The Sun.
London, England, 1852-09-27 00:00:00

• _ _
MONDAY
•
N°.18,726.] LONDON,
IN SEPTEMBER 27, 1852.

TIE BANK OF INDIA.
Capital 100 Lacs of Rupees, or 1,00),000/. sterling, in 50,000
Shares of 200 Rupees, or 201. sterling each (with power to increase
the Capital to 2,000,0001 sterling). Deposit 5/. sterling per share.

NOTICE.
COLBURN'S NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE
The 00 roßEtt Number, containing a great variety of impor-
tant and interesting Articles by distinguished writers,
WILL BE PUBLISHED ON TILE 30Th.
Chapman and Flail, 193, Piccadilly.
_ Sold by all. Booksellers.

Application will be made to her Majesty's Government and the
Government of India for Charters of Incorporation, to limit the lia-
bility of shareholders.
SOLICITORS.-- SI cssrs. Hughes, Icearsey; and Masterman, London.

BROKERS.—Messrs. Foster and Braithwaite.

The Bank of India is es'ablished for the purpose of carrying on the
general business of banking and exeliange in India, China, the
Mauritius, Ceylon, Singapore, and other ea tern possessions of the
British empire ; for receiving deposits and making re nittances ; for
granting cash credits and making advances upon approved securi•
ties ; for i,sning circular n:tea payable in Europe, Egypt, the prin-
cipal stations on the Overland r. utcs to India, and at the different
establishments 01 the bank ; for granting local drafts and credits ;
and for all other legitmate banking business.
The large capital of the Bank of India will render It a safe medium
of deposits and .nvestment for the Indian community, whilst the
sources of prod.': to be derived from the extended operations of the
bank, by means of its different agencies, and the high rate of in-
terest obtainable in India, will ensure a large and profitable return
upon the capital invested, and will, it Is confidently expected, justify
the allowance of a moderate rate of interest to the depositors.
The great success which has attended the operations of the exist-
ing • anking establishments in this country, connected with the East
Indies, and of the well-conducted 1 cal banks in the different Pre-
sidenciec, and the encouragement given to the employment of capital
in similar undertakings by the extension of commerce and railways,
has led to the formation of the Bank of India.
The extcnsio of banking facilities necessary to meet the growing
requirements of the mercantile community and of the large civil and
military establishments of India, and the development of the sources
of wealth of that country which must arise from its improved internal
communication by the railways projected and now in progress there,
will open an extensive and profitable field for the operations of the
Bank at its different branches.
The objections which were formerly entertained to the manage-
ment
in England of banking establishments connected with countries
so distant as India have been removed, by the rapid means of inter-
course now existing between these two countries.
The certainty and rapidity of this communication will be further
increased by the new lines of railway now in progress on the conti-
nent of Europe and in Egypt, and by the agency of the electric and
sub-marine telegraphs about to be established by powerful companies
already in operation.
Arrangements are in progress to secure to this Company the co•
operation and support of some of the largest native merchants of
India, which wilt extend the operations:of the Bank amongst that
class of the Indian community.
Application will be made to her Mitbsty's Government and to the
Government of India for charters of incorporation to limit the lia-
bility of the Shtreholders, and power will be taken to increase the
capital of the Company to 2,000,000, sterling, in which event the
new shares will, in the first instance, be offered for distribution
amongst the existing Sharehol !ers, and such other parties as, from
their local connexions and other circumstances, may be considered
likely to extend the-business of the Bank.
The arrangements ior the constitution of this Company are now
nearly completed, and full prospectuses, with the names of the Board
of Directors, viii be pablished in a few days.
In the meantime, further information may be obtained at the
temporary Ofices of the Company, re. 4, Adam's-court, Old Broad-
street, City.

BARON LIEBIG, Mr. ALLSOP, and the
MEDICAL CI 'W LAR. Threatened legal proceedings for
imputed defamation. Dr Clover's denial of ids certificate in favour
of Mr. Allsopo, with the Editor's remarks on the monstrous Beer
Puff. See MEDICAL CIRCULAR f So. 19) of this day. Price 3d.,
by post 4d. Office 4, Mani-street, Adelphi. The trade supplied by
Calh,rt and Co., Paternoster-row.

" THE FIRST of MAY, 1851."
Now pa.,l;shing. the Engraving by Samuel Cousins, A.R.A.,
from the above Picture, painted by M. F. IVinterhalter, for her
Majesty, as a record of the Royal Anniversaries connected with that
day. The Engraving contains Portraits of her Majesty, 11.R.H.
Prince Albert, H R.H. Prince Arthur, and the Duke of Wellington,
being the last Portrait for which his Grace sat.
Prints, 21. 25.; Proofs, 41. 4s. ; Proofs before letters, Si. Cs.; Ar-
tists' Proofs, 8/. Bs.
Paul and Dominic Colnaghi and Co., Publishers to her Majesty,
13 and 14, Pall-malL East.

TEGG'S CONCERTINA PRECEPTOR.
Imperial Bvo sewed, price 25.,
CONCERTINA PRECEPTOR, containing the
Rudiments of Music, Glossary of Musical Terms, &c., Exer-
cises and scales ; also a selection of the most popular Tunes, arranged
and fingered in an easy manner for that fashionable instrument.
By JA dEs F. HAsKINS, member of the Royal Conservatory of
Music at Paris, and Editor of the " Geneuphonic Theory of Music."
Also may be had, the following New Editions of
HANCOCK'S IMPROVED FLUTE PRECEP 10R, price 2s.
HANCOCK'S VIOLIN PRECEPTOR, price 2s.
HANCOCK'S INSTRUCTIONS for the ACCORDION, greatly en-
larged, price 2s.
London : William Tegg and Co., 85, Queen-street, Cheapside.

CYDER CELLARS TAVERN, Maiden-lane,
Covent-garden.
The above celebrated Tavern, having undergone a thorough reno-
vation, is NOW OPEN for the Winter Season.
The Vocal Departmentis unusually attractive, and composed of the
best available talent in the Metropolis, including the well-known and
popular favourites, Messrs. W. Cr. Ross and Sam Cowell.
The Chair taken every evening at Half-past Eight o'clock. Suppers
and all other Refreshments with the usual excellence and dispatch.
An Entrance from the Strand, Two Doors West of the A.delphi
Theatre.

ANT WERP and ROTTERDAM RAILWAY
COMPANY.
Capital, 12500,000 francs, or 500,0301., in 50,000 shares of 250
francs, or 101. each.
Deposit, a. per share, on payment of which Certificates will be
issued " to beaftr."
" Societe Anonyme," with limited liability.
BOARD OF DIRECTORS.
PRESIDENT—MOBS. J. P. M ATTHIEU, Director of
the Belgian National Bank ; and of the " Societe
Generale .. • • • • • • • . • •
Samuel Ldng, Esq., 5[.P.......
John Maslerman, Esq., jun. ..
James Aslwell, Esq.
M. Louis Gihoul, Director of the Louvain and Charleroi
Railwa: Company

.. Brussels.
.. London.
.. London.
.. London.

.. Brussels.

COMMISSAIRES.
M. Adolihe Deschamps, Member of the Chamber of
Represaitatives in Belgium, and late Minister of
Public 'Yorks and Foreign Affairs .. Brussels.
M. Le Chevalier Drout, Belgian Legation • • .. London.
M. Derinnet, Colonel of Engineers, and Managing
Direct°, of the Louvain and Charleroi Railway Com-
pany

Brussels.

BANKERS
In London—Messrs. Masterman, Peters, and Co.
In Brusseh—Messrs. J. P. Matthieu and Son.
In Paris—. Messrs. Fould, Fould Oppenheim, and Co.

PUBLIC DINNER TO LORD PANMURE.
PERTH, FRIDAY NIGHT .-..W hen the HOn• Fox
Maule succeeded to the title and estates of the late L ad
Panmure, his connexion witl the representatives of
Perth ceased by his elevation to the House of Lords.
To mark the sense which the caestituency entertained of
his character and services, it vas resolved to invite the
Noble Lord to a public dinner in Perth, and Lord Pan-
mure e
to
havminagkeactcheeptdeedmtehnestirnavtiitmaio et:eray way worthy of a
arrangements were
great public occasion. The Loid Provost, magistrates,
and town council of the city identified themselves with
the proposal, and invitations eery forwarded to Lord
John Russell at the Garth, to Led Kinnaird, Sir Charles
Adam, and to all the Members of the HOW° of Commons
in this part of Scotland who are connected with the
Liberal party in the State.
The dinner took place in the City-hall this evening,
and was attended by upwards of 400 noblemen and gen-
tlemen, and graced by the presence of Lady Panmure,
the Hon. Misses Maule, and about 109 other ladies, who
filled a gallery in front of the chair.
The L )rd Provost of Perth occupied the chair, sup-
ported on the right by Lord Pannure, and on the left by
Lord John Russell. the other guests at the principal
table being Admiral Sir Charles Adam, Lieut.-Colonel
the Hon. Lauderdale Maule, kip., Mr. J. Fergus, M.P.,
the Hon. Mr. Maule, Hon. Arthar Kinnaird, MT., G.
Duncan, M.P., J. Moncriffe, MP,, Sheriff Monteath,
George Deas, Advocate; the Prevost of Dundee; Rev.
Dr. Guthrie, Edinburgh; and Rev. A. Gray, Perth.
Bailie Imrie occupied the Vice-president's seat, and was
supported by Lord Kinnaird, Sir lames Anderson, M.P.,
Alexander Hastie, M.P., Sir William Gibson. Craig, G.
B. Andrews, Q.C., Mr. Adatnyotrager, of Blair-Adam,
Sheriff Currie, Mr. Dunlop; Treasurer Kemp, Baillies
Honey, Hewat, and MacFarlane. The hall, which is a
splendid building, was brilliantly lit up for the dinner,
and when the guests were rated the scene had a very
characteristic appearance. ,ruing discussed an excel-
lnenettetnner, supplied by Mr. Kennedy, of the Salutation
The CHAIRSIA.N gave the usual loyal and patriotic
toasts, which were warmly received, and followed by
appropriate music.
In proposing " The Army,"
The PROVOST said, it is impossible to give this toast
without bringing to out remembrance the sad event
which has taken place :n regard to our army—the
Commander-in-Chief, the illustrious Duke of Welling-
ton, has fallen under the stroke of death, We cannot
fail to remember so great a man—great for,his valour and
prowess in the field—great for his success in arresting
the attempt at the suppression of liberty throughout
Europe, and great for his influence in the councils of
the nation. The nation mourns his loss. Many may
find in his example a bright pattern to follow in the
ways of honour, of virtue, and of unostentatious charity.
Many of his qualities are rot imitable by all
of us—they
are imitable by exceedingly few—but he has left an ex-
ample of much that is valuable and of much that can
and ought to be imitated by us all.—(Cheers.)
Colonel MAULE, in returning thanks for the toast of
" The Army," alluded in equally feeling terms to the
demise of the Noble Duke.
Admiral Sir CHARLES ADAM, in returning thanks
for the navy, said, in reference to the tribute to the me-
mory of the Duke of Welington, " It reminds me that
I was a witness of his first landing in Portugal, and I
happened to be employed in directing the disembarkation
of his army on that occasion in August, 1808 ; and I
bad the honoured satisfaction of seeing him review
40,000 British troops under the walls of Paris in 1815.
—(Cheers.) Perhaps I ought not to have alluded to
anything personal to myself, but it is gratifying to this
company to reflect in how short a time he saw esta-
blished the freedom, the honour, and the independence
of the world."—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRagAN then proposed the toast of the even-
ing, the health of their illustrious guest, " The Right
Hon. Lord Panmure." It was rather more than twenty
years since the Hon. Fox Maule became known in
Perth as a gentleman of decidedly liberal principles and
a keen advocate for Parliamentary reform. In 1835 he
was returned for Perthshire, where the Marquis of
Breadalbane had sown the seeds of liberalism, and the
conduct of Mr. Maule in Parliament was such that a
few years afterwards he was invited to represent the
burgh, and, being returned, was their honoured represen-
tative for a good many years; and the tie by which he
was thus united to the " Fair Maid of Perth" would not
have been dissolved but by the higher claims of another
district and events which had taken place in the dispen-
sations of Providence. From his first entrance into Par-
liament Mr. Maule advocated liberal principles and a libe-
ral policy, and he had risen to eminence by upright and
decided conduct and strict adherence to sound principles.
Honoured by his Sovereign, highly valued in the coun-
cils of the State, possessing the confidence of the nation,
the friend of the soldier, and a schoolmaster for his
children, Mr. Maule would ever be remembered with
feelings of gratitude and pride as a distinguished states-
man, a patriot, and a philanthropist.—(Cheers.) " Such,"
said his Lordship in conclusion, " is the gentleman we
have assembled here to-night to honour; such has been
the commoner the Hon. Fox Al,ltsle, and may the Right
Hon. Lord Panmure continue to be for many years to
come what the Hon. Fox Maule has been for many years
past.—(Cheers.) May he continue to be in public and
in private a virtuous and a valuable man. May he con-
tinue to exhibit and act on those great principles of re•
form which he has hitherto avowed an t acted on, and
which have obtained for him golden opinions. I have
nu doubt that they are far too deeply seated in his_h_e heart
to allow any elevation of rank to unseat them; and. I.d
not know how it is possible to obtain any better training
than he experienced as a commoner for fitting him tok
havejai nh
ea: let hi n
and expressingce fort
step to the higher Court of Peers. I would therefore as
righteously
fallen titles and large domsins which have
youmay to
fallen into his hands."—(Cheers.)
The toast was drunk with the greatest enthusiasm.
he toast,
Lord PANMIIRE, on rising to acknowledgekit
said he
atnwtihseh that Lord Panmure
was received with long coatinued cheering.
enjoyment of t
he e'd that
felt they would readily believe him when he said was
he was overcome by an oreiflow of feeling which
unable to express. He was not vein
that splendid ovation as confined within the nn
it
as
bounds of his own responsibility; but he looked o
to those
a tribute paid by the liberal body of that eitY
h d ever re-
great landmarks which the Whig party -a
tad to desert;
spected, and reever for a moment been temp
-
avowed,
and to political principles openly and manfully
enough to look on
review of the
to.—(Cheers.) Still le would take a short
being
and political consistency rigidly and religiously adhered
a the
introduced among then. When he first sett
career he had run since he had had the ofhonouried .
But he came
field of nature than the field of politics.
at a time when no men was dead enough to
county of Perth, his views were rather turned toi the
indifferent to politics—he meant the period % )were engaged in their great struggle to
obtain
Lord
Parlia-
mentary reform. He Came to reside at a time when
e the proud
Grey had already earned fur himself the nap ,_
be altogether
indifferent
hall—(Ap-
plause)—opened whom he was proud to see in that
to a name, of the Father of Reform, and already hod his Noble
plause)—opened in theliouse of Commons,
wonder-
stricken senate, the almost incredie
the Reform Bill. He did then also take parttn
about the
agita-
tion, the rightful agitation, which broughtOrmeiie in his
Reform Bill ; to took part with Lord
its first struggle to give the county of Perth etails of the
Graham when
freedom—
the chairman of the committee of gr.
victory was denied them, and in 1835, when he (Lord
Panmure) had the honour to become the
of that comae, on the most liberal
and independent
grounds. Shortly after he was returned to Parliament
with a kindness
his Noble Friend Lord John Russell, representative
which he could never forget, offered biro the confidential
when the Noble
post of Under Secretary of State ; aa
Lord left the Home-office for the Colonial-office he
the
left•
him (Lord Panmure) to represent the
Home office in
House of Commons, and afterwards, in Lord Melbourne's
.
Administration, he became Vioe-Pr
esid,ent of the Board
of Trade. He would pass over the period
which the Lord
1846, merely reiterating the remarkbeLiberal party were
Provost bad made, that though t
to give place to their
compelled by an adverse majority from 1841 to
d the satisfaction of
Conservative successors,
d stronger, until they
they hid acted, grow stronger an
sors and gave a life to
thrust themselves on their
stieehersit dead. In 1846 he was
their policy, which was soreew
seeing Me principles they hthadeyphroam.. promulgated, and on which
here," said the Noble
made Secretary at War, "and
Lord, with emotion,
ghatsatsfaction which I
out a melancholy satisfactici)ve,
T live, g
it brought me into
shall ever feel as long as e •
ly into official communica-
tion—with contact—not
siniPO lately at the head of the
~ I can.nontffer to that office with-
tioa— with that great
Duke that there never was one
I can say for that Noble .
army, and whose loss thaleahao
business with greater efficiency or
who transacted public hua Bantry has now to deplore.
greater success. lie
and
ffairs; he wielded the sword, I
ministration of military a _ if the Noble Duke would
I were associated in the ad-
held the purse strings;
that
and
sometimes com lain cl!r economy was stringent and
that spirit which was the
took care to make the
very
best use of the means which
were put at his disposal. Gentlemen, that Noble Duke
our establishment somewhat
to his great successes,
hat meagre, yet he always, with
now sleeps the sleep from which neither trump nor
again
till the last trump ;hall sum-
of victory. He sleeps
bugle shall arouse him to deeds of arms, or shouts
mon him, with the
never-ending love." The Noble
everlasting peace
and lievethauked the constituency for
Lord then at some length
bad placed in him, by which he had
rest of the brave and good, to
the confidence they the ofthe nation,
and to more general affairs:—
"and then said in reference .
to advert to the circumstances which
It is not for me
Government. All I can say is,
have led to a change of .
held with
been enabled to rise thus in councils
found we could not retain them
sonal pain, because we
Our successors followed tie into
with personal honour.
the country looked, and the House
office, and we looked,for some declaration of policy on
of Commons looked,
that we resigned the offices which we
in the House of Commons. But, hi-
therto,who represents it -
we have looked in vain. No taunts
gentlemen,
lenough, no questions have been skit-
the part of the leader of the new Government, or of him
have been powerful
is to be conducted. Judge
which the new Government
t they are of one colour; judge them
them from the pas., t
t In they change; judge them for the
from the present, -- • . ,
fully enough devised to inform us as to the policy on
is imposse-
t is moment, to advise to onwhat prin..
ble for any one, at -hl
future, lo! they are blank.—(Laughter.) It

ciples Lord Derby's Government means to act after
Parliament meets, and, therefore, it is impossible that
the Liberal party, or any other party, can devise any
tphtremt
y se will,
5,2 C trust,h e
e tr o s
) find_ fo pursue,
on myself, I may say, as an system either of attack or defence, seeing they cannot by
any means attain a knowledge of the enemy's position.
Bat, leaving them in that statein which, as a public man,
Ishould be sorry
indi-
vidual, there is one system of tactics which the Liberal
ents
end
that
misayuaalliornelya,mthonstg,
if any Government is to exist which is inimical to the
liberties of the people, and the progress of that policy
which the people have hitherto countenanced, it can only
exist by the dissension of its opponents; and let me tell
3oi that that is one of the surest cards which a Govern-
ment will very often find it convenient to play.—( Hear,
Hear,
hear.) I have alluded now to'the general policy on which
I have hitherto been engaged, but I cannot pass over Dr
omit some things which the country are sometimes apt
to forget is judging of the public men of that day. It is
impossible in this free country to expect that any man,
whether he be a Minister of the Crown or a public melt'
in any other position, will always command the popular
opinion of the day; but, in judging of public men, I
would say that particular instances are not to bo too
harshly judged of as specimens of the whole. It is but
fair to look back on the general tenor of the man's public
life; and so with regard to parties; and I am sure that if
the career of that party of which my Noble Friend is the
great leader be looked into from first to last, for years past
before he or any of us were born, we shall find that the
great liberties of this country were due to that party which
he now leads; and that they were contended for in the
worst of times, when even the people themselves,
for whose liberties they struggled, were cold or indif-
ferent or were taught to ran them down.—(Cheers.)
With the Reform Bill many Reformers arose, and under
it many will still rise to the administration of public
affairs—the more the better; but still, it is hardly, I
think, fair that the great performances of the old
should be passed over and .forgotten; and I hope the
public gratitude will give to those who so naturally
merit it the full weed to which they are entitled. The
Lord Provost has alluded to the benefits conferred on
the country after the passing of the Reform Bill. He
alluded to-day, in the council, to municipal reform,
and to the abuses swept away when that measure was
prosecuted in this country. He did not allude to the
variety of taxes which were repealed from 1830 to 1841.
He did not allude to the burdens on the people which
have been alleviated, nor to the ameliorations which have
been made in the criminal law of this country, making
its code less sanguinary and its enactments less se-
vere. He did not allude to the amelioration which
had taken place in the civil law, bringing it, as the
common phrase is, to the poor man's door, simplifying
its form and cheapening its price. He did not allude
to the oppressive taxes on the people which have
been repealed. I may refer to one of them, the re-
peal of which, scarcely two years past, we owe to my
•Noble Friend. I mean the iniquitous window-tax.—
(Cheers.) These are benefits which are not to be lightly
forgotten. And you may rely on this, that, let the Libe-
ral party seek where they please for leaders, there are
no soldiers to take the field, such as those that have been
accustomed to lead forward armies to victory. They
know the tactics to be guided by and the ground to
stand upon; their honour is unimpeached, their con-
sistency is unquestioned, and they deserve the confi-
dence of the country, rather than those who may present
themselves as younger and mere raw recruits. The
Noble Lord, in conclusion, said—Now, before I sit
slows and take my leave of you, I must express my re-
grettiou othat
ocui ry c
vuemp
vs
et as ne
no etts, t
ye:. e sle vheorledd tmh
aet fromfor
thtoha ee pwo
who
i 0-
seek to take part in the councils of the country the
hisC o Commonsr y
et hu e
maysphere wh he
se
tr ed as
pl ma
yaend' s. useßu -t
cotoofnstitution of our country there is another branch
of the Legislature to which, in the course of Provi-
best education for a peer is, as the Lord Provost
fulness
Ednueloentuheeseese,s I have now been called, and the most fitting and
says, a few years' service in the House of Commons.
liberty,assemb assembly,
and as
dseovmoteednotto far
e
welfare of their fellow men, as any in this country. It
shall be mine to join heart and hand with these men in
fTrohmeremaer,
feel that, though no longer responsible to a constituency,
I am responsible to my God and to my country that I do
promoting the best interests of my countrymen; for I
not prove an idler in the place in which I am put, but
are
91 lien
devotedi n
thatto
that I do my duty in my station of life, not in preferring
my own petty concerns or interests, but in ,establishing
and advancing the best interests of my country, and in
doing so, advancing the best interests of my country-
men.—(Applause.) There are, gentlemen, yet many
reforms to be achieved. The Reform Bill was but the
stone set it motion—it never can stand still. There may
be seasons of progress—that progress may sometimes be
faster and sometimes it may be slower, but progress this
country must and will;
and as people become morn intel-
ligent and capable of governing themselves, the franchise
must be extended, and privileges must be held out 'to
them which they do not at present enjoy. I hope I shall
live to see the day when we shall have a far larger ex-
tension of the franchise than at present. I hope to live
to see the day when a sound religious and secular
education shall spread far end wide among the peo-
ple ; and I hope to see the day when this country
will take as high standing for the enjoyment of its
liberty, and for the intelligence of it people, as any coun-
try can do on the face of the earth. In the enjoyment
of liberty, at present, I believe, she stands first; let her
also aim to stand as the best educated and most en
lightened people of the world. To achieve these objects
gentlemen, shall be my utmost endeavour; and in what-
soever sphere or station I am placed, my whole energies
shall always be devoted to the benefit of the country at
large, and in my own locality, as a landlord, to see to
the comforts and attend to the interests, both sacred and
secular, of those who live around me.—(Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, I must now say to all of you, Farewell. This
is the occasion which separates me personally from the
politics of your city, but it does not separate me from
my affection to yourselves. As long as I live I shall
look back on Perthshire as the place in which the
happiest part of my days have been spent, and I shall
look back on the constituency of Perth as the body
which has evinced the greatest confidence in my public
honour and discrimination.—(Applause.) The Noble
Lord then proposed " The health of the magistrates and
town council," which the Provost acknowledged.
The LORD PROVOST then gave "Lord john Russell
and the cause of civil and religious liberty all over the
world." All men professed to venerate that cause, but
he doubted if there was another man alive who bad
done so much for the promotion of it as Lord John
Russell. When Lord John Russell entered public life
the cause of civil and religious liberty was in a very
prostrate state. Slavery, with all its enormities existed;
civil disabilities were rigidly and stringently enforced on
account of a religious creed; and the people were neither
represented in Ptsrliament nor in the municipalities of
the nation. To Lord John Russell they were mainly
indebted for the redress of those grievances, end there
could bo no doubt that, by the passing of the Reform
measures which that Noble Lord introduced and curried
the country was saved froin anarchy and ruin. In a
spirit of generosity Lord John Russell had conducted
his opposition to his opponents, and advocated the cause
of civil and religious freedom. The spirit was to be
seen alike in his speech in the House of Commons on the
melancholy death of Sir Robert Peel, and in his elo-
quent and touching allusion at Stirling to the death
of the Duke of Wellington, and he trusted that which-
ever party were in power the same spirit would charac-
terize the conduct of all.—(Cheers.) The Provost, in
proposing the toast, said,—Having said this much, I do
not intend longer to deny you the pleasure of hearing
Lord John Russell address you. lam the more de-
lighted to give this toast, seeing that he is the youngest
burgess of this city. May he long be spared to enjoy
these honours, which are trifling in comparison with the
many honoura which he has already reeeived. I give
you " The health of Lord John Russell, and success to
the cause of civil and religious liberty all over the
world."—(The toast was received with tremendous en-
thusiasm, the whole company rising and cheering for
several minutes.)
The band played " Saw ye, Johnny, comin'."
Lord J. RUSSELL, on rising to acknowledge the toast,
was received with an outburst of applause, the com-
pany standing and the ladies in the gallery waving
their handkerchiefs. When the applause had sub-
sided the ,Noble Lord said,—My Lord Provost
and gentlemen, I feel that, strictly speaking, I
could only appear hero as a supporter of my Noble
Friend, Lord Panmure, to whom you have so justly
given this testimony of your approbation; but having
been admitted to-day a burgess of the city of Perth, and
having the freedom given to me in a box of oak, cones
posed of part of the dwelling of the Fair Maid of this
fair city—(Lauthter)—l feel that, perhaps, I may have
a further claim to intrude on you than I should other-
wise have possessed.—(Cheers and laughter.) Let me,
in the first place, before I speak to that noble cause
with which you have done me the honour to connect my
name, say a few words on the subject of my Noble
Friend whom I came here to-day to join you in honour-
ing.—(Hear.) He has recounted
to you most truly
that on the formation of Lord Melbourne's Adminis-
tration, when I held the seals of the Home-office, Lord
Melbourne having desired me to name a
whom
I
should wish to assist me as Under-Secretary, I named
my Noble Friend. I did so at that time, not having
much personal acquaintance with him, but being struck
with the remarkable ability of the speeches be hod made
in the country. I must say that my discernment in timethat
respect was not at Inuit, because, during the whole
d
that I was at the Ronne-office, and since, when I
country I
person
conduct in a higher statioe the' affairs of this
ability
the intelligence, the prudence, and thenoet havey
Noble Ft iend.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, T could
been also
have derived the greatest advantage from the judgmf tweet
that I had of him,
satisfied from the intimate knowledge • of that great man
that he is impressed with the maxim
whom he has derived
to whom he has referred, and fromhich is morally wrong, never
been contented with these qualities, had I not
his name—" That that47,_(Cheers.) While, there-
fore,can be politically right.'
both of us convinced that while that
means, we were
public benefit, the means should
end should, be for thend honourable.—(Cheere.) Having
be always honest a
with respect to my political connexion
said this much
for my Noble Friend, I will
with, and my friendship ,
we were pursuing the same end by the same
venture to address some remarks to you with respect

to that cause of civil and religious liberty all over the
world which you have this day done me the honour to
connect with my name. But on speaking upon this sub-
ject, I am sorry that on the continent of Europe,whether
we look to France, to Germany, or to Italy, wa have
little cause to congratulate ourselves upon the progress
of civil and religious liberty. We shall find that the
attempt which was made in 1848 to introduce wild
license in place of sober liberty has tented, instead of
fixing or extending freedom, to confine the claims of
authority, and to make men rush with willingness, nay,
with enthusiasm and vehemence, into the arms of despo-
tism —(`` Hear," and cheers.) We think, however, we
have some reason to congratulate ourselves that in the
pursuit of civil and religious liberty we have pursued a
more sober course, because, while if any one will enu-
merate the advantages which have been gained to that
great cause in this country during the last 20 or 30 years,
he will find them immense in numbfrs and precious in
value—(Cheers)—and I for one cannot say that at any
one moment authority has been really endangered or
the constitution rashly overturaed.—(Cheers.) Gentle-
men, in connexion with this subject, I must mention
however, an alarm which has been lately—l was going
to say excited, but it is not an alarm which has really
been excited, but an alarm which has been attempted to
be excited—with respect to the advaaces of democracy.
It seems to me that those who at present have the con-
duct of public affairs, being somewhat embarrassed cs to
those measures which my Noble Friend says truly are
kept in profound secrecy, have rather endeavoured to
divert public attention from what May be their short-
comings or dubieties on these subjects, by endeavouring
to create a panic that we are at present subject to a
fearful approach of a wild, unbridled democracy.—
(Laughter and cheers.) I hold, myself, that that alarm
is totally groundless.—(Hear, hear.)
how-
ever, my authority will
subject, because part of notth be ()onside Perhaps,
red great on that
.4tatiea rig opinions—ttie: alarm was that I bad &b
opinions. 'N'o one said
they were supposed to exactly what
adopted some other
y iwbat they were, but
be very
was about
and highly de-
mocratic—(Laughter)—that
tlhn a:ff about to introduce
measures which should have effect at some future
time, of shaking the stability of that constitution which
I venerate as much as any man in thiny,
°united kingdom.
—(Cheers.) Well, I need not say, that subject,
thnat it had
that this rumour was totally unfounded
omeopinion
no circumstance on which it rested—that
of mine that I had given in public made
ject to that insinuation. Whether this Wassub-
charge, or whether it was an observation a
(Laughter)—that made me subject at all to the
statement that I had changed to these opinions, and
was about to advance in this dangerous and democracies!
direction, I will not say. A Right Hon. Friend of mine
(Sir G. Grey) told me that he, in his canvass,found some
credence to this matter. I asked him what explanation
he gave. Ho said his explanation was very simple and
very direct. I was by using a monosyllable which I will
not now repeat to you.—(Laughter.) Bat, gentlemen,
let us look at what is this alarm which is attempted to be
created at the present time. Does it mean that the
people of this country (who are, in other words, the de-
mocracy of this country) are seeking to add to their own
power at the expense of the Crown or of the House of
Lords? Does any one mean to say, really and solemnly,
that the people of this country are endeavouring to
diminish any of the prerogatives of the Crown? I really
believe that nobody could stand up and say that that was
really his opinion, because the notorious fact is that at
no time in the history of this country have its people
been more attached to the Monarchy, or more loyal and
affectionate to their Sovereign. Well, then, does it
mean that they are attempting to take away the lawful
privileges which the House of Lords holds, and to de-
prive it of its part in the constitution of this country?
Now, I think I may appeal to my Noble Friend, who
lately entered the House of Lords, whether he has ever
heard of such an attempt, where it has been made, and
what impediment there has been to the lawful exercise
of any power or any privilege which by the constitu-
tion of this country the House of Lords possesses. Well,
then, if that has heen so, that at least is not the charge
that is made. It does not mean that the democracy of
this conntry—and, be it observed, democracy has as
fair a title to the enjoyment of its rights as monarchy
or nobility—it does not mean that the democracy of
this country is in a state of discontent and disaffection,
and is endeavouring to push down this constitution, and
to deprive the other branches of that constitution of any
powers which lawfully belong to them. That cannot be
—that I think we must immediately say cannot for a
moment be maintained. But it may mean something
else; it may mean something else which it behoves us
all to wish—that the democracy of this country—mean-
ing by that term the people of this country—by increase
of power, by increase of intelligence, by in-
crease of wealth, has increased in that weight
which they must have not only in this country, but
in each of the countries of the world; has
gained an increase in that weight which is duo to a
people highly industrious, and earning a competence by
their labour, physical and intellectual—employing their
minds in the acquirement of knowledge, and in the
forming and fostering of that public opinion which is so
much the guide and government of this country. But,
gentlemen, if these attempts to which I hare lately al-
luded are made, which, though they have existed,
ought to be discouraged and resisted—this fair growth
of the honour of democracy—this growth of intelligence
—this growth of wealth—this forming of opinions more
enlightened and more calculated to carry on, in an en-
lightened manner, the Government of tee world—this is
an increased power which ought not to be crushed, but
ought to be encouraged and maintained.—(Enthusiastic
cheering.) But I will say more—l will say this, that the
manner of dealing with that increase of the powers of
democracy could not be according to the old system of
restraint with which I was but too familiar during the
first few years after I had entered Parliament in 1817
and 1819, which, besides all the faults of an irritation,
promoting that discontent which it was intended to check,
proved utterly powerless, and had much the same effect as
if persons were to attempt to dam up your magnificent
river with the view of preventing an inundation—or,
to use a simile which applies perhaps more properly to
the present time, as if persons were to lock up all the
gates of the railroad, with the hope that the express
train would be stopped in its course.—(Laughter and
applause.) Well, then, that is not the mode in which
this increase of the power of democracy ought to be
dealt with; but the way in which the power of democracy
ought to be dealt with is, by listening to every complaint,
by considering every grievance, and by giving a legiti-
mate and legal organ to that power and influence which
otherwise may be mischievous, irregular, and injurious.—
(Loud cheering.) That is my way of dealing with that
which is con-plained of—this increase of democratic
power in this country. Let me ask you, suppose at the
time of the revolution in France in 1848, which broke
out to the astonishment of all men—suppose we had
found ourselves, having followed the blind counsels of
those who are our opponents in Parliament—suppose we
found ourselves with all the nomination boroughs in full
force—with Birmingham, Leeds, Manchester, Sheffield,
without representatives—in short, with all the abuses of
the old system—suppose we had found a corn-law,which
tended to make the food of the people dear and scarce—
(Hear, hear)—suppose we had found the people of Ire-
land discontented and disaffected, in consequence of the
denial to them of all civil rights on account of their re-
ligious beliefs—suppose we had found all these things
to be the case in February, 1848—I ask, how should we
have mot that revolution which was attempted to he
made by some turbulent persons in the spring of that
year with the confidence and support of the whole people
as we had the glory to do?—(Loud cheers.) I must
beg your pardon, gentlemen, for having trespassed thus
far with respect to public events and this subject of de-
mocracy.—(Loud cries of "Go on.") But I
do 110 s .
think it is of the utmost importance—and I am glad
to say that I have an easy task in this respect—l do
think it of the utmost importance that the people of this
country, and above all, persons
of property, snoutd
be affected by this vain and groundless panic --and pro-
that
they should go on, as my not
Friend-says, with
Noble
gress—that they should go on with improvement, and
trust to the confidence which they show—t° the
which they exhibit for those bulwarks against democracy
wisdom
which your violent measures never will produce. It was
justly said as a proverb of old, " He
who denies what is just." That btu) neverl beens oar
granting(d cheers.) We hoe beet:l
denies everyt thing
mighta be hear
what was just in order that
in refusing what was hear.)
And now, gentlemen, let me say, tie all this unrigi3h, tethosiiwti:e7i-m(hpetilizyi
attempt to make an whoalarin--t oint me
was endeavouring :
out, among
others, e
make dangerous changes -nneour constitution, is, in fact,
cages in
a diversion on the part of
merely an attempttha-tthmeay hasuve B very difficult task to
those who feel i ghter.) We know that
perforro,—(Loud cheers and
moned very early in the course
Parliament is to be sum
We know that the Prime Minister has
of November.
himself that the commercial policy of this coun-
pledged himse
tttled —(Hear, hear.) For my part,
hall then be se •
try 8 quite willing to wait, and anxious to hear
I shall be qui
obey will be. I will not
t that plan of commercial p
..
what
the fear of this panic, and forced from
be diverted by
looking that question in the face.—(Cheers) My per- Prince Hermann of Hohenlobe arrived at Clarence
suasion is, that during the last ten years we have been House St. James's, at early hour on Saturday
1 ames's at an
in the right course—(Loud cheers)—and knowing I amhighness left
morning, from 'Ostend. His Serene
on the right road, the device of any gentleman who to_
Abergeldie, on a visit to her
tells me to bear back, or to bear to the right or left, will vv" at ten o'clock for
Rov al 1-1; a n chess of Kent.
have very little influence with me, because lam per- 1 e-- ---g-ness the ...,u
f Dr. Gourley and Mr.
euaded the road we are travelling, which has already l A deputation, consisting o
with Mr Secretary
produced so many material benefits, and which has and , Moira Maclean, had an interview .
the Home-office
is producing so much moral and political content, is Wrilpole on Saturday, at •
a road from which we ought not to stray, but ought,
' His Excellency the American Minister and Mrs,
rasher, steadily to pursue.—(Loud cheers.) Atel at the Abbott Lawrence,
and Colonel and Miss Lawrence,
same time, we are bound in justice', as well as, I think, have left Castle foward for Arundel, on a visit to the
directed by policy, to wait until these measures are pro- and Duchess of Norfolk.
duced which are to give to the agricultural interest, '
Duke _
sent from the Colonial ,offrce on
to ' Dispatches were
the colonial interest, and to the shipping interest, all . d evening for the Governor of Gibraltar..
that compensation of which they have
hitherto been I Satur ay
unjustly deprived—(Laughter)—and which are at the
same time to confer benefits on every class in the com-
munity—(Laughter and cheers)—these admirable mea-
sures, which aro to put an end to a long contest, which
are to satisfy people who are at the present moment in
the greatest state of satisfaction, which are to content
people who have never been discontented—(Laughter)--
and which, at the same time, are to with
reconcile along
them other classes who are discontented and dissatisfied.
Now, no man can deny that there has been a great
belief that such measures ate to produced• 1 nobody
be

COURT CIRCULAR.
BAL MOR AL , FUIDAY•
Her Majesty drove yesterday in the open carriage,
accompanied by the Princess Helena.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert went out deer-
stalking.
The Right non. Sir John Pakington arrived at
Balmoral yesterday, and will remain in attendance
upon her Majesty.

ABRENCE OF MlND.—Bode, whom Erasmus called
the wonder of France, was a thoroughly absent man. One
day his domestics broke into his study with the intelligence
that his house was on fire. " Go, inform my wife," said he,
" you know Ido not interfere in household affairs." Leasing,
the German philosopher, being remarkably absent-minded,
knocked at his own door one evening, when the servant,
.looking out of the window, and not recognising him, said,
The Professor is not at home." " Oh, very well,' said
Leasing, composedly walking away, 4, I shall call Rother
time."