The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-06 00:00:00

TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL (3, 1852.

the anomalous state of things in the House justified his
calling attention to this subject. He did not wish to
remind the House of the declaration which had been

the advent of the Government's taking office, and ob-
served that the Right Honourable GrentFeelan the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had made the party,
and had breathed life into their body, and that
they had traded upon his ability. The Right Hon.
Gentleman, who was now in uffico by their support, ac-
quired the whole of his renown by his attacks on the
late Sir Robert Peel.—(Loud cheers.) He had fastened
the envenomed hand of most prepared irony upon him,
and he had night after night, encouraged by the shouts
of those behind him, given vent to his feelings.—(Hear.)
Take the case of the late Sir Robert Peel ; that great
man sacrificed—nay, he would not say sacrificed, but
changed his views for the benefit of his country, and the
Right Hon. Gentleman never left him until he had been
driven from office. In fact the present Chancellor of
the Exchequer told the late Right lion. Baronet at last
that he was in a minority, and had therefore no right to
retain office, while before the late Right Hon. Baronet
carried his corn-law measure he told the Right Hon.
Baronet that as he had changed his principles,
he' was bound to resign nffice.......(Rear, hear.)
Well, the Right Hon. Gentleman got into power upon the
maintenance of great Protectionist doctrines, which he had
steadily advocated since 1846. Ile acceded to office without
ever retracting one sentence of his former declarations—
without being pressed by any difficulty, but having steadily
opposed the late Administration, and taken advantage of
every difficulty to render any Government impossible. If
then the Right Hon. Gentlemen had continued in office the
policy he had advocated out of office, he ( Mr. Roebuck)
could have understood that, and should have said that the
Right Hon. Gentleman was a man who felt himself justified,
by the great object he had in view of overturning the policy
of recent years, to take every opportunity of getting rid of
the late Government, though he might be ranged in opposi-
tion for that purpose with a most heterogeneous company.
The late Government dropped out of office and the Right
Hon. Gentleman dropped in—( Hear)—and up to that mo-
ment of being made Chancellor of the Exchequer the Right
Hon. Gentleman was the great Protectionist leader.—(Hear,
hear.) He came into office as a great Protectionist chief;
but was it not well known that the Right Hon. Gentleman
was playing a game, and that he was well aware that Pro-
as gone—(Cheers)—though the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman and his supporters would persuade their country
friends that they were really at heart Protectionists?—
(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said the Government
intended to go to the country, and the country would
decide. Now what would the country decide?—
(Cheers.) He told the Right Hon. Gentleman that
he and his superior in the Government were shrinking from,
the declaration of what it was they were going to the coun-
try on.—(Cheers.) Was it protection? They would not say
that, but they stated that as soon as the business necessary
for the good government of the country was transacted they
would appeal to the country to decide on their policy. Their
policy! He wanted to know what was their policy ?
(Cheers.) The Noble Lord at the bead of the Government
said he did not mean to go to the country on the single ques-
tion of protection or free-trade, but on the general question
of his conservative policy. Was it on that ground that the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite came into office?—(Hear,
hear.) Was he so vague when in opposition ?—(Cheers.)
Not at all • h
,t be was plain enough then, and accused
the late Government of ruining the great interests
of the country by the policy they were pur-
suing, and he rode into office on the backs of the
Protectionists alone.—(Cheers.) Before the present Mini-
sters Caine into office their cry
was protection, and their cry
now was their general policy. He believed that the present
hesitating, evasive, shuffling policy of the Government was
mischievous to the country. Everybody believed out of
doors that the Government was about to take advantage of
the question of protection or non-protection; to go, wher-
ever they could, on each of these two questions, to different
constituencies. However, the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo-
site must, in reality, go to the country on protection or free
trade. He ought to say he intended to go upon that prin-
ciple or he did not—that he intended to ask the support of
his constituents in favour of his ancient views, or that he
did not ; but he did neither the one thing nor the other—he
evaded every
inquiry—(Hear)—and he did not say when he
would go to the coantry, or upon what.—(Hear, hear.)
Again, there was another evil ; this holding over the
country a continual struggle of electioneering was mis-
chievous not only to the material interests of the country,
but to the moral.—(Hear, hear.) Men's minds were kept
in doubt, and throughout the country great debates and
disputes arose; and while the raaterial interests were
jeopardised the moral interests were de•eriorated.—(Hear,
hear. ) There was also the greater mischief that in the
minds of men out of doors it lessened respect for the
great political leaders in that House.—(Hear.) They
said, " Is this the public morality of the great body that
leads the landed interests of this country—do they act thus
for the purpose of maintaining power, thus avoiding all state-
ment of opinion now that they are in power, and endeavour-
ing to shuffle from the principles they held when out of
power--is this the morality of these men?"—(Hear, hear.)
Were he (kit. Roebuck) the leader of any Opposition he
would bring that policy to a test at once.—( Hear, hear.)
He acknowledged that there was mischief in these constant
assailiugs of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite (on the
Ministerial benches) with mere words; but did they or not
were, let there feel it. If they were not, let the country
believe they were in a majority in that House? If they
know its own danger.—(ll°ao But by the policy pursued
opposite, and on that (the Opposition) side of the House,
the Right Hon. Gentlemen bad all the benefit of a majority,
and of a minority too—(Hear, and a laugh)—they had
the benefit of a minority because they did nut dare to pro-
pose anything; and they had the benefit of a majority
because the Opposition did not dare to propose any-
thing--(Hear, hear)—but if it were so, between the two
contending parties the country drifted to the leeward, and
all the interests of Great Britain and Ireland were forgotten
through these miserable proceedings of party.—( Hear,
hear.) Sure he was the country would neither justify one
nor the other. He appealed to the Noble Lord (Lord .1.
Russell), if he were to represent the Opposition, to bring
this matter to a test quickly, both for his own character as
well as for the interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Let
them know whether the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite had
a majority in that House. If they had not, they were bound
—they would be forced, instantly to go to the country; if
they had, it would simply be the duty of the minority to
work as a minority in opposition, and take advantage of the
measures the Government might propound—if they pro-
pounded the great doctrines of protection, the country would
know what it had to do.—(Hear, hear.) Let them, then,
have no more of this shilly-shallying on one side or the other
for
h Gent saw no difference between them—and as the Right
Hon. had, up to that time, evaded the issue, let
the Noble Lord no longer follow him for leader, but bring
the question to a test, and he might be sure he would have
the country for his support.
Mr. ADDERLEY denied that the Government held
office under false pretences, but the Hon. Gentleman
who made that charge declared that the Government had
t
olifettylse,htiocoh ?—(Hear.) It
hadlt s-
announced a policy which was not only vague but
based upon false pretences,
and
a sk
eyd ept,
the
was
clWeaerlal,ndnoswtr,aihgohwtfocrrwialdrda.
Parliament to pass such neces-
sary oap-
pearedunee
an-
nounced to i bunn
anotherthat
p
sary measures as the immediate wants of the country re-
quired, and then he should be prepared to go to the
country ?—(Hear.) Now what could be plainer than
policyTh e N bo
eb
ve
uo
re d
that? It Hon. Members opposite found that the Noble
Lord was pressing measures which were not necessar
surely, as they were in n y,
..t tey uld at
once stop them, and k
v?"37ajo hrt
ey, ashked,co should
tbe Opposition be continuallY throwing obstacles in the
way of the Government?—(Hear, hear.) There was no
comparison between the case r
of Sir Robert Peel
and that of the Chancello
The former surrendered his es wit rinci I h
of the Exchequer.out consulting
p
his party, but the latter had done nothing of the sort,
and he insisted tbat the
Right Hon. Gentleman bad
proved as consistent in office as he was out of it.—(Hear.)
Tne Hon. and Learned Gentleman wanted to know
what they were to go to the country upon. Why,
it was to decide the sime e.tion wh the
country should be governed by
aConservative orether a Whig
Government —(11, ar, hear.)
Mr. C. VILLIERS said allusion h Lad been made to a no-
divided
tice which he had given for brin
House;
the great question that
parties to stoat in that House and some taunts had
been thrown out from the
not been brought forward. other other side why that motion had
as
it was possible fur him to do tr
90 gave that notice
as
A ,
ter the present Govern-
mentG came into power, and ne did so from a conviction that
those Right Gentlemen, haying for five years laboured
honourably, distinctly, and zealouslY for one purpose, and for
one purpose alone (Hear, hear)intended that for which
they had so often declared, and to which every move they
made iofn ttree trade. hat House was directed - namely, a reversal of the
policy
the At the time he was giving that notice
a discussion was taking place elsewhere, and an important
speech was made by MOt terson iu the other
House—the First Minister of thepCrroaw
npond an admission,
an unqualified admission, was made b - the Noble Lord on
the subject of free trade and a by
policy, that
he was in a minority in the House of
;Commons.
—(Cries of " Hear, hear."
I
meat on the part of the \
Nothing but that state-
had induced him (Mr. Voe First Minister of the Crown
.ors) to hesitate for a moment in
bringing the question to a test in that house. But the
Noble Lord said something further—he said be would take
the opinion of the country without any delay upon that ques-
tion. That admission created a doubt in his (Mr. Villiers's)
mind, and it then did seem to him a wise suggestion, made
gratuitously by Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the
House, not to press his motion ; but he proposed a question
to the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, and he begged to remind the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber tor Colchester, se
0 bad risen that evening, he supposed,
upon some taunt, from a feeling of chivalry for the Govern.
meat—(A laugh)--es ft,
. had not had the benefit of the
Noble Lord's' oratory i
that House before since the Governs
meat came into office_
(A laugh)—who seemed impelled by
the remarks of his Hoe. Friend to rise immediately and vin-
dicate the honour of his chief and the chivalry of his party,
and who said the Government were unchanged, and were
ready to try the issue either in that House or the country at
large that the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, in answer to the
question which he (Mr.Villiers)
hail put to him, whether the policy the Right Hon. Gentleman
had recommended in
opposition be intended to enforce now that
he was in power, said, "The Hon. Gentleman had asked me
whether we intend to propose a fixed duty on corn, and I
beg to say we do not intend to do so." That satistied him
that the
had nob Riht lion. Gentleman had abandoned his policy.
n
He
,-ar,Y object whatever in putting the question;
and if Right lion. Gentlemen on the Treasury bench would
abandon their policy, he (Mr. Villiers) should be satisfied
with them as be had been with the two other Governments
that had preceded them, because Lord Melbourne was very
much opposed to the abolition of the corn-laws; and he (Mr.
Villiers) had the satisfaction to see him abandon that policy.
Sir It. Peel had also abandoned that policy ; and he (Mr.
Villiers) was satisfied, and he was only delighted to hear
that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as he had understood,
had abandoned it too. He mentioned that in justification
for his not having immediately brought the subject before
the House; but there had been a moet extraordinary ad-
mission made
now, by one who was by
There no means
had been an the least
competent man to form an opinion.
admission that the national feeling was against protection ;
therefore they had a House of Commons unchanged, and the
national feeling agreeing with the House, and, as he con-
tended, h favour of free trade. Why, then, should
there be a dissolution ?—(Hear, hear.) Right Hon. Gentle-
men opposite Neeee all identified with a protective policy.
Their chief had decided that the House of Commons was
against them; but that if they took the opinion of the
country, he believed it would be with them—if it was not
they would resign—and yet new they were told the
NoblethetiEmaiaril
feeling was against that policy.—( Hear.) The
at the head of the Government said that an h
autumnal ses-
sion should be held to decide the question. But.t e present
Government's coming in had seriously disturbed the hose-
news of the country.—(Hear) What the country wanted
was, when it was prosperous to be peaceful—(
Hear)—the
people wanted to attend to the business of the country, and
it was to those men of business that the country owed its
greatness, not to the squabbles of the House.—(Hear, and
laughter.) Th 4 corium patretoga of the CirfeilUlleat no

made in another place, but before they broke up for the
holidays he thought it was incumbent upon some mem-
ber of the Government to give some outline of
the policy they intended to pursue for the
future.—(Hear, hear.) It was exceedingly inconvenient
for the Prime Minister to be in the other House, because
many of his explanations could not be rightly understood
in this House; but according to a letter which Lord
Malmesbury had written to Austria, it would seem
that the Earl of Derby thought the best way
to secure the confidence of the nation was to
give a frank and honest explanation of his
principles.—(Hear.) Well, now, if that were so,
surely the best course for a Prime Minister, to pursue,
if ho wished to obtain the confidence of his own country,
was to give a frank and candid avowal of his principles
to the House of Commons ; and he, therefore, called
upon the Right Honourable Gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to give some outline
of his future policy.—(Hear, hear.) Some time ago
they were told that the Parliament would be dissolved
so soon as the pressing public business could be disposed
of. But what was meant by pressing public business?
They had got a Committee on Indian affairs. God knew
how long that might last. Then they had a Militia Bill.
Heaven knew how long it might last, and what additional
clauses might be brought before the House.—( Hear, hear.)
What were the measures indispensable for the good govern-
ment of the country ? At a time when the agriculture, the
trade, and the commerce of the country were in a most un-
certain state as to what measures would be brought forward,
when the tenant-farmers were in a state of trepidation, the
shopkeepers greatly alarmed, and the merchants dissatisfied,
it was hardly fair for the Government to attempt to evade
this question.—(Hear, hear.) A Noble Lord on the other
side told them the other night that a new sect had arisen in
this country—a new sect of Derbyites.— (A laugh.) He
told them that a Protectionist was one who believed in Lord
Derby ; but what would the farmers think of this definition ?
—(Hear, hear.) What had been the conduct of Lord Derby
on this question of protection? In the celebrated desertion
case which he (Mr. Osborne) had referred to the other night,
it was said—
" I, as I may (that which I would I cannot),
With best advantage will deceive the time,
And aid thee in this doubtful shock of arms,
But on thy aide I may not be too forward."
—(A. laugh.) These were almost the precise terms used by
Lord Derby to his Protectionist allies; and this was acting
a bold and straightforward course,—this was to show the
very soul of chivalry !—(A laugh.) There were, however,
Gentlemen on the opposite benches who, in all likelihood,
would be more inclined to think it partook more of the sly
practices of the cockpit than the bold defiance of the tilting-
yard—( Laughter)—that it resembled more the peculiar
practices of Newmarket than the bold chivalry of Bosworth-
tield.—(Laughter.) They had beard a great deal of oppo-
sition, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, notwithstand-
ing the almost indecent haste with which the House had
voted 14,000,0001., whenever any one opposed a Bill, cried
out, " Factious opposition," and complained, that he could
not carry anything.—(Hear, hear.) But there might be
such a thing as a facious Government.—(Hear, hear.)
There might be such a thing as a Government getting into
office on false pretences, and having obtained the supplies on
false pretences, then turning round and making such an ex-
Tt the
They
Nvereto
planation as made in another place on the 30th.—(Hear.)
Take, for example, the question of laynooth. What did
Htoe )
' but no answer was given as to
turb the question this session,
Governmentl
told that iintend
ttehned
he would defy anybody to define
Gtonvedronmweitnht did not dis-
turb
answer of Lord Derby,
what he meant.—(Hear, hear.) An Hon. Gentleman on the
their intentions in a future session.—(Hear, hear.) As to
other side, holding was canvassing Liverpool,
1 to
the people of Liverpool understand that he
state-
ment, he gave
never repented anything so much as voting for the grant to
Maynooth.— (Hear, hear.) How did this tally with the re-
presentationsand, though there wahsiaghhaaoyfficn c.euning thrown over his
of his chief ?—( Hear, hear.) Surely the Hon.
del:nen did not intend to deceive the people of Liverpool?
Gan
(Hear, hear.) Surely he did not mean to say that he
would vote for it because it was an endowment, but that he
would not vote for another grant ?—(Hear.) But thequestion
was, what was their distinct policy on the question ot May-
nooth ? Already many of their supporters were committing
themselves against the Maynooth grant; but surely they
could not have been informed that the Government meant to
sustain that vote? Then, what had been the conduct of the
Government with regard to the Irish distillers and millers?
—( Hear, hear) The Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland
had brought forward distinct motions on this subject at various
times. Then he was very eloquent upon the injury done to
the Irish distillers and millers; but he was now mute on
that and every other Irish subject—;Laughter) He re-
membered the very effective way in which the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, in 1846, taunted the late Sir R. Peel when
discussing those eternal corn-laws. He said—
"lt is a remarkable characteristic of the present anomalous
state of affairs that we have at the same time a Protectionist
Cabinet and a free-trade supporter."
Could there be anything more opposite to the case of 1852?
—(Hear, hear.) We had the same experiment repeated now
with this difference, that we had a sort of hybrid animal now
'
going about, not in the counties, but the boroughs, canvass-
ing for a Free-trade Protectionist !—(Laughter. ) 'The
counties were visited on a different principle—protection,
unmitigated protection, was avowed there, for they had not
all come to the modification theory yet. The only
sure cry was that they must support Lord Derby, and they
were Free-traders in the town and Protectionists in the
country.—(Laughter.) And this was called the country
party, so celebrated for its attachment to high principle and
the true interests of the country!—(hear, hear.) Last
year a paper was signed by several Irish Members, in which
it was maintained that the restoration of protection was
necessary to the recovery of that country from the slough of
despond into which it had fallen ; but now they did not im-
peratively call for a free-trade policy, but only for revision.—
( Hear, hear.) They all knew that the Irish farmer was of a
most confiding disposition. But how allot the British ship-
owner be staggered when he was te,id by the Hon. Member
for Scarborough, who always voted for protection, that now
he did not wish to go back to th•Jse Utopian theories—(Hear,
hear)—for the Honourable Member had become a promoter
of the fashionable doctrine of modification !—(Hear, hear. )
They all knew the honour and high-mindedness of the lion.
Gentleman the Chancel:or of the Duchy of Lancaster, and
his devotion to protection, and, accordingly, they found
him telling the farmers of Lincolnshire that he was not to
be gulled by any of those modification theories, but that,
like an honest man, he called for the total reversal of this
ruinous free-trade policy.—( Hear, hear.) He respected and
honoured the Hon. Geutleman, and he congratulated the
farmers on having at least one friend left.—(Hear and
laughter.) It was a melancholy fact that this protection
cry had served its turn ; and it might now be called, in the
phraseology of the betting-ring, the
" book-horse." They
had heard the fate of a great many Derby favourites ;—the
public backed them to a great extent—especially the poor
people in the country—(Laughter)—but when the day of
the race arrived they
had frequently seen people in high po-
sition " scratching" their horses and leaving the public in
the lurch.—( Hear, hear.) So was it with the cry of Pro-
tection.—(Cheers and laughter.)
" Who would not praise Patricio's high desert,
His hand unstaiti'd, his uncorrupted heart !
His comprehensive head all interests weighed,
All Europe saved, yet Britain not betrayed?
lie heeds them not; his pride is in piquet,
Newmarket false, and judgment at a bet!"
—(Hear, hear, and laugh! 2r.) He heard the Chancellor of
the Exchequer talking the other night about comprehensive
views with respect to Ireland, and the Hon. Member for
Waterford expressed himself satisfied with that; but he
(Mr. Osborne) could not help pitying the case of Ireland,
tor, whenever he heard a Minister declare that he was
about to take large and comprehensive views with
respect to Ireland, be only felt that that country was
about to be sacrificed to a word, and that in the
taklng of those large and comprehensive views the ma-
terial and smaller interests of the country were sure to be
neglected. But it appeared that. some gentlemen connected
with Ireland were actually pleased with such declarations,
and seemed to have forgotten the conduct of Hon. Members
opposite with respect to the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and
the complimentary allusions made to the clergy of their own
country in another place on. Friday last.--(hear, hear.)
But if the Right lion. Gentleman opposite was about to take
large and comprehensive views of Irish and English subjects,
he (Mr. Osborne) could imagine no one so large and com-
prehensive as would be sufficient to create among the people
of this country a confidence in the good faith and honour of
the Ministry ; and ha told the Right lion. Gentleman that
the course he was pursuing was not one which the people of
this country thought worthy of a British Minister.—((;heers.)
Look at that blank cartridge of a Reform Bill—that exten-
sion of the suffrage wrapped up in a military cover, and now
withdrawn.—(Cheers and laughter.) lie was not surprised
at the withdrawal of that proposition, because, though en-
deavoured to be palmed off as original, it was copied from
no less a person than orator Bunt, who in 18.31 laid on the
table of the Home a motion to precisely the same effect.—
(Cheers and laughter.) It was not to bo wondered at,
therefore, that the country party should be in a ferment at
this ebullition of reform zeal on the part of the Home Se-
cretary, and should insist on his withdrawing a proposition
so unhandsomely stolen.—(Laughter.) Unless the Right
Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of 'die Exchequer was pre-
pared to give some information as to the future policy of
the Government, neither he no:: his Ministry would stand
high in the opinion of the peo;de of this country.—(Cheers.)
The taunts and aspersions ',brown out upon a late great
statesman could not be for
be forgotten that the High, gotten.—(Cheers.) It could not
Right Hononrablo Gentleman opposite
and his party built th sir present reputation—such as it
was—on the endeavour to ruin the reputation of that great
statesman—(Cheers) —and, if they wished to have a shred
of reputation about ',hem, it was incumbent on the Right
Hon. Gentleman t' tell the House what were the measures
which he thought indispensable for the good government of
the country, and what was the course of policy he intended
to pursue, not ,oily with regard to Ireland but this country.
Lord JCY.IN MANNERS said the Government had
nothing ne w to say on the topics mentioned by the

lion. (.ntlernar.-I(Laughter.) They had simply to
he declarations made by the Chancellor
of the t
Exchequer; and he denied that there was any
diserepti.ncy between his statements and those made in
tl
by the First Minister. When the Hon.
xineora
placetold
thnem that the country would have
no confidence '
ari:r
men who used such language
as the Earlof Derby and the Chancellor of
him,irom int h
o return,issoe ot that
aat
tualloo
Government did
be would ldshrtt;tillk
tihiethreeyguwlaerrobusine He asked the House to judge
glognalriudleebleye.t_iu(nahweheircshothey courted and were prepared
these nightly interruptions to
:mini:ear:lope.
what was meant
continue these interruptions,
justice not to preparedss b y o
f to theoo,n country.—(llear, hear.)
t'l appeal to the eoLifitry7—(Hear, ea • However,
Why not bring them to a head, and form the Government
the Government would riot be deterred from proceeding
with they measures wt,:tch were necessary by any taunts
g as the Hon.
Mcrab"S °PPosite id not exercise the power which.n
°turrtrheee
they boasted they (messed, he asked the House, it
.--Theers.) As ton_
suffer thrill to conduct,
during the remainder of h
session, the riec,„
the . jovernment, but to the country,t_ to
business of the country without
M(
r.'
I°EIIIJ,OK felt himself called upon to express
on a n
thelpi 10110011nd o n ZrY(Cheers.)
the conduct of the Government, d
as k why V- , nopposed 4
- 'u"tton as t the conduct of the Goverr-
m ;nt wras not br ° • d' • sue by a vote
ought to of the Rouse. It an imme tate Is
"4
t3f those who them, and he should
l' .ad got into office unlpeafrelde
pretences. (Cheers.)
'lley got into office o
in office hall endeavoured
The I-Ton. ;Ind Learned 8
,- • 41 °ear false
tsof doctrines, and being
t: set
them.—(Hear, hear.)
to him that they
~, Gentlemen then briefly reviewed

ditptited and with that patronage at their disposal, the
Government were about to appeal to a general election, with
a view to their re-appearance before Parliament, if the coun-
try rejected them as Protectionists, in the character of Con-
vatives. He much doubted whether they would receive
more favour at the hands of the country in the one cha-
racter than .the other.—(Hear, hear.) There had been
observed in them of late many things exceedingly unlike
the old Conservative party.—(Hear, hear.) So far as he
knew the old Tory party that used to prevail in that
House, pretty well all their political proceedings were
wrong; but this was ever known to their honour, that
they Were bold—that they were straightforward—that they
were chivalrous—that you could rely upon them.—(Hear,
hear.) The proceedings of the party now in power, during
the last six weeks, could scarcely be deemed as ranking
them within any such category.—(Hear, hear.) Never bad
a straightforward answer been given by them to any ques-
tion.—(Hear, hear.) They talked of the Opposition having
interrupted the business of the country; all the Opposition
had attempted to do 'was to elicit from them statements of
who they were, what they were, what they were going to
do, and when.—(Hear, hear.) As matters now stood,
there was no knowing from day to day what the Govern-
ment would do or would not do. On Saturday night every
Hon. Gentleman went to bed, believing they were going to
have a new Reform Bill, with a large extension of the suf-
frage, on new principles—not based on education, that was
old; not on property, that was unnecessary; bat on two
years' service in the militia.—(Hear. bear, and laughter.)
Now, the great Conservative party came down and said they
were not going to have anything of the sort; that was
merely a joke of Lord Derby..--( Hear, hear.) The other
night the great cause of Protection was abandoned; that
evening it was again attempted to be set up. No doubt
there was in the country a considerable number of gentle-
men Conservatives, and honourably entitled to the desig-
nation; but did the Government, acting as they had been
acting, imagine they would be accepted by those gentlemen
as their representatives ?—( Hear.) It might be equally true
that the country was not indisposed for the late change of
Government; the people grew tired of old faces, and liked
change from time to time; but the country would by no
means take to a set of Ministers who refused to come for-
ward like men and state what they meant to do, any more
than Members of that House would in silence permit them-
selves to be called factious for asking a legitimate and ne-
cessary question, or be charged with interrupting the busi-
ness of the country, before they were enabled to know what
that business of the country was.—(Hear, hear.) It might
very well be that the Government themselves did not know
what they meant to do,-but meantime the country was alto-
gether dissatisfied with their chopping and changing about.
--(Hear, hear.) 'The House were all anxious to hear from
the Chancellor of the Exchequer another of those clear, frank,
open, andlucid statements by which he had lately distin-
guished himself, so that no one might any longer remain in
the dark on the subjeet.—(Hear hear; and a laugh.)
Mr. HENLEY said that the t.—(Hear,
who last sat down
had, in common with the two gentlenien who preceded him,
asked what were the Government going to do ?—( Hear.) He
might; in as qhaint fashion, rejoin by a question, what did
those gentlemen want the Government to do, for while the
two first querists pressed the Government to go forthwith to
the country, by means of a dissolution, the last speaker asked
" What do you want to go to the country for?" and urgently
represented that the whole business of the country
would be interrupted by a dissolution. This, in the fifth
year of the present Parliament, was rather a singular
course on the part of a gentleman who was one of those
who went out into the lobby in favour of triennial Par-
liaments.—(Hear, heir.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite affected
not to understand what the Government had said over and
over again, but the country perfectly understood it, and was
perfectly satisfied with it.—(Oh, oh.) The country had
been told, in language it could not misunderstand, and
which' it had not misunderstood, that the great principle
which Hon. Gentlemen opposite, for their own particular
purposes, wanted to make the only question would not be
mooted until after a new Parliament had been assembled.
This plain statement, however, did not suit Hon. Gentlemen
opposite, to whom it was very convenient to raise this
question, and try to make it the only question which was
to be considered, as if there were no other matters in which
the country was interested. If Hon. Gentlemen opposite
had such a distaste for the present Government, why had
they allowed them to become a Government? It was no-
thing but their own laches, their own indifference to the
late Government, which brought about what had happened.
—(Hear, hear.) If they considered that everything was
proceeding well under the late Administration, that
colonial mat' ers were doing well, and that foreign
matters were satisfactory, why did they put that Govern-
ment in a position_ which rendered it incumbent on them to
resign ? Who was to blame for that result ? Certainly
not the present Government. But it did not suit the Gentle-
men who made up the majority to leave the late Govern-
ment in office; they wanted to turn them out, to have
another set of men in their place, and then to harass those
by all sorts of interruptions of the public business, so as to
develop some chance of working their own particular pur-
poses.—(Hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers were determined
to go on'. with the indispensable business of the country, and
they had manifested . what was their feeling' by proposing
nothing on which there was likely to be any great difference
of opinion. That evening they proposed to take a vote for
the Kafir war; was that a necessary or an nnnecessary
proposition l He would readily contrast it, as a matter of
expediency, with the present discussion, and then ask Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, which of the two most needlessly pro-
tracted the session, which they were so eager to terminate ?
—(Hear, hear.) The best illustration of the cha-
racter of the Ministerial measures was, that in the
five or six weeks since their accession to office they had
not had a division against them in the House.— (Hear. )
As to the principles on which they proceeded, he would
simply answer that their principles were now what they
always had been ; there was no change in them. Whether
any party could carry the whole of their principles did not
depend on themselves, but on the country; and to the coun-
try it was the declared wish of the Government to go, so
soon as the measures necessary for the prosperity and safety
of the country should be carried.—(Hear, hear.) They
eared not how soon this should be; but it would be in full
time to enable a new Parliament to assemble in tho preesnt
year, and to that new Parliament the question which Hon.
Gentlemen opposite wanted, but which they would not
be allowed to make the only question, would be sub-
mitted.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. S. HERBERT said that in the speech just delivered
there was one expression which he felt called upon to no-
tice; it was the repetition of an expression that had been
used by the Noble Member for Colchester, who said that
the Government had been impeded in the course of public
and necessary business by interruptions from the Opposi-
tion side of the House. The Noble Member for Colchester
said, they had taken up the time of the House by
long disquisitions on constitutional principles. No doubt
the question of constitutional principles had been amply
discussed in that House; but the Noble Lord, when he said
that Hon. Gentlemen had not been justified in making these
disquisitions, might be met at once by the proposition that
these disquisitions were perfectly justifiable, since the Go-
vernment had yielded to the force of the arguments by
which those disquisitions were supported.—(Hear, hear.)
They had yielded to the force of sound constitutional prin-
ciples, and it was altogether politic in them to yield, so as
to avoid the appearance of being dragged, as unwilling cul-
prits, to the bar of a general election..—(Hear, heal.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman who last spoke seemed to fancy that
he clinched the statement that the Opposition had impeded
public business, by the observation that there had not been
outs division taken against the Government. Now, he
doubted whether, in the memory of any man in the House,
there had ever before been so much necessary public busi-
ness transacted with so little opposition—(Hear, hear)—
with not merely so little cavil, so little criticism, but with
such almost entire suppression of those observations which
were almost inseparable from the discussion of estimates,
and this especially at a moment when public opinion was so
excited as it now was on the question of our national de-
fences.—(Hear, hear.) The accusation then, in his opi-
nion, fell utterly to the ground, that the Opposition had
attempted to impede public business with any unjustifiable
or unnecessary delays.—(llear, hedi. ) The Hon. Member
for Staffordshire had taken occasion to animadvert on the
course which particular Members had pursued in 1846 in
relation to free trade. He was not going to revert to that
period, but this he would say. that to the latest hour of his
life he should feel proud of the course which he then pur-
sued.—(Hear, hear.) He had been quite prepared to meet
with much obloquy and much misrepresentation; and to
make an option—not difficult, certainly, but bitter to the
heart—between party ties and the feelings of personal
honour wrapped up in. those ties and the welfare of the
country; but, he bad not hesitated—(Hear, hear)—and, if
the principles which he then asserted, and for which he had
undergone since a sort of political ostracism, were again
assailed no effort should be wanting on his part to defend
them, and to defend unimpaired. unreversed, unmodified,
the blessings which he believed to have been conferred
by those principles on the great body of his fellow-country-
men.—(Cheers.) It was said that the Government had
made no express declarations of their intention on this
point ; he had no wish to hark back to that subject on the
present occasion, but he certainly could wish that, instead of
deferring this question to be settled by the constituencies
at a general election—thus leaving the most anxious doubts
hanging over the, public mind on the subject for some time
to come—he could have wished that the Government had
come frankly forward and said, "We see that policy is im-
possible, and we admit, with the Hon. Member for Stafford-
shire, that the national feeling is against us on the question;
and we will say at once that we have no intention, under
any circumstances, of attempting to reverse or modify the
free-traderpolicy."—Weer, hear.) It was his (Mr. Herbert's)
desire to see the country governed on sound political prin-
ciples, and certainly, if he could add an arch to any bridge
by which the Government could escape from their free trade
dilemma, he would readily contribute the structure. There
was always joy over a sinner that, repented, but most cape.
cially when his sins were 'such as endangered great prin-
ciples. The Government valued, and justly valued, Con-
servative principles. and so did he; and he would ur-
gently represent to them that it was in the highest degree
impolitic and dangerous to have those principles allied
with a policy that was odious to the great body of the
people.—(Hear, hear.) He wished to see sound, progressive
Conservatism prevail in the Government of this country,
and he should regard. it as a great misfortune to find a great
party, comprising many men of public and private virtue,
identify itself with a policy which was odious to the nation.
because the nation firmly believed it to be based on injus-
tice.—(Hear, hear.) What was this corn-law, which Gen-
tlemen opposite wanted to bring back,—what was it, after all,
but a system of outdoor relief to the country gentlemen?—
(" Hear, hear," and laughter)—different, indeed, from a
poor-law rate in this material respect, that whereas the poor-
law rate wm a tax imposed on property for the sustentation
of poverty, the corn-tax was an impost levied on poverty for
the aggrandizement of property.—(Hear, hear.) He con-
sidered it most important that Hon. Gentlemen opposite,
many of whom did not hold opinions in favour of protection,
should be enabled, as early as possible, to free themselves
from the encumbrance for ever. He was satisfied with the
arrangement to which the House appeared to have come,
and had no desire to occupy the present moribund Parlia-
ment with questions which had to be settled in the next.
The Government having taken the course it had adopted
on
the question of protection, the only way in which that
ques-
tion could be permanently and satisfactorily settled
an appeal to the country ; and he desired to have thatwapaspebayl
made as soon as the public business would admit.
hear.) For that appeal he wasg
Pe
are d
nation e o efind (Hear,
se
nrr-
e,qwuoiteuldPtehe
that under no name, no subterfu
graded to give up that which it regarded as the charter of
the comfort and wellbeing, most especially, of the labouring
classes.—(Cheers.)
be
Mresr. MOORE sthis aid, the whole of this vexed subject might
olved into summary proposition—that the Govern-
ment wanted to abandon protection, and the Free-traders
would not let them. The present Government desired to put
it to the country whether it preferred them to the late
Government; and he, hi
rnself; considered that the answer of
the country would be
Whigs clearly thou htdecidedly in the affirmative. The
sisted that the ap gl so too; and .this was why they in-.
Pee should be whether the people preferred
the Whigs or protective duties, feeling conscious that if
there were a dire alternative on which the people of England
would prefer the Whigs It was protection. He (Mr. Moore)
had never been a Free-trader t he believed that the repeal
of the corn-laws had been a great injury to his country,
14t ho did not expect, And his countrymen did not expect,

a return to protective duties. Protection had been recollect that her Mejesty's present Ministers had,. bad he
too long the humbug of one side of the House, and tle kind of political connexion or sympathy with Sir: fleneY
bugbear of the other; and it would greatly facili- Ward, and that, whatever might have been his conduct, he
tate the transaction of public business if Honourable had not acted under the direction of the Administratioo.
Gentleten on both sides would mutually agree neither to now in power. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, he bad
choose it as a phantom, nor set it up as a spectre. As for the no hesitation in saying that party distinctions and feeling'
Whigs, as latterly constituted, he felt convinced that public ; would not for a moment deter the Government from doing
opinion would never again consent that the whole govern- I justice, and that, too, in a generous spirit to an absent
ment of this country should be centered in one exclusive and I servant of the Crown—(Cheers)—to one who,
.they
rapacious cabal, nor that the great grandmother of any Noble I conscientiously believed, in the teeth of difficulties!
Lord should be the fountain of all honour in England. As for and embarrassments of no ordinary kind, exerted
the Noble Lord the Member for London, the Irish people had himself to support the authority of the Queen, ands
unanimously, irrevocably, and inexorably decided that he, to put down rebellion against her.—(Cheers.) He did 130"
at all events, Should hever again be at the head of the feel himself called upon to act as the champion of Sir Henry
Treasury bench.—(Laughter from the Opposition.) The Ward, nor to weigh in a nice balance every word or act o.
Irish people were perfectly satisfied to wait the issue of an his administration, and he was not prepared to say that
appeal to the country, because they knew what it would ' under extraordinary difficulties he might not have been le
eventuate in. They were perfectly calm in this matter, be- into indiscretion; but he had no hesitation in saying that
cause they had no expectation of office themselves, and be- Sir Henry Ward had done his utmost to uphold the autho;
cause they in no way missed the quarter-day. rity of the Crown, and that therefore he was entitled to
Sir J. TYRELL could quite understand that the situa- just and generous support.— (Cheers.) Considering that the
tion of Hon. Gentlemen opposite was a painful, inconve- acts complained of in the speech of the Hon. Member for
nient, and embarrassing one, because he felt that the Govern- Montrose had received the sanction of the late Government,
ment having shown that they had the power and the capa- he (Sir J. Pakington) thought it would be presumptuous
_w
city to bring forward measures of a well-considered character now to interfere with them, and to attempt to treat theta
which were likely to give satisfaction to the country, had judicially.—(Hear, hear.) But the matters complained 0,
,!
committed an offence that was not to be forgiven.—(Hear, had not only been under the consideration of her Majesty !
hear.) It had been said by the late Mr. Sidney Smith that late Ministers, and received the approbation of the late
the real cause of the quarrel between this country and Colonial Minister, but they also formed the subject of Par'
America was that we gave better dinners and rode in better liamentary discussion.—(Hear, hear.) In 1860, the Hot'
carriages than they ; and he believed that the cause of Member for Montrose brought all the circumstances under
,
the discontent evinced by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, was the consideration of the House, when he could only 0
that the Government had shown an ability to introduce wise twelve Members to vote in favour of his motion—(lor'
and good measures. He admitted that the Members of the hear) but there were one or two points which, in justice
late Government were not very forward in the course of to Sir H. Ward, and in order that there might be lie
policy which had been pursued by the Opposition side of misunderstanding on the part of the House or the
the House; but the outsiders had been figuring away to a country, he (Sir J. Pakington) was anxious to bring
tremendous extent, and certainly they had net been very under their attention. One had reference to the execution_
flattering to the Noble Lord the Member for London in all of the 21 men in the year 1849. Now the Hon. Member for
their remarks. For himself, he looked upon the Noble Lord Montrose had omitted to say, that net only were these ma
as one who had been a great Minister for many years, and taken with arms in their hands, an act which made the;
he thought he deserved a larger measure of justice from Hon.• guilty of treason against the Queen as sovereign protectre _
Gentlemen opposite, now that he was not in power, than he of the lonian Islands, but that every one of them had hew
seemed likely to receive. Hon. Gentlemen opposite pre- convicted of the greatest crimes in addition to rebellion.;
tended to misunderstand what had taken place inabe other (Hear, hear.) There was not one of these men so convicted
House; but, as his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the of rebellion who had not also been guilty of rape,.•marder'
Exchequer had once said, " there shall come a time when and other the gravest possible crimes.—(Hear.) It ever men_
you shall hear me," so he (Sir J. Tyrell) would venture to were justly dealt with, these men, upon their own confession
say that there should come a time when they should under- to their priests, were properly dealt with.— (Hear, hear.)
stand his Right Hon. Friend, if they would only continue to With regard to another point, also, it should be remembers'',
listen to him.—( Great laughter.) that it was in Zante that the elections were unfavourable
Mr. P. HOWARD complained that the Government had to the Government. But when the Hon. Member f 0,1„
not indicated what the nature of their policy was to be. Montrose complained of the interference on the part of SI:
The late Sir R. Peel previous to taking office addressed a H. Ward with the rights of 'the lonian people—when hi
letter to the electors of Tanaworth, in -which he gave a complained that a meddling and mischievous policy
most distinct explanation of his whole policy—colonial, interfered with the enjoyment of those rights vekicl;
home, and ecclesiastical. Earl Grey also, when he accepted he (Sir J. Pakington) had no hesitation in 593'114
office, gave an equally distinct exposition of his political had been unhappily conceded to the lonian people •
views. In fact, an outline of the policy to be pursued had al- he ought to have remembered the testimony borne by
ways preceded a change of Government. The present Go- lonians as to the fitness of the people for self-government"
vernment, however, had left their home and colonial policy a He would just read to the House the evidence of a distill'
complete riddle, while on ecclesiastical polity they had ex- guished lonian as to the fitness of the people in former
pressed no opinion, but by the indirect answers which they years for selt-government. From 1800 to 1807, the lonians
had given they had opened up a most fertile ground fur reli- had a tree or republican form of government; but having
gious strife. enjoyed, or rather, he should say, suffered their free ge;
Mr. NEWDEGATE regretted that when the Right Hon. vernment for two years, they found the following state 0:
Gentleman the Member for Wiltshire spoke of his readiness things prevailing. What said
the witness to whom 13°
to construct an arch in any bridge that could be built be- referred? Why, that " Fortunately, ample official IDs'
tween himself and those from whom he had separated, he terials were extant to prove that before two years.had
should have followed up that declaration by the phrase that elapsed of this golden age, all the Seven Islands had been
the corn-laws were a system of out, door relief to the land- guilty-of treason and rebellion against its local Govern:,
owners of England. As the acting chairman of the acting ment. Horrors, resembling those of the old Corcyrsell'i
committee of the Central Protection Society, he could say factions, described by Thucydides, were of frequent 0'
that the whole of those societies throughout the kingdom currence. In Zante alone assassinations have been tee 'ne;
had placed their confidence in the Earl of Derby because leteroas, as one for each day in the year—a fair averag
they believed that that Noble Lord was sincere in the opl. for a population of less than 40,000. Alarmed and die'
nions which he had always entertained, expressed, and acted gusted by this situation of their affairs, the lonian Senate
°
upon, and because they believed that he was the Minister sent, in 1802,- a deputation to the Emperor of Russia ts
who was most likely to bring about a happy understanding implore his immediate interference, as the only means 0'
between themselves and those sections of the commu- putting an end to such scenes of bloodshed and anarchy, al,
nity who entertained opposite opinions upon the sole result of that power which he bad left in their hands'
question of commercial policy. He (Lr. Newdegate) and The negotiation was entrusted to Mr. Neranzi, and he We'
his friends abated not one jot with respect to the question *directed to impress on the mind of his Imperial Majesty
o
of protection—not one jot; and when the Right Hon. Gen- that,' in a word. the inhabitants of the Seven Islands, We
tleman said that the corn-laws were a system of out-door have thus attempted to establish a republican constitution;
relief for landowners, perhaps he would allow him to inter- are neither born free, nor are they instructed in any arts ?:,
pose the opinion of a great and unprejudiced statesman - }l.f. government, nor are they possessed of moderation so as le
niers. That able statesman said, "We ought to encoee live peaceably under any political system framed by the':
rage free trade in France, because it has brought 4,000,000 own countrymen.' " Another witness, Count Saltiness','
_",
acres of waste land into cultivation ." but he added, that it gentleman of the highest possible character, thus spoke !:
was a most unwise change which the late Sir Robert Peel the present fitness of the people of the lonian Islands I':
had made in England in 1846. "It was a change," he govern themselves. In. an. official communication he 281?
said, " which had been made in deference to the violence of --" My Lord,—The present state of the lonian 'elands 1!:
an ignorant agitation ;it was one not calculated to promote indeed, most lamentable. It was not the will of Heave:.
the real interests of the country, but carried out for the that the reforms effected in the constitution should: l':
sake of preserving the aristocracy and the monarchy from granted by such gradual steps as would have enabled line
the violence of a misguided policy." This was the un- people to receive them in a proper spirit—(Hear, hear'
biassed opinion of the representative of a country which hhd from Mr. Hume) and to make a wise use of them. Intro'
gained enormously by our adoption of free trade.—(Hehr, duced too suddenly, and at a most inopportune time, the
~
hear.) He (Mr. Newdegate) had not wished to detain result was such as might have been anticipated. They
the House, but when such doubt had been cast upon the awakened the most extravagant:expectations, inflamed nsillush
soundness of Lord Derby's opinions, and upon the con- by nature too easily inflammable, offered to the British
sistency of those who supported him, he had felt bound— nation, by which they were conceded, instead of (hanger
having that day presided as chairman of the committee 'of proofs of the most flagrant ingratitude, and plunged the':
the Protection Society—to express his views to the limise islands into a state of the greatest confusion and disorder
dn this subject. - (Hear, hear.) It had been said that Lord Your Excellency's well-known abilities and paternal care
Derby would lose the confidence of the country by protract- were unable to provide a remedy for these evils; nor have 6
ing the session. and not immediately announcing a definitive the good intentions and the remonstrances of the executive
policy. He (Mr. Newdegate) did not believe it. The power proved more successful. The present system tall
Hon. Member for the' West Riding had let them into the from every man, however well-intentioned, the power of
secret of his policy. He had stated that two things were Promoting in any way the good of his country, and cone!.
essential to the violence and success of the agitation which quently renders unavailing my labours as President oftoe;
he intended to create. The first was, that there should be a Senate." Such was the testimony borne to the aptitude !7
fixed, narrow point of attack, such as a ss. duty; and the the lonian Government for self-government at the prove;
other was, certainly as to the exact time of a dissolution, time. In reference to the charge made against Sir H. Wardand he promised the members of the League at Manchester of having transported and imprisoned certain editors an
that if he had those two things he would endeavour to all- conductors of public papers, he (Sir J. Pakington) felt tele
minate the violence of the agitation at the precise time of he would- be doing that gentleman a great injustice if le',
the election. Now, if Lord Derby had any respect—as he allowed these observations to be made without offering some
knew he had—for the opinion and peace of the country, he explanation. One of the first and most ill-advised of te.,
would refuse to comply with the terms which had been die- unhappy concessions was made by Lord Seaton before' o,
tated to him by the Hon. Member for the West Riding. - left the lonian Islands. That Noble Lord proposed a 11. es
Sir R. INGLIS said, that the Right Hon. Gentleman the law giving freedom to the public press under certain precae,
Member for South Wilts (Mr. S. Herbert)—in proof that rio How namely—that any offence committed against proper:S;
unnecessary impediment had been thrown in the way of on the part of these papers should be submitted to a tria
public business—had reminded the House that the Govern. jury. Common offences were not so triable at all. °A'a
'tient, who had now been six weeks in office, had in no viewing the peculiar opinions of the inhabitants of the lont
single instance met with a hostile division; but he was Islands, he thought that such offences as these ought tit
sure the Right Hon. Gentleman would not deny that public the last that should be submitted to these tribunals. Thee
business had, to a great extent, been impeded by other means law had not been in operation three months when Lord
—in one instance by speeches for eight hours, another for Seaton had himself, without resorting to trial by jurYor,
six hours, on questions which might have been disposed of in solved by what was called the high police power to impriser
half an hour. And who were those who brought forward two editors for a scandalous libel. What followed in Sir el'.
ssati incnsogto
rsl
allib,ewl
ashnedi n
rtehs
wereoer t
those questions? They were the very gentlemen who were Ward's time? He had no hesitation in saying that Sir P:‘,..
so eager that the Members of that House should be sent to Ward had acted most properly in punishing those gross'
fiatikge:eranLwto,errdf,nidsibeedattiasognaug,
their constituents with the view to a new verdict on the
question of free trade.—(Hear) New, he (Sir R. Inglis)mtoosttherehviegrhedpo,
it::
way he had den'
begged to say, with regard to the intentions of the Govern- spected, and honoured in this country.. Sir 11. Ward did 10t
ment on the subject of a dissolution, he required nothing lta'
more than the original statement, in another place, of the power, before he sent the authors of them to be tried hY --
Prime Minister. His belief was, that so soon as the mea- jury. No, he first subjected the offenders .
...,.
to a trial by Jqvh'
sures which, in his judgment, were essential to the public until he found it utterly vain to expect justice from Ale'
service and the defence of the country were passed, the Noble tribunals. He then resorted rightly
~,,e
Lord meant, as an honest man, to appeal to the country,— high police power with which he
owa and properly to L!' to,
(Hear, hear.) Now, that being the case, he asked the House. punish those men whose offences Iver s invested, in
by any
whether, if the course wag persisted in of occupying eight other means. Sir H. Ward,
however,
not accessible
abandon
to hours on one evening, and six hours on another, and three to those high police powers if the offered to
s,
hours, as ou that occasion, with unnecessary discussions, the a fair and a just law that would enableassembly would only P*7o
Government could be expected to advise the Crown to die- deal with these libels in the usual the Governmene ts,
solve Parliament at an early period ? (Hear, hear.) , refused to peas this law, and a noblemmaanner. The Assembly
forwarded
The subject then dropped. a petition to this country against Sir H. who had ~,
not allow THE lONIAN ISLANDS. one of the majority who would Ward was actum
to attue
hi betide'
Mr. HUME said it would be in the recollection of the the high police power. Sir H. Wardthe
HOuse that, at the termination of the last session, he gave Hon. Member for Montrose for • also blamed was.
ses
dissolving the Parliatue"
notice of his intention to bring the general state of the Now, the Parliament was Oa lonian Islands under the consideration of the House at an prorogued, because he had notnet dissolved, but ~,
the power to dissolve.
early period of the present session. It would also be recol- He prorogued it because he found
lected that some time ago he moved for certain papers oh conduct the government of the it utterly impossible 1.e..
the subject. It appeared, however, that, as yet, the Go- semblY• That was in the Country with such an Ile
summer of 1850. In the wont.
vernment bad found it impossible to produce those paperit of December in the ait
and therefore he thought it would be unfair to proceed with was again proro uedsarnf3 year the House again met, and t
the motion of which he had given notice for to-morrow to pass a vote toganne u whY
Because they were about
(Tuesday), in the absence of the necessary documente..... ignore the authority x het lonian Islands to Greece, and al
(Hear, hear.) He should consequently postpone that motion left it to the House of the Queen. He (Sir J. Pakingt,ol3l
until after the Easter recess, in the hope that the documents any blame attached to say whether, under the circumstance':
would then be forthcoming; but he could not allow thepre- recent events to Sir H. Ward. In reference to the
sent opportunity to pass without saying a few words on the Hon. Me that had occurred in the In Islands, tat
subject. One of the questions which it was intended Member for Montrose, in alluding to them, did pee
to seem to understand the constitution of these islands. The;
bring before them that evening was the expense ofthe Hon. member . said
.that Sir H. Ward had made cedes"-
•"Kafir war, although no notice had been given them of he alterations
amount which was to be demanded. There could t ' f in the electoral law which required confirmatiou
be ne from the next meeting of the Assemblyandthat not having
doubt. however, that the sum would be ,
ee
it a very large one, received such, these elections w '
and that had been incurred in consequence sole of the Assemblwas undulcost't ere illegal, and the press
o iuted. He believed that thee
gross mismanagement of the authorities at the Cape, aided was a misconception .of the constitution of the lonian
and abetted by the Government at home. (Hea; h r ) Islands. Those t
It was in consequence of the serious and expensive— 'isteaakel under a eculiara eervaetriotnhsatin the electoral law were tne"-
which had been committed at the Cape of Good Hopem that
h• h P h • power
el •
w lc aut orise , uring the recess of
was given by the constitutioll'
the Assembly, -
the
he was annious to urge upon the Government the necessity passing of certain laws that were considered of urgeht fleas'
of taking into their timely consideration the situation. of city. Now, although such acts or
the lonian Islands, so as to prevent us being involved in a reversed at the next meeting might be either confirmed it
of the Assembly, yet
similar unnecessary trouble and expense in that quarter. must be understood that all tit The Hon. Member then proceeded to refer to the severities rity of such acts were Inge done under the autho
which were exercised by Sir H. Ward on the occasion of the stitution, and conse held valid by the con-
riots which took place in Cephalonia in 1849. He coin- electoral law were valid, the alterations in for
plained that martial law was unnecessarily proclaimed on Montrose had not the sli laind therefore the HOD. Member fot
' that occasion—that no fewer than 44 persons were sentenced assembly was not dul g test right to say that the pressing
to death by those courts-martial, 21 of whom were actuall tures in the y constituted. One of the main fee'
executed, besides a large number subjected to military assembling then(pe • Constitution was, that upon the
of
flogging. He (Mr. Iftime) thought it his duty to bring Lord High Com ' new Parliament it devolved upon thee
the subject before the House in 1850, and on that at least five Membersmissi to constitute a senate, by takieb
occasion the division was 15 in favour of his motion for assembly. Inthe out of the Members elected for the
inquiry, and 84 against it, thus marking a very strong most valuable t first assembly of ea
new Parliament the
opinion in favour of- the state of things which then existed. the upper Ch Die were thus taken away to constitute
The House was then called upon to give Sir H. Ward a fair tem, but • ataber. This, no doubt, was a defective syl'
trial. Well, how had'he proceeded since? In consequence Ward tookstill it Ras no fault of Sir H. Ward. Sir It'
of a motion for inquiry into the proceedings which had taken other five Members out of this assembly, and the
place at Cephalonia the Lord High Commissioner dissolved ea ss from a spirit of disloyalty, refused to the natal;
the House of Assembly. and prevented them from proceed. be nary oaths prescribed. It was necessary that there shoo
la
ing. In six months afterwards another Parliament Gentleman twenty-two present to constitute a House. The Boa.
called, but was actually dissolved by proclamation beforewas entleman must be aware that one of the great difficulties
met. After summoning another Parliament, the Lord it
with which Sir H. Ward had to contend arose from the
Commissioner sent down to Zante and other laces re
Proposition of a loyal address being moved to her Majesty
the candidates whom he wished to be elected') a d a list of un the openin got the session, and in answer to her Mil:
every individual connected with the Governmentndirecting ,tety's speech The very gentleman who drew up the draft
peril of losing their offices, to vote for those ,at the if the address was me of the factious minority who oh-
(Hear.) The liberty of the press had bole
men only.-- Jected to the supremacy of the British Crown. Theele,
tinguished, and all the editors and publi een entirely ex. were only summoned on two successive days, .but `''*e.
without trial.—(Hear.) The new Pa re writers banished absenting themselves they prevented the assembly Winn
3d of March, and such was the di r lament met on the made, and they thereby rendered it impossible to have the
nical proceedings of Sir H. Ward hadi‘guat Which
the tyran- loyal address to the Crown voted after the eat of the
speech -
cumatance unparalleled in the hi , that a cir- Lor e . , • oor such 'circumstances -the
story Lord High Commissioner
governments had occurred, viz, of representative having considered the course
ich he ought to tak
possible to get a quorumof '22 to
, that it was found im- so, . e, felt it to be his duty to prorogue
the session in the face
hear.) The consequence had Make a House.—(llear,
Hon. Member for M of such factious opposition. prorogue
hear.)
Assembly had been ain been that the House of
Government to re ontrose said it was the duty of the
cal Sir H
—having previously been - Prorogued for six months Ward. Such however, viel
, .
r es not the opinion of her M •H.
'
out of two years. H believed orogued for eighteen mont ajesty s Government —(Hear, hear./
It was their b •
e chef that
readings which had taken that the tyrannical pro- _ .
. eseenee traordmary difficulty. Sir , under these circumstances of eV
and Hungary did not place of late years in ira anxiously endeavoured
to support the authority of the
Islands.—(gear h unfortunate inhabitants of the
.loman
cessions to the same time had offered to make' any con'
hey to allow , ear ) He thought it a moat unwise po- popular rights which he could with reasonable
Sir 11. W ' in the lonian Islands Prudence
assent
`paid to remain He, therefore, thought that Sir 14-
after what should Ward was entitled to.
had occurred. The Government at once to -
fair and frank support from her Mr
recall him, a d t commissioners in jestrs Ministers,
whom nat the same time send ou and they will be pre ared to meet tbe
lasY had confidence to inquire on the spot as to the motion of the Honourable Member p • -
1 causes of the prevailing discontent. - (Hear, hear.) for. Montrose in such,
a way as they think the • • They
justice of the case demanded. I Sir J. PAKINGTON observed, that he thought he had were of opinion that Sir I endeavoured
bo°
1 nestl and
some reason to complain of the course pursued by the Hon. e. y fearlessly to dh•
I. Ward had endeavoure
eed
• o is duty to his Sovereign e-
,
Member for Montrose. Some little time ago the Hon. "is country. and that he their
was, therefore, entitled to
Member moved for numerous papers on the subject of the support.—( Hear.)
I lonian Islands, which he (Sir John Pakingtore) consented to Mr. F. PEEL said, ,although' • with he differed in opinion e
produce, intimating, however, that, as a considerable portion the Right Hon
of them would have to be sent for from the lonian Islands, that had b * Baronet in regard to the political change°
time must necessarily elapse before they could be fur- • • been n*
within the last few years in the con
-
much ait ution of the • I nished Notwithstanding the absence of the papers, the lion. had full lonian 'elands, yet he must say that ,I3e,
Member gave notice of a motion for a Commission which the Hon Y and satisfactory replied to the ebservatious °
should go out to examine into the affairs of the lonian from the Member for elontrose. He was glad to collec'!
Islands. Suddenly, however, the Lion. Member seemed to Ma' i speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman that he_ef,
change his mind, and, to his (Sir J. Pakington s) surprise, thejes*" Government would not support the motion for
he found him contending that the occasion for taking a vote of
.aPpoimment of a Commission to inquire into the. cau ,e-e„
on the Kafir war was a fitting one for treating of the; insurrection in Cephalonia in 1849, and in the preeeuw
affairs of Cephalonia.— (A I -nigh.) At first the Hon. Mem- : situation of the lonian Islands. Having given his attention
bar appeared to be dealing with the Cape and the Kaffir 1.(i) the subject, it was certainly his opinion—although s!c„
war, but at last he settled down in the lonian Islands.— * Ward might have erred in some things—that 110'11"
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) As the lion. Member had not entitled to the gratitude of the lonian people themselves,
concluded with aoy motion, he Sir J. Pakington) sh as well as of that House ; for he was persuaded, that
have hardly known to what to reply if at '
an a &cat had not
. ould to the ability and energy which chameeeieed his
' been made on the conduct of Sir Henry Ward, and an • administration was owing the perservation of peace end
nion expressed that he ought to be recalled from hia opi. order in Cephalonia in 1849, and the continuance of these
That subject having been touched upon, however, he sbpost. islands under the protectorate of this country. The Hon.
feel that he was shrinking from his duty if be did not f:'111
state the views of the Government with regard d documents,friaMontrose. had dwelt principally upon twf
, et.r y
eaccused ad v:fn.cing firs charges against Sir H. wars,
(Rear, hear.) In the drat place, however, the- Rouse I whore hll
• - - Hon.gred "Cee" in the insurrection 1
ep alma. . The Gentleman •
said that Sir )1 War