The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.--The exploit of Admiral Farragut not
only inflicted a grievous blow on the Confederate
power in the South-west, but, more than any other
occurrence, it roused the Federals to keep on the
war, and for a time filled Europe with the belief
that the Confederates, however resolute and brave,
had found an enemy too strong for them. The
Admiral now appears again as the hero of another,
though less important expedition. The uncon•
querablo spirit of the South has made his first con-
quest prove of less moment than the world at first
expected. The opening of the Mississippi has not
brought down a shipload of cotton from any Con-
federate planter, and the utmost efforts of the
Federals have been unavailing to carry off more
than a very small quantity from the spots where
they have taken possession. But, though the cap.
tune of Mobile would not bo likely to daunt the
Confederates, it would, no doubt, be a serious mis-
fortune to them. The place has been during the
whole war open to blockade-runners, which have
brought in valuable cargoes, in spite of the efforts
of the Federal cruisers. Although not as important
as Charleston or Wilmington, yet many cargoes
have been introduced, particularly of articles of
domestic use and luxury. To put a stop to this,
and to gain possession of the chief port on the Gulf
which remains to the Confederates, has been the
ardent wish of the Federals ever since they took
New Orleans. Admiral Farragut has made his pre-
parations without regard to coat, and has spent
months in getting together a fleet of the nature and
strength necessary for so difficult a task. At last
he has pushed on with the same boldness that he
displayed in the Mississippi, and success has as yet
rewarded his efforts. What has been done comes
to us as yet only from Confederate sources, but from
the tone of the Southern press which records the
action, it is plain that Admiral Farragut has gained
a great advantage. In the first place, the Confede.
rate flotilla has been destroyed, which is, perhaps,
not to be wondered at, since it was exposed to a
very superior force. Then two of the forts which
form the outer defence of the place have yielded
to the Federals. Fort Powell, on Dauphin Island,
a long spit of land at the mouth of the har-
bour, was evacuated and destroyed on the
night of the sth by the Confederates. From
its exposed position this was to be expected.
After the destruction of the Confederate vessels its
capture was probably certain, and the defenders
may be looked upon as acting prudently in falling
back on their other defences. But the loss of Fort
Gaines appears to be deeply felt in the South. This
place was surrendered to the Federals under cir-
cumstances that have given rise to a cry of treachery. ,
It would, of course, be wrong to conclude without
further evidence that this charge is well-founded.
It is one that is often made when a military disas-
ter takes place, particularly when the causes of it
are not obvious to the public. It may be that the
place was untenable after the loss of the vessels,
and, though well provisioned and garrisoned, the
surrender may have been really unavoidable.
But to lose a strong position and 600 men is
enough to try the temper of any community, and
just now the outcry is loud against Colonel Ander-
son. The South seems to have no wish to dissemble
the importance of his loss. We have a report that
General Beauregard, who chiefly organised the de.
fence of Charleston, is to be intrusted with the com-
mand at Mobile. His skill may, perhaps, prevent
the enemy from gaining any further successes.
From the description given of the works added by
the Confederates since the war began, it seems
likely that the real struggle is still to come. The
question of forts against ships has been decided by
Charleston in favour of the former, and the same re-
sult may be found at Mobile. A correspondent the
other day gave in these columns a few observations
on the defence of the place, and before learning the
fall of the two forts mentioned the opinion of Admiral
Buchanan that at least one of them could not be held.
Furt Gaines, the scene of Col. Anderson's alleged
treason, and Fort Morgan, which still at the last
advioes held out, were, in the Southern Admiral's
opinion, totally incompetent to defend the entrance
of the bay, and the Federal fleet might pass them
whenever it chose to make the attempt, Two strong
works inside the bay itself and a strong fort on the
shore south of the city are described as the real de•
fences of Mobile, and these, aided by the shallow-
ness of the water on the bar, are looked to by the
Confederates as capable of preventing any near ap-

proach of the hostile vessels. In America, however,
the military events yield in importance to the poli-
tical. While each succeeding month displays the

unbending firmness of the Southerners, there are
many signs of a relaxation of purpose among their
opponents. The nomination of General INl'Clellan
as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency is
now not unlikely, if the will of New York should
prevail with the representatives of the party. The
principles of General M'Cleilan are not very clear;
he has always been looked upon as a war Deniocrat,
as being as anxious for union and the old Consti•
tution as any man in the land. But when events
move co rapidly men move with them. Should
any opponent of Mr Lincoln be elected, there can
hardly be a doubt that the policy of the present
President will be abandoned during the ensuing
four years. On the other hand, it may be doubted
if the Republicans are more inclined for the recogni-
tion of the South, or even for reconciliation with it,
than they were a year ago. They have an immense
political power—they give away thousands of
places and commissions—they disburse millions
upon millions of money—they command the army
and the navy, and they have on their side all who
have flourished and are flourishing by the war.
They know thoroughly what they want, which is
more than a large part of the Democrats do, and
they will strain every nerve to succeed. During
the next two months we shall behold a struggle

as fierce as that between the opposing armies
themselves. There will be but one wish among
-European nations—that a President may be elected
unpledged to a war policy, and capable of acting
with firmness and independence during the coming
Presidential term.

POST.—With great regret we observe that one of
the oldest and most respected of our paper manu-
facturers has found himself unab:e to bear up longer
against the unfair competition with the foreign
producer to which the trade has been subjected by
the blundering manner in which the doctrines of
free trade have been administered by our Govern-
ment departments, and has stopped payment. We
wish we could say that we have received this intel-
ligence with surprise, or that we believe it to be an
exceptional case, the result of individual misfortune
or mismanagement. We can indulge in no such
hope. We fear that this failure of an oldsesta-
blished firm is an indication of the state of the

trade at large, that it is only the precursor of many
more like unfortunate events, and that the issue
will be the utter loss of the manufacture to this
country, and its transfer to the Frenchman and the
Belgian. What will the Government do? Will they
look the difficulty in the face which the Board of
Trade and their irresponsible associate, Mr Cobden,
have created, and enforce a remedy by the applica-
tion of real pressure upon foreign nations; or will
Mr Gladstone continue, with absurd audacity, to
deny the disabilities imposed upon our own producer,
and Mr Milner Gibson persist in blandly quoting
cooked statistics and elaborately erroneous calcula-
tions in the hope of inducing the public to believe

that the paper manufacturers are mere grumblers
who take a morbid pleasure in playing at being dis-
tressed people with a grievance ? Will they content
themselves with meeting the shock of the logic of facts
by the reiteration of Sir R. Peel's dogma—" Other
nations will follow our example," and the parade of
commercial theories which they misunderstood
and misapplied—or will they frankly own their
blunder and have the firmness and courage to use
tne only mode left to there of repairing is by im-
posing upon foreign paper a duty the cessation of
which shall be conditional on the accord to this
country of free trade in the raw material? Such a
course, no doubt, would be an infraction of the abe
street theories of free trade, but nothing like so
great or mischievous a one as that under which the
industry of England and Ireland is mow suffering. It
would be a wise and politic departure, adopted from
necessity, and as a remedy from an otherwise incur-
able disorder. Mr Cobden would say no doubt with
regard to paper as he formerly said of corn—What
matters it whether we make paper at home or no.
Let us consider only the interests of the consumer,
and if the foreigner can supply us at low prices,
what matters the elimination of the paper manu-
facturers within our owu boundaries—we will have
no regard to them. That is the theory of Mr Cob.
den, and he would get out of the difficulty which
his want of knowledge and of caution have created,
and which is perpetuated by the obstinacy of his
quondam colleague, by its reckless and unbending
application. We cannot endorse that method of
administering the principles of free trade. The
principles are true, but the application is false. It
is assumed, or represented by a particular class of
political economists, that the coy sumers and the
producers in a country constitute two distinct
classes, each having interests antagonistic to those
of the other. This doctrine has been propounded with
unreasoning iteration till the consumer is regarded
as an individuality, and the phrase " the interests
of " the consumer" a Shibboleth distinction of
the disciples of
free trade. There is no greater
fallacy, It is not consistent with the principles of
true free trade to attempt the establishment of any
distinctive class treatment in legislation. That eves
one 01 the errors of the protective system of 20 years
ago. L was the vice that upset it, that set it aside,
and instituted the free trade
system in its place.
Every element in our social system produces as well
as consumes, and it is riot possible unjustly to injure
anY producer without the iejory done to him react-

ing upon the consumer. Still less is it possible to
eliminate from the industries of the country such a
manufacture as that of paper, without inflicting-
serious permanent loss upon the kingdom at large.
It would displace the labour, and either reduce a
large amount of capital to inaction, or transfer it to
other countries who will have obtained the command
of our markets as well as their own by the errors
and irresolution of our Governments. It should be
borne in mind that the paper trade is not a feeble
industry conducting its business with insufficient
means or defective energy. Those engaged in it are
able and willing to meet the foreign producer as
free traders in an open market ; they neither ask
for bounties nor clamour for protection. They main-
tain that, unless fairly weighted in the race, they
can beat their rivals both in quality and price, but
they complain, with absolute justice, that the Gov-
ernment of this country, when negotiating commer-
cial treaties of professed reciprocity with foreign
nations, neglected to secure for our own industrial
population advantages corresponding to those which
we lavishly gave, and they call upon the
Govern-
ment now to retrace their steps so far as is necessaryd
to put them in the position of again having in ben,
the opportunity which they allowed to slip throng
their fingers. Can Mr Gladstone or Mr Milner
Gibson deny that their demand has for its founda•
lion both policy and justice?