The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-07 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 7, 1855.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(Prong the Times of this day. )

It is lather a remarkable revelation to be made without
any reserve, or misgiving, that there exists in the Cabinet
which is wholly responsible for the continuance of the war a
Minister of great consideration who thinks it unnecessary.
That is the fact. Not deterred by his rebuff,the other evening
Mr. Gibson last night renewed his efforts to probe the great
mystery of the Vienna negotiatisons. This is not the first
time, nor the second time, nor even the third time that, after
a due bombardment of questions and insinuations, an attempt
has been made to assault the rampart of official reserve, and
get at the reason why Lord John left Vienna so abruptly,
and how it came to pass that the Austrian Minister, and
others as well informed, confidently stated that Lord John
was ready to make peace, as some said, on any terms ; at
least on terms that Austria would agree to. s It comes out,
that the English and French Plenipotentiaries were agreed,
and that they returned home to recommend to their Govern-
ments the acceptance of the Austrian proposition ; that M
Drouyn de l'Huys, on finding he had not the concurrence of
his Government, resigned ; that this want of concurrence was
owing, not to the independent opinion of the French Em-
peror and his advisers, but to the dissent of the British
Government ; and that, notwithstanding that dis-
sent and the , consequent retirement of the French
Plenipotentiary, Lord John Russell has thought it best to
devour his' differences in silence, and to assist his colleagues
in carrying on a war which he believes to be wholly gratui-
tous, and involving the nation in the guilt of causeless blood-
shed. All this was rumoured, not only here, but through-
out Europe, Reasons were even assigned. Some said that
Lord John had been seduced by the hearty and good-natured
tone of thc Russian Plenipotentiary; others, that he had
learned more than 'he chose to toll, including some vision
of danger from some quarter or other to the country ; in fact,
that he had " seen a wolf,i' and that his very silence was
portentous. It was then stated very confidently that when
he resumed his place in the Cabinet he made, such a case that
he won over several of his colleagues to his view of the sub-
ject ; that the Cabinet was therefore divided into a peace
party and a war party ; that the war party carried the day,
and that Lord John Russell, conceiving that he would be no-
body, and would do no good ant of the Cabinet, resolved to
forget his advice and the whole chapter of his unsuccessful
diplomacy, and hold on with Lord Palmerston. We ven-
tured to intimate ourselves that the case was very much
as we have stated it. Yet, when the opportunity occurred,
and the special invitation came, to give Parliament a full ac-
count of the failure of the Conferences, and Lord John
Russell's own part in it, his lordship flew off into some safe
historical declamation about the immense power, dangerous
position, and overweening ambition of Russia, the general
effect of which was that he was quite as much heart and soul
in the war as any of his colleagues. As might be expected,
we came off ourselves rather ill. We were charged with hav-
ing imagined a dissension between Lord John and his col-
leagues, with having fabricated a peace party, all out of spite
either to Lord John, or to somebody, or to everybody; In-
deed, we have seldom had so much abuse as for this one false
and malicious statement—viz., that Lord John Russell had
come back from Vienna with an Austrian proposition for
peace, and had
strongly urged his colleagues to agree to it,
but that they ad refd.
After a silence of we know not how many weeks, so long
and so profound that really Lord John and his Conferences
had almost come to be forgotten in the gravity of passing
events, all of a sudden last night, on Mr. Gibson's mere
interrogatory, Lord John made a clean breast, telling
everything with the simplicity of a child. It was per-
fectly true that he had acquiesced in the Austrian pro-
position, and expressed an opinion in private to the
Austrian Minister that it afforded a means of carrying
out the third point as satisfactory to the interests of
Europe as to the honour of Russia. It was quite
true that M. Drouyn de l'Huys had agreed with him. It was
true that ke had remained of the same opinion still, and to
this day tfiinks we are lavishing our blood and our treasure
without any necessity for it. It is also true that there was
good precedent for withdrawing in such a ease—the case, viz.,
of a decided difference of opinion with the Cabinet on the
most important question, not of the day, but of the century.
Was there ever anything more ingenuous 9 If the position in
which his lordship now stands be not quite accountable on
theacommon notions of consistency, constitutional propriety,
and even personal honour, still there can be no doubt as to
the facts of the case. We now know all about it. Mr. Gibson
has broken the mystery, and captured the fortress, by the
simple expedient of walking right into it. On the former oc-
eassion Lord John was evidently in no hum'our to give satis-
faction, and preferred to raise a cloud of dust about Russian
aggressions, or anything whatever.. On this occasion he has
been so prompt, so explicit, and so natural as even to .
suggest the ider, which, of course, has no foundation in fact
had
,
that he was not only prepared for the question, but
even contrived it, in his fear that more delay would occur,
and that Parliament would separate before he had had the
opportunity of informing the world that ho stood
in precisely the same position as M. Drouyn de l'Huys, ex-
cepting only that the Frenchman had retired from office, and
the Englishman had not.
Well, this is, to say the least, a very odd story. There are
not many men in England, we had said in the world, who
could stand up and tell it with Lord John Russell's matchless
composure. " Evil be to him that thinks evil." No doubt
Lord John is an honourable man ; so long as he is satisfied he
is acting for the best, and doing his country more service by
staying in the Cabinet than by " hanging out" anywhere else,
and knocking about among the various nondescript Oppostz-
tions, his lordship must be considered the best judge of his
own conduct. At the same time we could wish that his lord-
ship had just dropped a syllable to save our ownhumble selves
from the charge of lying and slandering, profusely heaped
upon us when we spoke of the peace and war party in the
Cabinet, and said that Lord John had brought and recom-
mended overtures of peace from
th Vienna. There
his is, to
oo
d , an-
other unfortunate malapropos in e time w lship
has selected for his hardy confession. It is much the same as
what happened at Christmas. On that occasion, after
keeping to himself, or at least from the world,
for three-quarters of a year, his objections to the
imperfect state of the War Ministry, and his distrust of
the hands in which it was placed, he found himself at last
obliged to speak out at the very moment when the Govern-
ment was on the eve of dissolution under the storm of public
disgust at the mismanagement of the war. As nothing can
be more disagreeable to a generousnation than to desert friends
in the hour of peril and disaster, so his lordship was truly un-
fortunate in having put off a good intention till it assumed
the appearance of that equivocal act. In the present instance
it so happens that we have had, till just now, a run of suc-
cesses, or something like it, ever since Lord John returned
from Vienna ; FO decided, indeed, at first, that certainly
a proposition to make peace with Russia on the Austrian
terms would have sounded very ridiculous. The restored
health and increased numbers of the allied armies, the
arrival of the Sas dinian contingent, the improved condi-
tion of the camp and the hospitals, the constant repulse of
the Russian sorties, the capture of the Mamelon, the occupa-
tion of the Sea of Azoff, 'and the prospect of cutting off the
Russian supplies —all kept up a state of confidence, in which
it would have been an act of uncommon courage to explain
what Lord John did last night. The scene has now unhap-
pily changed. We are experiencing the dark side of war.
There is, therefore, now no rashness, no courage, in the con-
fession of peaceful wishes, and of an inward dissatisfaction
with the war. Most heartily do we condole with Lord John
ou the delay which has timed his explanation at so ungracious
an hour. But, as truth is always desirable, and better late
than never, we will still beg to thank his lordship for a state-
ment which the British public, and indeed all Europe, had
certainly some right to be in possession of, and which is also
-Le our own vindication.

THE HYDE-PARK RIOTS'.

The Home Secretary has undertaken that there shall be a
full and searching inquiry into the conduct of the police last
Sunday. We have net been very profuSe of praise to the Go-
vernment for their previous conduct in this matter, yet it is,
but reasonable to admit that they have at.last done all that
could be expected from them. They have, at any rate,
secured to themselves the support of the respectable inhabi-
tants of the metropolis, in case of any disturbance. As long
as fair redress was denied the peeple for the very outrageous
conduct of the police on Sunday last our sympathies were en-
tirely with them.. There is, hewever,,no use in referring to
the past, save in. so far as it may bear upon. coming
events. If we thought that •any juggle or double mean-
ing lay hidden. under the eassurance of Sir George
Grey we should at once denounce his professions, and recom-
mend our, fellow-subjects to pursue any course which might,
seem to offer a more reasonable prospect of success. But we'
do believe, on the contrary, that the Home Secretary is in
earnest. He would be socially and politically lost, as a gen-
tleman and a statesman, if he attempted to deceive the public,
after the promise which he made last night in the House of,
Commons, H4C it is in his own words, that they may be
brought up in judgment against him, if,,contrary to our most
sincere expectations, he should fall short of his professions.
" I propose said Sir GeOrge Grey,
"No mere formal inquiry, but a full and Searching in-
quiry into the allegations that have been made tome with
regard to the conduct of the police last Sunday. The lion.
gentleman (Mr. Duncombe) assumes that this inquiry will
be conducted by the Commissioners of Pglice. Such an in-
quiry is not Within my contemplation. . . - . I assure
the house and the public that tho comn%sion which I now
propose to appoint shall be one that'sltateffeet au efficient
and impartial inquiry." •
What more is. to-be eiiicl ? man bas a -reasonable
complaint against the police for their conduct on last Sunday,
let him make it at once before this commission. If his evi-
denee be treated with indifference, or wrested from its true
intent, the ordinary channels of publicity are not denied to
him. We, at least, will willingly pledge ourselves to give
every assistance to persons who may be denied the opportu-
nity of stating their grievances fully and fairly before the com-
mission. The idea of mystification in a case of this kind can
scarcely be entertained, and we entreat our friends out of
doers to believe that on this oc 3asion, at least, the Govern-
ment is in earnest.

Herein lay the fallacy, and the mischievous tendency of
Mr. T. Duncombe's speeches last night. He repeated over
and over again to the house that the people on Sunday last
were very much ill-used by the police. We fear it was so ;
but, at any rate, there could be no good motive, save one of
aggravation, for insisting upon the point so earnestly in the
face of a promise of redress. But it was Mr. Duncombe's
cue to treat this promise as a fallacy, and to have it
believed that Sir G. Grey. deliberately intended to de-
ceive this people. What would Mr. Duncombe have ?
It was impossible that the Home Secretary should do more
last night than promise the inquiry ; whether ho be a true
man or a false knave may, of course, with Mr. Duncombe
rL-
main a subject of question, but it is most positive that he
could do nothing more than engage his honour to set the in-
quiry on foot. Under these circumstances, if the interests
of the people, and not mere senseless agitation, wore Mr.
Duncombe's object, it became his duty to allay, not to in-
crease, popular irritation. The whole tenour of his ad-
dresses last night to the house, or rather to the populace
through the house, however, was to exasperate the people up
to the point of attempting some act of violence next Sunday;
and for this ho deserves severe reprehension (from every
peaceable subject of the Oueen. We will not endure
that the humblest of our fellow-subjects shall be treated with
violence and insult by any public servant, but neither do we
desire to see mob-law triumphant. Mr. T. Duncombe should
consider that in such a path as the one along which he is
urging thousands of his humbler fellow-subjects to tread the
law must be too strong for the people, or the people for the
law. Which end does he desire to attain
But, if Mr. T. Duncombe's harangues were factious and
mischievous, what shall we say to the more frantic sugges-
tions of Mr. G. Dundas—suggestions for which the only ex-
cuse can be, that they were uttered in a moment of passing
frenzy ? Mr. G. bundas reminded Sir G. Grey that preven-
tion was better than cure, " and that nothing would frighten
a mob more than the crash upon the pavement of the trail of
a six-pounder." The crowd last Sunday was composed
of " rascally boys" and canaille. In the name of all that is
magnificent, what is Mr. G. Duudas, whose first idea is to
blow his fellow-subjects to atoms, and then to call them by
vile names? Six-pounders, quotha !—and where would Mr.
Dundas and his fellows be six hours after his six-pounders
were brought into play? The best thing that can be said in
his favour is that ho acknowledged at a later period of the
evening that he had spoken not as Kiug Solomon would have
spoken, withdrew his artillery, and retired into private life.
Once more we would entreat of our fellow-subjects and fel-
low-townsmen not to meddle to-morrow with demonstrations
which can serve no useful purpose, but which may injuriously
affect their cause, by inspirinc, alarm in the minds of peace-
able persons. If the promised' commission should prove an
imposture it will be time enough to bring the Home Secretary
to his senses.—Times.

LAW INTELLIGENCE. -- (THIS DAY.)

QUEEN'S BENCH.-GUILDHALL.
(Before Lord Campbell and a Special Jury.)
TEMPERLEY V. LEARY.

This was an action brought by the plaintiff to recover
possession of 23 horses, valued at 3871., under the fol-
lowing circumstances :—ln May last a person named
Catley was carrying on business at Stanton-wharf,
Toeley -street, as a coal merchant, and was in-
debted to a Mr. Leary in the sum of 1601. Leary
proceeded against . him . for the recovery of his
debt,_ and obtained judgment and execution, in ac-
cordance with which the sheriff of Middlesex seized the
horses in question, The horses were then claimed by
Christopher Karr Temperley and afterwards by his bro-
ther, the present plaintiff, who stated he purchased them
of his father, who managed Catley's business, and paid
for them by bills of exchange. The questions for the
consideration of the jury were, whether the father had
authority to sell the horses, and if so was the sale a bone
fide one. ' _

The jury returned a -verdict for the defendant.
THE QUEEN V. HANCOCK AND OTHERS.

This was an action for an alleged infringement of a
patent relative to the manufacture of india rubber, but of
no public interest. The hearing of the case is likely to
occupy the attention of the court for several days.