The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-13 00:00:00

SATURDAY

EVENING, MARCH 13, 1852.

BUCKINGHAMSHIRE

ELECTION.

(FROM OUR OWN REPORTERS.)
Thaemmination was appointed for the early hour of
ten yesterday morning, and by that time the small and dull
town of Aylesbury began to assume a bustling and lively
appearance. The George Inn was_aeleeted as the strong-
hold of the Disraeli party, and every room was crowded
with sturdy yeomen, whose various vehicles and cattle
completely filled the yard of this famous hostelry. A
small brass band, which • played some enlivening airs,
was stationed outside, and some half-dozen blue flags,
with the name of Disraeli and some popular Protectionist
mottoes inscribed upon them, were paraded about the
market-place. The supporters of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman wore blue and white favours, bat those of his
opponent, Dr. Lee, neither exhibited colours nor made a
display of any kind.
The nomination tookpianeiet the County Hall, a small
ancient-looking building, more resembling the interior
of a' church or chapel than anything else.
Mr. Disraeli and Dr. Lee entered the hail shortly
before ten o'clock, accompanied by a few of their sup-
porters, and took their places on thehenches usually oc-
cupied by the magistrates.
Precisely at ten o'clock the doors of the hall were
opened to the electors, and there was such a tremendous
rush that in a few minutes the small chamber was
crowded to excess in every part. A portion of the
gallery was allotted to ladies, and a considerable number
of elegantly dressed ladies availed themselves of the
place.
Mr. SCOTT MIIRRA.T, the sheriff for the county,
briefly stated the object for which the electors had been
called together, and said they would either have to re-
elect the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, or supply his
place by returning some other gentleman.
The UNDER-SHERIFF then read the writ, and also re-
cited the provisions of the Act against Bribery and Cor-
ruption.
Among those present on the bench we noticed Lord
Henry Lennox, Captain Archdall, Captain Vyse, and
the Rev. F. Litchford.
Throughout the proceedings there were occasionally
ejaculations which evinced dissent from Protectionist
sentiments and disapprobation of Mr. Disraeli's principles,
but there is no denying that the Right Honourable
Gentleman was the favourite. The powerful lungs of
the Backinghamshire farmers and also of their employies,
of whom no doubt there was a considerable number pre-
sent, effectually drowned all attempts at free-trade op-
position. The proposer of Mr. Disraeli made a neat, short,
speech which was received with loud applause, but the
seconder was not so wise, for he attempted to inflict a
Protectionist disquisition upon the turbulent electors,
which was every now and then interrupted by loud cries
of " Cut it short;" " Time," SGC. A dramatic incident
occurred in the course of his oration which elicited loud
laughter and cheers. Though avowing himself an opponent
to free trade, he admitted he entertained no unfriendly
feelings towards his opponents, and in order to give
more effect to this expression of his forbear-
ance, he bent for ward and warmly shook Dr.
Lee by the hand. At length, however, patience
could no longer submit to the tedious infliction—missiles
were thrown about in different directions, and, among
the first, en epple, which only escaped the head of the
orator. This proved to be, in truth, an apple of dis-
cord, for immediately afterwards a row commenced,
which never ceased until he had sat down.
Mr. PONSFORD DIINCOMBE, of Missenden Abbey,
then came forward to propose \lr. Disraeli. He said he
feltLhe could not better discharge the duty he had to
perform than to do it briefly.—(Hear, hear.) During
the time Mr. Disraeli had represented this county he
had always advocated the interest of the constituency,
and had done all in his power to restore Protection.
—(Cheers, and a voice, " You don't think you'll ever
have it again.) Mr. Disraeli WAS now a member of a
Government pledged to support the Established Church,
and determined to make a last effort to reconcile those
classes who had been, too long estranged from each
other.—(Hear, hear.) As a member of such a Govern-
ment, he bad strong claims upon the consti-
tuency, and remembering the great talents of the
Honourable Gentieman himself, and the high office
which he held, he had no hesitation in proposing Mr.
B. Disraeli as a fit and proper person to represent the
county of Buckingham in Parliarneat.—(Cheers.)
Mr. CARRINGToN,-a Missenden Abbey, seconded the
nomination. It was 110 motive of silly vanity
that induced him to come upon the hustings,
but it was to support a gentleman who de-
served well of his country.—.(gear, hear.) He
perfectly agreed with all that the proposer had said, and
he only regretted that he had aot his power of voice to
say a few words in favour of so great a man as Mr.
Disraeli.—(Cheers.) No Member of the House of
Commons was so able to give a good account of his
stewardship, and he hoped the Honourable Gentleman
would receive a fair and impartial hearing.—(Cheers.)
For his own part, he was an old-fashione man; but
though his sentiments might be also old-fashioned they
were, at all events, sincere, while he believed they
were the beat that could be adapted for the interest of
this great country.—(Cheers.) All he asked for himself
and the candidate he seconded was a clear stage
and no favour.—(Heat, hear.) Every Englishman who
was an Englishman would not retuse that request; and
looking at the vast services which Mr. Disraeli had ren-
dered the agricultural interest, he was convinced they
would most cordially re-elect hint.—(Cheers.) No man
in all England had done more for the class to which
be belonged. He fought their battle without deprecating
the interest of any other, and, both in the House and
out of it, he had never ceased to struggle in behalf
of native industry.—(Loud cheers.) This was one
of the principal reasons which induced him
to advocate that gentleman's claims upon the constitu-
ency.—(Hear, hear.) Upon the great question of Pro-
tection he was fully agreed with the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, and as far as he could gather the opinion of the
Right lion. Gentleman upon the other great questions
of the day, he believed they were in unison
with his own and the constituency of this splendid
county.—(Cheers.) He avowed publicly and unreser-
vedly that he was no Free-trader—[A Voice—" Who
said you was?"]—and he was a supporter of her Ma-
jesty's present Government because they were favourable
to protection.—(Cheers.) In case of a war they
could only be prepared for the enemy by returning
to the system which had made the country great, glori-
ous, and free, and he hoped, indeed he was convinced,
the men of Buckinghamshire would with one voice re-
turn the champion e: teat mighty principle which he had
endeavoured feebly to explain",—(Cheers.) The Hon.
Seconder then, amidst a scene of much confusion, pro-
ceeded to insist that a duty must be re-imposed upon the
importation of foreign corn of something like 55., which
world only inereaSe the price of the quartern leaf by a
halfpenny, while it would enable the Government to re-
peal the malt-tax and many other similar imposts of an
inquisitors sl character.—(Queers.) Be, at all events, of
this he was sqlisfied that unless free trade were
SPeedily abandoned the country must go to
rack and ruin, .and the lion. Gentleman concluded a
tedious, • prolix speech amidst a shower of _ apples
and rotten eggs, which appeared to afford.much amuse-
ment to the agricultural mind. • He heartily and cordially
seconded the nomination of Mr. Disraeli, and denounced
in strong language the tactics of the Manchester school,
whose principle,rather than ouro.fural his opinion was perish agriculture
thetrnitactores should fall.—(Cheers.)
Ur. Gnus,
Dr.
iiee,
who
saidAylesbary eVews, next nominated
art able, zealous, and hard-
thwoerk inbgattntleagistoetate
ecaonvine:l neighbour, who had fought
who Was ..,,,t,„3szty tnYt4 andfic, reform at home,
and
placed in a differeet elat it if he were
(Lend cheers and
cries of "Hear.")
mil,sehd_idhre.o,tadFspote the abilities of the
Right Hon. Gence
perhaps the cleverest
man amongst them—(Cheers)--eet there Rarity about his Cleverneas
could
eldwas a pecu-
hot::: _ stand and
amuse them fur two
would go away and not
There were plenty
know
whyd yethe they
clever, and vet none of
amused leitighter.)
cf men who were' wry zee
them would trust thew
.W men the care a their money..
HetarY—unct- let it' he recollected that the/ Riot gen.
Gentleman ,s-aa to control' and marisge thi fintineeeht the
fide :he) in the Right Hoe.
coentq. Now, had they con.
G. 21,41.2440 eeseSeet they pat their attetra in his hands?-
- la.which-of his aedons Inad they contideneee_
1""silin).: Well, be would tell them of some of his
actions; When a man appeared in all sorts of colours
and in' 'all chacac ter faith cou:d they
oiwi,h,,ateznd Ete.;!,. hear.„)
d'OF. Gibbs' tree. read extracts from Arr. ad-;
ress r,O the cicctota of ISiiiiryfiibone amidst considerable;
laughter.) Hiepreserit address was oi a very ambiguous
kitsteription; but he stated that be hoped at no distant;
,peri,,cl to- establish those priueiples which he
suite supported while in oplay3ition.--(Loud cheers )
Chet, Right Hon. Gentleman •wished to MX the poor
in order to put money into the pockets of a
ClEl44—"(Hear, and cheers,)—bat he (Mr. Gibbs) thought
that the imposition of a ss. duty, which was talked of,
was eething, more then a national sin.—(Dissent and
latighler.), If the commercial policy of the country was
reversed, here would be revolutions and disturbances
.fretwoneend of it to the other.—(Hisses and laughter.)
soma farther observations the Hon. Gentleman sat
dowse amidst somo covering and hisses,

Mr. JOSEPH SHAW, -eoal-merchant, Aylesbury, I
41k/tided thelitunination Of -Dr._ Lee.
Mr. Disraeli then came- forward, and his Appearimes
Was the signal for loud and prolonged cheers. • When
silence was restored,
Mr. Disitaxm said—Gentlemen, I tan very sorry--;
extremely aorry—gentlemen, that I should not have been
at my post when it was my duty to advance.—(Hear,
hear.) But I had anticipated en address from the
gentleman who was ,about to second the nomination
of my Honourable Opponent; and I was not prepared
for the laconic brevity which we have just experienced.
—(flear, and laughter.) Gentlemen, £0 much time has
elapsed, that I shall at once, with your permission,
1) •
roceed to!business.—(llear,-hear.) Gentlemen, I shall
not stop to vindicate my past career.—(Hear, hear.) If
nothing can be Said against me but what I did and
said tweptY . years ago, I think, gentlemen, it
is some presumption that we hive a right to suppose that
in4ervoi j bawe t,sid.ssfn'tl, done nothing that can be
ea4ils, Gentlemen, whatever were
nijr 43:4 indiberai,ion, they eoMmewed in the
county
BaCkingham, 311 the eeruarlY'pf Buckingham hes
1
for ilem•-•,-(Efear and cheers.)
I:l4i;iiited me Co tittme
Gentlemen, in politics as in everything else, a man is not
the worse for having sown Ma wild cats.—(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) And I am sure that you do not think it
necessary on this occasion, as I have done on every oc-

casion when Mr. Gibbs has made a speech to attack my
early career, to enter into any reply now. Bat when,
gentlemen, he talks of steadiness of conduct, when ho
talks of steadiness of character, I think I may appeal
to 15 years passed in the House of Commons, where it
cannot be said That at any time I have deserted a prin-
ciple or ever falsified a pledge.—(Cheers.) But, gen-
tlemen, when he asks who can trust me, I may
be permitted to say at present I possess the confidence of
my Most Gracious Sovereign, and that I hope before
the sun sets today I shall also be the recognised repre-
sentative of the people of Buckinghamshire.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, the Honourable Gentleman who proposed
my Honourable Opponent has told you that, though you
listened for a long time, and I spoke for a considerable
period, you would go away without any definite idea
of what were the intentions of the Government or myself
as a single member of it.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if
you will give me your patience, which I know
from your disposition you will do, it shall not
be my fault if you have not from me the most definite
description of what is the intended policy of her Ma-
jesty's Government.—(Cheers.) This I can say without
affectation, that it shall never be said I had obtained power
upon false pretences. This Ido know, that all my promises
have been earnestly offered out of power, and now that I
am in power it shall be my earnest endeavour to put in
practice the policy which I have recommended on the
opposite benches.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall en-
deavour to convey to you without any equivocation, and
with as little reservation as can possibly subsist be-
tween a candidate in my peculiar position and those
whose' auffragea I have solicited—(Hear, hear)—l will
endeavour to convey to you what are my intentions in a
manner the most unequivocal, and what are my hopes.—
(Hear, hear.) But I must, in the first place, gen-
tlemen, recal to your recollection the circum-
stances under which the present Government
has succeeded to office.—(Hear, bear.) You must recol-
lect that it was on no motion that asserted the prin-
ciples which we have upheld—that it was not by a ma-
jority of the House of Commons sanctioning the policy
which we have always recommended—that we were
summoned by her Majesty to become her servants.
—(Hear, hear.) Had it indeed been upon a vote
of the House of Commons, which declared in a
manner which could not be mistaken that the policy
which we recommended in opposition should be imme-
diately carried into practice, there could have
been no doubt as to what should have bean
our duty under the circumstances.—(Hear, hear.)
But you will be pleased to recollect that it was internal
disease—that it was a division amongst themselves that
caused the late Government to fall—(Hear)—it was from
the arm of one who had long been their cherished col-
league and friend that the fatal blow :was struck, and
unless we had obeyed the commands of her Majesty
her Majesty must have been without servants
and tho country without a Government.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, there were duties to perform under these
circumstances which it was impossible could be ne•
glected.—(Cheers.) There were the urgent exigencies
of the moment which required immediate attention—
(Cheers)—there were certain things which must be
done, whoever might be the Minister, or what-
ever might be the policy which he might
ultimately place before the country. (Cheers.)
And I wish to know what evidence has been given by
the present Administration that they shrink from an
appeal to the country i—(Cheers.) I wish to know
whether the present Administration has yet had an op-
portunity to do that which all public men of all sides
and shades of opinion agree it is absolutely neces-
sary for the public satety—for the public service—
should be done before that recurrence to the sense of the
nation should take place which is now on the lip or in
the mouth of everybody?—(Cheers.) Well, then,
gentlemen, it is our duty to fulfill that which is
requisite and necessary; but while we are prepared
to do that, while we cannot for a moment suppose
that any obstacles can be raised to our doing
that which every teen, whatever may bo his political
eipuiens, feels to be absolutely necessary for the service
of the State, rest assured that it is our wish that the
policy of this country sheuid be such as we have re-
commended for -many years on the benches of the Oppo-
sition.—(Cheers.) " What opposition?" said the Hun.
Gentleman who proposed my Hon. Opponent, with scorn
and coritutnely; he insinuated that it was an opposition
that had done nothing, and then with singular incon-
sistency he treated us to his own budget.—(A laugh.)
He recommended the measures which he thought were
necessary to relieve the agricultural interest, and every
measure which he recommended in spirit, if not in form,
is one of those measures which I myself year after year
have proposed in opposition, and by the aid, support,
and assistance of that opposition, I have yearly victo-
riously carried in a free-trade House of Commons.—
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is my wish to express, without
reserve, and in a manner which cannot be mistaken, and
in language which no perversion of faction
can render equivocal, what are the intentions
of Government upon this great point.—(Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, it is our opinion—the opinion which I myself as
}our Member in the House of Commons have frequently
expressed—that when the great changes of 1846 were
carried, they were carried in a spirit of great precipita-
tion—l might almost say of panic—and they were
carried without a due regard to these impor-
tant productive interests whose fortunes for a time,
as the event has proved, were sensibly affected.—(Hear,
hear.) For example, in 1846, yOu repealed the old
corn-laws. (A voice—" And a good thing too.") You
repealed them without any condition. You repealed them
without considering the burden to which the agricultu-
ral interest was subjected, and which they were
always recommended to endure, because they pos-
ssssed those corn-laws.—(Hear.) You also, for example,
altered the colonial system, to which one of my Hon.
Friends has referred to-day.---(Hear, hear.) You changed
the whole course of your colonial policy ;after having
bowed to a passionate conviction of the people of Eng-
land and increased your national debt to terminate
slavery, you opened your markets to slave-
grown produce in a manner which even one
of your most celebrated Free-traders has declared to
be most unjustifiable.—(Cheers.) So again, very shortly
afterwards, you abrogated your maritime code, but
while you forced British shipping, for example, into com-
petition with the shipping of all the world, you left upon
the British seaman and the British shipowner restrictions
of a very onerous and injurious character.—(Cheers.)
And, therefore, theso:threesgreat interests, and I take
them only as an illustration, were dealt with most un-
fairly, for while acting, under circumstances of great
emergency, you came to a settlement, which, in
fact, as far as these great interests were
concerned, was no doubt unjusee—(Cheers.) Because,
remember this, gentlemen, that so far as the three cases
I have taken were concerned, even those who vindicate
that peculiar system, whichl think is unjustly called a
system of free trade, admit that the settlement
was not carried into effect on principles of
or political and financial justice.—(Cheers.) But
what says the Hon. Gentleman who proposed my op-
ponent, reho was a Free-trader, and who has given us a
lively and picturesque description of cottage life?—(A
laugh)—ail of which might have existed and, indeed,
did exist, wider the old system?—(Cries of " No, no.")
I repeat that it did exist, and I will quote
an authority which I am sure the Hon.' Gentleman
will consider a very high authority, indeed. I mean
the late Mr. Cobbett, whose descriptions of cottage life,
when protection existed, were almost as lively as pic-
turesque, and as poetical as his own.—(A laugh.) But,
gentlemen, don't let us be diverted from the argument by
this slight circumstance. I say that, without reference to
the agricultural interest itself, here is an uncompromising
Free-trader who tells you that it is true and just that the
question of the poors'-rate should be settled. Why, what
is that but an edmission that, as respects the produce of
British industry, which has been thrown into competi-
tion with the general produce of the world, the question
of local taxation tehich he described as being so unjust
and grievous, should have bean settled at the time the
change was made?—(Cheers.) Take now the case of
sugar.—(Hear, hear.) If I wanted to establish the in-
justice of the present system, should I go to the chair-
man or, the deputy-chairman of 4, protection society?
Ne, I should go to Mr. Deacon Hume, the founder of
the commercial syife—m— which the late Sir Robert
Psel adopted.—(Hear, hear.) Nay, I might quote
Sir Robert Peel's own words in reference to the repu-
diated measures of Lord John Russell in 1846, of which
Sir R. Peel' id- not approve, because he stud sugar was
cliketi oat of the category of free trade in consequence of
the abolitioa of slavery,' which would render it
an act of inSuaticp, .._if_ not of illegality,
to place -the colonial producers in competition
%trite the foreigcer.—(Hear, hear.) Why here are two
admitted cases, without referring to the shipping case.—
.i.Cheers.) But no one can deny—no human being has
Zindtr;u:7ied, that our British seamen and shipowners, in
vexation;.
to
lacedein competition with the entire world, there
Fitbh,e.oYseei trrYsvah be entirely unrestricted, and
be no longer subjected to all
doeurisdcheree on
naws
which are still kept in
force, crippling
their resources and increasing, their
ir juries.—(Cheers
all side's.) Why, here are the
traders admittingz.ttg me,—(A laugh.) Here are Free-
, _.3 in
which tin three great instancee, and kite-
"" eo the greatest amount of British
capital is invested, namely,
aaipping, aivndhy, theee
colonial
ent tlhiathierneoaugsser_itctull(eAmtueranitla,u,„hthha.e:
been PreciPitate—that
t has been unjust.—
nt to me.—
(149fihetetertsh.41 iswthhe 7:etchferaeavig
Oppc.nie
(A laugh., flea), Candidate? Wh •
lithe:
as
istinwceerree respect
nag "
au individual fbr whom I elite?:
us my Learned Friend—why
from. the classic shades of Heartvvell flea to fight pulled,
against,
a men with whom he entirely agrees?—(citeerao
A \Teem—They don't agree,

M r.
isil
gydniticouns'tae which
Then they are
determined ! h
they denounce.
(Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, permit: me to entreat a
DtoE supportli.-T Ii
an i
continuance of that, earnest patience which you
have already bestowed upon me, but
pray understand
I ask you to listen, not from any vain Wish
1 to addres you, but being one of
her Majesty's Ministers
i I am anxious that it sh:iuld not bo said hereafter that I
had attempted to conceal the policy which we intend to
pursue.—(oh '
N --eers.) If you will give me your attention
fir a moment I will tell y ou frankly and openly what
we think and what we wish to do.—(Cheery.) Well,
then, gentlemen, it is our opiniOn that in the years 1846
to 1849 great injustice wa3 done to many great interests
in which a vast, an immense amount of capital is in-
vested, and upon which much labour depends; and it is
also our opinion that justice should:now be done them.
—that jostle© should, is fact, be done to all classes—
(Cheers)—and if the premises I have stated be true,
gentlemen, I am sure you will agree with me, that it is
quite high time that justice should be done to the Bri-1
tish pr,Aiucer es well as the cououluei....„,
kLoucl cheer!'.);
We are not ashamed to say it is our political creed that
justice should be done ,to all classes, and if.that.be true
you will agree with me that justicel
should be- done
to the British producer as will as to the British
consumer.—(Hear.) If we can show—and it is not dif-
ficult, for all acknowledge it—that there are great classes ,

of producers in this country who are suffering because ,
they are placed in unequal competition, it is not only our
policy as a party, but our duty as English statesmen, to
see that that interest is placed in its legitimate
position.—(Loud cheers.) I must confine my
observations, because Ido not wish :to extend them
to any great length, to that interest, because it is the
interest in which you are mainly concerned. But don't
sUppose that in talking of land my thoughts centre in
land. When I consider this question I consider—and
this I say most sincerely and frankly—what I
take to be for the advantage of the commu-
nity; but if I confine my argument to the agri-
cultural interest it is only because you are mainly inte-
rested in agriculture and the products of agriculture,
and because, being familiar with the subject, your
minds will easily grapple with the observations
and reasons which I may be 'permitted to give you.—
(Hear, hear.) Well, I consider, then, with regard to
agriculture, that it is our duty to bring forward mea-
sures which will permit the British cultivators of
the soil to enter into fair competition with
the producers of foreign countries.—(Cheers.) We
have not the slightest wish to restrict the energy and
enterprise of the foreign producer, provided, when he
comes into competition with the English producer,
the English producer is not overwhelmed.—(Hear, hear.)
That is all we want. There is, I apprehend, a vast
majority in this country who agree that there is a
pressure of taxation on the cultivators of the soil which
is not experienced by any other class in the country.
But, I candidly tell you, there are people who say
that is not the case. But, if you will permit me, I will
place before you, in a few sentences, and with extreme
brevity—not attempting to exhaust the whole question
—some of the most prominent facts, and if answered by
any Free-trader who is present—and there is none more
capable than the Learned Gentleman (Dr. Lee), and
whom I would listen to with greater pleasure—if, I say,
he will answer me, the meeting to-day will not be
without profit, and I assure you I will communicate the
information I receive to the next Cabinet meeting.
You, the Free-traders who are present, will, doubtless,
give weight to what I say, for, after all, being Bucking-
hamshire men, you are men of sense and spirit.—
(Cheers.) The income-tax in this country is raised on
income in round numbers to something more than 200
millions a year. Now real property, which con-
tributes exactly half of the revenue on which
the income-tax is levied, viz., something more than a
hundred millions a year, is a moiety of the great national
income. Real property, besides contributing to the
general taxation—the imperial taxation of the country—
pays in great Britain alone ten millions per annum extra.
It is, therefore, quite clear on the surface that if a hun-
dred millions out of two hundred millions, pays ten mil-
lions extra, it pays five millions more than it ought to pay.
It is then said that real property consists of something
else besides land. I admit it does. I will put the case
with great fairness. Supposing that real property, as-
sessed to the income-tax, is something more than one
hundred millions—l will take fifty millions as a moiety of
it, as applying to land—then it follows, land pays two and
a halt millions more than it ought to do. It is
clear, therefore, by the system of local taxation, upon
the question as stated by the Free-traders, that lend
pays two millions atid,a half more per annum than any
other class in the Aftimunity.—(Cheers.) Well,. that is
a very great burden—a very great harden indeed, when
you are calling upon the cultivators of the soil to
enter into unrestricted competition with the cultivators
of the soil in all other countries.—(Cheers.) Is that
so or not?—(" Yes" and hear.) Now, let me ask you
this question—what is- yOur legislation when you call
upon the • occupiers or owners—for if there be
justice or injustice in this respect in your le-
gislation, it matters not whether it falls upon the occu-
piers or owners, for these distinctions exist no longer ;
but let me ask you under what financial sys-
tem the cultivators of the soil in Great
Britain were asked to bear this additional burden ?
Let me put before you your financial system in this re-
spect, under which you were encouraged to produce one
of tbe most valuable articles which the soil brings forth.
I allude to wheat; but of late years you are told, that since
the repeal of the corn-laws the British termer complains
that the mice he acts for a quarter of wheat is no longer
fdlinunerative to him. You are ale° told that the British
tirtner ought not to produce wheat.that he produces
--
tee much wheat, and that ho ought to give up the pro-
duce of wheat as much as he can. That advice was
-given to the British farmer by Sir R. Peel, and re-echoed
by Lord John Russell. It is the common formula
of all writers on political economy, and is suggested as
a means of curing the evils to which the repeal of the
corn-laws has given rise. Their advice is that you
should discourage as much as you can the production
of that article which under other circumstances was
your most valuable crop.—(Hear, hear,' and cheers.)
Now, I ask my free-trade friends whether I put
the case fairly? If that be so, then, naturally,
you would suppose the financial system of the
country would encourage the British farmer in the
production, of some other crop, but what is the case?
When you go to the .next superior crop which British
Ministers advised to be grown in the place of wheat, and
to which the soil in this country is generally fa-
vourable—when we come to the next superior
crop, barley, what does the Legislature do?
Why it raises on barley a revenue amounting to
11 000,000 sterling—(Cheers)—equal to the revenue of
powerful monarchies and ancient empires, for that
amount is raised upon barley under the Spirit Acts,
Well, I say, that is monstrous.—(Cheers.) That
system could, no doubt, have existed when an
artificial price, as it is called, was given to wheat;
but we say, when you tell the farmer we
have subjected you to such severe competition that you
must give up growing wheat, you are bound to take
care that an inferior crop is not loaded with heavy re-
strictions [and severe imposts.—(Cheers.) Is that the
truth?—do Free-traders support that system? But I
dare say it may be said that this tax of eleven millions
is not of the slightest importance to the producer, as it is
paid by the consumer and not the producer. Now, Ido
not think that elevep millions on one article can be paid
by the consumer without checking the production of that
article.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and load cheers.) If
it were possible to produce eleven millions from
an inferior crop by a tax, without checking consumption,
what would become of the argument of the tax upon
wheat? It is quite clear we cannot have it both ways,.
and he was gleal to hear a Free-trader say, candidly and
honestly, that' they could not.—(Cheers.) I am in-
formed this Free-trader carries my colours, and I be-
lieve you will find a good many Free-traders carry-
ing my colours.—(Laughter.) Now, gentlemen, the
question has arisen how to retain unrestricted
importation, and yet adjust the balance, so that no in-
justice be doze to the British producer? That is the
question; and if you will listen to me, I will give you
some informadon on the subject. First of all, we have
the opinions of Freo-traders, and I will give you the opi-
nion of the most eminent one. The gentleman to
whom I allude has only this year published his ob-
servations with regard to the recent commer-
cial legislation of the country. Recollect'
his opinion is that of an uncompromising Free-trader, of
the .highest literary authority, as a Free-trader, and
whose works use constantly referred to in the House of!
Commons, anCl are perpetually thrown in our face.—
(Hear, hear.) He is the literary executor of Ricardo, i
and the editor of Adam Smith. Now, will such an autho-1
rity satisfy you?—(Hear.) I refer to a now edition of
the celebrated work of M'Culloch on Taxation, and I
find that Mr. 10Culloch says in that book, that it is of
the greatest importance that the malt-tax should be re-I
tamed; but that it cannot be retained with perfect just
Lice to the English producer without a countervailing!
duty; and Mr. M.`Culloch says, sooner than give up the
malt-tax, though it restricts the industry of the faruseri
and checks consumption, he would propose a different;
course; and hie adds, it is of the utmost importance'
to keep that great arm of finance, and that it would be
best to give the, farmer a countervailing duty of 2s. 6d.
on barley.—(tlear, hear.) But he says more—he
thinks that the present si stem is most unjust to the,
cultivator of the British soil, and he states there is nu
doubt that th e best way of settling the question
is by a countervailing duty of seven shillings on;
every quarter of wheat, and by a modified duty,'
for other speci as of grain. This is his opinion in 1852.—i
(Cheers.) But he •-eays stilt more—that though the,
British farmer, the 'ocenpier and owner of land in Great
Britain, accord.'dng to the present system, are placed in a;
most unjust position, yet so much prejudice exists oni
the subject at are present moment that it would no longer
be wise to do that justice to which they were entitled:
But I cannot heehaw) myself that the country will remain
quiescent while a great body of the industrious and hard-
working porticen of the community have to support
burdens from which other classes are exempt.--
( heers.) "Yevu, the Free-..raders, must agree with
U 9, that that society is nut safely established
where any 'considerable body of the producers
of the country carry on their industry under
unfair fiscal chesucastances:—(Cheers.) I will now tell
you my opinion:, ragOte with Mr. M'Culloch thus far,
that the ches,post,,easieat mode, and the least expensive
to the community of settling the question, is by a coun-
tervailing day. 11. think no one will deny that in
the aggregate) that countervailing duty. would
give the F. nglish - producer much less than
he was scientiEtallaretipitled to, and knowing the cha-
racter of the Feeglish people he was disposed to think
that they would not, object to a compromise of this kind.
He did not speak for the agricultural interest alone, but
for the whole cc mmunity, when heisaicf he believed ehat
the cheapest, ere hest,and most effective and least onerous
manner of pa),ing their debts—fur it really came to
that—was to follow the .advice given and the policy
recommended ley Mr. APCulloch.—(Cheers.) But if
the people of E rigland aro determined to adhere to what
I consider prejudice and short-sighted views—if the ge-
neral body of th a community have a prejudice against
settling the clues time in a manner which has been recom-
mended by the h ighest authorities, I am not going to
pledge the existence of a Government or of a policy on
srucdchreass.m_e(acauhreee.r—s:Laughter.) The policy which I think
no Government ought to shrink from who have acceded
and Cheapest mode toI am
me
to office under th circumstances we have done, is to
secure to the agrioultural interest ample and complete
the nationP°cihtioto—se(sCocfoopinion i
community
that
thethe o
one
eimwphlieesht
this great political economist has recommended. The
:o:onntrtyh:ill soon peeve an opportunity of expressing its
opinion. But it cannot be said I speak with any reserve
minus to the study which the
not.
to sanction the policy
-highest authority- _which
of " 0.14 oh," and cheers.) If
(of the subject--which men wh.,o were
Free- traders long -which men who have give a their
teel eore brawling iree-traders existed—
(A laugh)—which students who • had never
sought to make themselves the prominent fidv°-
ca,tts of free tre.. one --And all recommended--
if. the country, , 6.94 which I believe to
.
insadvisPie Pfeil v4*!) unimpassioned SCr •
vints of the cone= unity—she
juis' the distinguished
writer to whom I,bi .vereferred—the country I. lust he
prepared to take th e consequence.—(Hear.) If the
people will not, in. tb o manner which I recomm end, do

eioiliee to the agricultural interest they must submit to a
revision of the taxation of the country, clod they
may depend upon it that tho redress which
a sense of justice will ultimately permit us to
alfird the agricultural interest will he attained
far more coarsely and by means far more expensive.—
(Cheers.) Perhaps the perverted ingenuity of political
opponents will induce them to say that to-day I
have not spoken frankly.—(Cries of " Yes," and " Oh.")
I believe the just, least expensive, chespest, and easiest
mode of settling the question would be to ascertain a
oountervaling duty, and that the atmosphere of the
agricultural world at present is such that the agricultu-
rists would be induced to accept a compromise of this
nature in a spirit of conciliation.—(Hear and cheers.)
If the mode recommended by the highest authorities is
not one which] pleases the taste of the country, why
then the country will once for all decide the
question; and if it reject the proposition, and
I shall not credit such a result until the verdict
is given—then I will do that which more than once I
have partially attempted to do.—(Hear, hear.) In
supporting a compromise it was with the hope
of putting an end to that strife which has
existed between town and country, for we know of
enemies ecough out of England to encourage dis-
sensions among different classes of the people.—
(Cheers.) I say that the Parliament of England must
give its mind to the settlement of the question—per-
haps in some degree in the spirit of the very remarks
which have been to-day made by a Free-trader—but
I trust and am assured that though it may
not fall to My lot to terminate this quarrel, and
make this adjustment—a duty which I should
be proud to discharge—such is the crying na-
ture of the evil, such the sense of justice in
all classes of the community, that though it
mady not
am fall to nay lot to make a settlement, I trust,
n
assured, that the next Parliament of England
,will have that duty forced upon it.—(Loud cheers.)
a
J admit there is a prejudice against what is termed a
itax on the food of the people.—(" You're quite right.")
;Let me give you an illustration A person goes to a
coffee-shop, he orders a mutton-chop, and devours it. He
orders some bread to eat with the chop, which he
a
devours,
and the keeper of the coffee-shop
chargescm al also
ns
e stathat
ashtra is ,
2s. 6d. fur the luncheon. The
Why, I cannot pay 2s. 6d., be-
taxing the food lof the people."—
, (Cries of " Oh," and " ridiculous?) Yes,- it is ridicu-
lous as a Free-trader remarks, but eecolleet ridi-
cule is the teat of truth.—(Laughter and cheers.)
Why this is exactly the case. The analogy is complete. It
is exactly what the Free-traders said two years ago - that
the people of England have been eating a farmer every night
for supper._( Laughter.) Have your cheap bread, and have
your foreign flour, but have them by the exertions of your
by unjustly taxing your fellow-countrymen to produce it.
our commercial system will injure that commercial prosperity
which we are all so glad to witness. In the first place, I
Gentlemen,d ownen industry,thatif and the gains of your own industry, and not
it has been also said that any interference with
we followed the policy which would recommend
a countervailing duty, it would be any interference with our
commercial system.—(Cheers.) But you must recollect this,
that it is idle to suppose that all the commercial prosperity
of the present day has originated merely in our permitting
products at home. Unquestionably the moment you opened
exports to this country to compete with our taxed
the ports of the country a great expansion of the foreign
trade took place. Ido not remember that in the great con-
troversy
puted that consequence. We all admitted that there
of 1846 any one on the Protection side dig-
would necessarily be a considerable expansion of
the foreign trade, but we said that that expansion would be
accompanied by considerable suffering, which would over-
weigh our great and important interests at home.—(Hear,
hear.) No doubt much that was predicted on both sides
as the result of the measures of that period has not occurred.
—(Hear, hear.) But allow me to say, that much that was
then predicted has happened.—(Cheers.) For instance, the
stress on the farmers was predicted ; and ucquestionably
that has occurred. I admit—and it is with unfeigned plea.
ih
hasas n
improved.—(Renewed
ps
ruoffve
er
de
.1 (1 butß that,dew d cheering.) plea-
sure that I admit it—that the labouring population of Eng-
land
oonthecontrarßnt who cany, their con-
d t,d
now suppose what would have been the condition of the
labouring population of England if the fierce competition
with them on the part of the Irish labourer had still con-
tinued ?—(Hear, hear.) You must remember that that has
happened since 1846 with regard to Ireland which never
happened before, and which I sincerely hope may never
happen again—by which that stress on the labouring people
of England has been not only mitigated but removed, I
mean that fearful emigration which has reduced the popula-
tion of the sister isle by millions. I admit, too, that the
people of England have not suffered as we thought they
would suffer from the drain of gold consequent on free im-
ports.—(Laughter.) Why, did the gentleman who laughs
foresee that which Sir Robert Peel himself did not foresee—
that within two years after the repeal of the corn-laws, the
greatest discovery since the days of Columbus and of Cortes
would have occurred, and that the precious metals which had
been hoarded up in England from generation to generation
would have poured in in such quantities as to change the
value of almost every commodity ?—(Loud cheers.) Who
could foresee that? —(Cheers.) It is well known to every
man of business, whatever his political principles may be,
that last year the gold which came to us from America went
through the Bank as through a sieve. There was a greater
drain than in 1847, and you would have had a panic as
great as you had in that year. Why, you had failures
scarcely less in amount 1 Liverpool alone lost six millions.—
(Loud cheers.)—but this interference (as I may well call it)
of Providence saved you; and the consequence of that dis-
covery has been not only to mitigate, but has a tendency,
still more to mitigate and to soften the result of the mea-
sures of 1846. [A Voice—What about the paper money ?]
If my friend will tell me what he means I will endeavour to
answer him ; but I suppose he is in favour of the country
banks, with unrestricted issues.—(Cheers and laughter.) I
beg to inform him, if that be so, that her Majesty's
Government is not going to propose a measure which
will entitle it to the support and confidence of that gen-
tleman. Now, I hope I have laid before you clearly, and
without equivocation, what are the intentions and what is
the policy of her Majesty's Ministers. The policy of her 1
Majesty's Ministers is to do justice to the land, to bring in)
measures of redress for all those great producing interests;
which are suffering that injustice which is now almost uni-
versally recognised. It is our belief that the best way, so
far as the agricultural interest is concerned, would be to;
adopt that mode which science has recommended, and which I
we think only passion and prejudice oppose.—(Hear, hear,'
and loud cheering.) But if the country will not have re-
course to those remedial measures, we bow to their decision ;
but though we may sot be Ministers, still, as Members of,
Parliament, we will labour for other measures of redress.l
We will, though in opposition, exert ourselves to the utmost
to obtain those countervailing and compensatory regula-!
tions which justice demands.—(Cheers.) And I warn
you again if you force the whole system of your taxation
to be revised, you will find that though the means of
redress for the agricultural interest may be discovered.
and obtained, you will obtain them by a far more costly
Process than that which our policy—our immediate
mends. policy Now, perhaps you will permit me
to make one or two observations, and they shall be but
brief, upon the. position of the present Ministry with respect
to Parliament, and with respect to the people. There seems,
I think—very artfully devised and circulated—there seems to
be a rumour about, that her /Slajesty's Ministers shrank from
appealing to the people. I take this earliest opportunity of
giving to that rumour the flattest contradiction. I feel,
gentlemen, as all of you would feel, considerable delicacy in
speaking of an act which can only be brought about by the
exercise of the prerogative of our Gracious Sovereign, and
which it appears to me indecorous and indecent to speak of
as an act which can be recommended, or which can be
carried into effect by any body of men. But if Ido allude
to rumours of a dissolution of Parliament, it is only because
they have been distinctly referred to by the most eminent
statesmen- of the day, and because I know well that if to-
day I speak without the completest frankness on that subject
I shall be liable to imputations which I know to be unjust.
And, therefore, again expressing the regret with which I
treat of a subject of so much delicacy, I trust to your good
feeling and to the good sense of the community to hold me
harmless if I speak on the subject without reserve.—(Hear.)
When Lord John Russell very suddenly quitted office, or
rather when-be announced to the House of Commons that
he had ceased to be a Minister, it appears upon his own con-
fession that he called his colleagues together the following
morning, and, after consultation, they came to the determi-
nation that it NVIIS inexpedient in the then state of ,the
country and Europe to recommend her Majesty to dissolve
Parliament. It was under these circumstances that we suc-
ceeded to power ; and it is known and admitted by all that
it was totally impossible that when we did succeed to power
we could recommend a dissolution of Parliament under the
space of less than two months. Such was the state of public
business—the Mutiny Bill not having passed, the supplies
not having been voted, it was totally impossible, and ac-
knowledged by all, that no dissolution could take place until
at least two months had elapsed. I cannot believe the
rumour which has reached me to-day, that Lord John Rus.
sell is about to impugn the conduct of her Majesty's Go-
vernment because they have not dissolved Parliament, or are
not prepared to recommend a dissolution of Parliament as
early as is posaible or convenient. What, shall the Minister
who, upon quitting office, announced to Parliament that, in
the then state of the country and of Europe, he did not
consider that he was justified in recommending a dissolution
of Parliament—who then went to his Sovereign and recom-
mended the Earl of Derby—(Hear, hear)—as his successor
—is it possible, I - say, that he can tarn round upon that very
successor and challenge him to do the very act Ivhich he has
himself described as one injurious to the country? But we
are not going to ride off on the admission of Lord John Rua.
sell.—(Cheers.) I say, then, without hesitation, that we
are perfectly prepared to face him, or any one else, before
the country.--(Loud cheers.) Only let the country fully
understand what they will lose by our following this course
of policy for which we are prepared, and which we are told
we are immediately to be forced to adopt. Remember that
there are some things which, it Parliament is dissolved and
meet—which again it probably would not do before July--
and you can all judge what can be done in a second session
of July—remember that to enjoy this costly luxury the
people of England must submit to some sacrifices. You are
in want of defences for your own coast, and all parties have
agreed in expressing their opinion that some measure of de-
fence of our own coast should immediately be adopted—if Par-
liament is dissolved, do not complain to us afterwards that
we have neglected fulfilling that important duty. There is
a great and passionate feeling in the people of this country
in favour of a reform In Chancery.— (Cheers.) The report of
the Commissioners into the state of the Court of Chancery
was laid upon the table of the House at the commencement
of the cession. That report was made by the most eminent
lawyers, assisted by two eminent laymen, Members of the
House of Commons, one Sir James Graham, and the other
a distinguished colleague of my own, the President of the
Board of Trade. I remember that the recommendations
of that Commission are of the most sweeping character, and
s
if carried into effect the " Old Man of the Sea,"
whichwould
so long pressed upon the back of the English people,
be removed for ever, I remember that the recommendations
of that Commission are so sweeping that the wnole system of
the " Master's etawhich has been so long Her
once, the pest
and torment of the English people, would cease to exist.
Majesty's late Gevernruent left us no Bill nor any evidence
a t" ions
that they intended to act upon the sweeping recommend
of that Commission. I announce to you, without reserve,
that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government .to act
upon this sweeping measure.—(Cheers.) But observe this,
if Parliament is dissolved Chancery reform must be given
-
up. Ido not wish to oppose this dissolution you desire
pay for it.
it, but understand the cost which you
i h
(Cheers.). Is St. Albans again to return, through the
to the
interference of Mr, Edwards, tire Members
that
new Parliament? I am informed, upon authority,
her Majesty's late Ministers do not intend to proceed
St Albans. j
with the-Bill for the disfranchisement of S
announce also with authority that it is the intention
Majesty's present Government to proceed with that mea-
sure.—(Loud cheers.) I shall take the earliest opportunity
of announcing to Parliament what we intend to do with the

suffrages which will be thus forfeited, and the proposition
which I shall make will I doubt not be one which will please
and satisfy the great body of the peonle. But you cannot
have this Bill of disfranchisement it Parliament is dissolved.
You will still have Members from St. Animas in this Free
Trade Parliament, which you hope to assemble. Are you
prepared that the whole of the private business of the
session—every railroad and road Bill, every Bill connected
with private business, I doubt not Bills affecting many gen-
tlemen who are present—that all these should be swept away
and this year be a perfect blank in legislation? Ido not ob-
ject to it if you wish to make the sacrifice. But understand
what this sacrifice is —(Hear, hear.) I know well the diffi-
culties which we have to encounter as a Government. I hear
that the late Administration, or their friends, perhaps, are
anxious that the country should give an immediate decision
on the subject of the relief of agricultural burdens. But
allow me to say that, so far as lam concerned, the issue shall
not he narrowed to mere questions of commercial legislation.
—(Cheers.) I shall ask the country to decide upon the policy
of the late Government in every respect and in every de
partment. Upon that foreign policy which we attempted to
check two years ago, which we were defeated in doing, and
which the late Premier, only two months ago, virtually an-
nounced we were right in opposing. I shall ask the opinion
of the country upon the colonial policy of the late Adminis-
tration—(Great cheering)—the decision of the House of Com-
mons upon which they escaped I will not say, but which
they evaded by the " local " militia. (Cheers and laughter.)
I shall ask the opinion of the country upon that question of
law reform to which I have adverted. I wilt ask the
country whether they are in favour of the recommendation
of the Commissioners for the reform of the Court of Chan-
cery being carried into died or whether they are not.
I will make the issue wide and multiform, and, whatever
may be the character of the House of Commons which may
then be called together, that Parliament shall be one which,
at least, shall represent that decision of the people of Eng.
land not upon a single question, but upon all those great
principles which should give a colour to the policy, and form
to the conduct of a strong administration.—(Loud and long
continued cheering.) Gentlemen, I know well the difficul-
ties we have to encounter, but though I confess our position
may be critical, I for one do not believe it is perilous. I
have listened to a great deal of bluster within the last
fortnight. That does not frighten me. I have read
tirades of resuscitated leagues. I shall leave resuscitated
leagues to settle their quarrel with the amalgamated engi-
neers.— (A laugh.) Confident myself that in taking office
we have at least resolved to do our utmost for the advantage
of the country, I shall feel 'that the conscientiousness of
that duty will at least sustain us during the exigency of the
day.—(Cheers.) And, Gentlemen, I can say that when
the Noble Lord who is at the head of the Administration
attested Providence in the Senate of his country, he was
influenced by no personal feeling in accepting the post of
danger which he now fills. I also may express my hope
that, whatever may be the fate of the Government, when we
leave office there will at least be, among all temperate and
impartial men, a sense that, however humble may have been
our efforts, we have endeavoured to do our duty to our
country, to our Sovereign, and to our God.
The Right Honourable Gentleman sat down amidst loud
and prolonged cheering.
Mr. BARRY, after same introductory remarks, asked the
Right Hon. Gentleman whether he or any other member
of her Majesty's Government had any intention, at present
or hereafter, either directly or indirectly, to place a duty
upon the importation of corn ? Also, whether he was fa-
vourable to giving electors the protection of the ballot?—
whether the Government intended to introduce the militia
laws ?—and, lastly, whether he or her Majesty's Government
had any intention of bringing in any measure for the separa-
tion of the Church and State, or for the repeal of the pre-
sent laws affecting church rates?
Mr. DISRAELI, in reply, said—l have great pleasure in an-
swering the questions of the Hon Gentleman. When her
Majesty's Government intend to bring forward any Bill like
the Militia Bill, they will give due and respectful notice, as
is the custom, to Parliament ; and I do think it would be
respectful if my Hon. Friend there should have the previous
information in this respect.—(Cheers and laughter.) With
respect to the question about church rates, I shall be very
explicit. I think there is one great objection to doing away
with the present system of levying church rates. If it were
abrogated, my Hon. Friend there would have nothing to
talk about. (Laughter.) He has been making speeches
upon that subject upon each occasion that I have had the
honour of meeting him ; and really if church rates are abro-
gated "Othello's occupation will be gone "—(Cheers and
laughter.) With respect to the ballot, I should like to
know, in the first place, from my Hon. Friend whether he
would recommend the ballot with the present constitvencies?
Mr. BARRY stated that he would certainly recommend the
ballot to the existing constituencies, for he was acquainted
with his fellow-farmers, and knew that not one in a dozen of
them ever gave conscientious votes. There was not a man
among them who dared to go against his landlord.—(Oh, oh,
and great confusion.) If the ballot was given to the present
constituencies, he believed they would soon have a very dif-
ferent kind of Parliament. (Addressing. Mr. Disraeli)—l
have now answered the question; have you any further
question to put to me?—(Laughter.)
Mr. DISRAELI—It is rather an unusual and certainly a
somewhat Irish style of doing business when the Honourable
Gentleman asks me a question, to ask me whether I have
anything else to ask him.—(Laughter.)
_ Mr. BARRY, with considerable warmth, said—Allow me,
sir, to observe that I came forward here with the view of
eliciting a plain and honest declaration of what your inten-
tions are. lam not possessed of talents or abilities equal to
yourself, but [ trust I am possessed of as much honesty and
integrity. All I want from you is a plain and simple answer
to a plain and simple question.— (Cheers, and some confusion.)
Mr. Barry then retired, and no further answer was given
by Mr. Disraeli.
Dr. LEE then stood forward, and in an address of consider.
able length went through the various articles of his political
creed. He stated that be was a member of the Protestant
Alliance, of the Peace Society, the Peace of Nations Society,
the Bond of Universal Brotherhood Society, the Ocean Penny
Postage Association, and the Aborigines Protection Society,
and cordially concurred in the various beneficial objects which
those associations had in view. In addition to these princi-
ples, he was in favour of the extension of the suffrage to fe-
males whose husbands already possessed the franchise,or who
were possessed in their own right of " forty-shilling free-
holds," and he had no doubt whatever but that they would
exercise the privilege equally as worthily as those who were
now well plied with beer, and brought up by the" Man in the
Moon" to the poll. There could be no doubt that such ladies
as Miss Herschel], the astronomer; Miss Barbauld, Miss
Strickland, Lady Lovelace, Miss Martineau, and a number of
other accomplished and talented ladies, would exercise the
franchise quite as purely and independently as many of
those who now possessed that right.—(Cheers and laughter.)
He regretted the scene which had taken place in that
court between their respected High Sheriff and the Lord
Chief Justice, and cordially trusted that the noble and
memorable reply of the High Sheriff would cause his Lord-
ship to see and regret the error into which he had been led.
He trusted that upon the occasion of the next assizes for
the county he would take the opportunity of again bring-
ing his chaplain with him, and he believed that Lord
Campbell would not again dare to interfere with him on the
subject.—(Cheers and cries of " Question.") If returned to
Parliament he weuld endeavour humbly and faithfully to
carry out the principles to which he had referred, and
strive also to promote the interest of all classes. (The
speaker was frequently interrupted by the remarks and
questions put to him by persons present, and retired amid
considerable cheering from his own immediate supporters.)
The HIGH SHERIFF having then called for a show of
hands, declared the majority to be in favour of Mr. Disraeli.
After consulting for a few moments with his friends, Dr.
LEE stated thet he delined going to the poll, and the High
Sheriff accordingly declared Mr. Disraeli duty elected.
Mr. DisaaEfet then said—l return you my_most sincere
thanks for having a second time sent me to Westminster
unopposed as your representative in Parliament. I have
already had occasion to express to you in much detail the
views which animate me and the Administration of which I
am a member, and it would be presumptuous en my part if I
were again to trespass upon your attentiou. A long tine
will not elapse before you will again be called upon to exer-
cise the great privilege which you have been summoned by
your respected _High Sheriff this day to fulfil, It is my
belielf that when that general appeal is made by our Sovereign
to the country, those who now advise her councils and are
responsible for the administration of the country will receive
such support from the community that they will be able, with
an augmented majority, to bring in those measures which in
their consciences they believe will terminate that strife of
classeswhich all must deplore.—(Cheers.) I shall appeal to you
upon that occasion with confidence, remembering that upon
this, as on previous instances, you have returned me unop-
posed, and because I have a right to infer from such a display
of confidence upon your part that you have admitted that
I have humbly endeavoured to do my duty to, the people of
the county of Buckingham.—(Cheers. )
Mr. Disraeli then moved, and Dr. Lee seconded, a vote of
thanks to the High Sheriff, which having been replied to by
that gentleman, the crow d dispersed.
The Right Honourable Gentleman then, headed by a band,
was chaired in triumph through the town, and upon returning
to the hotel where he was staying proceeded to a dinner
which was attended by between 200 and 300 of his supporters,
and which was presided over by W. Lowndes, Esq. Upon
the removal of the cloth, Mr. Disraeli addressed the um.
pany, but his speech afforded no further information as to
the intended policy of the Government upon the important
subjects which now agitate the public mind.
Mr. Disraeli, accompanied by his wile, immediately after
the dinner returned to London by an early train.

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
The question which has so long interested the fashionable
world," When will the Opera open ?" now receives a satis-
factory answer. The opening night is fixed for the 25th
inst., that time being selected to correspond, as nearly as
possible, with the closing of the " Italiens" at Paris, whore
Mademoiselle Cruvelli has achieved such brilliant triumphs.
This distinguished vocalist, whose' success was the great
feature last year, will likewise be prima donna this season,
together with Madame Sontag and Mademoiselle Joanna
Wagner, the German " star," who is said to have taken
the place of Jenny Lind at Berlin. Ferlotti, known as a
singer and tragic actor, and the baritone Bassini are also
im-
portant among the new engagements. The
_princsipil
danseuses at the opening of the season will be dadFlnlioielißosati and Madame Guy Stephan, and the leas i
are at
after-
wards be taken by Cerito. Further arrangements
present unknown, but the names of the three prime donne
are a sufficient guarantee that the season will be one of no
ordinary

OLYMPIC THEATRE.
01131' • ballet, entitled The Fiend
On Thursday a very pretty petit
here for the first time, with com-
pletell t is laid on the banks of
ne of the ba e
of Earth,
The see
success.
was performed
The see
spot upon which we dare
the Rhine, that p not say
how many ballets have not been laid. The bill tells us that
the ballet is new, but, if our recollection be not treacherous,
we remember to have seen poor George Wieland sustain the
principal part in this very ballet, or one very like it, some
ago. The ballet consists of the usual materials ; we
years•
have a pair of lovers,Rodolph Birman and Carline, a crusty
old papa, and a rejected lover. The lovers are, of course,
made happy through the intervention of a fairy, who, to
confuse their opponents, summonses the fiend of earth, Mr.
E. Edwards, and most successfully does he do so. Towards
the conclusion of the ballet we have a very beautiful pas de
trois by Miss Lees, Miss Coleman, and Mr. Forrest. The
ladies dancing was extremely graceful, and fully merited the
complimental applause which it drew forth. The dancing of Mr.
Forrest is good in some things, but there is a great fault very
predominant, viz., an anxie'y to do too much. If he would
but abstain from this glaring defect, he would be, for a young
man, a very excellent dancer. With the performance of Mr.
Edwards we were much pleased ; it was exceedingly clever,
and deserved all the applause it received. There were some
very prettily-arranged dances executed by the corps de ballet,
which, together with the excellent music and beautifully-
painted scenery, contributed in no small degree to the perfect
success of the ballet. The house was very fully and fashion-
ably ably attended.

COUNTY RATES.—The Bill, as amended by Cola•
mittee, to consolidate and improve the laws relating to
county rates in England—their assessment and collection—
was yesterday printed by order of the House of Commons.
It now contains fifty-three clauses.

t.-Eii,IAL PA REN T.

HOUSE OF LORDS, March 12.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his licat ou the Wool-
sack shortly after Five o'clock.
Lord BEAUMONT gave notice that on Monday night
ho should present a petition, complaining of the injury
to trade resulting from the uncertainty existing as to the
intentions of her Majesty's Government as to the re-im-
position of a corn-law.
The Earl of ESSEX regretted that from illness he
had not been present when the Noble Lord at the head
of the Government hed made his statement on a previous
evening. For himself, he should not hesitate to support
this Government, as he would any other, when it pro-
posed measures of public interest.
THE PROPOSED LAW REFORMS.

Lord LYNDHURST said he ruse to call their Lordships'
attention for a few moments to the many important measures,
as to a reform of the law, Ns hich were now pending in this
and the other House of Parliament. He was induceed to do
so in consequence of the reports which were in circulation
with regard to what had passed at a gathering of parties
which took place the day preceding, and also at a congrega-
tion of certain agitators previous to that. He used the title
" agitators," because these persons:had assumed it themselves,
and had assembled for the purpose of endeavouring, by the
influence of large numbers, and by the parade of pecuniary
subscriptions of a large amount, to effect, if possible, a speedy
termination of the present Parliament.—(Hear.) Now, their
Lordahips must be aware that if the Parliament were to ter-
minate in the month of April it would be impossible that a
new Parliament could assemble for the transaction of the
business o f the country at an earlier period than the end of
June or the beginning of the month of July. It
would follow, therefore, that all those measures of law re-
form to which he referred, or, at least, the greater portion
of them, would be inevitably postponed until another year
a result which he conceived would he regarded by the nation
as a very great misfortune.— (Hear, hear.) Moreover, with
respect to the private business which was now depending
before Parliament, it happened that, at the present moment,
there were upwards of 250 Bills of a private nature in this
and the other House of Parliament; but it was not to be
supposed that these related merely to the interests of indivi-
duals —on the contrary, many of them applied to local dis-
tricts of great extent; several. of them also concerned so-
cieties and associations which comprised large bodies of per-
sons, and comprehended very great pecuniary interests. He
would leave it, therefore, to their Lordships to consider what
great inconvenience and mischief, what delay and expense,
would arise from. postponing measures of this description un-
til another session of Parliament. He would pass over this,
however, as of comparatively little importance, and direct
their attention to certain public measures, which were of
the deepest possible interest; and first, with respect to
that most important measure, the reform of the Court of
Chancery, upon the footing of the report of the Royal Com-
missioners. Their Lordships were aware that the public
looked to that measure with eager and intense interest.—
(Hear, hear). A Bill for the purpose of carrying it into
effect was at this moment in progress of preparation ; and
under the auspices and superintendence of his Noble and
Learned Friend on the woolsack, who was in every way so
well qualified to give success to such a measure, he was
perfectly confident that, if the sitting of Parliament was not
brought prematurely to a close, this valuable measure would
come into operation in the present session. But if, on the
other hand, the session was to be curtailed, and Parliament
to be dissolved in the month of April next, then, consider-
ing what must necessarily be the details of such a measure,
it would be perfectly impossible to pass it this session. It
must therefore be postponed until another year, and he
could not imagine any thing greater than the disappointment
which would affect the whole community in consequence of
the delay. There was another measure, which was of hardly
inferior importance to this, depending in their Lordships'
House. It related to the amendment of the proceedings of the
superior courts of common law at Westminster, and the ob-
ject was to simplify the proceedings of the superior courts
and to lay down a system of well-defined law as a popular
foundation. Another measure of considerable importance
was a measure that passed their Lordships' House in the last
session of Parliament, and related to charitable trusts. Their
Lordships must be aware that in every part of this country
there were charities in existence, of immense amount in the
aggregate, but individually so small, that they could not by
possibility be made the subject of consideration in any court
of law, and hence great abuse had arisen. It was essential,
therefore, to establish a chief tribunal for the purpose of
preventing abuses in the administration of small charities of
this nature,. and the Bill to which he referred was framed
upon the report .of a Commission appointed by the Crown,
and was well calculated to remedy the inconveniences inei-
dent to the present state of things. It was a measure of
great importance. It affected a large class of poor, indigent
persons. It had been called for by Members of both Houses
of the Legislature; and it was now in such a state that it would
probably in the course of a few months become the law of the
land. Another-measure to which he would direct their Lord-
ships' attention affected the interests of a numerous and valu-
able class of persons,-all of whom were connected with manu-
factures, hinery engineering, and science in all its
parts. He alluded_to the measure for amending the law of
patents and inventions. This Bill had been read a first time,
it was of the highest importance to the interests
but no further proceedings had been taken upon it. Un-
doubtedly
e law of the land as spedily as possible ;
of the persons to whom he had referred that this measure
entaliture of its details it was impossible that it
abhuotuflrdom become
should do so if a dissolution of Parliament were to take
place in April, whereas, if a dissolution did not take place,
it would become the law of the land before the end of the
session., But there was yet another matter, not referring
to the amendment of the law indeed, but the pressing inas
portance of wnich was even greater than that—he referred
to the military system which was necessary for the defence
of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Everybody admitted that
the state of our military defences was at present most
defective—that it did not secure us from insult or invasion

and that it did not enable us to support our authority or
influence with foreign states.—(Hear, hear.) It was neces-
sary, therefore, that a remedy should be applied, and that
that remedy, for the sake of the honour and dignity of the
country, should be applied as speedily as possible. The
necessity for such a measure was strongly felt and insisted
upon by the late Government, one of .whose first measures
in the present session was the introduction of a preparatory
resolution, upon which a Bill was founded and brought
forward in the other House of Parliament, and this was
indeed-the ostensible cause of the retirement of the Ministry.
Now he could not think it possible that any man who
wished well to, and felt for the houour and dignity of the
country could be anxious to press forward a dissolution of
Parliament before this great and important Measure was sa-
tisfactorily disposed of---(Hear, hear)—and he should say
that any person who was_desiious of forcing on a dissolution
of Parliament, in the present state of the nation with respect
to its military defences, would be guilty of a weak and foolish
indifference to the public security. Having enumerated,
amongst other measures-which were now before Parliament,
the Registration of Insurances Bill, and the Bills of a sani-
tary character—relative to the supply of water to the me-
tropolis and extra-mural interments, the Noble and Learned
Lord said ho would pass on to advert, in the next place, to
the subject- of the administration of justice in their Lord-
ships' House. At that moment there were a vast number of
appeals which stood_for
_hearing, and their Lordships had
now been sitting for several weeks, yet a very small impres-
sion indeed had been made upon the list. Take two months
from off the session, and the consequence would be that the
greater number of those causes must stand over for another
year. He would leave their Lordships to imagine the
anxiety and distress which would thereby be occasioned to
the suitors in that court._ But let their Lordships look also
at the consequences whiCh would ensue to the inhabitants of
this metropolis, if, contrary to the principles of the constitu-
tion, the administration of justice was in this manner un-
necessarily ielayed. Their Lordships were aware that the
tradesmen of London had their dull seasons and their har-
vests.year, during the Great Exhibition, unfortunately
thei Lt
haraysest was not an abundant one. And if a dissolu-
tion were to take place in the middle of the present session,
let them remember that the loss then sustained would be
much increased, and that it would press most severely on a
valuable class of men. Those considerations which he had
stated Familia., to their Lordships had very great weight with
him. They had led him to think that a dissolution of
Parliament, under these circumstances, would prove a great
national calamity. And if any person or persons—for party
or factious .objects, for party interests, or with the view of
exciting clamour out of doors—should press for a measure of
that description, he was sure -that such conduct would rouse
the indignation and resentment of all the sober-minded reflect-
ing, and intelligent portion of the community.—(Hear, hear.)
In conclusion, the Noble and Learned Lord moved for a re-
turn of the number of private _Bills now before their Lord-
ships' House. -
The LORD CHANCELLOR then rose and addressed the
House, but throughout his speech the Noble and Learned
Lord was most indistinctly heard in the gallery, whilst many
:of his sentences were altogether inaudible. His LoradtP..
lose to state what were the intentions of her Majesty'wntrch
.vernment with respect to the measures of law retorm
He must say that there n
fitter opportunity
had been recently brouehe,;erbemfearse
athteiniire Lwohreduslaamms'allnowun
desired a retorm of the law had a beetter orntoeffect.
It was
not only tout he was supported inlae ms ight say by the nation
than the present for carrying his vinewnhs
ai
natal opinion out of doors, but
Government,oand anxious
suni
so na
nodf
course by thde gthee-
cahrardy
.ibn.eteoneffaelc4t
always
pa
rltayr.g_e
Hear.)
oe ra r uop o
Her
a trhmi
js
enusbmik. encstttbh,
be to
were
orhe as
law advisers of that Govere '
for latera
reform wqniatse o f
the law • and
7tsotance for the public good, he
knew
s th
should now
breecebiivntesaeltftheir h and;
inasmuch rma
aa
ad
syaras
which
n could,vy:
necessarypucermeesbl
well
ul
bumble
a s s
e.
measures
iittgohh:tyr
hrreieeqchuo imhr
ready to lend his
In addressing
e
amdeabseue
Opposition. benches.)
fullfelt emonefiusduernet
ntfhaats:retsahnocue
takingri,n
ncsreedmiteasfourretsh
be
himself to-this question, he desired most carefully to guard
(Hear, hear, from
mended by commissions—commissions was himself
aboutggtaoi against
refer.
which he must say
had been not only wisely sent forth, but wisely directed
and wisely executed by learned men ;tho
re-
peated, had been either recommended by these
ms
ecommissions,easures, he
y or brought to maturity since the reports
o f the commissions
were made. And so far, therefore, as the late Government
were ready to adopt them, the present Ministry could not
take credit for them. but
this credit he might be allowed
to take to her Majesty's Government, that he believed no
set of men ever existed who were more warmly disposed
than they to facilitate and carry into execution every neces-
sary measure for the reform of our judicial institutions,
both in the procedure and in the laws affecting property,
and, in affecting property, affecting the happiness and the
homes of every man. One of the measures to which he
would refer was entitled the Suitors in Chancery Relief
Bill. That Bill was at present before the other House
of Parliament, and its object was greatly to curtail the
officers who had been usually
inattendance in that
ratified the diminu-
court. It lowered their salaries, and .
Lord Chancellor himself to the
extent of the salary of the
be e
Now, he should very sorry to be
extent of one-third.-
to every
understood
asbinding himself single provision of
that Bill;. but as regarded everything that affected the Lord
Chancellor, either personally or as it respected offices, the
appointments to which were vest e in him, he begged to say
that he had not and would not appoint to any office the abo-
lition of which was contemplated by that Bill ; and that with
were
d to the offices whichto be retained, and to
regard
d ado
which he had made PP he should strictly adhere
of allowance '
to the precise scale which
waslaid
down
in
that Bill, the same as if, instead of passing through the ether
House of Parliament, it was at this moment the law of the
land. With regard to the Lord Chancellor himself, he
would make this observation. He had already stated to
their Lordships the reduction which had taken place in the
Lord Chancellor's salary, and to that he had no objection ;
and he trusted that he himself; and his successors, might
have the moral courage not to attempt to surround them-
selves with the dignity or the circumstance which
might have . belonged to former Chancellors under a
different -state of things, but accommodate them-
aa- they ought, to the altered.. circumstances of
tde bffice,and-tt te-position -in which theY.Y74.9-neW:,l4fteed-
There was one alteration which had recently been effected
with regkrd to tl ce judicial inuctiena of the Chancellor; and

it wee supposeu, because lords justices hail seen appointed,
that the Lord Chancellor had now se much time at his coin- r.
nand that there was no longer any pressure upon hiin. Un-
doubtedly he had been relieved of as painful a pressure as :
any man could experience, and it was the pressure which -
every man felt who devoted himself heartily and sincerely
to the performance of his duty—that of knowing, whilst
sitting in the House of Lords, that the suitors in the Court
of Chancery were neglected, and could not be heard, or
whilst sitting in the Court of Chancery, that the suitors at
the bar of their Lordships' House were neglected and gourd
not be heard. True, the Chancellor had not that prssure
upon him any longer; and he now knew that whilst sitting
in this House the business in his own court was being cone
ducted by able, enlightened, and intelligent men. Still le
con
ought to be known that, so far as his labours were
cerned, the Chancellor was not relieved ; for, from morning
till night, they extended over six days in the weei
Having referred to these details, he would next call their
Lordships' attention shortly to the Bill alluded to by
hiils.
'Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst). That Bl
related to the common law proceedings, and was,
doubt, a measure of the utmost importance. It was no
before a Committee of their Lordship's House, and, sn, 1.,3r
from any impediments being thrown in its way, be ktae
Lords
Lord Chancellor) knew that the Noble and Learned
who attended the Committee on the Bill were actuated bY.a
as possible in
single desire to make it work as beneficially
carrying out the recoramendations of the Commission
an
Upon that Bill there was no orher difference of opinion then._
such as would necessarily always rise on large and importane
measures. Another and most important measure to vrhicie.
the attention of the country had been wisely directed, wase!
without
Bill for improving the jurisdiction and procedure of ten
Court of Chancery. This subject was referred by the CrowS
to a set of Commissioners who ma le a leer
elaborate, and excellent report, and he had 11e
derstood that a Bill was prepared in Patella
of their recommendation. He believed, however, that ee
portion of that Bill was actually prepared, and that te
work remained to be done. But within the last few der he
had received a sketch of the heads of so much of the 11;
posed Bill as related to th e Masters•office, and it " the
intention to bring a Bill into their Lordship's House upon le
subject at as early a period as possible; or if the detain.,
required more than one Bill, to take charge of it biro. to
and to endeavour, as speedily as possible, to carry it
Ind
execution.—( Hear, hear.) A long course of practic,eria
made him well acquainted with the subject, and he ee_
willingly go with the stream which would lead to iniprovr.:
ment. For want of greater power to compel men to .1),..
A nate
ceed with their causes, the Masters offices had and
ven satisfaction. Hence arose great exPellse' mi
unnecessary delay. Whoever understood tellies stere,
ject would feel no alarm at abolishing the °wag
but they would feel alarm if they did not know wbat 0.,
to stand in their place. His (the Lord Chancellor's) Prop
sition was to abolish the Masters ; but in doing te",. it
would be necessary to consider how and in what ineueef;hed
to him, and to which he had alluded,
was to take place. In the sketch which had been fur . be,
after a certain day, the Masters should cease to operate, ...'f.
retire on full salaries. That, however, was a prop
ought
which required very great consideration, and lee teca °lrs
that it would be his duty to make such use of the I'lB-beet
as would tend to further the administration of justiceiwasters
they continued in receipt of their salaries. Theekuipore
were men of high character, and performed high en" ' not
taut judicial functions; and nothing could be more rePuilhich
to her Majesty's Government than to do say act
fucero
would have the effect Of lowering the position of heavy° are
of justice. He could not, therefore, be a partY tierue
it was proposed ta _.,
rangement of that kind. The Masters, or a sufficient
busyness at
ber of them, must necessarily remain whilst the cherne
present in their offices was continued. And if the new 5 must
was to have any chance of working well the indleessebole
begin upon an entirely new foundation. ee not theirs the
10 .'
scheme would fail. There were a great many, cases and
Masters' offices under the Winding-up Act, for instance
ilese
in these the Masters had an original jurisdiction, en... 9000
be left to complete them; but without further consider_
not
he (the Lord Chancellor) could not say that there iseerte feel
other important duties which the Masters would and
themselves degraded by continuing to eer'"—ise'bilet
which they would not -be ready to execute.
__,,her
othe new scheme was being tried a sufficient n", of
of the Masters might superintend the managernem
est
estates, eases of receivership, and other matters of the detch
importance to suitors in the Court of Chancery', bethwehen
had never yet been sufficiently attended to, thong" were
were still within the province of the Masters.. These hie
matters in reference to which he desired to resets e „
opinion, for they required great consideration • but he
.cenio
tainly thought the Masters ought to be abolished andfer,
vacancies filled up—(Lord Brougham, " And no new rdee to
them. But he had this proposition to make.
ences made to them ?") And no new references ma.- eit
would be impossible to work the two systems together, ie s
to tell the person who had been already involved
_„h
Chancery suit that he should go before the Master nuv;`lo
written interrogatories, be put to great expense, and lefeee
great delay, whilst the man who filed his bill to-rl-00
should go on in an unnecessary manner and haveoeerL
unnecessary statements to make, and no delays interP
__,,
That would not do. What he proposed, tlaerefore, -To
immediately after passing of this measure, at Oncet r„,
abolish the whole course :of proceeding in the Mae eeies
offices, and let them adopt precisely the same r ets
as those which were now adopted in chambers., d:"Z
He felt to, and
the present constitution of the Court of Chancery tie's ll to
does not transact any business in chamber. There vi!re'the
doubt, many reasons for altering this arrangement, 10°,rtene
physical as well as mental exertion occasioned bet 3C° yelf
sitting of five hours together in a court listening Wenn 3
(muchte arguments in one particular case, was, perhaPseesii
as could be expected from a judge charged with sut to
important functions; but it was proposed that in res„.Peell be
certain matters the judge shall sit in chambers, and snake
assisted by two clerks. It was proposed that these ella
shall have the same powe. as masters in ordinary.. l
. eee
Commission proposed that they should transact their nne'red
ness at the Masters' offices until other offices were
-Pr°ctubese
for them. He, however, confessed he thought that ._e
from the
clerks sitting at Southampton-buildings would be
with injurious consequences ; they would be stem would be
stem wou
control or influence of the judges, and aSy the present
adopted which would be as liable to
abusedaoubted much
oue, which was so much condemned. He
unless it was
whether any scheme could work satisfactorily judge
, 5 Of thel
one that placed these clerks under the ee e adjoiniog
himself, by obliging them to occupy a rooT
absolved
that of the judge, The judge props not to
~..e„,'`ed. fee
(the Lord Chancellor) was of opinion per e"e
from seeing that their duties were ly ru should
attenyea
be heard in chamber that could be beard in . to dedi-
judge, he was sure, would be always found willinogf
such 3
cate his time and attention to the carrying outrote .
a chat
measure as was contemplated, and he hoped and t r his ju-
this union of characters would not be found to I°w° dinicult
dicial office. It was, however, to be considered how
Powers
it was to find united in the same person the different it:aro--
that it would be necessary for him to possess.
It
way
ts to cases
Bible to deny that they might be opening the Course apply
of fraud. It was impossible to make rules that won have
to every case. ' nose which would be laid down mu:deepest
that nothoiontftt. The
general application. The next point was one of P .300 by
importance—namely, the mode of examining O' _testanes
written interrogatories. There were persons Galled ex!
to whom the witnesses told their own story. That
.it
slow, expensive, and by no means satisfactory
was impossible to cross-examine the witnesste
they
cause the opposite party did not know what a eot
hat said. He proposed, though he confesse .
row"
without some slight misgivings as to the up.
that those written interrogatories should be give/. it
They were invited to imitate America upon this sublet th,,t
was said that that country had the most perfect system their
could be invented. They had abolished the Mastersen.teses
courts of equity—they abolished all written exam '
n_ lee%
and the examiners - but it appeared to him (the Lord Und.
cellor) that they did not after all apply the proper rem...nil/a
In respect to this country, the proposition was, that, insi",,.
processs .
be-
was
written interrogatories they should have written affidavit,
But the Americans had discarded all affidavits, and in eviveg,
comepon case there was a jury summoned, and men
~..„
brought from their homes without any remuneration to try
the most trifling cases, as well as to give evidence. NI
how dangerous might be
racter, and it was easy to imagine
by an attorney,
the results. The affidavits were prepared
the alteration proposed here was of the very opsite chs-
d°ersta dg g ' little f
n s very o
often the party who swears them a -
affidavits were generally crammed
their contents. These
who put the statements down in hisn own lan ua e and verV
the business of the Courts of Bankruptcy
was conducted
affidavits As far as they were concerned he
with irrelevant and impertinent matter. In former tiny
wholly by
ascertaining ,
h in A •
point of dispute. Althoug America they had abolished
the masters, and the judge was called upon to pronounce
certainly could not see much difficulty in • • the
every hour of every day his opinions upon the cases that
came before him, yet all questions of peculiar difficulty hee
the court who was required to do the business of the
referred to a referee. And who was that chosen referee c`
old
Now he (the Lord Chancellor)
Masters? Why, the old Master himself, who had been found
so competent in his office as to entitle him to hold the office
of referee of the court.wbollY
objected to the system efdele •
and duties which ap • gatieg to any p la
pertain to the surior judge.
America theie was
a state of thine in which there vesee e
blending of law and equity-8
gentleman frum that
was alstk haded wtetu together. Mr. Field, an abbehen
left America pal t of the world, stated that when
ill,
there were from 3,000 to 4,000 cases in 'e
Court of Chancery then waiting to be heard ; and a case w-cl
after r. properly beard until two or three years had elaPse
erson the powers
of complicated the set
edeoows
enq foro eh
eaer gwu would
t .h e This a gfeo,
rnotgl e Me.
saaisde
icated character were brought before it. He s d
that if there was a case involving a tbousan
items brought before the court, a tho and if each item were no
be proved by one witness, it might occupy mein-
_
days. Now one of the first things proposed we
be done was to rescind all the present orders of the we
be
Chancery, and to reduce them to one simple set of lee
without reference to any other orders. He thought it bad
to their Lordships, and to the position which he then
tneen,
the honour told, to make a statement of what the ln.oct.
tions of the Government were in reference to this 8 tiii be
The measures were not yet prepared, but they he
shortly placed before them. There was no step he Chan-should
shortly
inure than the appointment of more e•
cellors. Such an appointment would create,
additional bar and body of attorneys. Great inconvenien;ee
would thus be created, as regarded the general interest i..
their clients. His sincere desire was to facilitate the bii; e
ness of the court, and to reduce as much as possible the t In
and expense attendant upon the applications to it. ee.
reference to the subject of wills, the law of the countrydr;t
quired that the signature of the testator should be Oil be,
the head and foot of the document, and should be tests
~eees
two witnesses These simple words had caused excef.ll;,,h
to be taken to thousands of such documents alth''see
body..e,
there might not be found a single flaw in the
it, and yet they had been declared void. The objects
as it wereefe,
held good if the signature were found at any distance t
_.7.
the place which was considered to be the foot of thest7'o`f
As a familiar instance be would mention the case of a
__n
ore
a former Vice Chancellor, who was a barrister. fle,w,,` 0
his will to the bottom of the first page and continued lb
There was more than an inch space from the end of the ewe_
at the 119.,
the second page, and ended it by appointing two executoLs:
cument to where he signed his name, which was
..
~,,ed
ginning of the third page. He then used the words' !sluga'roe
by me, in the presence of these witnesses," placing his s not,
underneath. That will was declared void because it we°l ,4.
signed, not et the foot of the page, but at the tcp
1.0%.
Such objections as these, he thought, ought, to De Y
vided against. —Wear.) oneellt
Lord BROUGHAM said he could not delay one m se
d Lore.'
telt at the declaration of the Noble and Learneeeorn
sre,e
in exprersing the great and heartfelt satisfaction which,' '
namely, that he intended to adopt the principal r . ei" 737„
powerful and invaluable aid to carrying into thoseeffece
detail °f
dations of the Chancery Commissioners, and to lelmos
important suggestions. As to the particularus din the
the mode and manner by which those alteratiotoo than
law were brought about, lie would not venture
substance:
avowed that the plan of the Commissionerosl
f land effectual occasion to discuss. The Noble and Learnedu
ph like be carried honestly and entirely into f
for the present
Affidavits were to be substituted
n-e fed ernatterve
operation.
systeni in uncontested intittelp,; _Wit, in, cgs' s sir this great
there ought to be a viva voce "exarninatioiL
Lord would,
plan should succeed, the Noble and Learnedee the las:
endimeas ".
undoubtedly accOluplilh a great AM Lonrd bed

,

_

eevlingq of the Court of Chancery. The Commission was
_ ;I,_ , Mposed of most excelten , Mt: lie,torined their
With great impartiality, calmness, ability, and firm-
., en•• He ought to add, that the Committees of their Lord-
. IP &Rouse were nut wi',,hout their share of merit in work-
11g out this*reform. Thum were no doubt some differences
4.'lr:opinion amongst the high authorities examined, but he
gg haPpy to find that one of the 'Vice-Chancellors, who at
nts was opposed to the removal of the Master's offices, had
his doubt& satisfied upon this point. If they succeeded in
t tisalng these measures through Parliament speedily, there
be an end to such abuses as he had described at the
latter end of last session They would no longer have a
repetition of a case in which 1,2001. expenses had been
Incurred by a Noble Friend of his in endeavouring to obtain
PnYment of a debt of 560/ ; nor of another in which there
were 11 years of anxious litigation, and an expense of 2,8701.
scarred in seeking for the distribution of a particular fund.
'a another case, and after suffering a delay of 10 years, a
Party paid 1,000/., where the matter in dispute was only
Master's
In anoth ,r, a sum of 901. was paid for orders in the
office in respect of a sum of 10/., although it was a
Matter subject to appeal in a superior court.—(Hear, hear,
. and laughter.) Between 70,000/. and 80,0001. were paid as
costs in a suit where the principal was 350,000/. ; and finally,
he might mention that 8001. had been expended in ascertain-
"ls whether the Aaster would order a sum of 20/. to be paid
In a case of scandal. 01 that 8001. perhaps 7501. would be
Paid by the party against whom thadecision was given; but
him unhappy winner, after paying his share of 50/. would find
self 20/. poorer than when he commenced.—(Hear, hear,
'' •and a laugh.) He (Lord Brougham) trusted that such ano-
runes would no longer, be permitted to remain to give pain
tp parties, and bring the jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery
lato contempt—(Rear, hear)—and that his Noble and
Learned Friend on the woolsack would have both leisure and
inclination to introduce amendments into the present system.
lie was also anxious to press upon the attention of the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government and of the Lord Chan-
cellor the necessity of immediately re-appointing the
crimi-
nal law commission, whose labours had hitherto been unpro-
ductive. The Commission had made a most able and
valuable report, and a most admirable digest of the criminal
law and procedure • and it was desirable that their recom-
Mendations should 'form the basis of legislation. ( Hear.)
The subject then dropped.
-Tba Earl.of DERBY laid certaia papers on the, table, and
their Lorfiships adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 12.
- The SPEAKER took the 'Ctusir shortly before Four
" tiblock. '

NEW ME 11BERS.

...'"TheicilOwing Members took their oaths and seats for
'their respective places:—The Right Hon. Spencer Ho-
. ititio :Walpole, for the borough of Midhurst; Right Hon.
john'Somerset Pakington, -Bart., for the borough of
I)iatwich;'• the Right'Hon. John Charles Herries for
the horOugh of Stamford; the Right Hon. Joseph War-
...
.4401' Henley for the county of Ozford; the Right Hon.
IV.initina:Beresford, for the county of Essex (Northern
ivision); Sir Frederick Thesiger (the Attorney-Gone-
: ral),tot•the borough of Abingdon; the Right Hon. Lord
4()bl:l',James--Robert, Manners, for the borough of Cot-
' s'eteri Francii Plunkett Dunne, Esq., for the borough
°Fiboitarlington; the Marquis of Chai'los, for the bo-
. tcotrgh of Bookinonm ; • the Right Hon. George Bankes,
borough of Dorset; the Hon. Arthur Duncombe,
s' Or the county of York (East Riding); the Hon. G., cow.
Weld Foiester. for the la 'rough of Weuluck.
NEW WRITS.
Mr. F. , MACKENZIE moved that new writs be is-
tiled for the Southern Division of Shropshire, in the room
at Viscount Newport; and for East Rettord, in the room
Of Viscount Galway, who, since their election, have ac-
N)ted the offices of L.rtis in-Waiting to her Majesty.
PRIVATE BILLS

The following Bills were read a second time, tied
orqereri to be committeth—
Irby .
Steven and Hawes Road.
Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway.
1.,4, red Railway. -
11...eschester and Southport Railway.
Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (No. 1).
"ellettester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (No. 2). -
i7lreden, Gisbnme, and Long Preston Roads.
Norfolk
and Guisbrough Railway.
prfolk Railway.
• Shrewsbury and Birmingham, and Shrewsbury and Chester
6.4?.ompanies Railway Amalgamation.
• oPsbire Union Railways and Canal ( Branch Railways, &c.)
Vekton and Darlington Railway.
I.LAVerhamon Junction Railway.
BRITISH ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH COMPANY'S
BILL.
'On.the.motion for the.second reading of this Bill,
Mr. RICARDO rose to oppose the second reading. It
tr°POieciTto, give. ,greater powers to that company than
A rsbeehg*ll:to the original Telegraph Company, and
t4i Pso..years unsuccessful competition with the origi-
h comparay, yin which they had been . defeated
he
ply by the superiority of their opponents,
• tre now. Roams ;to .Parlirrnent .•to ask for extra-
.""lt6ary-..lpoxvera;.- to aid them in this competi-
;LW.) This-40 thought ,was unjust, and all he wished
was a fair competition without the interference of
itltiliaatetilv ho sh i ld therefore move 'that the- Bill be
tia • gl• • •
a secop... time this•,4-ay six months.
Mr. J AMEN FARREB, thought that the reasons
;.' which the klon. Genttenma had adduced were ouch as
to. have been ~produced before' Select- Com-
', rbittee,and not ,on the, second reading. 'lf the powers
,':yrhieh were sought were too great, a Select Committee
11°111d modify them. He thought the desire of the whole
:,•,,eOuntry was in favour of the present Bill, and he hoped
t the Etouse *would follow the Mina course,iand allow
, ro'to6',te a' Committee U') stairs.'
• YA• ir`l3X LACY-EVANS • thought the powers which
, . ,
-;,..lnrsoliglitti,by.the Bill were most kir aordinery, espe-
';vr-'44Y;.its this Was,ri Bill to amend a former Bill, and not
' • '1:411 .11r-ought. in for, the- first time to establish a
""uPany',.i .
Ur. MACGREGOR -Uptight that there was a great
~.eeling in the country that the presenteleoric,,telegraph
s rvice.' had not been satisfactorily performed, and
tittle opinion Nvae;' certainly, in- favour of having the
,C4rll sent to Select Committee.
• ICotonel-THOMPSON-agreed with the Hon. Member
,thilt the fe'eling of the country, at least
• 15s;11 with which he was acquainted, was in.
c•
'"!LAISr . •
• Mr, 41(,)WA,TT hoped.. Oat the House . would not
rowroutthe.,Bill withoutnaaking itself acquainted with
taus. , , . •
Mr. G. C. GLYN opposed the Bill, because expe-
'mot - Show 'him that the possession of the
of. • operation by . two rival companies
'.,fetid to a competition. advantagPous
•
• ,t‘ e,phl4lie, but rather to a Mutual ccmhination adverse
7-14 - interests of the publie. He should, therefore,
•.; , tkliPArt the amendment.
• L',04..4,00vcit. supported the Bill, because it was cal-
' ';7%ied ,to -deetruy, -a monopoly .sbared between the pre-
. "era iEleeitric 'telegraph Company and certain railway
.tl:epanies. It was a fact that the electric telegraph
ten -times. more ,ircquently... and was ten times
71se beneficial in America than in this, country, owing
t' tde complete' monopoly which existed here.
•:i :,,,:-.1.110 :House' then divided,'when there appeared.—
..
;Vex the second reading 21()
4.gainet it •... -•• 60
,•
-150
4.13i1l was then read a second time.
SUGAR DUTIES.,
• ~,„ •
.• . WILSON ,gave ,notice that on Monday he
Bh Tut- a (petition to the Secretary of the Colonies
r•i•thir trahjtet of his motion relative to the sugar duties.
• -114AYNOOTH.
4ru--O.vANSTEY-gnve notice that next'• week he
Should move for a return relative to Maynooth and
other endoweeThts.
FOREIGN REFUGEES.
• 'llSlr. M. MILNES gave notice that on an early day he
Should call the attention of the House to a correspon-
menee which had taken place between this country and
the Emperor of Austria, on the subject of foreign refugees.

... . . , SUPPLY.
M.. HE
cfl „ R.RIEs said, owing to the absence of the
' • ancelwrof the Exchequer, it would not be convenient
to take the Navy Estimates tonight, and he should
.7^oerelore move that the order of the day be read for
e.
the purpose of beime
the same time he might, postponed
tl until Monday next. A
An ter
- ' of asking Mr.aps, be allowed this oppor-
tunity
With his motion on Sead? if he intended to proceed
the relative to the affairs of
• India. He understood Honourable Gentleman's
notice was for the appointment of a Commission to
'go over to India to make inquiries into its
government; and as the Board of co
~.., atrol intended to
te
Move the appointment of a Select ommietee to consider
eet.: the same subject, he hoped this motion would be post-
's; Poned. i .
Mr. ANSTEY consented to the proposed post-
Ponement.
Mr. HUME wished to know what course her nee
iesty'e Government intended to take ? Was it the in-
tention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or of any
tiles to make any statement as to
what their intentions
..
' also ?• fie should have to ask various questions, and
80 if ,it was their intention to persist in an inquiry
' With
• , - respect to the operation of the income-tax, and a
al% •
n
' ety of other matters ; and he really wished to
know, for the convenience of the House, what course
.' they would take, and whether they would ask the House
• to
~I, , . Vote the estimates without giving any explanation of
their .policy.
Mr. WALPOLE (who was not distinctly
i heard)
4,4, to the Hon. Member that it would be inconvenient
to enter on the subject in the absence of the. Chan'
.
• .' roe of the Exchequer. He had no doubt an explana-
;: el4ll would be made on the points the Hon. Member re-
.';'. luired when-the estimates were moved by the Chan-
'Teller of the Exchequer.
-
~,,/,: i CAPTAIN,PENNY.
r 4,1 -„,tlr. ANSTEY wished to ask the Secretary to the
‘;;.1 ' tereiralty the following questions:—Have Captain
nl3l and the other mercantile officers of the late ex-
,^Klition in search of Sir John Franklin, received any
411 d what rewards for their acknowledged services in
.
. ;41°h expedition? Have Captain Austin, R.N.,
' -"nti the naval officers of that expedition, received
"ge 3' and what rewards for their -acknowledged services
n the same occasion? Is it true that Queen Victoria
Channel
. . : for
and the northern and north-western passages,
• the exploration of which Captain Austin's vessels
e
"te now fitting out tinder Sir Edward Belcher, R N.,
. . tete Oiscovered by Captain Penny and the mercavaile
' • - -"ltriae under his cemmand, when employed on the late
I,lPadititsti? Is there any intention to accept Captain
'tlnY's offers of service, and to employ him and his two
easels again for the purpose of such exploration or in
s' ‘, Y other way c,,nnected with the new expedition? It
hot, Why have his offers been thebned? And to move
1°11: ell correspondence on the above subjects not already
fore
Parliament.i,--
t. 1141". A. STAFFORD replied, that he could answer
h.° Hoe. Gentleman's question, hut he was not sure
- e thy,
statement would be santfectory. In,
the first place,
,I°e, he bad to state that Captain Penny, and the other
:tucers of the mercantile marine, had not• received any
re Ward. As far as Captain Austin was concerned, it
would be remembered that that officf-r was in a command
1 previous to his appointment to the Arctic Expedition ;
ahe had now been appointSed to the packet service et
irthampton:' With ri:ard to the 'third'question, as to
t
° discovery of the north-western passage, in one sense