The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-31 00:00:00

until OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.—The wearisome but inevitable prelimin-
aries being at an end, the Conference has at last
entered on the business of pacification. Whether its
success will be equal to its good will remains to be
seen. This depends almost wholly on the spirit
in which the German Powers receive the compro.
raise which the neutral States have submitted to
the belligerents. It is proposed that Holstein and
that part of Schies wig which contains a German
population should be definitely annexed to the Ger-
man Confederation. What is to be the extent of
this State, who is to be its Governor. what relation,
if any,it is to bear to the Danish Monarchy, are
questions on which opinions may be divided, and
which, at any rate, have not yet been formally ex-
amined, for the hare proposal so to divide one of the
Duchies was sufficient fora single meeting of an
assembly of which promptitude is certainly not a
conspicuous quality. It can hardly be said that
the scheme of a personal union finds much favour
with any party. The Danes are against it ; the
inhabitants of the Duchies look upon it as likely to
lead to a revival of the alleged oppressions exercised
during the late King's reign ; and Europe generally
judges that to create a still larger Holstein, with a
divided allegiance and antagonistic authorities,
would be only to sow the seeds of future disquiet.
We may then presume that the meaning of the neu-
trals, or of this country, at least, was that the Ger-
man population of the Duchies should be severed
from Denmark by being placed under an indepen-
dent Sovereign chosen by themselves, or succeeding
according to hereditary right. Whether the Prince
of Augustenberg or any other scion of German
Royalty shall be the chosen of the Conference or of
the Schleswig-Holsteiners is a matter of indifference
as soon as it is admitted that a part of the disputed
territory is to be finally separated from Denmark.
Nor can we suppose that the precise limits of the new
German State have been fixed upon by any of the
representatives. If the Duchy be divided according
to race and language, it is easy enough to point out
a portion which must be German and a portion
which ought certainly to be left Danish; but between
these two there is the much-centested district which
has been the cause of most of the bad blood between
German and Dane. In all but the most northern
region of the Duchy there are Germans to be found,
and even in parts where the Danes are the majority
there are not only Germans scattered about the
country, but congregated around little centres so as
to form communities having a public opinion and
capable of taking part in public life. To draw the
line, therefore, between the hostile races will be a
matter of no little difficulty. While a mere cutting
off of the southern districts of Schleswig ,and an
annexation of them to Holstein would leave thou-
sands of German families shut out from their cher-
ished nationality, a line drawn much north of
Flensburg would undoubtedly include a great num-
ber of thorough Danes, and make them follow most
unwillingly the fortunes of the new Duchy. The
reception, however, of this proposal by the repre-
sentatives of the belligerents was such as scarcely to
encourage the neutrals to enlarge on details. We
are afraid that neither Austria and Prussia on the
one side, nor Denmark on the other, gave reason to
hope that the well-meant proposition which received
the sanction of this country was looked upon with
favour by them. It may be that the Germans heard
with suspicion the desire expressed that they should
abandon their scheme of a fortress on the Eider and
should not consent not to fortify Kiel. These pro-
positions were made on Saturday, and formed part
of the plan for dividing the Duchy of Schleswig.
What may be the purpose of the neutrals in urging
this we are unable to say. It seems to us that it
Southern Schleswig be made German the Eider will
be a purely German river, and the right of the
Confederation to place a fortress on it can hardly be
contested by any foreign States. As little does the
fortification of Kiel seem a scheme which should
excite any suspicion on the part of foreigners, or
justify their demanding of Germany that the project
should be abandoned. Kiel is the best harbour
which Germany would possess in the Baltic. It is
the harbour which would be the headquarters of a
national fleet, if ever one should come into exis-
tence. For years it has been coveted by Germany
for this one purpose, and if it. passed into their pos-
session, and became a station for any frigates or
steamers of the future, the Germans would natu-
rally be as anxious to place it in security as we
ourselves are with respect to Portsmouth. They
might fancy that on their fleet depended their
whole power in the Baltic, and this fleet would not
be safe unless they had the means of making their
chief harbour secure against an attack from the
navies of England or Russia. But whether these
matters influenced the belligerent representatives,
or whether the project of allowing Denmark to re-
tain any part of Schleswig was in itself inadmis-
sible, the Prussian and Austrian plenipotentiaries
merely undertook to refer it to their respective Go-
vernments. Then came on their part the counter-
proposition which has been for some time expected.
A few weeks since something like jealousy reigned
between the two allies. Austria, which had never
entered into the war so enthusiastically as her
neighbour, began to conceive that she had been led
on by the wily Bismark in order to aggrandise
her hereditary rival. The Prussians, who had been
eclipsed by the Austrians during the early part of
the campaign, no sooner captured the position of
De hbol than they were suspected of forming de-
signs unworthy of the disinterested spirit in which
they professed to Lave begun the war. To extend
the Prussian States into the Danish peninsula,
and to occupy by right of conquest the territory
from which they had forced the Danes, was the pro
ject attributed to them ; and this belief was so ge-
neral as to force us to the conclusion that it was not
altogether unfoueded. We cannot but think that
there were persons at Berlin who were disap-
pointed to find hew much such a scheme received
the opposition of Austria and excited the of
the smaller States. But if the project was seriously
entertained it has now been completely abandoned.
The King of Prussia seems to have found that if he
wishes for the " hegemony" of Germany he must
not begin by seizing for his own use conquests
made in the name of the Fatherland. The two
allies have been reconciled, and have returned to
their old affection for legitimate right. The gainer
by this renewed unity of view is the Prince of Au-
gustenburg. This Prince has played a part suffi-
ciently politic since the Danish quarrel became
serious. At first he entered Holstein with the
occupying army, and received the homage of his
woule-be subjects. But when the allied armies
began the campaign, and he received a significant
hint to desist from pressing his pretensions, he re-
turned to comparative retirement, and thus avoided
acquiring the of those who were able to make
or mar his fortunes. The Prince is now reaping the
fruits of his prudence. To his hereditary claims
to the favour of the inhabitants is now added the
support of the two victorious antagonists of Dan-
mark. After considerable discussions, both Prussia
and Austria have agreed in urging his claims to the
three Duchies of Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauen-
burg, on the ground that the Treaty of 18,52 has
been set aside, and that the Prince is the legitimate
heir to the throne of all three. A proposition to
this effect was made on Saturday at the Conference,
and formed the counter-proposition to that which
found favour with the neutrals. Ofcourse, the Danes
were instant in their rejection, but they, too, have
referred home, and the Conference meets again on
Thursday for them to bring forward their own pro-
posal. Thus there is at least this gained, that each
party has made, or is about to make, its proposal,
the belligerents being likely on each side to ask
more than they expect or will be content to take.
For our own part, we cannot see anything better
than some such compromise as has been suggested
by the British Government. To divide the people
of the Duchies according to their race and language
is the best way of composing disputes which arise
from the administration of a people's affairs by
officials who are strangers in speech and manners.
There can be no disgrace to the Danish Court if it
accepts this ; nor, on the other hand, can the Ger-
man part of the Duchy complain if a certain num-
ber of Danes are allowed to remain in the Monar-
chy in which they have been born and bred. Pro.
bably, if Prussia and Austria agree to this project,
the resistance of Denmark may be overcome; but
should they persevere and demand the Danish por-
tion of Schleswig for the Prince of Augustenburg
in the name of hereditary right, a contest may re-
commence likely soon to grow dangerous to the
peace of Europe.
POST.—The causes of the frequent rebellions of
the natives of New Zealand against English rule
are by no means so recondite as the speeches of some
of those who joined in the debate in the House of
Lords last evening would lead us to believe.
Scarcely any
nation ever yet ousted another—
wbether
by fair
withoutmeans
from or
timefoul—from t
o
time
its
being
obliged territorial
possessions
to employ violence to secure the fruits of its pos-
sibly easy and peaceful conquests. The tale of our
New Zealand colonisation is one with which in all its
essential particulars we have been long since made
familiar. It is the old struggle for supremacy
between a civilised and a savage race which in our
own persons we have waged before in every quarter
of the globe, The Anglo-Saxon is driving out the
barbarian, and, however the process may be effected,
however various the means which are employed, the
result must always be one and the same. Some
races gradually vanish, and are silently absorbed,
without making an effort to avert their inevitable
fate; whilst others, either more conscious of the
dangers to which they are exposed, or more ener-
getic, make spasmodic but vain attempts to preserve
their existence. Qf the two Plag,=, ozaiilpies are
furnished in the Australian continent and its ad-
joining islands; for whilst in the former the

aboriginal inhabitants disappear before the advance
of the settler and make no sign, in the latter they
challenge his pretensions, dispute with him inch by
inch the territory which he covets, and willingly
sacrifice their lives in efforts to arrest his progress.
The New ZJalanders are a hardy and a resolute
race ; and when, upwards of five-and-twenty
years ago, British colonists first settled on their
shores, careful observers predicted that the task
which the settlers were preparing for them-
selves was one of no ordinary difficulty. Indeed,
so deeply rooted did this conviction become,
that the Home Government, then directed by
Lord Melbourne, used its influence to arrest the
scheme of colonising New Zealand. Its efforts,
however, were vain, and from that time to the
present it has been cno long struggle for pre°
eminence between the immigrant and the native
population. Whatever course we had pursuedd,
whatever might have been the policy we ba
adopted, it ma, be regarded as an accepted foci'
that the New Zealand race never could have beet
amalgamated with our own, and never would hate
given way to the slowly but surely increasing alb):
nial population without some such efforts to asset.'
its independence as that which we are now in 0,e,1f:
defence compelled by force of arms to repress. ue`
government in New Zealand may have been fault,,
but, oven if it had been unexceptionable, the
Maories would sooner or later have rebelled.
Although, however, rebellion in New Zealand
might be considered as a necessary evil of enden;
Touring to colonise that country, it is not the les
incumbent on the British Govenment to adopt every
means which seems calculated to reconcile the CO
fleeting claims of the colonists and the natives. 11
cannot be denied that the Government have bee°
most desirous of conciliating the aboriginal papule:
tion ; but it is very questionable whether the beek
method has been pursued to gain that end. Wbf.r;
the first rebellion was suppressed, in 1847, t""
colonial authorities exercised almost absolute Oa'
trol in the administration of affairs, and there are
those, amongst whom is Earl Grey, who attribute
the recent disturbances to the modifications intro'
duced in this form of government. A large secti°
of the colonists demanded representative institutieVi
and a responsible Government, and their demso°
were complied with. An act was passed in the
year 1852 by the Imperial Parliament, creating, so
to speak, a constitution for the colony, and giving
to the settlers the institutions they desired. un:
fortunately, however, some of the principal adnt`'
nistrative offices were made elective, and the exeev
tive power was thus placed in the hands of tl3e
settlers, whilst a short time afterwards the auth°
cities were made responsible to the Colonial Legig;
lature. This, Earl Grey maintains, was a grace
error, nor was it redeemed by the seeming share
given to the native population in the adrain'ed
tration of affairs. It is probable that, had tbe
absolute regime been persisted in, and had Po
sup.eme power not been placed in the hands of
class which had the strongest motives for abusing
it to the prejudice of the native population, u3attert
might, for a time at least, have followed a different
course. But, as we have already observed, seliet
or later the Niaories would have become alarme":o
their gradually waning influence, and would be'
appealed to arms. Whatever the form of goaerl
ment, or in whatever hands it was placed, the gr„e.a,
point in dispute between the colonists and the 611
rigines would equally have remained to be decide
namely, the tight of possession in the soil. As 14°r
Lyveden expressed it, the settlers desire to acquire
„'
the land and the natives to keep it, and these e°;:
flitting desires cannot both be satisfied. A 03°,;
important question, however, was raised last scene
ing, which, though not hitherto overlooked, Lie
never elicited a final reply. By whom should the
expenses of these repeated wars be borne—by the
mother country or by the colony ? A loan is el%)
being raised to defray the expenses entailed by t it
present Maori rebellion, and the proposal that ot
should be guaranteed by the Home Governteeio
naturally presses this matter on our consideration,.
a most practical form. However interested lle
mother country may be in the preservation of /of
colonies, it is apparent that it is the primary dlitYwe
the colonist to protect themselves. It, with
to their own personal advantage, a number of Br"cied
subjects choose to settle in what may be regar, to
as an enemy's country, they should be prepare n,
bear the risks incidental to such a venture in Chef
sideration of its prospective advantages. If the
are compelled to make war with the natives in er
to maintain their already acquired possessions, °it'd
are not entitled to call upon those whom they 13,,fieell
left behind in the old country to pay the esPe,e'bis
of a war projected for their exclusive benefit.
was fully recognised by Lord Granville last ?veho
ins. The colonists, he said, were bound to meet Ito
charges of the present war, and should not hopf„,f
suppress the rebellion at the expense of the 1110'',-10
country. This is reasonable; and if the eeloni-
in New Zealand think otherwise, and suppose tblt
i
English taxpayers will pay their debts, they
find themselves mistaken.