The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-07 00:00:00

C'LERKENW ELL.

James Smith and George Langley, well-known
desperate-looking fellows, were charged by Mr. Wil-
liam Frederick Nieve, engineer, of Pembroke-villas,
Caledonian-road, Islington, with having been con-
cerned in committing an extensive burglary in his
dwelling-house.
The prosecutor deposed that on Sunday night last
he retired to rest with his family after the windows
and doors were carefully fastened. On the following
morning, at an early hour, he was alarmed out of his
sleep by the police, who informed him that the house
had been entered by thieves, and that the prisoners
were in custody at the Islington station-house. The
place had been rifled, and valuable property was
packed up ready to be taken away.
Benjamin Goodwin, an active officer of the N divi-
sion, deposed that at three o'clock in the morning he
saw the prisoners making their way over the garden
wall at the back of Mr. Nieve's house. He immedi-
ately sprang his rattle, the sound of whioh brought
other officers to the spot. Both prisoners ran away,
but they were pursued and taken into custody after a
desperate resistance, and locked up. The prisoners
had entered the premises by a back window, which
they had forced open. The prisoner Langley was
recognised as having been concerned with others in a
burglary at St. Pancras workhouse.
Smith, another officer of the N division, said that he
was on duty in the Caledonian-road, Islington, on
Sunday morning last, at about three o'clock, when
ho heard the springing of a rattle and the cry of
" Stop thief." He saw the prisoner Smith running
and being pursued. Witness attempted to stop him,
but Smith made a rush at him, knocked him down
by a severe blow on the head, and ran off; he, how-
ever, go` up and pursued the prisoner, whom he over-
took, and they had a desperate struggle together,
when witness overpowered him. Several officers came
up, and, after a determined and violent resistance, he
was secured and locked up in the station-house with
the other prisoner. They both refused to give their
address, but they were recognised by the police as
being well known.

Mr. Inspector Thatcher, N division, said that bur-
glaries had been so numerous of late in the above
neighbourhood that extra officers had been employed
to be on the constant watch after the thieves and the
property of the inhabitants, which had greatly checked
the depreciations.

Mr. Wakeling, fvr the prisoners, reserved their
defence, and they were fully committed to Newgate
for trial.

LAMBETH.
Jawed Cannon, the ruffian sweep, who stood re-
manded for his savage and murderous assault on a
police-constable, was again placed at the bar, before
Mr. Elliott. _

Sergeant James Head, 5 I), said that he had called
on Mr. Flower, the divisional surgeon, that morning,
and was told by that gentleman that Dwyer, the in-
jured constable, was not in a fit state to attend and
give his evidence against the prisoner, nor would he
be so for a week.
Mr. ELLIOTT—Have . you seen the constable Dwyer
yourself this morning ? Sergeant Head—l have not,
your worship, but was told what I have stated by Mr.
Flower, who also gave me this certificate to hand to
your worship.
The Magistrate here read the certificate, of which
the following is a cly
" I eertity that police-constable 135, Michael Dwyer,
of the P division, is gradually improving, but will re-
quire another week before he is in a fit state to appear
tit the poliat-court. " J. S. FLOWER, Surgeon.
6, Camberwell-green, Oct. 6."
The prisoner (whose appearance is very much im-
proved by his confinement)—lt's very odd, your
worship, that the constable does not attend, for I
sent a friend of mine down to Camberwell, and he
could find that he was walking about, and that being
the case I think he might come here.
Sergeant Head—That is not true, for I feel quite
certain since he received the serious injuries from the
prisoner he has not been out of his room. Mr.
Flower himself told me this morning that Dwyer got
out of bed yesterday, and for the first time attempted
to walk across the room, but was not able to do so ;
and therefore the statement just made by the prisoner
cannot be true.
Cannon—l was told that he is able enough to walk
about, and I thought as that was the case he might
come here. Your worship hasn't heard the rights of
this affair yet, but tell you. I was stannin lookin
into a shop windy when the policeman came up and
told me to " move on ;" so I dar say I was a little
saucy, when he makes no more to do than take out
his truncheon and give me a lick on the back of the
head, which made a long and a deep wound—look
here, your worship (showing an extensive wound)—
and I was smothered in blood. They then takes me
to a surgeon, who sowed 110 the wound, and then to
another surgeon, who ripped it open. and sowed it up
again. Louk at my coat, your worship, how it's smo-
thered in blood.

Sergeant Head—lt can be shown, your worship,
that the prisoner had received the would before the
constable Dwyer interfered, and the first words he
spoke to Cannon implied a request that he would ac-
company him to the shop of some surgeon to have it
dressed.

Mr. ELLIOTT remarked that in the absence of the
constable it was useless to go further into the case,
and again remanded the prisoner.

SILVER LEAD MINING IN WALES.—The attention
of the mining interest is being directed to the mineral fields
of Wales, in several parts of which new veins and workings
have been opened. In Montgomeryshire and Merioneth-
shire very valuable mineral properties have been opened
and are in full work, and there is every reason to believe
that the lodes of the Lisburne and Cwmystwyth mines, in
Cardiganshire, which have yielded such enormous wealth,
are likely to be found in the neighbourhood of Llanidloes.
Mining operations have been carried on there for a period
of 17 years, and with good success, and competent parties
have pronounced that the lode, which :s '2O feet in width, is,
without doubt, a continuation of the Cardiganshire mines.
It is also said that the ore which has ben hitherto obtained
has been raised only from strings and offsets from the main
body of the meal. inhich lies considerably deeper, and to
work which advantageously larger shafts will be sunk.
The New York Literary World says that " the in-
ternational copyright question between England and the
United States is 'under consideration' at Washington; and
so thoroughly has the way been prepared in public opinion,
by a diligent examination of the topic through the press,
that we anticipate no substantial and valid bar to its early
settlement."

Tho Chancf Ilor of the Exchequer returned to
town yesterday, when Sir John Trollope and the
.Secretary
to the Admiralty, Mr. A. Stafford, M.P., had mterviews
with the Right Lion. Gentleman.

S e'IRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—Tie progreee of Louis Napoleon to the
llmperiel throtie is no lougsr to be measured by
; stealthy advances or puerile imitations of' state and
dignity, for his journey through the southern pro-
-1 vines* of FrALIC, flee been so contrived as to present
an apparent crescendo of popular acclamation ; the
aushoritie:s already wind up their fulsome addresses
and proclamstions by the cry of " Vise l'Empereur;"
and it is only a question of a few weeks and a few
idle formalities when and how the empire is to be
proclaimed. A more veracious chronicle than the
Moniteur, and a closer investigation of the real state
of the country, would indeed lead to the conclusion
that all this enthusiasm is not quite so spontaneous
and genuine as the French Government would have
the world believe. At Valence and at Toulon the
Mayors of those cities intimated to the householders
that persons who neglec'ed to illuminate on the
passage of the Prince would be marked men, and
might even be subjected to flue and annoyance.
At Nimes the cry of " -rue 11 Anznistie" was so
loudly raised by the populace as to elicit a
reproof from the Prince himself. The municipal
elections, which are going on at the same
time, have every where been remarkable for the
indifference of the people, except in those places
(which are more numerous than was supposed) where
the Government candidates have been defeated. The
chief obstacle to the success of the opposition has been
the disinclination of persons of note to come forward
at all, since the elections have been immediately
quashed by the prefects wherever they have gone
against their own candidates. The most extravagant
language and unscrupulous efforts have been em-
ployed by the agents of the Administration, who, of
course, vie with each other in those services which
may give them a claim to the gratitude or the favour
of the rising power, and the Minister of the Interior
has issued a circular directing that a strict account be
kept of the amount of seal or servility shown by in-
dividuals in every class of society, in order, no
doubt, that their future claims upon the Govern-
ment may be measured by their eagerness to pros-
titute themselves to its ambition. So vast a
speculation on the hopes and fears, the vanity,
and the apprehensions of a whole nation, cannot
fail to produce its effect, where all the prizes of
the State may be the rewards of obedience, and all
the terrors of absolute power may be the penalty of
disaffection. Within the last week one ship-load of
political offenders has been dispatched to Cayenne
and another to Algeria, by virtue of the decree of
the 9th of December last; that is without any sem-
blance of a trial. But, in spite of this double mode
of persuasion, we still find scarcely a name of emi-
nence among those persons who have welcomed Louis
Napoleon in the provinces, and it is be the absence or
silence of the upper classes that we can alone judge
of what is passing in their minds. In France nothing
is strong but the Government, and in the present
state of the country the inherent weakness of private
opposition is reduced to total impotence. It is diffi-
cult to persuade ourselves that in a country which has
so often made the world ring with its opinions and
its rights every channel is now closed against the
utterance of truth : a man dares not tell his neigh-
bour what he thinks ; to abstain from all participa-
tion in public affairs is the only refuge of the free
citizen, and even that course exposes him to suspi-
cion, and he must be supposed to do and
to be whatever it may please the Government and the
Moniteur to call the opinions of France. The Re-
public itself, which inspired the same terror, though
it never resorted to the same odious means of coercion
and falsification, was received in somewhat the same
manner. In three days Marshal Bugeaud tendered
his sword to the service of a Government which he
hated and despised, but which he also feared. More
than two months after the 24.11 of February the Re-
public was legally proclaimed by the unanimous
shout of the representatives of the people. Not a voice
was raised to denounce the imposture, or to expose the
utter worthlessness of that fantastic experiment, for
France accepted and ratified the form of govern-
ment which the immense majority of the nation
abhorred. All that has since befallen her, the po-
sition in which she now lies prostrate, and the
curse of a Government without law and without
morality, are no more than the expiation of the
gigantic act of folly which overthrew the constitu-
tional monarchy. The first and principal cause of
the popularity of Louis Napoleon—a cause more
powerful than the name of his uncle or the tricks
of his prefets—is the horror and aversion of the
French nation for the republican form of govern-
ment. Their politicians and statesmen rendered it
ridiculous in the National Assembly—their Socialists
and demagogues rendered it odious and formidable
throughout the land. In electing their first Presi-
dent they thought only of the man who was most
certain to destroy the institutions which they had
weakly and passively submitted to, and the despotism
of Louis Napoleon finds a people not altogether re-
luctant to pay even that price to be released from the
fetters of M. Marrast's incorrigible Constitution.
These events have demonstrated that a nation is never
less mistress of its own fate than when it affects to
give itself totally new laws and to root up all pre-ex-
isting notions of right, but in reality to obey the im-
pulse and yield to the acts of some small body of men
whom accident or audacity has placed in a dominant
position. Although, therefore, we view the internal
Policy and lawless despotism of the French Govern-
ment with the feelings we have very frequently
and freely expressed, and although the English press
has laboured, not in vain, to publish to the world
facts which would otherwise have been entirely,
stifled and unknown, we have never felt much sur-
prise at this course of events, and we even doubt
whether after the catastrophe of 1848 any different
termination of such a state of things could be antici-
pated. The proclamation of the Empire is the natural
climax of this tide in public opinion, and in itself it is
a matter of no more importance to the world than the
proclamation of M. de Lamartine at the Hotel de
Ville, or of M. Louis Blanc at the Luxembourg. All
these Governments and potentates have pretty much
the same foundation and the same value; and we
only regret that none of them have governed well
enough to retain the power he had chanced to win.
We believe, therefore, that the revival of the Imperial
dignity in France ought to be viewed just as the other
evolutions of that nation have been; and we entirely
concur in the opinion recently expressed by the chief
organ of Russian diplomacy in the continental press, to
the effect that the clause in the treaties of 1814 and
1815 by which the great Powers bound themselves o
maintain the perpetual exclusion of the family of
Napoleon Bonaparte from supreme power in France
may now be regarded as null and void. That clause
was intended especially to protect the monarchy of
Bourbons, then restored in the person of Louis
XVIII.; but, as that monarchy and its heirs have
long since been overthrown and ejected by several
successive revolutions, all of which have been recog-
nised by the rest of Europe, it would be absurd to
insist upon a stipulation which has no further any
object. It is now a matter of indifference to this
country, and we may probably add to all Europe,
whether a member of the Bonaparte family does or
does not exercise supreme power in France. But
what is of the highest consequence to this country
and to all Europe is, that whosoever does exercise
supreme power in France should recognise the
territorial limits, and give us all the reasonable
pledges and assurances of peace, which we
have had from the French nation under the two
branches of the monarchy and under the Repub-
lic. Eugland, Austria, Russia, and Prussia are the
more entitled to a clear and explicit declaration from
the head of the French Government on this point, as
they do not hesitate to express their desire to main-
tain amicable relations with the new Government,
and they are evidently ready to wave any objection
which might be founded on the first article of the
Peace of Paris, by which Napoleon "renounced for
himself, his successors and descendants, as well as
each of the members of his family, all right of sove-
reignty and dominion as well over the French empire
and the kingdom of Italy as over all other coun-
tries ;3' although this act of exclusion was confirmed
and made perpetual by a further agreement between
the four Powers at the termination of the war.
But, in exchange for this mark of deference to the
will x
fromthe Frenchois
people, Europe has a right to
p
Napoleon a full and complete
acceptanceeeof
et Louis
of the terms upon which the relations
of France towards all her neighbours and allies have
rested for the last thirty-seven years, and of all the
engagements entered into by various French Go-
vernnents in that interval. For the welfare of France
and of mankind we sincerely hope that the second
French Empire may be as pacific and prosperous as
the first empire was warlike and calamitous; but the
least to be expected and required of it is as full end
satisfactory an assurance on this point as such a Go-
vernment can give. There need be no unnecessary
haste in establishing the public relations of foreign
States with a Government whose policy is obscure, if
not suspicious; but the dignity and the safet‘ of Europe
require that before the principal Powers place them-
selves on a footing of familiar intercouse with another
French Empire, they shall oh:ain from that Govern-
ment a distinct recognition of ell those obligations
which constitute the public law of Europe, and which
no State can repudiate with iwpueity.
CEIRONICLE.—W hen Lord Broughton de Gy 1-
ford, thee plain Mr. Hobbinua,, vva, censurer in the
EL.use of Commons for using xpressions csleuldsd
to hurt the feelings i.f the Sublime Porte, he inquired
whether Honourble Members supposed that the Lon-
don newspapers were laid regularly every morning
on the breakfast-table of the Sultan or the Grand
Vizier. When we and some of our contemporaries
are accused of woueding the at If-leve of 'he French
army, alreedy suffieieotly eager for a fresh trial of
strength with la perfide Albion, eve cannot but ask,
in our turn, whether our critics fancy that English
journals form an established part of the daily reading

of French soldiers ? Setting aside the difficulty pre•
sensed by the language, we will answer for it that the
few Frenchmen, resident in France, who contrive to
benefit by our lucubration, belong to the class which,
if permitted to speek out, would thank us for them.
We wish it were otherwise—we wish that the whole of
the French people, civil and military, could be made ac•
queinted with the oeinion ehich is entertained of their
President's ct s and proceedings by the best
informed and most intelligent persons in every
quarter of the globe. But as this cannot be whilst
he retains the power of gagging the press, we must
rest satisfied with upholding the standard of political
morality beneath the protection of the British consti•
tution, and with warning our own countrymen to be
equally on their gu ird against his friendship and his
enmity—his amicable professions and his threats.
There are two distinct modes in which a mistaken or
perverted view of Louis Napoleon's chute er and
career may b- fraught with gu incalculable amount of
evil. In the first place, the tacit approval or the
boastful vindication of perjury, rapinfe and bloodshed
—tor whatever end they may be employed—implies
or induces a low tone of thinking, which has invade.'
ely proved fatal to the permanence of free institutions.
Any community which can contemplate the perpetrae
tion of an enormous political wrong, or the foul
oppression of a neighbouring State, without a flush of
indignation, is in a fair way to become the victim of a
similar outrage, and would richly merit its fate. Nor
is it merely a well-founded apprehension lest the
moral taint should spread, that renders us reluctant to
believe that the French have freely acquiesced in the
new despotism. " I rejoice," exclaimed Lord
Chatham, " that the Americans have resisted. Three
million subjects of the British empire, so dead to
every generous impulse as to submit their necks to
such a yoke, would be fit instruments to make slaves
of the rest." A fortiori, a nation of thirty-two mil•
lions, in the heart of Europe, tamely enduring such
despotism as that of Louis Napoleon, would be fit in-
struments to tread out every spark of liberty on this
side of the Atlantic, unless they were sedulously
watched, and timely preparations made to resist theta
in case of need. This brings us to our second reason
for protesting against the partial and false construe'
tion so systematically put upon all the Prince Preaie
dent's acts by his partizans. The effect of their
misstatements and their sophistry, be their purpose
what it may, is to induce a dangerous confidence
in his dispositions and intentions. The English
public are requested to believe that he has been,
and is, the sole barrier against a flood of Red Repub•
licanism, which, if he were removed, might speedily
re-enact the terrible doings of the early years of
the revolution of 1789. This is about as true 50
that Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli have saved tbie,
devoted land from being devastated by " democracy.,
If ever there was a time when the Red Republicans or
Socialists were truly formidable, it was in the spring
of 1848, when M. Ledru Rollin's commissaries were
hard at work in the provinces, whilst MM. Loa;
Blanc, Albert (ouvrier), and Co., were preaching the
organization of labour at the Luxembourg. But
what was the result ? The moment the French nil•
time had an opportunity of declaring itself through a 0
Assembly elected by universal suffrage, it pronounced
decidedly in favour of what we should call Coeserva•
tive opinions. The most violent of the dissentient
minority were crushed and decimated by Cavaignae
and when Louis Napoleon took the oaths as First,
Magistrate of the so-called Republic, the majority 01
the National Assembly was notorious for its monar"
chical tendencies. Tee real contest thenceforth lay
between him and the leaders of that famous " mejo'
rity." He himself was the chief conspirator from the
very commencement of his Presidency ; and the ule
defined dread with which timorous people looked for-
ward to May, 1852, may be clearly traced to hie
intrigues and his well-known determination to over'
ride the law. Apart from his illegal pretensions to 00
immediate renewal of his lease of office, there were
no apprehensions whatever of an outbreak ; and big
best mode of " saving society would have beef,
riot to trample on its most sacred obligations, nor
to imprison or banish its chief ornaments, but to
take ship himself—with his Persignys, St. Arnaudet
de Mornys, and Maupases—for California or Car
enne. The plain truth is, that Louis Napoleon—io
this, at least, imitating the Imperial founder of hie
family—has been guided, throughout every shifting
phase of his adventurous and chequered life, by pure
selfishness. Ile will stick at nothing to forward hie
own interests; and the notion of his being restrained
by gratitude for kindness and hospitality received io
England, or by personal regard towards EnglishmeOt
is preposterous. He will attack us without scruple'
and without warning. whenever the state of his of'
fairs require him to find employment for his troopet
or to keep up the prestige of his name by a coup de
main. Far from expecting that the crisis will be
averted through the influence or the statesmanship
of the Earl of Malmesbury, we must confess that our
fears will be most materielly aggravated so long es
that incapable and self-sufficient nobleman shall he
entrusted with the seals of the Foreign-office. Ile
is just the description of Minister whom 011
unscrupulous adversary would desire to set in
such a post; for nothing would be more easy than
to hoodwink his Lordship by a little judicious
flattery. The facility with which he may be lured
into a trap was sufficiently shown by his simplicity in
assenting to the proposed extradition treaty, in which
absurd and dangerous scheme he persisted until its
true purport was explained to him by Lord Brougham'
Under these circumstances, it most especially behoves
us to keep alive the national vigilance, and to compel
attention to the hourly increasing indications of the
gathering storm which threatens to break upon our
shores, Ship after ship—each announced as one arch
more of a projected bridge across the Channel—hee,
been recently added to a navy, the available force of
which, we repeat, has been sedulously mystified; and
within three months the completed railway to Cher'
bourg will enable the new or embryo Emperor to con'
centrate and embark an invading army, before the
news of its having left Paris can reach the AdruiraltY
or the Horse Guards. There is yet time for ample
preparation; but it will be little short of insanity to
our rulers to trust to Louis Napoleon's sense of jute
tics and respect for international law, or to hope to
avert his calculated hostility by repeating their
cowardly and unjust censures of the Press.

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