The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-29 00:00:00

EVENING,

o? trade, Liverpool, and sounded the tocsin of
religious disc rd, by telling the olcctors that
if they would vlte for him ho would support the
withdrawal of the grant to Maynooth. The following
lines in Hudibras were applicable to the position of that
Hon. Meml37,r

"What makes all doctrines plain and clear?
'Tis just twelve hundred pounds a year.
And that which was proved true before
Proves fele() again?—Twelve hundred more."
The Chief Secretery for Ireland also sat mute, and left
Meynooth to the tender mercies of the Hon. Member for
Warwickshire, The Right Hon. Member for the Uni-
versity of Cambridge had suggested a commission of in-
quiry. To inquire into whet? Into some recent cir-
cumstances? Into the Durham letter, into the Eccle-
siastical Titles Bill, into that permanent conspiracy, half
lay and half clerical, which held its sittings in this city
under the name of the National Club? What need was
there of inquiry, if there was nothing to be inquired
into? It was the old principle to throw as much dirt as
possible, in the hope that some of it would stick. That
reminded hiui of a story—a candidate for a seat in Par-
liament, a most respectable man, was utterly driven from
the hustings, because an agent of his opponent asked him
"who killed his own washerwoman?" It was said this
was a Protestant country. He (Mr. Reynolds) thought
the best proof to the contrary was the presence of Roman
Catholics in the Legislature. It was not a Protestant
country; for one-third of the people were Roman Ca-
tholic, and one-third of the income also.—(No.) And yet
they were told that 26,000/, applied to Maynooth, was
a misapplication of the public money; it was but a beg-
garly instalment of jultice. It was never asked for; and
it was now sought to be withdrawn, in consequence of
the acts of the Synod of Thurlee, end the opposition of
the clergy to the new colleges. As a Roman Catholic
Member he would give no such pledge as that suggested
by the Right Hon. Member for the University of Cam-
bridge, that the debate should be closed on Frid Ay. In
conclusion, he denied again the imputation of desiring
factiously to protract the debate, and stated that ho for-
gave the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire for
having done so much mischief in the Christian commu-
nity of this country, as ho hoped God would forgive
him.—(Laughter.)
Mr. FRESHFIELD explained. He repudiated the
charge of being the cause of any delay in the discussion
of the motion. He had only moved the adjournment at
an hour—half-past three o'oclock, when the House was
close on the period of proceeding with other busi-
ness; and he had done so to give the Souse an oppor-
tunity of fixing a further day for the resumption of the
debate. His motion was strictly in accordance with
the rules of the House; and was, moreover, made to
facilitate, and not to impede, the discussion of the ques-
tion at issue.

Mr. ANSTEY said the imputation came from the
other side of the House, and not from his side, and to
that the Hon. Member for Boston ought to have ad-
dressed himself. Ile (Mr. Anstey) trusted her Majesty's
G)vernment would give a pledge to prosecute the in-
quiry in the form suggested by the Right Hon. Member
for Cambridge, in a fitting and proper way; and it was
his intention to test their sincerity on the subject by
putting a question, when the time should arrive for that
purpose.
Mr. KEOGH made no complaint of the Hon. Mem-
ber for Peebles ~hire, but certain matters ought, in his
opinion, to be mentioned before the House went to the
country, to the end that the electors should understand
the game that wa3 now playing. He understood the
Hon. Member for North Warwickshire—and it was only
right the Hon. Member should hear what was said—
was anxious to have the discussion on the motion pro-
scented, and that the other Hon. Member for North
Warwickshire was anxious that the question should be
supported by the whole strength of their party. He had
heard something said about raising a cry in the country,
but he did not believe that was the Hen. Member's ob-
ject. He beloved the Hon. Member for North War-
wickshire was sincere in his desire for a repeal of the
grant to Maynooth, but he did not give other Hon. Mem-
bers the same credit. The Right Hon. Gentleman the
Secretary of State had spoken on the question; but the
Right Hon. Gentlemen the leader of that House had not
favourel the House with his sentiments. That Right
Hon. Gentleman had not told the House whether one
of the present Government had not counselled the Hon.
Member (Mr. Spooner) to bring forward this question.—
(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman was accom-
plished in literature—both in comedy and tragedy; and
in one of his works he had immortalised Tadpole and
Taper, who, in a conversation with Rigby, drew from
that personage that he never did anything with-
out first setting up a cry.—(Hear, and laughter.)
Now, in the present case, there was a chuble cry—
the cry in England was Protestantism and Derbyism;
in Ireland, it was Roman Catholicism and Derbyism.
—(Hear, hear). What faith could the Honourable
Member for North Warwickshire put in such a Go-
vernment? The Honourable Member ought to know the
secret practices going on in other places. He bad seen
as address from ono of the Derbyites in Ireland,
in which the candidate stated he was opposed to the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill of last session, and determined
to support the grant to the Royal College of Maynooth.
Was the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire satisfied
with that state of things? When the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, in 1845, was assailing Sir Robert Peel, he
then said that protection in 1845 was in the same condi-
tion as Protestantism was in 1841.—(Hear.) Could the
Hon. Gentleman put faith in a Government which was
raising a cry of Derby and Maynooth in Ireland, and
going about the country in England raising the cry of
Darby, and down with Maynooth? The question before
the House was for a Committee of that House to in-
quire into Muynoutb; that proposition had been sup-
ported by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of
State, and forthwith the Hon. Gentleman who made the
proposition rose, and told the House the Committee ho
sought could never meet, and the inquiry, if granted,
could never take place. Was the House to concede to
an independent Member such a course? He had al-
ways heard, when an independent Member made a mo-
tion fur a Committee that a Minister would say, though
favourable to the proposition, still his sense of duty
would not permit him to allow the public time to be
wasted, and therefore ,he must oppose the proposition.
But in the present case the Right Hon. Gentleman had
told the lion. Gentleman the public time must be wasted,
and, though it was impossible the discussion could take
place satisfactorily, yet
would suppcfrt the proposition° Right Hon. Gentleman
for discussion. Here was
a question described, and truly
u w described,hieh t
the
eo
wbwheohlioecfhcaai
nn-
tholic population of Ireland—and Protestant
important nature—a question
population was deeply interested—eeauvquulseesttihoen
his conscience he believed wouldti
$1 ,:fd
the
eet
Hon. Member
fer
North Warwickshire,
en-
trusted it to the guardianshiplea:lie
the great interests involved
in it to be compromised in the same way as certain other
had been dealt with by the Tadpoles
great questions
sae it not one of the followers ll a com-
promise.—(gear.) Tapers of the Treasury bench—namely, by '
promise.—(Hear.)afte owers of
Bill, called the attention of the
r the second
the Right lion. Gentlemtban who in 1845,
reading of the May
n to the '
vkoetdthageartinrsetmtiheer
head of the Administration circumstance of two
members of his Adminisutdrattaiounuthhaavilnyg
be trifled with
Government measure,a
allow himgselfast
(Sir R. hiske wouldetdminiatration persoonwould
by keepPinegelini.f
opposition to their colleagues?swho
The vote so wildly in
an-
swer the inquirer received was, that he (sir R. Peel)
meant to be master of his position; that he kept to him-
self the power of controlling the acts of his colleagues;
and that he intended to exert the whole of the power of
Government to carry the question. But what had the
House now, under the leadership of a Gentleman who
had spoken whole hours, and written whole volumes, to
wd
prove the necessity of making public men adhere to a
public
Just standard of M
law
ha
etffi did the
the
ofblic principle—ear)
House new find? They found ,the second
the Crown the first to raise on the hustings the cry of
anti-Maynooth in tho very teeth of the recorded opinion
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.—(Hear, hear.)
They found the Secretary of the Treasury, who ought
to have been the last man to place himself in a position
in which no public man ought to be placed, the recog-
nised whipper-in of the party, going down to one of the
most
important constituencies in England—a constitu-
ency once represented by a Canning—and setting up as
the only pretension which, in his (Mr. Keogh's) con-
science, he believed ho could put forward, a reckless do-
clarttion to maintain his opinion, and a bigotted deter-
mination to sacrifice everything to the retention of office
and his party.—(flear, hear.) That Hon. Gentleman,
however, might have this consolation for his retreat from
principles he avowed in 1846—if a vacancy occurred in
the Cabinet, and he was called upon to fill it up, he
would return to his former opinions, and would fling to
the winds his present professions in order to win the em-
braces of a more enlightened constituency.—(Hear.) He
had sought to place the position of the Government before
the House and country, because he was aware that many
people believed the grant to Maynooth, the first instal-
ment due to justice, ought to be withdrawn. He would
warn the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire and the
country that the occupants of the Treasury bench were
playing a most deceptive game. They had sent the re•
cognised and confidential agent of the Premier to Ire-
land, who had published an address to the electors, in
which he openly expressed his determination to give a
decided support to the endowment of Maynooth—thus
leading every one to believe that the Noble Lord the
chief of the Administration entertained the same opinions,
and that nothing was further from the intention of Go-
vernment than to concede a single particle to the Hon.
Member for North Warwickshire. With such facts be-
fore them, if they believed that anything could be gained
by inquiry then they were the most credulous dupes on
the face of the earth. He believed by this discussion
they would only irritate, exacerbate, wring, and torture
the feelings of the people of Ireland; and all this about
a grant, which, if divided and subdivided, would not
give a penny a head to the Catholic population of Ire-
land.—(Cheers.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
might have risen before to reply to the suggestion of
the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for the Univer-
sity of Cambridge, but he preferred doing so now instead
of waiting until the discussion terminated. He had
with the rest of her Majesty's Government,been sub-
jected to the comments of the Right Hon Gentiemanthe Member for Taunton, who had charged him with
praciteing conduct unworthy of the position he occu-
pied, in consequence of his having suggested Friday
next as the most suitable day on which to resume the
debate on the Maynooth
question.
No one was more
ready than himself to acknowledge
how he tun goal was to the responsibilities which he had been called upon
to discharge—but he was bound to say, in the course he
had taken that day, he felt he had done that which he
ought to do.—(Hear.) It had been said that these dis-
cussions were calculated to lower the tone of that House,
and to shake the confidence of the other House and the
pcon!e; but he could not help thinking that nothing
could be mcro ceiculened to lows : tone cfthaat
House and to shake popular confidence than to make
systematic effort to evade such discussions, or toresist
judgment on questions involved in thew. Ie "'PA,
k