The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-06 00:00:00

THE REGIUM DONUNt.

Sir H. BRUCE asked the Secretary to the Treasury
whether the Government would, in accordance .vith the re-
quest of a numerously signed memorial, increase the grant
commonly called " Itegium Donum" to the Presbyterian
Church in Ireland?

Mr PEEL said it was not considered advisable to recom-
mend an increase of the grant.
POLICE-CONSTABLE 244 B.

Mr WHALLEY asked the Secretary of State for the
Rome Department whether police-constable 244 B, as to
whom Mr Arnold, the magistrate at Westminster Police-
court, publicly stated on two several occasions in the month
of May last, that he could not believe him on his oath, or to
that effect, is still continued in the force.

Sir G. GREY said that no representation on the subject
had been made by Mr Arnold to the Home Office.

GOVERNMENT ORDNANCE.

Sir J. HAY asked the Under Secretary of State for War
to lay upon the table of the house a return showing the
number of guns in store and in use of such a na'nre
as the late experiments show can be effectually used
against armour-clad ships of the Warrior class ; and
asked what steps Government were taking to provide a
sufficient supply of guns for the armament of our torts and
fleets, of such a na,ure as late experiments show can
be effectually used against armour•clad ships and forts,
specifying as follows :—the calibre of gun ; whether rifled
or smooth• bore; the construction of gun; cast-iron, coil,
steel, or wrought-iron ; the weight of gun ; the length of
bore; the weight of shot and shell; and, the service charge
of powder.
TheMargais of HARTINGI ON said that such details as
were asked for by the hon. baronet could not advisably be
submitted to public inspection. Efforts were being made
to give an adequate supply of rifled guns to the service.
THE RUMOURS IN REFERENCE TO ALSEN.
In reply to Lord R. MONTAGU,

Mr LAYARD said that no offi3ial information on the
subject had been received by the Government en this

subject.
THE DANO-GERMAN QUESTION.
ADJOURNED DEBATE,

Mr COBDEN, who on rising was greeted with loud
cheers, sail—Mr Speaker : e are indebted to the two hon.
gentlemen who have moved amendments for having en-
larged the subject of our deliberations. The hon. member
for Bridgewater has proposed at a future time to move an
amendment for the approval of this house of the course her
Majesty's Government has taken in the affairs of Denmark.
'That is an amendment which, though not endorsing the
steps or proceedings by which we arrived at the result, the
house is pretty generally inclined to endorse. The hon.
member for 'Warwickshire has proposed an amendment
that this country shall guarantee to Denmark the disputed
possessions of Schleswig and Holstein, left in dispute after
the Conference, thus raising the issue aye or no whether
this country shall adopt a policy of intervention and war in
the case of Denmark.

Mr NEWDEGATE—My proposal was that the pro-
posal of the neutral Powers in the Conference be sup-
ported by this house.
Mr COBDEN—J apprehend the hon. gentleman means
to support that policy by war. That is all I meant to infer.
(Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman has not got up to con-
tradict me. The right hon, gentleman who brought forward
this motion has hot confined himself to a declaration of fact,
or a statement of judgment of this house upon the conduct
of Government, which I think he could have wisely done;
but he has rather sought to lead us into what I would call
the region of prophecy, for he proposed for our assent a
declaration that the course of policy which the Government
has pursued has had the effect of lowering us in the
councils of nations, and has diminished securities of peace.
Now, sir, whether we have been lowered, or are to he lowered,
in the councils of nations, much depends upon our own
• future conduct. (Hear, hear) For the present moment
I am constrained to admit that as far as the conduct cf
our Foreign Office is concerned, we do not stand
in a satisfactory position. (Opposition cheers.) In
regard to the declaration that the course that has
been taken will have the effect of diminishing the
securities for peace, I join issue distinctly with the right
hen. gentleman. (Hear, hear.) lam of opinion that what
has happened—the exposure we have had of the utter futi •
lity of our foreign policy—the complete break down of our
diplomacy—(hean hear)—will have the effect of transferring
these ques, ions for evermore from the dark recesses of the
Foreign Office to the publicity of this house, which will
afford us a better guarantee for peace than we have ever had.
(Hear, hear.) But while I say that Ido not wish it to be
understood that I come here to endorse:or excuse the course
the Foreign Office has taken in the late negotiations—for I
consider it to have been deplorable and most unsatisfactory
—I do not speak with censure or harshness of any attempt
by the Government to promote peace. I do not even quarrel
with them for hawking about in every capital of Europe
their importunities for peace, but what has struck me in
reading these voluminous despatches is the great want of
sagacity on the part of our Foreign Minister. (Hear, hear.)
It is the want of knowledge and appreciation of the motives
and forces which guide and control the actions of foreign
nation-, and which appear to ma to be so transparent that
even a child itself might perceive them. (Hear, hear.)
Under these circumstances it is that the head of the Foreign
Office has I think.etedoubtedly exposed himself to rejections,
to rebuffs, and I might say, as far as that department is
concerned, to humiliation in all parts of the world. (Cheers.)
Now, Sir, so much for the cinestion, which lies very much
between the front bench on the other side and the front
bench on this side of the house; but there is a question much
beyond that which interests aspirants for power and office,
and if there was not I should take no part in this discussion.
Now, Sir, there arises out of this the additional question of
principle as affecting our foreign poky,
have in this
issues question of Denmark and Germany these two i hich
have tormented us so long, brought be fore As"
tions of the dynastic, secret, and irresponsilTethe ques-
ments of our Foreign Office; anal we have also
fa engotghee-
question which is not ancient but new—the question
foreign policy this time--I mean the question of nation-
ality. By nationaii:y 1 mean the instinct which is now se
powerfleading, leadin communities to seek to live together be-
cause they are of the same race, language, and religion.
Now, Sir, what is this treaty of 1352 of which we have heard
so much, and which forms the positive basis of these dis-
eueeions Eight gentlemen mot tog,ether in Widen, at that
celebrated round table, to decide the destinies of a million of
people who were never consulted upon the question at issue.
(Hear, bear.) Nov, let us take note of this. It is the last
page in a long history of diplomatic action. It cannot be

again. Every man there will never again join in a
ruce,Dssful couference—f mean a conference meeting together
to depose of a population whose interests and wishes they
do not take into account. There never will be another held
in Europe, probably, in tho history of the World. Now, let
it be hurtle in mind it is upon the policy of secret irrespons-
ible diplomacy and the question of nationalities that our de-
bate tarns. We itl know what followed the attempt to force
a population, to live in conditions which were net acceptable

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