The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Visit of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to

Lancashire.

BOLTON, Wednesday.

The public opening of Farnworth Park, a pleasing
and somewhat picturesque enclosure, situate within
three miles of Bolton, took place this afternoon..
The park, containing from 12 to 13 acres, and very
tastefully laid out, is the gift of Mr Thos. Barnes,
M.P., to the local bof,rd, for the benefit of the people
of the district. Advantage was taken of the visit of
Mr Gladstone to give eclat to the proceedings. A
general holiday was observed i❑ Bolton and Fern.
worth. Processions of Sunday and ragged school
children, members of friendly societies, Odd Fellows,
and others, accompanied by brass bands, took part
in the ceremony. A raised platform at the upper end
of the park, draped with scarlet, white, and blue
glazed calico, afforded ample accommodation to the
numerous body of ladies and gentlemen who had
obtained tickets of admission. Immediately behind
the platform a specious marquee was erected, where
a clejeuner was laid out for 700 guests. Shortly
after one o'clock Mr Gladstone, wiih Mrs Glad-
stone, arrived at the park entrance, accompanied by
Mr Thomas Barnes, M.P., Sir 1. P. Shuttleworth,
High Sheriff of the county, the Earl of Ellesmere,
the Hon. Algernon Egerton, M.P., Lieut-Col. Gray,
M.P., Mr Massey, M.P., Mr Bezley, M.P., Mr Pilk-
ington, M.P., Mr Hibbert, M.P., Mr J. Cheatham,
Mr J. B. Barnes, followed by the Mayor and other
municipal authorities of Bolton, and several of the
clergy and gentlemen of the town and neighbour-
hood. The Bishop of Manchester was to have been
there to deliver a prayer, but he was unavoidably
absent. Great delay occurred in consequence of the
length of the procession. It was nearly 2 o'clock
when the ceremony commenced by the Sunday
scholars singing the 100th Psalm.

Mr. THOMAS BARNES, M.P., then made the formal
presentation of the park to his neighbours and
friends, and especially the working men of the town
of Farnworth, for their free use and enjoyment for
ever. He did so in the firm belief that it would
reeterially contribute to their health, enjoyment,
and happiness.
'Three cheers having been given for the donor,
The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER, who was
received with loud and continued cheering, said,—
Ladies and gentlemen, I believe that my first and
formal duty imposed on me by the appointed order
of proceeding is to declare in your presence that this
park is now once and for ever opened and dedicated
to the public good, (Cheers.) As respects the gift
of the park, that has been made in the hearing of
witnesses sufficiently numerous by our friend Mr.
Barnes, and as regards the acceptance of the park
I ask any of those who witnessed the spectacle of
to-day, who has seen the whole population, young
and old, rich and poor, and not only the whole
population of this place, but a good auxiliary force
from all the country round. (Cheers.) I can only
say that if that does not constitute an acceptance of
the park, I do not know what does. (Cheers.) In
compliance with the religious and wise custom which
prevails, it has been usual that solemn prayer should
be made to Almighty God on occasions like this,
We have learnt why, mainly through the absence
of the bishop, it has been impossible that we
should externally comply with that honoured
practice ; but, as respects toe sentiments within the
breast of every one of as, I am sure that none who
listened to the heartstirring accents of the Psalm
just sung can doubt that it is the belief and convic-
tion of this vast assembly that all our works, in
order to bring a blessing with them, must .be begun,
continued, and ended in the fear and the love of
God. (Cheers.) I pass on, therefore, to speak to you,
as the time and circumstances will permit, upon the
character of the occasion now before us. The pre•
sentation by Mr Barnes is happily not an isolated
act. It is part of a great system, part of a great
movement. He is, indeed, the representative, and
the honoured representative, of a principle and a
tendency which is among the very best characteris-
tics of the age. (Cheers.) In this busy, stirring,
critical, industrious, enterprising, money-making,
money-accumulating age it is well that while these
pursuits have full scope given it should not be for-
gotten that there are other wants and other inte-
rests; and, in particular, I call Mr Barnes on this
occasion the representative of a deep and growing
conviction with respect to the relation that ought
to prevail, and that happily now to a very great
extent does prevail, between the employer of labour
and the labouring population of the land. (Cheers.)
I think, ladies and gentlemen, that it is about 30
years since a gentleman of high character and of
great ability, employed in the public service in Ire,
land, created very considerable alarm and apprehen-
sion by putting forth in a concise and telling form
what was thought the somewhat revolutionary
doctrine that " property has its duties as well as its
rights," The doctrine was received_by many for the
moment as revolutionary—as if it were some mons
etrous conception aiming at the breaking up of
society ; but that dreaded monster, if such it was, has
now become a domesticated idea. (A laugh.) It has
entered with us into every house, and it lies as quietly
by our firesides as if it were the favourite
dog or cat of the family. (Cheers and laughter.)
Property has its duties as well as its rights, and
the relation of the man who employs labour to the
man who gives labour never can be permanently
satisfactory to secure if the exercise and practical
form of that relation is confined to the mere sets
Cling of the cash account of the wages of the man,
(Cheers.) It is doing violence to the principles of
human nature, it is running up a score against
ourselves, it is offending against the will and de-
signs of Divine providence, if we refuse to recog-
nise the fact that moral associations and social and
endearing ties of affection belong to, and ought
never to be severed from, the relation between the
the master and the workman. (Cheers.) Well, now,
circumstances brought about a result which at first
did not appear satisfactory to the manufacturing
districts of this country, but which I believe was a
matter calling for the deepest thankfulness. I
mean this—the relation of employer and labourer
had never been in this country thoroughly and
carefully examined until it came to be examined
in the case of the factory system. When it was
examined mach was brought to light that was
highly unsatisfactory. There can be no doubt at
all, as a matter of fact, that partly owing to the
state of the law, and partly owing to human in-
firmity and negligence, much was discovered which
called for amendment. It does not follow that the
state of the factory system even at that time was
in any respect worse than the state of the general
relations between the employers and the givers of
labour throughout the country—but you were first
of all placed under jealous and microscopic examine
ation. Much criticism was the result; bugbears
were sent abroad through the country. The idea
began to be entertained in many quarters that the fac-
tory population, and those who employed them were
a set of tyrants or misers—and, it was believed that
there was something hopelessly incurable inehe na-
ture of the system, and you will well recollect that
the ignominious appellation of white slavery was by
many persons in the country applied to it. I don't
know that it was a very pleasant process for Lanca-
shire to undergo that examination, but, after all,
Lancashire has come better out of it than might
have been expected. For what has since taken
place ?—the laws have been amended, and with the
amendment of the laws there has come—what ? No
amendment of the law can of itself secure a wiser,
a kinder, a more philanthropic, a more enlightened
spirit on the part of the employers of labour, a more
orderly habit, a higher intelligence, a stronger con-
fidence, a more affectionate system on the pert of
those by whom labour is given. It is not too much
to say, though I doubt not much may remain to be
done, it is not too much to say that something like
a moral transformation has
passed over the district
in which I ep„kandirn
in which suffering has
no part of England more
than here, in,
the circumstances of the last few
years. I say the manner
been met—that ;surest testuoefw
what constitutes the
true man—has settled the
poplsta
ation are
question of the estimation
tor
in which the fac
the rest of their fellow-countrto held by
ymen. Now
let me
labour--
turn more closely to the subject that
h
us together to-day. Those employers of a
I mean the masters of far,toriei.—who were first of
all placed under critical and jealous examination,
have now become in many instances, in instances

daily increasing, the standard-bearers of enlightened
improvement as regards their relation to their
workmen. It is impossible to overstate the import
ance of this fact. Nothing can be more clef, fly proved
by a long experience than the nature of that come
mercial power, energy, and enterp ise which Pro-
vidence has imparted to the British nation, be it
for good or be it for evil, But I hold it is for good.
The people of this country have already become,
and are in all likelihood destined yet more exten-
sively to beccme, workers for the world at large. At
this moment, if we are truly informed by the best
authorities, of every two loaves of bread that are
consumed in this country one is the product of a
foreign soil; and perhaps we might venture to say,
not with precise accuracy, but for the sake of esta-
blishing the parallel I am giving the substantial
truth, we might venture to assert that for every
two yards of cotton consumed throughout the globe
one yard is of British manufacture ; if that be so,
we must look to the factory system as a system
destined for a still further extension, and we might
ask ourselves whether we are prepared or mean to
recognise it as legitimate—nay, I will venture now
to say an honourable and distinguished portion—of
the economical and social arrangements of the
country. Now, ladies and gentlemen, it is not easy
and I am sure you will agree with the sentiment,
to make acquaintance with perhaps 30,000 people
in the course of a couple of hours—(laughter)—and
yet, with a certain allowance and indulgence to the
necessities of public speaking, I might almost ven-
ture to say that I have made acquaintance, through
the medium of the demeanour and through the
countenances, with the population in the course of
this morning of certainly not far short of the num-
ber I have mentioned. No man could see the faces
of that population without being aware that, in
point at any rate of general intelligence he had no
reason to suppose that they were likely to be line
worthy of the noble British nation to which they
belong. Well, but there used to be an idea that
loyalty and the factory system did not go well to-
gether. I should like to know what has become of
that idea. \Vhen her Majesty, in days brighter for
her than now, traversed the streets of Manchester,
was it possible anything could exceed the manifes-
tation of loyalty and love that she received from the
highest to the lowest of the population ? '.Vords
themselves would fail me if I were to attempt
before you to describe the affectionate attachment
which pervaded this entire community as between
the people and the occupier of the throne. (Cheers.)
Nell, but intelligence is a great thing, and loyalty
is a great thing, bat there are other things which
enter the happiness and wellbeing of the community
at large. Now, there has been in former times an
impression abroad that the effect of the factory sys-
tem was to weaken or dissolve the sacred ties of the
family ; that it introduced disobedience to nestle like
a serpent in the very hearth of the family; that the
relations of the young child and the parent and the
parent and the child were vitiated and destroyed by
the premature independence of your youthful lax
bourers. Now that is a fair description not, thank
God, of the state of things, but of the impression
which once prevailed with regard to the state of
things. Well now, I think it may be said that, with
respect also to this great and vital question, the ex-
perience of the last few years has not failed to throw
upon it a flood of light. I think it has completely
exploded the idea that less attachment is felt by
the parent for the child, or less attachment felt by
the children for their parents, in the heart of the
manufacturing districts than in any other portion of
the community. I should humbly presume to say,
having had some opportunity of forming a judg-
ment, that I have been astonished to see the strength,
the warmth, the unconquerable tenacity of domestic
afLetion among the people of Lancashire employed
in manufactories. All these points upon which I
may say that the factory system may very well
afford to stand or fall, but I cannot help thinking
that there aro many things connected with it that
may be taken as an example by other classes ; take
the spirit of order and discipline which pervades our
factories, not the mere restraint which is imposed
on the labourer while he is within the walls of the
fac ory itself, on the contrary, it is the formation of
a habit, and it you ask why it is that tens of thou-
sands and hundreds of thousands can be simply self-
governed and self-arranged without outrage, with-
out difficulty, without disorder, without the appear-
ance in almost a single instance of the authority
even of the police, it is in a great degree on account
of that habit, of order, and discipline, which is to
be found within the walls of those establishments.
But teko a point of still greater importance. If we
are to judge rightly the operation of that system,
it has this effect—it brings the people together, and
they acquire an interest in one another, a public
opinion, so to speak, forms itself emong them, and
that public opinion is favourable to morality and
good conduct, and the person who goes astray is
felt to have committed an offence against the cha-
racter cf these with whom he or she may be associ-
ated in working ; but it is not possible to conceive
a principle more truthful or more valuable for the
real advancement and improvement of the working
classes than that opinion should thus spontaneously,
naturally, and healthfully be engendered among
them, according to which the order of working men
and working women may become, as it were, effec-
tual ministers of virtue, and vice and mtscnief will
be discouraged in their first beginning. (Hear.)
I will now turn to another matter, with regard to
which the factory system may not perhaps stand so
well. It may be said with truth that inedoor occu-
pation has not a very favourable operation on the
development of the people. We must speak our
minds in an assembly of Englishmen such as this,
and it was at one time too true of the factory system
that, from defective ventilation and other causes, it
was anything but wholesome as regards the bodily
health of the population. Now the bodily health
of the people is a matter of vital consequence. (Hear,
hear.) Wheu God Almighty made man to be a come
posite being of body and soul, he intended the wel-
fare of the two to go together, and you could not
have in operation a system which should give you
a stunted and enfeebled people without finding
before very long that the evil effects of that system
were likewise leaving their mark on its mental
character ; but here, also, I trust we may say that
a vast improvement has been effected. (Hear, hear.)
There is no reason—at least, so I am given to under-
stand, and confidently hope—there is no reason in
the, nature of things why factory labour should be
less favourable to health, when due care is taken,
than other in-door labour. I am now at a point
when I think we can see the benefit of the munifi-
cent endowment which Mr Barnes has presented to
the community of Farnworth. In-door labour is not
of necessity unhealthy, but yet it cannot be denied
that it requires the counterpoise of out-door recreae
tion. It is desirable that those who spend the great
bulk of their time indoors, whether in factories, in
toolshops, or in any of the other great establish-
ments of industry, should have the means when their
labour is done of innocent, healthful, and useful re-
creation. It is monstrous to suppose that it can be
the natural condition of society that one portion
should live as if they had nothing at all to do except
to seek for amusement from morning to night, and
that the other portion of society should find itself
shut out from recreation altogether. Such a state of
things can neither be pleasing to God nor beneficial
and acceptable in the sight of man, nor can it con-
duce to the prosperity of the country and the sta-
bility of its institutions. (Hear.) Here is the great
feet, recognised by such acts as we are endeavouring
to carry out and to plsee in commemoration to-day.
Here we have before us a scene in which, as we hope,
from generation to generation, the young and old of
Farnworth will seek for.health and refreshment after
the hours of honest labour have come to a close; but
it is not only bodily health which is interested in this
question, meptel health demands that communion
with nature should not be renounced. This is one
of the truths which it has been the obligation and
necessity, but likewise the honour and duty, of the
present generation to bring forth from darkness
into light, I dare soy it is a fact that we do rot
even yet fuel that as we ought to do, or give it that
effectual application in practice which it requires;
bat it is profoundly associated with the well-being
of mankind. Communion with nature ; why, the
phrase, if used perhaps so recently as a century ago,
would have sounded almost like the accents of an
unknown tongue. At any rate, it would have been

taken as the mere dream of a visionary enthusiast
if it had been supposed that it was a thing to be
recommended for the health,recreation,and habitual
enjoyment of a vast population. Within that time
however great changes have taken place. In order
to illustrate this point, which is one of deep in-
terest and importance, I may go a little further.
It has been long a subject of discussion among
learned men;whether the ancient, who, as you know,
in point of genius reached the very greatest heights
of which human nature appears to be susceptible—
it has long been a question whether these ancients
had any love for nature or natural scenery—which
we call landscape. That subject is still keenly dis-
cussed; and I do not believe any one can assert that
a taste for the beauties of nature, such as we now
understand them, was largely developed among the
most cultivated nations of antiquity. Departing,
however, from the question of natural beauty, there
can be no doubt that the communion with nature
which takes the form of natural history—know-
ledge of plants, trees, and so on—was a thing never
dreamed of as forming a part of the patrimony of
mankind at large. Some philosopher, giving scope
to his penetrating and searching mind, might
attempt to register what human knowledge had
accumulated on this subject; but one would
be laughed at if one were to suppose that it
were possible for a Roman or Greek to find
pleasure and satisfaction in the familiar communion
with nature through the medium of humble and
individual objects. Again, it was debated how it
came about that is beautiful countries the popula-
tion did not care for the scenery, and Lord Macau-
lay, in his "History of England," goes into an ar-
gument as to why the beauties of the Highlands of
Scotland were so long neglected.
After some further remarks on the value of public
parks in cultivating a love of nature and natural
objects, the right hon. gentleman concluded amid
loud cheers.

A defeuner afterwards took place in the Pavilion,
at which a number of toasts were proposed.

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER
IN LIVERPOOL.
BANQUET IN THE TOWN-HALL.

LIVERPOOL, Wednesday Night.

To-night the Chancellor of the Exchequer was en-
tertained by the Mayor, Mr Mozley, at a banquet
in the Town-hall. The Mayor presided, and among
those present, in addition to the guest of the even-
ing, were Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth, Mr Hors-
tall, M.P., Mr Pender, MY., Mr Bazley, M.P.,
Mr Dobson, M.P., Mr Jackson, M.P. Mr Robert-
son Gladstone, and the elite of the commercial aris-
tocracy of the city, After the usual loyal and
patriotic toasts, Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth, High
sheriff of the county, in responding to the toast of
his own health, instituted a happy comparison
between the Doge of Venice and his colleagues and
the governing authorities of the Queen of the Mer-
sey. The corporation of Liverpool represented the
wealth and enterprise of Great Britain, and the
vast Commerce of this country was destined to work
a revolution in the affairs of the world—due
to no lust of dominion or rude grasp at
power, they desired no benefit which they did
not wish that others should participate in. In
fact, it was only in the splendour of his
banquetting-hall and in the luxury of his enter-
tainment, as well as iu the gravity and ardour of
those assembled around his board, that an analogy
could be traced between the Doge of Mediaeval
Venice and the Mayor of the Liverpool of to-day,
(Cheers.) In the guest of the evening they beheld
a statesman of fertile genius, who was carrying
out the freedom of trade, and the agent of a great
revolution in commercial and financial policy.
(Hear, hear.)
The Mayor, in proposing the toast of the evening,
" The Health of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,"
said—l cannot for one moment doubt that the high
important position and the acknowledged and com-
manding talent of the right hon. gentleman will at
once insure for him tbat hearty and cordial re-
ception he is so well entitled to in this
his native town, and I think I may say that in
this great emporium of commerce it is only natural
to regard the exalted cffi?,e of Mr. Gladstone so
,bly fills with peculiar interest, for it should be
borne in mind that the port of Liverpool trans•
wits a larger amount in duties to the Exchequer
than any other community, and is therefore most
deeply concerned in all those fiscal arrangements
which originate in his special department. (Cheers.)
It is unnecessary for me to refer to the past career
of Mr Gladstone—the devotion of his high attain-
ments and great mental powers for so many years
to the public service has long been recognised and
appreciated. I estimate most highly the great apti-
tude and skill displayed by the Chancellor in the
development of his financial schemes; but as a prac-
tical business man, considering the care, the dili-
gence and forethought needful in conducting ex-
tended operations in our ordinary pursuits, I have
been led to reflect on the vast degree of talent and
discernment that must be required in the prepara-
tion of a Budget calculated to insure the approval
of Parliament and the country, whether in con•
tinning or modifying existing taxation, or by
substituting new imposts so as to produce
the vast revenue required to meet the annual Im-
perial expenditure and at the same time to be the
least burdensome to the country. (Cheers.) Nor
can we fail to admire the correctness of his calcula-
tions and the success which has attended his finan-
cial policy—a policy resulting in a large surplus
revenue—(cheers)—and enabling him to relieve
commerce and trade from some of those imposts
considered by the country to be the most onerous
and objectionable. (Cheers.) It is not, however,
commerce alone which has been benefited by his
exertions, for by the removal-of the paper duty and
the tax upon knowledge, with others of a kindred
character,
he
hascontributed in no immaterial de-
gree to the intellectual progress of the nation,
which may well be regarded as the noblest feature
of our age. (Cheers.) By his adherence to a free
trade policy, by the aid and support he has afforded
to the enfranchisement of commerce from long ex.
isting restrictions, and by the treaties entered into
with other nations for a reciprocal interchange of
products, we are certainly indebted for the rapidly
increasing prosperity of our country. (Cheers.)
My right hon. friend and guest is:distinguished not
only as a statesman, a financier, and an orator, but
also as a scholar of the highest order. The important
position he occupies in the Government of this Em-
pire has not been acquired by genius only. Without
labour and study natural gifts can accomplish little,
and the statesman who depends only on bis ability
as an orator will be frequently found wanting in
practical experience. (Cheers.) We are all aware
of the influence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
one of Her Majesty's chief advisers, and, appreciat-
ing his true regard for the honour and interest of
our country, I felt anxious to assure him of the
estimation in which he is held, and to express my
warm thanks for the kind and ready acceptance of
my invitation to visit Liverpool (cheers), and so
afford us an opportunity of paying an humble but
hearty tribute to the eminent abilities as a statesman,
a financier, a scholar, and an orator (loud cheers) of
one whom we may truly say Lip erpool is proud to
call her own.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQITER,—Mr
Mayor and Gent!emen,—No man could be greeted
with the welcome I have secured among you end fail
to experience sentiments cf the deepest and liveliest
gratification. To that gratification he must add, if
he have any feeling at all, the liveliest gratitude to
you from whom he has received that welcome, but
permit me also to say that in the warmth of your
feeling, the warmth of those sentiments which you
and other speakers this evening have so generously
expressed, there is matter which must also cause the
person standing in my position same emotion, and I
will even venture to say compunction and shame, for
I cannot but be painfully aware thatyou have greatly
overrated those services which it may have been my
go )(I fortune to have rendered the country, or any
hope that may be entertained in connexion with such
services to be rendered eta future time. It is but little,
Sir, that has fallen to myself to perform in com-
parison with what has been and may be done by
others. I cannot indeed pass over the allusion you
have made to Liverpool as my native place.
Ignoble must be the mind of any man who can visit
without emotion the home of his childhood;' but in

my case it would be something more than ignoble.
It would also, in the highest degree, and in the
greatest sense, be irrational if I were to forget the
gigantic progress that this town has made since the
time when I was more familiar with its streets and
its inhabitants, if I had forgotten that it had placed
itself in a position at least to challenge—perhaps
which may challenge conclusively—the place of the
first emporium of the world. Liverpool has risen
to a position in which all those who can call
themselves her sons may be glad indeed to claim
kindred with her. But in claiming that kin.
dred they must not wilfully or unconsciously
permit an exaggerated estimate to be made of
that merit. I speak the language of the utmost
sincerity when I say that in my opinion, after'
an experience that has now become a long one, the
one standing pain to the political man in England,
the one serious drawback to the satisfaction of his
public life, is not the fear of criticism by which on
every side he. is surrounded, and which I hold to be
one of the greatest and most essential advantages he
enjoys—it is not the labour,even the exciting labour
he is called upon to perform, but it is a sense of the
inequality of his best exertions to the arduous duty
of government and of legislation. There is no affec-
tation in that language. It is justified by an appeal
to the plainest facts, for I apprehend it to be be.
yond the possibility of dispute that this great and
remarkable country has undertaken responsibilities
of empire such as never before lay on the shoulders
or upon the minds of men. What nation in any part
of the world has had relations such as we have had
in every corner of the globe ? What nation has
had its factories, its interests, its ships, its com-
merce in every part of the habitable world ? What
nation has governed, as we govern, distant millions
many times outnumberng ourselves ? What nation
has claimed, as we claim, to bear the sway in the
name of Queen Victoria of so large a proportion of
the surface of the earth ? What nation has made
itself responsible, as we have made ourselves respon-
sible, for the welfare of forty or forty-five separate
States, in every portion of the world, which we
know by the name of our colonies ; and what
nation has at the same time had the care of all those
direct interests and relations, been charged with
the same responsibility in the exercise of its moral
influence abroad, in the example it is called upon
to set, in the sympathy it must feel with the cause
of right and justice and constitutional freedom,
wherever that cause is at issue throughout any
portion of the world ? I am not one of
those who could look forward with satisfaction
to the waning of the splendour of the sun
of England's prosperity. I hope, on the con-
trary, it may ever continue, and that the honour of
the country may continually grow ; but, at the same
time, I do not scruple to say that I do witness with
the utmost satisfaction the gradual growth of opi-
nion and sentiment on the part of the people of
England, whose sentiments in the long run govern
the course of policy of the Government, the growth
of the tone and temper which recognises those facts
of our enormous—nay, even our overextended re-
sponsibilities. It is not very long since, not in this
country alone, but in every country of the civilised
world, there prevailed what I may call a lust of ter-
ritorial aggrandisement, and a notion had gone
abroad, connected, no doubt, in great part, with
false economical theories, that the happiness and the
greatness of a people are to be continually aug.
mented by obtaining constant accessions to their
extent of territorial sway. I hope the time has
come when the people of England have tho-
roughly shaken themselves free from that delu-
sion—when they have arrived at a solid and
mature conviction that a nation may have too much terri-
tory as well as too little even. However, if you have too
much territory you have contracted responsibilities in re•
gard to it of which you cannot honourably free yourselves,
but you have at least reached the point at which all lust of
extended territory has been sincerely and permanently fore-
sworn. (Hear, hear.) What we have now to do is, I think,
to cultivate what Providence has given us; but not to seek
any addition to the sphere of our labours, still further to
overtax those human powers which are already charged be-
yond their true faculty for the satisfactory discharge of their
responsibility, (Hear.) I think we may trace in other way s
the progress of a true and just political philosophy, the
philosophy of practical politics. On the part of the people
of this country a great change has taken place in the mind
of England within the last three generations with regard to
the government of our colonies. A century ago the idea on
which our colonial relations were bleed was narrow and sel-
fish. In one respect, indeed, the administration of the old
American provinces were conducted upon a system which
might still afford some useful lessons, but it rested essen-
tially on the idea that, as far as economical and commercial
matters were concerned, the inter, sts of the colonies were
to be made subservient to those of the mother country, and
that the channels of their trade and their industrial exertions
were to be forced in a direction different from that which
nature might point out, in order to make them tributary to
the greatness of the mother land. We have fully and entirely
awakened from any such dream. We have given to the
colonies practical freedom. I am not prepared to say that
we have not something to rectify on the other side of the
account. (Hear, hear.) We observe a disposition on the
part of some colonies calling themselves our own to set up
against the industry and productions of England the mis-
chiefs and obstructions of an exploded protective system.
(Hear, hear.) With regard to the government of these de-
pendencies in general there is not much to be done.
Slowly, perhaps, and cautiously, but firmly and resolutely,
we may find it needful to rectify the distribution of burdens
and benefits, in order to place the people of England not
in the position of ascendancy and superiority, which they
have in good faith surrendered, but in that position of jus-
tice and equality to which they have an indisputable claim.
(Hear, hear.) Our duty is to get rid as far as may be of in-
tetference with the affairs of our fellow-subjects abroad, to
afford them the protection and shelter cf the power of this
great empire, but at the same time not to consent to be
charged with the payment of vast sums of money for the
sake cf performing duties which belong to the colonists
rather than to us—(hear, hear)—and the performance of
which in every case is an inalienable part of the functions of
freedom. (Hear, hear.) There cannot be a grosser mis-
take in politics than to suppose that you can separate the
benefits of freedom and its burdens. Is it to be imagined
that it would be a benefit to a nation if some unknown and
unseen benefactor were to undertake the payment of its
taxes ? No, it is necessary, if you choose to succeed to and
claim the dignity of freedom, that you should provide the
means by which free institutions can be maintained. (Hear,
hear.) In this direction we are in one sense moderating our
views. We are learning that we have enough to do— more,
perhaps, than we can probably accomplish—in confining
ourselves to those immediate duties with which Providence
has charged us. These duties are not slight. What reve-
lations have we had within the last thirty or forty years
with regard to the condition of England itself I how many
sore places have been disclosed I how much has been im-
proved and refor med I But how much also does the convic-
tion remain behind that there is still a great deal to be done.
In regard to what is called foreign policy, we witnessed
something of a similar movement of pubic sentiment to
that in regard to the question of our foreign dominions.
It is impossible that to a country like England the
affairs of foreign nations can ever be indifferent. It is im-
possible that England, in my opinion at least, ever should
forswear the interest she must naturally feel in the cause of
truth, of justice, of order, and of good government; but,
it is possible, nay, it is greatly desirable, that England
should recognise the immense advantages which the
Almighty had bestowed upon us in the independence of our
insular position. The first result cf that independence is
that with regard at least to every European question out
of which most of the disturbances of the peace of the world
arise England—and England alone—is as a nation essen-
tially and pre-eminently impartial—
(cheers)—but this posi-
tion of impartiality is at once a position of dignity and
of power. (Cheers.) It is a position in which, happily, you
do not require to be always seeking by artificial means for
the creation of influence. It is
.a position in which influ-
ence will come to you of itself, because amidst the conflicts
of the passions and interests of others, confidence will be re-
posed in the judgment of a country known to be free from
the influence of these passions. (Cheers.) Therefore, Mr.
Mayor and gentlemen, feeling, as I have said on the one
hand, the cc solation and the advantage that public men in
England must derive from the strenuous support which
they receive on all hands from their fellow citizens, and on
the other for the chastened humility with which they should
regard a function they must know to be beyond their
strength, it is with satisfaction I anticipate a state of things
growing and consolidating itself in the public opinion of
this country from year to year, which tends to inspire be-
lief that we are shaking off schemes, projects, and ideas
that would draw us forth beyond the sphere, that our im-
mediate day should tend to involve us in continual em-
barrassments, and that we are consequently setting free our
hands and energies for the great works which do still
always remain to us in the administration of the British
Empire, and in studying the happiness of the people of
England. (Cheers.) Doubtless there is still much to be
done—the instinct of preservation has always been the most
powerful in this country, and justly has it been the roost
powerful of all our impulses, because we have had that
which was worth preserving; but the instinct of pre-
servation is best promoted and uphold when dutifully
and honestly combined with the instinct of improve-
ment—(cheers)—and the laws and condition of this country
after all that has been done yet mill offer a rich harvest to
the wise and judicious efforts of the statesmen of future
times, and with the hope that the result of those efforts will

be in the future as in the past, not the impairing or dimi-
nution of the national inheritance, but the rendering it
larger and more secure for those who come after us, even
as we are happy to see it has been increased in value and
deepened in stability by the changes and reformations which
during the last 30 years it has undergone. (Cheers.) Mr
Mayor and gentlemen, I must, before sitting down, ask
leave to propose a toast—it is the health of your respected
chief magistrate. (Cheers.) lam much mistaken unless
the company I address is prepared to accept that toast in a
sense and spirit far beyond that of the mere formal though
honourable and sincere respect which every company of
Englishmen would give to the representative of public au-
thority. As the representative of publio authority in the
great community of Liverpool, you, sir, are entitled to
whatever honour can be paid you—(cheers)—and if I read
aright the signs that I find around me in this room, and in
this town, there is a disposition to go beyond that merely
formal tribute of respect, and to own that you have exer-
cised authority in the spirit in which it ought to be exercised
—(cheers)—in the wise and judicious, the large and liberal
spirit which regards authority not only as the means of
coercing the evil-doer, but likewise as the means of encou-
ragement of those that do well, thus binding a cementing
harmony and concord among all classes of the community.
(Cheers.) I now call on this distinguished company to
drink the health of the chief magistrate of Liverpool, who
has filled that chair not less worthily than others have done
and thus entitled himself to the confidence—(cheers)—of
his fellow countrymen.
The toast was drunk with all the honours.

The MAYOR returned thanks in a brief speech, and
proposed " The House of Commons," which was responded
to by Mr Horsfall.

Naval and Military Intelligence.

The Austrian screw steam frigate Schwarzenberg,
50, Capt. Baron Sterneck, and the ironclad screw
steamship Don Juan, 31, Capt. Pokorney, from Bre-
merhaven, put into Plymouth Sound on Tuesday,
Oct. 4, in consequence of the heavy easterly gale
which then prevailed. The ships having taken in
100 tons of coal, and the wind having fallen, both
left again on Friday, the 6th, for Brest and the
Mediterranean. When the two anchored in the
Sound they saluted theßoyal Standard at the citadel,
which was duly responded to. It is customary for
all foreign ships of war visiting Plymouth first to
fire the Royal salute of 21 guns, and then to fire 17
in compliment to the Port Admiral at Mount Wise,
the response being given by the flagship in Ha-
moaze. Through some inadvertence the Austrian
ships omitted to fire the second salute, and if we are
correctly informed their officers also omitted during
their stay to pay the customary visits to the Port
Admiral and to the Commander of the Forcesin the
West.

The screw corvette Scout, 21, 1,462 tons, 400
horse power, fitting for the first division of the Steam
Reserve in the Medway, to take the place of the
Clio, 22, 1,472 tons, 400 horse power, Capt. H. B.
Turnour, is being pushed forward in the great basin
as rapidly as the resources of the dockyard will per-
mit, and has a large number of riggers, shipwrights,
and other workmen employed on board in compiet.
ing her equipment. She has got her masts on end,
and is getting well forward in her rigging, the
whole of her standing wire rigging having been
fitted. During the time she was in dock she • was
fitted with a poop and also a topgallant forecastle,
both of which will prove of great comfort to the
officers and crew, the ships of the corvette class being
exceedingly uncomfortable in foul weather. The
armament of the Scout is to be altered from that she
previously carried, but a detailed statement of the
new description of guns she will carry has not yet
been received at Chatham.

The dock at Chatham, now occupied by the
screw gunvissel Torch, 5, will, as soon as
vacated by that steamer, be prepared for the re.
ception of the Ariadne, 26, 3,214 tons, 800 horse
power, lately paid out of commission by Captain
Vansittart (now of the Achilles), of ter a three
years' cruise, in order that she may undergo
repair. It is said that she is required for commis.
sion. She is one of the finest of the unarmoured
squadron of frigates of her class in the service, and
will require only a comparatively trifling amount
of repair to render her in all respects ready for the
pennant. The Torch will be removed from No. 3
dock and placed in the adjoining dock as soon as
wasted.

The Achilles, 20, 150 horse power, ironclad fri.
gate, Capt. E. W. Vansittart, got up steam yester-
day morning in Chatham harbour. At 930 she
left her moorings, near Folly Point, and proceeded
down the river to the Nore, in charge of Second-
Master W. J. Blakey, Queen's pilot at Chatham,
who navigated her to Garrison.point, near which
she brought up. The Adder, the Otter, and other
steamers were in attendance on the ironclad to
render any assistance that might be required, but
their services will not be brought into requisition,
the Achilles being brought up safely at the moor-
ings prepared for her. She will swing for the ad-
justment of her compasses to-day, and after a delay
of two or three days at the Nore will proceed thence
to Plymouth, where she will receive her final orders
from the Admiralty,

The Vulcan, iron screw troopship, Capt. Augus-
tus C. Strode, arrived at Spithead yesterday after-
noon from the East India and China station. She
sailed from Hongkong June 9; Singapore, June
25 ; and Mauritius, July
.19. She arrived at the
Cape of Good Hope on the 9th of August, and sailed
thence on the 22d of August. She arrived at St.
Vincent's on the 20th September, and sailed again
on the 22d, She arrived at Madeira on the 80th
of September, and sailed again on the Ist of Octo-
ber. Her Majesty's ship Ringdove, Commander
Liardet, sailed from the Cape of Good Hope for
England on the 18th of August. The Vul.
can experienced very strong easterly winds
from Madeira to the Isle of Wight. She
will go into Portsmouth harbour this morning, after
transferring her passengers and invalids to the
authorities on shore, and, after inspection, will dip,.
mantle and clear out stores, Sze., preparatory to be
paid out of commission, which has been rendered
unusually lengthened owing to the exigencies of war
in China, New Zealand, and Japan. The duties of
the vessel have been very important and have been
efficiently performed.

The Foxhound, 4, screw gun vessel, Commander
Warren H. Anderson, arrived at Spithead yester•
day from the Mediterranean, and soon after arrival
sailed again for Sheerness, %here she is ordered to
be paid out of commission. She sailed for Malta on
the 19th of September, and from Gibraltar on the
Ist of October, experiencing a thick fog and strong
N.E. winds from Gibraltar to the Channel. She
brought home four naval invalids, and one invalided
soldier from the 91. h Regiment. The Foxhound
was commissioned in the autumn of 1860 for service
on the coast of Syria, but during the Greek revolu.
tion was chiefly employed among the Grecian
Islands.

The Vesuvius, 6, paddle, Capt. Hamilton, recently
arrived at Portsmouth from the North American
and West India stations, has been placed in dock at
Portsmouth to examine her bottom and survey the
damage she received in striking on a rock in the
Bay of Islands on the west coast of Newfoundland
in June last. The damage is extensive, a large hole
having been made under her stern, where she first
struck the wreck, while the remaining portion of
her keel is ground to splinters. Her' planking,
underneath her bilge and abreast of her paddle
wheels, is crushed in, and destroyed for a space of
eight or ten square feet on each side, where she had
evidently hung on the rocks. The vessel was going
about seven knots at the time she struck the rocks,
and was being steered by the Admiralty charts, on
which the rocks are not placed.
The following appointments were made yesterday
at the Admiralty—Staff Commander Frederick R.
Sturdee to the Excellent, for the Royal Sovereign;
John Elliot, surgeon, to the Excellent, for the
Royal Sovereign; Wm. Horniman, paymaster, to
thl Excellent, for the Royal Sovereign; Andrew
Watt, engineer, to the Aboukir, for the Onyx;
Wm. Crow, engineer, to the Aboukir, for the Net■
tie ; and John Ferguson, engineer, to the Hastings,
for the Griper.

[ADVERTISEMENT.] —Hell oway 's Ointment and Pills.—
These direct curatives act on the human body as mighty
purifiers and healers, which slowly, gradually, and safely
work a change for the better throughout the whole system.
The ointment has almost miraculous powers in cleaning
and healing old sores and ulcers, which bad defied the
highest surgical skill ; but perseverance is necessary to
attain this end, as it would be unreasonable to expect that
any ulcer or skin disease which had been firmly rooted in
the body for years could be cured in a few days. It can-
not be too much to ask a week's trial of these noble reme-
dies in any chronic ulceration or other foul wound—in that
short time they will prove their virtues.

TIMES..—It is rather late in the day, to say the
least, for a German to invoke the sympathy of this
country on behalf of German aggressions upon Den-
mark. There are, as there have ever been, many
opinions among us respecting the national and
dynastic rights involved in the quarrel, but respect.
ing the conduct of Germany, as represented by the
Diet, or by Austria and Prussia, there has never
been more than one, We have recognised through-
out, in the language and acts of German politicians
in their relations with Denmark, a spirit at once so
grasping and so shabby that it would have deprived
them of all claim to our respect, had their cause
been ever so righteous. It is this deep and universal
sentiment which Mr. George von Bunsen undertakes
to overcome in an after-dinner speech at an agria
cultural meeting in Norfolk. Apropos of farming
in Germany, he remarked that he felt bound on such
an occasion to deliver his testimony against the
anti-German prejudices of Englishmen. " Briefly
it amounted to this—that the Schleswig.Holsteinera
had been and were in the right, that the Danes were
in the wrong, and that the Germans were bound by
every consideration of self-respect and national duty
to sever and to save the former from all connection
with the latter." There is something exquisitely
self-complacent in this summary mode of stating
the case, as if the constitutional question were pre-
cisely the same in the two Duchies, as if there had
been no variation in Danish policy, and as if none
but the most unselfish motives entered in.the coun-
sels of Germany. Every man, however, has a right
to express his own demonatrandum in his own way,
and it was with real curiosity that we looked to see
how Mr. von Bunsen would proceed to work up to
it. The report, which we publish elsewhere, will
enable our readers to judge of his success for them-
selves. The point upon which Mr. von Bunsen, as a
German liberal, lays the greatest stress at the outset
is the impropriety of Austria and Prussia having
taken the war into their own hands. He disapproves
this, he tells us, as much as we do; to which we
can only reply that, in the sense explained by him,
we do not disapprove it at all. The only colourable
right of intervention in Schleswig belonged to Aus-
tria and Prussia by virtue of certain engagements
contracted with them, and not with the German
Diet, by Denmark in 1851. Whether these had
been broken or not, and whether the alleged breach
of them justified the invasion, we need not here dis-
cuss, but it is quite certain that no German Power,
except those which had extorted these promies from
Denmark, had any business whatever to meddle
with Schleswig. If, therefore, " the work of sepa-
ration" had been accomplished " under the auspices
and with the applause" of all Germany, the injustice
would only have been more palpable and flagrant
than it was, even had the inhabitants of the Duchies
joined in fighting for their own liberation. We ob-
serve that Mr. von Bunsen, while he regrets that
they were not allowed to do this, and dwells with
some force on the proofs of discontent in Schleswig
and Holstein, is careful not to rest the claims of
Schleswig-Holsteinism on the will of the people.
To do so would of course be to abandon the title of
Austria to rule Hungary and Venetia, to confess
the iniquity of the compact which gave Posen to
Prussia, and to justify the seizure of the Rhine
provinces by France, in case by organised immi-
gration and agitation she could procure a majority
in favour of annexation. By not doing so, how-
ever, he forfeits the sole advantage on his own side
of the controversy, and renounces the one argument
by which he might have palliated the policy which
he defends. Few Englishmen would hesitate to
admit that if the population of Schleswig were
resolved to cast in its lot with Germany and break
its connection with Denmark, the separation was
inevitable. What we could not understand, and
have yet to learn, is what business Germany had
to sow dissensions between them and their
actual Sovereign, or to confound their position
under the Danish monarchy with that of Holstein.
We presume that it must be the intricate ques-
tions arising out of this last topic which seem to Mr.
von Bunsen so simple that he disposes of them in
a sentence. If they be so it is his countrymen, and
not ours, who have muddled their brains about vain
subtleties, upon the solution of which, however, Mr
von Bunsen throws not the slightest glimmer of
light. He asserts broadly, what we have heard a
thousand times, that Schleswig-Holstein " is one
by right, and should not be divided." The answer
which has been given a thousand times, and not
refuted, is that the famous declaration made by the
first Oldenburg Duke is an inadequate, though it is
the only basis for this doctrine. This instrument,
as has well been said, did not even purport to create
an administrative or legislative union of the two,
and was not practically so interpreted. But, more
than this, it could not possibly bind the Kings of
Denmark to all eternity to cede an ancient fief of
the Crown to the person whom the caprice of a
German Emperor or the Committee of a German
Diet, then in the womb of the future, might recog-
nise as Duke of Holstein. The essential absurdity
of all the reasoning founded on the Royal dictum
of 1460 is that it is so entirely one-sided, It inva-
riably essumes that the effect of the union, though
constituted:by the promise of a Danish Sovereign,
must ever be, in case of a divided succession, to
attach Schleswig to Germany instead of attaching
Holstein to Denmark. Let it be openly urged that
Germany, as the greater nation, exercises an at-
tractive force—tJ use a mild term—superior to that
of Denmark, and no one can fail to acknowledge
the cogency of the inference. But it is the merest
hypocrisy to veil this political necessity, if it be
one, under the pedantic guise of a legal argument.
Schleswig now belongs to Germany by right of con-
quest. Before the present year she never belonged
to Germany in any sense whatever, though she was
placed in an anomalous- position by the conflict be-
tween a tie of one kind binding her to Denmark and
a tie of another kind binding her to Holstein. To
cite the parallel of Great Britain and Hanover in
the way that Mr von Bunsen does is most unfair.
Let it be granted that the law of succession in the
two Duchies was indentical, and that nothing which
passed in 1721, or at any other time up to 1852,
affected its application to Schleswig—can it be said
that Hanover was ever secured by an European
treaty to the line now reigning in Great Britain, or
that the present King of Hanover renounced his
claims and received consideration for it ? We for-
bear to dwell on the geographical difference between
th© two cases, and will merely ask Mr von Bunsen
what his view would have been if by any strange
chance the law excluding females had operated so as
to sever Holstein from the Confederation and incor-
porate her with Denmark. As it is, we do not quite
make out under what pretence he couples the name
of the Prince of Augustenburg with the Duchies
as " their Duke"—his father being yet alive—when
hie title is still under consideration in the Diet,
together with that of other claimants. We are glad
to perceive, however, that Mr von Bunsen is aware
of the feeling which all classes of Englishmen en•
tertain about the behaviour of the German Powers
both in the war and in negotiation. It is quite
true that we do not attribute their victories to any
particular bravery of their troops—that we trace in
all their proceedings an utter want of mercy and
generosity—that we suspect them of sacrificing
Schleswig-Holstein interests to their own—and
that we greatly doubt whether the King of Prussia,
having killed and also taken possession, will relin.
quish his hold on the Naboth's vineyard which he
has long coveted. Mr von Bunsen meets these alle-
gations by describing the military virtues of the
Prussian army as tested by the campaign; by inti-
mating to the Emperor of the French that they are
ready for him on the Rhine ; by protesting that he
cannot verify any outrage imputed to the Prussian
officers, and retorting upon the English nation ; by
thanking Prussia, on behalf of the Schleswigers, for
having fought their battle so cheaply, and by repu-
diating, on behalf of the King of Prussia, any design
of territorial aggrandisement. It would be idle for
us to bandy words with Mr von Bunsen on these
subjects. Prussian soldiers may be brave, but they
would have been cowards indeed if they had failed
to overrun Schleswig with such numerical odds in
their favour. The comparative prowess of Germans
and Frenchmen is as yet entirely a matter of opinion.
So is the prospective gratitude of the Schleswigers,
and the prospective magnanimity of the King of
Prussia. As for the exactions in Jutland and the
oppression of loyal Danes we prefer the testimony
of English correspondents and the text of procla-
mations which we all have read to Mr von Bunsen's
assurances. Nor can we be very sure that in such
matters his standard of judgment would be the same
as our own. He tells us that he learnt Schleswig-
Hoisteinism in h:s college days. Englishmen, on
the contrary, learn in their school days an utter ab-
horrence of bullying and a chivalrous forbearance
towards a fallen enemy, which makes them despise
and hate the mock zeal for nationality which cringes
before the strong, both at home and abroad, but
wreaks a pitiless vengeance on a weak Power un-
lucky enough to cross its path.
HERALD.—Herr von Bismark is taking a holiday.
No statesman in Europe has better earned one. If
some have worked harder, none have accepted a
greater responsibility, and none have achieved a
tithe of his success. The Prussian Minister has a
good right to his three weeks at Biarritz—a place
which he seems to have chosen for two very excel-
, lent reasons. The first, that a journey through Paris
gave him a pretext for seeing the Emperor Napo.
leon ; the second, a most natural desire to get es far
away as possible from Germany and German politics.
The Parisian public, indeed, with that grand disre-
gard of facts and probabilities which impart such a
charm to French political speculation, have sent bim
upon a much more romantic errand. Herr Von
Bismark. the triumphant, is gone to Biarritz, they
declare, in order to throw himself at the feet of a
Russian countess, to whom he is paying his ad-

dresses. Unfortunately for the story Herr Yon
mark has already a wife, and although she has been
dangerously ill, it is, to say the least, r ether in3p.r.. ful
bable that her husband, who prolonged his
the
attendance on her. in the depths of Pom crania to _
s
day before his Sovereign's departure for Baden, tin
already selected her successor. Without un dertakt,g.
any guarantee for the Prussian Minister', ;
eaorala,Y,
we may undertake to say that his Sovereign wen!'
not allow such pranks, and the Minister of Relig
w duti
Dr. Von Muhler, the author of the heot drunken
song extant—quantum mutatus —would cer
tainlp
enter his protest against them. Herr Von Biserr__'
for all his energy, wants a little rest and r ecuutri_e:.
atter the wear and tear through which he ge,e4
He wants it even more to prepare himsel ,f for the
very difficult work he will have to emir aplisho_•
rather to attempt, when he gets back
With the conclusion of peace with Der anark,aterr
internal struggles of Prussia rtcommet ice. "tan
Von Bismark has, to speak more pl ainly
of
politely, made a fool of Austria, and, in defiolic,e
the protests of Western Europe, wrest the ue
man Duchies from Denmark ; he has now to essaid,
for the third time, wi:h such advantages as thew,
successes may give him, to effect that -reconciliatti. 6
between the King and the .represent.atives of
people, or that complete subjection of the lett!:
to Berlitino
whichever may have been his objet t, which betebe
twice failed to accomplish. The Li lndtag mos- ia„
called together speedily, not only b ecause the ce . _
stitution, to which the Minister still professes
°,
render obedience, prescribes it, but because the
vernmsnt is in want of mone wl rich it can onu
obtain with the consent of the Lower House so lotg
as the constitution remains in force. It is true Oat
,
the Government has been able to rttoet the eltru%
ordinary expenditure caused by the war wittsbeen
nominally running into debt; but it has 0n.19 "!sg
able to do this by employing money and I°l sot
stores which it is anxious to rep lace. It has le s
the whole or a large portion of the °itreasure ad
sort of treasury balance, but one quite rel33efpr..
from the control of Parliament—hoarded. for el3l ",,d,
gencies ; then it has used up its military stores.s-
must renew them if the army is to be kept to
fitting condition ; and, moreover, it is ansi°e'
obtain money, to put its many fortresses, serious la
affected by the recent discoveries in g urinerYi inhe
satisfactory condition. For ail these reasons t
wet
Government, inclined as it is to absolutism, elb
call the Parliament together, either to obteitt gey
concession or intimidation from the Lower aro
the means which twelve months ago it refused for
grant, or to find a pretext in that refusal
a coup detat nominally amending be,t practically
setting aside the constitution, by bringing togethegrf;
through the virtues of a new electoral law, 0 hketitie
ready to do the Royal bidding. The t k
erß
Prussian Prime Minister has before 1 iim is a
difficult one, far more difficult than his tria°3Pot
over Austria, Denmark, and Europe--i
only because he has against him the Prue sian Po? ;
but because he is by no means sure of t be Prossith
King. King William desires to be rent .nciled
his people, and there are no other difficrulties io, 1;30
way than his Minister, the democrats, who s'e.,o
are weak enough, and the moderate politics
whom their policy has personally injured. The,reep
dispute between the King and his people is seehitt-
tible of a solution which would practicaLly Ole both
all that they care about having; but Herr •-0
Bismark and his immediate friends are n of the el e,
iifflcult, nie
to bring about such a solution. They are ~,,raistv
absolutist in heart than the King hinrsolf. ri's
shudder at the idea of having to consult the Wia—to
of a popular assembly, and their personal interesy
are strongly opposed to a reconciliation. 1, ilheed
know that if a good understanding were establ'sje ,
between the King and the Chamber of DePe'„,-8,1
the King, for his own convenience, would sorre.-0
himself with Ministers who enjoyed the icoalideencia
of the house, and, enjoying that confidence, e.ve"ho
obtain from the house much more than Mee, "; r
were the objects of its dislike. The position 01-;-ifit.
Von Bismark is perilous for himself and for Pr,117,4
He risks the loss of power, and Prussia risks ut3;,-
dragged by his strong will, and the want of Pr";
tical wisdom on the part of his opponents, into leg
absolutist regime and the revolutionary strugliP
which are likely to be its consequence. Tierr .„°e,
Bismark may well seek a little rest, a little ti.'"
for reflection at Biarritz. The days are fast cowl
in which he must make the struggle wbich
decide for a long time his position and the forma%
of Prussia. Let us hope for the sake of Prussia the,
WO'
he will die as a politician at the summit of his g
and have no time given him to destroy that rePilta‘
tion, of being one of the boldest and ablest stotee'4-
men of Europe, which he now enjoys. Two or thre!
months more of office, and he will have lived Us'
long for his reputation. We refer all who sire,
to understand this controversy, which, compare
tively unimportant in itself, may be in its cone 8-
quences most serious,- to a communication upoa t"
subject which we published last Thursday. I:11
writer, who is thoroughly conversant with Prussia
politics, and in a position to know what ara the
views of the different parties in Prussia, has
sketched with remarkable clearness the controversy'
and showing how easily a satisfactory compromise
might be arrived at, has shown, too, how faint are
the chances of one, and how momentous the cons°.
quences of the failure to effect it.