The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-15 00:00:00

stated that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government
to remonstrate with the Government of the Confederate
States upon their employment of agents for illegal purposes,
and as the First Lord of the Treasury has declared that the
Government of her Majesty desired to maintain the strictest
neutrality between the Confederate and Federal States,waa
it intended to remonstrate with the Government of the
Federal States upon the employment by them of agents in
Ireland for the purpose of enlisting as soldiers the subjects
of her Majesty ?" The hon. gentleman, alluding to the
second portion of his question, proceeded to say : I believe
the noble lord at the head of the Government really desires
to maintain the strictest neutrality ; but I am afraid that
the noble lord is not altogether master of the situation.
There are other powers in the Government—there is one
great power which I think somewhat overshadows the noble
lord and the whole administration. Now, the noble lord
not only has the confidence of the country, but their affec-
tion and regard—(hear, hear)—and if he says he will do
anything, we have perfect confidence that ho intends doing
it. But, sir, there is another power by the side of the noble
lord—a power which has always appeared in the liberal Go-
vernments of this country since the days of the rev elution.
The person to whom I allade is Earl Russell, and I will say
that the honour of England in his hands has not shone forth
with such lustre as I could have wished. Igo from China
and Japan to Poland, to Denmark, and, lastly, to America,
and in every case the honour and name of England has been
tarnished by what has taken place. I read the despatches,
and the feeling in my mind was that of dire humiliation.
I felt that England was not upheld as she ought to be
upheld, and that tkat strict neutrality which the noble
lord professes—and professes honestly, I am sure—was
not maintained. Why the tone was like the screams of
a cockatoo, or of an angry woman—(laughter)—but the
performance was not equal to the outset. The words were
big, but the doings were the least possible. The noble earl
seemed frightened ; and, from the moment that Mr. Adams
threatened war, the noble earl crouched before the threats.
That being the case, I feel I have a right to inquire, what
is the neutrality which the noble earl professes, and what
is the state of the two peoples between whom we profess to
be neutral? The hon. member then recapitulated the cir-
cumstances attending the alleged Federal enlistments in
Ireland, and characterised the whole proceedings of the
American war as a blot on human nature, and Washington
as a sink of political iniquity. He was told, he said, that
he should have sympathy with the Northern States, but he
maintained that they were loose, cowardly, and cruel.
(Hear, hear, and oh, oh.) In conclusion, he asked the
noble lord whether it was the intention of the Government,
having determined to remonstrate with the Confederate
States, to remonstrate also with the Federal States for
using agents in Ireland with the view of endeavouring to
enlist men for the Northern army. (Hear, hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON—My hon. and learned friend
has been kind enough to pay me some compliments—
but I beg to say that I cannot accept from any one com-
pliments at the expense of my colleagues. (Cheers.) My
hon. and learned friend ought to know that it is vain to
endeavour to single out a member of the Govern-
ment for the purpose of holding him up to public obloquy ;
and, in order to make amends for that, to pay compli-
ments and praises to others. (Cheers.) My noble friend
at the head of the Foreign Office is no doubt the organ of
the Government in all its communications, and with
regard to all our relations with foreign Powers ; but my
noble friend takes no step except in concert with his col-
leagues ; and I must declare to my hon, and learned
friend, who has endeavoured to separate my noble friend
from the rest of his colleagues, that I am equally respon-
sible with him for every step that has been taken in the
conduct of these negotiations, which seem unhappily to
have excited feelings of humiliation in the mind of my
hon. and learned friend (—laughter)—feelings which I be-
lieve are not shared by the people of this country--
(cheers)—not shared in by any man of impartial mind who
has looked with attention to the different steps we have taken
in all these great transactions. But, once for all, I beg most
distinctly and positively to state that those who attempt to
separate my noble friend from his colleagues will fail
in their endeavours ; and will, at the same time, betray an
ignorance of the practice of the Government of this country
(hear, hear)—and henceforward I beg that my declara-
tion shall be recorded, that we are all, and I especially are,
equally responsible with my noble friend for every step
which has been taken by him. (Cheers.) We have declared
our intention to observe a strict neutrality in the contest
which unfortunately is being carried on in America, and I
maintain that we have kept our word, and that we have acted
upon our declaration. The hon. and learned gentleman pre-
tends that we have dealt a different measure of justice to one
side to that which we have dealt to the other. But it must
be remembered that the two sides stand—unfortunately for
one of them—in a very different position with regard to the
assistance which they may obtain, either with this or any
other neutral country. (Hear, hear.) The Northerns com-
mand the sea, and all their ports are open. They can go
to Birmingham, Liege, or any other important town, for
arms and munitions of war, where they can buy what
they like, and hire ships to convey them to their own
ports; end therefore they have the command of the mar-
kets of Etirope for the purpose of supplying their army
with everything they may want to carry on the war. The
Confederates, on the other hand, have not these advantages.
They are shut out from the sea, and they can only get their
supplies by means of blockade-runners, many of which have
been captured; therefore the conditions of the two parties
are unequal under an equal law of neutrality with regard to
both. It is true that there is also a great difference between
the building of ships in a neutral country—especially in
this country—and the obtaining of arms and ammunition.

I do not at all dispute, in point of principle, and indt pen-
dent of our municipal law, that these two things stand upon
an equsi footing, that is to say, that by international law
and the obligations of a belligerent if ho goes into a neutral
country and buys arms wherewith to arm large forces for
the purpose of deciding a campaign—which campaign is to
decide a war—that is a greater assistance which he derives
from a neutral power than the purchase of one or more
cruisers, which can have no ultimate effect upon the issue
of the war. But we have a municipal law which overrides
in some respects international relations, and by which we
are bound to prevent certain things being done in this coun-
try by one belligerent against another. We are bound, for
instance, not to permit the enlistment or organisation of
men, and the equipment or armament of ships. The one is
an easy thing to prevent, for the arming and equipment of
ships is a matter of notoriety. It is a substantial thing.
You can see the progress which is made in the construc-
tion and equipment. You can interpose at the proper mo-
ment, and lay your hand on the breach of the law that is
being committed. With regard to the enlistment of men,
you have not the same means. My hon. and learned friend
says that there is great recruiting of nien going on in Ire-
land for the Federal army. This may or may not be the
case ; but, in order to punish those guilty of this breach
of our law, you must have proof of the offence
—a proof we have not obtained. It is very likely,
I dare say, that there are in Ireland agents acting
under the orders of the Federal Government, who are try-
ing to induce fighting men to go and enlist in the Federal

army. But they are much too wise and too cunning to
make those enlistments in Ireland. We know that there is
such a difference between the wages of labour in Ireland and
the United States that it is sufficient to induce Irishmen to
go out as labourers on the railway and other works, where
instead of Is. or 18d. a day, they will get 10s. or Ile. a day.
When they land in New York they are told there is a bounty
of 100 dols. if they enlist in the Federal army, with a chance
of plunder and heaven knows what. (A. laugh.) I therefore
say, although the statement of the hon. and learned gentle-
man may be substantially true—that is to say, that induce-
ments aro being held out in Ireland to persuade people to
go to the United States, and when they get there to be in-
veigled into the army—to found a prosecution upon these
transactions you must have proof, which we have not as yet
obtained, But we have remonstrated generally on the sub-
ject ; and if my hon. and learned friend will only look at the
papers which were laid upon the table of the house last year
he will see that representations have been made to the
United States Government founded on the reports and ru-
mours on the subject which had reached her Majesty's Go- 1
vernment. There was lately a transaction which callej:i for
the very serious attention of the Government, viz , the Tier-
sage Federal cruiser, which, whilst in the hP rbour of Cork,
was accused of having enlisted a certair
number of men as
her crew. When inquiry was mad,,, the United States con-
sul at Cork declared there WP,-.1 no truth in the charge. Ap-
lication was made to Me. Adams on the subject, and the
men returned to sore. If there was sufficient proof
afforded to idereary that transaction, no doubt a prosecu-
tion would ;rave been commenced. With regard to some
who are proved to have been accessories, there is
a prosecution pending. If that prosecution succeeds,
P.nd you can prove the municipal law has been
violated, representations will be made to the United
States Government with regard to the conduct of the officers
implicated in the offence. I can only say that, in order to
found a distinct and formal remonstrance to the United
States Government upon transactions of this kind, you
must have proofs, but the: e proofs are difficult to obtain ;
and we have not obtained such proofs as would enable us
to make a distinct remonstrance. My hon, and learned
friend at the head of the Foreign-office will be just as ready
as the rest of his colleagues to vindicate the honour and the
laws of this country against any infraction of the same by
agents authorised by the Federal Government. (Cheers.)
Sir J. FERGUSSON thought there ought to be a fuller
inquiry into these matters, for ho had been assured by an
admiral in her Majesty's navy that offers of money had
been made to induce sailors on board the ships under his
command to enter the navy of the United States.
Mr. BRIGIIT—I rise not to prolong the discussion, but
to make one or two remarks upon the course taken by the
hon. sod learned member for Sheffield, who, in appealing
for impartiality between North and South has used lan-
guage unworthy of a member of this House, when speak-
ing
of a foreign Government and foreign people. (Hear,
hear.) But only foreign in one sense, for they are only
another English nation growing up on the other side of
the Atlantic, and with none of those differences which en-
title them to be called foreign in the ordinary signification.
The hon. and learned member put a question to the noble
lord with regard to Ireland; but if he recollected what took
place last year he should be aware that proof was given of
the emigration of a large number of People from Ireland to
America. It was said that the noble lord at the head of the
Government generously contributed to semi not a few poor