The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-28 00:00:00

ABOLITION OF UNIVERSITY TESTS.

Mr. AIONCRIEFF moved that the University of
Scotland Bill be read a second time.

Mr. F. SCOTT WB4 in hopes that the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman would have stated some grounds to
the House for suggesting the approval of this measure,
and he regretted that, in the absence of any grounds
being auvaucee, he was compelled to give it his opposi-
tion. Tais, however, was no new question to the House
or to the country. L appeared to him a great misfor-
tune that a Bill involving a principle in which the
people of England anal Scotland took so lively an interest
should be submitted to the House without sufficient
reasons being shown for its necessity, The petitions in
favour of a repeal of these tests. were few and scanty, and
tee number of signatures attanhed to them were insigni-
tiOeint when compered to the extent of the community.
tin tie other hand, the petitions which were opposed to
the repeal ought to carry great weight with them, not
so) much on account of the number of signatures,
as from the standing and influence of the peti-
tioners. He considered thut the House ought to
be very careful before it sanctioned any measure
spy subversive of the Scotch Universities and
the position of the Scotch Church, and detrimental
to the education of the youth of Scotland. At the time
of the union a contract was made to the effect that no
professor, minister, or other functionary should be ap-
pointed in connexion with the ualtersities of Glasgow,
Aberdeen, St. Andrew's, and Edinburgh, who should
not subscribe the confession of faith of the established
religion, and itleir intention of conforming to
the Presbyterian Church. Now he contended
Viet a treaty ratified in so solemn a manner
should not be set aside but for strong and convincing
reasons. He perfectly admitted that university tests
were not at all times rigidly enforced, but the object cif
imposing them on the professors and instructors of
youth was to give some guarantee to the people of
Scotland that their children would be imbued with
sound religions principles and be brought up in the
faith of their forefathers. There was no nation
of religionists who did not think it of the
greatest importance that the teachers of youth should he
attached to the purest form of worship reoognised by the
great masa of the community. The practice of imposing
tests had existed 150 years in Scotland, and its bene-
ficial effects had during that period been thoroughly re.
cognised. In what country was the education of the
people more moral or religions?: Where was there
found among the lower orders more signal instaccss
el moral worth, and what people had more distinguished
themselves by their advance in life in all quarters of the
globe? He considered that no institutions were more
valuable than the parochial institution in connexion with
the Church, by which the people received education. In
1826, iu consequence of some relaxation of these tests,
and the rigid interference and control on the part
of the municipal authorities of Edinburgh over the
university of that city, a royal commission was issued to
inquire into the course of education adopted in the
University of Scotland. That Commission was com-
posed of the Earl of Roseberry, the Earl of Aberdeen,
Lord Medwyn, Chief Justice Hope, and other distin-
guished persons, and after considering the
subject of university tests they unanimously
agreed that they should for the future be
rigidly enforced. The report of that Commission, com-
posed of these able individuals, was directly opposed to
the proposal of the Hon. and Learned Member. The
Hon. and Learned Member' when he brought forward
his Bill last year, argued that the Universities in Scot-
land were not founded with the intention of their
being mainly devoted to the education of the
Clergy—that they ware not appendages to the
rresbyterian Church of Scotland, and that there was no
F'BoVsaity for a professor in those Universities entertain-
'nfg'any religious opinion or notions whatever. Now he
t:entended that, inasmuch as the Universities of Scot-
land were not founded mainly for the education of the
`re'rsttel, as the English Universities were, the legislators
was carefully instilledt!Lt into the minds of the laity, and
Youth of the country should have a sound
'n'lt'ral. combined with a religious education.e--(Hear.)
`leer° was, in f
,„dacati34
raect, in England no parochial system of
501 in so.nperaetiottY the schoolmaster was appointed to
that was theaj th the parish authorities ; whereas
timatn connexion in Scotland, and there was an in-
the Church. :Tow between the Universities and
to sever that coin:lea:oth° object of this Bill was
what ground it was
11, and he wanted to know upon
make the change. Was
it that the Church haelZl
to
!exercised its authorit
or was it that the Church had t
If this Bill was proposed not rigidly enforced the tests?
Pon either of those grounds,
he was prepared to controvert th • •
enforced* these tests h ld h
eposition. Had the Church in all case
rigidly
the
e aye un-
derstood the motive for introducine
but as the
Church lied wisely, and judiciouslc,.„'d Bill;
eised its authoritY, the House Ought tograei9usly exer-
ll.—(Hear. hear.)
ptuhweerdiettileltiinahsee.itrnwlivagsehltflo,brie;
hesitate before
it adopted this B 1
ITIPZ*IISO which could
told that:with
merly, ielteCkhillilrOWEL'33w
introducen ;t osno
that really was so, why
,
have no other effect but to still f tat er Weaken
On all grounds then h the
Church ?—( Heart) °' Meer hear.) e 6PPosed the
principle of this meesure. , - Then, as re-
epre they to reduce the
gards the profeesores • . eseea-
lien of those officials? Certain.Y no., anal as the pro_
feaajOie of Christianity, as taught by the Established
Church of Scotland, was considered the main qualification,
he could be no party to its abolition in the manner pro,
posed by the Bill.—(Heir, hear.) But were these test,
vectiller to tho Established Church ? tie believed not,
for all the doctrines of the Christian Church required
that their collegiate teachers should subscribe to some test
of one sort or another, sod if this were not so, he
wanted to know what security there would be against
the teaching of irreligion and the growth of scepti-
vism.—(Hear, hear.) It was for this very reason
that not only Scotland, but every other Christian
country, insisted that their university professors should
give some guarantee of their religions belief, and if the
Muse determined to alter that system as regarded
Scotland, he was convinced her Universities would
rapidly decline.—(Hear, hear.) If this measure were to
pass a very great injury would be inflicted upon the
Universities, because it would admit professors into their
chairs who were tollowera of no religion at all, and as the
prescht was not the time for abolishing any of the oaths
estabiiehed by laic, he demanded that the Bill should
be then Sill Our.— (ilear, hear.) The Protestant religion
of the country was not eo free from attack as to make
the peising of steel a Bill safe, and ho would
undertake to nito that nothing was more cal-
'Mated prernote seeptieiem and irreligion than the
zbelitiontof the tests enforced by :he Universities:of Scot-
al4.----(Rear. hear.) Recent events had served to bring
14 th
chtleoti e enemies who were prepared te assail the
f England, when the opportunity for doing
" alien
the Incivaulitesent itself ; and he could assure
vet couincext'a_t these enemies were cornparative:y feeble
'nosed " 'vith the enemy which this Bill, if it was
, Natalia eoi,
((fear, h e an against the Church of Scetland.—
&nethe toreat' wa's
t one thing to relax the tests, and
had displayed t'""' tateeeth
%curl(' er; and since the Church
of the tests, he p rot .isaretlon in the adminintratios
rnada in the system...n°( I'4 against any change being
forte move as an ameneeLan't bear.) He should there-
eettond time that day six
said
the Bill be read a
• Mr. 'MONCRIEFF said the se.teep,
not new to the House, for as f-et of the was
matter underwent a fall dir„ back as 1845 the
therefore did not think it neesss;euesicn, and he
motion for the second reading With to preface the
(Hear, hear.) He would, however,
noaway remark._
growls upon which be proposed 4. explain the
sorry

THE

SUN,

that the Government did not see their way
to the adoption of this measure, because
former Governments had agreed to it, as well as some
of those Honourable Gentlemen who now occupied the
Treasury bench. He understood that 52 petitions had
been presented in favour cf the Bill, and 48 against
it, bat these latter did not Come from the people of
Scotland, but the Church, while the former came prin-
cipally from your ceuncils and corporations, a fact
which showed pretty conclusively that the people of
Scotland were not opposed to the Bill.—(Hear, hear.)
Ho knew, indeed. that they had no wish to maintain
these tests; they did not value thennhbut. on the con-
trary, they wished to see them abolished, and as the
Church could not enforce them it was ridiculous to tell
him that this Bill, if passed, would endanger the stabi-
lity of the Church. He proposed to do away with a great
practical evil, for a religious test which was so religiously
disregarded was worthless.—(Hear, hear.) It could
only be enforced for the sake of caprice, while it ex-
cluded those from the Universities whom the framers of
the tests had no desire to exclude.—(Hear, hear.) But
the tests were:, worthless, because; the Church
had not the power to enforce them, nor had it
any control; over the professors. (Hear, hear.)
All classes of religionists attended the Universitea
of Scotland, as there was no domestic or religious
discipline observed such as was to be found prevailing in
the English Universities, and when the student left the
university he was beyond the control of his professor.
Now, what was the origin of these tests? Why they
were established by two Acts, one pasted in 1690, and
the other in 1703, and it would seem the object of these
Acts was to exclude Episcopalians from the Universities.
I That was certainly the object of the first Act; while in
1703, when the union between the two countries was
under discussion, it was urged that England being
a supporter of Protestantism, the union would injure
the Presbyterianism of Scotland, and the second Act
was passed to meet that objection.—(Hear, hear.) It
W 23 clear, therefore, that the object of both Acts was to
exclude Episcopalians, and the Acts provided that all the
professors appointed to Scotch Universities should declare
their adhesion to the Presbyterian institution of the coon-
try. Well, then, the object of this Bill was to modify that
Ilaw, which had never been rigidly enforced, and which
was openly violated by the Bolingbroke Act shortly
after it was enacted.—(Hear, hear.) What had
been the effect of the law? Why it had produced
more miserable bickerings and dissentious in
Scotland than anything else, and he was at a
loss to understand upon what ground this remedy for
the evil could be resisted.—(Hear, hear.) The
law had placed the Church of Scotland in
a minority not only with the people, but its
followers, many of whom differed with the Church in
nothing but this very law.—(Hear, hear.) The law ex-
cluded at least half of the people from the Universities,
notwithstanding that they were sound in doctrine, and
he insisted it was not just to maintain those teats.
They were the barbarous remains of a less enlightened
age; they were of no use whatever, but, on the contrary,
inflicted great injuries upon the people, and the House
would do well to abolish them.—(Hear, hear.) But it
was said it was necessary to preserve these tests for the
sake of preventing irreligion and scepticism; but did
these tests do that? Certainly not, or many of our
most brilliant professors would never have obtained
chairs. Indeed, had the tests been rigidly enforced,
such men as Forbes and Brewster, who were Episcopa-
lians and could not take the oaths, would have been
precluded from accomplishing the wonders they had
done?—(Hear, hear.) Of the eighty professors in
the Universities, twenty-four had not subscribed to
the tests, while in reference to many recent appoint-
ments many eminent men, who were sound in doctrine
and unblemished in reputation, had been excluded from
chairs because the Church authorities sud-
denly took it into their heads to enforce the
tests.—(Hear, hear.) Now, was that a state of things
which ought to exist, for the sake of keeping up an old
and obsolete law? Well, then, upon these grounds he
asked the House to pars this Bill, end to do away
with the needless and useless tests.—(Hear, hear.) They
might, perhaps, be modified, but that was no reason for
rejecting this Bill, while, with regard to the Act of
Uuion, these tests could be modified or abolished, as
they had served their turn, without in any way violathig
the principles contained in the Act of Union.—(fleer.)
He therefore thought the time was now come when he
might appeal to the House that for the advancement of
science and religion those tests should be repealed.
Sir R. H. INGLIS said that the Right Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had either proved too much or proved
nothing at all. Whatever were the numbers of the Es-
tablished Church of Scotland, they had certain privileges
to which they had a right, and he would oppose any
attempt to deprive them of them. It was said
that they had no right to impose these tests;
now he would ask any Roman Catholic gentlemen pre-
sent whether he would admit into any college which he
supported a Presbyterian professor, or any Presbyterian
gentleman whether he would admit a Roman Catholic
professor? He contended that the superintendence
over the education of the people of Scotland was
a vested right in the Established Church, and
against this he could listen to no petition, however
great might be the personal qualities and respectability
of these from whom they might proceed. For this rea-
son he should oppose this Bill.
Mr. BETHELL supported the Bill.
Mr WALPOLE said that though the Right Ho-
nourable Gentleman opposite had said that the Bill
was opposed by the Government, even before any mem-
ber of the Government had spoken, it wee still quite
true that that was the case, and indeed he could scarcely
understand how any Government, whoever they might
be, could do anything but oppose this Bill. In the first
place, the Bill was a direct violation of a national con-
tract at the time of the union, which it would now be a
breach of faith to interfere with, except on very strong
and conclusive reasons. At the time of the
union the Commissioners were precluded by the
preliminary conditions from interfering with the manner
of public worship and with the universities already esta-
blished in that country. He thought that the ease which
had been made out for disturbing the Act of Union was
one of the weakest which he had ever heard made out.
The Honourable Gentleman opposite had cited
the fact, that 24 professorial chairs were now filled
by gentlemen who could not take the tests, as an
argument for doing away with tests altogether.—(hear,
hear)—whereas he took it its a proof that those who
had the control over these matters did not put into force
the full stringency of the power in their hands when
they found that it was not necessary for the purpose of
preventing the ingress of persons likely to misuse their
position. He had not heard, and he did not know,
that; these tests had worked ill with regard
to the education of the youth of Scotland—.
quite the otheriway, in fact, as far as his knowledge went.
Another objection he, had to this Bill was that it was a
violation of the Ecclesiastical Establishment of Scotland;
and if they did it in this instance they must do it to
England and Ireland as well. He had objections
to the details of the Bill, and he thought that
the second section of the Bill, which went to retain the
tests as applied to the theological and church-history
chairs, was of itself a proof that the framers cf this Act
thought that it was to a certain degree' necessary
to fence about with tests the religious education of tho
country. For that reason he felt it his duty to oppose
this Bill.
Mr. ANSTEY supported the second reading of the
Bill. He considered the opposition as prompted by the
bigots of the Church of Scotland.
Mr. EWART said the Bill was necessary, in the first
place, because the law had already been violated, and
Isecondly, because they had now only an uncertain tribe-
nal to regulate these matters.

Sir A. CAMPBELL joined issue with the Hon.
Member who had just sat down as to the violation of
the treaty of union, which he had said afforded a suffi-
cient reason for passing the Bill. He did not consider
that either the alteration of the representation of Scot-
land by the Reform Bill, or the alteration of the right
of patronage in that country, was an infraction
of the treaty. That treaty was made between
two independent countries, and any interference
with its articles would be a positive violation of good
faith. The House could not fail to arrive at the con-
clusion that the Bill originated with those who opposed
the Established Church of Scotland and the church esta-
blishments generally, and he warned the House against
giving its sanction to a principle which, if adopted,
would lead to the entire subversion of the established
religion of that country.
Mr. HUME entered into a statement of the number of
students who matriculated at the colleges of Cork and
Galway, for the purpose of showing that Roman Catho-
lics were not afraid to send their sons to seminaries
presided over by Protestant professors. He considered
that this measure was consistent with the wishes and
wants of the majority of the Scotch people, who were
opposed to the continuance of any religious tests in
universities.

see the
have great
Sir G. CLERK' observed that the tests were first im-
posed to gusrd against the Jacobite party, who wished to
eziled family restored to the throne of Scotland.
Ile thee ,h
tai tocwontinne the imposition of the tests ought to
that the recommendations of the Royal Com-
of political►,3
land that thl.different denominations and of every shade
of mealb,„,ra
c9figh. t with the House, composed as it was
isneeilptens.ts ought not to be abolished. because
It was the general opinion in Scot-
of Scotland
they were
wit?hly,,. link connecting the Universities
the tests ~,,,t: the Church,, of that country. When
suggestion of the'Ojeed, in consequer.ca of the
merit, when there ware via,: a time of great excite-
was occasioned, thotor9itraraission, no dissatisfaction
loudo outcries for the redress of
all kinds of grievaneve.o_ien the contrary, a disposition
duri
maintain that form of re-
was evinced by the
Neither was there
re li,gion to which they Wel' ttal
which their forefathers had itjelY attached, and for
any objection to the tests
produced by the Reform Billng the excitement
which originated the pteSent Rill ~, The movement
more recent occasion—he Alluded t
to othk its rise on a
sion from the Church in 184.1, which he,
great seces-
rnan, looked upon as one of the most unfortunateas a Scotch-
melancholy events which had over take_ . and
country. lie contended that the people of oPtiles'ecoin the
were justified in availing themTelyes a their antelianden
right to prevent persons becoming professors who would
not submit to the discipline of the Church. lie was de
airous that Scotland should maintain that proud distinc-
tion fur learning and science for which it had been so long
distinguished, but the effect of the Bill would tend in the
other direction. and, besides, he thought it was only tho
first step towards a greater alteration in the constitution
of their universities and seminaries. He hoped the edu-
cation of the youth of the country would never
be entrusted to the hands of those who
would not sub3cribo to the belief and great
doctrines of the Christian faith. This was only
the commencement of a very grave change in the edu-
cational system of the country as by law established,
and, once sanctioned, it would be impossible to maintain
the Church of Scotland in its integrity. The Bill WAS