The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-30 00:00:00

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Y 30, 1864.

on the Mexican Expedition,

ebate in the French Corps Legis-
;day, Mr, Jules Favre delivered a
against the policy of the Govern-
-3:1. The following report contains
Issages
been of opinion that the Mexican
d give rise to serious embarrass-
of the facts since realis,.d have
,r a different conclusion. I will not
.cts already exhausted, nor inquire•
ld or could not have avoided war in
beg the Government to reply (Es-
dewing question it not true
when our Charge d'Affairs i❑
,alising the misdeeds of which our
been the victims and invoking the
'ranee, an influence—that of the
,nts who have taken refuge on the
is making itself felt in our policy ?
hat, taking their own dreams for
announced that on the mere ap-
r soldiers, an energetic reaction
led in Mexico, by favour of which a
to our own, might easily be raised
•ld to propagate therein our prin-
influence ? A dream not entirely
,dour, but still a dream! Well,
`;rue that the French Government

grants directly under our protection
so as to appear to transact business in their behalf ?
And not only did the French Government lend an
ear to these suggestions, but the Mexican emigrants,
before our intentions could be known in Europe,
had already opened communications with the Arch-
duke Maximilian. I ask the Government if it was
aware of that fact ? It involves a serious respon-
sibility ; for it is to realise such projects as these
that the blood and treasure of France have been ex-
pended: (Adhesion from home benches.) The
Government should also give us information about
the negotiations with the House of Austria. Has
the Austrian Government approved of these pro-
jects for the responsibility of the French Govern-
ment at the point where these negotiations and
this protection, which we cannot now disavow with
honour, first commenced. (Applause.) Attempts
made by great States to effect radical changes in the
bosom of weaker ones are condemned by the law of
nations, and by all honest and impartial minds.
We saw in 1862 at the time of the debate
on the address what was taking place. We
foresaw real misfortunes arising from the
expedition that had been decided on ; we de-
manded that there should be no intervention in the
home affairs of Mexico, but simply a claim put in
for reparation of wrongs. It is my belief that many
of those who voted against our amendment in 1862
now see cause to regret that there has been a devia-
tion from this simple policy. But in 1862 we ex-
pressed our distrust, and we informed the Govern-
ment that certain rumours had reached us, leading
us to think that the question of an Austrian candi-
date was already on the tapis. (Dissent.) If you
dispute this, hear the words of the late M. Billauit:
(Here the speaker read a passage from a speech of
that gentleman to the effect that a report having got
abroad that France was about to place a foreign
Prince on the Mexican throne, the Minister of
Foreign Affairs had contradicted the same.) Is
this clear enough, gentlemen ? It is, in fact, certain
that this contradiction was sent to the English and
American envoys. And yet the negotiations had
been opened before the departure of our troops—be-
fore the Convention of October, 1861. In the official
document you will find the whole scheme. Take the
despatch addressed on Oct. 11,1861, by the Minister
of Foreign Affairs to our Ambassador in London. It
is said therein that the reparation of our wrongs can
alone form the object of an ostensible convention.
Ostensible ! Then there were conventions that were
not ostensible. The despatch adds that, in presence
of the American crisis, Europe might perhaps find
an advantageous opportunity for setting up in
Mexico a Government strong enough to resist in-
ternal dissolution. I should have nothing to say if
Franca were willing to respect the national will in
Mexico; but this will, in spite of official declara-
tions, has been, and is still, openly misconstrued.
And what have you found in Mexico ? Have you
found the country in the state described by the
emigrants ? The events of Puebla and the words
of bitter disappointment addressed by General
Lorencez to his allies are a sufficient answer. (Here
the hon. member gave a short recapitulation of the
events that followed the capture of Puebla.)
Coming to the formation of the Junta of M. Dubois
do Saligny, he continued as follows:—This 'Junta
consisted of thirty-five persons—twenty-two of
whom had been members of former Governments
overthrown by Juarez. Those thirty-five had the
charge of nominating 195 others; thus forming en
assembly of 230 persons. Now, can any serious
man have ever had a doubt about the vote of such
an assembly ? Its decision had been dictated
to it beforehand. And is it not an abject and
revolting spectacle to see 230 men with
no other mandate than the choice of a foreign gene-
ral, meeting together to make a parade of the mise-
ries of their country ? I hasten to withdraw my
eyes from the view. (Confused sensation.) The
Junta then chose the Archduke Maximilian. If
ever the archduke should come on the throne, I
hope he will be the model of princes; but certainly
he will have been the model of official candidates.
Thus we find this same Maximilian, not called to
the throne by the voice of the Mexican people, but
imposed on it by the special influence and volition
of France. France had occupied Mexico, and
French blood had been shed in streams. Let us
now look at the instructions given to Gen. Forey
at the time of his departure. His business was,
immediately after entering Mexico, to put himself
in communication with the notables of all shades,
and to come to an understanding with them about
the formation of a provisional Government, which
Government should afterwards consult the coun-
try as to the form to be given to a permanent
regime. Such were the instructions given.
Now the policy pursued has been widely divergent,
it has been the policy of a single party, whose
object was the destruction of the Republic.
Several hon. members have based their arguments
on the unconditional acceptance of the archduke.
But he does not accept it without restriction. The
Mexican deputation, extremely well received in
Austria ; it did not obtain the honour of a personal
interview with the Emperor. I have read in the
correspondence of journals that when the Emperor
was questioned about his approval of the installa-
tion of his brother, he replied, " If my brother chose
to retire into a monastery I could not prevent him ;
how then can I prevent him from going to Mexico ?"
The speech which the Archduke made to the Mexi-
can deputation has not had the honour of a repro-
duction in the Moniteur. He declared that his
acceptances would depend on the vote of the coun-
try; and that he would not give it without solid
guarantees for the future. Now, I ask, where is
acceptance talked of? What are the guarantees
that you have given him ? Where is the vote of
the Mexican people ? Until these preliminary
conditions are fusfilled France has no right to
continue the war. We can be no longer told of
our national griefs ; the reparation has been
already obtained. But let us endeavour to ascer-
tain the will of the Mexican people. We are told
that its adhesion is unanimous, and the ilfoniteur
' assures us that there is reason to hope that in a
short time a very large portion of Mexico will have
; rallied to our flag. This is presuming rather too
much on the credulity of readers. The truth is,
that we ere masters of the ground which is under
I the wheels of our guns and the feet of cur soldiers.
(Interruption.) We are told of triumphal marches,
of our soldiers being hailed everywhere as libera-
tors. All this may be true ; but I know that the
city of Guadalaxara resists, and that we shall per-
, haps be obliged to lay siege to it. Aud such

military operations are still necessary, it can only be
because we are fighting against the cause of Mexi-
can nationality. Nor is it true, as has been asserted,
that all the centres of great populations are in our
favour. In the north and west there are other great
centres, and these still resist ; thus fresh campaigns
will be rEqusred, and we shall have to increase our
3.rroy to 50,600 or 60,000 men. It was wcll ob-
served yesterday that we could found nothing
durable in Mexico ; and why is this ? Because
we have built on the support of a detested
party, a miserable minority in the nation—
the party of Miramon and 'Marque z. Now, who
are these men? Miramon is the man who corn-
manded'Marquez to massacre the prisoners of Tacu-
baya, amongst whom there was an English phy-
sician, and who waded to the throne through the
blood thus odiously shed: Marquez is the man who,
after numerous murders, was thrown into prison
for carrying off 600,000 piastres belonging to the
English Legation. And when such men are found
in our ranks, is there any reason to be surprised
that the Mexican population should resist us
(Assent.) Certain sequestrations were made by
the French Government. They arose from the
necessities of the situation. The moment the Pro-
visional Government was set up, reactionary
pretensions immediately manifested themselves.
Every man sought to gratify his own rapacity. We
resisted, and General Bazaine caused an ener-
getic communicated note to be inserted in the
journals. Then what occurred? Two members of
tile Provisional Government submitted; but the
third, Mgr. Labstida, the archbishop, inserted
into the same journal a protestation against our
acts, as being a violation of the divine law.
And we were obliged to use cannon to open
the gates of the cathedral for our soldier&
That is the way we re-establish order in
Mexico. Such a state of things cannot be prolonged.
We take, however, special note of the declaration
of the French Government, that the solution is to
be pronounced in Mexico by universal suffrage. We
are told that there are 7,500,000 of souls. Let us
then remember this figure, and compare it with
the result of the vote. It is needless to add that the
voting should be entirely free and uninfluenced by
French authorities. Can it be true that the lessons
of history are always lost. Fifty years ago the
head of the powerful house which now reigns in
France had his Mexico also. He wished to level
the Pyrennees for the sake of a family alliance.
By a back-stroke of his hand he overturned the
Spanish throne ; then came the war, wherein the
heroic valour of our soldiers was pre-eminent, but
wherein all our victories were sterile. Thus did
the great captain see his legions sacrificed to an in-
terest which was not a French interest. But are we
safe at the present day ? We can only be so on one
condition—that of keeping justice on our side, and
not rendering ourselves amenable, as in 1813, to the
charge of violating the right and falsifying the
promise of France. (Applause and sensation.)