The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-21 00:00:00

PAT E ic I 14Z G,

HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 20.
The LORD CANCRLLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
at Five o'clock.

THE MEGIER A.
Lord MINTO wished to explain a misapprehension as
to the statement which he had made the other night. It
had been represented that he had blamed the master of
the ship for not keeping in the ralddio of the
Channel instead of putting into Plymouth for
shelter. He certainly had blamed the master, but it
was for not putting into some nearer port; he never
could have supposed that it would have been better for
him to keep in the middle channel. The master had,
however, for purposes of his own, predetermined to go
into Plymouth, and he had blamed him for doing so
in defiance of the state of the weather, and
thereby putting the soldiers to great inconvenience.
He had made this explanation in consequence of a letter
which had appeared in the public prints, written by a
certain individual, who, of course, had been led away
by the misstatement he had seen of his (the Noble
Lord's) speech. He did not blame the reporters for
their misrepresentation, but he attributed the error to
his own imperfect method of expressing himself.
Lord REDESDALE said it was perfectly clear that
the master had gone to sea without a sufficient stock of
provisions, thinking that he might buy them cheaper at
Plymouth.

BEER-HOUSES.
The Earl of HARROWBY presented a petition from
a place in the county of Sussex against the increase of
license
d beer-houses in agricultural places.
After a short conversation between Lord BEAUMONT
and Lord BROUGHAM on the subject of the Cuunty
Courts Extension Bill, introduced by the latter,
Tho Marquis of LA.NSDO `NNE said that in moving
the adjournment of the House, he would take the oppor-
tunity of informing the Noble Earl opposite (Ellenbo-
rough) that the letter which he had inquired for last
night had been discovered at the India Office in manu-
script, and would be laid on the table together with the
other documents asked for by the Noble Earl.
Their Lordships then adjourned at Halt-past Five.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb, 20.
The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before
Four o'clock.
The Great Munster Fair Bill was read a second time
and ordered to be committed.
ISLINGTON CATTLE MARKET BILL.
On the motion for the second reading of this Bill,
Sir GEORGE GREY said this market existed before
the Smithfield Removal Bill was passed, and the re•
strictive provisions of that Bill did not apply to it, but he
thought the House or the Committee betore whom the
Bill should be sent would pause before they passed the
clause enabling the proprietors of the market to increase
its size by sixteen acres.
After a brief discussion the Bill was read ft second
time and ordered to be committed.
MANCHESTER, SHEFFIELD, AND LINCOLN-
SHIRE RAILWAY.

On the motion for the second reading of this Canal Bill,
Mr. W. PATTEN called the attention of the House
to the fact that this Bill was promoted by a canal com-
pany which had merged into the Sheffield and Lanca-
shire Railway Company, and the Bill proposed to raise
the rates which were at present levied on a rival canal,
.
He was opposed to the and he called upon the
House to throw it out, as it was unjust in principle.
Mr. GEACH supported the Bill, and said thin was a
peculiar case. The Bill did not propose to raise the
tolls of a rival canal, but to compel the railway com-
pany to place the Maccleslied Canal upon the same foot-
ing in respect to tolls as its competitors.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said this case was quite unpre-
cedented in the private legislation of the House. The
Bill did not propose to have the affairs of its own canal
investigated, but it wanted to interfere with the manage-
ment of its rivals, and he therefore called upon the House
to be cautious how it adopted such a measure. The pro-
ceedings which it complained of were not peculiar to the
north, bnt it was going on all over the country; and he
might remind the House that this Bill related to what was
called the Carrying question. He regretted that he
could not see his way to a general Bill upon that sub-
ject; but, though he admitted the evil which the Bill
referred tc, he felt there was great difficulty in the way
of removing it by, legislation.
Mr. ROEBUCK supported the Bill.
Mr. GREENE moved that the Bill be read a second
time this day six months. This Bill was founded upon
a dangerous principle, and he hoped the House would
hesitate befcre it adopted it.
Mr. J CLAY supported the Bill.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER suggested that the Bill should
be postponed for a week.
Sir G. STRICKLAND did not think it would be
safe to leave this question to the decision of a Committee,
and he should therefore oppose the Bill. No less than
500,0004
was spent in preliminary litigation by the
Great Northern Railway,. owing to the opposition it met
with at the hands of every company, and,if they allowed
canal companies to interfere with the affairs of its
rivals there would be no end to the Parliamentary ex-
penses which the litigation would give rise to.
After a few words from Mr. GEACH in reply,
Mr. MACGREGOR expressed a hope that the House
would reject the Bill.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the second reading ... ... 83
Against it
Majority against ... —55
The Bill was accordingly thrown out.
PE rrnoNs.
Mr. WAWN presented a petition from North Shields
against the post-horse duty.
Several petitions to the same effect were presented by
other Host. MEMBERS.
Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from Brad-
ford, praying that the war in South Africa might be put
an end to by mediation.
PAR:SH CONSTABLES.
Mr. DEEDES
lga
:s e noticerespecting
hnet haep2po4 ;oh
appointment
e n instantt a
and
would move for :cave to bring in a Bill to amend and
c,nsolidute the
salaries of parish constables.

VOTE BY BALLOT.
Mr. H. BERKELEY gave notice that on the second
reading of the Parliamentary Representation Bill he
would move amendments to the effect that votes for Mem-
bers of Parliament should be taken by ballot.—(Hear.)
STAMP oN lIONTHLY PUBLICATIONS.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD wished to know whether the
Government acquiesced in the decision of the Barons of
the Exchequer with respect to stamping of monthlypublications, and if so,
were prepared to
return the fines which
whether they
had been inflicted prior to that
decision by the Board of Inland Revenue on a misin-
terpretation of the laws ? The proprietor of the
Wakefield Examiner had compromised an action in-
stituted against him by the payment of 51., and he wished
that sum to be refunded.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
what he stated cn a former occa.ion was, that be
was not disposed to question further the point which
was raised in the case of the Household Narrative,
but he did not mean to say that he acquiesced
in a decision which set aside an interpretation of
the law that had existed for upwards of 200 years.
There were, however, very few cases in which fines had
befit inflicted. Indeed, he believed the Wakefield Exa-
miner was the only one,
and he was certainly. not dis-
posed to return the moue—
), which had been
paid in that
case.

In reply to dr. lIUME, who inquired whether the
Government acquiesz.ed in the decision of the Barons
of the Exchequer,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
did not mean to attempt to reverse the decision, but it
was under consideration whether the Government should
be guided by it.

THE MEG/ERA.
Mr. ROEBUCK wished to ask a question with re-
spect to the Government steam-vessel Megasra, which
some time since was dispatched to the Cape with 800
soldiers on board. A letter appeared in the Times from
a clergyman, stating that when she started there was
great confusion on board, that nothing was prepared for
the voyage, and that every one who saw her were as-
sured some dreadful disaster would happen to her before
she got to the end of her voyage. A few days after-
wardsther, a
havinghe w
as
drivmeentintowlit'ntymoauth
sbeyversetressgaolef wea-
ther,
the Channel. -
Another letter appeared in the
same paper last Tuesday, stating that she
took l 7 clays
Wsailing vessel was 15 days, and for a steam-
vessels 7 day to arrive at Madeira, the ordinary
time fora,
and that this delay arose from her having
only six days' coal on board. The letter also added that
the vessel was twice on fire during the voyage. Now he
wishedaval
to learn whether these statements were correct.
Sir F. BARING said the Mcgrera was built in a
private
yard, and her engines made by a private manu-
facturer. She was built of iron, and being thought fir,
fore the conveyance of troops, was fitted up with great
care for that purpose. She was twice in-
spected by the Board, and several times by competent
n
officers who spoke in the strongest terms of her
capabilities for carrying troops. Every possible accom-
modation was provided for the soldiers, officers, and
crew. It was proposed by the Admiralty that the
number of troops to be conveyed should be diminished
by 100, but the authorities at the Horse Gu %rds
re
opposed to the separation of the troops on I'lle
ground that it would interfere with their proper disci-
pline. It was quite true there were ordnance
stores on board, but no more than necessary
for the use of the soldiers. The delay in the
voyage to Madeira arose, not from a deficiency
of coal, but to a long-continued gale and hurricane, such
as the captain of the Birkenhead said he had never seen
before. The fires on board were occasioned by the ig-
nition of some felt near the boilers, but they were of no
Serious character.
Mr.ROEBUCK said he had been informed that vessels,
were sent to the Cape without ammunition, an
which was not discovered until alter the ships returned
home, and he begged to give notice that he should k a
question on this point on Monday.
Mr. FITZROY should be glad to know whether any
improvement had been effected or was going on with re-
ference to the better coaling of ships?
Sir F. BARING said some improvements had be en
recently effected. errored
THE AMAZON.
Mr. M. GIBSON wished to put a question on the
subject of the Amazon. It would be remembered that
some of the crew and passengers of the Ateezon
the Government was whether
found
afterwards
Frenchßrest
with haar,
y admiral,bioe uwr ,
to anda dwithimme-
diatelyor
grn t
humanity Sent a ship to sea,
expressed to the French Go-
save
which had been felt in this
the lives of any other persons who might be found in
,boats.—(Cheers.) The question he wished to ask the
vtl\herr, o: bi
ml ee n
Government Lord
the
ea t the
gratification
hheadad o f
coun try at the humane conduct of their admiral?
laa, cd JOHN RUSSELL had only to say, that her

FEB.EtT3

Majesty's Government had felt great gratitude to the
French admiral for the efforts be had made in
the cause of humanity—(Rear, hear)—and Lord Gran-
ville had conveyed the thanks of her Majesty in the
name of the British nation to the French Government,
for the service which their officers had so promptly and
humanely rendered.—(Chaers.)
Mr. HUME should be glad to know when the corre-
spondence with Admiral Ommannt•y would be laid on
the table. His conduct presented a very strange contrast
be that of the humanity of the French admiral.
Sir F. BARING said it had already been laid on the
table.

THE MG2ERA
Sir H. VERNEY wished E
t .o
know if hammocks were
provided for all the man on board of this vessel when she
sailed for the Cape?
Sir F. BARING said the Honourable Baronet ought
to know, but probably he did not know—(A laugh)—
that by the rules of the service troops on board ship
were divided into three watches, one of which were al-
ways on deck, and it was not the custom of the Admiralty
to provide hammocks for those who could not use them.
EXCHEQUER-BILLS.
Mr. J. B. SMITH wished to put a question to the
Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject of the
forthcoming Exchequer-bills. At present these bills
carried interest at the rate of I id. a day, or 21. 15s. 7d.
a y ear, and were at a premium of GOs. each. Now, he was
informed that in the existing plentiful state of the money
market the interest could be safely reduced to id. per
nay, whereby a saving of something like 130,0001. would
be effected, and he should be glad to know if the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer intended to make such a
reduction.—(ll ear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did not
propose to reduce the interest, because it he did it
would only have the effect of disturbing the solidity of
those securities. and create undue speculation in them.
—(Hear.) The question of reduction had before been
submitted to him, but after giving the best consideration
in his power to the subject, he could arrive at no other
conclusion than that it would be neither wise nor pru-
dent to make the change.—(Hear, hear.) The late Sir
Robert Peel, it would be remembered, was very much
blamed for lowering the rate of interest, because it
led to undue and unnatural speculation, and he was
afraid the same result would follow any reduction now.
—(Hear, hear.) The interest on Exchequer-bills had
never been lower than lid. per day, but in 1844 the
premium on them rose to 795., and yet no reduction was
made then, and he saw no reason for making any now.
The Honourable Gentleman was mistaken in the amount
which he supposed a reduction to a penny would save.
SIR JOHN FRANKLIN.
Mr. ANSTEY wished to know if Captain Penny was
to be employed in the new expedition now fitting out to
go in search of Sir John Franklin and his crew?
Admiral BERKELEY said that it did not rest with
the Hon. Gentleman to determine what officers should be
seat out on Artie service—(Hear, hear)—and if he would
put his question into a proper form on Monday he would
answer him.

THE ST. ALBANS' WITNESSES.
On the order of the day being read for the considera-
tion of the communication made by the Sergeant-at-
Arms,
Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the Sergeant•at-Arms
be directed to plead to the notice of action which had
been served on him.
Mr. HUME protested against this course being taken;
he thought the House ought to have the power, which
every court had, of enforcing its orders, and of support-
ing its own officers.
Mr. ROEBUCK said that the act of the Chairman
of the Select Committee on the St. Albano' election pos-
sessed just the same force as if it had been the act of the
Speaker himself. The Committee could not be separated
from the House; and it was the acts of the House which
were sought to be submitted to a civil tribunal.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that both
the Honourable Gentlemen Laboured under a misap-
prehension. The question here was simply whether
the Chairman of the St. Albans Committee had rightly
exercised the powers vested in him by Act of Parlia
ment. It ,was his acts as an individual which were im-
puted,
and under those circumstances there could be no
objection to allow the Sergeant to plead.
After a few words from Sir R. 11. INGLIS, the
motion was agreed to.
LOCAL MILITIA ACTS.
DEFEAT OP THE MINISTRY.
On the order of the day for bringing up the report of
the Committee on the Local Militia Act,
Lord J. RUSSELL said—Before the report is re-
ceived I wish, as there appears to be some objection to
allowing me to bring in the Bill, to recapitulate what are
the principal provisions of the Bill which I propose to
bring in. I said the other day that we meant to pro-
ceed on the basis of the local militia in organizing the
force we mean to call out. Not, however, in exact con-
formity with the provisions of the Local Militia Acts,
which do not appear to be suitable to present circum-
stances, but modifying them as appeared requisite. The
object is to obtain a considerable force and number of
men who shall be trained for a small portion of the) ear,
and who, in case of war, may be so disciplined and so
far useful as to be brought to the coast, so as for some
months to supply the place of the regular troops and allow
the army to be recruited. This Bill is to accomplish that
object by moans the least burdensome to the country.
In the first place, then, we propose that instead of
taking the ages of those who are to serve either from
18 to 30 or 45 years, to take them from 20 to
23, and afterwards from 20 to 21 years—an age
of life when men are not usually married, and therefore
not taken away from their families, and whilst it is less
burdensome to them, it is also a less expense to the
country. Having these men chosen by ballot in the
proportion of one-fifth of all who are of the prescribed
ag we then say that with regard to the substitutes we
do not adopt the provisions of the Militia Act or of the
Local Militia Acts, but we propose that the persons
balloted for and.chosen should be at liberty to find sub-
stitutes, but these must be taken out of the same HAS—
that is, the lists of the same district and age to which the
persons chosen belong—but as it is only one-fifth we
propose to take, there would be no great difficulty in
finding those substitutes. The number proposed to be
trained would be, in the first year, 30,000, then aug-
menting in numbers each year until a force of 150,000
men was obtained. We propose that they should be
trained by a service, for the first year, of 28 days, and
during each of the subsequent four years which they are
to serve of 14 days. What I have stated applies to a time
of peace; but the object is to secure a force which may
bo made immediately useful in time of war. The pro-
visions of the Local Militia Acts referred to called
out that force in case of actual invasion or the
enemy appearing on the coast, and they only allowed
the local militia to be called away from their own coun-
ties during the time of actual invasion, or whilst the
enemy was on the coast, and for six weeks after either
of these occurrences took place. It is obvious that in
any war iu which wo may in future be engaged with any
of the great powers of Europe, or with the ITuiEed
States, that provision would not be sufficient for the pur-
poses intended; and, therefore, we must deal with the
matter as the change of circumstances requires. What
we propose then to do is, that in case of invasion, or
apprehended invasion, the Government may call out
those local bodies for a period not exceeding six mouths
with the provision that that period may be extended to
twelve months in case Parliament should deem expe-
dient. We conceive that if this body were thus or-
ganized, having been originally trained, they would be
a force exceedingly valuable for the purposes of the
defence of the country from invasion, and at
the same time there would be every facility afforded
both for calling out the regular militia, if that
were thought desirable, or for greatly increasing the
army to such extent that there would be no longer
danger of there not being a sufficient force to dere: d
the country. With respect to the officers, I have al-
ready stated it was intended that the lords-lieutenant of
the counties should have the power of naming two-
thirds of the officers, while the remaining third, includ-
ing the field officers, would be appointed from the half-
pay regiments of the line. These, I stated, formed a
general outline of the plan embodied in the Bill, but I
feel that it is impossible for the House to judge of the
plan and of its efficiency—whether it will furnish a
sufficient force, and its a manner least burdensome to the
country—without having the Bill before it; and all I
ask of the House is to allow me to place the Bill on the
table. I shall be quite ready then to discuss the plan—
either to pass it as proposed, or to adopt any better pro
visions that may be suggested. But Ido ask, as a
Mi-
nister of the Crown, to be enabled to place the Bill be-
fore the House, and let the House and the country.ede
cide
e
upon it. I should say likewise that we propose
Bill to repeal the existing Acts with regwaroulldtdo thebe
local militia, and therefore this Bill .
of
complete in itself. The present
is mode
exceedingly
ob-
taining men fer the militia
fore, to make the pro-
dilatory, and would require not less than ten weeks for
the purpose ; it is desirable, there
t now is. In would
coca more speedy and effectual than
.1
amending
likewise be necessary to introduce
and consolidating the militi
questionaatan
da sf or
tldßerisitofoodr the Hon.
Member (Mr. Hume) wished ;o raise the
whether the militia oughttoroteetahleled
report of the Committee
that reason I postponedcm wing of the question being dis•
for the purpose
cussed, and I think admitting
the arguments adduced the other
the measure, and especially the ar-
guments in supportthNoble Lord the Member for Tiverton
conclusivethe •
guments
erston), were upon subject.
(Lord Pa
There being no prospect that the House would ever
adopt a
measure for adding some 30,000 or 40 000 men
to the army of the United Kingdom, it is necessary that
there should be a body of militia to enable the county
to prepare for immediate defence in case of attack, with
a force ready and partly trained, so as to be at once
available. I should propose also that in case of war
they might be sent to any part of the United Kingdom.
Lord PALMERSTON said, it was not a part of my
wish to prevent the Government bringing in a Bill to
provide a force which may be required for the defence
of the country. On the contrary, I wish to promote such
a measure; but I think it of importance to the public
service and to the convenience of the House, that a Bill
containing several details should be brought in founded
upon a right principle; for if a Bill is brought in, founded
t. 'pon a wrong principle, it takes more time to work it to
a _right principle than if it had been introduced originally
Gla a principle applicable to the purposes for which it was
ii iteuded. From what the Noble Lord has just stated, I
ti ink there is an essential difference between the title
he
m, sans to give his Bill and the substance and provisions
of the Bill. And the object of ore of
my
the title and
amendments
which I propose to move is simply to place
the provisions of the Bill in withharlnony each other.
I
'With regard to the first amendment it s quite unQ bJec'

V 21, lgbo

tionable, according to what we have just beard, because
whether the 13111 to be brought in shall relate to
the regular militia or to the I, eel militia, it must be a
Bill to amend and consolidate toe existing militia laws,
and from the statement of the Not le Lord that he in-
tended to repeal the existing Acts, and to consolidate all
the tegisletiee on the subject, the addition of the word
" consolidate" is necessary, tor simply amending would
' not accomplish the purpose. But the main point is
whether the measure we are to have is to be founded on
the regular militia or the local militia. There is a very
essential distinction between the two, and that distinc-
tion has been entirely lost sight of in the observations
just made by the Noble Lord; for in proposing to bring
in this Bill, which is to be totally founded upon the local
militia, the Noble Lord has very nearly described a Bill
founded upon the regular militia. Now what I humbly
conceive requisite is this. We are in a political and
geographical position which exposes us—l hope not with
much probability—to the possibility of finding ourselves
involved in war; we are liable to be invaded in case of
war by a very considerable and formidable force. We
have not in time of peace a regular army sufficient, in
my opinion, to meet au emergency of that kind. It
would not suit the habits of the country, or the finances
of the country, to follow the example of the military na-
tions of the continent, who, in times of peace, maintain
a standing army sufficient to defend them, at all events,
in the commencement of any war they might be in-
volved in. With respect to our regular army, that por-
tion of it at home is necessarily small in time of peace,
and insufficient to meet the various contingencies to
which we may be exposed on the breaking cut of the
war. And be it remembered that the change which has
taken place in navigation by steam renders the (linger
more imminent on the breaking out of a war than it
was formerly. We have, then, to provide, not for a
danger which may happen at the end of six months, but
at the end of a fortnight or a month, upon the declara-
tion of war. And how is that danger to he provided
against? The only rational mode is to have in time of
peace a considerable force organized of officers and men
drilled, disciplined, armed, equipped, and ready at the
shortest notice to come to the aid of the regular army at
the breaking out of a war. That is the first thing. I
want a force which shall be ready trained and suffi
cleat for ordinary purposes, and which you can lay
your hand upon at the shortest possible notice. So far
it is immaterial what you call it, whether local militia
or regular militia, provided it be equipped, armed,
and trained, and liable to be called out at an early
period. But the local militia is not such a force—as,
according to the law under which it is formed,
it is not liable to be called out except in cases of
actual invasion, or the enemy appearing in force on the
coast.—e(Hear, hear.) But that would be too late. It
would be shutting the gate after the steed is stolen—
(Cheers and laughter)—barring out the robber after he
has got into your house.— (Renewed cheers and laugh-
ter.) If you are not to call out your defence till the
enemy has lauded on the coast, or is lying in Torbay, it
will not come in time for the purpose you want it fore
So far the local militia is thrown over by the Noble
Lord—still be preserves the title. The next point I
would enforce is, that the force so called out in time,
armed and equipped, should be liable to serve in any
part of the United Kingdom in which its services may be
required.—(Cheers.) We are two islands, and we must
nut disguise from ourselves the danger that may impend
in consequence—that there may be a landing of the
enemy, not on one part, but on two or three different
portions of the coast, and therefore your defensive force
in aid of the regular army must be applicable to every
portion of the United Kingdom.—(Hear, bear) The
local militia is not so. The Local Militia Acts distinctly
previee that the force shall nut go out of Great Britain.
The Noble Lord then says his local militia cannot be
local—(Laughter)—that is, that it can be applicable to
tne whole of the United Kingdom.—(aleur.) It is, in fact,
a name which does not describe the new character of the
force. I highly approve of that change in the Noble
Lord's plan, that the force called out should be appli-
cable to all parts of the kingdom ; but such a force so
called out is not a local militia—it is a regular militia.—
(Hear, hear.) In former times the militia of Ireland
was liable for service only in Ireland, and that of Great
Britain only in Great Britain; but in the year 1814 an
Act was passed by which the militia was made liable to
serve in every part of the United Kingdom. I wish this
force to be such a one.—(Hear, hear.) Having some
little interest in Ireland, I am anxious that that country
should be safe from invasion. It would be no satisfac-
tion to me it the enemy landed in Ireland to tell me here
there are 200,000 local militiamen in England, and
you must do what you can for yourselves in Ireland, by
means of whatever voluntary force may be afforded you.
Then the Noble Lord has so far abandoned the form
and character of the local militia that the force which
he has described as that which he would organize is a
force identical with the regular militia, and distinct from
the local one. There is another point equally essential
—namely, that the force so called out should be liable to
remain embodied so long as was necessary for the de-
fence of the country and the public service. The local
militia was not such a force. It was liable to be called
out after the enemy was landed or actually in force on
the coast, and it could be kept embodied no longer than
six weeks after that enemy had been expelled or been
prevented from landing. That I humbly conceive is not
enough; for your liability to danger does not cease with
the sailing away of a squadron from the coast, or with
the expulsion of a body of troops who may have landed
on some part of our territory. Your local militia then
is insufficient. But here again the Noble Lord throws
over the provisions of the Local Militia Act, though he
still retains the name. Here then we come to the great
practical defect of the plan of the Government. It is
neither one thing nor the otier—it is neither a local
militia nor a regular militia—it is to be so far a local
militia that it is to be different from the regular militia.
And you will have a regular militia, besides this local
force of 200,000 men, to be kept embodied for 6 months or
longer, so as to facilitate the augmentation of the regular
army. Now see what you will involve yourselves iii. On
the breaking out of a war you will have 200,000 men
engaged for this local militia. At the same time you
will proceed by a double process to a large enlistment
of men for the regular army, and also to ballot for the
regular militia. You will be recruiting men for the
regiments of the line, and at the same time you
will send out the militia ballot to bid against and coun-
teract that enlistment.—(Hear, hear.) That is a very
unwise and unmeaning proceeding. It would be far
better that you should have in time of peace an adequate
force as a reserve to your regular army, which you
should call out in time of war, and when you have got
it embodied you should keep it, being a trained and dis-
ciplined force, and let it remain as a part of your garrison
in time of war. It would relieve you from the necessity
.if going into the market and bidding against the recruit-
ing service for the organization of a great body of men
tor a temporary purpose. In the course of the last war
it never happened that you were able to add more than
25,000 men to the regular army by voluntary enlistment
But you would require a larger number than that if you
were engaged in war. You would have to send rein-
forcements to your garrisons abroad, and to augment
the home defences; and it would be at least two years
before, with any degree of safety, you could dispense
eith the embodiment of that reserved force which
would be dormant in time of peace, to be brought into
activity in time of war. For these reasons it appears
ee me that what the country wants is that we
-hould call out " the militia.”—(Hear, hear,) It
is a force which has existed in much the same
,gape that it has now assumed since the year 1665.
It was remodelled in the time of George 11., and was
improved in the time of George 111. Various Acts have
been passed since, all of which may be conveniently put
into one; but there is a system which has existed nearly
two centuries, and in the preamble of the Act which
constitutes that force its purposes and objects are dis-
tinctlye explained. The Act says, that, " Whereall_rteha
militia force under the command of officers within
Britain (it would be within the United Kingdom
ing to the present law) is essential to the defencerea_
readiness to
kingdom, and by virtue of its constantof the utmost
render effective service has beers found
se realms," &c.
importance as a national defence of the.
militia was founded.
These are the terms on which the acolicfotrnde
The local militia was perfectly diircumffare te ai
sne
obxl
e
of the Local Militia Act statesta
that
pedient of Europe that the
local militia should be established,et,,
pedient in the present cn
s
asp
and under certain
tiV herrhee
restrictions in England be called forth in case of inva-
's regular militia force, may
sion in aid of her Majes”ste.
y
The local militia was
it please your Maierety,
the regular militia, and not a
substantive
itself, forming an element of the
permanent kingdom.
defence of thelt was net the
species of force which we now require—namely, a
übssta a
ntive resource
force
force that would form a corps de reserve, to be brought
into immediate use in case circumstances rendered it ne-
cessary. I will not go now into any details as to sub-
to impress upon the House that the
stitutea and local arrangements—that is not my object.
forceWh watwlewiasnhtiiss,the regular militia, and not a force which
is neither a regular militia nor a local militia. The force
I speak of is nothing new; the regular militia was
trained in the years 1821 and 1822, and again in the
year 1831. As to the arguments which I have heard
advanced against the character of the regular militia, I
do not think them of any force. I have heard it said
that the regular militia is a bad thing, because of the
substitutes; that you cannot rely on the substitutes—
that in England they would not come out when the regi
meats were embodied—that in Scotland they would not
like to serve against the enemy—and that in Ireland you
l'and they
England the men are unpatriotic; could not trust the men enrolled—that that in
have heard against the
(Hear.) All the objections
are cowards, and that in Ireland they are traitore.—
militia are founded upon ajadical distrust of the people
Now, on the contrary, I am
:
prepared to confide in
of the United Kingdom.the people—(Cheers)—but
of s
you cannot trust the population of
themselves, you had much better
the country to defend
—set , _
I am sure, that
the matter at once, —(Cheers.) eers.) If you cannot
give up
England to come to
people
of their standard
trust the
their standard is
Lid
invaded—if you cannot rely upon
when
the people of Scotland to fight against the enemy with
•
their ancient bravery, or upon the people of Ireland to
defend their own country from attack, let us at once
send fora Russian foree.—(Cheers.) Let us send for
an Austrian garrison.—(Renewed cheering.) And
with shame and confusion let us confess that Eugland is
no longer England, and that the people of this country
have no no longer the spirit to defend themselves,
their homes, and their families, from the ene-
my.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, that is not my opinion.
—(Enthusiastic cheering.) I am convinced that the
people of this country have a full sense of the value
of all they possess—that they have a spirit to defend
it, and a spirit to maintain independent the
liberties of their country, and that they are not
likely to give way to any foolish and unreasonable
fancies, but that they are prepared to guard them-
selves against dangers which may be possible, if not
immediately probable.—(Hear.) I am convinced, if the
Government and this House appeal to the people of Eng-
land tend obey( them what dangers they are liable to, ,