The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-04 00:00:00

LORD CAMPBELL AT MANCHESTER,

On Thursday evening a public meeting took place in the
Town Hall, Manchester, on the Polish question, and drew
a crowded audience. The chair was taken by the late
Mayor, Mr. Alderman Heywood, at half-past 7 o'clock.
On the first resolution, viz., "That the past and present
struggles of the Poles entitle them to the support and ad-
miration of Great Britain," Lord Campbell, who had been
invited to attend, said—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentle-
men—After the eloquent and ample way in which the
resolution has been presented by the mover and seconder,
you will not require many words from me in its eupport ;
but you will make allowance for the difficulty which a per -
feet stranger naturally feels when for the first time he comes
before a large and crowded audience of your city. (Cheers.)
Groat as is the pleasure with which I see that audience, as
a measure of the sympathy with Poland and of the zeal in
her behalf prevailing in this district, it is fair to aver that
neither I, nor those who have acted with me on the Polish
question, had any part in calling it together. On the con-
trary, I even ventured to dissuade those with whom it has
originated from their effort. My impression was—as older
and wiser men had frequently explained to me.--that the
people of the country would not grant their ear and their
attention to two points of foreign policy or even of domestic
policy together; that while Denmark was an object of
solicitude, Poland must be for the time forgotten and un-
interesting ; and that by making an appeal on Poland at
this moment we should only court—although the deep
convictions of the public were unaltered—apparent cold-
ness and ostensible discouragement which might be rather
dangerous ;Ilan conducive to our purpose, Your presence
here to-night, the gpirit you have shown, and the addresses
you have listened to, no doubt refutes that calculation.
(Cheers.) Although many might have questioned and de-
nied the possibility of agitation on the Polish question at
this moment—if it were only possible—no friends of that
cause could question its advantage IA tile very crisis which
to some extent pre-occupies us. The use and the effect of
agitation is not when a public ditty is in the heart and on
the lips of every man in the community, but when it ceases
to be felt, and when it ceases to be talked of—although it is
net less imperative and cogent than it used to be. (Cheers.)
Agitation becomes a lesson when it cannot any longer be
regarded as an echo. And this should also be remembered
—although an interval may take place in the excitement of
Great Britain as to Poland—there is not any interval what-
ever in the tragedy which prompted it. For all that, if any-
thing its colours are more dark, its march is more appalling.
Forget it as we may, intent upon the Eider, its champions,
,!.ho ill-armed insurgents, keep at bay the 'well-drilled forces
of Si. Petersburg; exposed to every hardship and vicissi-
tude, they still engage in combats with success. The secret
Government, rzAlying on the confidence of millions, cripples
the material author!.
v, and open power of the Czar—
still lawless executions are going on, and still peaceful
habitations are demolished ;
ages are burnt ; still
Poland moves towards Siberia. The
vill
although another question has diverted our al:.
rams hurries on,
4:ation from
it. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is far from my desire to op"
pose the zeal which now exists in reference to Denmark.
But if you glance a moment at that subject, you will see
that so far from clashing with, it bears an intimate relation
to, the matter now before us. Irrespectively of treaties and
engagements, why is it essential to uphold the monarchy
of Denmark ? Because if it disappears, Kiel is nearly cer-
tain to become a Russian harbour. But why is it danger-

ous to let Kiel become a Russian harbour ? Because if it

did, it would really give the Czar a new position on the
Baltic, since he has long been able to regard a Prussian

harbour as his own. But how comes it that the Prussian
harbours are his own, and that the King of Prussia is his
vassal ? Because he reigns at Warsaw, and there reigning
is able to command the fleet and to cover the policy of
Berlin. Against that state of things the Polish movement
is directed. (Cheers.) And in proportion as the movement
triumphs the Danish question ceases to be anxious to our-
selves. But in another point of view the Danish and the
Polish difficulties are connected, whilst its large and funda-
mental principle which makes the whole world, except its in-
terested adversaries, eager and united in the cause of
Danish independence ? It is that all free countries are
endangered when one free country disappears. (Cheers.)
It is that Europe suffers when the humblest member of her
system becomes the victim of injustice. And what but the
dismemberment of Poland has made that truth familiar to
mankind. And if it bears on Denmark, with how much
greater force does it apply to a country beyond France in
area, beyond Spain in population, beyond either in its
former services to Europe. If Denmark ought not to be
suppressed, Poland ought to be, if possible, recovered. But
there is yet a further point of union in the ques-
tions. If any man has given his reflection to
the Danish question he has come to this conclusion,
that but one combination oan resolve it with advantage,
viz., that of France, of Austria, and Great Britain, all three
having a demonstrable interest in saving Denmark from
encroachment, and having strength enough to guard it
against the dangers which existed. But this is the very
combination by which the hopes of Poland have been raised,
and by which alone its prospects can be materially
brightened. So far, therefore, from the two questions being
opposed, the two causes incompatible, the existence of the
one occasions the importance of the other; the same foun-
dation underlies them; the same union is required to close
their sorrow and perplexity. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the
chairman expressed a wish that those who might address
you would point out briefly and distinctly how at the pre-
sent moment the Polish question stands, and what kind of
duty it imposes on this country. With your leave I will
respond to his appeal so far as lam able. It cannot be
supposed by any one at present that war for Poland is de-
manded or attainable, France and Great Britain having
more urgent and immediate calls upon their policy. But
whether wisely or unwisely, whether justly or unjuetly,
in the spring of 1813 this country by the Foreign-office
entered on a course of spirited diplomacy as regards the
Polish insurrection. Not only did we remonstrate cur-
-1 selves, but nearly the whole of Europe was arrayed by our
initiative in one common language of remonstrance with St
Petersburg. Except Russia the greater and the lesser
Powers, led by our example and our influence, became con-
verted into eager and unaccustomed advocates of Poland
against Russia. So new was the phenomenon that the
Czar at first appeared to feel the moral weight
whieh from every quarter of the world was rolling steadily
upon him. Encouraged by his attitude, the Powers went
on and made six propositions in the interest of Poland,
which he, after full reflection, ignominiously rejected. New
expostulations were brought to bear upon him—new scorn
was flung on the expostulating Powers. At the close of
September the Foreign Secretary delivered an address in
Scotland, which reached the capitals of Europe, and declared
t:aat the Czar, having set at naught the Treaty of Vienna,
had forfeited the titles by which Poland formed a par: of
his dominions. The greatest expectation followed as to the
further cowl:Act of Great Britain. In a month a despatch
appeared, which aid not touch upon the violation of the
treaty or the forfeiture of Poland, but complimented the
Czar on his benevolent intentions to the country he is lay.
ing waste, and to the people he is trying to exterminate.
The Foreign-office may have had unknown reasons for the
tone which they adopted. It may not be without defence.
But can it be accepted as the final attitude and last deli-
verance of England on the subject? Can it be accepted as
the crowning measure of our spirited diplomacy? (Cheers.)
A more becoming exit is attainable. The Polish Govern-
ment have made two demands on Europe, neither of which
involves in war the Powers which concede it, and neither
of which as yet Great Britain has conceded, and neither of
which she will concede until Parliament has stimulated
the Executive, and been itself awakened by the people.
(Cheers.) The proceedings of to-night, therefore, are
practical and business •like in character. And this conside-
ration ought to lead us to promote a more honourable end of
the coarse on which we entered in the spring with so much
ardour. As yet the part adopted by Great Britain towards P-
oland has not been els kind to raise her credit or to satisfy her
conscience. When in 1772, after a long course of anarchy
which Russia had fomented, the first partition was designed
by the nefarious alliance of St. Petersburg, Berlin, and
Vienna, and when Poland was robbed of territories which
public law, which treaty, and immemorial possession had
scoured to her, no voice of protest issued lrom Great Britain
When, with astounding guilt, is 1793, a new partition was
designed to put an end to the nobly amended constitution
Poland had resolved on, Great Britain was still silent.
When elated by impunity in 1795 the crime passed on to its
maturity, and the three despots, with unparalleled auda-
city, proclaimed that Poland no longer existed on the map
of Europe, Great Britain was immovable. It is true that
that in 1815 Great Britain, at Vienna, accorded her opinion
that Polish independence was essential to the safety of the
world, but did nothing to restore it, It is true that in 1816
she deplored the fall of Cracow, but never took a single
measure to avert it. By some the present struggle is re.
garded as a hopeless one. If it be hopeless, if it is only
blood and heroism expended in the self-assertion of a gallant
nation against the authors of its downfall ; if fortunes are
abandoned, houses left, the gibbet hazarded, the dungeon
braved, merely to convince the world that Poland lives and
struggles in the tomb to which she was consigned by the
rapacity of some and by the indolence of others, to
that tomb let it be never said that British honour
has descended. (Loud cheers.) But the struggle
will not be eventually a hopeless one; if retribution waits
on crime, discomfiture on barbarities, ascendancy on truth,
or dawning daylight upon freedom, it will not cease to live
and to aspire while justice reigns in Heaven and policy in
Europe. (Much applause.) The Chairman proceeded to
put the resolution, which was unanimously carried. The
second resolution,that belligerent rights ought to be granted
to the Poles, was supported by Mr. Beales with his usual
eloquence and power.
On Friday evening, at half-past seven, a soiree was held
in the large room of the Clarence Hotel, by the Southern
Independence Association for Lancashire, of which Lord
Wharncliffe is the chairman. By eight o'clock some two
or three hundred of its friends had assembled, including
Mr. Jas. Spence, of Liverpool. Lord Wharncliffe occupied
the chair, and called on Lord Campbell to address them'
Lord Campbell said that, having two or three times in Par-
liament adverted to this subject, to him it was most gratify-
ing to see to-night a proof that in Lancashire the current
of opinion was not opposed to Southern independence. Mr.
Spence, at whose instigation he had come, and under whose
orders he addressed them, had told him that argumentative
remarks upon the question were now superfine= in Mtn-