The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-04 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 4, 1652.

NEW FEATURE IN LIFE ASSURANCE.

THE DEPOSIT and GENERAL LIFE
ASSURANCE COMPANY,

18, New Bridge-street, Blackfriars, London.
CAPITAL—ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS.

DIRECTORS.
R. Yallowley Barnes, Esq , 11, City-road, Finsbury.
G. Noel Clarke, Esq., late 17th Lancers, Junior United Service Club
George goods, E:q., Portland-terrace, Wandsworth, and l3elvAr, St

Heifer's, Jersey. -
Stephen Cracknall, Esq., I, St. John's-gardens, Notting•hill, and 11,

Eew-square, Lincoln's-inn.
George Knox, Esq., 15, Connaught-square, Hyde-park, and Tor

Lodge, Staffordslcite.
Alexander Maclean, Esq„ Harrow-on-the-Hill.
David C. Poole, Esq., 32, Upper Seymour-street, Portman-square.
William Prinsep, Esq., 147, Leadenhall-street, and 8, Hyde-park-
___

place West. -
Robert Andrew Riddell, Esq., Tnner Temple, Barrister-at-Law.
Dr. Scanlan, 21, Upper Seymour-street West, Connaught-Jquare.
Major Sperling, 14, St. James's-square.

•
AUDITORS.
Bigg, Esq„ 126, Strand, Actuary and Secretary to the. Medical,

Legal, and General Life Office.
William Jones, Esq , Accountant, 3, Guildhall-chambers.

BANKERS.
Sir Charles Price, liarryat, and Co., 3, King William-street, London.

PHYSICIANS.

Dr. Lewis, Finsbury-place.
Dr. Scanlan, 21, Upper Seymour-street West, Connaught-square.

SURGEONS.
H. T. Chapman, Esq., 16, Lower Seymour-street, Portman-square.
Michael Teevan, Esq., 44, Gloucester-place, Hyde-park-gardens.

CONSULTING ACTUARY.
Francis G. P. NeiSon, Elq., F.L.S.
INSPECTOR OF AGENCIES.
F. P. P. Strousberg, Esq.
STANDING COUNSEL.
William Wellington Cooper, Esq., New-square, Lincoln's-inn

SOLICITORS.
Messrs. 11111 and Mathews, St. Mary-axe.
RESIDENT SECRETARY.
Charles W. Bevan, Esq.

The public,ls respectfully invited to examine the principles of the
Deposit Syeterg of. Assurance. which is based upon tables calculated
by, and is under the immediate supervision of, Francis G. P. Neiman,
Esq., F.L S., the Consulting Actuary to the Company.
Comparative Tables to assure 5001 on death, by a person aged
twenty next birthday, on the OILDINARY and on the DEPOSIT system
ofAssurances.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS--L(YESTERDAY.)

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
a few minutes before 5 o'clock.
NATIONAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND.

The Earl of CLANCARTY, adverting to a petition
which had been brought forward on this subject, prayed
her Majesty's Government to consider how, after a full
enquiry, proper alteration could be 'made in the present
system of national education in Ireland.
The Earl of DERBY could assure the noble lord that
without endangering the destruction of the present sys-
tem, he did not see any way of interfering with it, and
this he could hardly think beneficial. .lie should be
most happy, however, if it should be moved for to grant
a committee of enquiry into the subject.
The house then =adjourned at 10 minutes after 5
o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.)

The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock.

RAILWAY AMALGAMATION.
Mr. HENLEY gave notice that on Mohday he would
renew, his motion on the subject of Railway Amalgama-
tion, which fell through last night owing to his absence.

claims—when we have arrived, as I hope we may arrive, at
a general, if not unanimous opinion, on the course we ought
to take with regard to theM, we shall then ter-
minate all appeals on behalf of peculiar burdens
and grievances, and we
,shall then be able to
take an unembarrassed view of our financial position,
undisturbed by sectional appeals to our feelings or sense
of justtice, and we may be enabled to arrive at some per-
manent conclusions which may form the basis—and the
beneficial basis— of the financial system which ought to
be adopted and developed in this country. (Hear, hear).
I will, in pursuance of the plan I have sketched, pro-
ceed to consider the claims that have been urged on
Parliament by the shipping interest in respect to the
burdens which it endures and the grievances which it ex-
periences—burdens borne under the previous system
without any overwhelming sense of their weight and
grievances—not of a nature, in fact, to require our in-
terposition so long as they were mitigated by privileges,
which we have terminated. (Hear, hear). I have lis-
tened with great attention to all the representations
made to me with respect to the shipping interest ; and I
say now with respect to the shipping interest what I
would say with regard to any interest that believes
it is subject to regulations and laws entailing on it
burdens which other classes of the community gene-
rally do not endure—that it will be wise for Parlia-
ment to approach the discussion of these matters in a
generous spirit. (Hear, hear.) Ido do not want, and
am not myself desirous, in any way, that we should at-
tempt, by any proposition we bring forward, to conciliate
sympathies to which we ought not to defer, and least
of all I am anxious that the House of Commons, so
far as I can direct its opinion, should, for the sake of
silencing a claim which they may not consider just,
enter into any arrangement which ultimately they
might think was not a sound and proper one ; but of
this I am certain, that. nothing is more prejudicial to
the country generally than that considerable classes of
her Majesty's subjects should consider that they are
liable to regulations injuriously affecting their industry,
and from which the rest of the community is free,
and that they suffer from the injurious effects of
those regulations in consequence of changes 'in the
law, which have universally contributed to the advan-
tage of the remainder of the community. (Hear.) I
can conceive no state of society more to be deprecated
than one in which there are minorities, but powerful
minorities, who believe that they are subjected to in-
justice, in consequence of changes in the law con-
tributing to otherwise universal welfare. Therefore,
if there be on the part of the shipping body,- or
on the part of any other class in this country,
well-founded claims to the consideration of Parlia-
ment, it is highly expedient, not only in the interest
of public morality, but from the most utilitarian
considerations that could possibly occur, to the
most unsentimental minds, that we should enter into
these questions, ascertain their merits, and decide ac-
cordingly. Now, with respect to the shipping interest,
I may say this on behalf of the Government, that, hav-
ing investigated with great pains, and listened with great
patience to their case, the Government are of opinion
that the shipping interest, principally through the con-
sequences of recent legislation—the repeal of the naviga-
tion laws—are at this moment subject to burdens to
which they ought not to be liable, and to restrictions
which (to use the words of the noble lord the member for
the city of London) impede their prosperity. (Hear,
hear.) If this be so, and if it be the opinion of the
House of Ccmmons that it is so, I think it much better
that we should meet that case, difficult as it may be, in
a just and liberal spirit, and see if we cannot remedy the
complaints of so influential, so important, and so worthy
a body as the shipping interest and the classes connected
with them. (Hear, hear.) Now, we have examined
shipowners and persons in the classes connected with
them (all those, indeed, comprehended by the not very
accurate, but still popular title, of the "shipping interest,"
which title I use because it is one to which the house is
accustomed)—we have examined all those persons, and they
complain that they are subject to vexatious taxation under
the head of light dues and passing tolls. They complain
of the present system by which the pilotage of the country
is regulated. They also greatly complain of what they
describe as Admiralty grievances, of the circumstances
under which an individual belonging to the mercantile
marine is enlisted into the Royal navy ; of the system
under which salvage is established ; and of the regula-
tions under which anchorage takes place. They have
great complaints as to the restrictions on the manning
of their vessels, as to the stamp duties levied on marine
insurances, bills of lading, and charterparties. (Hear,
hear.) I intend to touch on these subjects, and to ex-
plain what would be, in the opinion of the Govern-
ment, the manner in which we think these claims ought
to be met ; and, as the recommendations we are about
to make are founded, I think, on a very impartial and
liberal condition of the whole case, we believe that, if
those recommendations are adopted by Parliament, we
may fairly say that the just claims of the shipping in-
terest will be.satiffied, and that in elm future Legislationo
so far as that interest is concerned, we shall not be dis-
turbed by appeals of a class nature. With respect to the
light dues, we have examined the subject, and it is our
opinion that in a great degree the complaints of the
shipping interest are founded in fact. It certainly seems
quite indefensible that, irrespective of the dues which they
pay for the advantage of lighthouses, which are amply
and properly supplied in this country, they should be
paying in the form of dues a large sum of money, which
is, in fact, the interest paid to the Trinity-house for the
purchase of private lights, which were improvidently
granted by the Crown or by the Parliament many years
ago, (Hear, hear.) As far as that portion of the light
dues which consists of the interest paid on sums ad-
vanced by the Trinity-house for the purchase of these
private lights, it seems to us indefensible,',when the
principle of unrestricted competition 'is established,
that the shipping interest of this country should be pay-
ing a tax not for the lights supplied for their benefit
(because for them they pay sufficiently), but in order
that improvident grants of former Sovereigns and Par-
liaments should be counteracted by a peculiar tax raised
from them; and in respect to which they get no return
whatever. (Hear.) We think also that all that which
is levied from the shipping interest under the name of
passing tolls is a vexation, a grievance, and a burden, to
which the shipping of this country, under present
circumstances, ought not to be subjected. (Hear.) We
think it, too, highly inexpedient that, under the name
of light dues, the shipping of the country should
be taxed to maintain the charities of a corporation ;
and, taking these three conclusions to guide us, we
shall 'be prepared to deal with the light dues as at
present existing. We would confine the tax on shipping
merely to a payment for the benefit which the shipping
receives from the lighthouses ; we would relieve the ship-
ping interest from what is paid for the interest upon those
loans incurred to purchase private lights ; from the con-
tribution to the charities of a corporation which, however
laudable they may be, ought not to be maintained, under
present circumstances, by taxing a British ship ; and,
further, we would relieve the shipping interest from all
passing tolls. (Hear, hear.) I estimate that this set-
tlement of a long agitated question will probably cost the
country about 100,0001. a year; but it appears to me
that the claims are just ; that it is impossible to resist
them, and that they ought to have been considered when
the repeal of the navigation laws occurred. (Hear.) The
next question to which I would refer is the question of
pilotage. The system by which that is regulated in this
country is extremely anomalous. It is quite unnecessary
on the present occasion for me to enter into the origin of
these anomalies. The subjects of which I have to treat
to-night are so various, and some of them so complicated,
that perhaps the house will allow me to say, once for all,
that I shall not attempt to enter into any argument on
any of them, excepting so far as it may be necessary to
do so in order to snake my meaning clear. I confine
myself to-night to the exposition of the policy of the
Government. There will be occasions when in detail
we may enter into argument on all these various ques-
tions, but at present I consider it my principal, and al-
most only duty, clearly to explain to the house the policy
recommended by the Government on all these different
subjects. I will not, I repeat, enter into the question of
the anomalies of our system of pilotage. The house, I
am sure, knows well that a Thames pilot can steer a ship
to a Cinque port, but may not steer it back. Another
pilot connected with another corporation performs the
duty of returning ; and, of course, the shipping interest
having to employ two men to perform a duty which one
man could discharge, the expense is proportionately in-
creased. There has 'been a committee of the house upon
pilotage, but it is a great many years ago: its investi-
gation, however, is very worthy of attention. But I
think, although myself always disinclined to avoid re-
sponsibility by proposing committees, that there are oc-
casions on which a committee of the House of Commons
can effect very great good; and I think it would be
very advantageous that upon the whole question of
pilotage and ballasting the feelings of a modern House of
Commons should be consulted, animated by those views
with respect to commercial affairs especially which pro-
bably hadnot so great an influence some years ago—that
a committee of the House of Commons should investi-
gate this subject, and report to the house. It is the in-
tention of the Government to recommend to the house
that there should be a committee appointed to inquire
into the whole subject of pilotage and ballasting, and I
have myself no doubt that the report of that committee
will be satisfactory. (Hear, hear.) I come now to those
grievances which I have described as "Admiralty."
The house is aware that ,when a merchant ship finds
herself on a foreign station, one of the crew,\ without
any ceremony, quits the captain without any notice, and
often without any cause, and immediately enlists in a
ship belonging to the Royal navy that happens to be
upon that station. This right and privilege acts very
injuriously upon the discipline and general conduct of
the merchant shipping. (Hear, hear.) I am myself
most anxious not to diminish the just privileges of the
Royal navy—that force upon which this country mainly
depnds; I certainly would not propose any change which
would in any way affect the necessary powers of the
Royalnavy. But with respect to this first
grievance,which
I believe, from the representations that are made to
us is one of an extremely vexatious character, Ave pur-
pose—while we are prepared to maintain all the necessary
privileges in this respect of the royal navy—that no man
quitting the mercanaile marine under such circumstances
shall receive his wages, which then are due to him, until
the rest of the crew are paid off. At present he can, at
a moment's notice, notwithstanding his engagement with
his master, hoist his red shirt, enlist in the royal ship

[PRICE 5D .

that may be in the offing, and demand /his wages, and
the captain of the merchant ship not only loses one of
his crew, but is called upon immediately to pay wages
which are not due till arrival in port. We propose that
if he avails himself of this privilege of enlisting in the
royal navy, he shall not receive his wages until the rest
of the crew are paid off. We propose, further that
if by the royal navy availing itself of this privi-
lege any injury is done to the captains of mer-
chant ships, the country must be prepared to com-
pensate the captain for the injury he may thus re-
ceive. (Hear, • hear.) The next admiralty grievance
which has been brought before us relates to the question
of salvage. For the reason which I have already ex-
pressed—namely, the necessity of my avoiding as much
as I possibly can detail to-night, when so many subjects
are under our consideration, I will not enter into the
question of salvage, as it afects the mercantile marine.
I am quite sure I could state cases to the, house as to
the operation of the present system under which salvage
is conducted which would show that the mercantile ma-
rine is grievously affected by it. I think we ought not,
however, for a moment to indulge a feeling that the
Royal navy is to be charged with reprehensible conduct
in this matter. (Hear.) I have no doubt myself, from
all I can observe and learn from inquiry, that the con-
duct of the officers of the Royal navy, especially of late
years, is distinguished by a generous sympathy with all
classes of their countrymen, which cannot be too highly
praised. I have no doubt that in the navy as well as in
all departments of life much more humanising tendencie,
are exerting their influence than there did 20, or 40, or
50 years ago. (Hear.) But the system remains, not-
withstanding the increased civilisation of man, and in its
operation will be found that instances will occur when
the oppression is considerable. (Hear.) There is no
doubt that in this country, notwithstanding our boasted
panegyrics of .the mercantile marine, notwithstand-
ing the readiness of orators at all times to descant upon
the mercantile marine being the nursery of our navy,
the mercantile marine has- been treated as in inferior
service—(hear)—has not certainly, I may say without
exaggeration, been treated in the spirit which becomes a
commercial people. (Hear.) But I have no doubt my-
self that in this affair of salvage, if you contrast the
conduct of the Royal navy with what the conduct of
the Royal navy was many years ago, you will find that
their conduct has been extremely improved, has been
much more considerate, has been often distinguished by
great generosity. (Hear:hear.) But the fact remains,
that at the present moment even there are instances of
the effect of the system of salvage upon our mercantile
marine, which I have before me now, but with which I
will not trouble the house—if I were only speaking
upon the question of salvage I would—which convince
her Majesty's Government that the present system of
salvage ought not to be encouraged, and therefore we
are prepared to recommend that it should entirely cease.
(Cries of " hear, hear.") I need say very little on the
subject of anchorage. That is a regulation that, like
salvage, depends, I believe, entirelyupon the Admiralty;
and the Admiralty are prepared to say that all vexa-
tions of that kind shall also be concluded—(hear,
hear)—and from henceforth, if our prepositions are
favourably received, no merchant's vessel will
be disturbed in its anchorage by the superior claim
of a ship belonging to the •royal navy. (Hear, hear.)
Sir, there is a subject of paramount importance con-
nected with the shipping interest to which I must now
refer ; and that is the restrictions which at present exist
upon manning the merchant navy. ,(Hear, hear.) In
the opinion of her Majesty's Government they are re-
strictions which in principle are indefensible. (Hear,
hear.) They are very doubtful whether, even in prac-
tice, they are beneficial. (Hear, hear.) They think
that the time has arrived, or cannot be long postponed,
when those restrictions must entirely cease. (Hear,
hear.) But we must consider them in deference—l do
not say to the prejudices of the country, but in defer-
ence to the feelings of large classes, and in deference, in
a certain degree, to the circumstances with which we
have to deal. We cannot consider the question of man-
ning the mercantile marine in an isolated manner ; we
must view it with reference to another subject of great
importance—viz., the subject of manning the royal navy.

(Hear.) We trust that we, in due time, shaft have to
submit to the house measures which will effect a very
great change in the system on which the royal navy is
manned. (Hear.) The house may be persuaded that
the time cannot much longer be postponed when that
question must be met. Nothing can be more unsatis-
factory, I would almost say more irrational than the sys-
tem upon which the royal navy is manned—the system
which dismisses the seasoned seamen—(loud cries of
hear, hear—when he is most qualified to do his duty to
his country. (Renewed cries of " hear, hear.") There
is no reavn whatever that we should apply to the
Royal navy other principles than those that we apply to
the sister service. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, there is every
reason why we should render the Royal navy the most
efficient service in the world. (Hear.) The attention
of her Majesty's Government is anxiously directed to
this question. We are awaiting now the report' of a
committee sitting upon this great subject. Irrespective
of that report, there are many 'considerations which
would make us feel it our duty to bring! the question
before Parliament. I trust that when the question is
brought forward it will be brought -forward is a manner
satisfactory to the country and satisfactory to this house ;
and, if the plans which we shall feel it our duty to
recommend to the consideration of Parliament be
adopted, I think we shall then be justified in termina-
ting these restrictions upon the manning of the mercan-
tile marine. (Hear, hear.) But I trust that the
shipping interest, feeling, as I hope they will, from the
manner in which her Majesty's Government have met
their case, that they are not anxious to evade any ques-
tion, but only to do that which they think will be of ad-
vantage to the country generally, will not press a point
of such importance at this moment, when, virtually, it is
under the consideration of the Government. (Hear,
hear.) I have now touched upon all the points of any
importance which are comprised in the case of the
shipping interest except those which refer to stamps
upon insurances, bills of lading, and charterparties ; but
the house will see at once that these are points which
affect the revenue and general taxation of the country,
and therefore this is not an occasion on which I can
refer to them. At present I will only make a summary
of the measures which her Majesty's Government are
prepared to recommend with reference to the claims of
the shipping interest—measures which they recommend
with the earnest wish that all real grievances may be re-
medied—(hear, hear)—that we shall cease to hear of the
claims of a particular interest as subject to burdens and
vexations from which the community are free (hear), and
that from henceforth, if the measures which I have
indicated are carried out in their spirit, we shall know of
the shipping interest only as a portion of that great
flourishing community, in which I, for one, hope that
all particular interests may for the future be merged.
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") We propose, then, to
to deal with the question of lights under three heads.
We propose to reduce the taxation which is paid by the
shipping interest under the claim of supporting the
lighthouses of the country-- namely, the interest
of debt, which has been incurred, the contribu-
tions to charities, and passing tolls to harbours
which ships never enter. (Hear, hear.) We propose
to terminate these three great sources of unjust taxation,
and we believe that we shall be able to effect this
object by the annual sum of 100,000/. The shipping in-
terest will then have to pay for the lighthouses which
benefit them—which guide their ships and savel their
lives—(hear, hear)—and lam sure they will i o moreoh
complain of a tax levied for such objects and upon
principles than any other class of the such
principlescommunity will
complain of the peculiar taxes to which they may be
subject, but for which they gain in return peculiar ad-
vantages. (Hear, hear.) We propose, in the second
place, to submit to the consideration of a committee of
the House of Commons, the whole question of pilotage,
in order that we may arrive at a result which I am sure
will be impartial and satisfactory as well as final. We
propose that the three Admiralty grievances of which the
shipping interest complain— anchorage, salvage, and en-
listment—shall be entirely terminated, or at least subject
to regulations which will remove the injustice and injury
which are so justly complained of. We propose that the
subject of manning shall depend upon the adjudication of
Parliament on a still more important subject, and I am
sure the shipping interest will not complain of that ar-
rangement ; and with regard to the last point —the taxes
levied upon them under the head of stamps—that is one
which affects the general revenue of the country, and we
will consider that when we consider the general revenue
of the country. (Hear.) I have now placed before
the house the general views of her Majesty's Govern-
ment with respect to the mercantile marine of the coun-
try, and the claims which it has so long urged upon
successive Governments. I propose that we should now
consider the claims of the sugar-producing colonies
(hear, hear)—and I hope the house will app h
consideration of this subject with the sametemproparecedinger and
impartiality with which they have treated the
one. We must regret that sugar has been toheinbioanttleufipeolidi
of parties. (Hear.) We must form an I)
the condition of those colonies from the
nitieotstmernithnnankyedrfeaucotis.
which may be, placed before us,
may
deplore the legis-
lation that is past ; we
lection of the past.
Cirear.) be of opinion, gentlemen on
both sides, that the conduct may
of this country towards the
sugar producing colonies
m has
ry been inconsistent and 1n -
coherent--that great
ttmneoe
unnecessary damage and devasta-
tion have been occasioned—that, as an interest, they
have been treated eve wantdon.and indefensib.le manner-;
decided t
is what in
but what we bto
the present state of affairs we can justly do for
them. (Hear, hear.) An hon. gentleman told us the.
other night that especially on subjects of economy he
was not fond of sentiment—(a laugh)--and upon no
subject, I believe (laughter) ; but a budget, I believe,
however various its topics, and however peculiar the
circumstances in which it is brought forward, is not an
occasion on which gentlemen should be sentimental.
(Cheers.) I have placed before me what I believe can
hardly be called a memorial, but it is an official paper
placed before me by the West India body, and I can
assure them that it is impossible that there can be
any individual in this house who would view their just
complaints with more ready sympathy than myself.
(Hear, hear.) I have expressed on other occasions,
here and elsewhere, my sincere belief that the conduct
of Parliament to the West India body generally has
been such as will afford no emblazoned page in the
history of this country. (Hear, hear.) NW, after a

certain statement, with which I will not trouble the
house, I have here embodied before me the claims of the
sugar-producing colonies for relief from this country. They
ask-1, that we should arrest the descent of the dutie3 on
foreign sugar ;2, that we should reduce the duties on -
British plantation sugar ; 3, that we should guarantee
additional loans to be raised by the respective
colonies for the purposes of immigration and improve-
ment ; 4, that we should permit the refinement of sugar
in bonded refineries for home consumption as well as for
exportation ; 5, that we should permit the use of molas-
ses in breweries ; and 6, that we should equalise -the
duties on rum and British spirits. (Hear, hear.) Now
I have to consider whether I can recommend to arrest
the descent of the duties on foreign sugar, or reduce the
duties on British plantation sugar. I have to consider
that question in a Parliament which has been elected to
establish and develope the principle of unrestricted com-
petition. I should find, under any circumstances, great
difficulty in making such a recommendation ; and if I
saw the market overwhelmed by foreign productions—
if I saw, in consequence of the incoherent and wanton
legislation of this country, contradicting their original
agreements, and violating their original compact,—if I
saw ruin falling upon all the sugar-producing colonies of
the Crown—l still should probably hesitate before, after
the verdict of the country, I could recommend a recourse
to differential duties to arrest the progress of such ruin,
and to mitigate the suffering which would be the con-
sequence of such events. (Hear, hear.) But when
11 examine the facts, I am not called upon to consider
that. (Hear, hear.) When lam asked to arrest
the descent of the duties on foreign sugar, and
to reduce the .duties on British plantation sugar,
I naturally inquire what is the state of the market with
reference to the production of these two commodities ;
what is produced by the British plantations, which re-
quire their duties to be reduced ?—what is produced by •
the foreign plantations, the descent of the duties on
which is to be arrested ? Is there such evidence before
the house and the country of an impossible rivalry be-
tween the British and the foreign sugar-producing colo-
nies that it would justify a Government under any cir-
cumstances coming forward to Parliament and asking
-cnr factitious protection and support to the British sugar-
producing colonies ? (Hear,) Sir, this is not a subject
of sentiment, as the hon. gentleman said the other night ;
it can only be decided by a reference to facts. (Hear,
hear I shall place before the house the facts as they
at present exist ; and then I will leave the house—gen-
tlemen on both sides—to form their opinions. (Hear,
hear.) By the representation which I have just read,
we are asked to believe that the competition between
our colonial sugar and foreign sugar is a competition
that cannot be endured. We can only infer from the
remedies which are recommended that ruin will be the
necessary consequence of such a change in the duties
not being adopted. But I will ask the house for a
moment to attend to the last return which I have
here drawn up to the sth of November, of the quanti-
ties of sugar, refined and unrefined, entered for home
consumption in the United Kingdern in the first ten
months of 1851 and 1852. In that period of 1851 there
were entered for home consumption 2,251,000 ewt. of
West India sugar; in 1852, 3,094,000 cwt. (Hear,
hear.) Mauritius, which sent us in the first ten months
of 1851, 804,000, sent us in the first ten months of 1852,
976,000. . (Hear, hear.) The East Indies, which sent
us 1,037,000 to November, 1851, sent us 1,300,000 in
the same period of 1852. (Hear, hear.) Our united
colonies, if _I may so call them, sent us 4,094,000 cwt.
in the first ten months of 1851, and 5;373,000 in the
first ten months of 1852. (Hear, hear.) It would
appear from this statement that there is h 0 necessity
for reducing the duty on British colonial sugar, and I
now have to see whether we ought to arrest the descent
of the duties on foreign sugar. The quantity of foreign
unrefined sugar entered for home consumption in
November, 1851, amounted to 1,218,000 cwt. ; but in
November, 1852, instead of being 1,218,000 cwt., the
quantity entered for home consumption amounted to
only 570,000 cwt. (Hear, hear.) I find, also, that
the quantity of foreign refined sugar has been reduced,
though not proportionately. In November, 1351, the
quantity of foreign refined sugar entered for home con-
sumption was 268,000 cwt. ; while in November, 1852,
it amounted to only 243,000 cwt. It may be said that
these are merely figures ; but I beg to observe that, in
this instance, figures constitute the case. This is a
questibn of figures, and the result of the figures I have
quoted is, that their being, in 1851, 4,126,000 cwt. of
British sugar against 1,487,000 cwt. of foreign, in 1852
there were 5,378,000 cwt. of British against only 814,000
cwt. of foreign. (Cheers.) In other words, British
production has increased by 1,250,000 cwt., and foreign
production has decreased by about 600,000 cwt. (Hear,
hear.) I may be called a traitor—l may be called a
renegade (much laughter and cheering) ; but I want to
know whether there is any gentleman in this house—
wherever he may sit—who would recommend a differen-
tial duty to prop up a prostrate industry, which is
actually commanding the metropolitan market? (Cheers.)
It is unnecessary to enter into any argument on the
point. No person would propose an increase of differen-
tial duties except to obtain a definite object. If that
object be to give the command of the home market to
our colonies, it is already attained. (Hear, hear.) As far
as the quantity consumed—which must, after: all, be the
test of the quantity produced—is concerned, it is quite
clear that no alteration of duties could do more than our
own sugar-producing oolonies already effect. (Hear, hear.)
I will not say that our colonies effect this result by their
superior energy, because I am unwilling to enter into any
discussion on that subject, but the fact itself admits 6f no
dispute, whatever,difference of opinion may prevail as to
the causes of the fact. Well, then, lam asked to guarantee
additional loans to ;be raised by the respective colonies -
for the purpose of immigration and improvement. Now -
certainly a more legitimate object of exertion on the part.
of the colonies than the promotion of immigration of
foreign labourers cannot be conceived ; and it is one
which ought to be encouraged in every suitable way. I
am ready to show to my friends and the house that the
Government have not been inattentive to this subject.
Our attention—as well as that of the preceding govern-
ment—has been called to the subject of Chinese immi-
gration into the British sugar-producing colonies ; and
we hold it to be one of the utmost importance. Having
unfortunately a great deal to say upon other topics, I
will not weary the house by going into many details on
this subject, although they are all of the most interesting
kind. Here, however, lies before me a memorandum of
what—as far as the present Government is concerned—
has been done on the subject of immigration into the West
Indian colonies. (Here the right hon. gentleman read
an extract, which stated that Sir J. Pakington had re-
commended the appointment of a Government agent to
superintend the measures to be adopted forthe encourage-
ment of emigration—that this agent was now established at
Hcrigkong,ihat by his exertions three shiploads of Chinese
labourers bad been despatched to Trinidad, and that the
colony of British Guiana had, on its own account, made
arrangements'for importing 1,700 immigrants.) Thus, it
appears that the Government has already despatched
three ships with immigrants, and that British Guiana has
placed its private machinery in motion, and is about to
import 1,700 more ; in short, it is clear that Chinese
immigration is going on. (Hear.) When, however, I
am asked to come forward and propose a loan to assist
immigration, I must place before the house some facts
connected with the question. Let it not be supposed
that I dwell too long on subjects which some may con-
ceive to be not of vast importance. There are great
questions to be settled to night, and, unless we meet the
claims of parties who allege that they are aggrieved, we
shall not be advancing in the great enterprise in which
we have embarked. (Hear, hear.) When I am asked
to propose a loan for the benefit of the colonies, it is ue.
cessary to look at the relations existing between the Go-
vernment and the West Indian interest in reference to
this subject. Under the 11th and 12th of Victoria, the
Government is empowered to guarantee loans to the
West India colonies, at 4 per cent. interest, and not
exceeding 500,000/. in amount, for the promotion of
immigration and improvement. What sums have been
allotted out of the 500,000/. ? British Guiana
has been allotted 250,000/., Trinidad 100,000/. , and St.
Lucia 3,000/. ; altogether 353,000/. have been allotted
out of 500,000/. There is at present under the con-
sideration of the Treasury a recommendation that
100,0001. should be allotted to Jamaica. Suppose that
done, there will still sumorain 47,080/. unapplied. But
this is not all. Of the f 250,000/. allotted to Bri-
tish Guiana, only 120,000/. have been taken ; and of the
sum of 100,0001. allotted to Trinidad,
fresh
be
arnao,wte
cponlroe.
only 40,0001.
have been taken. (Hear, hear.) How can a
justly urged on the Government to propose loans
for the encouragement of immigration tooolesdu
a sugar-pro-
ducing ducing colonies when the sum already I:...ear,
on(urefle reflection, feel
object has not yet been exhauste.d. ?
athmatsucrirecuthmestWanceests,
justify the Governmentin
Indiaas
at body
present
eowintli
nt,g existing, would not
~ hear.) forwl
that we will permit be refined in 16
'II permit sugar to . ond for home
afonfrrtehshreqlouaenst.
of (Hear,the 'West India body, namely,
consumption as well as for exportation. I have given
this subject my earnest consideration. It will be re-
membered that the question was ably debated in this
house by lord George Bentinck. No doubt this would
be a very great boon to our sugar-producing colonies.
I will put the case before the house as briefly as I can,
and I cannot do so more clearly than by asking the
house to suppose that the year 1854 has arrived, when
no differential duty will remain, but when all sugar—
whether foreign or colonial—will be subject to an equal
duty of 10s. It is represented to us that the saccharine
matter of foreign sugar, unrefined, is considerably
greater in amount than that of British colonial sugar.
It appears that every hundred-weight of foreign sugar
contains about 90 per cent, of sacchrine matter, while a
hundredweight
nt.
ce of colonial contains only from 70 to 75
; compared with the coarse sugar of the East
Indies, the difference in favour of the foreign is still
greater, being as 90 to 60. The house will perceive,
that though each kind of sugar would pay the
same nominal duty, yet,. as the foreign sugar--
in the process of manufacture results in a much
superior article, there would practically be a
differential duty in its favour. If we levy
a 10s. duty on two kinds of sugar, one of which pro-
duces 90 per cent. of saccharine matter, and the other
only 70, the result would be equivalent
lenhteatro)a differential
duty
duty in favour of the former.
West India interest ask is this—that the duty may be
taken on the refined produce instead of on the raw pro-
duce. (Hear, hear.) There are, no doubt, objections to
this arrangement connected with the revenue of the
country ; but I do not think that considerations con-
nected with revenue constitute a sufficient ground for
resisting the claim of an interest in the position of the
West India eplonies. (Cheers.) Here we have an
opportunity of conceding to them a great boon, which is
principle of unrestricted qannounce, on the part of the ttite compe-
tition.
.(Cheers.) consistent with I the
Go-
vernment, that we are prepared to concede this boon—
we think it ought to be conceded, and we believe it will
afford great relief and also give a fresh impulse to the
manufacture of colonial sugar. (Hear, hear.) Of
course, the boon will be conceded subject to condi.