The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-18 00:00:00

THE DIVISIONS AGAINST

THE SUN,

shall remember with gratitude when, every morning, ho
receives his penny ne msplper. PoBLICOLA.

KNOWLEDGE.

(From the Weekly Dispatch.)
Mr. Editor,—The conduct of oar representatives is not
only closely watched just now, but they are fully aware
that it is so, and aro evidently led thereby to conduct
themselves more carefully. Even short memories wili
last till hustings time. Let the caitiff tremble who has
reason to dread the popular interrogatory. Votes, now,
will not pass " unwhipped of justice;" nor, it may be,
unwhipped of prejudice either ; for the nonsense, the
selfish interests, and the bigotries of constituencies are
telling upon the House of Commons, as well as their
good sense, their patriotism, and their justice. All
those who have electors now think seriously of those
electors. When the Speaker puts a question to the
Members, he often puts many a Member to the question.
Feeling, as your readers doubtless do, a strong interest
in the repeal of the imposts popularly described as Taxes
on Knowledge, I have looked curiously on their behalf
to the debate and the several divisions of Wednesday
last. There are some things in them which deserve to
be noted and remembered.
The movers of the agitation against these taxes have '
not gone to work in, nor been animated by, a trading
spirit. They regarded rather an intellectual result than
st commercial profit. The Paper Duties, however ob-
jectionable in themselves, only came into their view as
connected with the diffusion of intelligence and litera-
ture. Those duties stood last in their list as to import-
ance, though first by far as to the question of revenue.
The conjunction of this item with the Stamp and
Advertisement Duties, the addition of a commercial
and manufacturing grievance to a purely intel-
lectual cne, and the co-operation obtained there-
by of influential parties connected with the paper-
snaking trade—all this has been effected in the political
management of the agitation. A few votes have been
gained thereby; altogether, I fear, the cause has been
damaged. The tone of the discussion has been lowered.
Success has been postponed, rather than accelerated.
Another lesson has been added to the many which teach
us, that there aro no tactics like simple and straightfor-
ward earnestness.
The newspaper stamp establishes a practical censor-
ship of the press. It puts the entire cheap periodical
press under the arbitrary power of the Board of Inland
Revenue. Mr. Timms is the autocrat of this species of
literature. He tolerates, and he destroys. Some publi-
cations he indulges with whole columns of intelligence;
nay, be patronizes them with a stamp, which
frees of post-office charge so much of their
issue as is destined for the country ; while
in other publications he will not allow the
shortest paragraph. Timms nods or winks no
longer. Forth comes a missive from Somerset-house,
and the reluctant editor, who never dreamed of offence
in just mentioning, perhaps, a Reform meeting which
had been held, or which was about to be held, finds that
he has only to make up his mouth for the muzz'e, or
be buried alive beneath a crushing pile of penalties.
Thus has journal after journal been suppressed. And
thus will it be, with our legal definitions of a newspaper,
until the stamp be abolished.
What literary man, what man of active thought upon
topics of deep interest, can communicate freely with the
Public, unless by the grace of the large capitalists in
whom the present system vests a monopoly of the
media of communication? Talent is treated as
marketable, and that tends to make it market-
able. Look at the large sales which are required
to render a cheap publication profitable. How can its
proprietor dare to confiont a popular prejudice? If 20,000
or 30,000 would answer, he could afford to tell the many,
in plain terms, when they were wrong. But if 70,000
or 80,000 be necessary, ho has no such margin; he is
faithful at his peril, and the bull will gore nim to death
should he venture to take it by the horns. This is the
gravamen of the chargss against the Taxes on Know-
ledge, considered specifically as such, and not as con-
nected with merely trading considerations.
Now, topics of this higher kind were very much
swamped on Wednesday by the allies of the cause, to
whom I heve adverted. The protest against a degrad-
ing influence upon intellect was, to a large extent,
merged in a protest against the exciseman. 'lle paper
of which we herd most was brown piper, for the
wrappage of parcels, or that of which little boxes are
made to hold cotton threads. Had it been Disraeli's
cue to speak, he would have had a fire field for
sarcasm on this species of intellectual grievance.
It was not from the study, but from the shop, that the
complains came. When Learning should have spoken
for Edinburgh, and Genius for Dublin, we heard little
more than a sordid grumbling of the exciseman's being
troublesome in the North, and of Ireland not being suffi-
ciently favoured by only having to pay a shilling upon
the advertisement and a halfpenny for the stamp.
Accordingly Mr. Cowan, who opened the adjourned
debate on behalf of the shopocracy, did not vote for the
repeal of the Newspaper Stamp. Mr. John Best, after
supporting the first, or trading motion, voted against
both the remaining propositions. So did the Hon. H.
Ftzroy, Colonel Matheson, and Mr. J. Abel Smith. Sir
E. Buxton, Mr. 15Ionsell, Colonel Boyle, Sir D. J. Nor-
reys, Mr. Osborne, Sir G. Philips, absented themselves.
And a-negative was given upon the repeal of the News-
paper Stamp by Mr. M. Forater, Lord R. Grosvenor, and
Mr. H. D. Seymour,
S 3 much for the heartiness or the sincerity of those
parties as to taxes upon knowledge. For some reason
or other—l will not inquire why—they want an Excise
duty taken off. For that end, though the sum is a large
one to abstract from the revenue, they are ready to turn
the screw upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer. But
a penny paper for the people is no part of their plan.
When we get to cheap news for the multitude they fly
off. They stir not to obliterate the brand from the
journal, or to dethrone the censor at Somerset-house.
The vote of Mr. John Walter was very significant.
Ho voted for the retention of the Paper Duty and of the
Newspaper Stamp, and against the Tax on Advertise-
ments. Who cannot read monopoly against the public,
and cheapness for the monopolist?
Messrs. Brotherton, Perfect, and Tenison, voted against
the repeal of the Paper Duties, and for that of the Stamp.
There were with them Headlam and Thornely, who did
not vote on the first division.
The following went for the repeal of the Tax on Ad-
vertisements, having voted hostilely on the first divi-
sion:—Bailey (Monmouth), Brotherton, Castlereagh,
Dalrymple, Freestun, Mostyn, Perfect, F. C. Russell,
Walter. These may be added, who had not voted in
that division; Some, at least, from accidents..—Sir W.
Clay, Sir C. Douglas, Fordyce, French, Horsman, C.
Lushington, The O'Gorman Mahon, Tenison, Thornely,
and Tuffuell.
The real Knowledge Tax repealers must measure their
strength by the second diviaion (on the stamp). Their
supporters were 100; less by seven than the minority
against the paper duty, and by 16 than that against the
advertisement duty. On that 100 they may rely; at
any rate within sight of an election. And they are now
in a condition to judge of the wisdom of being mixed up
with the paper-makers. Let them iuvestigate the
desertions and the additions. They gained not a vote
in strength. The objection, as to the revenue, was
aggravated by a demand for a million and a qearter
__Sterling, instead of less than half a million. And the
cause itself was degraded into a common-place cry for
the rerai,,,
t)1(il of a tax which presses upon certain classes,
though it
the eoes'illiT'latlesei is, at the same time, injurious to
But we sae , how it is that the House of Commons,
even-on wnat is called the Liberal side of it, looks at a
crieseteireloefhtahri! Beeription. Few of them care whether
the
tion.r The question
means of free mental communica-
subordinated to the profits of a
paper-mill. The hool?
considered
the box are put on the same
level. Each is
us a menufacture. More
sisal is manifested to bar out
hot
but
the exciseman than to stop
the censor. One car,
Dituueli will tern rout., wish, and almost expect,
that
aershouPon them some day, in
one of his bold freaks
that he better under-
stands the intelllntual,wa willed_ vfishes of the people.
The chief reason why he that he knows how
feeble, in their support',
party which he hen to lead, the dogmas of the
materials, which have
The Division Lists furnish
full used, for holding*
votes thould be
never yet been. .. , the representative
The
body to a strict respone,
recorded and anal, z from week to week,
month to month, and from session to
T Hesston, until
the whole conduct of every individual leember, through--
oat the duration of a Parliament, is before the public.
It he is attentive or lc.
It should appear how -a
0 shall have negligent,r
consistent or capricious.
1.7
d of crotchett4e' " the
statistios of slavery to party un
son to ewe' d"id`la-
lity, The majority have little TO . about
eau:tents. They buy and brit): them, or in many cases do
withont them. For such, there is no responsibility, except
that of publicity. Yet even they may be capable of feel.
ineesome shame when a strong and continuous light is
thrown upon their doinge. At any rate, the exposure
will help us on towards Reform. The number of elec.
tore, and the population of the places represented, should
alweys be appended to the division. Let the people see how
often they are out•voted and by whom. Resolve many a
majority into its constituent elements, atid it becomes a
pitiful minority. Were the stamp off, there might be
publications appropriate to this purpose. Constituents
might keep them as a parent keeps a character book for
his child, with its good awn bad' marks. But Ur'
Timms would call this news, end indite a letter of
warning to the editor.
Really, this is the most hypocritical country upon the
face of the earth. From one of it to the other we cant about
education. Our divines preach sermons, and oar states-
men make speeches in its praise. And then its progress
is effectually stopped by the religious difficulty at one
point, and by the fiscal difficulty at another. When children
should be instructed, they are crammed and choked with
theological dogm t. When the self-taught would read,
the book or newspaper is taxed out of their reach.
Church and Stets unite to pres. 3 dean the intellect. The
arms of ignorance bare for their supporters a Bishop and
a Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The ono is as much a pretence as the other. To repeal
thestani-
p and Advertisement Duties, supposing that on
paper retained, would operate rather to increase than to
diminish the revenue • and if tae letter were reduced en -
helf, while th • • c
two former imposts were abelishe.d, it is pro-
bable that the '
would
simply be would be very largo indeed. There
Disraeli sr Lillie repetition of the process which Zilr.
They striking 6 Y set forth in his budget, couched in so
The home markTZ3ci both of speech and arithme tic.
extendsd. But until the foreign market would be alike
system, there is ono
thing
ework our way into a better
which Chancellors of the
Exchequer will dread reere.,th
mere than infidelity, and zha.t is aet a deficit, and Bishops
The divisions on Wednesday popnlsr knowledge.
Y were divisions
against
knowledge. They 'A inT a protest
against light at
present—they were a post teat against
the
ambition, corruption, and bigotry have nstn, until
oat. But the time will come; and if it had
their dream
be
Sir Robert Peel's memory, as he prayedittne.glory of
that the peasant blesses his name every night when be,
eats his untaxed loaf, there is a similar, thou sno
equal fame in store for the statesman whom the sneclit4:i!

FRANCE.
On Saturday a grand mass was celebrated in the
church of St. Eustache, on the occasion of the blessing
by the Archbishop of Paris of the busts of the Pre-
sident of the Republic, intended for the central
markets. A considerable crowd already filled the
church, when, at half-past 11 o'clock, the, gates
of the porch were opened, and the cortege en-
tered processionally, preceded by the band of the
Municipal Guard. Immediately after the band ad-
vanced the Forts de le Halle, carry ing a bust of the
Prince President, and followed by 100 young
girls, dressed in white robes, with blue scarfs,
and crowns of white roses on their heads. Then
came another bust, placed on a richly-ornamented
stand, which was to figure in the meat market, and
a number of others, escorted by the members of
the different corporations, to whici‘i they were des-
tined. After the busts walked the Prefect of
the Mayor and Deputy-Mayors of the ar-
rPoonldicies,sement, the other civil authorities, and the
officers of the Municipal and Nations l Guards. Mass
was subsequently celebrated, after which the Arch-
bishop delivered a short address and blessed the busts.
The cortege then left the church, installed the busts
in the different markets, and, in the evening, the
Dames.de la Halle gave a ball in the Linen-hall.

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 18, 1852.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS, May 17.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his ECU on the Wool-
Back at Five o'clock. _ _

The Duke of ARGYLL presented a petition from
Edinburgh in favour of the inspection of nunneries.
COMMON LAW PROCEDURE.

In reply to Lord LYNDHURST,
Lord CAMPBELL said the Committee on the Com-
mon Law Procedure Bill, which he considered would
effect very great improvements in the administration of
the law, would sit to-morrow and proceed with the con-
sideration of the Bill.
THE CASE OF MR. MURRAY AT ROME.

The Duke of ARGYLL said it appeared from the
public prints that an English subject, named Murray,
had been confined in prison, at Rome, for two or three
years, for a criminal offence, and had lately been found
guilty and sentenced to death, He wished to ask the
Earl of Malmesbury whether any communication had
taken place on the subject with our Consul at Rome?
The Earl of MALMESBURY said about a week after
he entered office, be received a dispatch from Mr. Free-
born, our Consul at Rome, stating that a gentleman of the
name of Murray, the son of a meritorious officer in her
Majesty's service, had been confined for thirty months
in the prison of Ancona, on a charge of murder, but
that subsequently, in consequence of representations
made to the Papal authorities, he was sent to Rome.
Mr. Freeborn immediately communicated with Cardinal
Antonelli, and in reply he was informed that all justice
would be done to the prisoner. He (Lord Malmesbury)
had since received
.a dispatch from Mr. Freeborn an-
nouncing the arrival of Mr. Murray at Rome. He
(Lord Malmesbury), therefore,wrote to Mr. Freeborn re-
questing him to watch the proceedings against Mr. gar-
ray, and to see that he received fair play. Their Lordships
were, however, aware of the very anomalous state of our
relations with Rome. In consequence of not having an
ambassador there, the Government had to proceed in
such matters in a rather roundabout and underhand
manner, which he thought was unworthy a great country
like England.
The Duke of ARGYLL asid that the explanation of
the Noble Earl was perfectly satisfactory so far as he
was himself concerned, but as this gentleman had been
in prison for two, or, according to some of the papers,
three years, without any protest on his behalf having
been made by the Government of England, there ap-
peared to be some responsibility resting upon those who
had preceded the Noble Earl in office.
EXPULSION OF BRITISH MISSIONARIES
FROM THE AUSTRIAN DOMINIONS.
The NOBLE DUKE continued—My Lords, I also rise
to ask my Noble Friend opposite whether he has any
objection to produce the dispatches which have passed
between him and his predecessors in office and the
Austrian Government with respect to Messrs. Win-
gate, Smith, and Edwards. I confess, my Lords,
that I edia kll peruse this correspond with
some curiosity. As far as I have been able
to form an opinion, the reply which has been
given by my Noble Friend opposite to the Aus-
trian Government is far from satisfactory, and
the answer of the Austrian Government I consider still
less satisfactory. At the same time Ido not wish to be
misunderstood by the Noble Earl as to the spirit in
which I put this question. lam not anxious to express
any opinion at alt upon the home policy of the Govern-
ment, of which no human being knows anything what-
ever, but there is one thing I am anxious to deprecate,
and that is the supposition that it is to be imagined by
any party in this House, that whoever may be at the
head of the Foreign-office, he is not over to be anxious
to vindicate the rights of British subjects abroad. I
feel perfectly certain, that whatever political party may
be in power, they will always be anxious to vindicate the
rights of British subjects—(Hear, hear)—and to main-
tain inviolate those rights which it is the especial duty
of the Noble Earl and of the Foreign-office to defend.
After a few words from the Earl of MIN TO, which
were inaudible in the gallery,
The Earl of MALMESBURY said—My Lords, I am
sorry to say that, in consequence of the correspondence
not being complete, lam unable to prod: zee it. With re-
gard to what the Noble Duke has stated as to the main-
tenance of the rights of British subjects, I beg to give
him my most solemn assurance that there is nothing I
have had so much at heart since I had the honour to fill
my present office as the faithful performance of that duty
which especially devolves upon me—namely, that of
maintaining inviolate the national law between this and
other countries.—(Hear, hear.) If I understand my duty
aright, it is not to argue with Other countries as to what
shall be the particular law which they in their wisdom
(or the reverse) may be pleased to establish, but to see
that that law is carried out fairly with respect to her
Majesty's subjects.—(Hear, hear.) That I think is my
duty, and that duty I have endeavoured to discharge.
My Lords, when the correspondence in question is com-
plete, I shall be happy to produce it.—(dear, hear.)
The Marquis of BREADALBANE observed that the
predeceesor of the Noble Earl in office had expressed an
opinion that these gentlemen bad been most unjustly
treated, and that they were entitled to some pecuniary
compensation. He trusted the Austrian Government
would not be allowed to escape, or to suppose that they
could deal arbitrary towards British subjects, as they
did to their own. These gentlemen were British sub-
jects, exercising legitimate and legal rights. For four
or five years they had been permitted to exercise those
rights unquestioned; but immediately on Lord Palmer-
ston quitting the Foreign-office they were ordered to
',cave the Austrian dominions.
THE CASE OF MR. MATHER.

Earl FITZ WILLIANI inquired whether any addi-
tional information had reached the Government with re-
spect to the proceedings of the Tuscan and Austrian
Courts in reference to Mr. Mather?
The Earl of MALMESBURY replied that the case of
this gentleman was not quite settled, although he be-
lieved it was neatly so.
Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY—I only rise for
the purpose of stating that no communication with re-
gard to the proceedings against Mr. Murray, et Rome,
had been received whilst her Majesty's late Government
were in office. Ibeg to call tii9 attention of the House

to the fatt, that the treatment of British subjects by fo-
reign Governments was regulated not so much by any
imagined were held by the Government for the time
being
otinigh international law, law, as by the tenets which they
Lord CAMPBELL stated that from personal observa-
tion he knew that great disaster arose in this country
from our not having a properly accredited Minister at
Rome. There was now at Rome a most honourable
andof
in
h intelligent
tas
u way to take care of the inte-
rests t
nca underhand
man, who had been appointed by this
country
country. There was also a Mr. Petre, who
filled the situation of attache to the mission of Florence,
whose duty it was to take care of the interests of British.
subjects in that part of Italy. But he (Lord Campbell)
would venture to say that those gentlemen had not by
any means that weight with the Court of Rome which
would belong to a person who was the organ of the
English Government ; and, therefore, the Court
of Rome was abused with respect to the state
of public opinion in England, and to that we
might ascribe some of the late disasters which
we had to deplore. He Iplieved that the Court
of Rome was by no means disinclined to hear
the truth. Even in the highest quarter there was
an anxiety to be well informed, and he believed that if
we had a Minister accredited to the Court of Rome the
happiest consequences might be anticipated. If wo had
such a Minister he would be able to lay before his Holi-
ness and the Roman Court the real state of public
opinion in England and Ireland, and also to state what
was the real interest of the English and Irish Roman
Catholics. Ho believed that the consequences which
would flow from such an appointment would be most
salutary.—(Hear, hear.)
THE MAYNOOTU ENDOWMENT.
The Ma,rq its of BREA.DALBANE was proceeding to
present some petitions against the Maynooth grant, but
was reminded of the rule against the presentation of
petitions atter a quarter past five o'clock, if the orders
of the day were not disposed of. The Noble Earl then
said that moat probably he would present these petitions
on Friday, and ut the same time ask the Noble Eerl at
the head of the Government what course they intended
to adopt with regard to this important subject, with re-
spect to which the country tcok so deep an interest.
COLONIAL BISHOPS BILL.

On the motion of the Archbishop of CANTERBURY,
this Bill was read a third time and pawed.
STOCK IN TRADE BILL.

On the motion of Lord COLCHEiTER, this Bill was
read a eecond time.
HIGHWAY RATES BILL.
This Bill was also
of the same Noble Lord.
TUE AUSTRALIAN GOLD MINES AND
ITARRW
E MIG R ATION.
The Earl of read a second time, on the motion
--OBY then rose to move for-
1, A return of vesssis with tonnage and number of
emigrants (men, women, and children specified), whichhave sa;led from
p p of emigration to those
British ports for Ssuch Australia and
Victoria respectively, from September 1, 1851; also, 2,
similar return for the previous five years, severally; also,
3, money now at the disposal of the Emigration Com-
missioners for the ur ores
settlements; also, 4, extracts from dispatches of the
governors, received from the Ist of March to the date
of the returns, urging the
emigration, and notifying increased remittances being
that
made for nocessiiy for increased
purpose; and also, 5, copies of letters
addressed to her Majesty'a Secretaries of State for the
Colonies, from the Ist of December last to the present
time, on the subject of increased activity in supplying
the great want of labour in the pastoral and cgrical-
tural districts of Australia, from Captain Stanley Carr,
chairman or the Committee of Australian colonists. The
Noble Earl observed that,
toret th at t
increased this araont
demand w
for not
labour,uuffi
is consequence of the recent
discoveries of gold iu Australia, a great social revolu-
tion had taken place in the colony. The population of
Australia
naturally looked to this country to make up the defici-
ency. A general feeling had got abroad, however, that
the Government of this country had done nothing to
promote emination to Australia, and that, in fact, they
had attemptebl to enforca old regulations with regard to
emigration which wera no longer practicable. The Go-
vernment, it was thought, hurl attempted to force up ;n
Australia emigrants from. the rural districts of this
country, whereas the people of Australia desired emi—
grants
importation of young persons from this country,
from the towns. The colonists also desired. thee
Government restrictions were so great that it was consi-
dered almost hopeless on the part of the Australians to
accomplish their wishes in this respect.
The Earl of DESART observed it was perfectly
true that great apprehensions were entertained as to
the evils which would the result from but th
abandonment
of labour and occupation en
the part of those em-
ployed in Victoria and other parts of Now South
Wales. Her Majesty's Government, who, as their
Lordships vs era aware, had not a very strong dispo-
sable force on the spot, had done the utmost to assist