The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-02 00:00:00

BANKING D.

Proprietors' Capi-
Rest
tal '14,553,000
Public Deposits (in-
3,859,557
cluding Exche-
quer, Savings'
Banks, Commis-
inissioners of Na-
tional Debt, and
Dividend Ac-

counts) 5.815,742
Other Deposits— 13,073,751
Seven Day and
other Bills .

551,224

£37,853,274
V

Sept. 1, 1564.

EMIGRATION FROM LIVERPOOL.--ine Govern •
tent emigration agent at Liverpool agent at Liverpool
yesterday (Thursday) issued the usual emigration returns
from this port for she month ending July. From these
returns it oppars that during the month of August there
sailed to the United Sates 22 ships, with 6,765 steerage
and 423 cabin passengers—to Canada, four ships, with 511
steerage and 146 cabin passengers—to New South Wales,
one ship, with 284 steerage passengers—and to Victoria,
two ships, with 992 steerage and 26 cabin passengers—
making is total of 29 ships and 8,550 steerage passengers.
Tho ships that sailed "not under the act" were—for the
United States, 11, with 463 passengers—to Canada, one,
with 15 passengers—to New Brunswick, one, with 3 pas-
sengers—to New South Wales, one, with 71 passengers—
t) Victoria, two, with 89 passengers—to South Australia,
one, with 2 passengers--to West Coast of Africa, one, with
38 cabin passengers—making a grand total of 2,579 Eng-
lish, 391 Scotch, 4,112 Irish, and 877 Germans, &c.
A FORTUNATE ESCAPE.—On Tuesday evening
he lookout luau at Bilston Lighthouse observed through
his glass toter boys standing about a bank in the channel
of the Mersey, numbered 23. They would have inevitably
be n swallowed up by the advancing tide, but a lifeboat
was sent as soon as possible to their assistance, and they
the

were r,

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(iron the Times' Correspondent.)

CLIFTON,HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, Aug. 18.
The friendly intercourse between the Southern
emissaries and agents and the leading Democratic
politicians of the North and North-West continues
as active as ever. Separated for so long a period
from each other by the terrible exigencies of war,
and connected as many of them are by ties of mar-
riage and consanguinity, as well as by those of social
and political companionship, it is not surprising
that they should take advantage of the agreeable pro-
pinquity of Canada to meet together for friendly dis-
cussion on the woes of their once common country,
and the possibilities of piece, if not of reconciliation.
The effect has been to concentrate all men's atten-
tion upon the approaching Convention at Chicago,
and to throw back into thu far domain of history the
platform of the Convention of Cleveland which no-
minated General Fremont, and that of the Conven-
tion of Baltimore which nominated Mr Linilotn.
The nominee of Chicago—provided,as I have already
stated, the subsequent election be fairly and legally
conducted, without tampering with the ballotboxes
or dictation on the part of the military—will be
the new President of the United States. All pre.
vions " platforms " are but 80 much waste paper, and
the platform of Chicago, embodying two great end
essential principles—the first an armistice, and the
second a convention of the States, will be the living
reality, the acceptance of which on the part of the
statesmen who will secure the support of Chicago
will render useless the opposition of Gen. Fremont,
Mr. Lincoln, or any other candidate whatsoever
who shall take his stand on the platform of the
rigorous prosecution of the war, and the uncondi-
tional surrender of the Southern people,
It is not to be imagined that the war party, whe-
ther composed of War Democrats or of such mem-
bers of the Republican party as have lost in Mr
Lincoln's ability to bring the war to a successful or
even an honourable issue, accept the idea that the
independence of the South will follow as a necesa
sary consequence of an armistice. On the contrary
they cherish the idea of reunion. They will not
abandon the darling hope that North and South, in
spite of the bitter memories of the war, will again
shake bands in fraternal loving.kindness, and con-
sent to be one people. They have a blind confidence
that the estrangement of the two is but temporary,
and the innate affection perpetual. They are as
thorough believers in Destiny as the first Napoleon,
and that Destiny they insist in the teeth of all ad.
verse argument is that there shall he but one great

nation on the North American continent, and-tha'

it shah not only comprise the now belligerent and
estranged sections of the Federation and the Confe•
deracy, but at a later, and possibly not distant, day,
both Mexico and British America. The peace party,
properly so called, has iao such ideas, but, as was
shown by the proceedings, at the preliminary Con-
vention of Syracuse, held to-day, and of which the
telegraphic reports are before me, will not interrupt
the harmony of the great Convention at Chicago
by insisting upon abstract principles which the
bulk of their coadjutors are not yet prepared to
recognise. The War Democrats believe that union
will be the result of an armistice ; while the Peace
Democrats believe that the sword once sheathed
will not again be drawn, and that the Northern
people, when they have talked over the matter with
their Southern brethren in peaceable convention
will accept Southern independence—as George 111.
acceptedthe independence of the thirteen colonies.—
reluctantly, and with a sorrowful heart it may be,
but with the conviction that separation, however
painful, will be the beet for both parties; that if
they cannot be one flesh and blood, like man and
wife, they can be good friends and neighbours and
profitable customers ; and that, more than these,
they may enter into such a political alliance as will
secure them far greater influence in the councils of
civilisation than they ever possessed since their dis-
ruption was first predicted as inevitable.
The simple truth of the matter is that an armistice
suits all parties except the men who expect to obtain
contracts from the Government for supplying the
army and navy. It even suits some of these, who
bee looming up on the verge of the horizon the pros-
spect of a war with France or Great Britain, for the
possession of :‘lexico or Canada, as the sure result of
peace between the North and South. It snits the
Lincoln Administration, which is in sore distress for
money as well as for men, which cannot print off
many more hundreds of millions of greenbacks for
fear of sending up the premium on geld to 500 per
cent., and which cannot enforce a conscription for
fear of exciting armed revolt or revolution in the
streets of the grout cities. It suits the men of lonsi-
nees, whose affairs are getting into what is called a
" snarl," or entanglement, in consequence of the de-
preciation of the currency, and the great and daily
fluctuating uncertainties attendant upon all domes-
tic as well as foreign commerce. It suits the pro•
fessicmal classes, who sae their liabilities increase,
while their earnings diminish. It suits the la. I
bourers, who see in it a decline of the prices of the
necessaries of life, as wall as the abandonment of the
hated conscription. It suits the Democratic party,
beeause it gives them a chance of power. It suits the

Republican party, brcause it extricates them from a
. . .

difficulty which is otherwise insurmountable—viz.,
the prosecution of the war without sufficient money
or men. It also suits the army, which has lost
confidence in its Generals, and which, moreover,
would be glad of the opportunity to return home on
farlou3h. It is the first time since the commence-
ment of the war that any considerable body of the
people have been so reasonable and dispassionate,
and although the results expected are as different
as the interests and idiosyncracies of sects, parties,
intrigues, and doctrines can foreshadow or hope, the
great current of politics runs but in one direction—

towards a camprocnise to be effected by negotiation
rather than the sword.

As regards the candidates, Gan. Fremont is, in the
current slang, nowhere ; Mr Dean Richmond makes
no sign ; and if Gen. M'Clellan should accept the
Chicago platform, and be nominated by the conven-
tion on the 29ch, the contest will lie between him
and Mr Lincoln. Already the indications are patent
that Mr Lincoln will endeavour to distance him in
the race, or throw him out of the course altogether,
by declaring himself in favour of the armistice and
conventio❑ to be proposed at Chicago. His letter

to all whom it may concern is no logical impedi-
ment in his way. Ile may urge that, as an indivi-
dual, he coald only treat with Southern emissaries

or plenipotentiaries in the way therein described;
but that if the question is to be taken out of his
hands, and debated by a general convention of the
people, as the constitution provides and describes,
he cannot consistently with duty object to such
deliberation, or to the preliminary armistice, which
would be absolutely necessary before such a con-
vention could be summoned. Thus the question
stands at present, Mr Lincoln being in posses-
sion has much of the solution in his own hands.
If he really desire re-election, and fear to attempt
a coup•detat and a military revolution, he has a
better chance of effecting his purpose by accept-
ing the proposal of an armistice than by opposing
it. The War Democrats foresee the possibility
of such a movement, and are conseqaently more
bitter and personal in their denunciations of
his imbecility, corruption, and usurpation of uncon-
stitutional powers than they have been at any pre-
vious period of his contradictory and inglorious
career. The friends of Gen. M'Clellan are particu-
larly rabid, from which it may be inferred that
they have more dread of Mr Lincoln's opposition to
their favourite then they have of that of any other
candidate, present or prospective. It should be
added that the friends of the South are as hostle to
Gen. M'Clellan as the friends of Gen. M'Clellan are
to Mr Lincoln, and that, all things considered, the
South would prefer the armistice and the convention
under MrLincoln's auspices than under those of any
other President as yet known to have a chance of
election. The names of the ex-Presidents Franklin
Pierce and Millard Filmore are no longer mentioned
in connection with the cffiee. The two Seymours,
the timid one, who is now Governor of New York,
and the bold one, who was formerly Governor of
Connecticut, seem to have dropped wholly out of
the list of available candidates. General Grant has
scarcely a political friend left, and has ceased to be
a " Sipolson," a "'Titan in a blue coat,"a " hero,"
or anything but a failure as great as any whom the
war has produced.