The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-23 00:00:00

The Weather—Sun Office, July 23, 1861.

TIIMIMOIIETEIC.
This day at Two O'clock 75

Barometer-29.84.
WIND—S.W.; calm, and sultry.

HIGH WATER, AT LONDON BRIDGE.
TI3IB DAY.--Moraing, 4h. 63m.—Afternoon, 6h. 12m.
To-htosßovr.-Morning, sh. 36m.—Afternoon, 6h. Om.

4p,
.
"S• 1 It
/I 'OPILNt 4.pty,
(11,`'*v.EiLtiol;

LOD
ON, SATURDAY, JULY 23, 1864.

The Federal Capital
the City of Baltimore
of Washington threatened—
within an ace of falling into
the hands of the
Confederates,--Mr CHASE but
very recently yielding up his financial
responsi-
bilities when gold was up to
270
per cent.—Pre-
naancial'
sident ABRAHAM LINCOLN
completing his arbi-
trary career by a series of despotic acts (extrava-
pnt even as coming from him) among
acts of his being the o
taking violent
of two newspaper establishments, 6 possession
and tow setting
at open &fiance the civil jurisdiction of the Courts
- •
of Law by a violation of the public liberties,
amounting to nothing less than aness
act of military

usurpation.
Such, in a single sentence, are a few among the
more significant facts brought to light by the
later tidings received from the. opposite shores of the
Atlantic. As they have invariably done hitherto,
ever since the cemmencement of this most wretched
and destructive of civil wars, now nearly four dis-
tracted years ago, these tidings come to us, still
most confusedly. Nevertheless, out of all their cus-
tomary confusion, the facts themselves evolve, more
and more comprelienoibly every mail, a under

kirbiamminerortiamm,
fully impressive significance of their ol vn.
The four remarkable particulars above e an.
merated and thereupon grouped together, dif.
ferent though they are in their character
and in their bearing may with a homely force of
truth be said in one sense to be all of a piec e. In-
conclusive, though they may be deemed by the
more infatuated believers in the eventual
.se.premacy
of the Federal Government over the so-called rebels
or secessionists—even if they are thus superciliously
to be depreciated as so many mere straws upon the
I surface—they are at the very least singularly note-
worthy if only by reason of their indicating, each
and all of them together, not merely the motive
in which, but the increasingly accelerated
pace at which the tide of events is running there in
North America. Instead of its being the Confede-
rate capital of Richmond that is threatened—it is
the Federal capital of Washington. Instead of its
being any one of the wealthier Southern towns''
that seems doomed to fall into the grasp of a Nor.
them army of invasion—it is a Confederate force
that appears to be advancing steadily to the capture
of the Federal city of Baltimore. So far, again,
from its being the South that is, so to speak,
in any very dire extremity financially—it is the
North, that after watching the fearful rise of gold
to the unprecedented extent of 270 per cent. has,
thereupon, beheld its model financier, as if in de-
spair, vacating his high post, and withdrawing
into seclusion, after the manner of NECKER or of
COLONNE. Finally—it is not the Confederate
President, it is the Federal President—it is not
JEFFERSON it is ABRAHAM LINCOLN who
seems to be eager at every opportunity for so doing,
more and more wantonly to violate the public
liberties, to sweep aside the baubles of the civil
authority, to fling the sword of the State, as it
were, whenever the whim of the moment prompts
him to do so, into the delicately balanced scales of
justice, to seize with the ungainly grasp of a sort
of a Burlesque Despot, now the rights of individuals,
now again what might but yesterday have been
deemed the inalienable prerogatives of the Courts of
Law. The Governor of New York, Governor SET.
MOUR that is, having declined to enforce the
Federal army (the army of defence, as it may be
called) at Washington, has followed up his refusal
so to do, by calling out seventy-five thousand men
to withstand the summons of the PRESIDENT by en-
forcing the process of the State Courts in opposition
to the rule of the military Government. The civil
authority thus rising in vindication of its rights
and privileges, Mr. LINCOLN, according to his
arbitrary wont, has now directed General Dix,
as his armed representative, to set at open de.
fiance the majesty of the courts of law by coolly
jurisdiction. It is as flagrant
ignoring their civil
an incident in its way as though the old Roman
Senators had been bearded, not by foreign invaders
like the soldiirs of BRENNUS, but by the liotors of
the Consuls themselves or of some temporary Dic-
tator. The situation, in truth, if less momentous,
is almost, we night say, more interesting at this
moment, between Governor SEYMOUR and Presi-
dent LINCOLN than between general GRANT and
General LEE—(and this chiefly by reason of its
profound signficanee.

Mr. AYRTON'S remarks were very appropriate
the other evening. The hon. member addressed
himself to a very ungracious task, for it is well
known that from our present Government we can
get neither assistance nor sympathy when the sub.
ject treated, of is the claim of the oppressed, and
anyone sufficiently self-sacrificing, or possessed of
hardihood enough to throw himself in the breach
must perforce expect to meet with very cavalier
treatment; or, what is worse, he is almost certain
to fail in attaining the result of his efforts. It is
nevertheless very desirable that some protest
should be made • about the actual state of
affairs and some remarks uttered, or else the
world will think that we are all grown indiffe-
rent to the cause of justice, the claims of labour,
and the fair and equitable adjustment of the.
rights of nations, Mr. AYRTON called attention to
the balance of power in Europe, and certainly it is
a question which almost before all others ought to
occupy notice and engage deep concern. The pre-
sent prospect of the politics of Europe is so ex-
ceedingly unsatisfactory, and the prevailing course
that is adopted by our Government so tame and in-
conclusive that notably at no period of our history
has there been more grave cause for disquiet than now
exists, touching onrjust influence with other nations,
secure as we may feel of our own intrinsic resources.
For a country like this it is not enough that we are
not molested, or treated with open defiance ; it should
not suffice that we are left alone, but we ought to
keep up the position to which we are entitled.
Other kingdoms not so great or powerful, and pos-
sessed of far fewer resources, contrive to do more
and exert a more potent influence than we do, and
if in one thing mere than another the rulers of
affairs seem to fail it is in matters relative to the
balance of power. There is a great deal of talk, an
immense number of despatches written, but all ends
in the same unsatisfactory conclusion, that we can
do nothing, and no matter how aggressive is the
proposal, how unfair the demand of our neighbours
or allies, it is sure in the end to be acceded to than
because we are too unwilling or unable to meet the
case in a proper attitude. It is often better to state
things in a plain form, and this Mr. AYRTON did
very effectually when he observed that the sum of
fifteen millions was voted for the standing army, and
we were told that this was kept up for the -purpose
of " defending our colonies, the safety of our own
country, and the maintenance of the balance of
power in Europe. " Certainly so far as regards the
tatter purpose we might as well save the expense, for
no one can say very much is being done to secure
that desirable end. There is great truth in the re-
marks of Mr. AYRTON, that Prussia is now assum-
ing a position totally at variance with the princi-
ples of the Treaty of Vienna. Lord PALMERSTON,
however, declares that we are bound by all the sti-
pulations of that treaty, while he allows the Prus-
sians and Austrians to fulfil their designs and to
break the treaty of 1852. Mr. AYRTON forcibly
concluded his speech by saying that the people of
England had spent during the last six years a
hundred millions for the purpose of maintaining the
balance of power in Europe, and in favour of a
Power which did not scruple to break the peace of
Europe for its own purposes. Lord PALMERSTON,
as usual,made a ray ineffectual attempt to disguise

his real object, and stated that he was not there as
the champion of Prussia. This is very absurd when
all his actions tend to that direction, and it would
really be more straightforward if he boldly and
openly avowed his predilections, than thus shirk
responsibility by attempting to disharm criticism.

The result is ever the same in regard to all matters
that relato to the German Powers. Nothing
whatever is to be done to thwart their
views) T,Nishcs, or intentions, CELL tncir rup-
ture of treaties, the non-fulfilment of engage-
ments, and the provocation of hostilities on the
part of these favoured States are all condoned,
while in all affairs that concern their interests, we
must keep to the letter of the law, and be sure to
fulfil every part of the engagement. All this
sacrifice to an aggressive and overwhelming
power will not Answer in the long.raa, And, it

would be well for Prussia and her ally to take I
heed to the warnings of a French journal, which
bids them remember that there will come a day
of retribution, and that in the long-ran they will
not be gainers by the unfair course they are now
pursuing, When the day of reckoning arrives no
one will pity them ; but the unfortunate thing is
that their losses will not be gain to the unhappy
victims of their perfidy at present. Nothing can
restore the lives that have been wasted—the pro•
przty destroyed—and the general discomforture
•caused by this outrageous and uncalled-for war.
It seems most incomprehensible that the Ministers
of this country should so abrogate their rights
to defend the injured, and so utterly fail in ful-
filling their requirements. It is one of those
lamentable occurrences that are an ineffaceable
stain on the records of a nation, and which more
than any visitation of PROVIDENCE, darkens the
career of a people, for nothing is so much
to be deplored as a want of good faith.

It is often the fate of wise legislators and far-
sighted statesmen to devote long years of toil and
anxiety to the foundation of works of which they
never see the completion. It is often their lot when
in office to lay down some line of policy which,
when carried out, brings credit and ease to their
successors. And in every sphere of life we may,
more or less, find that those who bear the brunt
of the battle, who inaugurate great changes, who
originate schemes of reform, who go through the
dry and tedious processes necessary to prepare the
ground for future development, are the last to reap
the fruits of the harvest they have sown,if, indeed,
any portion of it comes to their share at all. By a
natural consequence it, therefore, frequently hap-
pens that men in places of trust and importance
sometimes come in for the benefit of a success with
which they have really had little to do, and are
able to claim credit which does not actually belong
to them. One of these happy chances has just
befallen our Indian Secretary ; and Sir CHARLES
WooD, with the natural aptitude of an experienced
Whig statesman, is very ready to wear the laurels
which Fate has so kindly brought him. Palmam
qui meruit ferat is an exploded and inconvenient
doctrine, and the lucky individual who gets the
palm may just as well retain it for his
own use as pass it on to those more deserving
but less prominent. Accordingly we find Sir
CHARLES WOOD congratulating himself on
the Indian finances, and the general development
of a country whose progress he has done a good
deal to hinder. Within the last few years, more
especially since the cctton famine, India has made
rapid progress. The cultivation of cotton, of tea,
and of coffee, the increased cultivation of land, and
the extension of railways into the interior, have all
contributed to the present flourishing condition of
the country, and are evidences of its material pros-
perity. Whether even now India is what it might
have been under a more liberal and enlightened
administration may be doubted, notwithstanding
the favourable issue of the Budget; but, at least,
we may be glad that in a financial point of view
there is a satisfactory balance. Three years ago the
chronic deficiency of the Indian Budget was re.
duced to £50,000. In the year ending April, 1863,
there was a surplus of £1,800,000. In the year
ending with last April there was a surplus of
£257,000; and Sir CHARLES TREVELYAN, no
inexperienced or theoretical financier, anticipates
a surplus of £823,000 for the current year, Several
of the taxes have been reduced, and it is proposed
altogether to abandon the Income Tax, as part of
the general revenue, and only to retain it for pur-

poses of local taxation. This is not, however, so
much due to the flourishing condition of the revenue
as to the unsatisfactory result of the tax, which
gave too good an opportanity for Eastern craft and
falsehood to produce a return at all commensurate
with the property of the people. The salt tax is
still retained, which is the greater hardship on the
people, since tha manufacture of native salt in
Bengal has been altogether abandoned for the con-
sumption of English salt. It is urged in behalf of
this impost that it is the only means of taxing the
coolie, who lives on rice and water, and scarcely

wears rags ; but this is a false system, and we
should be following a truer principle in endeavour-
ing to raise the condition of the people, and increase
their wants, rather than by grinding them down
with oppressive duties on bare necessaries.
The opium revenue, which is the most
fluctuating source of income, was the principal
feature in the high surplus of 1862-63, the amount

received from it in that year alone being
L 8,055,000, the increase on that sole item being
£1,696,000, while in the last year, owing to the

state of trade with China, the amount fell off by
£1,200,000. More satisfactory and more to be

depended on is the increase perceptible in other
branches of revenue. Compared with the statistics
of 1856-7, the year before the mutiny, the land
revenue has increased by £3,250,000 owing to the
larger extent of land cultivated ; stamps have
increasd £1,100,000 and customs and salt together
have increased £3,000,000. This last item is not at
all in proportion to the others, the low
returns from customs being ono of the
most unsatisfactory items or Indian finance.
Still, in this as in other points, we most
trust to the gradual inorease of civilisation. The
extension of the railways is undoubtedly one of
the great means of preserving tranquillity in India,
as well as of stimulating and developing trade. It
is a pity that since the beneficial results of im-
proved communications are so immediately apps.
rent, a little more attention is not shown to the
navigation of the splendid rivers of the country.
Mr. B. SMITH, in alluding to this unaccountable
neglect cited, as an instance, the Godavery, which
has a course of 2,500 miles, only 400 miles of
which are navigable. But, a species of
official hydrophobia appears to animate
the authorities, as Sir ARTHUR COTTON
might testify with regard to his water•
works at the Delta of the Godavery- Notwith-
standing the thin House and the late period of the
session, Sir CHARLES WOOD'S statement was not
allowed to pass uncriticised. Hon. members ob-
jected very properly to a matter of so much im-
portance being hurried over at the very end of the
session, instead of being fully and fairly discussed
when time and opportunity favoured. Even as it
was, however, Sir CHARLES WooD was reminded
that the obstacles he has put in the way of reclaim-
ing the waste lands have eeriously hindered the
development of the country's resources. As the
law at present stands, the intending purchaser , has
to go to the cost and trouble of a preliminary survey
before it can be put up to public auction, when
any speculator who chooses to outbid him may profit
by his experience, and the price of laud is often
thus raised to a factitious value. As Mr SEYMOUR
observed, while ether countries are competing for
English capital and English energy, in India it is
thought a favour for the Government to allow emi-
grants to cultivate the soil, and an emigrant going
to India, with a view to coffee planting, has to wait
twelve months before land is put up for sale. More
encouragement should be given to English enter-
prise and capital. As it is the great improvement
in the state of the Indian finances and the condi
tion of the Indian people is due to these agen-
cies, but there is surely no reason why uunecesstiry