The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-11 00:00:00

rnE SUIS, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 11, 1864.

Avery sharp frost again took place the night be'
fore last in Paris. The ice on the basin of the Palais Royal
was very nearly strong enough yesterday to bear a middle-
sized boy. At six in the morning the thermometer of M.
Chevallier stood at 4 3-10ths below zero Centigrade (211
Fahrenheit), and at noon marked 1 1-10ths above C. (31F.)
[A.birEuxisticuNT.l-I.lolloway's Ointment is a won-
derful remedy for bad legs, whether caused by external
violence or resulting from cold, erysipelas, varicose veins,
gout, or rheumatism. The deepest ulcerations of the flesh
yield to the powers of this unguent with the same readi-
ness and:the same certainty as the simplest scratch or
slightest inflammation of the skin. The heat and smarting
of scalds and burns are checked at once by this soothing
application, and the progress of the cure, to the sufferer's
astonishment and delight, proceeds in its painless course.
This important fact should induce every one having the
charge cf children to keep this pain-saving application
within reach, Holloway's Ointment will spare the child
torture, and the mother anxiety.

Mr, Caird, M.P., at Stirling,

On Tuesday night Mr. Caird, M.P. for Stirling District
of Burghs, addressed a meeting of electors and non-electors
in the Union Hall, Stirling. There was a large attendance,
and the chair was occupied by Provost Murrie.
Mr CAIRD rose amidst applause, and commenced his
address by stating that the inhabitants of Stirling must
attribute to the historical associations of their town, and not
to his exertions, the fact to which the provost had alluded
of their securing so largo a supply of fireworks on the occa-
sion of the marriage of the Prince of Wales. He then pro-
ceeded to refer to the American war, directing attention to
the fact that the North were now employing great numbers
of negroes, and went on as follows :—Seeing the advantage
which the North are deriving from arming the negroes, it is
said that the South are about to adopt a policy of the same
description. Dis quite dreadful to think what the result
will be if such struggle should be carried on. It is most
painful to us to see men of the same blood with ourselves
—men speaking the same language—engaging in such a
war, and causing so great a waste of valuable lives, ap-
parently for a result which it is difficult for us fully to
estimate. This will I say, that if President Lincoln
should be re-elected—and there seems ,every probability
that he will be re-elected—there is every prospect that
the war will be vigorously prosecuted, I know something
of the country, and I have examined carefully its resources,
and it is quite a mistake think the North will be brought to
a stand for want of money. There has been no appearance
of want of money since the struggle commenced. Much
more likely are they to come to a stand for want of men
than want of money. (Hear, hear.) Then look at the object
of the struggle. The North do not say it is for the purpose
of emancipating the slaves. The South say it is to deter-
mine that the North shall come into the South and impose
upon them requirements in regard to their property in
slaves which they are determiued to maintain. But the
North are determined to reconstruct the union, because they
feel that if the vast possessions of the South are taken
from them they will lose the brightest jewel they possessed in
the tiara of the Republic. Think of the enormous wealth
that the United States have derived from the possession of
these rich Southern States ; I suppose it would not be a
large estimate to say that the Southern States can easily ex-
port four million bales of cotton, and that would now be
worth at this moment nearly £100,000,000. There is no
agricultural product that any country can export of such
enormous value as that. The North, looking to this, and
seeing this is a great material benefit that they must endea-
vour to keep to themselves, are determined that that enor-
mous source of national wealth shall not be withdrawn
from them. People in this country who don't look at these
things say that they must run short of money—that their
expenses are so enormous, their extravagance so great, that
they will soon plunge into a debt from which there will be
no possibility of relief. But look how easy it will be for the
North—and I have no doubt that they argue in this way
themselves—how easy it will be for the North to pay the
interest of that large debt. Suppose they have four mil-
lions of bales of cotton to export, the advantages which the
Southern States possess for the growth of cotton are so
great, as corap sreC with any other part of the world, that
no other country can compete with them in producing cotton
so cheap. What is the consequence of that fact ? The United
States have only to say when the war is closed, " We shall
put an export duty of say threepence per pound on cotton ;"
and I have no hesitation in saying that everybody in this
country who wants cotton would gladly pay threepence,per
pound for cotton from the Southern States of America than
they would pay for any cotton thej could get from India or
any other part of the world. Well, what would that pro-
duce? 'Why 20 millions sterling. This is a means by
which the United States could pay, without any great
draft upon themselves, but rather by a tax upon those who
purchase their cotton, a very large proportion of the inte-
rest of the enormous debt which they have already accu-
mulated. It is quite a mistake, therefore, for us
,to
imagine that the resources of the North are come to an
end. Their resources are almost boundless. No doubt
they could only be manifested by having the command of
an enormous population, vigorous and enterprising. But if
they have that population, depend upon it that their power
of recuperating their resources is probably unparalleled
among almost all other nations in the world. There is an-
other point which has not been considered with regard to this
war. lam not disposed in what I say to undervalue the
efforts of the South. Ido not for a moment mean to under-
value the wonderful struggles that have been made by the
South in the cause of this war—struggles which I think
must make them heroic in history. (Cheers.) I do not
undervalue them ; but looking at the question from the
point of view which we enjoy as the sad spectators of that
war, we can take a calm view of it and say, 4' What is the
prospect of a termination ?" Both sides seem equally de-
termined to continue it, and there is no chance of a con-
clus on to it except by the exhaustion of one side or the
other. Now, there is one point which I think has not been
considered by most men, and it is this. At the commence-
ment of the struggle—l have it from the best authority—
that a majority of the influential men of the Southern
States were against an outbreak and against a revolt from
the Northern States. That revolt was the work of a Luse.-
rity—it was done by the force of a minority. No doubt,
after the war broke out, the feelings of the whole popula-
tion were engaged in it. The majority who had disapproved
of the outbreak gave way, and no doubt took part with the
minority in the struggle ; but still their opinions remained
probably unchanged, and should it come to the point that
it must be clear oven to them that the struggle which they
are carrying on is a vain one, and only likely to end in their
ultimate defeat, it is more than probable that the voice
of the mejori,y, which was hushed at the commencement of
the war, will then make itself heard, and lead to the conclu-
sion of a contest so deplorable. (Applause.) I should
confine myself to a review of the past session of Parliament,
my address to you need not be a long one. The country has
been prosperous and contented at home, the public revenue
has continued to increase, and that, coupled with some re •
duction in the military expenditure, has admitted of a still
further diminution of our taxation. (Applause.) ,The po-
licy of non-intervention in the American war has been
rigidly adhered to, and the danger of a general European
war, which at one time seemed imminent, has been, perhaps
more by good fortune than good management, avoided.
(Applause.) A debate, which was intended to result in the
overthrow of the Government, while it failed in that object
—(applause)—elicited the opinion of Parliament, and
seemed to meet the general assent of the country, that the
British people are not called upon to shed their blood or
waste their treasure, in arranging the quarrels of other na-
tions, where their own interests are very little, if at all,
concerned. (Applause.) Our colonies have been pro-
sperous, with the exception of ,New Zealand, where, how-
ever, the war seems likely soon to be brought to a close—
and our vast Indian posressions have exhibited an amount
of peaceful progress and prosperity never even dreamt of in
the palmiest days of the old East India Campany. The
only branch of industry which seemed likely to be paralysed
by the American war has to a great extent revived, and
the lack of cotton has augmented the prosperity of the
other textile manufactures—linen and wool. (Ap-
plause.) Beyond all this, we have been favoured with
a second fine season and a productive harvest, which has
rendered the great staple food of the people cheap and abun-
dant. Leland has had again this year her full share in the
bounty of a good harvest ; her crops of oats, potatoes, and
flax have been largo and well seemed. In taking a gene-
ral survey of our position, almost the only unsatisfactory
fact that presents itself is the continued emigration of the
people of Ireland. Many believe that even that ought not to
be a matter of regret, as the people better themselves by emi-
gration, and their absence improves the wages of those who
remain at home. Certain it is we can do nothing to arrest
it-.-and the fact of its existence must have its full weight in
the minds of statesmen in considering every means by which
the condition of the country may be improved. For one
thing, it has always seemed to me that the severity of the
Irish Poor-law, in the almost total denial of out-door relief
is harsh in the extreme. Any one who has visited that
country must have been struck with the general poverty of
the people ; and yet, when brought to the test of poor relief,
it appears that while one in every 20 of the people of Eng-
land, and one in every 25 in Scotland,are in receipt of parish
assistance, but one in every 100 of the population of Ireland
are on the roll of the poor. An Irish Parliament could not
have passed so harsh a law. An English Parliament would
not. But the bane of Irish legislation, like that of Scotland,
is that it is often special. The pretence of a different set of
circumstances affords ground for exceptional laws; these,
for that reason, are not examined by the English members ;
and the Government is always strong enough to carry its
measures against a mere Irish or Scotch opposition. (Ap-
plause ) The more the legislation of the three countries is
made one the better. The spirit of the English constitution
is more generous and free than that of the sister country,
and it is seldom an advantage to either to have their legis-
lation withdrawn from the influence of that spirit. On the
discussion on the budget, I was fortunate enough to be able
to persuade the Chancellor of the Exchequer to forego the
intention he expressed of placing a duty on certain low-
priced corn—lentils, millet, and dart; and, at a later period
of the session, I carried a resolution in favour of the col-
lection of agricultural statistics. (Applause.) This is a
question of growing importance to the general community.
Previous to the repeal of the corn laws, it was computed
that, in addition to our home supply, not much more
than a fortnight's consumption of foreign corn was needed
in the year. But during each of the last five years ono half
of our population has been fed on foreign corn. This proves
that the people are better fed, and also that much of the
corn land of this country is being laid to grass. But depen-
dent as we have thus become on foreign corn, it is of the
utmost moment that we should have some knowledge of the
extent of our home produce, and consequently of our foreign
requirements, The only advantage our farmers now possess
is being first in the market. To them beyond all others an
early knowledge of the probable supply is of the first im-
portance. To the commercial and monetary interests it is
scarcely of less moment. The mere movement of such vast
supplies, equal to 3,000,00 tons of grain, involving the em-
ployment of a great mercantile fleet and the transfer of
A 30,000,000 of menu, may, if not foreseen and provided for,
most seriously embarrass the trade and commerce of the
country. And hero I cannot help again' remarking on the
influence which the two lest beautiful harvests are already
exercising on the welfare of the people. We shall this year
pay £15,000,000 less for imported corn than we have paid
on the average of the last four years, The money pressure

now being experienced is fortunately unaccompanied as in
former times by dear tread. (Cheers.) In 1847 and 1857.
the periods of money panic, wheat was 70s to 80s a quarter;
during the present year it has scarcely exceeded 40s. But
though the price has been low, the imports have been enor-
mous, and the figures will show you that they must have
materially affected the price of money. In the three years
preceding the panic of 1847 we paid £26,000,000 for foreign
corn; in the three years preceding the panic of 1857 we
paid £62,000,000 ; but in the three years preceding 1864
we paid £98,000,000, It need not therefore be a matter of
surprise that this, with the derangement of the cotton
market, should have caused a pressure for money. But
nothing can more clearly prove the prosperous condition
of the people than the enormons increase in their con•
sumption of food. Nor is it limited to corn. In 1859 we
imported cattle, bacon, butter, cheese, and lard to the value
of £5,285,000, In 1863 we imported of the same articles to
the amount of £12,796,090. All this has been accomplished
during the life of the present Parliament, and is mainly due
to the admirable financial policy of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. (Applause.) This brings me naturally to the
consideration of the public revenue and expenditure. Mr
Gladstone's first budget after his accession to office in 1859
was that of 1860. He was most fortunate in having to deal
with a surplus of about £2,000,000 arising from the lapse of
long annuities; and using this with a master mind, second
only, if inferior, to the late Sir Robert Peel, he inaugurated
a financial policy which has provided for the increased de-
mands for the defence of the country, re-arming of the
military, and the creation of a new fleet—while in the four
years to 1864, he has at the same time been enabled to re-
peal and reduce taxes to the amount of £12,000,000. (Ape
plause,) It is often said, and has been lately repeated,
that the true way to diminish the public expenditure is by
the close attention of members on questions of supply. I
do not take blame to myself for absence from discussions
in supply ; but the only votes I remember to have seen re-
duced were Highland roads, and a travelling inspector of
arts' salary. (A laugh.) That much good is done by the
criticism of the house I believe. (Applause.) But any con.
sideraable reduction in the expenditure can be effected
only by the discussion and direction of the national policy.
Let us analyse the public expenditure. After deducting the
cost of collecting the revenue, we spend about 63 millions,
thus :—lnterest of national debt, 26 ; civil charges of all
kinds, 101; army and navy, 261 millions. The first is a
fixed charge, which cannot be touched by Parliament. The
second will probably not be re:koned very great for the
whole civil Government of this country, and including
education. The third charge, for the army and navy, is the
only one on which any great saving may be effected. And
it is odd enough that the ministers who are at the head
of these branches of the service, and who are responsible to
Parliament for their cost, are at present both of them peers,
and not in the House of Commons, where alone the esti-
mates can be discussed. For the five years preceding the
war with Russia this charge averaged £15,000,000 a-year.
During the last five 3 ears, while \No have been at peace, it
has averaged 281 millions. Here then is the item on which
the judgment and policy of the country can be made to tell.
Now, I advocate no policy of total disarmament. A great
country like this, with possessions and trade in every quar-
ter of the world, must both be, and seem to be powerful.
(Applause.) But need it be at so vast a cost or on so great a
scale ? (Hear.) For self.defence we are now invulnerable,
thanks in a great measure to the spontaneous loyalty of the
people in the formation of our army of volunteers. (Ap-
plause.) Our more important colonies will soon be able to
defend themselves. The contemplated federation of our
North American colonies will weld together for mutual pro-
tection nearly four millions of a bold and enterprising people
India has a vast English army of its own. Why, with all
these favourable circumstances, should we maintain our
force on a war footing ? The only great European national
struggles in which we took an interest—Poland and Italy—
we have declined to intermeddlo with. The Danish war,
from which we made so narrow an escape, has been settled
on terms as favourable as we could have secured. We have
at last discovered that the less we interfere in our neigh-
bours' quarrels the more quickly will they settle them for
themselves. (Applause.) We are insular, self- contained—
can, as a people, speak no language but our own, and less
probably than any other can appreciate the motives and in-
terests of continental nations. Why, then, should we take
it upon ourselves to lecture them on their duties to each
other ? We trade with every country that has a trade. Our
policy, therefore, apart from higher considerations, is to en-
courage friendly relations with all. The example afforded
to them by the success of our peaceful progress has ten
times more influence than the ablest diplomatic correspon-
dence. Now, if the country plainly expresses an opinion
against unnecessary intervention in foreign politics, we may
certainly look for a saving, by gradual and safe reduction,
of a million or E 0 a year, till we come down nearer to the
old standard of military expenditure. The fire insurance
duty will be reduced, and the income tax lowered. It is
difficult to convey to our conceptions the value of the vast
sums we spend. Let us suppose that in a few years the
military and naval; expenditure should be reduced to 20
millions. That would be a saving of 61 millions a year.
Now, let us consider what that means. At the last census
it appears that there were 8,000 families in Scotland living
in single rooms which contained no window. If we reckon
England and Ireland in the same proportion, we should
h ye 62,000 families living in windowless hovels of one
room. That 6 millions would provide new and comfort-
able cottages for the whole of that population. I do not
say it should be so spent. I only wish to realise the mean-
ing of such vast national savings as are deemed to be safe
and practicable. (Applause) And I cannot leave this
subject without further reference to the startling facts in
our social system brought out by certain returns in the last
census. I have the more satisfaction in doing so, as it was
in consequence of a motion of my own that the particular
return to which I am about to refer was added to the Scotch
Census Bill. It throws a light upon questions of sanitary
improvement, and the mode in which the great body of the
people are lodged, which, as marking the progress of the
nation, will be looked to in future years with the greatest
interest. In 1861, 40,020 of the people in Scotland were
living in dwellings of single rooms which contained no
windows, 1,00,000 lived in houses of one room, and
1,230,000 lived in houses of two rooms each. Sanitary
improvers recommended,what most of us think is required,
both for comfort and decency, that no dwelling for a family
should have less than three or four rooms. Is there one man
in this country who has given attention to this subject who
believed that the evil ho complained of ever approached
the lamentable but actual fact that 72 per cent. of our
population are lodged in dwellings the best of which cannot
boast of more than two rooms? Questions such as these
are of vital importance to the welfare of the country, and
the facts show how much we may find to do at home with-
out undertaking, at vast cost, to set; le the affairs of our con-
tinental neighbours. (Hear, hear.)
On the motion of Sheriff ROBERTION, a cordial vote of
thanks was given to Mr Caird for his address, and for his
services as representative of the district of burghs, and the
meeting broke up.

TLe Murder at Boulogne-Sur-Mer,

BouLoGNE-SuR-MEa, Nov- 9'
The supposed murderer, Leduc, arrived here about nine
o'clock last night. An immense crowd received him with
loud groans and hootings ; ho was, however, taken to the
prison in the Haute Ville in safety. On entering the prison
he apparcd very composed, and remarked that he fancied
the people who were looking at him might suppose he was

,LINE

BERLIN, Oct. 28.
The trial of Louis Grothe, Marie Fischer, the widow
Quinche, and the carter Rosskamm has just been concluded.
The first three were charged with the murder of Professor
Nicholas Gregy, a native of Nancy, aged 53, teacher of the
French language ; the latter with having concealed articles
which he knew to have been stolen. Rosskamm was ac-
quitted.
For upwards of six months the fate of Professer Gr6gy
has been the theme of daily conversation here. The trial was
impatiently awaited, and has been numerously attended.
Long before it came on all the tickets of admission issued
were seized. People who were not able to secure a place for
sitting were content to stand, and many of those who had
failed gaining admission into the court altogether had col-
lected in considerable numbers before the building, hoping
to catch a glimpse of the prisoners. Indeed, it is difficult
to remember any case of a similar nature which has pro-
duced more chilling horror, awakened more sad curiosity,
Icalled forth more general pity, and excited deeper sympathy
in the minds of the people of Berlin than this one, of which
I will endeavour to give a brief account.
On the 19,h of April, 1864, was found in that part of the
Spree which is called the Oberbaum, a sack containing a
corpse, soon recognised as that of Professor Gregy. It was
frightfully mutilated. The head alone had no less than 12
wounds. Five of these were stabs; seven had been made
by some chopping instrument, and ran parallel, and these
had been inflicted after the stabs. The skull was broken,
the brains had run out, one of the eyes was cut through,
and the cheek entirely shattered. Fora fortnight all endea-
vours to find out the perpetrators of the deed proved vain.
At length, on the 2d of May, a tailor named Bonzel, living
at 20, Oranien Platz, gave notice that on the 17th of April
(the day Gregy was first missed) he had heard loud voices
in the cellar immediately under his lodging. The police
hurried to the spot. After a close examination traces of
blood and human brains were found on the walls, bedstead,
and floor. There could be no doubt some person had here
met his end ; there was little doubt that this person was
Professor Gregy,
The inmates of this cellar were the very scum of society.
The widowQuinche is known to have been punished for va•
rious offences. In her younger days she had been a regular
prostitute, and even now, as the old sinner half smilingly
informed the Court, she was not averse to receiving visits
from gentlemen. Marie Fischer is a young woman of 25,
earning the wages gf shame, and Louis Grothe (son of the
widow Quinche by a former husband, or rather lover), a lost
character, living on those gains. His youngest brother,
Hermann Grothe, was called before the Court only es a
witness. For this poor lad ono can only feel the greatest