The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-16 00:00:00

rtliE, SUN, LONDON, SA TITRIjA.I7 EVENING, JANUARY 16, 1864.

LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 16, 1864.

While plots and rumours of plots are agitating
thesurface of Parisian society, a pleasing contrast
is presented to us in the peaceful ceremony of
Thursday last, when, in the Palace of the Tuileries,
:Monseigneur del-I(mq EcuasE, Archbishop of Rouen,
received the Cardinal's hat from the hands of the
EMPEROR. The inaugural address of the new Car-
dinal, immediately after his investiture, and the
reply of the EMPEROR, will be read with very
general interest. There may be readily recognised,
in the discourses of both Cardinal and EMPEROR, I
something more than the ordinary phrases of cour-
tempi compliment. In the tones of both we hear
the yoice of men who have passed not unmoved,
'not untaught, through the painful expe-
riences of life and the trying vicissitudes
of fortune. He who once was a refugee
in London, and then a prisoner in the Chateau of
Ham, now speaking from the height of his almost
ur,parelleled power in the stately palace of the Tai-
-1 cries, amid the gorgeous paraphernalia of Imperial
pomp, utters no boastful words of idle gratulation,
but in sober seriousness confesses that" the honours
of this world are heavy burdens imposed upon us
by PROVIDENCE. " Ialso," says the EMPEROR," ask
myself frequently if good fortune does not possess
az many tribulations as evil fortune; but," he
t•dds, with the confidence of a Christian, mingled
perhaps with the fatalism of a BONAPARTE, "in
both cases, faith is our guide and support—reli-
gious faith and political faith; that is to say,
confidence in GOD, and the consciousness of a mission
to accomplish." The full importance, riot only to
France, but to Europe—not only to the present,
but to future generAtions—of the mission
intrusted to NAPOLEON 111. it is not difficult to
recognise. Ha is now, at this supreme moment
placad by PROVIDENCE is a position of awful
responsibility akin to that of the pilot
whose hand is on the helm of a mighty vessel laden
with men and treasure, drifting upon the breakers.
He cannot arrest the course of events, but he can
guide his ship to safety or destruction. It is a posi-
tion, indeed, solemn enough to inspire the most
dauntless with o.ismay.
The EMPEROR rightly feels that only faith
in the help of HEAVEN, and a eel ise
of duty to be done. can uphold the possessor of au ch
a weighty charge. From some other remar ks
Which occur in this discourse the EMPERO
n theory, at least, rceognisPs some of
those liberal ri gilts which the truest frier ids
of his -
'IF "FAY would be glad to see h

adopt yet further in practice. "'The circle
of our Constitution," he says, " has been widely
traced ; every honest man can move within it at
his ease. Exclusion no longer exists." M.
TRIERS himself could hardly describe more
emphatically the blessings of a free con-
stitution and of a liberal Government than does
the EMPEROR. Bat beneath " the glove of velvet"
may unmistakeably be recognised " the hand
of iron," the firm grasp of which has
proved of essential service to France in her hour of
need, but which, let us hope, may ere long be some-
what relaxed in the wise fulfilment of the Em-
PEROR'S recognised " mission."

After what has occurred the remarks of the Com-
mander-in-Chief are not to be wondered at, but at
the same time it cannot but be matter of regret

that such a decision should have been come to at
head-quarters. The result must prove disastrous in
every respect to the dignity and the reputation of
our army. This case of Colonel CRAWLEY is almost
unparalleled in the annals of military trials, and the
favouritism which has been shown to him is quite
extraordinary. Many may feel inclined to ask
why the court-martial took place in this country
at all. It would have been better either to have
refused to appoint one at all, or else to have ar-
ranged for it to take place in India. It is merely
a mockery to make a show of conceding to popular
opinion and then to allow things to come to such
a pass. The epitome of these remarks may be
summed up in afew. words—namely, that all those
who have appeared conspicuously against the
accused are severely censured, and acquainted with
their impending removal from the regiment. As
Colonel CRAWLEY is to resume the command,
perhaps the kindest thing to do to any of those
under his authority is to take them away. Bat the
slur thus publicly put upon their conduct is unfair
in the extreme. This is not the way to ensure
full and complete evidence at any future court-
martials that may take place. If it is once under-
stood that all who come prominently forward to
aid the prosecution of an accused party are to be
visited with extreme censure afterwards, it is -vir-
tually ignoring the practice that a man has a
right to express his honest opinion, and thus places
a military trial in quite a different category to other
tribunals. It cannot be that these strictures and
these harsh measures on those who at the worse
are trivial offenders, while the prime mover and
the chief offender is not only acquitted, but in a
manner complimented,can meet with the approval or
inspire the confidence of experienced and attentive
observers of public events. They must view with
alarm a course of proceeding which will rouse the
indignation and awaken the opposition of
all at all disposed to cavil at authorities, or to
question the validity of their decisions. The
disaffected may ask of what avail is all this ma-
chinery, and to what end does this military mech-
anism exist if it is impossible to remove the influ-
ence of prejudice, and to arrive at a clear decision
when tyranny and cruelty have been practised.
The English public did not care to know that no
censure was to be applied to the actors in the tragic
and unworthy scenes at Miaow, and that all that an
indignant Parliament, a warning press, and scan-
dalised public opinion could effect was to bring into
discredit these officials who presumed to give evi-

demo against one whose actions had called forth
the severest censure that has for years been bestowed
upon any individuai in such a position. It is no
use to temporise matters, by intimating to the
Lieutenant-Colonel that it is expected he will prove
by tact and judgment that the " painful experience
of the past has not been lost upon him." If, as the
verdict of the court would have it, he has been un-
justly accused all along, what reason exists for him
to recall the late events as a warning; and if, on
the other hand,be is not clear of the imputation cast
on him of having exerted his authority in a tyran-
nical form, and taken advantage of circumstances
to a degree that was unwarrantable, and altogether
displayed a harshness and hardness of conduct that
is unbecoming one in his position, why then there
seems no cause why he should be more careful. He
can hardly, on his return to India, adopt a more
cruel course than that he pursued towards the un-
fortunate Sergeant-Major TALLEY, and if such
actions come under the sanction of the law, he need
hardly be very scrupulous or circumspect if ho is
provoked or perplexed with those under his com-
mand. When we read the passage in the remarks,
that discipline must, under all circumstances,
be maintained, it occurs to the mind that this sen-
timent may be carried too far, and be productive of
sad and sericus results. Order is Heaven's jest law,
it has been said, but might not the poet with more
truth have mentioned justice as holding the pri-
mary place. The extreme of strictness, and the
acme of regularity mey give rise to great harshness
of proceeding, and cause effects alike disastrous and
disgraceful. Not one of these here censured but
will be indignant at their rebuke, while the Colonel
is vindicated and even congratulated as it were. Too
soon angry !eelings give rise to heart-burning, and
altogether to kindle discord and disaffection, is not
a politic course, nor one that will prove to be pro-
ductive of the fear that inspires respect, and the
judgment that contests opinion. The chief shame
of this lamentable affair appertains to the autho-
rities in India. Nothing can excuse their partial
line of conduct throughout, and their determined
upholding of Colonel CRAWLEY has insensibly, but
most decidedly, influenced the opinion of those in
this country. The result is a subject of deep regret,
and it is doing no service to anyone concerned in
the affair .to say it will all come right, and the
worst is over. It is quite the reverie; it has esta-
blished a precedent, and given rise to disquietude
in the minds of many, and it will be very long be_
fore this important case is forgotten. It has proved
one thing beyond a doubt, that the present mili-
tary system of this country is most defec-
tive, and that the sooner a thorough change
is effected the better it will be for the interests of
justice, and the general satisfaction of the public.
According to present arrangements there is no tri-
bunal where the friends of those in the lower ranks
of the army may look for redress in cases of wrong
or injury done to them. If an appeal is made it is
considered a mark of disrespect, and a breach of
discipline, and if an inquiry is instituted it ends in
all who have power to act concurring in the
opinion that the matter had better rest where it is,
for fear the requisite rules and regulations may be
infringed by a censure on u superior officer. Such
is virtually the case as regards the present mode of
procedure, and it does seem hard that an English
citizen, whose civil rights are the wonder and admi-
ration of the world, should become shorn of his
privileges and deprived of his safeguards, because
he enters the ranks of our army to fight for our
liberties and to endure hardship, privation,
and toil. It has been a mismanaged affair
throughout ; but painful as was the impres-
sion that the first rocital of the events occa-
' sioned, it is rendered tenfold more poignant by
the reflection that it h as gone forth to the world
that, from the high places of command, such pro-
ceedings have been sal actioned as legal, and that
the powers that be hay e fully and honourably ac-
quitted the offender. Without any disrespect to
, His Royal Highness the Field Alarsh-.:1 Command-
ing-in-Chief, who has d'fubtless been nflueneed by

incompetent advisers, and whose conduct has always
been productive of unqualified approval from all
quarters, it is not going too far to say that the late
Duke of WELLINGTON would have taken a decided
stand upon this matter. The whole of the Mhow
proceedings would have called forth his strongest
censure, and the arrest of LILLEY would never have
been passed over by one who, during his long con-
nection with the Army, was often accused of coldness
and want of sympathy by his officers, but who never
failed in exercising and exacting the strictest justice
towards the humblest in the ranks. This is the
only true principle on which to govern, for rules
and regulations can be of great value in sending
forth a concentrated and well organised army, but
they are but the guinea stamp, after all ; the ster-
ling metal may exist independent of their orna•
ment, or they may be the superscription on a coun-
terfeit coin.

The Danish Government is at last weary of con-
cessions, and appears resolved to try what effect an
open declaration that the limits of its patience are
nearly reached will have upon the German in-
truders. It has announced in plain and unmistake-
able language that the passage of the Eider will be
regarded as a casus belli under whatever form it may
be attempted or whatever pretext may be put forward
to disguise its real iatentions. Denmark is willing
to accept Earl RUSSELL'S proposed Conference,
having nothing to fear from an assembly which can
scarcely call treaties and forms of renunciation mere
waste paper, but this consent, too, is made condi-
tional on the undisputed possession of the Eider.
The advance of Federal troops to whatever na-

tionality they may belong, from Holstein into
Schleswig, will be looked upon as a sign for the
commencement of hostilities, and in such a case
Denmark is resolved " to enter on the war with all
energy and to prosecute it as long as the resources
of the country will permit." This language leaves
no doubt of its meaning, and it is not used too soon.
The menacing tone and continual encroachments of
the Diet have been in no wise modified by the
efforts of Denmark in favour of conciliation and
peace. It has now arrived at the conclusion justly
stated by Earl RUSSELL, that if a struggle is to
come Denmark had better fight while she yet re-
tains her strength, and not suffer herself to be
dismantled in a vain hope of avoiding war. The
execution in Holstein has been turned to such good
account by the enemies of the King, that it is
scarcely likely an extension of it would be suffered
by the most complaisant Government. It is well
that Denmark has at last assumed her proper atti-
tude, relying no longer on the doubtful support
of her allies or on the moderation of her
aggressors, and boldly declaring that she will stand
or fall by the maintenance of her national integrity.
Such a warning does not come too soon, for in the
sittiug of the Diet on the 14th the Austro-Prussian
proposal was to the effect that the Confederation
should demand the suspension of the November
Constitution, and, in case of a refusal on the part of
Denmark, proceed to the military occupation of
Schleswig. It was suggested that the forces which
would be required for the occupation of Schleswig
should be raised to the necessary strength. This
sage and moderate proposal was lost by a vote of 11
to 5, upon which Austria and Prussia declared that
they would take the matter in hand themselves.
Whether both of them might not see reason very
quickly to repent of any such proceeding, is a ques-
tion that may very safely be asked. The conduct
of Prussia in this matter has been such as entirely
to alienate from her those sympathies which were
readily called forth by her struggle for constitu-
tional liberty. The Prussians can, it seems, make
great professions and persevering efforts on behalf
of their own constitution, but they have little regard

for the rights of other nations. They can declaim
about the requirements of the Germans in Schleswig
and Holstein, while the political wants of the Poles
in:Posen are very little heeded. There is plenty of
room for reform at home in East and West Prussia,
before they need extend their care to tho banks of
the Eider. It is much to be regretted that the
young Prince, whose connection with our Throne
has made him an object of special interest, and who
was supposed to be a friend of liberality and mode-
ration, should have espoused the cause of the Prince
of AUGUSTENBURG. It is a political error on his
part, as it will incline Europe to look upon him
as an aggressor and a breaker of treaties, while it

will forfeit the favour of the English people, whom
he may hereafter have to turn to for alliance and
aid. Lord RUSSELL has spoken out strongly to
Saxony; we.trust he will carry his remonstrances a
little further, and inform those diplomatists at
Vienna and Berlin, whose influence has sometimes
proved so fatally fascinating to him, that
England is prepared to support Denmark
in her resolution to preserve the north of
the Eider inviolate, and that any infrac-
tion of the Treaty of 1852 will be regarded
as a sign for the recal of the English ambassador.
In his communication of Dec. 17 to Mr. MURRAY,
our representative at Dresden, Earl RUSSELL very
properly points out the absurdity of the statement
of the German Powers that their subscription to the
Treaty of 1852 was no longer binding, as Denmark
had failed to keep her engagements with them.
" The entire basis of treaty arrangements in Europe
would be overthrown if such an excuse for the
breach of a clear and simple treaty could be ad-
mitted. Any Sovereign might say—' My reason
for withdrawal from such a treaty was that I had
mado another agreement with one of the parties
thereto. This other agreement has been violated ;
my treaty with you is therefore null and void.'"
But it is useless to argue against a conviction
founded on interest and ambition. The wolf is
never at a loss for an excuse to eat his lamb, and

Count PITZHUM, in his reply to Earl RUSSELL,
appears to overlook the fact that the efforts of the
father of MARIA THERESA to obtain the consent not
only of the great Powers, bat of the Estates and
Assemblies of his own realms, by no means pre-
vented FREDERICK of PRUSSIA from quietly ap-
propriating that fair province of Silesia which is to
this day incorporated in the Prussian monarchy.
Truly an exact observance of the professions of two
or three hundred years ago, and a rigid application
of those principles whose observance Prussia insists
upon at Copenhagen, would prove very awkward at
Berlin. It is rumoured, with what correctness is
uncertain, that France intends encouraging the Diet
in its resistance to the Treaty, and thus still further
to complicate matters. "Light but one beacon and
the hills shall blaze," The first soldier who crosses
the Eider may apply the torch to a conflagration
that shall extend through Europe. It is the sense
of the vast and uncertain results that makes the
ccmbatants hesitate to strike, but Denmark at least
has learned the truth so ill appreciated by our
Cabinet that a firm front, and a due preparation for
war, is the best means of securing peace. The de-
spised Schleswig-Holstein question is now absorb-
ing the attention of Europe, and the great question
of peace or war still renaains unanswered, while the
doors of the temple of JANus swings doubtfully on
their hinges.

Madlle. Augusta Thompson, who will be recol-
lected as having gained the first prize for singing at the
Conservatoiro two seasons ago, has since been pursuing her
musical studies in Paris. She has this week left for Scot-
land, where she is ezigaged for a series of Glasgow concerts,

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

LREUTER'S TELEGRAM.]

DENMARK.
COPENHAGEN, JAN, IG.
Among the bills submitted to the Rigadag is one
for the introduction, in Denmark, of trial by jury
on the English system.

THE BADEN ARMY.
CARLSRUHE, JAN. 16.

The Ministry have determined that preparations
shall be made for placing the army upon a war
footing. The Ministers at Vienna and Berlin have
beeu instructed to make representation to the re-
spective Governments relative to the intended oc-
cupation of Schleswig.

THE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION.
KIEL, JAN. 16.
Bake Frederick received a deputation of Holstein

clergymen to-day.

..... _
The Danes are reported to be busily engaged in
breaking up the ice upon the Schlei, The order
for the evacuation of the castle of Gottorp has been

revoked.

SPAIN.
MADRID, JAN. 15.
The debate on the constitutional question closed
to-day in the Senate.
The Government motion that the bill on the con-
stitutional reform should be voted article by article,
has been thrown out by 93 against 53 votes.
The final vote will take place to-morrow.
Rumours of a ministerial crisis are again current.

What is the Law for Murder ?

-

TO THE EDITOR OF TIIE SUN.

Sin,- I have said the words " it shall be lawful," which
occur in the first clause of the act of 1810, under which
Townley has been reprieved, are permsssive, not peremp •
tory. Their meaning, I contend, is that the Secretary of
State "may" reprieve the prisoner if he sees reason, not
that he " must" do so whether he sees reason or not. And
my reason for holding this view is that, if it is not the right
one, then it must have been the intention of the Legislature,
and is the meaning of the act, to give power to a brace of
county "Dogberries," arm in arm with a brace of "starved
apothecaries," to overrule and extinguish the Lord Chief
Justice of England and a jury, to quash the judgment of the
Lunacy Commissioners, to nullify the opinion of the Crown
lawyers, headed by the Attorney and Solicitor-General as
well as the Secretary of State ; and finally, to make the
Crown itself subservient to the execution of their august
crotchets. Now, I submit it is utterly impossible that this
can be the meaning of the act, or the intention of the

legislature.
We have heard great clamour lately against the punish-
ment of death for murder. But what proof more conclusive
that hanging is the most efficient preventive of murder, than
this very clamour raised against it on the ground of its
severe and terrible character ?

But this clamour raised against hanging in general and
the hanging of Wright in particular, proves something
more. It proves how unwise, how unjust, how cruel to
society whose lives are endangered, it is to let a murderer
escape the punishment he deserves. Directly one murderer
is allowed to get off, like Townley, it is immediately put
forth as a precedent for letting other murderers escape, If
Townley had not been wrongfully exempted, Wright would
not have been the object of such misplaced morbid sym-
pathy, or the subject of a protest against awareing to
murderers the severest punishment known to the law,
merely because he was rightly hung. No sensible person
has any feeling in the matter ; nobody capable of reasoning
feels anything like vindictiveness against either Townley or
Wright; nor is it pretended by the wise and humane that
either should be punished for the sake of mere expiation.
But what we say is, that your life, Sir, mine, and every-
body else's ought to have the best protection and security
that the law can give us ; in other words that, murder being
the worst of all crimes known to the law, the convicted mur-
derer should with the utmost speed and certainty undergo
the severest punishment known to the law, in order to deter
men from destroying life. Wo have heard a good deal
about Wright being hurried out of the world too rapidly
for repentance. I exposed this nonsense before. It is a
blasphemous reflection upon the character of the all wise,
all merciful, omnipotent, and infinitely just Supreme Being
to urgo that He cannot, or will not, make all due allowance
for the circumstances of the case. It is not necessary to
criticise the implication that a few weeks or months of sel-
fish and equivocal repentance under sentence of death ought
to wipe off whatever punishment, present or future, is due to
the shedding of human blood, which is death by the Divine
law, by which these very sophists pretend to be guided.
Wright expressed himself quite happy and comfortable in
his mind, and quite sure he was forgiven, and that he had
nothing to fear in the next world. Men ought to be punished
twice over, here and hereafter, or they ought not;
in the one case deathbed repentance will not save them,
however prolonged ; in the other, deathbed repentance is
not necessary to save them. Indeed, it is doubtful how far
it is expedient to make murderers believe that they have
only to say certain prayers, and think certain thoughts,
and that their crimes will be forgiven in the next world, so
that they have only " a bad quarter of an hour" to suffer in
the present outside of Newgate or Horsemonger-lano,
cheered and sustained by the huzzas of a mob drunk and
delirious with excitement, and shouting " Bravo!" " God
bless you, my lad 1" " Judicial murder 1" "No more hang-
ing 1" Truths, sir, ought to be told. There is an immense
deal of morbid cant in the world ; not only morbid, but mis-
chievous. There are those who v, ould place the lives of
the whole country in jeopardy, from an unnatural abnormal
sympathy with the shedder of human blood. To save the
_ _ _

life of one who has destroyed human life they would make
all human life unsafe, and expose every member of the com-
munity to the knife of the assassin. Against this sin,
which is virtually murder in the second degree, as being
accessory in general before the fact, pray, sir, publish the
protest of

COMMON SENSE.

What the Emperor said to the Ambassadors

on New Year's Day,

It was just three minutes past one when the Em-
peror entered the Salle des Marechaux, and the
clock of the Tuileries struck the quarter past as
the company left the hall. It is but just to say that
his Majesty made the best use possible of the twelve
minutes allotted to the service of diplomacy, for in
that restricted space he found means to pay his
usual annual compliment to Monseigneur Chigi, the
Pope's Nuncio; to hope (aloud), in the ear of M. de
Budberg, that the amicable understanding between
France and Russia would continue to exist ; to ex-
press, in a marked manner, to Djemil Pasha all the
pleasure which his master the Sultan had afforded
him by his ready acquiescence to the invitation to
the Congress, to which Djemil Pasha winked and
stuttered, and made a most truly graceful and
Oriental bend of the head, but answered not a
word, which silence may be accounted for by his
total ignorance of the French language. Then a
few words to the Count de Goltz, to condole with
him on the indisposition which has prevented the
King, his master, from holding the usual reception
on the occasion of the New Year; to thank M.
Isturitz, in many words, for the cordial reception
accorded to the Empress, and to assure him that
both their Majesties would preserve an eternal sou-
venir of the regal hospitality of Spain. Then came
the turn of the Republican Dayton, who also re-
ceived his share of compliment in the wish ex-
pressed by his Majesty that the coming year would
be one of conciliation for the adverse parties in
America.

Prince Metternich got his ready made phrase
likewise, and so Aid M. de Kern, but when his
Majesty came to Lord Cowley he seemed to hesitate
for a moment, then passed by without uttering a
word. It might be that time pressed; it might be
that he had nothing to say ; or, better still, that
there was so much to be said that he felt that it
were wise not to begin. But whatever the cause,
the consequence was great astonishment on the
part of the company, and some little embarrass-
ment on the part of his Lordship. The greatest
wonder of all, however, in the morning's perform-
ance was the late arrival of M. Nigra, the Italian
Ambassador, who entered the hall absolutely radiant
with smiles—all gay with bright " good mornings,"
just as the whole assembly was leaving. Those
who know more than they read declare that the
negligence was intentional, that Victor Emmanuel
wishes neither to receive nor bestow compliments
just now, and that M. de Nigra had received in-
structions from Turin concerning the behaviour he
was to adopt; others assign for the omission merely
a natural cause. His Excellency's toilet was most
elaborate, his tenue unexceptionable. He is a late
man—twelve o'clock is an early hour—and there-
fore was the Chevalier Nigra rather behindhand
with his New Year's compliments. The only thing
which could justify suspicion was the perfect un-
concern with which the Chevalier took his misfor-
tune, for he joined the groups•who were departing,
and mingled in the conversation on the stairs, with
as much ease and freedom as though he were
ascending to the hall of audience instead of descend-
ing without being heard.

CONSPIRACY, OR NO CONSPIRACY?-11,'e have no
further details about the plot, writes the Paris
correspondent of one of our morning contemporaries, and
as is invariably the case, some sceptics set a rumour afloat,
which, however, few people are simple-minded enough to
believe in, that the whole is a trumped-up affair. I can re-
member that under Louis Philippe the Republican journals
used openly to complain that the police invented the con-
spiracies which marked that unfortunate monarch's reign
to claim credit for putting them down. Only two days
before Fieschi's attempt (see Guizot's " Memoires") one of
the papers actually printed this :—" The Citizen King yes-
terday came to the Tuileries from Neuilly, with
auguste famille.' lie was not in the least assassinlted."
Two days later Fieschi's infernal machine scattered death
throughout the King's escort. It is the same sort of spirit
that denies the existence of the present plot, which, after
the particulars given in the official law papers, no man in
his senses would venture to deny. According to the italic
of Turin, Trabucco is a native of the Terra di Lavora, and
has been several times in gaol. Greco was brought up,
according to the same awhority, at the Seminary of Pisz:t ;
he was expelled from the Jesuits' Convent at Naples, after-
wards expelled from the Barnabite Convent, and finally
found a refnge among the Immaculatelli at Castellamaro—
a kind of political Bon Basilio. Buth he and Trabucco are
said to be musicians. _ _

ROSSTNI'S " MOISE,'' AND ADDER'S " MA-
sANTELLo," are the great attractions of the Grand Operas

in Paris.
MR. BENEDICT has returned from his rush over
to Germany to superintend the production of hie " Colleen
Bawn."

•WILLIE PAPE, THE AMERICAN BOY PIANIST,
is making a very successful provincial tour.
MME. ARABELLA GODDARD, the pianiste, wil
return to town, from Boulogne, next week,

A Scene in the Corps Legislatif.

-s,-

During the discussion in the Corps Legislatif on
Wednesday, M. Jules Favre delivered a speech
against the interference of the Government in elec-
tions. From the report of the debate we extract
the following passage as a specimen :
M. J. Favre—The electors of Paris have neither
wished to overthrow the Government nor to cause
a revolution. They have affirmed the policy which
we have defended. They have declared us to be
right and have condemned you. This is the truth.
(Loud interruption.)
A Voice--The whole of France has condemned
you.

M. J. Favre—The electors and deputies who
should wish to overthrow the Government would be.
factious men. But the Government which should
wish to attack the electors and destroy their work
would be also factious, for it would place itself above
the laws. What Paris wished for is the immediate
application of liberty. (Renewed interruption.)
M. Rouher—By what means P

The President—M. J. Favre, the language you
have just made use of is not Parliamentary. The
electors of Paris have voted for you ; they have
wished for nothing, and have no right to do so.
M. E. Picard—Then the others have not wished
for anything either. It is necessary to be logical.
The President—l had already warned M. J.
Favre in particular that a theory which consists in
separating deputies, in making categories of them,
and in attributing to some a value according to the
number of their electors is a dangerous one, contrary
to the Constitution and to the truth, It is a bad
kind of discussion that has been introduced here.
It is to excite hatred one against the other; and
certainly division. (Approbation.)
M. J. Favre—l shall reply.
The President—You may reply what you choose,
but I maintain that your discussion is contrary to
true Parliamentary rules. (Approbation.) In the
first place, what have you had in Paris ? Simply
a majority. Do you not reckon those who have
voted against you ?

M. J. Favre-50,000 out of 180,000.
The President—l say that it is a kind of discus-
sion that cannot be accepted, for it may be objected
to you also that you are the result of bad passions.
Certainly your election may be attacked as you
attack those of others.
M. J. Favre—l do not do it.
The President—You have said that the electors
of Paris wished for immediate liberty.

M. J. Favre—l maintain it. (Cries of " Order,
order.")

The President—To what tribunal can you have
recourse in order to judge what the electors wish
for ? Is it to your own opinion ? There is only
one tribunal created by the law; it is the Chamber
itself, which has validated the elections. You arc
hEre in a very restricted number ; you cannot change
that situation, and alter the propositions, by an
abuse of language which I shall not allow to be
introduced into this Assembly. (Approbation.)
NI. Glais-Bizoin--Those are only appreciations.

The President—They are more than that. Main-

tain your right, and if you wish to do so, use it with
moderation and with proper considerations towards
your colleagues. (Renewed approbation.)
M. J. Favre—l never intended to say that the
electors of Paris wished for liberty by means con •
demned by the law. I expressed, as I had a right
to do after the attacks of M. Segris, my idea of the
election. You, like us, wish for liberty, but whilst
we pursue its immediate realisation you wish to
postpone it. We also wish to have truth in the
elections, for which the country would be grateful.
(Murmurs.)

M. Rowland—lt is not my intention, gentlemen,

to make a long speech. I rise only to make a
protest, in the name of the Government, of the
Chamber, and of the country. (Applause.) I did
not intend replying to the first speech of M. Jules
Fevre, because he has given us only a new edition
of griefs and complaints which have always been
victoriously refuted; but when I find that the
Chamber has but just emerged from the long de-
bates of a verification carried on for nearly a month,
to examine and redress all abuses, I say it W4B not
considerate, it was not honest, to reproduce.—
(Exclamations.)
M. J. Favre—These are insults !

M. Rouland—l repeat that it was neither consi
derate nor honest to reproduce such accusations.
M. J. Favre—l ask to speak on a personal ques
tion.

M. Darimon—To insult a person is not to answer

him !

M. Rouland—lt is not my habit to insult any

one.

M. J. Favre—lf you mean to insult, we are no
onger your adversaries !

M. Thiers—What language are we speaking if
the word " honest," employed as you have done, is
not an insult ? We should surely respect each
other ? (Noise.)
M. Rouland—ln order to be able to tell the
Chamber that it emanates from a vitiated source, M.
J. Favre citbs facts without dates—facts that have
already been discussed during the verification.
Such being the language, I think it my duty to pro-
test. (Applause.) When M. J. Favre, yielding to
the bitterness of his feelings, comes and tells us that
it was Paris that sent him and his party to the
Chamber, and that Paris is France—

M. J. Favre—You distort my words.
M. Picard—Paris is not France; it is only the
brain of France.

M. Thoinnet de la Turmeliere—A very mad brain !
M. Latour da Moulin—We cannot submit to be
told that Paris is the brain of Franco. M. le Pre-
sident, call M. Picard to order ! ( Agitation.)
M. Rowland—M. Jules Favre said, speaking of
himself and his friends, that Paris, in naming them
deputies, had ratified their doctrines and pronounced
condemnation on you. Such was the exact phrase.
What does it mean ? Paris is the glorious capital
of a great empire, and I respect its elections.
But what are they compared with the elections
of the whole of France ? (Applause.) What is
this right, arrogated by certain deputies, of con-
demning the elections of France by those that have
been profitable to themselves ? And who has
the right to speak in the name of France ? Who,
gentlemen ? Why ale Chamber in its majority. I
protest against things which attack the honour of
the Chamber. (Loud applause.)

M. J. Favre—lt has often been said that we are
to respect one another, and such moderation ought
to be equally observed by Government orators. But
the President of the Council of State has not only
criticised my words, but even my intentions.
M. Roulaud—l have said nothing personally
offensive, and have only found fault with a political
and oratorical proceeding of which I disapprove.
The debate was then adjourned.

OLIVER CROMWELL'S HEAD.—The Lord Pro-
tector, it will be remembered, was buried in West-
minster Abbey. "I well recollect my father the Dean,',
says Mr. Frank Buckland, "pointing out the place to his
friends. The grave was situated in the very centre of the
centre chapel, at the east end of King Henry Chapel,
but there is no stone to mark the place. We read :—' Oa
the 3d September, 1658 (the anniversary of his victories at
Dunbar and Worcester, and several other important events
of his life), Oliver Cromwell died of fever and tertian ague,
in the 60th year of his age. His burial was conducted with
unusual pomp and magnificence at Westminster; but his
corpse was not suffered to rest in peace. At the Restoration
it was disinterred by the Royalists, and having been hung
at Tyburn, was cast into a hole beneath the gallows.' The
head was subsequently separated from the body and placed
on an iron spike over the gate at Temple Bar. The last heads
placed these were those of Townley and Fletcher, the rebels,
id 1746. Here it remained till it was blown down by the
wind. It was at that moment picked up by a soldier, who
immediately secreted it. It remained in the family of this
soldier for several generations, till at last, not many years
ago, it was given by the last survivor of his family to Mr.
Wilkinson, a surgeon of Sandgate, near Folkestone,
and is at this moment in the possession ot this
gentleman's son. The skin, covering the skull, is quite
hard and dry, but in excellent preservation. I regret to
say I have not seen it myself. The hair of the moustache
still remains, and the wart also, which we see represented
in portraits of the face of Oliver, is plainly to be seen. The
hole made by the iron spike when the head was placed on
Temple Bar is still there ; and the flesh has been embalmed,
which would not have been the case with the remains ot
any ordinary person. With the head are preserved the
actual documentt, in which are offered large reward:, for
the restoration to the authorities of the head after is was
blown down, and severe threats upon those who retained it
knowingly after these notices were published."