The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-27 00:00:00

campaign has begun a week. Italy will not bylirg tAlti
to lose so fair a chance of gaining the long ,A
piece of territory for the sake of which th
the rest of the Peninsula is burdening its
and submitting to heavy military service.
so powerful an army the Italians may d gteit-L'A
things; with so expansive an army they mus;,--*-
fore long do something. There were rumours OIL
probable movements this year even before the King
of Denmark died, or any one thought that the ene-
mies of Austria would receive from herself so fair
an opportunity. It is hardly likely that the designs
which these enemies cherished when there was the
great obstacie of perfect European quiet against
them will be abandoned now that the imprudence
of the Viennese Government gives them occasion awl
pretext, and, moreover, takes away part of the
Austrian army to the extreme north of Europe.
Everywhere that Austria has a foe there is expec-
tation and an evident longing that she should attack
the Danes. Every where that revolutionists con-
gregate there is an idea that this enterprise will
further their plans. Can there be a better reason
that a Government so much threatened should pause
and reflect?

DAILY NEWS.—It is important at the present
crisis, and indeed essential to any satisfactory solu-
tion of the diffi3ulty, that the demand of the Ger-
man Powers on Denmark should be looked at broad:y
in the light of reason and justice, and its real bear-
ing and obvious issues examined according to the
principles of common equity and common sense.
Hitherto there has been on all sides an immense

amount of prolix and unprofitable discussion as to
the precise interpretation of certain phrates in the
friendly and informal correspondence which took
place between Denmark and Germany twelve years
ago. But, however these verbal questions may be
decided, the broad fact remains, that at that period
the German Powers regarded the restoration of
the Provincial Estates of Schleswig, and the en-

largement of their powers, as a complete and satis-
factory fulfilment of the royal promise not to incor-
porate the Dachy with the Kingdom. So far front
a common Constitution having been then regarded
as any violation Of infringement of this pledge, it is
notorious that in tha very document containing this
engagement with regard to Schleswig, the King
pledged himself to promulgate such a Constitution
as soon as possible. The Royal Proclamation Gf
January the 28th, 1852, contained in outline the
scheme of a common Constitution, or central legis-
lative organ for the entire monarchy, and this
schema was accepted by the German Powers and
the Diet as perfectly legitimate and satisfactory.
They recognised the power of providing such a Con-
stitution as one of the essential rights of a sovereign
S tote, and the Diet accepted the proposed scheme,
so far as its competence extended, as being "in con-
formity_ with the laws and rights of the Confedera-

tion." The Danish Government accordingly matured
and promulgated it, in accordance with the terms
of the Royal promise. This Constitution established
a central organ or general legislative assembly for
the whole monarchy, based upon the equal repre-
sentation of all its parts, according to the ratio of
population and taxation. No sooner, however,
had this Constitution come into operation than
the Diet demanded its abrogation, so far as the
German Duchies were concerned, on the ground
that all its provisions had not been submitted to
the decision of the Provincial Estates; The Danish
Government protested against the legality of this
demand, and pointed out the impracticability of
meeting the requirement on which it was founded.
The Estates of Holstein, on being appealed to, con-
firmed this representation of the Danish Govern-
ment by denouncing every scheme of a common
constitution as incompatible with the definitive
rights of the German Duchies. Eventually, under
a threat of Federal execution, the constitution was
withdrawn as far as Holstein and Lauenberg were
concerned. It still, however, remained in force
beyond the limits of Federal territory, being esta-
blished as a constitutional law in Schleswig and
Denmark Proper. At this point the Diet interfered
again, demanding that there should be no legis-
lation in common affairs before the Danish Govern-
ment had come to a decision with regard to the
future position of the German Duchies in the
monarchy. Under these circumstances, the only
course that remained for the Danish Government
was to bestow complete provincial autonomy on
Holstein and Lauenburg, and provide for the effec-
tive working of the common constitution in the
Danish portions of the monarchy. This latter object
is precisely what was secured by the November Con-
stitution. It seems clear, therefore, that if the
common constitution conflicts in any way with the
royal promise, this is due not to the action of
the Danish Government, but to the action of
the German Powers and the Diet. The Danish
Government having done its utmost to fulfil its
engagements to the letter appears to have been per-
sistently thwarted at every step by the paralysing
action of the Diet. It is essential that the demand
now made by the German Powers should be looked
at broadly in the light of these facts, in order that
its real character and bearing may be clearly under-
stood. It is especially incumbent on statesmen who
aro concerned for the preservation not only of the
peace, but of the public rights of Europe as a system
of independent States, to look through all superficial
pleas and pretexts to the real grounds and actual
issues of such a requirement. The demand now
made by the German Powers denies to Denmark the
right of uniting the purely Danish portions of the
monarchy in a central representative assembly for
legislation in common affairs, and if successful
would inevitably destroy all possibility of united
action, or indeed of any legislative action at all, on
behalf of common national objects. Now it
scarcely need be said that the liberty of securing
such united. action is for Denmark not only a fun-
damental right, but a paramount political necesa
say, absolutely essential to her existence as an
independent State. There are a number of ques-
tions, such as the administration of the finances, the
army and navy, the tariffs of the country, the
foreign-office, which are of necessity common to
the Danish portions of the monarchy, and which in
a constitutional country can only, therefore, be pro-
perly decided by a common legislative assembly.
The persistent intervention of the Diet in questions
affecting the German Duchies has paralysed all
effective constitutional action in the purely Danish
portions of the monarchy for nearly seven years
past. Measures of financial reform, including tariff
changes designed to stimulate the commerce and
develop the resources of the country, have long since
been prepared, and only await the settlement of the
dispute with the Diet to be submitted to the come
mon assembly and adopted as law. At length the
time for the revived political action of the Danish
State appeared to have arrived. The German
Duchies being virtually abandoned to the Confede-
ration, it was possible to resume political and legis-
lative action for the Danish portion of the monarchy.
At this point the German Powers step in, and de-
mand that the political and legislative paralysis of
the last few years shall be made the chronic and
permanent condition of the Danish State. Stripped
of all disguise this demand amounts to a claim on
the part of the German Powers to break up the
Danish monarchy ; and it is hardly surprising,
therefore, that the Dane 3 should resolve on resist•
twee, and be prepared to entertain very extreme
alternatives before quietly surrendering their terri-
torial integrity and political independence.