The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TlMES.—Since the days when the First Napoleon
scattered armies and dated proclamations from fallen
capitals no more merciless conditions have been im-
posed on a conquered enemy than those contained in
the preliminaries of pewee between the German
Powers and Denmark, and in the arrangesnents
with respect to the F:rmistice which is to be observed

till the conclusion of a definitive treaty. Denmark
yields everything. The King renounces his rights
to Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauenburg in favour of
their Majesties the King of Prussia and the Empe-
ror of Austria, and he engages to recognise the ar-
rangements their said Majesties shall make in re-
spect of these Duchies. By these expressions the
two victorious Sovereigns at once fulfil their old en
gagement to recognise King Christian es the Sove-
reign of the whole kingdom, and they exclude the
L&iet from any control even of the Duchy which is
now occupied by Federal troops. Instead of the
King of Denmark being made to acknowledge that
he had no rightful claim to Schleswig or Holstein,
his former title to them is allowed, in order that he
may make them over to the actual belligerents as
the prize of war. It certainly makes but little prac-
tical difference to Denmark what may be the fate
and who may be the rulers of the ceded territory;
but the fact that it has been torn by force from the
old Government is even more conspicuous in the
present language of the treaty than if the right of
the German Confederation to control the succession
had been formally recognised. The islands usually
held to be part of Schleswig follows that Duchy in
the separation. Not only does Alsen become Ger-
man, but also the large islands on the western coast
which were formerly looked upon as wholly or in
part belonging to Jutland. These are Atnrom,
Fohr, Salt, and Romo. In compensation the
Danes acquire a little strip of land on the bor-
der, forming part of the district of Ribe on the
west and Kolding on the east. The arrangements
concerning the debts and loans are not objectionable,
but the stipulations as to the support of the
Prussian army in Jutland, which is to be held
till the definitive treaty of peace is signed,
are most onerous for Denmark, and betray on the
part of the allies an unworthy desire to make their
enemy drink the cup of humiliation to the dregs.
The levy of contributions is of course suspended,
but the provisions for the allied troops will be fur-
nished at the expense of Jutland conformably with
the Prussian and Austrian regulations. " The
lodging of the troops and officials connected with
the army, as well as the means of transport for the
use of the army, shall equally be furnished at the
expense of Jutland." The surplus of the ordinary
revenue of Jutland after these expenses are paid
will be returned to the Danish Government. We
may be sure that it will be no very formidable sum.
When it is considered that these conditions have
been acceded to in about six weeks from the breaking
up of the London Conference, there need be no
other proof that the policy of Denmark in repelling'
the advice of its friends, and entering again,unaided,
on the contest with Germany, was unwise in con.
ception, and has been fatal in result Nothing,
indeed, could ho less in accordance with the defiant
tone used a few weeks since by the Danish Envoys
at the Conference than the language of the King in
the speech he has just addressed to the Rigsdag.
He confesses that the courage of his fleets and armies
has been in vain, and that, though the people have
made every sacrifice for the country, yet resistance
to superior force has been impracticable, for, as
Europe has left the Danes without assistance, " we
have seen ourselves forced to yield to numbers, and
to endeavour to terminate a war the continuance of
which, under existing circumstances, would only
occasion our beloved country greater losses and
misfortunes, without holding oat the prospect of
any improvement." This is an acknowledgement
which naturally suggests to any one who has fol-
lowed the course of events the inquiry, " Why,
then, did Denmark engage in this new campaign
and tempt there new aggressions, so as to end
in such grievous humiliation ? " Without
wishing to add to the sufferings of the Danish
people by one word of reproach, we must
yet, in reply to the general complaints they are
making against England, remind them of the differ-
ence between what the Conference might have given
them and what they now retain. We admit that
in playing a bold game, and standing up alone
against the two Powers, in the hope that at last
France or England would join them, they did not
act without a certain show of reason. But it was
the statesmanship of the gambler, and not of the
patriot. Relying on the fallacious hope that popu-
lar feeling in England would force the Government
to act on their side, or that the Opposition would
save them by accession to power after a Parliamen..
tart' battle, or th at the ambition and pride of France
would not permit Prussian aggrandisement, the
mistaken Govern.ment of Copenhagen spurned the
advice of this country and the concessions of its
own enemies, refused a partition of Schleswig, re-
fused even a prolonged armistice, and brought again
on itself the fall force of the two great monarchies.
To appreciate the value of the Conference, and the
advantage of the terms which the Danes might have
obtained by it, it is only necessary to call to mind
that on the 2d June the allies, after having claimed
the whole of the Duchies with entire independence
of Denmark and the right of establishing a new
succession, so far. withdrew from these pretensions
as to propose a boundary line which would have
given Denmark at least two-fifths of Schleswig.