The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-28 00:00:00

THE S UN

that principle, alike in reference to powerful as to weak
nations, we shall be able not merely to maintain the
blessings of peace, but also to place this country in an
attitude of sincere friendship with most of the otney
nations of the world.—(Hear, hoar.) I entertain this
hope the more because it is highly probable that the
preservation of peace and good understanding between
nations will long continue ; and yet,
with that convic-
tion, I say that it is a duty incumbent on us, as her
Majesty's Government, not to neglect the pre-
cautions which our predecessors adopted for placing
this country, by the organization and discipline
of its domestic forces, in such a position as will
render us entirely free from all chance of hostile
aggression. My Lords, I believe that our naval forces
never were in a better or more effective condition than
they are at this moment. I believe that for all purposes
which regard either the security of our own shores, the
defence of the numerous and distant colonies which form
our empire, and the protection of that extensive com-
merce which crosses every sea and fills every port in the
wide world—l believe that for all such purposes our
navy was never in a more effective state than it is now.
—(Hear, hear.) Our regular army is also, lam happy
to inform your Lordships, in a state of perfect efficiency,
so far as its numbers are concerned. I repeat the words
- So far as its numbers are concerned," for, as to the
duties which it has to perform, there is no army in the
world on which so heavy a load of military duties fall.
But, my Lords, efficient as cur army ia, well qualified as
those are who constitute it, for the performance of the
effective duties of their profession, that army numeris
cally—and I am rejoiced at the fact—cannot excite legiti-
mately the apprehension or jealousy of any foreign power.
My Lords, the genius end disposition of the people of this
country aro hostile to a Liege standing army. England has
no desire of aggression, has no wish for extended domi-
nion, much less has she any longing to engage in unneces-
sary quarrels with other countries, requiring a large in-
crease of her military force. She therefore feels that to her
a large standing army is unnecessary. I know and feel,
my Lords, what is duo to the honour and character of
this country, and I know and feel that, if it were threat-
ened with hostile aggression, England, Scotland, and
Ireland would rise as one man to defend it, and to repel
the invader.—(Hear, hear.) I feel, my Lords, that
thousands of loyal and gallant hearts would instantly
rush to the rescue.—(Renewed cheers.) We may rely
with the utmost confidence upon the loyal hearts of the
British people—who, I am sure, will rush at once, in
case of necessity, to the service of the country; but, at
the same time, it is impossible to deny that, if they are
not a disciplined and organized force, they will meet any
attempt of foreign aggression under fearful disadvan-
tages.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, various occasions have
arisen before, when propositions were made not for
creating, but for re-organizing an old constitutional force,
which has been always relied on for the internal mili-
tary protection of the country; but I think it is unfor-
tunate that those propositions have been always made
under the pressure of some immediate anxiety or ap-
prehension of danger, and that when the anxiety and
apprehension passed away all ideas as to the necessity of
the precaution passed away, too, and vanished like a
dream. In such a course there is a double disadvantage.
If the measures for the organization of a new military
force, which cannot be aggressive, but is of necessity
defensive, be taken in haste,—if the preparations which
its organization requires be adopted under the pressure
of immediate necessity, then the preparations are at-
tended with a very large expense; and, from their being
hastily made, are too late, if not inadequate to meet
the anticipated danger. Besides, there is this further
disadvantage in such a course. The very fact of your
taking extraordinary precautions at once increases the
panic and alarm which lead the Government to take
them, and tend in turn to excite the jealousy of those
foreign powrs against whose supposed or intended ag-
gression it is placing itself on its guard. The more con-
fidence I feel that the peace of Europe will not be dis-
turbedi the more I feel the imperative necessity of taking
now, in this time of peace, when we are not pressed by ap-
prehensions, the necessary measures for the organization
of such a force with a view to our object being accomplished
with due deliberation, and yet with that necessary
promptitude which will enable our population to
meet their adversaries, if danger should occur, in some
sort of military array and discipline. My Lords, I re-
joice to think that for the maintenance of the tranquil-
lity of England no military force, regular or irregular, is
likely to be called for. On many memorable occasions,
and more particularly on one occasion within the last
three or four years, the people of this country have
shown, in a manner exciting the admiration and wonder
of foreign nations, that the peace and tranquillity of
England may be safely intrusted to the loyalty of the
people themselves. I believe that this is not owing to
the ability of its rulers. I am sure that it is not the num-
ber of our forces which keeps this country in tranquil-
lity and contentment, but it is a due and frank appre-
ciation on the part of her Majesty's subjects in every
class of the community of the inestimable value of those
institutions under which they have the happiucs to
live, and a deep-seated conviction that under those
institutions not only the just prerogatives of the Crown,
but also the dearest liberties of the people, are preserved
secure and inviolate.—(Hear, hear.) Under these insti-
tutions we are not only free and tranquil at home, but
are, as we have always been—and God forbid that we
should ever cease to be—an ark of refuge for those whose
misfortunes have driven them as exiles from their own
homes to seek protection here. My Lords, with the dis-
turbances and distractions of foreign countries we have
nothing whatever to do; but when from those disturb-
ances and distractions exiles and fugitives reach our
shores they have always a right to claim, and I hope
they will long continue to claim from us, the frank hos-
pitality of England. But I say also, on the other hand,
that it is the bounden duty of all who, flying from the
misfortunes of foreign countries, find here a safe and
tranquil asylum, not to abuse the rights of hospitality,
and, above all, not to compromise the interests of this
nation, which receives them into its hospitable arms, by
organizing here against their own country measures
which they must kow they can only carry on in safety
under the shelter and protection of English law. I say,
further, that it is not only the right but the duty of
Government, without descending to a system—l must
use a French word for it, for, thank God, we have
not au English one which expresses it—of espionage,
or surveillance, which is averse to all the feel-
ings of the country—it is, I say, our duty as a Govern-
ment to keep guard over the conduct of such persons as
are disposed to abuse our hospitality; and, it the know-
ledge of any plan hostile to the Government of their na-
tive land comes to the knowledge of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, it is our duty to put the foreign Government
so menaced in possession of the facts, and thus place it on
its guard against such machinations.—(Hear.) Further
than that I do not think it is right nor in the power of
the Government of this country to go. If these persons
under any circumstances, and from whatever country,
attempt to levy
war against their own coantry, that is,
by
the law of this country a punishable offence; and it is
the duty of the Government to visit such an offence with
exemplary and condign punishment. But, short of that,
which is in the eye of the law an offence, I say that, while
on the one hand we perform the duty of friendship and
all that is required by the comity of nations to be done
to foreign
powers, we cannot, on the other—l will not
say to avert the hostility, but to secure the friendship of
those powers with whom we have contracted the closest
intimucies—we cannot, I say,
even for that purpose,
strain the law and constitution of this country beyond
the limits warranted by the law itself.—(Hear.) I have
now stated, my Lords, the principles on which I think that
our foreign policy ought to be conducted, and I will not
shrink from now speaking frankly and without reserve
on our financial and commercial policy. I need not
remind your Lordships that in the year 1842 I was a
warm and cordial supporter of the financial measures
then introduced by the late Sir It. Peel. I not only en-
tirely approved of the revision of our Customs duties
which at that time he proposed, but I also approved of
the principle which, as I understood, he then announced
of imposing duties on all the principal articles of impor-
tation fur the purpose of raising revenue; and not only
for the purpose of raising revenue, but also for the pur-
pose of levying duties in a given proportion to the extent
to which the articles the subjects of duties admitted or
did not admit the expenditure of future British labour.
I understood that principle to be laid down, and I freely
acquiesced in it, that there was to be the freeest possible
admission of all the raw materials which form the basis
of domestic industry. A different system to a certain
extent has since been adopted; and I cannot but think,
my Lords, that if we look closely to the whole of our
financial system, there is ground for believing that it is
open, both in principle and in practice, for very consider-
able and useful revisions. Let us contrast, my Lords, with
the system of Customs' duties now prevalent in this
country that which 1 have heard lauded as the high
free-trade tariff of the United States. The tariff of the
United States levies on almost all articles of importa-
ttucfdeodreeioniliperrinecaispeleo, faupdricies
' tion duties more or less extensive—duties which in
some cases reach to an extensive and almost an oppres-
Elie7eadmount, but which in almost every instance are
while avowedly
on those articles which come into compe-
turiticonhawith the produce of their own soil and industry.
with ewexteegcntaiie. recently. on quite a different principle, for,
arti-
cles
which enter
with entire freedom such articles as
tom© into competition with ton with our own produce, we load
eavtoo taxation a certain small number of arti-
be ;0(171
consumption
immediate extent into the neces-
sary
when the whole s the masses of our community. I
a foreign countryulThlYe
Ts not to lose sight of this fact, that
of any article is furnished from
article of import talla
of a
portionvieen
0 whole duty imposed upon that
price;
butti, theh consumer in the shape of
you impose a duty on an
articleun inereoafs
whiche
which another portion is raupplied at home, and of
abroad, there the
measure of the
amount
mnf increase Et ep
orofifel:
is not a measure
lhausedeed by the imposition
t; h fee r the
foreign produce which
the
araer.i it
of any duty—for
a—imussfa. toyhtihlalbeyteidateolexhircetiniebessupply, to that extent
enhances the price. Between thou, two
systems it also
my Lords, that
fee dedthe system
appears to me,
the least burdensome to the country in practice.
At the
u that
from repeating
most
shish I have expressed often on former occasions ,nor
issantihee fdausinlyot toll
kdefr:i.ii expressing ae„i_
in office what I have often stated out
of
office—hat in my individual opinion 1 can see no
grounda why, from the general system of imposing du-
ties on foreign o's iteD "t" the single article of corn should
be • '
a sclitary exception.—(lleac, hear.) I state this, my
Lords, as my opinion •
a and clearly
which can only he satisfactorily' 1 d by
reference to
the well-understood
d opinion •
but I think this to be a question
the intelligont portion of the cemmunity.—(Llear, hear.)
Any possibility, an with Cl system so
idea of dealing
vast and extensive as • of this country,
the financial policy
expresso
involving in its wide range not only the whole of the
Customs duties, but also all the incidents and pressure
of domestic and kcal taxation—any scheme,
I say, so
large and extensive, requires to be dealt with by a Go-
vernment strong not only in the confidence of the coun-
try, but also in the confidence
of Parliament, and capable
of carrying its measures with ti degree of care, and fore-

LONDON,

sight, and deliberation, which no one can afford suddenly
at the commencement of a Parliamentary session. I
know, my Lords, the position in which I stand. I know,
my Lords, that in the other House of Pazliament my
colleagues and I are in an undoubted minority. I do
not know whether we cen command a majority even
here, in this House, which I now have the honour of
sacrificeaddressing;
all
otherbut the o
considerations tmotivesoto avoid
ah
iihnedruecsepdo
nmesibtio.
lity of leaving the Sovoreign and the country at this
time without an Administration, induce me to think that
the public interest would not be consulted by any inter-
ruption for a considerable period of the sitting of the
other House of Parliament at this period of the year and
in the present circumstances of the world. While, my
Lords, I am aware that, with the view of carrying out
interests of the country, I should state frankly and with-
the policy which I consider to be advantageous to the
out reserve my own opinions—while I make this confes-
sion, I must also confess that, situated as we are, we
have a much humbler, but at the same time a more use-
ful part to perform. I avow, my Lords, again, that we
cannot depend on a majority in the other Home of Par-
liament; and I avow that in the face of this conviction I
have not declined the responsibility which has been
thrown upon me. I know that iu conducting the
affairs of the country we shall have to appeal to the
forbearance of our opponents, and likewise to the in-
dulgence of our friends. But, my Lords, I have
that confidence in the good sense, judgment, and pa-
triotism of the other House, which induces me to
believe that it will not unnecessarily introduce sub-
jects of a controversial and party character fur the mere
purpose of interrupting the course of sound and useful
legislation, and of driving the Government out of that
moderate and temperate course which it has prescribed
to itself.—(Hear, hear.) I think, my Lords, that, with-
out dealing with such subjects, we have subjects enough
of an useful social character fully to occupy our time,
and oven that of the other House of Parliament. If,
avoiding all unnecessary party measures, we apply our-
selves to those great measures which the country has so
lung been expecting—measures of legal reform for im-
proving and simplifying the administration of law and
justice, and measures of social reform for improving the
condition and comforts of the people—l believe that
even with a minority in tho House of Commons we
shall not be uselessly or dishonourably conducting the
affairs of the country; and I am confident that if we are
interrupted by a merely factious opposition, that fac-
tiousness will at no distant period recoil on the authors
and promoters of it.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, among
the measures of social improvement to which I have
just adverted I do not include one to which the late Go-
vernment called the attention of Parliament. It was an-
nounced by her Majesty's late Government that they in-
tended to introduce—and I believe that they actually did
introduce into the other House—three measures con-
nected with this subject. The first had reference to the
disfranchisement of a borough in which gross and noto-
rious corruption is proved to have prevailed. The se-
cond was to facilitate the means of examining into and
correcting and controlling such corrupt practices in
other boroughs. The third comprised a miscellaneous
collection of other topics, but comprised among its lead-
ing features a large and extensive alteration in our elec-
toral system. Now, my lords, with regard to the first
measure, I say that no one is prepared to go further
than I am—and I am sure that I speak the sense of my
colleagues too upon that subject—in checking the gross,
disgraceful, and disgusting system of bribery which I am
afraid has increased very considerably within the last 20
years, and which in the intensity of evils it has
produced
has thrown into the shade the evils which previously ex-
isted in the local influences by which constituencies
were controlled. No man will go further than myself
in checking that system of corruption, and of visiting it
with condign punishment, wherever full investiga-
tion has proved the extent of the offence. My
Lords, I do not pretend even for a moment to
affirm that the system of representation introduced in
1831 was a perfect system and incapable of improvement.
I think that there may have arisen—and that there have
naturally arisen—in the course of time abuses requiring
control, and oven demanding a remedy. But, my Lords,
before you seek to apply a remedy, and at all events
before you pledge yourselves to an indefinite plan for
unsettling all that is settled, and of settling nothing—
(llear)—be quite sure that you know the consequences of
the course which you are about to pursue. Be satisfied
of the existense of the evils which you are called upon
to meet. Be satisfied that the remedies which you pro-
pose to apply will meet and not aggravate those evils._
(Hear, hear.) Even if I were speaking not before you,
my Lords, but before the Members of the other House of
Parliament, I should entreat them, and through them I
should entreat the country, seriously to consider the in-
calculable dangers which such a measure would cause,
not only to the monarchy but also to the true liberty of
England, by unsettling time after time everything which
had been settled, and by settling nothing,—by dis-
satisfying the country with that which iv without
remedy that dissatisfaction by that which was
to follow as its substitute. My Lords, I need scarcely
state, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that
we do not propose to proceed with the measure of Par-
liamentary reform introduced recently by our predeces-
sors in office.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand,
if you will show to us or prove to us, the existence of
any substantial grievance, no men will be more ready
than my colleagues and myself- to endeavour to meet
those grievances, if we can see that a remedy can be ef-
fectually applied to them without involving future
danger to the safety of the constitution and the internal
peace of the country. My Lords, Ido not know whe-
ther it has been correctly stated—but still I have heard
it stated, that my Noble Friend who preceded me in
office—l hope I may still call him my Noble Friend,
although we are separated on public grounds—intended,
for some reason or some cause which I cannot divine, to
I combine together his plan for an exteesive referee in
our representation with an extensive plan for the im-
provement of the education of the people. For my part,
I believe that for the purpose of improving education
no extension of the suffrage is necessary,—and, further,
that no alteration in the constitution of Parlia-
ment would or could have the smallest influence or
effect. I believe, and I rejoice to believe, that the
feelings of all classes of the community; high and low,
rich and poor, have been led to this conclusion, that the
greater amount of education which we are able to give,
and the more widely it is spread among all conditions of
men, the greater chance there is for the preservation of
the tranquillity, the happiness, and the well-being of the
community.—(Elear, hear.) But, my Lords, when I
use the term " education," let me be not misunderstood.
By " education" I do not mean the mere development of
the intellectual faculties, the mere acquisition of tem-
poral knowledge—the mere instruction which enables
a man to improve his social condition in life, and which
gives him fresh habits, and with the change of habits
fresh means to accommodate himself to their enjoyment.
Valuable as such instruction may be, when I speak of
education, I speak of that education which includes the
culture of the mind and of the soul, laying the founda-
tion of all knowledge on the basis of Scripture and
evangelical truth.—(llear, hear.) My Lords, I desire
to look on all those who aro engaged in the work of
spreading knowledge, oven though they may be of a
different communion from that to which I am most
sincerely attached, as follow-labourers, rather than as
rivals, in the war which wo conjointly wage with vice
and ignorance.—(Hear.) I say further, that for the
paomotion of religious knowledge among the people I
rely with confidence on the enlightened and disinterested
exertions of the parochial clergy of the United Church
of England and Ireland. To uphold that church as the
depository of religious truth, and as an instrument of
incalculable value in diffusing good both here and here-
after—to uphold its influence and maintain its power, is
not only the interest but also the moral duty of Govern-
ment ; to uphold and maintain it in its integrity—(Hear,
hour)—not by penal enactments directed against those
who may differ irons her communion—not by virulent
invective or by abusive language against the religious
faith of those whose errors we may deplore, but to
whose conscience we have no right to dictate—(Hear,
bear)—but by stedfastly resisting all attempts at ag-
gression upon the rights, the privileges, the possessio©s
of that church, come from what quarter and backed by
what weight of authority they may—(Hear)—and by
lending every power of the Government to support and
mitupsiirneg—fur
throughout t
nh
oet I
ofe n
this and
nbreadth
noof
extend the influence of that church, in its high and holy
cthaelliunigiitoefddei
—that knowledge which is only derived from the dif-
fusion of the holy Scriptures.— (Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") My Lords, I believe I have presented—perhaps
at more length than I ought to have done—(No, no)—
yet I hope not with undue or unnecessary particularity—
(Hear, hear)—a full statement of the principles upon
which we propose to act, and with only such reserve of
the necessary details as was inseparable from the posi-
tion in which I stand—(Hear, hear)—l hope I have
stated to your Lordships fully the principles upon which
we propose to conduct the administration of the Govern-
ment with which we have been intrusted.—(hear, hear.)
For my owu part, when I look to the difficulties which
surround us—when I look to the various circumstances
which must combine to give us a chance of successfully
encountering the obstacles which beset our path—l con-
fess I am myself appalled by the magnitude of the diffi-
culties which we have to meet. But I believe, and I
know, that the destinies of nations aro in the hands of
an overruling Providence—(Hear, hoar)—l know that
it often is the pleasure of that great Being to work His
own objects by weak and unworthy means. In his pre-
sence 1 can solemnly aver that no motive of personal
ambition has led me to aspire to the dangerous eminence
on which the favour of my Sovereign has placed me.
In the course of the discharge of its duties, no conside-
ration shall sway me except that which led me to accept
it—the paramount consideration of public duty.—(Hear,
hear.) With that feeling on my mind, with the deep
conviction of the sincerity of my own motives, and
trusting to the guidance and the blessing of a higher
power than my own, I venture to undertake a task from
which I might well have shrunk appalled by its magni-
tude; and, be the period of my administration longer or
shorter, nut only shall I have attained the highest object
of personal ambition, but I shall have fulfilled one of tho
highest ends of human being if in the course of it I can
hove in the slightest degree advanced the great objects
of " peace on earth, good will among men"—(Hear)—
e
the social, the moral, the religious improvement of my
country—Meer, hear)—and if I can contribute to " the
site pon n
ti theo n
safety, the honour, and the welfare of our Sovereign and
her dominions." (The Noble Earl then resumed his
seatl,
earl GREY amidst much cheering.)
topics
to
of wtlolo
House,
c,nhbo
but
tht
eth
hi
Nobleenrl ce ow
galas
attempting
i(l c denter
the
ti
earl Ia
one point upon
which ho wished
a
pro-
test against a to saae
ri few words in the way of
down in his pnciple
which the Noble Earl had laid
the House, with the f
statement,
The Noble Earl had given to
frankness which was to be expected
from him, his view of on
ur Commercial and financial po-
licy, explaining it by a
Comparison of the tariffs of this
country And the United States. It was true, as he had