The Sun.
London, England, 1864-12-17 00:00:00

Liberal Demonstration in Essex.

MALDON, Dec. 16.
The IVlaldou Liberal Independent Cub celebrated
its fifth anniversary last evening in the public hall
in this town, which was tastefully decorated for
the occasion. The chair was occupied by Sir T, B.
Western, Bart., who was supported by Mr Chichi s-
ter Forteseue, M.P., Under Secretary for the Colo-
nies ; Mr T. Sutton Western, M.P. for Maldon ;
Mr Charles Buxton, M.P. for Maidstone; Mr
J. G. Re.bow, the Liberal candidate for Colchester;
Mr R. 13, Baker, the Liberal candidate for South
Mc R. J. Bagshaw, late M.P. for Harwich; the
Th-iv. Sir J. Page Wood ; Captain Byng, R.N.;
3lejor Russel!, Colonel Western, Mr G. Cour.
taa,d.

After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts,
The CHAIRMAN gave " Hae jesty's Ministers,"
remarking that he was sure the toast would be well
received, as Lord Palmerston was the most popular
Minister this country had had for a long time.
Mr CHICHESTER FORTESCUE, M.P., responded,
The right hon. gentleman said he was closely con-
nected with her Majesty's Ministers, and he re
turned thanks on their behalf as one of the Liberal
party. Ia respect of their character as Conserve.
tives—if they had such a character—ho did not at-
tempt to return thanks ; but his sentiments went
with the Liberal party, and that was the reason why
he acted under the present Ministers. Her Mae
jesty's Government was in very good health at the
present moment. It was true that during the past
summer they had a very severe attack, but that at-
tack ended favourably, the recovery was rapid and
complete, and he thought that their health had since
been better than it was before. (Laughter.) He
cen'd wish, however, that the members of her
Majesty's Government were better acquainted
within the walls of the House of Commons with
the Liberals of Essex. It seemed to him that the
great object of these political gatherings was that
those present should exchange to the best of
their power political information and political
ideas, Wei as to keep awake and alive the spirit
of the party. With this feeling he should
venture to make a few remarks upon certain subjects
which interested the country at the present time,end
first of all with respect to those subjects with which
he was personally moat conversant, he would say a
word or two upon one of the colonial questions. He
would begia with the colony of New Zealand. He
wished he could announce to the meeting that the
war in New Zealand was at an end. Ha was not,
however, able to do so, and the last accounts from
the colony were not epite so satisfactory as our
hopes had led us to expect. The submission of the
natives had not yet been secured, and it would evi-
dently require another campaign before peace could
be restored. However, in spite of certain contretemps
and certain disappointments, all he could learn from
the colony by the mail which arrived only the pre-
vious day led him to the belief that the campaign
which had lately begun would be the last of a war
which he hoped and believed would not be witnessed
again. He knew that fears had been entertained
by many good men in this country that the Govern-
ment of New Zealand was inclined to deal hardly
with the natives to deprive them in an unjustifiable
degree of the land and even to continue the war for
the sake of the gain supposed to be derived from
the imperial military expenditure in those islands.
But he confessed that he did not believe in the
desire of the New Zealand colonists to continue the
war longer than it could be helped. His knowledge
of the great sacrifices which they bad been and were
still making, by the shedding of colonial blood, by
the spending of colonial money, and by the paralysis
ofcolonial trade, led him to the conviction that they
would not be inclined to continue the war a day
longer than could be helped. He felt also sure that
the natives would not be treated urjustly with regard
to their land. Precautions had been most properly
taken by his right hon friend, Mr Cardwell, the
present head of the Colonialeoffice, that the large
powers with respect to the confiscation of native
land which the colonial government had taken should
not be abused. It was impossible that the Govern-
ment in the islands of New Zealand engaged in
deadly conflict with another race could view these
matters with that calmness and impartiality which
the Imperial Government was able to bring to bear
upon them ; and, therefore, it was the duty of her
Majesty's Government to take particular care that
no wrong should be done to the native race in the
terms of peace. At the same time he thought that
portion of the natives of New Zeelsnd who had
been to their great loss and ours perversely shed-
ding their blood and the blood of the colonists, and
of her Majesty's troops, should receive a severe
lesson, which should prevent them pursuing a simi-
lar line of conduct in the future. He believed that
that was necessary and just, and the best thing
which could happen both for us and for them; and
this he believed would he the practical result of the
powers given by her Majesty's Government to the
Governor of New Zealand. He would add one
word as to the general subject of our dealings with
this interesting colony of New Zealand and its
native population, because there had been in the
public press and elsewhere a good deal of ignorant
and unjust accusation indulged in with respect to
our dealings with that remarkable native popula-
tion. In the first place, could we be blamed for
baying taken the government of New Zealand ?
Any one who knew anything of the history of that
colony must feel that we were not open to blame
upon that point, Oar people had already gone to
New Zealand in very considerable numbers before
we assumed the government ; and it was perfectly
certain that magnificent islands, equal in extent to
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,
could have been left in the possession of a small,
sparse, and already diminishing native race, and
must inevitably have been, sooner or later, occu-
pied by some European Power. In fact, it w
well known that it was a race between Great Britaiu
and France as to which of these great Powers
should obtain possession of New Zealand. Oar
Government sent them to New Zealand because
they were forced to do so, and because it was
their duty to keep order between British sub-
jects already settled there and the native
race. So far he thought we were (Teri to no
blame, and what had happened since ? In spite of
the present unfortunate war, in spite of the prejudice
which the power of a great country like this against
a small native race might excite in some minds, he
maintained that the war bad been caused by no pro-
ceedings on our part. Let any one examine the
history of our dealings with these natives, and he
would find that however much we might have failed
in otter respects, we had not oppressed them. In
this war the natives had not risen against any vio-
lation of their liberties, against robbery of their
property, against tyranny and wrong. We had, he
admitted, failed to maintain, for any length of time,
peacet al relations between races differing so greatly
from one another; but this was a result which per-
haps had not yet been achieved by any European
nation. It was a result which we hoped to attain,
but which we failed to attain ; but our sins had been
more those of omission than of commission. We had
not been oppressive, but on the contrary we had
been tolerant. We had tried perhaps to do more
than was possible, and had substituted theories for
facts. For instance, we voted these natives to be
British subjects, enjoying all the rights and privi-
teg7 of British subjects. Our Ministers, in their
eat ,y despatches to colonial governors, directed them
to treat the natives as British subjects, and above all
me end to enforce law end order ; but the factions, the natives of New Zealand, declined the privilege;
offered when coupled with the conditions of law and
order. The Colonial Government had no power to
enforce the principle Nid down, and it was found
impossible to reduce the theory to practice. Then
came a change which was highly beneficial to the
English race in New Z..aland,but not ao beneficial
perhaps to the native race—viz., the introduction
of responsible government into the colony, He
did not mean to say that the responsible Go-
vernment of New Zealand bed oppressed the
natives, but that change had increased the weak-
ness of the Executive GovernMent, and had induced
those difficulties of a -double authority under
Which we were now labouring—a state of
things in which it was most difficult with a
simi-savage race to deal with, to wage a war of 1
any kind. In this wer, and the difficulties With

which we had to deal, we had been far from blame
—we had not reached that beau ideal which we set
before ourselves ; but, on the other hand, he was
ready to maintain that, compared with the rela-
tions of any European Power with any other race
of savages in the world over and at any period of
history, our relations with New Zealand stood out
in favourable relief. Let them be compared with
our dealings in former times with the natives of
North America, or with the dealings of the Govern•
went of the United States at this moment with the
natives of North America, and reason would be
found in spite of all drawbacks to congratulate our-
selves upon the degree of prosperity which in a very
few years the young colony of New Zealand had
attained with a comparative freedom from outrage
and bloodshed, or putting the white man against
the dark man, or the dark man against the white
man. He said this although war was raging at
this moment, a war which he hoped would soon
come to a termination, and which was being con-•
ducted even by the natives themselves to a very
great degree upon the principles of civilisation.
(Hear, hear.) There were two other colonial ques-
tions of striking interest at this moment. The first
was the question of transportation to Australia, and
he could but congratulate the meeting upol the
abolition of transportation in that direction: It was
well known by the public press that that system
was at an end, the Government having announced
its intention to put an end, with the sanction of
Parliament, to that small remnant of transportation
which still remained to Western Australia. Upon
this subject he must say that our patience had been
rather tried by our fellow-countrymen on the other
side of the world. They had taken the matter into
their own hands with a degree of vigour and tem.
per which had made it rather difficult for her Ma-
jesty's Government to deal calmly and justly with
the question. However, he was glad to say that
the act of shipping a certain number of ex-con-
victs back to these shores—rather a strong measure
—had been the work of certain individuals at
Melbourne, and not the act of the Colonial
Government ; and, in spite of this somewhat
provoking conduct, her Majesty's Government
had announced to the colonists that in a short time
transportation to Australia should cease. For him-
self he rejoiced at this, for he w as perfectly certain
the.: transportation could have been continued for
a very short time even to the colony of 'Western
Australia; and as to the conduct of our country-
men, it must be remembered that while they exag-
gerated the evils under which they were now suffer-
ing they did not exaggerate the evils of the past
influx of convicts, and their feelings were so strong
upon the subject that they were hardly capable of
reasoning upon it. He confessed he hat' considerable
sympathy with the feelings of the colonists, and that
he rejoiced for their sake as well as for ours that her
Majesty's Government had come to a dual decision
upon the subject. (Hear.) The other colonial topic
to which he wished to allude was the project of the
federation of the British province of North America.
He had no authority to go into details upon that
subject, or to express the opinions of her Majesty's
Government, but ha knew very well that they would
very well represent the feelings of this country it
they entertained too jealousy whatever of the grow•
ing power and prosperity of those great provinces;
on the contrary, her Majesty's Government, like all
-he rest of Englishmen, wished to see these pro-
vinces growing more and more in all the elements
of power. He believed that the project in question
would greatly contribute to such result. He believed
that it was our interest and the interest of the human
race, that an independent self-reliant power should
rise up in North Americas, and that the whole porn.
lotion of that vast continent should not be moulded
upon one type. He had no doubt that the relations
between this union of colonies and this country
would remain the same as they were at present, and
that they would remain under the sovereignty of
the Queen. The only change would be that they
would be better able than they had hitherto been to
contribute towards their own defence, and instead of
having several minor provinces, they would form one
great dependency of the Crown, the Government of
which would be an object worthy of the ambition
of the greatest of our public men. (Hear, hear.)
With regard to other affairs it seemed to him that
this was a period in which opinion was a greater
power than action. In point of action there was a
lull in the political world; but opinion was maturing
itself upon many important points, and the times of
ripening opinion were perhaps not less important
in the history of the world than those of stirring
action. Among other matters opinion was forming
with respect to our relations with the colonies. The
main fact which struck him upon this subject was,
that, while in former times the leading motive as to
the relations between the Imperial power and the
colonies was that of interest, in these times the lead-
ing idea and motive was that of daty. It was
thought in old times most important as a matter of
self-interest to acquire as many colonies as possible,
in order to obtain a monopoly of their trade. Those
ideas were now exploded, and in these times there
was a certain feeling upon the surface that we gained
very little by our colonies. The truth of the matter
was, that having acquired these colonies, it was our 1
duty to keep them, and he believed that in the per.
formance of that duty we should find that we had
not forgotten our interest. It was impossible to
believe for a moment that a country which had
been able to acquire these magnificent colonies in
America, Australia, and South Africa—these cus-
tomers for our goods, these faithful allies at distant
points of the globe—these homes for our superabun-
dant population for many generations to come—
could be sacrificing her own interest iu doing her
duty towards those dependencies. He was con-
vinced himself, and he hoped and believed, that the
people of England would be convinced also, that in
this, as in all other matters, honesty was the best
policy, and that in doing our duty towards the
coionies we should v.- ricniy repaid. (H 4r, hear.)
As to domestic alLirs, the diacthsion had lately
been renewed upon the great question of Parlia-
mentary reform with considerable vigour, and he
could only say that he hoped that them
Liberal party would be able to discriminate that line
which should admit—and, he must add, not more
than admit—within the franchise that portion of
the working classes in this country who could enter
within these bounds with advantage to themselves
and to the commonwealth. With regard to the re•
lations between the Es'ablished Church and the Dis-
senting bodies, it seemed to him that it especially
behoved the Liberal party to keep in their hands
and guardianship the principle of civil and religious
liberty, and to maintain fairly ideas of equity be-
tween religions bodies. The maintenance of equity
and equality was not inconsistent with the most
sincere adherence to one's own religions belief—the
danger was that religion, so essential in its own
sphere, sometimes entered into spheres which were
not its own, changed its own nature, and instead of
maintaining, as it ought to do, contradicted the
principles of equality and equity. Upon this subject
he might be excused for saying one word on behalf
of a very great and important class of Dissenters—
he meant the great Roman Catholic body of Ire-
land. He himself, though a Protestant, was con-
nected with that body, and he should feel false to
his duty if he neglected this opportunity of entreat.
ing the meeting, as representing the Liberal party
of England, to maintain good terms with that great
and important body. In regarding this question,
one was dealing with a nation which formed a very
great and important part of the Queen's dominions,
and it was not a mere matter of party interest to
keep upon good terms with the great Roman Catho•
lic body of Ireland. He should be sorry to see the
weight of that body thrown entirely into the Tors-
camp ; but the party interests involved were insig-
nificant in comparison with the public and national
interests which were at stake. Ho knew himself,
having been in Ireland lately, that the great bulk
of the sensible Roman Catholics of Ireland were net
disposed to join the Tory or Orange part 3 .
"their wish was to act, as they bad for many
years acted,
with the great Liberal
it was highly desirable that things such
aparettyrst;6 and
should exist.
non-
intervention in the affairs With respectintforeignto
oonnonn:
tries—a subject which had
lately—aebeen much discussed
confessed he thou
to lay down an ht it was impossible
g programme on such a subject which
should bind a great
country
like this. He believed