The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-28 00:00:00

rHE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, ocronEß 28, 1864.

arising 'Under the former statute that no person could be
con sidered as a destitute wayfarer or wanderer within its
mer ,ning if he applied for relief in a parish where ho was
leg Illy settled.

'l. 'he act does not extend to the resident poor, who ought
als 'aye to be received into the workhouse in the usual man-
ner,, ;and should never, except under some peculiar circurn-
stanct :s, be admitted into the ordinary vagrant wards.
In the next place, it is proper to remark that the relief for
whicl i the guardians will be entitled to be reimbursed is
such only as shall have been administered between the
hours of 8 o'clock at night and 8 o'clock in the morning.
But it is a condition before obtaining reimbursement under
the act that the Poor Law Board shall have certified that
proper wards or other places for the reception of the classes
in question have been provided by the guardians.
Without undertaking to prescribe with full detail what
provisions should bo made, the Board desire to offer the
fell owing observations on the subject :
With regard to the nature of the accommodation, they
consider it necessary that there should be at least two sepa-
rate, wards, ono for males and another for females and
yor.ng children.

There should be a yard containing a bath-room and water
closet attached to each department, and in the yard of the
male department a shed should be providel for the vagrants
to work in.

The most convenient form for a vagrant ward is, perhaps,
a parallelogram, and each ward, besides being of sufficient
capacity with respect to width and height to accommodate
the number of persons required to sleep in it, should be
fitted up with a sleeping platform or barrack bed, of ade-
quate depth along each side of it, with a convenient gang-
way down the middle. The platform should be divided by
means of boards, and the space allotted to each person
should bo at least 2ft 3in wide. Above the head of each plat-
form there may`be a shelf tke whole length of the room,
and divided into corresponding spaces for the deposit of
clothes.

The ventilation should be effected by means of openings
at proper intervals, and placed as near the ceiling as practi-
cable on each side of the room.

Means should be provided for heating the wards in severe
weather, either by hot-water pipes, gas, or other stoves.
Hot.water pipes will be found preferable to open fireplaces
or stoves.

The bedding, which should be sufficient for warmth, may
consist of clean straw or cocoa fibre, in a loose tick, with a
rug, or rugs, for each person, but for the women and chil-
dren some additional covering should be provided.
Where the additions are likely to be numerous, the wards
for each sex should be placed under a superintendent, a
male for the men and a female for the women, and the Board
consider that a reasonable allowance for the necessary re •
muneration of such superintendents would properly fall
within the terms of section 4 of the Act,

'ithout more precise information than they now possess
the Board are unable to lay down any exact rule as to the
extent of accommodation which should be provided in each
union or parish,but they may state generally that the wards
should be large enough to receive such a number as,having
regard to the peculiar circumstances of the locality, and the
maximum number of applications on ordinary occasions,
would be likely to require relief,

If any excess over the ordinary number of applicants oc-
casioned by unforeseen circumstances should arise so that
the accommodation provided by the guardians should be
inadequate, and the guardians should have to provide tem-
porary accommodation for such cases by making arrange-
ments for their reception in lodginghouses, the Board would
not recognize any such lodginghouse, as within the provi-
sions of the Act, unless it were registered, and thus brought
under the inspection of the police.
The food supplied to the inmates of the vagrant wards
should be sufficient for their actual necessities, but not such
as, either in quantity or quality, would tend to increase the
number of applicants, or encourage imposture.
The Board consider it expedient that a task of work
should be required from each able-bodied person relieved,
in return for his food and lodging, in conformity with the sth
and Gth Victoria, cap, 57, see, 6,:and where the guardians
have not prescribed a task of work, the Board recommend
that they should at once do so, and forward their resolution
to the Board for approval.
The Board are enabled to state as the result of their ex-
perience that in those unions where a task of work has been
systematically enacted, in pursuance of that statute, va-
grancy has sensibly diminished.

In many unions, however, a practice has crept in of dis-
pensing with the task of work when the vagrant prefers to
leave the workhouse without receiving an allowance of food
in the morning. The Board considers this practice very ob-
jectionable, and calculated, as the result shows, to encourage
vagracy, A task of work suited to the age, strength, and
capacity of the pauper should always be exacted, whether
food be required in the morning or not, and a notice should
be hung up in some conspicuous place near the entrance to
the wards, that any person rousing to perform such task
will be liable to be imprisoned. under the act lastly referred
to, and kept to hard labour for one calender month as an
idle and disorderly person.
The Board likewise consider it very advisable that the
persons of vagrants should be cleansed on admission, ac-
cording to the regulations of the workhouse. Caro must of
course be taken that no person who appears to b 3 in such
a state of health as to be likely to suffer from b‘iag placed
iu a bath should be subjected to that treatment.

The Board think it expedient that a separate admission
and discharge book should be kept by the master of the
workhouse, or under his supervision, for this class of pau-
pers, in which the following particulars should bo recorded
the date and hour of admission and discharge; the
name, presumed age, and occupation of each pauper ; where
the pauper slept on the preceding night, and where ho cr
she is going to, and the quantity and cost of the food, or
other relief, supplied to each person within the hours pre-
scribed by the act.
At the same time it mu3t be recollected that no relief ix
money given to any such person can be reimbursed under
any circumstances.
The Board having thus stated generally their views with
reference to the provision which should be made for the re-
lief of the classes in question trust that the guardians will
experience no difficulty in speedily making such arrange-
ments for that purpose as will enable the Board to certify
that proper wards or places of reception, under suitable
regulations, have been provided in conformity with the in-
tention of the Legislature.—l am, your obedient servant,
G. Guxix, Secretary.
To the Clerk to the Guardians of
the 'Union.

the corresponding passages from the Times, thus showing
that they are both derived from the same source. Now, I
do not complain so much of the parts of the quotation which,
by changing the sense of what I said, supplies the whole
and sole ground and pretence for all the misrepresentation
which followed. Observe that in the Tunes lam reported
to have said" You will find that people will resort to news-
rooms, &c. ;" whereas in your quotation I am made to say,
People would resort to newsrooms," &o. By no other
contrivance than thus making me speak of something con •
ditional and prospective could the quotation have been made
to fit in with your charge that I was " depicting ono of the
blessed effects I expected to flow from a revolutionising of
the newspaper system." From the moment that it is shown
that I was dealing with the newspaper press as it existed
when I spoke, and that mylcomparative estimate of the
value of the two departments of journalism had reference
to the press of that time, the whole fabric of misrepresen-
tation respecting my designs for the future, as based on that
speech, topples to the ground.
It is an old invention, I dare say; and I am as little dis-
posed as most men to concern myself about what is said of
me. Indeed, it is coming to be a standing reproach against
me that Ido not complain soon enough. But being put on
the scant, I should certainly like to trace the author of this
tory. I do not charge you with deliberately garbling my
language, with the view of falsifying its meaning ; but you
have assumed the responsibility by renewing the indictment
in cold blood, and in the most offensive terms, many years
after the termination of the controversy out of which the
misrepresentation originally sprang. Yoa have referred me
to an article in the Edinburgh Review for October, 1853, as
the original source of the accusation. On referring to that
publication. I find the above quotation in the Times garbled
in precisely the same manner as in your recent article, by
the substitution of the words "people would resort to news•
rooms, d 0.," the rest of the quotations from that journal
being given verbatim, without any of the suppressions
which occur in your latest citation of the passage, thus
making the alteration appear more flagrant and deliberate.
Now, am I wholly at fault in the impression which I have
always entertained, that the author of the article in the
Edinburgh Ream is also the editor of the Scotsman? If so,
in citing that article you are quoting yourself. I beg pardon
in advance, if you will remove this impression by a sum-
mary disavowal; for I candidly confess I do not think any
liberal-minded man could now feel himself complimented by
being publicly identified with the authorship of that defence
of the newspaper stamp.
In calling on you again to substantiate or retract your
statement, I will only add that I can draw no dis-
tinction, in such a case as this, between the responsi-
bility of a public man delivering a speech, and that of
a well-known writer of a leading article in a newspaper.
Were a member of Parliament to scatter accusations of
a personal nature against a public man, and, when
contradicted and challenged to the proof, he were to
treat the remonstrance with levity, ho would soon lose all
weight with the public. It will be for your readers to de-
cide whether their confidence is held by an inferior tenure.
—I am, &c., R. COBDEN.

[The difference of signification between the words
"people would" and the words, "you will find that people
will," is not obvious. The words reported in the columns at
the time are those wa quoted last week, not those Mr Cob-
den finds in a report of the Times; but the point is of no im-
portance, seeing that both phrases alike might or might not
have the reference now repudiated. Mr Cobden now says
that, in then saying that the value and use of a newspaper
press lie "least " in discussion, he was speaking generally,
and was not indicating either the motives or the ex-
pected results of the efforts he was then making to revo-
lutise the press. No doubt, his words can bear the mean-
ing he now assigns to them ; but they can also bear the other
meaning—and that other meaning was assigned to them
at the time, and at many times afterwards, without Mr
Cobden complaining of misrepresentation. Indeed he now
admits, it will be seen, that the misrepresentation originally
sprang out of the controversy—the controversy that termi-
nated, as he says, many years ago. Of course, people were
then in a much better position than now for judging of Mr
Cobden's meaning, especially as the speech followed seve-
ral others in which the same topic had been similarly dealt
with, and Mr Cobden himself was in a better position to
understand his own moaning when ho let the popular in-
terpretation pass than he is now, when he is angry at that
interpretation being alluded to. If we do not greatly mis-
take, he will find in the Times in the beginning of Feb.,
1853 (which he seems to have at hand) an article proceed-
ing upon that interpretation; and;we formerly referred him
to others of the numerous similar instances. As to the
authorship of the article in the _Edinburgh Review, Mr
Cobden's inquiry is quite unnecessary, as he will see an
avowal in what we said last week—that the article in the
.Edinburgh was replied to by Lord Stanley in a pamphlet
and letters addressed to ourselves ; and we did not quote
the article as an authority upon any point whatever, but
only as one of the proofs that the alleged misrepresentation
of which Mr Cobden now complains must have come under
his notice often and long ago, without his having chal-
lenged it, But the main question as to what Mr Cobden
would have liked the press to be is not to be decided by a
single passage from a single speech. If Mr Cobden now
says that the passage was not intended to have the moan-
ing that ho formerly allowed to be attached to it, we are
bound to take his word for it, though left to wonder why,
if ho thought the matter worth speaking about, he did not
speak a elczen years ago, when it was certainly much
more worth speaking about, and could have been spoken
about to much more profit and with much more case.
But what of all his still broader allusions of a
similar tendency made in those day s such as
those to the superiority of the press of other countries,
Spain included, in which discussion scarcely exists? If ho
did not moan that he w like to see the British press like
the press of other countries, and that he hoped the change
in furtherance of which he made such allusions would pro-
duce that assimilation, what did he mean ? If ho will now
say that he meant something ejuite different, or even that he
meant nothing at all, we shall at once make the retractation
he asks—but accompanied by the protest that our misread.
ing of him was quite unavoidable and pretty universally
participated in. Till then, we can no more sea our way to
" retract" than Mr Cubden seems likely to see his way to
sending the £2O ho promised to pay on conviction, ho him-
self being judge

Conservative Politics in Essex.

COLCHESTER, Oct. 27.

The anniversary meeting of the Colchester Truo Blue, or
Conservative Association was held last evening at the Cups
Hotel, The chair was occupied by Mr C. 11. Hawkins, and
there was a very numerous attendance. The chairman was
supported by Mr C. Du Cane, M.P., Mr T. J. Miller,
Mr P. 0. Papillon, M.P., Captain Jervis, M.P., Mr J.
Goodson (chairman of the Great Eastern Railway Com-
pany, and Conservative candidate for Great Yarmouth),
Major Bishop, the Rev, Dr Wright, Captain Pender, the
Rev. L. W. Owen, &o.

After the usual loyal and complimentary toasts,
The CHAIRMAN proposed the " Healths of the Members
for Colchester, whose past conduct he warmly eulogised,
while at the same time he expressed confidence as to their
future return. (Cheers.)
Mr MILLER, M.P., responded, and observed that during
the past session no question of great importance came on
for discusion in the House of Commons; but nevertheless
it was a session lull of business, embracing as it did a largo
number of subjects of a social and sanatory character of in-
terest to the nation at large, and more particularly to a
town like Colchester—such as drainage, the utilisation of
town sewage, the bankruptcy laws, &o. The Marquis of
Clanrioarde had also announced his intention to bring for-
ward a bill relating to oysters—((laughter)—which would,
he thought, materially affect the interests of Colchester.
The most important subjects which occupied the attention
of Parliament last session were those relating ; to our fo-
reign and financial policy. Certain subjects, such as reform,
church rates, So., were not brought before the House of
Commons l ast session—unless through the medium of the
bills introduced by Mr Baines and Mr Locke 'King—and
if any proof were wanting of the growth of Conservative
principles, he need only point to the fact that these subjects
were omitted from discussion simply because their promo-
ters saw that they had no chance of success, and therefore
wisely abstained from showing their own weakness. Dur-
ing the last session Parliament was anxiously and deeply
interested in many subjects of foreign policy, and one which
absorbed its attention was that which related to Denmark
and Germany. Upou that question he believed there was a
general agreement that this country was not in a position to
go to war for Denmark, although the feeling for Denmark
was deep and general, and the wish was equally strong that
we were in a position to take up arms for that injured coun-
try and that old ally. At the same time he believed that it
was the general feeling that we were not justified in plung-
ing this country into war on account of Danish affAirs, more
particularly as it must be admitted, although with some re-
gret, that Denmark was in the first instance to blame in the
conduct she pursued. It was felt, then, most unwise to in-
dulge in threats which might be suppOsed to give encou-
ragement to Denmark, and to lead her to suppose that if
she plunged into war and bloodshed we were ready to take
her part. (Hear, hear.) It was not because we had ab-
stained from war that we had sustained any injury: but if
we had suffered in the estimation of foreign neighbours, it
was because we gave them reason to hope for assistance
when we know we could not afford it. He could not quit
the subject without expressing the gratification which he
felt at the manner in which Denmark had received the
Prince and Princess of Wales, after the provocation which
she had received to show something like rcsentme nt. We
might hope that conduct like that which had been shown
towards Denmark by Ausiria and Prussa would receive its
retribution in the course of events ; and we might hope
chat the time would come when we should soe that bravo
and gallant country again occupying that place among the
family of nations to which its valour entitled it. With
reference to America, he must do the Government the
justice to say that he fully approved its conduct in main-
taining a strict neutrality in its relations with that un•
happy and distracted country. lie must d 3 his opponents
the justice to say that they had on all occasions endeavoured
to maintain a strict neutrality towards America, and he
trusted they would continue to do so. lie wished that be
could foresee the termination of this unhappy American
war, but he feared from the papers which had reached Eng-
land that day that its termination eeerued 08 far off as ever.

The same conduct which had been displayed in regard to
Denmark had undoubtedly been pursued towards poor un-
happy Poland. Poland had again had the heel of :Russia
placed upon her; she had endeavoured with aspirations of
the most elevated kind to again raise herself to the posi-
tion which she in former times enjoyed; and this country,
which had encouraged her in the course which she had
pursued, had again abandoned her to her fate. The meeting
would naturally turn its attention, and he thought it his
bounden duty to turn his attention also, to financial subjects,
which were now probably about the most important dis-
cussed in the House of Commons. A great deal of feeling
had been shown in Essex with respeot to the reduction of
the duty upon malt; and he wanted to say a few words as

_ -
to the course which he had felt ft his duty to pursue upon
that question. It would be remembered that the Chancellor
of the Exchequer announced that ho had a surplus of about
£2,000.000 to dispose of, and the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer and the house generally were pledged to a reduction
of the duties upon sugar and also upon tea. Well, he (Mr
Miller) had felt that the house should at all events redeem
the pledge which it had given in a former session with re-
spect to the sugar and tea duties. There was also an income
tax of 7d in the pound to be dealt with, and he could only
repeat what he said when he had first the honour of address-
ing a meeting in Colchester, that he had always looked upon
the income tax as a war tax, and ho had always argued
that the tax, if not abolished, should at all events be re •
duced within very narrow limits. (Cheers.) When ho so
expressed himself seven or eight years since, the Conserva-
tives of Colchester were pleased to receive that intimation
with great satisfaction, and he gave something like a pledge
that he would vote for a reduction of the income tax when
an opportunity offered itself. Having received no informa-
tion to the contrary, he supposed last session that they were
anxious for a reduction of the duties upon the articles of
consumption mentioned, and also of the income tax. These
views coincided entirely with his own, and as the matters
which he had named absorbed the whole of the £2,000,000
disposable, he was anxieus not to disturb the arrangement
which was about to be carried into effect. With this expla-
nation ho would say that no one was more ready than he was
to support the reduction at all events of the malt duty, and
now that the income tax was considerably reduced sad the
war duties had been taken off tea and sugar, he thought the
question of the malt duty had a fair claim for attention. Ho
also thought the reduction of the fire insurance duty should
have been more extensive. The great motion brought into
the house by Mr Disraeli tested the Government on the
subjest of their foreign policy, and also as to their strength
in the house. Ho listened very attentively to the discussion
on Mr Disraeli's motion, and he could venture to say that,

although a majority of 18 decided in favour of Ministers,
still if men had voted as they spoke and as they felt, Mini-
sters would have beerCsin a minority of considerably more
than 18. Mr Horseman, Mr Roebuck, Mr B. Osborne, and
several others spoke in language as strong as he ever heard
in the House of Commons, and denounced Ministers very
sharply, but afar they had made their eloquent orations
they wound up by saying they meant to vote for Ministers.

One could not be responsible for men who acted in this in.
consistent manner, but such conduct was only a proof of
that of which he had long been convinced, viz., that while
the Conservatives were a united party, maintaining a policy
and a principle in the house, the Government consisted of
manyparties acting on no fixed principle, and he would ven-
ture to say that if any one party in the Government did act
on any principle and adhere to it against the Government
when their principles were opposed to the Government, the
Government would not exist for a month. An extraordinary
union existed, however, among the Liberals, and he believed
that if it was necessary to vote black white in order to keep
the Government in the vote would be given—(a laugh)—and
this was the reason whyMinistera at present kept their posts,
The strongest party in the house, acting in accordance with
its own principles, was the Conservative party, and he be-
lieved the time was not far distant when that party would
not only control the Government, but would be the Govern-
ment, and would maintain in that capacity the principles
which they held dear. Alluding, in conclusion, to the gene-
ral election, Mr Miller said it must be gratifying to the club
to know that they wore in such a state of readiness that they
were not afraid to face the enemy. (Cheers.)

Mr PAPILLON, M.P., also responded to the toast, and
after alluding to agricultural and local topics expressed his
approval of the repeal of the malt tax, as it would give the
poor man a cheap and good glass of beer, to the tenant a
good home market for his inferior barleys, while it would
also benefit the landlord, as it would increase the value of
his farms. The past session, he must say, he considered rather
barren than otherwise of useful legislation. There was as
usual the annual defeat of Mr Locke King and Mr Baines's
county and borough franchise bills ; the latter occasion gave
that erratic individual the Chancellor of the Exchequer an
opportunity for an escapade; like a young horse he bolted
in the race, astonishing his stable and his backers,more per-
haps than the other side of the house. With reference to
that escapade of Mr Gladstone when he advocated a large
extension of the franchise, he (Mr Papillon) could not do
better than quote the language of a leading Liberal paper,
the AS'peautor, which asked how could a gradual extension
of the franchise downwards go on without:drowning entirely
the voice of the middle and higher classes ? The article
said it was not the working man which the writer feared,
hut he wished to keep the House of Commons a representa-
tive of all the various interests and tendencies of the country.
Mr Gladstone himself recently, when starring it in the north
of England, spoke of the excellence of our representative
system as at present constituted—explained how the excel-
lence of a representative system was measured by the fidelity
with which it represented national opinion, and maintained
that our precont House of Commons, constituted as it was, re-
presented as faithfully as possible the opinion of the nation at
large, He thought the past session was remarkable for
two things—the reticence and forbearance to the eleventh
hour of the session of her Majesty's Opposition, end the
complete retirement from the arena of the House of Commons
of the Liberation Society, who, instead of political battles on
the floor of the House of Commons, now seemed likely to
carry on a sort ,f loose guerilla warfare in vestries, registra-
tion courts, and he supposed also on the hustings. With
regard to foreign affairs there were a number of little wars
which had always been going on, or going off, or coming
on, as the case might be, during the last eleven months. In

these small wars very great expenses were incurred, but
very little renown or credit redounded to the British arms.
With regard to the American war, he had always been a
warm supporter of the Confederates. (hear, hear.) He
attributed the whole position of Denmark to Lord Russell's
not being able to resist the tempting opportunity to snub the
Emperor of the French with reference to the Congress this
year. This caused France not to join us resolutely or cor-
dially in reference to the Danish question. }lad it been
otherwise, he felt certain that before France and England,
cordially and resolutely united, Austria and Prussia would
have recoiled. (Hoar, hear.) On foreign affairs Mr Papillon
endorsed the views generally expressed by the Conservatives,
and expressed his regret that Lord Russell tendered advice
unnecessarily to other Powers. (Cheers.)

Mr Du CANE, M.P., replied to the toast of "The County
Members," and after touching upon the registration system,
entered upon general politics. He said the policy Of Lord
Palmerston's supporters, so far as he could understand it,
was to insinuate that between the two sides of the house
there was really a complete identity of opinion, but at the
same time to insinuate rather more forcibly that because of
their political principles the Conservative party were utterly
unfit for office, ant unworthy of the confidence of the
country. The question of the fitness or unfitness of the Con-
servative party for office was one which the country would
have to decide, and which might be safely left in the
country's hands. As regards the alleged complete identity
of opinion between the two parties, he had recently pointed
out that they were at issue upon many questions, and
that in matters affecting the Church, the Constitution,
and our foreign policy, their principles were indeed as wide
as the poles asunder. But ho confessed it was somewhat
difficult to understand what were the principles and what
was the policy of Lord Palmerston's Government. If, on
the other hand, there was any danger of Conservative at-
tack, then the cry was very different, and was something to
this effect—" Don't let the Tories turn out Lord Palmer-
ston's Government, with Mr Gladstone with his great
'universal' principles. Lord Russell and peace-at-any-
price, and Mr Milner Gibson, the intimate friend and repro.
sentative of the opinions of Messrs Bright and Cobden."
(Loud laughter.) Most of those present might recollect the
inimitable description of a contested election in the immor-
tal "Pickwick"—how the respective candidates, Mr Samuel
Slumpkey and Mr Horatio Fizkin, expressed their views
and policy. (Laughter.) Mr Slumpkey folded his arms and
doggedly determined to do nothing that was wanted—
(laughter)—and Mr Fizkin, on the other hand, expressed
his perfect readiness to do everything that was asked.
Well, when the Conservatives had to be kept in check, the
policy of Lord Palmerston's Government approached that of
the obstinate Slumpkey. (Laughter.) When the Radicals
had to be cajoled it approached that of the open-hearted
and generous Fizkin. (Groat laughter.) What had been
year after year in the House of Commons would doubtless
be repeated again on the hustings, and there would be Pal-
merston Tories setting up for the counties, and telling the
electors that they supported Lord Pahnerston solely on ac-
count of his thorough Toryism, while there would bo Pal-
merston Fizkins—he meant Palmerston Radicals—starting
for boroughs, and solemnly declaring that they supported
Lord Palmerston solely on account of hisßadical connexions,
The Conservatives would know how to deal with this double
faced species of warfare. They would say in the counties to
the Palmerston Tories, "It may be very true, as you toll us,
that Lord Palmerston is a Tory, and whatever may have
been hisyouthful indiscretions-- (laughter)—gentlemen who
lived to the ego of 80 are pretty generally fond of having
things as they find them. But still we consider it a safe
and sound maxim that a man is known by the company ho
keeps"— (taught er)—and that whatever we may say of Lord
Palmerston we fear that he has around him rather a dissi-
pated set of colleagues. (Laughter,) We begin to watch
the effects of bad company and irregular habits, which are
undermining a cast-iron Tory constitution, and we think it
better that if a Conservative policy is demanded by the
country,thatConservative policy should be carried into effect
by Conservative statesmen. In the boroughs again the
Conservatives would say to the Palmerston Radicals, " We
are tolerably content with our country and constitution,
and wo do not wish to submit to those violent and organic
changes which you so confidently recommend, and we have
no wish to destroy the just influence of the landed interest
in the councils of the nations, and to make the working

classes the sole depositories of political power; we acknow-
ledge the growing intelligence of the working classes, and
we would gladly, if we could, give to that intelligence some
freer scope in our political system, but we are not inclined
to hand over the wtiole power of making our laws to the
originators of colliery strikes and trade combinations, and
have no affection for any attacks upon the Church, and we
do not think its destruction would in any way promote the
oause of civil and religious liberty. (Cheers.) For these
reasons the Conservatives would be on their guard, and
would hold fast by their own true blue flag against Pal-
merston-Tories or Palmerston-Radicals; they would simply
have none of them, but they would tell the first that he was
sailing under false colours, and endeavouring to obtain their
suffrages by a false pretence, and they would tell the latter
that he was a dangerous innovator, seeking by organic
changes to bring about a democratic revolution. (Cheers.)
Captain jERVIS, M.P., briefly responded to the toast of
" The Conservative Members for the Essex Boroughs :"
and "The health of Mr Goodson, and success to his candi-
dature for GreatYarmouth," " The Chairman," and one or
two other toasts, brought the proceedings to a close at rather
a late hour.