The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—Ten years ago the Holy Alliance, which
had through many changes and calamities main-
tained the political system of Central Europe, was
finally brought to an end by an Austrian army
marching into the Danubian Principalities to take
the place of the Russians, who had entered so
triumphantly a few months before, and were then
retiring in ignominy and humiliation. The most
powerful and dreaded Sovereign in the world had
made the capital blunder of his life, a blunder which,
even if he had lived, he could probably never have
repaired. The greatest revolution, in our time, in
the international relations of the European States
was caused by the pretension of the Emperor Nicho-
las, in the fulness of his power, to take "a material
guarantee" for the performance of engagements said
to have been mule by the Porte. A little matter,
one out of the many quarrels about the Holy Places,
led to events of which we are still feeling tae effects.
The love of peace, the respect due to a great Power,
which in former times had made great sacrifices in
the cause of European liberty, did not prevent this
country from taking up arms in a dispute in which
we were originally in no way concerned, because
Russia had committed the unheard-of violence of
of seizing a province in order to further a negotia-
tion. What the late Czar did then Prussia and
Austria are doing now. They are marching their
troops to invade Schleswig, over which they have
no rights, which does not form part of the Ger-
man Confederation, because Denmark is supposed
to have made a breach of engagements entered
into by her in 1851. In other words, they are
about to seize Schleswig, and hold it until the
Danish Gorernment promises to govern it in the
manner which they think fitting. Such a proceed-
ing is even more reprehensible than the worst act of
the late Emperor of Russia's reign,
_ for he claimed,
and really possessed by treaty, a Protectorate over
Molds-Wallachia, and he had formerly asserted
the very same right of military occupation which
was contested at this time. It is, therefore, to be
hoped that, in spite of their threats and the
madness of their subjects, the Rulers of Prussia and
Austria will hesitate before shedding blood in this
unjust enterprise. When the act is once done it c
not be recalled. When the lines of the Dannewerk
are once attacked, it may be impossible to check the
impulses which are urging on all parties to a calami-
tous war. The brains of the Germans will be hotter
when once shots have been exchanged, and though
the soldiers of the two leading Powers are generally
kept well in hand, and are less likely to assert their
own will than the troops of countries with less
sense of responsibility, yet no one can say what
may be the effect on the invading armies of a battle,
whether lost or won. A victory which should drive
the Danes from their position might be followed by
a military outcry for the confiscation of the Duchies
as loud as that which rings through the political
and civilian world of Germany. It can hardly be
doubted that the Pretender would transfer himself
from the :Holstein territory to Schleswig, or to
Flensburg, or to wherever the allied troops had
penetrated, and would there, "as a private indi-
vidual," work his system of agitation among the
people of the Northern Duchies by means of parti-
sans as able as those who have provisionally given
him a throne in Holstein. We do not doubt the
resolution of both Sovereigns to be masters in their
domini )ns. The King of Prussia has proved his
owe by prorogning the Prussian Chambers, and the
Emperor of Austria will probably find an ally in
the non-German element in his States and Legisla-
ture, and thus control the enthusiasm of Vienna.
But if the war party have gone so far in their de-
monstrations at present, what would they not do if
a real German victory had been won for the first
time for 50 years ? Nations whose military history
is not crowded with events are naturally much ex•
cited by even such a success as 40,000 Austrians and
Prussians might gain over half their number of
Danes; and we may fairly presume that a victory
would render almost impossible the programme of
the two Governments themselves, as stated by M. von
Bismark. Prussia and Austria have laid it down
that a dynastic union between the Duchies and
the Kingdom, analogous to the union between
Norway and Sweden, is a settlement which will
satisfy them, that it was all that they wanted in
1851, and exactly what they thought had been
conceded when they signed the treaty of 1852. He
must, however, be very credulous who believes that
if the Danes should be driven out of Schleswig by
force of arms, the German people would see the two
Dachies restored to King Christian without a com-
motion that would bring back to us the memories
of 1848. If, then, the Sovereigns wish to govern
their own dominions in peace, they will avoid ex-
citing German ambition by the novel sensation of
victory. It need hardly be said that defeat would
be still more dangerous. Suppose, what is quite
possible, that the Austro-Prussian army is repulsed
from before the Danish works, the pulse of every
nation would beat faster under the influence of the
most exciting news that can be told to them—the
successful resistance of a small army to the forces of
two great and plainly aggressive powers. Defeat
would of course rouse the Germans even more than
success, and it would be impossible for the two
Sovereigns to retreat without having taken a strik-
ing revenge for their humiliation. But the states-
men of the two powers may be invited to reflect on
what would be the feeling among their neighbours
East and West if this contest were to be prolonged,
if the Danes were to hold their own week after
week, while fresh troops were being sent forward
from Get many to crush them by main force. Let
not the Germans be too sure that all the great
powers would stand tamely by in such a case. And
even if the allies are allowed to finish successfully
the war which they have begun unjustly, they may
be sure that the advantages of wrongdoing will not
be unmixed with disaster. The war of aggression,
carried on by the two powers against the wishes of
all other nations, will assuredly be the beginning of
new changes in Europe. It often happens in such
cases that the weight of the punishment falls on the
less guilty of the accomplices. We do not pretend
to apportion the blame between the two powers
which are now doing this evil et disturbing the Con-
tinent, but so far as can be judged from appearances
Austria is less in fault than Prussia. The Vienna
Government has been less vacillating and less openly
contemptuousof right. But iu the future Austria will
probably suffer more than her ally. The Empire is
one which has everything to lose by public commo-
tions. Prussia is certainly a " papPr State," the
creation of battles and treaties; and by an act of
retribution, which we need not anticipate, the King
is not unlikely to lose a province. But the Austrian
Empire may be broken to pieces by that very prin-
ciple of nationality which the Emperor now affects
to defend, If anything were wanting to prove to
the Viennese Government the extreme unwisdom
of its conduct, it would be the hopes which have
been suddenly aroused among all the leaders of
" the revolution" and the excitement which is be-
ginning to prevail in the disaffected States of the
Empire. Those stormy petrels of the political
world, M. Mazzini, M. Kossuth, and their brethren,
will be fluttering anew into importance before the