The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-15 00:00:00

THE BLOCKADE.

Mr. FEN WICK asked the Under Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, whether her Majesty's Government had
received information that the Danish Government will
permit vessels that have been delayed by ice in the
port of Lubeck to leave that port without being subject to
capture; and whether her Majesty's Government would
urge on the Danish Government the justice of permitting
German ships which had been delayed by ico in German
ports before the c )mmencTment of the war, and having car-
goes on board belonging to British merchants, to leave such
port without being subject to capture ?
Mr. LAYARD said that the regulations made by the
Danish Government had been published in the Gazette, and
in the regulations it was stated that reasonable time would
be given to vessels which might be delayed by unforeseen
circumstances. Her Majesty's Government had received no
official information of the blockade of Lubeck, but they had
just receives the notification of the blockade of Stralsund,
Swinemunde, Bahl, and another port the name of which
could not be heard in the gallery.
OUR FOREIGN POLICY.
On the motion for going into committee of supplYy
Mr, ROZDUCIi asked "At the Solicitor.Craeral has

stated that it is the intention of her Majesty's Government
to remonstrate with the Government of the Confederate
States upon their employment of agents for illeg is i urposes,
and as the First Lord of the Treasury has decl,re,. that the
Government of her Majesty desired to maintain Ihe strictest
neutrality between the Confederate and }Viand States,was
it intended to remonstrate with the G ,verrment of the

Federal States upon the employmentbyt;-mOlt:genisii:
Ireland for the rutpose of enlisting as soldiers the subjects
of her Majasty ?" The hen. gentleman, alluding to the
second portion of his question, proceeded to say : I believe
the noble lord at the head of the Government really desires
to maintain the strictest neutrality ; but I am afraid that
the noble lord is not altogether master of the situation.
There are other powers in the Govenament—there is one
great power which I think somewhat overshadows the noble
lord and tha whole administration. Now, the noble lord
not only has the confidence of the country, but their affec-
tion and regard—(hear, hear)—and if he says he will do
anything, we have perfect confidence that he intends doing
it. But, sir, there is another power by the side of the noble
lord—a power which has always appeared in the liberal Go-
♦ernments of this country since the days of the revolution.
The person to whom I allude is Earl Russell, and I will say
that the honour of England in his hands has not shone forth
with such lustre as I could have wished, Igo from China
and Japan to Poland, to Denmark, and, lastly, to America,
and in every case the honour and name of England has been
tarnished by what has taken place. I read the despatches,
and the feeling in my mind was that of dire humiliation.
I felt that England was not upheld as she ought to be
upheld, and that that strict neutrality which the noble
lord professes—and professes honestly, I am sure--was
not maintained. Why the tone was like the screams of
a cockatoo, or of an angry woman—(laughter)—but the
performance was not equal to the outset. The words were
big, bu 6 the doings were the least possible. The noble earl
seemed frightened ; and, from the moment that Mr. Adams
threatened war, the noble earl crouched before the threats,

That being the case, I feel I have a right to inquire, what
is the neutrality which the noble earl professes, and what
is the state of the two peoples between whom we profess to
be neutral? The hon. member then recapitulated the cir-
cumstances attending the alleged Federal enlistments in

Ireland, and characterised the whole proceedings of the
American war as a blot on human nature, and Washington
as a sink of political iniquity. He was told, ho said, that

he should have sympathy with the Northern States, but he
maintained that they were loose, cowardly, and cruel.
(Hear, hear, and oh, oh.) In conclusion, he asked the
noble lord whether it was the intention of the Government,
having determined to remonstrate with the Confederate
States, to remonstrate also with the Federal States for
using agents in Ireland with the view of endeavouring to
enlist men for the Northern army. (Hear, hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON—My hon. and learned friend
has been kind enough to pay me some compliments--
but I beg to say that I cannot accept from any one com-
pliments at the expense of my colleagues. (Cheers.) My
hon. and learned friend ought to know that it is vain to
endeavour to single out a member of the Govern-
ment for the purpose of holding him up to public obloquy;
and, in order to make amends for that, to pay compli-
ments and praises to others. (Cheers.) My noble friend
at the head of the Foreign Office is no doubt the organ of
the Government in all its communications, and with
regard to all our relations with foreign Powers ; but my
noble friend takes no step except in concert with his col-
leagues ; and I must declare to my hon. and learned
friend, who has endeavoured to separate my noble friend
from the rest of his colleagues, that I am equally respon-
sible with him for every step that has been taken in the
conduct of these negotiations, which seem unhappily to
have excited feelings of humiliation in the mind of my
lion. and 'reamed friend (—laughter)—feelings which I be-
lieve aro not shared by the people of this country—
, (cheers)—not shared in by any man of impartial mind who
has looked with attention to the different steps we have taken
in all these great transactions. But, once for all, I beg most
distinctly and positively to state that those who attempt to
separate my noble friend from his colleagues will fail
in their endeavours ; and will, at the same time, betray an
ignorance of the practice of the Government of this country
(hear, hear)—and henceforward I beg that my declara-
tion shall be recorded, that we are all, and I especially am,
equally responsible with my noble friend for every step
which has been taken by him. (Cheers.) We have declared
our intention to observe a strict neutrality in the contest
which unfortunately is being carried on in America, and I
maintain that we have kept our word, and that we have acted
upon our declaration. The hon. and learned gentleman pre-
tends that we have dealt a different measure of justice to one
side to that which we have dealt to the other. But it must
be remembered that the two sides stand—unfortunately for
one of them—in a very different position with regard to the
assistance which they may obtain, either with this or any
other neutral country. (Hear, hear.) The Northerns com-
mand the sea, and all their ports are open. They can go
to Birmingham, Liege, or any other important town, for
arms and munitions of war, where they can buy what
they like, and hire ships to convey them to their own
ports; and therefore they have the command of the mar-
kets of Europe for the purpose of supplying their army
with everything they may want to carry on the war. The
I Confederates, on the other hand, have not these advantages.
They are shut out from the sea, and they can only get their
supplies by means of blockade-runners, many of which have
been captured; therefore the conditions of the two parties
are unequal under an equal law of neutrality with regard to
both. It is true that there is also a great difference between
the building of ships in a neutral country—especially in
this country—and the obtaining of arms and ammunition.
I do not at all dispute, in point of principle, and inds pen-
dent of our municipal law, that these two things stand upon
an equal footing, that is to say, that by international law
and the obligations of a belligerent if he goes into a neutral
country and buys arms wherewith to arm large forces for
the purpose of deciding a campaign—which campaign is to
decide a war—that is a greater assistance which he derives
from a neutral power than the purchase of one or more
cruisers, which can have no ultimate effect upon the issue
of the war. But we have a municipal law which overrides
in some respects international relations, and by which we
are bound to prevent certain things being done in this coun-
try by one belligerent against another. We are bound, for
instance, act to permit the enlistment or organisation of
men, and the equipment or armament of ships. The one is
an easy thing to prevent, for the arming and equipment of
ships is a matter of notoriety. It is a substantial thing.
You can see the progress which ie made in the construc-
tion and equipment. You can interpose at the proper mo-
ment, and lay your hand on the breach of the law that is
being committed. With regard to the enlistment of men,
you have not the same means. My hon. and learned friend
says that there is great recruiting of men going on in Ire-
land for the Federal army. This may or may not be the
case ; but, in order to punish those guilty of this breach
of our law, you must have proof of the cffence
—a proof we have not obtained. It is very likely,
I dare say, that there are in Ireland agents acting
under the orders of the Federal Government, who are try-
ing to induce fighting men to go and enlist in the Federal
army. But they are much too wise and too cunning to
make those enlistments in Ireland. We know that there is
such a difference between the wages of labour in Ireland and
the United States that it is sufficient to induce Irishmen to
go out as labourers on the railway and other works, where
instead of ls. or ISd. a day, they will get 108. or I Is, a day.
When they land in New York they are told there is a bounty
of 100 dols. if they enlist in the Federal army, with a chance
of plunder and heaven knows what. (a. laugh.) I therefore
say, although the statement of the hon. and learned gentle-
man may be substantially true—that is to say, that induce-
ments are being held out in Ireland to persuade people to
go to the United States, and when they get there to be in-
veigled into the army—to found a prosecution upon these
transactions you must have proof, which we have not as yet
obtained. But we have remonstrated generally on the sub-
ject ; and if my hon. and learned friend will only lookat the
papers which were laid upon the table of the house last year
he will see that representations have been made to the
United States Government founded on the reports and ru-
mours on the subject which had reached her Majesty's Go-
vernment. There was lately a transaction which called for
the very serious attention of the Government, viz., the Tier-
sage Federal cruiser, which, whilst in the harbour of Cork,
was accused of having enlisted a certain number of men as
her crew. When inquiry was made, the United States con-
sul at Cork declared there was no truth in the charge. Ap-
lication was made to Mr. Adams on the subject, and the
men returned to shore. If there was sufficient proof
afforded to identify thst transaction, no doubt a prosecu-
tion would have been commenced, With regard to some
who are proved to have been accessories, there is
a prosecution pending. If that prosecution succeeds,
and you can prove the municipal law has been
violated, representations will bo made to the United
States Government with regard to the conduct of the officers
implicated in the offence. I can only say that, in order to
found a distinct and formal remonstrance to the United
States Government ulna transactions of this kind, you
must have proofs, but the: a proofs are difficult to obtain ;
and we have not obtained such proofs as would enable us
to make a distinct remonstrance. My hon. and learned
friend at the head of the Foreign-office will be just as ready
as the rest of his colleagues to vindicate the honour and the
laws of this country sgaiost any infraction of the same by
agents authorised by the Federal Government. (Cheers.)
Sir J. FE RGUSSON thought there ought to be a fuller
inquiry into these matters, for he hod been assured by an
admiral in her Majesty's navy that offers of money had
been made to induce sailors on board the ships under 1 is
command to enter the navy of the United States.
Mr. BRIGHT—I rise not to prolong the discussion, but
to make one or two remarks upon the course taken by the
hon. and learned member for Sheffield, who, in appealing
for impartiality between North and South has used lan-
guage unworthy of a member of this House, when speak-
ing of a foreign Government and foreign people. (Hear,
hear.) But only foreign in one sense, for they are only
another English nation growing up on the other side of
the Atlantic, and with none of those differences which en-
title them to be called foreign in the ordinary signification.
The hon. and learned member put a question to the noble
lord with regard to Ireland; but if he recollected what took
place last year ho should be aware that proof was given of
the emigration of a large number of people from Ireland to
America. It was said that the noble lord at the head of the
Qevernmept generously contributed to send not a few poor

persons from his own estate in Ireland lICICISS the Atlantic.
The Chief Sereetary for Ireland last year, and again a few
nights ago, gave proof that emigration is going on, and that
about 69,000 men had crossed the Atlantic in the course of last
year. The noble lord now tells us, but not correctly, that
the wages in Ireland are from is to is 6cl a day, but I have
been told by gentlemen from Ireland that the wages in the
south-west are not more than 101 to Is. If that be so, how
dare the hen. and learned member, with his logical mind,
assume that the American Government is breaking. inter-
national law or municipal law, in order to induce Irishmen
to emigrate to America, when he must know that already an
overwhelming attraction apart from the question of war is
drawing Irishmen to America ? The noble lard spoke of
the bounty to the soldier being 100 dole., but it amounts
nearer to £lOO ; and the only marvel is, that any Irishman,
who is not the owner of land or a man of some capital,
should remain in that blighted and unhappy country. Now,
I happen to know the gentleman who fills the office of con-
. . _

sul for the United States in the port of Liverpool, and that
gentleman told me that, since the war began, there was not
a day his office was open that he had not to answer questions
of Englishmen as well as Irishmen, who came to him to
know if he could help them to go over to America, and they
would enlist in the American army. I think it not unlikely,
when £lOO is offered in America, that some shrewd fellow
should try to persuade Englishmen and Irishmen to go
over to America, so that he might receive handsome remu-
neration for taking them there, if they chose to enlist in the
army and received a bounty. The hon. and learned mem-
ber has been travelling in foreign countries upon commer-
cial speculations.
Mr. ROEBUCK—That is not true.

Mr. B RIGHT—If it is not true I retract it ; but, at any
rate, I am quite sure if there is an American as shrewd as the
hon, and learned member he might make money by taking
men to America. (Laughter.) I undertake to say that those
who will lead the speech of the hon. and learned member will
not consider him a fair critic ; and more than that, although
I have no inclination to defend the character of the noble
lord at the head of the Foreign-office, yet, turning back to the
events of last session, and the course which the hon. and
learned member took upon the floor of this house, I under-
take to say that there does not exist at this moment in this
country a minister or statesman who has done so much to
humiliate this house and the country as the hon. and learned
gentleman did after his return from his expedition to Paris,
(Hear, hear.)

Lord It. CECIL thought the hon. member for Birming-
ham had mistaken the case which had been put before the
house, and in which he was inclined to agree. Now, what
the hon. and learned member for Sheffield complained of
was, that her Majesty's Government proceeded towards the
Confederate Government upon pure suspicion, and remon-
strated with them while they refused to remonstrate with
the Federals. He had lately seen in the American news
that agents had been sent over from America for the pur-
pose of inducing people to emigrate. There was not a strong
power in the world that Government had not remonstrated
with, and they would go on remonstrating to the end of the
chapter ; and although we do not hear of the slightest effect
arising from these remonstrances, he trusted they would
go on remonstrating as long as they felt the slightest plea-
sure in that agreeable occupation.
Mr. KINGLAKE thought the words " abuse,"
" cowardly," and " corrupt," were words not fit to apply to
the Government of Washington. He wished to say the
opinions of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) did not re-
present the opinions of that house. (Hear, hear.) They did
not represent the opinions of any party in that house; they
did not represent the opinions of any fraction of that house;
but they did represent that for which the hon. gentleman
has great respect—the opinions of the hon. gentleman,
(Laughter,) If, therefore, the American people became
indignant, they would be able to show to them what
manner of man it was who had thought fit to use to them
language of that description. They might imagine that
name was a kind of oracle in that house. He admitted
that so far that the right hon. gentleman did speak with a
kind of mystery and a degree of precision which were attri•
buted to the oracles of old; but there was another attribute
required of an oracle—that an oracle should be an oracle
whom somebody consulted. (Laughter.) Now he had
been for some years in the house, and he never heard of any
man, or any group of men, who went to consult that oracle.
(Laughter.) " The screaming of a cockatoo," and the
"language of an old woman," were terms in which the hon.
member thought fit to express the conduct of Lord Russell ;
and he hoped the American Government would be as in-
different to the language of the hon. gentleman, as the noble
lord would be whose name had been vilipended by the hon.
gentleman.
Mr. CAIRD, from what he had seen in the Western and
some parts of the Northern States, was of opinion that the
Irish portion of the population was averse to war. When
they found advertisements offering 7s. per day to railway
labourers, the board not to exceed 12s. a week, it was not
surprising that the Irish people could not resist the induce-
ment. There were countries in America capable of absorb-
ing with ease, and keeping in abundance, something like
seventy millions of population; and ho was very much
afraid that a silent revolution was beginning in the labour
market, which would settle the question of the law of re-
moval, and others that had arisen from fear of too redundant
population. (Hear, hear.)
QUARTERMASTER ACRES.

Mr. POLLARD-URQUHART called the attention of
the house to the circumstances attending the dismissal of
Quartermaster Acres from the North Tipperary Militia
(laughter) ; and to move for papers. An investigation was
held, which ended in his dismissal; but no attention was
paid to his complaints; and although the other side brought
forward witnesses, he WAS not allowed to bring forward
any ; and now only wished to defend his conduct.
THE PARIS PLOT.

Sir L. PALK rose to ask a question which he said was
of great importance to the honour of this country. He
could understand why hon, gentlemen occupying distin-
guished positions in that house treated with contempt
any scurrilous abuse that appeared in the newspapers of
this or any other country, but when grave charges were
brought against the honour of that house and this country
by an official of a friendly nation, he could not suppose for
one moment that communication had not been made with
that Government to the effect that the assertions had at
once been contradicted and denied, and that proof had been
forwarded to the Government as to the falsity of that
charge. lie was quite sure that no charge brought against
this country was so painful to the feelings of Englishmen
as that any Englishman, by word or deed, by thought or
expression, could promote or instigate any man to assassi-
nate or commit murder. He was quite certain that was so
foreign to the feelings of every Englishman, that he was
glad to have that opportunity of enabling her Majesty's
Government to take the earliest opportunity in their power
to vindicate the honour of this country, and to declare that
those assertions that were made by the Procureur-General
were utterly devoid of all truth—nay more, were devoid of
311 possible suspicion—and to assure the French Govern-
ment that no charge could be brought against this nation
which was more abhorrent, more worthy of contempt of all
honest men, than the charge that one of that house had
been guilty directly or indirectly of stimulating others to
become assassins. He asked the Secretary of State whether
any correspondenee had passed on the subject.
Mr. LAYA.RD agreed with the hon. member that it was
nc-cessary that the honour of this country should be vindi-
cated in a matter of this nature, and agreed also that the
honour of the country was best vindicated by treating such
accusations as these with the contempt they deserved.
(Hear, hear.) lie was quite certain that there was no man
in this country—and no man was better acquainted with
this country than the distinguished man who now ruled
over Franca—but who would believe that such an accusa-
tion made against a member of Parliament or any English-
man must be totally and entirely false. The course her
Majesty's Government had pursued was to take no notice
of these accusations. No communication had been made,
nor was it intended to make any.
Mr. P. HEN.NESSY agreed that no one in that house
would be guilty of the charges made by the Procureur-
General. But there was another subject upon which he
wished to touch, and that was the principles declared by
Mazzini on the subject of ascressination, and published in
this country. He held a book in his hand, called " The
Theory of the Dagger," published by Holyoake and Co., in
Fleet-street, from which it appeared that Daniel Manin ac-
cused Mazzini of abetting assassination; and to that accusa-
tion Mazzini replied, that in it Mazzini referred to his own
principles and practice. lie (Mazzini) set out by noticing
what Daniel Manin had considered an act of great courage,
the publication of a letter in the Thnes, and said, speaking
of courage, that by the dagger they would obtain without
the slightest risk the rights of their country. Having read
an abstract to prove what were M. Mazzini's doctrines ac-
cording to his own avowal, the hon, member proceeded to
ask the house to listen to the description given of them by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer in a translation which he
published of a book called " The Roman States," by M.
Farini, the late Prime Minister of King Victor Emanuel.
The house had heard two ministers of the Crown, the one
in praise of Mazzini and his doctrines, the other declaring
that Mazzini had done nothing to induce people to be guilty
of such crimes. The hon. member concluded by avowing
his belief that the hon. member of Halifax was perfectly
sincere in his declarations with respect to Mazzini; but, at
the same time, so great was the genius of Mazzini, that he
had made a dupe of the hon. member. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. W. E. FOSTER protested against charges being
thus brought against an absent man, who, whatever his
faults, was still a man of very high character, (Hear,
hear.) He believed that, in the general opinion of men
of all parties, Mazzini was not implicated in the late
plot; and if there was any plot, it was a plot to
cate Mazzini. It seemed to him to be an abuse of the
privileges of that house for any member of Parliament
to use such language with respect to Mazzini. If the
hon. member believed Mazzini guilty of the charges
which he had insinuated, let him call upon the Government
to institute a prosecution ; but if not, was it fair to bring up
a pamphlet which was written some time ago, which con-
tained a great deal that was foolish, and which could only
be properly judged of by having the whole of it before them.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. G. DUFF said it did not lie in his mouth to defend
M. Mazzini, but at the same time he should regret to see
the House of Commons disposed to act a part of gigantic
hypocrisy. The hon. member for King's County naturally
detested Mazzini, because, iu spite of uis glortcomiugs)lo

had done more than any other man to keep alive the great
idea of Italian unity,
Mr. DISRAELI—I think the observations of the hon.
member for Bradford should not be allowed to pass alto.
gether wiihout observation. The hon. gentleman has en-
tirely drawn the attention of the house from the real ques-

tion before it, and the positions which he has laid down are
such as we ought not to recognise. (Hear.) It seems to me
to be not only the right but the duty of members of Par-
liament to make rem arks -even absent men, and that it is
not necessary M. Mazzini should be amongst us in order to
qualify hon. gentlemen to criticise his conduct, (Hear.) I
think the remarks of the Prime Minister upon a former
evening, when he deprecated observations upon a Minister
of State who sits in the other House of Parliament, merely
on account of his absence, went to the root of all Parlia-
mentary criticism. (Hear.) However, what 1 rise for is to
say that the cause which rendered it necessary for the hon.
member for the King's County to make these observations
to the house seems to be perfectly forgotten. Some nights
ago, when this question was brought before the house, and
the conduct of a member of the Administration was im-
pugned for his supposed intimacy with Mazzini and his
possible connection with assassin; that gentleman, sitting
next the Prime Minister, and announcing himself a
Minister of the Crown, giving thereby due solemnity
to any statement ho might make, repudiated in the
most indignant language the imputation that he could
be connected with assassins, and owning at the same
time a long intimacy and fervent friendship with
Mazzini, he also declared Mazzini incapable of such conduct
or exploits, Well, the affair of the moment terminated ;
but certainly, with such evidence before him, it became the
duty of my hon. and learned friend to show that the state-
ment of the Minister of the Crown was perfectly unfounded,
and that upon political as well as philosophical principles,
Mazzini is not only an advocate but a great promoter of
assassination. (Hear, hear.) Nor am I surprised that my
hon. friend the member for South Devon should have put a
question to the Minister which has been so unsatisfactorily
answered. Here is a plot to assassinate a neighbouring
sovereign, whom some believe is the intimate ally of this
country. A member of the Government, a Minister of the
country, who by his own admission is at least the friend of
Mazzini, if not the correspondent of Greco, while he repu-
diates being connected with Mazzini, yet gives him a cha-
racter which it is in the power of any one to show has no
foundation in fact. He acknowledges his long intimacy
with Mazzini, and he says at the same time that, from per-
sonal observation of his character, Mazzini is incapable of
holding these odious opinions. Well, it speaks very little
for the knowledge of human nature by a Minister of the
Crown. or for his powers of observation, if for 17 years he
has been intimate with this well-known character, and that
he should believe him incapable of opinions which he has so
elaborately vindicated, and upon every occasion circulated
and defended. (Opposition cheers and la ughter.) I think
these are grave circumstances. We have the admission that
a member of the Administration is the intimate friend of
one who has professed a system of organised assassination,
and I therefore think that the member for South Devon was
perfectly justified in making the inquiry which he did;
while I believe the House of Commons, the country, and
other countries will deem the answer of the Government
most unsatisfactory. (Opposition cheers.)