The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-24 00:00:00

gramme of Lord Derby was one of compromise and con-
ciliation. How moderate it was I shall show in recalling
it to the consideration of the house. In 1851, did Lord
Derby some forward and say, We shall return to the
sliding scale of 1846 ? On the contrary, he says, I propose
that we shall have a countervailing duty, such as has met
the approbation of men of the highest character and au-
thority in this country. You say that the agricultural
interest is subject to burdens arising from taxation and to
restrictions upon its industry. Well, I open books of
authority upon this subject, and they tell me that a coun-
tervailing duty is the legitimate remedy. I know that
there are many sincere and disinterested Free-traders,
among others the noble lord the member for Tiverton,
who, while he gave his consent to the abrogation of the
corn-laws, yet, speaking as a statesman, expressed his
regret that the opportunity had been lost of raising a large
sum to the taxation of this country by the imposition of a
countervailing duty. A very moderate duty was proposed
by Lord Derby—he did not attempt to disturb the question
that had once been settled. (Ironical cheering and laughter.)
I come, then—(Renewed laughter.) Sir, the policy of
Lord Derby has been explained by himself, in his place in
Parliament. That speech remains on record, which an
uninformed sneer will certainly not disturb. (Hear.) What
was the conduct of Lord Derby with regard to sugar ? And
uow I beg the house, as the Government is upon its trial,
as an honest jury to listen to my statement. Did
Lord Derby propose a resumption of those laws which were
repealed in 1846, under the protest of Sir Robert Peel?
Not in the least. All that Lord Derby proposed was
that the deeeencling scale of duties, which made a differ-
ence between colonial and foreign sugars, should be ar-
rested, and that only for a time, till the sufferings of the
colonies should have passed away. Did Lord Derby
propose to reinstitute the abrogated navigation laws ?
On the contrary, Lord Derby only proposed, declaring
that the recurrence to those laws was impossible, the
removal of those restrictions which the noble lord opposite
had sanctioned. Lord Derby did not succeed in forming
a Government in 1851. ".:t became, therefore, necessary
to consider his position with respect to these questions,
and after due consideration it was his opinion that it
would be inexpedient, unwise, and injurious to bring
forward in Parliament, either in that or in any subse-
quent session, any motion which would, either directly or
indirectly, continue the great industrial controversy which
had been so long maintained. He was at the same time
aware that there was a party in the country who would
not allow their course to be dictated or their feelings to be
regulated by any mere Parliamentary party. It was not for
him to tell men who were suffering that they were never to
obtain relief ; but he said, If the nation is aggrieved, an
early opportunity will occur when the nation may relieve
itself. He considered that after his failure to form a Govern-
ment in 1851, as far as moral certainty was concerned, a
dissolution of Parliament must necessarily take place under
the advice of the noble lord opposite. A dissolution of
Parliament taking place under the auspices of his political
opponents would be the proper occasion to conclude for
ever this great controversy ; and after those circumstances,
which I dare say were sufficiently mortifying to many par-
ties in this house—l mean his failure to form a Govern-
ment—after having done my best to rally the spirits of my
friends in this house—in'perfect concurrence with his ad-
vice, and in complete sympathy with all his counsels, I
resolved, as I communicated to my friends at the time,
that I would not, during that session, bring forward the
question of taxation incident to agriculture, because the
Government might thereby be pressed, and in order that
that which has actually occurred might be prevented. The
consequence was, that in 1852, though there were political
causes, independent altogether of the general feeling of
this house, which made it possible that if I had brought
forward a motion on the question of taxation, as incident
to agriculture, I would have carried it, or at least I would
have been defeated by a majority so slight that any Go-
vernment would have been shaken to its base, I scrupu-
lously refrained from making such a motion. I did not
wish to have the controversy prolonged, I looked for-
ward to the inevitable and impending dissolution of Par-
liament, which was about to take place, as I thought,
under the auspices of the noble lord opppsite, as that
which would undoubtedly settle the question. But what
actually occurred ? That which no one could foresee.
The Government, which was so favoured by its opponents
that they could hardly be persuaded .to do their duty lest
it should prove inconvenient to the party in power
—;laughter)—that Government fell to pieces from inter-
nal dissensions—(loud cheers)—and Lord Derby, by the
advice of the noble lord, was sent for by her Ma-
jesty, and not in consequence of a vote for re-
moving the establishment charges of the poor-law. What
was the conduct of Lord Derby under those circumstances?
It was an incident which we did not anticipate--which we
much regretted. (Hear, and oh.) But I will ask the
house, not as men of honour, but as men of common spirit,
could we possibly have refused the duty, which was;almost
thrust upon us? (Cheers and counter cheers.) Our poli-
tical opponents ceased to be opponents. They wished us
to occupy their places. (Laughter.) The house-wished it,
and I believe I may safely say there was no section or body
of men who did not wish to see some Government. (Laugh-
ter.) And I suppose no body of men ever acceded to office
with such a complete absence of party passion and party
feeling. (Loud Ministerial cheers.) Well, that being the
state of the case, I was very much surprised, after a
little time, when our position, I should have thought,
with regard to our antecedents, was pretty accurately
known, that the honourable gentleman, the stormy
Petrel of protection—(cheers)—who always appears at a
particular crisis, the honourable member for 'Wolverhamp-
ton came forward, when I took my seat after my re-eke-
don, and wished to know whether the Government was
about to propose a recurrence to a protective policy. Our
raiswer was in complete harmony with all we had said be-
fore--that we had acceded to power by no motion of our
own in this house, under circumstances which we could not
possibly have anticipated—that it seemed to be the unani-
mons feeling both in the house and in the country, that we
should administer affairs—and that it was not our inten-
tion to propose any recurrence to abrogated laws ; but, in
consistence with all we had said, and still more in defer- I once to the feeling of that great party out of doors which
had a right to look to ns for security for the constitu-
tional opportunity of advancing their opinions, that we
should, at an early opportunity, recommend her Majesty to
recur to the sense of her people, and that the decision of
the country on that subject should be final. (Hear, and
cheers.) Now, sir, I may be permitted to state, before I
arrive at the resolution, I may be permitted to state what
has been the conduct of the party which has perpetrated for
six years such enormous mischief, when they had,
almost without their consent, and certainly with no great
confidence in their own ability, been obliged to become
the Ministers of the Crown. We found when we acceded to
office that there were reasons which rendered an immediate
appeal to the sense of the people most inconvenient to the
public service—(hear, hear)—and although we wished that
the appeal should take place at the earliest opportunity
possible, still we found that it was necessary to administer
the affairs of the country for a certain time. There were
formal and there were technical reasons which rendered at
least the lapse of two months inevitable. The lapse of
double that time would allow us to carry measures of the
greatest importance to the State. (Hear, hear.) The two
measures which were considered all-important were—one
for the defence of the country, the other for the reform of
the Court of Chancery. (Cheers.) Our measure for the
defence of the country was received with derision by the
noble lord the member for London. He exhausted all his
powers of amiable cynicism—(laughter and cheers)—he
reviewed and reorganised the Opposition ; and even as
now, as if the trumpet of political warfare could not sound
in that ear without wishing to take the trenches of the
enemy, I thought the Government were to be upset about
the militia, within a month after they had acceded to office.
There was no .term of ridicule, no prophecy of disaster
which the noble lord did not make of the absurd scheme
of a militia raised by voluntary enlistment. (Loud Minis-
terial cheers.) Yet the party which has perpetrated
enormous mischief persisted in their course, and carried their
measure, which has met with eminent and unprecedented
success, and given to this country a powerful and popular
force. (Renewed cheers.) But no sooner had we provided
for the defence of the country, than we thought it our duty
to carry out the recommendations of the commission with
respect to Chancery reform. We had the honour and ad-
vantage of a colleague whose great abilities were not ap-
preciated by his country, though his learning—his un-
rivalled learning—was universally acknowledged. (Hear,
hear.) But we saw in Lord St. Leonards, when he ac-
cepted the responsibility of a Minister of the Crown, not
merely a learned lawyer, but the mind and grasp of a
vigorous statesman. (Hear.) Acting by his advice, and
animated by the determination which inspired him to carry
this great reform, the first step of which depended on Par-
liament immediately carrying out the recommendations of
the commission, we resolved to face our ridiculing and de-
risive Parliament, propose measures, and try to pass
them. How were they received ? Even one whose gene-
:ous conduct to the Government I never can forget, whose
Amiable and popular character in this house men of all
-ides acknowledge with pleasure—even the accomplished
and noble lord the member for Tiverton could not help
warning us, though in a pleasant sunny way, not to em-
bark in a Chancery snit. But her Majesty's Ministers
embarked in that Chancery suit, and I am proud
to say it is the greatest, the most successful, and the
most popular Chancery suit with the people of England
which has ever been entered upon. (Loud cheers). Well,
sir, the party which had perpetrated enormous mischief had
pledged themselves to advise her Majesty to dissolve Parlia-
ment. I have come to the dissolution of Parliament ; but
there is a chapter in the history of the late Parliament upon
which I must touch, before I refer to the consequence of
that appeal to the country. Sir, I have shown to the house
what has been the course of the Protectionist party in the
Paaliament with respect to those three great measures,
which are properly, described as the three great measures of
free trade—the repeal of the coral-aws the repeal of the
auger laws, and trio repeal of the navigation laws. I have
shown to the house that from the moment those three mea-
sures were carried, we never in any way whateverattempted
tedisturb that settlement—and, in sympathy with those who
were suffering out of the house, we brought forward mea-
sures connected with them which were of a remedial charm-
-4; r, but which in no way disturbed or challenged the princi-
pot which those laws were passed. (Hear.) Well, sir,
thew_what was the conduct with respect to these subjects of
sectioneesrty before me, or ratherl would say of the united
present Mini
Fivalhtar e? combined to terminate the career of the
I shall show to the house that those
selves. :eeeenetrated as enormous mischiefs as we our-
Peel. Te,:nel take the followers of the late Sir Robert
ability, eee'ir7,::ot be numerous, but looking to their
expression to their oe'9)erienee' and their power of giving
to with great reepeeVelisins, they must always be listened
cheers.) Far be it f. in this assembly. (Hear, hear, and
present their conencrt.
re Tee o misinterpret, or to misre-
" Hansard" to see how
proms
not examine the lists of
# voted with my propc.i follOwers of that eminent per-
character. I will treat theeil"Zv malelafsaiurernseossf,aanredmlediamal
conscious if I misrepresent for
hr
cannot always be
night, it is from inadvertencen'bPdY or anything to-
avoided. I will take as their ,hle
e:ti;trincipal orna-
they cannot help acknowledgireltreZete.tive one whom
meta. I will take that distinguished
an and ac-
of oe-
c,omplished debater the member for the lie:sees':
ye of
ford (Mr. Gladstone). As the humble rernpriearsatiliteir,
the party who has perpetrated enormous
last five years, the house will see whether I have
rinoetrhee
calved the sanction of that distinguished man. I ffebroght-
forward a motion when the surings of the cultivatorue oe
the soil were most severe, which, without pledging the
house to anything, asked for inquiry by a committee of
the whole house into the incidence of taxation on that body.
That there might be no mistake as to the nature of the
mentioned, in the observe-
measures that I proposed, I
tions with which I Prefaced that motion, to what extent I
would proceed on that occasion. I will not trouble the
tEhouse with details ; it is enough for me to say that it wr;
3mPerate in tone and moderate in conception, that
evinced a sympathy with those suffering, and
than in . h" h though not
ge the incidence of taxation, w
proposed a
considerable was most offensive, the establishment charges
of the poor-law and other items, of that kind. (Hear,
hear.) Still it was a matter of great interest out of doors
that those who were suffering should have a test of the
feelings and sympathy of this house.
oh that occasion I received the (Hear, hear.) Sir,
distingtushed and raemor-