The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-08 00:00:00

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LONDON, 'TUESDAY, NOV. 8, 1864.

The last act in the tragedy is nearly played out,
and Earl RUSSELL may enliven his autumnal re-
tirement by a careful study of the terms of peace
which are the best that his mingled threats and
blandishments can secure for his allies. The official
text of the treaty of peace between the allied Ger-
man Powers and their victim, has just been pub.
lished, and it must be as consolatory to Denmark as
it is gratifying to Englishmen. It consists of 24
articles, and the little kingdom ought perhaps to
rejoice that it does nut reach to 48, and that its
teems are not if possible more stringent. Lord
PALMERSTON, indeed, once went so far as to say
that if Copenhagen were bombarded, and King
CHRISTIAN taken prisoner, Queen VICTORIA'S ad-
visers would begin to think of action ; but judging
from antecedents, the terrible invaders whom we
poor -islanders hold in such wholesome awe, would
not have been very foolhardy had they put this
heroic declaration to a practical test. If England
did not wake until the victim were on the scaffold,
there would be more than time for the executionet's
coup de grace while she was buckling on her armour
and unsheathing her sword. But, all things con,
sidered, Austria and Prussia have thought it more
prudent not to push matters to extremities, and the
redoubtable Treaty of Peace now before us remains
to record the achievements of diplomacy in the 19±
century. It was no doubt liberal on the part of the
monkey in the fable to be kind enough to surrender
the shells to the disputants, since, having the oyster
in his possession, he might have appropriated them
without hindrance as well as the bonnebouche.
Acting on the theme magnanimous prinoiple,
.the

Allied Powers have positively agreed to leave the
Island of Aroe, and eome portions of the territory
of Schleswig which serve as connecting links be-
tween Kiel aid Jutland, in the possession of Den.
mark; only, to facilitate the settlement of the fron-
tiers of the province, Denmark is required to cede
all the Jutland dependencies south of the district of
Ribe ; and it is also to be borne in mind that the
cession of Schleswig is held to comprise all the
islands belonging to the Duchy. Denmark re-
nounces all right to the Duchies in favour of Austria
and Prussia, and recognises the right of those
Powers to dispose of them further. This is a sin•
gular condition, when it has been so often loudly
proclaimed that the sole object of the war was to
enfranchise the Duchies, and to connect "Schleswig
Holstein, sea surrounded," into an independent
State. "A compensation," conveniently vague de-
finition, will be paid to Denmark for those forced
levies on the peaceful inhabitants of Jutland, which
awoke the indignation of civilised Europe, while
the Duchies are to reimburse the allies their war
expenses. We apprehend that the one account
will be much more quickly squared than the
other. The vessels and cargoes " captured on either
side" are to be restored or the owners indemnified.
A most equitable arrangement seeing how the case
actually stands. When Prussia comes to have a
navy, and possesses the power to damage an enemy's
shipping, she will not be quite so ready to make
conditions concerning the surrender or indemnifi.
cation of prizes captured "on either siae." But it
is useless to weigh too closely the terms of the final
settlement. What better could be hoped for when
might was all on one side, and when it had been
abundantly proved that neither the justice of the
case, the courage of the sufferer, the greed of the
aggressor, nor the close alliance of the Danish royal
family with our throne, could serve to call forth from
the British Cabinet anything but an uncertain
sound. Denmark, indeed, was at first misled. She
relied too credulously upon those offers of help,
those promises of support which were not alone
whispered in the privacy of diplomatic confidence,
but openly enunciated within the walls of the
British Parliament. Perhaps, too, she reckoned
a little too confidently on that near alliance so
reoently contracied with the English Sovereign, and
on the interest which might naturally be supposed
to be felt for the father of the young and
popular Princess. She may have thought that
as a kindred people, kindred in race, in
character, in patriotism, English hearts
/could have been quickly stirred at the story of the
gallant little kingdom struggling for its rights.
In any case she has been painfully undeceived.
The sympathy if felt has been profitless, the assis-
ance worse than useless. Had she not been misled
by assurances of English aid, Denmark would
scarcely have confronted the allied armies of Anse
tria and Prussia, wasting her blood and her tree.
sure when the end was inevitable. LEONIDAS him-
self, though a moral victor, was forced to succumb
to numbers, and though many a happier story from
Marathon to Morgarten has proved that right is
sometimes victorious against dedly odds, yet Den-
mark would never have been likely to hare added
to the list. Meanwhile the Danish Chambers are
met in mournful conclave to discuss this humiliat-
ing treaty, and the best that can be said of it in
the Royal speech is a hose that the Rigsraad will
resign itself to the national misfortunes. What
more can be said ? Any attempt to deny or
to palliate the evil would be insulting the feeling
of the country, and King CHRISTIAN knows better
than needlessly to divert to himself any part of that
just and natural indignation now so warmly felt
by the injured Danes against their enemies—and
their friends !

The assurance of some people is really amazing ;
nothing seems to teach them moderation or to curb
the vehemence of their opinions. Thus Mr, BRIGHT,
instead of hiding his diminished head, as well he
might when the affairs of America are discussed,
puts himself forward in his usual arrogant style
and proceeds to give advice to those who can do
very well without it. At the same time he thinks
he is striking with a two-edged sword, and while
he gives one word to America he intends two for
England. Doubtless he thinks that it is a very
clever move, and that by these means he can give
vent to his long pent•up wrath at the manner in
which many among us have Expressed ourselves
durieg this great struggle for supremacy in the
United States. The remarks of the New York
7ribuno are almost amusing in their intensity of
excitement. Evidently the most must be made of
such an important affair as Mr BRIGHT'S letter. It
is styled, in the first place " timely and impressive,
It is very evident that the whole thing has been
got up for party purposes, and that the most is
sought to be made out of it ; but such an ingenious
attempt will not go very far among those who are
capable of understanding the tactics to their full
extent, and of appreciating the manoeuvre. What
reason can there be for Mr. BRIGHT coming forward
at this especial juncture and laying down the law
as to the advisability of LINCOLN'S re-election.
Above all, it consorts ill with the precepts of one
who is all for freedom of thought and action, that
he should lay an interdict upon the expression of
opinion upon the part of those who are in favour of
M'CLELLAN. In this narrow-minded judgment we
see fully displayed the arbitrary regulations and
prejudiced views which distinguish the disciples of
the Manchester School par excellence. -What
bitter scorn and withering sarcasm may we not
suppose to be hidden under those significant
words :—" All those of my countrymen who
have wished well to the rebellion, who have
hoped for the breakup of your Union, who have
preferred to see a Southern slava empire rather
than a restored free republic, so far as I an ob-
serve, are now in favour of the election of Gensral

M'CLELLAN." In this sentence we may find many
interpolations; first of all we are told that it is a
" rebellion" with which the North have to cope,
and each an assurance from one who should, above
al!, admire independence is very peculiar. Next,
those who are so unhappy as to differ from Mr
BRIGHT are told in very plain language of the want
of common sense and good taste which they display
in so doing, Also they are shown to what a fearful
extent their wishes are carrying them, even so far
as to desire the establishment of a " Slave empire.
Of all the devices of cunning nothing surpasses this
pretext of the object of the war being virtually the
question of "slavery." It certainly goes far to
show that the advocates of the Federal cause have
not a very good case of their own that they in.
variably resort to this dodge, and take refuge be-
hind this fair seeming show of strength and sub.

stance. But Mr. BRIOUT stands forward to
teach the inhabitants of both hemispheres their
duty. Re emphatically declares what the good
men and true of the Old World desire to see done
in the New one. The chief object of their wishes
and subject of their prayers it is incumbent upon
us to know then is the reelection of Mr. LINCOLN.
Ignorant must be those who look upon this event
as a party struggle, and a political movement ; its
issues are not confined to such trivial and transient
ends ; the cause of humnity, the interests of civi-
lization. the benefits of peace, and the bless-
ings of freeeom are all bound up in it. It
is impossible to over estimate the importance

THE suiv,rri,o

of seeking information at the fountain head, and
who so fit to expound unto us the marvels and mys-
teries of American affairs as the man who speaks
con amore of a republican constitution, and so fully
appreciates its mighty workings in the cause of
progress and freedom, Our surprise does not end
with the grandiloquent assertion that so many
await the approaching presidential struggle with
impatience, but Mr BRIGHT further condescends to
say why they do ? We hear accordingly that it is
because they observe in Mr LINCOLN." a grand
simplicity of purpose" and also "patriotism which
knows no change." Can anything possibly be more
ridiculous than this, and would any man believe
that a man of experience would write such an ex-
travagant tissue of absurdities P Where has been
the "grand simplicity" of President LINCOLN'S
conduct ? may well be asked by the astounded
hearers of Mr BRIGHT'S phraselcgy. It
is what the Manchester men call simple
to proclaim such a course, and pursue
such a game as have been the objects sought
for with might and main by the man who
for years has ruled the great Republic of the West.
Who can forget that during this struggle those on
the Federal side have shown no respect for what
should be held in reverence by barbarous nations,
and restrain the passions of savage tribes ! Not
alone has their sword made women childless, but
on no occasion whatever have their troops been
withheld from acts of lawless violence, and all the
arts and contrivances which can gain their imme-
diate ends have been eagerly resorted to, setting
at nought the scruples of honour, the claims of
justice, and the influence of mercy. It is to a
man who has virtually encouraged, stimulated, and
approved of these doings that Mr. BRIGHT offers
the tribute of America's applause, and in.
yokes the aid of America's support. If such
are to be our heroes and demigods, the
race has indeed deteriorated, :and our glory
has departed, no more to rise. What is the
use of Mr. BRIGHT'S coming forward, puffing up
in such an extravagant fashion those of whom he
makes idols, bat whom we believe to be of a very
indifferent quality. It will not avail to convince
any one, and it only shows into what mistakes
clever men may fall when they get too much of an
idea in their heads. Those who admire the abilities
of the hon. member will really regret to see him
throw away his energies in so mad an attempt as
this effort to cry peace where there is no peace, and
as it were to lay down the law as he wishes it to be,
not such as others may wish it to be. It is to be
lamented that an English citizen should identify
himself with a set who are at variance with the
fundamental principles of our Constitution, and
whose lives are a contradiction in terms to the rule
of doing unto others as you would that they should
do unto you,