The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-02 00:00:00

THE SUN,

744-'' IV •

' ell
4, *iv jA

TAT TE RSAL L'S.—T HIS EVEN IN G•
SIX o'cLocs.

LINCOLN TRIAL STASES.
2 to 1 agst High Sheriff
3 to 1 agst Lady Agnes
9 to 2 agst lanthe
6 to 1 agst Maid of Lincoln
LINCOLN STEEPLECHASE.
3 to 1 ag,t 11,$EA Monk
LINCOLN HURDLE RACE.
2 to 1 agst View Halloo
3 to 1 agat Melford
LINCOLN TWO YES OLD STARES.
5 to 2 agat filly out of Horton Yates'a dam
3 to 1 agst Broughton
8 to 1 agat Poetess
CHESTER CUP.
17 to 1 agst Nancy
30 to 1 agst Confessor—taken
33 to 1 agst Ariosto
33 to 1 agst Scarecrow
33 to 1 agat Black Doctor
40 to 1 agat Cock-crow—taken
40 agat Merry Bird—taken
40 to 1 agst Neasham
50 to 1 agst Hippolytus—taken

DERBY.
8 to 1 agst Hobbie Noble
12 to 1 agst Augur
14 to 1 agst Orelio
14 to 1 agst Clayerhouse
20 to 1 agst Lapidist
20 to 1 agst Alfred the Great
20 to 1 agst Filins
25 to 1 agst Homebrewed
30 to 1 *gat Chief Baron Nicholson

FRANCE.

Prince Jerome Bonaparte, President of the
Senate, visited on Saturday the Palace of the Petit
Luxembourg, which is to be his official residence.
He was accompanied by the architect, and he went
over the apartments intended for him, where repairs
are to be made forthwith.

A letter from Toulon of the 28th ult, states that, in
consequence of a Ministerial dispatch, which leads
to a belief that it is the intention of the Govern-
ment to suppress the galleys, each convict was
asked separately whether he would consent to
be transported to Cayenne Nearly 1,800, or about
one-half of the total number, answered in the affirma-
tive. It is proposed to form them into agricultural
colonies. The convicts are to be chosen amongst those
who have not merited punishment during their resi-
dence at the galleys, and who have not attempted to
escape. A strong constitution is indispensable. Fort
Lamalgue was so crowded with political prisoners
that it became necessary to transfer 100 of them on
board the ship of war Le Genereux. 300 more were
to follow them. Every day numerous detachments
of political prisoners were arriving at Toulon from
the neighbouring arrondissements. On the 26th
several domiciliary visits were made at Collobrieres
and Cuers, and the inhabitants arrested. 42 poli-
tical prisoners arrived at Toulon on the 28th of
J anuary. They are mostly shopkeepers and ope-
ratives.

The President of the Republic was present at the
Italian Opera on Saturday night. The house has not
been so crowded since the commencement of the
season. F could scarcely, however, be owing to the
presence of Louis Nspoleoc, as his intention had not
been gen&nlly know: , and he was some time in the
house before any exc-pt r hos.e opposite his box were
aware of the fact. Ile was accompanied by General
Roguer, who sat in the middle, while the President
occupied his usual place in the corner, almost entirely
concealed by the velvet curtains. As his visit was
without ceremony, his presence remained unnoticed.
The Moniteur publishes the following decrees re-
gulating the courts of justice in the islands of St.
Marie and Mayotte, on the coast of Madagascar :
" Louis:Napoleon, President of the Republic:
"Having considered the ordinance of the 26th August,
1847, relating to the judicial organization of Mayotte
and its dependencies;—considering that experience has
demonstrated the necessity of providing for the various
deficiences, and modifying certain provisions of that or-
dinance; considering that the relative situation of the.
islands of St. Marie and Mayotte renders the commu-
nication between them slow and rare, and that the com-
munications between St. Marie and La Reunion do not
present the same difficulties. Inasmuch as the arrange-
ments necessary for those new regulations are comprised
in the budgets of the establishments of Mayotte and its
dependencies for the year 1852.
" On the report of the Minister Secretary of State of
the Marine and Colonies, and with the advice of the
Keeper of the Seals, Minister Secretary of State and
Justie', dc crees _ _

"'Art. 1. The organization of the department of
Justice shall be regulated ;14 follows, and separately-
-Ist for Mayotte and Nossili; 2d for the Island of St.
Marie.

"Section Ist.—Mayotte and Nossibe.

" Art. 2. When the Council of Justice shall have to
decide on special crimes, the conviction shall be valid by
five voices out of seven.
"Art. 3. A tribunal of first instance is instituted at
Mayotte. It is to be composed of a single judge, who
must be a licentiate in law. This single judge adjudi-
cates as a civil and commercial tribunal, when the
amount claimed does not exceed the sum of 1,0001., with
liberty to appeal to the Court of La Raiunion; and be-
yond that amount when the civil or commercial disputes
are not between two natives.
" This tribunal acts as a police court—
":lst. In case's of offences committed by natives to the
prejudice of Frenchmen or foreigners; 2d, offences com-
mitted by Frenchmen or foreigners, either against each
other or against natives.
" Yor violation of Police Regulations. The deci-
sions of the judge are never subject to appeal-Ist, in
Simple police cases ; 2d, in criminal cases it the impri-
sonment inflicted is not more than 12 months or the tine
imposed above I,ooo£
" Art 4. A Registrar is appointed tb the tribunal of
premiere instance. He performs all the functions dele-
gated
France to those public functionaries, and he is
bound to exhibit similar qualifications.
" In case of the absence of the: titular Registrar he is
to be replaced by a person appointed by the judge.
" Art. 5.1 The Assistant Commissary shall exercise
provisionally, in the chief town, the functions of Attor-
ney of tht, Republic. Those functions shall be per-
tor,m, No, vibe by the Government clerk.
he functions of huissier are performed by
agents appointed by the judge.
Art. 7. The
stance is chiefthe Judge of the Tribunal of premiere in-
Nonsit of judicial service at Mayotte and
Art. 8. The Council of J • established ustice at
Mayotte to try charge of rebellion, shall be composed
of the Governor of the station as President, the judicial
magistrate of Mayotte and Nossili, the Captain of Ar-
tillery, the Lientknant commanding the naval troops, a
and two Li, ntetants.
surgeon,
4, Art. 9. Iu case of the absence of any of the mem-
bers of the Council, the Cocomander-in-Chief of Ma-
yotte shall appoint others in their place.
Art. 10. The Commander of Nossite, indepen-
dentlythe 16th
of the functions contelrfdon him by
article of the ordinance of the .
26-h August, 1847, shall
likewise perform the functio n mentioned in the 3d and
island of La Re ininn when
the amount of the sum
the I
7th articles of the present decrees,
. reserving ttio right
of appeal to the C,,:tirt of
hooted shall exceed 5001."

Queen Isabella bad granted a private audience to
Don Antonio Santos Gasluicede, from Cuba. It was
he who effected the capture of Lopez, and contributed
in a great measure to fhe extinction of the pirates.
Her Majesty had held a Cabinet Council, at which
it is said the Queen expressed her royal pleasure to
grant the Grand Cordon of the Goldon Fleece to
Bravo Murillo, the Presid.nt of the Council, to the
Marquis de Malpice, and to Xavier de isturitz. It
is added, that Bravo Murillo had declined the honour,
observing that her Majesty's confidence was a suffi-
cient reward for his services.
Letters from Pampeluua state that numerous French
political refugees bad arrived in Spain since the events
of December. They were Well received by the
authorities, and as they
are chiefly artisans or engi-
neers, it is expected that their future residence in
Spain will become an advantage to the country.

DEATH OF WILLIAM MARKHAM, ESQ. OF BECCA
HALL.—We regret to announce the demise of a good and
excellent man, one who has rendered his country service, and
who during his life was generally respected by all who knew
him—we allude to the demise of William Markham, Esq., of
Becca Hell, near Aberford, which melancholy event took
place there at eleven o'clock in the evening of Monday last,
The family of Markhana is essentially a Nottinghamshire
one, and undoubted) y derived its patronymic from the vil-
lage of East Markmun, a large and respectable village
situate about six miles soith of East Retford, and where
many of its progenitors resided for centuries; subsequently,
however, a branch established itself at 011erton, and soon
afterwards the village which had given to it its distinctive
appellation held its name only as au historical record of what
bad been, but which never could again occur.—Doncaster
Gazette.

'rid' ADMIRALTY AND THE AmAvAi.--VV bile po-
pular indignation so loudly requires a notice as public as the
offence to be taken of the conduct of Sir John Ommanney
with respect to the Amazon, justice requires it to be stated
that the proceedings of the Admiralty formed in every par-
ticular a direct contrast to those of the Port Admiral of Ply-
mouth. In London the relations of the sufferers met with
instant courtesy and attention. The Hecate was sent out on
a hope.all but forlorn, and when the last boat turned up, the
only two available steamers were dispatched by the Admi-
ralty. Official etiquette a and reserve melted into the cor-
diality and heartiness of individual zeal—a conduct the direct
who throughout this unfortunate
contrary to that experienced by. Mr. Acton Warburton from
Sir John Ommanney,
matter contrived to add personal contumely to official neglect
in his dealings with the relatives of those lost in this sad ca-
tastrophe..—Chroniele.
- - - -

The offices of the staff of the National Guard of
Paris are, it is said, to be in future at the Palais-Royai.

THE KAFIR WAS.

At a public meeting, at Braat...:•,:. to petition k
ag-anst the war, on Fliday, <;0, with
the Mayor in the chair, and both the Ivinntea for
the brough present,
Colonel THOMPSON said, there are two rewohF•
why I must speak, with great plainness, on the sub.
ject set before me. First, because lam one of a sus-
pected class ; and, secondly, because you have a right
to ask me, and to expect that I shall speak the truth;
and the truth is, that, on considering the whole cir-
cumstances of this Kafir war, I can come to no con-
clusion but that there has been a bee in the bonnet. It
does not accord with the proceedings of rational men,
nor of rational nations. Do you know what you have
given for it? I apprehend preceding speakers have taken
too low an estimate. I have been where the subject
was discussed, and never heard less than three mil-
lions named as the present amount, with a consider-
able probability of three millions more. I have not
the smallest doubt that the expenses up to this mo-
ment, with the least imaginable addition for what
must of necessity be spent in winding up the busi-
ness, are more than three millions. And what would
three millions have bought you ? It would have bought
you forty sail of the line, which you may come to
want. The common estimate is, that ships of war cost a
thousand pounds per gun ; a 74-gun ship therefore
costs 74,0001., and forty 74 gun ships would cost—
it is an affair for Walkingname—naught is naught,
four fours are sixteen, four sevens are twenty-eight
and one is twenty-nine--2,960 thousand pounds,
which is under three millions. Forty sail of the line
have you run ashore and cast away on the coast of
Kafraria. And what was there to get for it in re-
turn? A splendid collection of heaths,—luxuriantspecimens of pelargoniums ;—but it was not these
were wanted, it was the bills that were to be drawn
for you to pay. You are at the mercy of anybody
who will set a job on foot, and you and yours must
pay out of the proceeds of your honest in-
dustry. And then the reasons given for
it all. Look at the press which takes
that side, and see, what its own statement is.
Mr. Chairman, in Indio, after marching from day-
break, it is a common thing to buy a chicken on the
new camp ground and kill it for breakfast, and the
dish goes by the name of " Sudden death." The
native servants are said to be in the habit of plucking
the miserable fowl alive, with the idea of preventing its
being tough The story goes that, at an old General's
table, somebody remarked upon the cruelty of the
practice. To which the General replied, " B-b-b-but,
how is it to be tender, if they don't ?" This is
precisely what, the press has said. It says, in
express words, " How are Englishmen to get lands, if
they don't take them from the natives ?" It is the
" intent of felony avow'd." For other reasons given,
Ino more believe in them than I believe in Dyak
pirates, though we paid for them. We are miserable
wretches, bound to be accomplices in felony after the
fact. Would it not be a brilliant act of providential
justice if we were to be attacked by a foreign enemy,
precisely because our troops were engaged abroad in
doing wrong ? I see but one way in which we
are likely to help ourselves. Take the three
millions, divide it as the Levite did his
concubine, and send the pieces into all cor-
ners of the land, as proof of the necessity for ex-
tending the political power of the honest part of
the community. Press them on the Government as
evidence of the policy the inevitableness of a wide
and immediate extension in this direction, and thus,
perhaps, out of evil may be brought good, and
though you cannot recover what has been taken from
you and thrown away, you may do something to-
wards preventing the like befalling you again.
A petition was adopted with unanimity, and ordered
to be presented by the Members.

SIR ROBERT PEEL AT TAMWORTH.
(From the Birmingham Journal of Saturday.)
On Wednesday evening the _Mayor of Tamworth,
Mr. W. Knight, gave the customary dinner to the
Members for the borough and others. After the usual
toasts,
The MAYOR asked them to fill a bumper to " The
health of the representatives of the borough of Tam-
worth."—(Great cheering.) At the latter end of the
year 1850 the question of the Crystal Palace was agi-
tating this country. It was thought by some that the
assembling together of the products of all countries and
the men of all climes would be as the inauguration of
universal peace. He confessed that he indulged in no
such dream, feeling assured that unless human nature
were changed, ambition annihilated, and the selfishness
and bad passions which excited men to war abolished,
universal peace was a chimera. The Continent was now
an armed camp. Where the conflict would begin or
end it was not for him to speculate upon; but the gen-
tlemen who were charged with representing them
were intrusted with great and important duties; and
from them he would not conceal his conviction
that they ought to go to the House of Commons with a
deep feeling of the responsibility which. attached to a re-
presentative of the people. When he looked at the
members sent by the larger constituencies, he felt—and
he was sure they would feel—that the representation of
the country would not be benefited if such boroughs as
Tamwcrih were disfranchised. They would feel that,
like his illustrious ancestors, Captairi Towshend was
always ready to do his duty independently and disinte-
restedly.—(Cheers.) He might, he thought, say that
the community of 'famworth were perfectly satisfied
with the mode in which he had discharged his duties.—
(Renewed cheering.) Of the Hon. Baranet on his right
hand they had not any lengthened experience; but they
could not mention the name he bore without exciting a
deep interest in the community.—(Grea4 cheering.) He
was elected in a manner creditable to them and honour-
able to himself, and he (the Mayor) was sure that he
would not disappoint the expectations of those who sent
him to Parliament

The toast was drunk amid prolonged cheering.
Captain ToWNSHEND, as the senior Member, returned
thanks amid applause. The Mayor had in the kindest
and most flattering manner paid him raore compliments
than he deserved. He had told them that he (Captain
Townshend) stood high in the confidence of the com-
pany; and he could assure them that nothing could give
him more sincere delight than a knowledge of that tact.
The session would be a difficult one, and he dared say
that it would not be long before they were all sent to the
rightabout —(Laughter.) As it was very properly de-
cider,' that on such occasions as these politics should not
be introduced, he would not touch upon them. They
all knew what his principles were, and he had seen no
reason to alter them. Allusion had been made to the
new Reform Bill. His opinion was that nobody knew
anything about it; but he might say that his firm belief
in the Prime Minister was that if he knew anything
about the feeling of the country and the state of parties
be would be a long time before he disfranchised bo-
roughs like that.—(Cheers.) In conclusion, he expressed
the delight he felt in being among them, and again made
his acknowledgments amid much cheering.
Sir R. PEEL was received with prolonged applause.
After a brief exordium he remarked that doubtless they
anticipated some few observations from their Members
on occasions like that, not only as guests, but as repre-
senting them in Parliament. Ho purposed to speak
plainly; he had no need of concealment. Before, how-
ever, alluding to any other subject, he was desirous of
publicly referring to an occurrence which, much to his
regret, had been permitted to disturb the harmony which
ought to exist betw en them and others, and which har-
mony, within the .iticle of their oan neighbourhood,
they should be most desirous of cultivating.—(Cheers.)
As his name had been much mentioned, his conduct
much canvassed, he would say, without compromising
his own views on the great agricultural question, that he
there took the public opportunity of expressing his re-
gret that a meeting, sanctioned by the local authorities,
assembled, as was alleged, for the sole and only purpose
of discussing matters of political import, should have
been violently interfered with.—(Cheers.) It was a
privilege—that of meeting—which all enjoyed, which
the humblest had a right to exercise, welch the
Constitution sanctioned, and which ought to be
Jealously guarded. Well, that which might be
the subject
the result of misunderstanding ought to be ar-
reennged.—(Lored cheers.) He would say no more
be obliterated from the right batdof
; but there, before them all, he held out
Having dismissendru all
reconciliation—(Cheers)—in the hope
that the heartburn' g •
past and the present affiliore
lc
_3 which had been occasioned might
drneodrieues.—fo(oßdenfeowr e dr
echeering.)
that subject, let them see what the
what were the
notice. Were they not the
objects most forcibly brought
. under their
Great Exhioinon, Kossuth,
agriculture, and reform?
T
Exhibition—the most stn e
urre was, then, the Great
nious structure that the cunning
ou certainly the most in-
genious,
by science, ever succeeded in erecting;
,
handsbuotf mwabne,u atibdeeyd
took into consideration that it was a
human progress—callous must that
the arts and industry of the world—to emtlle dedicated to
frmomindatge.axrp, expand
nie
aprombotion of
threading its long drawn aisles and wanderinn
its labyrinth of rtibc.hes,hdoidsitincoht feel
cam heis
ge -e throughwh
Well,o
gratitude to the All-wise
, Dispenser of all thin
there was Kossu
his reception
hospitality of an eialightened Mc-
je way to another place was attracted narcb, and on b to
He came to seek •
hos • pitality, and
this land of liberty.
for what was
enjoyed the Oriental
but a triumph, or a series of triumphs, from Southamp-
ton to Manchester, and back, to the vessel . which bore
him to America? He must
.have been gratified by the
h. (Sir Robert Peel) believed
popular ovation; yet -- •
their enthu
that the people of England misapplied e -
'imam, and overrated Kossuth.—(Cheers.) He was a
men of great abilities, great talent, and had wonderful
he wished to
facility of expression, but he was not what
be considered; he was not the disinterested and undis-
sembling patriot he wished to appear. The star of
Washington never illumined his mind; his heart never
beat will the austere severe patriotism of an Oliver
Cromwell. But his preence was significaLlt—significant
of revolution.—(Hear.) They as Englishmen, were
disposed to resist oppression sod to oppose tyrsonYt,bul
they were also disposed to resist revolution. Ho nau
witnessed revolution. He had seen its birth-day
struggle, its meridian expectation, its evening disappoint-
ment; and he found that revolution implied a forcible
annihilation of existing things, and the foundation of a
new system, most frequently injurious to good govern-
ment, to order, inimical to the rights of property and to
the welfare of a nation.—(Cheers.) But while be was
disposed to reprobate reforms brought about by violent
means, there were reforms brought about by the good
sense of the people, foreshadowed by the development of
opinion, the introduction of which changes, however stu-
pendous they might appear without relation to collateral

LONDON,

causes, were effected without danger, without excite-
ment, and were established as by natural causes. Such
reforms he was disposed to commend. There was agri-
culture--one of the most important interests, as a class
in the kingdom—and it was precisely from the very
importance of the landed interest that ho lamented the
suicidal struggle which agitated and unhinged the class
to which he belonged. He was there to express sym-
pathy with a class that indeed merited all their consi-
deration; and so long as he had a seat in Parliament and
a voice to raise in the country, so long would he be pre-
pared to support measures tending to relieve the undue
burdens upon land, providing always that that relief did
not act prejudicially upon those advantages which had
been guaranteed to the great mass of the people. The
policy of 1846 could not be rescinded.—(Cheers.) The
people of England, he believed, were prepared, from a
sense of justice, to accede to whatever might be found
to re-adjust the balance should it be found to have
slightly deviated from its natural bearings. Now,
let him say a word about Parliamentary Reform. After
deep consideration, he had matured what the princi-
ples were on which henceforth was to be based a
political existence, insignificant as yet, but, perhaps, in
the progress of event destined to—(The remainder of
the sentence was drowned in loud cheering.) Well, the
septennial period of Parliament was rapidly approach-
ing, and the House of Commons, as now constituted must
speedily die a natural death, or rather finish an unna-
tural existence. Let them examine the composition
and the constitution of the House of Commons. It was
public property, and was intended to represent the ma-
jesty of the people. Hitherto it had kept pace with the
progressive spirit of the age. Let statesmen who would
legislate on the question keep in view the wide differ-
ence that existed between keeping pace with and over-
stepping the progressive spirit of the times. Well, then,
we are threatened with Reform—a Parliamentary Re-
form. But whence came the cry for reform? Were
the people of England dissatisfied with their position?
Were they crying out for enfranchisement? He asked
Lord John Russell, " Where is the agitation?" Why,
Lord John Russell himself undertook the agitation, and
guaranteed the result—(Hear)—but he seemed to have
forgotten the lesson which his experience taught Mill—
aliat political agitation was a dangerous engine, which
the will of one man could set in motion, but the efforts
of 10,000 could neither resist nor control.—(Cheers.)
If Lord:John Russell did agitate the country, they might
depend upon it that the people would not suffer the agi-
tation to cease until those reforms were introduced which
were generally admitted to be most needed. There were
the colonies, for instance, groaning under maladminis-
tration. There was the Admiralty. He would
say nothing about the Megeera steamer; but he could
tell them about stinking meat canisters.—(Cheers and
laughter.) That inefficient service entailed reckless ex-
penditure of the public money. Then there was the
much needed economical financial reform. They must
have that before long.—(Cheers.) Then there was
ecclesiastical reform, which ho held to be essentially
necessary for the welfare and maintenance of the Pro-
testant faith, and also for the due performance of the
duties enjoined by the Church. But of these at another
time—perhaps before long. At present they were upon
electoral reform. Well, was it patriotism which in-
duced Lord John to bring forward this Bill of Reform?
Was he disinterested? No; the secret of his reform lay
in a lingering thirst for political importance—(Hear,
hear, and cheers)—a mean and shabby truckling for
party purposes.—(Renewed cheering.) Here lay the
magnanimous self-denial of a tottering Government.
Tottering did he say? Why, that which was and ought
to be intended as a public benefit was debased into
the promotion of personal interest. A family coterie
governed the State. And what was the great !lc-
tory they achieved? They succeeded in destroying
the only man who gave character and dignity to their
counsels, who alone among them could secure respect
abroad and countenance at home.—(Cheers.) The Go-
vernment ejected Lord Palmerston—let Lord Palmers-
ton eject them—(Renewed cheering)—and let him seek
in the applause of his fellow-countrymen that which the
Government could not expect, that respect and support
which his talents and courage and manly British heart
entitled him to enjoy.—(Great cheering.) And what
was the result of this measure on the part of the Go-
vernment? Scarcely recovered from the effects of their
own audacity, they would fain bolster up their tottering
forces with the assistance of the friends of the late Sir
Robert Peel; but he was proud to say that their
generous offers were indignantly declined. Let them
bear in mind how Sir Robert Peel, on the very last
occasion he addressed the House of Commons, spoke of
the Government:—" I have not," said he, " the honour
of their personal friendship; I never had any political
connexion with them."—(Hear, hear.) Let these
memorable words animate to a recollection of the past
those who might be induced to sacrifice to the hasty dic-
tates of political ambition their own political antece-
dents. It the Government had forfeited the confidence
of the country, let them give place to others. Let a
Liberal Conservative policy be inaugurated.—(Cheers.)
It would be supported by public opinion; and, surely,
there are those who, perhaps, even once colleagues,
could now, in the present crisis, forget former differ-
ences, which, if nothing else had, time and experience
must have modified and soothed; and uniting their com-
mon efforts for the public good, once again rally round
the popular standard of a Liberal Conservative policy.
But where was the recognised leader? He believed he
recognised that leader in the man so well known to them
all by the name of Stanley.—(Cheers.) He (Sir Robert)
would only add that, whatever might result from pre-
sent emergencies, his most earnest study should be—un-
incumbered by factious scruples and unfettered through
their liberality—so to shape the conscientious discharge
of his public duties as to be in accordance with the
wishes of his constituents and to the furtherance of the
welfare of the nation.—(Sir Robert resumed his seat
amid prolonged cheering.)

ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT— THE
ELECTION—MR. GISBORNE.
(From the Derby Reporter.)
There seems to be a very general expectation that
Lord John Russell will not be able to withstand the
opposition which is preparing its weapons for an en-
counter in the very opening of the session of Parlia-
ment. The question, "Who is to conduct the Go-
vernment ? " was asked and answered last year ; and
we remember to what straits the Sovereign was re-
duced in her endeavour to re-construct her Ministry
so as to render it the exponent of the prevailing opi-
nion. The issue of the doubtful debate war, that
either Lord John Russell must be reinstated, or
that appeal to the country must be made in order to
decide the differences of parties. A dissolution of
Parliament was not deemed prudent or expedient.
But in the beginning of the forthcoming session it
is certain that Lord John Russell will propose
his measure of Parliamentary Reform. The
consideration of that great change in our poli-
tical status will necessarily take precedence of all
other questions ; and in any possible contin-
gency we take it to be certain that a dissolution of
Parliament will occur. Lord John Russell either
will, or he will not recommend Parliament to remove
the abuses and anomalies of our present representa-
tive system, and re-construct it on a really popular
basis. If he does this in a manner and to an extent
satisfactory to the country, his Bill will assuredly
be thrown out, either in the Commons or by that
admirably prescient body which has ever provoked
political agitation by rejecting in the first instance
every great and beneficent change in our institutions :
the House of Lords will probably not depart from
its inveterate habit of obstructing popular progress.
On the other hand, if the Bill of Lord John Russell
should deal so leniently with the time-honoured ab-
surdities, with the vices of little boroughs, and with
the partial distribution of the elective influence as to
satisfy the Commons and Lords, his Bill may pass
the ordeal of Parliament, but will provoke the
severest censure of the public. If Parliament gives
us a Reform Bin, a dissolution will ensue immediately
as a mutter of course ; if Reform be denied us, the
country will demand that the question be submitted
to its arbitration.

In anticipation of the approaching trial of strength
in the constituencies, those who have seats and those
who covet them are alike securing their proper in-
terests; and Mr. Gisborne has been among the first
to give an open intimation of his purpose to test once
more the good will of the constituency of Notting-
ham. He seems to have some confidence that the men
of Nottingham may heve had reason to doubt whether
in preferring Mr. Feargus O'Connor to him at the
last election they did what wes best for their own re-
putation for good sense, or for the progress of the
popular cause. We partake this confidence ; for how-
ever men love to be consistent in their adhesion to a
principle, and to abide by an obnoxious asserter of it,
we imagine Mr. Feargus O'Connor has not made him-
self obnoxious to moderate politicians er pleasing to the
men of Nottingham by a too firm and disinterested ad-
herence to those principles which were imputed to him
so generously by. the electors. The martyrdom which
that busy and versatile " friend of the people" has
endured from public opinion has not been won by
his services or his sacrifices in the cause of Chartism.
There are some p eople exceedingly fearful lest in any
large extension of the basis of our representation, we
should have Parnament filled with Feargus O'Con-
nors, or men like him. The opinion is that large
constituencies of sensible working men would com-
monly be deluded. by the specious patriotism of vulgar
and self-seeking political traders, and would reject the
men of talent, hotiour, and consistency who would and
could serve the :real interests of the people. We
have no Such feats; but rather we agree in what Mr.
Roebuck said in his speech at Sheffield—that larger
and more popular constituencies would only choose
more of such men as now serve so efficiently the
popular cause. There is nothing which distinguishes
the practical turn of the English mind so advan-
tageously as the
keen insight into character
g com-
mone—
to all classes among us. Perhaps the
" common
people" are the best judges of the
character of public men—for
by their fruits, amd take little note of the factitious
covering by which clever men
umdogteivesthanemd
base actions. The y maybe deluded and deceived for
a time—for who n lay not by hypocrisy and artifice,
and by one's own judgment-clouding passions ?—but
they do not trust .men who have been tried and found
wanting. The t.,h artists have been long seeking, like
Diogenes with his lantern, an honest man. There
are many among F them worthy of the name, but
somehow or other it has happened that not one man
has arisen from a along them who has long retained or
deserved his place- as their leader. We call tell them