The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-02 00:00:00

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in villages, c agialn , aye met
and defeated y this stamp. Our only chance of making
those poor people read was by wrapping up good informa-
tion of a lasting value in news, especially news respecting
farming matters and things in their own neighbourhood.
But the penny stamp made this impossible. The paper of
12 octavo pages, of which four would have been newspaper,
and the other eight of a more general description and more
permanent value, instructive or entertaining, or both,
could have been sold for a penny, after the necessary al-
lowance to the hawker or other retail dealer. The history
of the Penny Magazine shows this; but the vast circula-
tion (at one time 220,000) enabled us to sell so costly a work
very cheap. lam now referring to what would be more
cheaply produced, and have a much more limited circula-
tion ; but it could only be done were there no stamp.
That makes it quite impossible, and all our plans so far
failed, that we could not diffuse the knowledge where it
was most wanted. Our books were read, and they
did great service, and still do, besides having brought
down the price of all books. But, like mechanics'
institutes, we Piave not yet got low enough in society, and
that we owe to the stamp, because we found that mere
cheapness did not make the most ignorant classes readers—
another stimulus was wanted—news. Of course my remarks
apply also to people in the towns ; but they have both more
helps, and
,from their social habits more excitement than
the people in the country. The lowering of the stamp from
4d. to ld., I really can hardly regard as a benefit at al if it
was a sacrifice of revenue—for it only relieved two classes
who required no relief—it put considerable sums into the
pockets of newspaper proprietors, and it saved you and me
a few pounds a year to whom this was of but little import-
ance. It did not enable us to help general education at all."
(Cheers.) Having had some experience of rural life he could
vouch for the extreme accuracy of the remarks of Lord
Brougham. In agricultural districts, where there were few
facilities for reading at all, and where education was much
more defective than in town, it would be quite useless to
put into the hands of the peasantry any treatises on science,
or extracts from history or travels, for they would not be
able to master the subject at all. (Hear, hear.) Follow them
from their harvests, and what did they talk about?—When
did Tom Giles kill his pig. (Loud laughter.) How many
quarters per acre has Farmer So-and-so been getting from
such and such a field of wheat ? And if they travelled
from their own village, it was only on the occasion of some
waggon being overturned, or some bridge being swept
away by a flood. Beyond that, the ideas and conceptions
of that class did not go. (Hear.) Now, if he wanted to
reach them he would encourage the growth of cheap local
newspapers—(cheers)—by means of which every market
town should have its own weekly paper, and in which
would be set forth every act of poaching, every burglary,
the proceedings at the petty sessions, the quarter sessions,
and in the county courts, and having stimulated their taste
in that manner, they would be in a condition to receive_
something more enlarged, comprehensive, and useful.
Now the description of news to which he had referred wac
precisely that with which the law interfered. Anything
ancient or speculative might be talked about; but the topics
of to-day or yesterday were news, and that which was most
likely to be useful to a man was not allowed to be pub-
lished. The stamp duty was in fact a prohibitory tax on
modern history, imposed on the great mass of the rural
population of the country. (Loud cheers). And what
was the fear entertained from the abolition of the stamp
duty ?—that leading articles would be written on topics
not sound and safe. It was said that scurrilous articles
would appear, and the United States papers were pointed
at with the remark, " See how vulgar they are." He was
accustomed to see the manner in which these papers spoke
of public men, but he could point out in this country daily
fashionable newspapers which spoke in very vulgar terms
of vituperation of one politician at least, who should be
nameless. (Loud cheers and laughter.) He would venture
to say that during the last fortnight he could find in those
two aristocratic papers—papers that were the pinks of
flunkeydom—(loud laughter)—the Morning Herald and
the Standard—more personal abuse of one public man than
had appeared in any of the United States papers against a
public man within the same time. (Cheers.) But admit-
ting that leading articles did sometimes indulge in a little
raciness and vigour, it was a great mistake to suppose
that the stamp duty prevented the circulation of such ar-
ticles, for they could be published without any stamp,
whilst news could not be published without a stamp or the
risk of a penalty. (Hear, hear.) All he contended for was,
that news should be published without a stamp, for it was
facts alone which could enable a rational being to form an
opinion and arrive at a safe judgment on the topics of the
day. (Cheers.) What constituted the value of a newspa-
per ? Not its leading articles, although many of them
were transcendent in point of style and intellect. Tho
great bulk of the readers were far more interested in the
news, which formed by far the largest portion of the con-
tents of a paper. (Cheers.) What reason was there for
not giving the public an interest in the periodical press
of this country? What had recently happened in a neigh
bowing country ? With one stroke of the pen the free-
dom of the press had been abolished, without any re-
sistance. But if an attempt was made to abolish the
freedom of the press in the United states, would there be
no opposition? It would be almost as easy to deprive
them of their daily bread as of their daily paper. And
why ? ,Because in America every man was the reader of a
daily paper. (Hear.) In France the taste and privilege
,of newspaper reading was confined to a very small fraction
of the community. (Hear, hear.) Now, was this country
on so broad a basis in this respect ? To a large majority of
the people of the United Kingdom the annihilation of the
newspaper press would scarcely be considered a calamity.
That being the case, he would say to the middle and the
upper classes, " If you had no other motive but your own
security, take that course which shall, as soon as possible,
enlist the great mass of the people on the side of the free-
dom of the press, by giving them an interest in its enjoy-
ment." (Loud cheers.) And who were the opponents of
the emancipation of the press ? Certain newspaper pro-
prietors, who had recently been meeting in secret conclave
on the subject. This was one of the effects of monopoly,
which had the most baneful effect, not only upon the
energies, but also upon the intelligence and the judgment
of men. (Hear, hear.) Within the last fortnight some
twenty-one provincial newspaper proprietors had assembled
in London to consider the taxes on knowledge, and they
resolved to petition for the removal of the tax on paper,
and the removal of the advertisement duty, but they re-
solved,
by a majority-of sixteen to five, to memorialise the ,t 4
Chancellor of the Exchequer to retain the stamp duty in
its present shape. (Hear, hear.) Of course the resolution
was moved by a Protectionist, and seconded by a Protec-
tionist, and the argument was the same as that used on
another great controversy. It was said, "If you take off
the stamp duty on newspapers the country will be inun-
dated with a great deal of low trash—that the present
newspapers cannot carry on their business and maintain •
their staff of reporters and editors." That was the old
story over again. It was at one time said, "If you repeal
the corn laws you will be inundated with foreign trash,
the home grower will never be able to carry on his busi-
ness, the labourer will be thrown out of employment, and
we shall be ruined and starved." (Laughter.) Now he
would say •to the gentlemen of the newspaper press,
" You are the last persons to be consulted in the mat-
ter." (Hear, hear.) If these gentlemen knew what
I was best for their own interest, they would be the
first to advocate the removal Of this tax. (Cheers.)
Some of the leading Scotch papers advocated the present
duty, because it allowed the paper to pass through the
post several times without any extra charge. Now he
would make to these parties this proposition. Let all the
existing newspapers be allowed to retain the red blot upon
their sheets—upon all their impressions—and transmit
their paper in the same manner as at present ; but let other
papers be at liberty to print upon a sheet of paper without
the red stamp, and send the paper off with a postage stamp,
to be subjected to another postage stamp on retransmission.
(Cheers.) This, however, was not a matter for the con-
ductors of newspapers. It was a question affecting the
interests of the great mass of the people. He hoped it
would be taken up as a national question, and that this
meeting would be followed up by others, and that in the
course of a very short period the taxes on knowledge would
be finally abolished. (Loud cheers.) '
Mr. ROGERS, who spoke at some length, moved an
addition to the resolution, to the effect that whilst
this meeting fully sympathises with the demand for
the repeal of the duties on paper and on advertise-
ments, and for the abolition of the newspaper stamp,
it cannot forbear to demand the repeal of
the infamous
law which requires the publishers of b
niewhspasessioutos
p
give security that they will not
libels, which is an effectual bar to the establishment of
a working-man's press, as the securities must be chosen
from the rich or middle classes. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. CHARLES MURRAY, who addressed the meeting
amidst frequent interruptions, seconded the propoion.
Mr. BRoNTERRE O'BRIEN supported the addition, con-
tending that it was in perfect harmony with the original
proposition.
Those who wished for the establishment of a
free press, must be desirous of removing that infamous
law from the statute book, for so long as it should exist,
it would be impossible for five-sixths of the population to
have a veritable free press. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. M. GIBSON, M.P., said the suggestion just made was
quite in accordance with the objects of the association as
originally established ; and he suggested, after the word
" newspapers," the insertion of the words " and the system
of demanding security from periodical publications," which
he thought would fully meet the views of Mr. ItogeS!"
(Cheers.) He would now take the opportunity of &wig ...a:
attention of the meeting to the position of the question • b.
Charles Dickens, who had been proceeded against f7t,,Snued
lishing a monthlyperiodical, on the ground that it co
news, had obtained a favourable judgment ;buteathelLoard
of Inland Revenue, not being satisfied, had ond
that they
proceed by writ of error. It seemed, ho,elaration as to
wnos_Tracri bad given
had now taken fright, and the Attorney-(3,
notice of a bill to make a ParliamentTo
v
h (Mr. Gibson)
what is a newspaper. (Laughter.) ,dec
nee-410nd cheers)—for,
proposed to volunteer his assi t
lakehe an egwosopda pi
oebr
if an attempt was to be mn:
had the management of the tax,
stamp, it was desirable too makedestoomaenitheinudg
of it. The authorities who
of the meaning of the word.
were profoundly g.n the Board of Inland Revenue,
committee,
seine consideretithe
"news." The Seer
but he did think the Chancel-
when examined beieoetrenaerY°thwrae,
Queen's Sech t°,„rai speech was news. (Laughter.) He said.
lor of the q
IchmUch of a State affair as the Queen's Speech,
it w bier) Now, he (Mr. Gibson) should have entertained
not
(Laug different ~;+ arl°
opinion from the witness, for if there was
quite
in the world which never contained any news, it
As the Royal Speech. (Loud laughter and cheers.) The
country was now about to receive a little news in the shape
of a novel budget, and he hoped the right honourable
gentleman would include in his budget the repeal of the
taxes on knowledge. (Loud cheers.) He entirely con-
curred with his honourable friend in thinking the stamp
duty of more importance than the other duties, and that a
greater resistance would be offered to its repeal than to
either the paper or advertisement duty, for on the repeal
of the stamp duty depended the existence of cheap news-
papers. (Cheers.) He believed that those papers which
now enjoyed the public confidence would retain their hold
on the general community, and that the cheap papers
would be circulated in a field not yet explored by the exist-
ing newspapers, and therefore would not come • into direct
competition with them. (Loud cheers.) lotion,
Mr. SAMUEL WILDERSPIN supported the rase_M.
which, as amended according to the suggestion of ar
•
Gibson, was carried unanimously. of Lowee,s--
Mr. BICKNELL, of Stroud, and Mr,.,oltivati:Ea,e
the nlNs
toft, moved the second resolution :
paper stamp produces only a trifling sum to the revenue,
and as the advertisement duty causes
Exchequer, their retention can be attributed
ss only to a
desire to restrain the liberty of the prea positive loss to the
Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR moved the last resolution :
" That the Government having given notice to introduce
a bill for the amendment of the law
intriteslaethainignntoanst, stogether
newspapers, this meeting do app
with the president and committee of the association, and
the undermined gentlemen, to form a deputation to wait
i bring under e no-
upon the Prime Minister,
tice of the Government the pe
paper stamp, and
to
nicious effects of theth news-
and press the repeal rather than the amend-
ment of the Newspaper Stamp Act."
Mr. PHILLIPS seconded the resolution ; and after a vote
of thanks to the chairman, the proceedings terminated at
a very late hour,

G, DECEMBER 2, 1852.

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