
absorbed the time and attention of Parliament as to stop
the progress of many useful measures, I have but a few
words to say. In arresting what we considered to be an
invasion of the temporal rights of our Sovereign and of
the nation, we were scrupulously careful to maintain in-
violate the sacred principle of religious liberty. In the
same spirit in which I proposed the repeal of the Cor-
poration and Test Acts, and constantly supported the
concession of the Roman Catholic claims, I shall con-
tinue to act.
One portion of our fellow-subjects is still excluded
from the privilege of sitting in Parliament or holding
office under the Crown. The ensuing elections must
determine whether the representatives of the people will
be prepared by large majorities to remove those useless
and degrading disabilities. The oath taken by Members
of Parliament ought to be the same for all—simple and
not complex—a bond of union and not a badge of dis-
trust or a source of religious discord.
I have now laid my opinions before you on many sub-
jects of past and future interest. I have shown you that
while much has been done, much remains for us to do.
You will rejoice, as I do, to observe that contests for
just and useful reforms, though haffldd oft, are ever
won. Mea,ures of religious, civil, cud commercial
liberty bare in our own time had their origin,- their
periods of discussion, perhaps of discouragement; have
suffered their hour of crisis unit doubtful victory, have
had their day of signal triumph, arid finally have taken
their place among our permanent institutions. Thus it
has been with the question of Roman Catholic disabili-
ties; thus it has barn with Parliamentary reform; thus
it is about to be with free trade. In this last struggle
I have played a secondary, but not unimportant part.
It will be no mean glory if; honoured with the name of
your representative, I shall be enabled to prom ,te thtt
great cause which is about to obtain from the electors
of the United Kingdom its final and irrevocable triumph.
Let it, however, be recollected that if the adverse
party is to be encountered with success, it must be met
by the free-trade reformers in a body. Large and useful
improvements in our laws and administration can only
be effected by the cordial union and untiring energy of
all friends of enlightened progress, commercial freedom,
and civil eqaality.
I remain your faithful and obliged) servant,
RUSSELL.

//(L

rireo --,
A ,

[PRICE SD.

will be as cordially received;—that the connexion of ten
eventful years will be prolonged;—that the City will set
to all shades of the great party of progress, the impor-
tant example of rallying round one of the most prominent
and able champions of its principles. We hear indeed
rumours—dim and distant—of some obscure intriguers,
who, usurping the name of liberals, are seeking to stir
up an opposition to Lord John among the free trade and
reforming electors. We have not been implicit admirers
or servile eulogists of Lord John when in office. We
have, therefore, a right to expect that some weight will
be attributed to our support of his claims now that he is
not a Minister. We should regard any opposition to his
re-election, by any person affecting to call themselves re-
formers, rank treason against the cause of liberty and pro-
gress at a perilous crisis—an example of perverse mutiny
and disunion at a time when concord and combinatio❑
among reformers is more than ever needed. It is not
that wo apprehend from the present shabby occu-
pants of office any serious damage to the Liberal
cause. Their reserve indicating either an utter want of
any predetermined policy, or fear to let the public know
their unprincipled schemes—and their incessant eating
of their words indicating an utter disregard of the frank
truthfulness and consistency that becomes English gen-
temon—are rapidly losing for them the confidence of
their own party, and justifying and confirming the hos-
tility of their opponents. It cannot be that England can
long tolerate the retention of the reins of government by
such a crew of dealers in false pretences. But when they
are forced by their own incompetence and bad reputation
to retire disgraced to their original obscurity, then will
come the time when the presence of prudent and expe-
rienced statesmen in Parliament will be found necessary.
The Whig Ministry was not so much turned out as that
it dissolved by a natural process of decay. It is admitted
on all hands that a reconstruction of the Liberal party
on a broader basis—upon more explicit term of alliance
—is indispensable. But nothing has been as yet done to-
waras tee accomplament of this object. It is possible, nay

it is probable, tiat the dismissal Of the Derby-Disiaefi
Ministry might find the new alliance yet only in an in-
choate state. Now such a period of party anarchy is
precisely the one when trimmers and jobbers, and all
that unclean tribe of fishers in troubled waters, are
prone to swarm forth from their lurking places. The
present disorganized state of the Liberal party is en-
couraging multitudes of this class to offer their services
to constituencies at the coming election. The number
of " loose fish," as they are called, in the next Parlia-
ment will in all probability be much more considerable
than is expedient, or even safe. In such circumetanoes
it is especially incumbent upon constituencies which
have the good fortune to be represented by any man of
high principle, of influence in the councils of the Liberal
leaders, and long experience in business, to rally enthu-
siastically round them. Such men are needed in the
House that the Parliamentary Reformers may rally
round them is the arduous struggles of the new Par-
riament;—as Henri IV. exhorted his chivalry to
rally round his snow-white plume. Without a con-
siderable number of these to form the nucleus of a
working liberal party in Parliament the cause may
be in imminent danger. Now, without pretending 'to
maintain that the sayings and doings of Lord John
Russell have on all occasions been exactly what earnest
and uncompromising reformers could have wished, thus
much may be said of him without exaggeration. For
the better part of half a century he has faithfully and
ably fought the battle of reform in Parliament. He has
been in the main consistent; any changes his political
creed has experienced have been ever in the direction
of increased liberality. He has much experience and
much ability in the conduct of Parliamentary business.
Always clear and impressive in his oratory, he rises on
emergencies to a commanding moral dignity. His con-
nexions enable him to lead many of onr noble and wealthy
politicians who might prove unmanageable under any
other leader. It would be a severe blow to the Liberal
cause if a man possessed of such power, and endowed
with such qualities, were not returned to Parliament at
the coming election. It would be a severe blow if he were
even obliged to enter it as the Member of a new and
less important constituency than the one he now repre-
sents. The united Liberals of England are therefore
entitled to call upon the electors of the city of London
—as they value their character as staunch and intelli-
gent Reformers—to accept Lord John Russell's tendered
services, and send him back to Parliament by as marked
a majority as at any previous election. To do less
would be to warrant a suspicion that the zeal of many
Reformers is waxing cold—that there is disunion in the
ranks of the friends of progress. These considerations
would have been irresistible, had Lord John, in request-
ing the votes of the London electors, done no more than
allude in general terms to his past services, and de-
manded their confidence, without any detailed exposition
of his intentions for the future. But in his address—the
weighty words of which we will not weaken by para-
phrase or partial quotation, but to which we refer our
readers—he has &milked out a plan for the next and In-
ture campaigns of Parliamentary Liberals that would of
itself warrant any constituency to choose its author for
tbeir representative—even without such a long experi-
ence as Reformers have had of Lord John's will and
ability to serve them.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE•

- - - - - - -
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADDRESS TO THE
ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.
Lord J. Rwsoll has issued the following address to
the electors of the city of London:—
Gentlemen,—More than ten years have elapsed since
I was requested by a deputation of electors to relinquish
the seat which I then occupied and become a candidate
for the city of London. I was at that time in the en-
joyment of the confidence of the electors of Stroud, and
I had no reason to fear that I should lose that confidence
at the ensuing election. But I was urged to quit that
honourable position on the ground that the battle of free
trade was to be fought, and that the best field for such a
battle was the metropolitan city of the United Kingdom.
I accepted your invitation, and after a close contest was
elected by a narrow majority.
The proposals which the Administration of Lord Mel-
bourne bad laid before Parliament bore the character of
a marked but gradual advance to the policy of free trade.
The heavy tax on the importation of corn was to be ex-
changed for a fixed duty. The differential duties on the
imports of foreign sugar and foreign timber were to be
greatly reduced. These proposals were virtually re-
jected, and the Ministry of Lord Melbourne was at an
end.
The policy of Sir Robert Peel from 1842 to 1845 was
based on the most enlarged principles of commercial free-
dom. The articles of corn and sugar were indeed little
affected by that policy; but at the end of 1845 Sir
Robert Peel proposed to his colleagues the total, though
gradual, repeal of the duties on corn. He received the
support of the whole Liberal party in carrying a Bill for
this purpose through both Houses of Parliament. In
June, 1846, Sir Robert Peel, after accomplishing this
great measure, resigned office. In announcing his re-
tirement he expressed a hope that his successors would
continue his policy, namely, the promotion of a free in-
tercourse with foreign nations.
The late Ministry fulfilled this hope. In 1846 we in-
the
troduced and carried 'is Bill for the gradual repeal of
Bill
differential duties on sugar. The principle of that
is still in vigour, and in July, 1854, the duties on foreign
and colonial sugar will be equal. 1n1849 we
astproposedyear
and carried the repeal of the navigation-laws;
we equalized the duties on coffee, and reduced the diffe-
rential duties on timber.
At the same time, we have not been unmindful of those
great interests from which an unjust protection was with-
drawn; for instance, in conformity with the suggestions
contained in the report of a Committee of the House of
Lords, we reduced, by 500,0001., the stamp duties which
pressed heavily on the sale and transfer of land. With
similar views, we extended and enlarged the advances for
drainage and agricultural improvements which had been
sanctioned under the Administration of Sir R. Peel. The
repeal of the navigation-laws has been followed by a re-
duction of the burdens imposed by light dues, which
have been diminished in the case of the coasting trade to
little more than one-fourth of the previous amount.
Other important changes have been made, intended to
raise the character, and promote the interests, of the
merchant shipping of the country. Thead so long been a question of the
Merchant Seamen's Fund, which had
source of discontent among our sailors, has been brought
to a satisfactory conclusion, with theh aid of a liberal con-
tribution from the public purse. T
of the country has been assisted by the increased
commerce
increased provi-
sion made for colonial and foreign packets. In respect
to our sugar colonies, we favoured immigration and
public works by loans guaranteed b
ment. y the home Govern-
It is not necessary for me to celebrate the Success of
measures intended to continue and complete the policy
of free trade. You will find the more recent facts, fur-
nishing the most conclusive proofs of the wisdom of that
of
policy, in the financial statement the present Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. That speech deserves your
attentive study.
The financial results of the policy of the last ten years
may be thus summed up:-
1. Customs' duties have been repealed or reduced to
the extent of 9,000.0001.
2. Excise duties have been repealed or reduced to the
extent of 1,500,0001.

Pembroke•lodge, May 22.

WINDSOR.

The poll demanded on behalf of Mr. Arthur Van-
Bitten, the Government candidate for this royal borough,
took place on Saturday, and has resulted in a decisive
and complete victory to his adversary, Mr. Girard,.
more decorum
Every effort was usf-d by Mr. Vansittart's friends but
without succes9, and from the commencement his '
nent took and kept the lead. The election was carried
eppo_
considerable animationi,,ubeunt:itolif
have
ilnesttilioannietsic is
exercise
on with
CastleWi n influence,
d s o r
and with less noisy demonstration
occasions. Whatever may be said of ual on each
of free trade with a
cannot be
there is no reason for complaining
`of
•
in this instance, and the cow'
expressed their opinion in favour
fearlessness which
turned upon this point, for though The election
Maynooth grant was put forward the repeal of the
his address, it
tailed
to
See by lv
....r. Vansittart in
port. A feature of the conteusrte him the requisite sup-
notice was the small number which may be worthy of
turists from the of farmers and agrieul-
sent during the day to evince surroundin gdistricts who were pre-
Of course all the flys and their. interest in the result.
carriages in the town were put
into requisition to bring up the voters, and there was a
liberal distribution of
of Mr. Vansittart's party ribands. The head-quarteirs
deserted throughout committee appeared comparative y
ful candidate were surrounded the day, while those of the sue east
eAsst
rroun.ded by a crowd of people.
twelve o'clock it was Grenfell ould
manifest
him that M. r. gee
win, the number of votes5 while Mr.
Vansittart had onl
from hour to hour! P
oiled for
Treinnigi
being Xl5,
increased
tonel9O'Clock it was 77, at two it
was 91, at three it was 98, and the final state of the poll,
as declared by the Mayor, was—
For Mr. Grenfell -• ... ...
330
For r. Yansittart ff• ... ...
Mr.
... ..„ •• 230
. ...-100
Shortly after four o'clock the successful candidate and
his friends presented themselves at the Town-hall.
The Milton, amid loud cheering,
fell duly elected. ' declared Mr. Gren-
Mr. GRENFELL briefly returned thanks, and congra-
tulated his constituents on the victory which they had
won for free trade and the big leaf over protection and
ruinous artificial prices.
Several other spet
among them Mr.
akers addressed the electors, and
B. R. R. Moore on behalf of the Anti-
i Corn-law League.

CANDIDATES FOB THE REPRESENTATION OF WATER-
-Although as yet no definite candidates are de-
FORD.
nix upon to be named for our representation at the
next election, we understand that, among those who are
we actually have Mr. Care" O'Dwyer,
Henry
Mr.
in ther,
iigeld,
Burke, the honest juror, of Dublin, and Sir
Barron, as Lord Derby's supporter ; Mr.
Henri
W. t
William Cunningham (the able leader of the great ame-
liorative movement, for settling the condition of the
working classes). This gentleman, it will be recollected,
has on several occasions taken an active part in op-
posing the passing of the Titles' Act. His ample for-
tune renders him completely independent of party—just
such a man as we want, possessed of talent and mde-
pendence. The last on the list is Mr. Maguire, of the
Cork Examiner. These are the only candidates an.
nouuced who are likely to come forward. We are aware
that two genuine Protectionists will be nominated, should
there be a split in the L.beral party; and it Sir Henry
has but a small chance—as we expect he will—the Pro-
tectionists—a miserably insignificant body in waler-
ford—are looking to Colonel Snow and Air. Christmas,
who formerly represented this city in Parliament
We
believe neither of these gentlemen are at all likelytoten
acceptable to the bulk of the electors.— I .T
Chronicle. terjora

3. Stamp duties were reduced, in 1850, to the ester
of 500,0001.

4. The window duties have been commuted for i!
house tax, by which relief was given to the extent of
1,200,0001:
5. The produce of Customs,Exeise,Stan3Pg' and Taxes
was, in 1842, 48,000000/. the loss in 1851, 46,600 000/.
the relief to the country has been 12,200,0001,; Thus,
to the revenue only 1,400,0001.
With these facts before us -for our
accepting the
guidance, I can have no hesitation
in
neloonclusively
information and
challenge to decide finally, completelY, %de.
the contest between protection and free
What the present Ministers max
Parliament I cannot divine. For —46
ready to contend_
1. That no duty should be
corn, either for protection or
2. That the commercial policy
imp revenu©•
not an evil to be mitigated, but
not an unwise and disastrion:_,policy,
reversed, altered, or 1130
system, which should be
upheld.
tr
se to the next
pmrorelf, I shall be
osed °n the import of
reveonf the last ten years is
a good to be extended—
which ought to be
d fi dbut must and beneficial
supported, strengthened, end

TIRE COLLIERY EXPLO*ION AT COPPULL.—The
list of killed by this appalling casualty has been increased
by the death of two nit re sufferers—namely, Robert Banks
and Samuel tiolcroft, making a total of thirty-four. Ano-
ther of the wounded will, in all probability, have expired
ere this meets the eye of the reader, mortification baying set
in when this account left Coppull on SandaT afternoon.
Mr. Palmer, coroner, of Preston. opened the inquest pro
forma on Saturday, in order that the bodies of the deceased
might be interred. The inquiry was
Friday next.the tioyeru-
Mr. Dickenson, of Manchester, •
then adjourn!el until
1124i44 111111.)%Wri has maids las e 5101440911 of the

_