The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-03 00:00:00

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(Continued from our Third Edition.)

He now came to the poor rates, and in con-
sidering them he ought to look to that
which was most expedient for the country generally, and
for that class which might have been injuriously affected
by the present arrangement. (Hear, hear.) They
must remember that a great change had taken place
in the burden of the poor-rates since 1849, when
he last brought the subject before the house, there
having been a reduction of 25 per cent. (Hear.) No
practicable proposition which he had brought forward
with any chance of being carried—(laughter)—would
have effected a greater diminution of the poor rates.
The diminution had been equal to the whole amount of
the " established charges for the salaries of officers.
The expenditure for the relief and maintenance of the
poor, as shown by the return of 1849, which formed
the basis of his argument in that year, amounted
to 6,180,000/. ; in 1851, which was the last return on
the table, the sum had diminished to 4,962,0001. (Loud
Opposition cheers). He was afraid that cheer was not
on account of the diminution—(laughter)—but that
it was a cheer for recent legislation. (Repeated
cheering). Mind ! he did not wish to dis-
turb recent legislation, as he would show them
to-night, but their cheer was a very illogical one,
for he was going to demonstrate to them that recent
legislation might not have had anything to do with the
matter. It so happened that in 1846 the total sum was less.
Mr. BRIGHT—The price of corn was the
same.' (Hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER--He had
some returns on the price of Corn, which would disprove
that assertion, and which Sir R. Peel said ought never
to have been published, but they had before them
graver subjects than the trial of obsolete opinions.
(Loud laughter and general cheering.) He looked on
free trade as an obsolete opinion, like protection.
Though, since 1849, there had been a reduction
of 400,0001. every year, he regretted to say
that the return for 1852 showed that it had ceased.
The latest poor law returns, which he held in his hand,
were somewhat contradictory to the popular opinion.
In 1851 it appeared that the number of paupers was
4,000,962, and for the half-year ending Michael-
mas 2,432,000, which, multiplied by two, gave
4,862,000. The great fact, however, remained, that the
pauperism of this country had been reduced by 25 or 24
per cent. since he had first brought the subject under
the notice of the house. There was no doubt that there
were at this . time circumstances in operation which
must considerably affect the amount of pauperism in
this country. He had to consider whether it would be
expedient to deal with that sum which were raised by
local taxation for the maintenance of the poor, recollect-
ing at the same time that there had been such a diminu-
ttiimmesinthetheestnaublimsbhemr
establishment charges
ethhaergpeosorh,adthabteenfosuarveodrsifinvcee
1849, that the incidents of that taxation were less severe,
and that all the causes now in operation tended materially
to a considerable diminution in that burden. Taking
these facts into consideration, and as his means were
limited, and being called upon, too, to assist every class
as far as they had a claim to the consideration of the
house, by means which would contribute to the
general welfare of the country, he was not prepared
to recommend any change in the present system of
raising local taxation. (Cheers from the /Opposition.)
He had t now -considered the three interests which had
suffered from recent legislation. With regard to the
shipping interest, he had offered measures which, to
judge from the feelings of the house, were considered
moderate and satisfactory—(hear, hear)—and not framed
with any ad eaptandum view. He had also endeavoured
to view the claims of the sugar colonies, and he thought
they must feel satisfied that there had been an anxious desire
un the part of the Government to place them in as
good a position as present circumstances and the temper
of the public mind would permit. He should not
touch further on local taxation, but he wduld now
approach a more important point, and view the taxation
of the country under the new circumstances in which all
parties and conditions of men were agreed to remain.
As long, then, as men believed that their industry ought
to be protected, they were prepared, then, to endure any
amount of burdens. But after what had occured, it was
obvious that, generally speaking, unrestricted competi-
tion was not consistent with a restricted industry. In
a word, then, the policy of the country ought to be to
pat an end, as soon as possible, to high taxes. (Loud
cheers.) He had asked himself what were the
measures which were best to recommend to