The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-19 00:00:00

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not wear his uniform, I should wrong the trutohu-h Ido
°I
re
/,,,,42,„,. rel John ussell belongs to both. But th E
to withhold this true testimony to his great worth and
'thseeees e sev,
.4,0„ * .
\lee
unmatched ability.—(Cheers.) I go further. I say if
asee
e,
'44:44. - - 4s. - I, „s, i :A ,
our aristocratic Constitution, under which we live, is not
---,- - . r e,
, , '
, I e
eee. eee 44. to be widened and extended, that the natural stewards
and safest Ministers of that Constitution are the great
Whig families. I certainly—except on foreign matters
----.................
____ —have never opposed them as an opponent. Let me
take the case of a statesman—the best abused
public man of the day—Lord Grey! I have always
thought his broad, original, and onward views of
colonial reform have been impeded and hindered
by the intrigues of colonial monopolists them-
selves. On the occasion of Lord Elgin's Indemnity
Bill, when the mass of the Peciite party voted against
Lard Grey's Canadian policy, I supported it; on the
question of L)rti Torrington's administration as Gover-
nor of Ceylon, and indeed whenever the policy of his
(Ace was attacked. And then, fcrsooth, I sin to be
cabsiled against by my colleague because two miserable
votes are hunted out to prove that I have not supported.
a Government which certainly I never professed to sup-
port.—(Cheers.) I say, then, this is a cabal, because
the very frivolity of the pretext trumped up against me
proves it to be such. It is a cabal because is was com-
menced by treachery ou the one side and was sealed
by patronage upon the wher.—(Cheers.) It is a cabal
because it originated at a holo•aad-corner dinner, and
was continued at a hole-end-corner meeting. It is a
cabal became it began in the dissimulation which pre-
vented Colonel R.-.)inilly from telling me my votes at
the time had nullified our coalition, and necause it
ended in the hyeecrisy which professed ignorance of
Sir W. Somerville's introduction to the constituency.
—(A hiss, answered by counter-cheers.) I understand
the meaning of that Liss. This I know is strong ,
'
lan-
euaee but it is language far too weak for my feel-
ing;,
and I will ask tee gentleman who dissents from me
so courteously, whether I have not a right to stigmatize
that cabal which proposes to oust men whose family, for
more than three centuries, has,been connected with your
county, in favour of a perfect stranger—to oust me who
have served you for three Parliaments in favour of one
who has barely served you for three years.—(Cheers.)
Such, gentlemen, is my case as between my colleage and
voting
myself', which I leave in all confidence and trust within
myself, I know
your hands. I believe that my friends will take care to
receive
f fur
oti Col
ng for Colonel
that there is no step—not short
Y the
fate which he intended
for
Jonstone and Mr. Gipps, our po-
litical opponents—which
Mr.
Rbrioc mh ill
not deter-
mined to take, to punish that cabal,
of them arebal, and their justifica-
tion
consists in the fact, t
" as Colonel Romilly has b
o use their own language, that
trey us".—(Shouts of ~ Nevetrayed you, so he will be-
say I believe with them, eh, never.") lam bound to
betrsyod me, so 0 that as Colonel Romilly has
(Uproar.) And I sYsy au • %ill be betrayed.—
ruption my own reason forl spite of this inter-
think I can already detect the fiellis belief is, that I
sti Y
germ of meditated
treachery. When Colonel
Roinl
whole length of Kennington-common goes almost the
—when be declares for something like in his able speech
universal suffrage,
and when he proposes the complete separation
aral State, I think he ought to have tnldof Church
only meant all this excessive liberalism so you that he
long
Derby was in office. lam perfectly certain that when
h rd
Lord John Russell was in office he made no sign of an
extraordinary zeal in the cause of reform, and I thinliC
it Lord John Russell were to come into office again, all
this liberalism would miraculously calm. Ile himself
has omitted to give you the exact measure of his poli-
tical faith. Is will be in your recollection that in 1850
Mr. Locke King brought forward his motion for an
extension of county franchise. Upon that occasion ray
Gallant Colleague voted in favour of that extension of
the county franchise. The next year Lord John
Russell went out of office on that very question;
but the motion was renewed, and on that second occa-
sion Colonel Hominy stated, that, inasmuch as Lord
John Russell had given a pledge that he would go for-
ward and onwards at some time or other, and sooner
rather than later, with a Reform Bill of his own, he had
no hesitation in voting against Mr. Locke King's motion.
—(A laugh.) The question was again brought forward
in 1852, and then my Gallant Colleague returned to his
first love, and voted in favour of Mr. Locke King's mo-
tion, which he opposed in 1851.—(Laughter.) Now 1
shall be much mistaken if I shall be supposed to blame
Colonel Romilly's conduct on those occasions. All I
simply mean is this, that Colonel Romilly took up a fair
constitutional position, which was, that when a Minister
in whom ho had confidence was opposed to a measure of
reform, and although he was himself in favour of that
reform, yet ho merged his own opinions and sacrificed
his own judgment in order to support that Government
in which he had entire confidence and trust.—(Hear.
hear.) I think, therefore, I have a right to say that Col.
Hominy's Radical opinions are only operative so long
as Lotd John Russell may be out of office. Now,
for my own part, I Will only say that my own views are
independent of Ministerial connexion.—(Cheers.) I
have so often given you my opinion on political affairs
that it will not be expected from me on this occasion to
enter at any great length, or in any particular detail, on
a statement of my views. At the same time I think at
this epoch. when we ere all egreod, I may congratulate
you on the advantages of tree trade.—(Cheers.) So
early as 1842, when Sir Robert Peel was going on in
those tariff reforms by which you have so largely bene-
fited in almost every article of consumption, I then called
on him to go forward, while I characterized his measure
of that time as the first instalment of a wiser and a
more thoughtful policy,—(Cheers.) In 1846 I had the
honour of being a member of that Government which
carried the great boon, and now almost unblasphemed
blessing, of corn-law repeal.—(Cheers.) Now I think,
in connexion with this subject, and with another in
which you aro greatly concerned, the happiest mode
of extending the franchise in this country would
be that by which the wealth of this country
should march so rapidly as that all should
be drawn by their prosperity within the magic influ-
ence of the 10/. franchise.—(Cheers.) Arid although it
may seem a somee hat Utopian and romantic theory,
yet if 3ou lock at the statistics of the question you will
find, since free trade has been in operation, this most
rE markuble fact, that your franchise has increased more
than twice as fast as your population. Your population
within ten years increases at a ratio of about 12f per cent.;
and your franchise increases within the same period
more than 25 per cent. Under these circumstances, I
am justified in saying that nothing in itself can be more
striking testimony to the real value of free trade than
the augmentation of your franchise. But I contend this
is not enough, because we cannot forget that every day
there are born into this country more than 1,000 human
beings, whom I should desire to see, not proscribed into
disaffection, but educated in affection to the common-
wealth.— (Loud cheers.) I should desire to see them
further brought within the pale of the fran-
chise, because you must recollect that there is
not a sing le unit among what is termed the lowest
class who is not born with the algebraic sign
of minus before his nine—(Great laughter)—because
the
-great mejority of individuals in this country are, so
to speak, swaddled in insolvency, cradled in deficiency,
baptised into berkruptcy.—(Renewed laughter.) For
they all have to pay their quotas of the national debt.
If the old Whig party in last century, who laid down the
that taxation and representation
position ought to be
concurrent—if the great men, like Mr. Fox, who laid
down that principle, were alive at the present
moment
when the principles of taxation was letter understood '
I think that they would ECG that their • ~
principle went
dos whole length of universal stiffre •
one who consumes is—however indirec7lP, because every
I heard, in this setae, the ether
day, y—pluinly taxed.
words which fell tram tee lips
of
th some significant
Exchequer, anew the claims of eChancellor of the
meant anything at all, would seem labour, which, if they
tion of gong somewhat further to indicate an inten-
t;
the course of el, etoral than Lord John Russell
one more point upon which reform,l Now, there is only
to occupy your attention, with for one moment
to the iraelia and that is with regard
queetie
the militia, not because In' I have voted against
scheme of rival
parti,,, was iu favour of any particular
that ell such :thecae ',but ,imply because I believed
a _
,s, were uncongenial to, and Inhar-
moniousmercial with'
conirn,._.t7
.i-- temper and spirit of this great co.m.-
uul 3 , and because, in one word, I think
tl.ve whole
thing a turce.— (Cheers.) If, indeed,we were
aeout to be invaded by the noir
- that very martial corps,
almost disbanded National Guard of France—(A laugh)
—the issue might possibly be doubtful; but inasmuch as
Ido not apprehend "inch " I afraid that our
a result, am - ~• .
trauitit
' Qiin
ccei hely expect to boast of victor): over the
most warlike troops of the most warlike nation in Eu-
rope.—(A laugh.) Let me now leave my case in your
hands I, of course, cannot presume to tell what may
be the issue of this election. lam not indifferent to its
result, neither am I sanguine; but of one thing lam
certain, that if this cabal shall prevail against me—as it
will probably prevail both against me and against its
author—not now, perhaps, amidst the heats and
jars and conflicts of a contested election, but months
hence, in the calm of disappointment—(Hear, hear)—
I shall at least be regretted by the non-electors and
unrepresented poor of your city.—(Cheers.) They
will never forget. whatever may have been my delin-
quencies of Parliamentary
an opportunity of furthering their interests, and of pro-
moting,through their wealth, the common wealth; to
Ido not mince the word—from their bru-
ise them—
rta • d condition—and nothing brutalizes so mach as
alize co
_-to raise them up to an education, which always
misery
; avl is always stolen from them by the zealous ra-
pronhs—
c ntending reli ' ' Cheers)—to raise
pacify
of 0 . gionaries—(
them up to a sense of self-trust by all the responsibility
of self-representation—to raise them up to an alliance
with the state, not only by the links, and gyves, and
of taxation, but by gentle ministrations on the
fetters
one side, and by grateful thoughts upon the other—
(Cheers)—to raise them up, last not least, in their ma-
'
teria l happiness, by cheapening to them in their homes
every article of primary necessity.—(Cheers • ) Among
those, also, of easier circumstances and happier posi-
tion, who may be better able to determine the mo-
tives which sway politicians, I believe that I shall be
not only regretted, but also understood.—(Hear, hear.)
Here was one, they will say, who had a vision of his own
—a crotchet, if you will, in politics—who loved an ideal
liberty, as poets love their mistresses—(Cheers)—whole
worship, through good report or bad report, he idolized
alone. Not the liberty of certain Tories, who regard her
as a sort of housekeeper,
.perpetually mourning over the
ruins of a " Bleak House of her own, always to be let
unfurnished, with nobody to bid.' Not the liberty of cer-
tain Radicals, who seem to consider her as a"bitter bar-
maid," for ever chinking coppers in the presence of the
greatest Ueda the work ever saw, of which they either
will not or cannot underattiad all the wisdom of its mag-
nificent unthrift. Not the
liberty of certain Whigs. who
treat her as a courttz q), who must, at the risk of losing
caste, give her favours only to the privileged and few—
the worn-out odalisque of the Whig barees.--(Laughter.)
But a liberty—how describe her! One who, in our con-
etitutionul stetena, 1
has almost always been in a minority,
sometimes represented by units, sometimes, I fear, by
ciphers—tLe lib4ty for whid Bolingbroke auger..

[PRICE SD.

Greenwich, the London Mechanics' Institution, the
Jewish Literary Institution, and Woburn. Their ob-
servations chiefly related to details of management, into
which it was obviously impossible that the conference at
its first-meeting could enter, but which were, neverthe-
less, marked by great good sense, and a disposition to
co-operate in the views and plans of the society.
The Earl of CARLISLE, in his usual happy style, pro-
posed a vote of thanks to the Marquis of Lansdorne,
which was seconded by the Dean of St. Paul's, and
most cordially acceded to by the meeting.
After a suitable acknowledgment of the compliment,
the Noble CHAIRMAN ann( unced that the committee of
the Society of Arts would meet to-day at 12 o'clock, and
would be happy to receive any communications and sag-
gestions which the delegates had to offer; that arrange-
ments would be reede for giving practical effect to te
objects of the conference, and that at three a deputation
would wait upon his Royal Ifighnees Prince Albert,
who took a lively interest in the subject of their deli-
berations.
In the evening a dinner at the Freemasons' Tavern,
admirably suppled by the proprietors, and of which
nearly 200 gentlemen partook, Cemented the union at
the society's house in John-street, Adelphi. Over this
social gathering the Earl of Carlisle gracefully pre-
sided; and every one present seemed pleased with the
result of what may be fairly regarded as the first fruits
of the Exhibition, and the commencement of a new
sphere of usefulness for the society with the council of
which, and its Royal President, that grand display
originated. _ _

The usual loyal toasts were rendered more significant
and received with greater enthusiasm on the occasion by
the position which his Royal Highness Prince Albert
occupies as President of the Society of Arts; and the
chairman did not miss the opportunity of pointing out
how much this country is indebted to his Royal Highness
for the services which he has rendered to the cause of
industrial progress.
The Earl of CARLISLE, in proposing the toast of the
evening, ace3ropanied it with some striking observations.
He reminded the company that they were then mainly
brought together for the purposes of companionship and
better acquaintance, not for any over conviviality or
excess, for that would be rather an unseemly RC-
count for the delegates to carry back with
them to 'their constituents.—(Laughter.) Their object
was to cement the union which had been formed,
and to pledge, under the genial influence cf toasts
and hurrahs, their best exertions to protect it.—
(Cheers.) After alluding in a felicitous manner to their
meeting in the Freemasons'- hall, the walls of which he
feared would tumble down upon him while he avowed
that he was not one of the brotherhood—he proceeded
to say that in a neighbouring country, in the great ca
pital of France, there were assembled last week what
had been termed a great national festival on their Field
of Mars—the splendour of which was insured by all that
great military preparation and consummate artistic skill
and complete despotic power could effect, and which was
Imperial in everything but the name. It must have been
as rich and brilliant a scene to the eye as could well be
conceived, but we might tell our gay and gallant neigh-
bours that we did not envy them their gleaming standards
or their golden eagles, while we offered an asylum to the
literature—(lmmense cheering)—and the genius which
they had cast forth—(Continued cheering)—and while
we make a home for the liberties which they had an-
nulled—(Cheers)—while we pursued what we conceived
to be the more legitimate ends and the more worthy aims
of promoting the intellectual, the social, the moral, and
the religious improvement of the whole bulk of the
people.—(Great cheering.) That was their motive for
assembling on the present occasion. They felt that it
was for the best that they ventured to lay the foun-
dation of another edifice, which they devoted to popular
instruction and enlightenment. They hoped that it
would lead to the cultivation of another portion of the
great peaceful field, and around the altar which they
raised they did not seek to pile military standards or
barren steel, but rather to crown it with the fruits and
the flowers which illustrated the peaceful career of their
national industry.—(Loud cheers.) The Noble Earl
concluded by proposing:—
" The Literary and Scientific Institutions and the Me-
chanics' Institutions of the United Kingdom; and success
to the happy union this day founded (coupling with it
in terms of deserved compliment the name of Mr. H.
Chester)."
Mr. CHESTER made a very modest but suitable reply,
and was followed by
Mr. GRAINGER, who proposed " The Society of Arts."
Mr. W. HARDING acknowledged the toast.
Mr. C. KNIGHT, in appropriate terms, proposed" The
Representatives assembled at this day's conference, and
may they be returned to our next Parliament."
Sir G. ANDERSON acknowledged the toast.
The CHAIRMAN then gave " The Provincial Unions,
especially that of Yorkshire," associating with it the
name of Mr. Baines, of eds.
Mr. BAINES replied; and after the hetiTth of the Mar-
-1 quis of Lansdowne and the Earl of Carlisle had been
drunk with due honour, the company separated.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.
CANTERBURY, TUESDAY.—Last night there tea; a
meeting at the Guildhall-rooms in this borough, con-
vened by the Hon. G. Smythe, M.Y., for the purpose of
putting forward his claims for re-election. At eight
o'clock the proceedings began, and Mr. Smythe, having
been introduced to the meeting, amid much applause,
spoke at considerable length, and somewhat to the fol-
lowing cffect:—l see around me the representatives of
many shades and distinctions of political belief; but
from this very diversity I might derive an augury of
triumph; because it has been my singular fortune, in
my relations with your borough, to have polled the
whole of your constituency—ene-half successfully upon
one side, and the other half successfully upon the other.
—(Checrs.) And yet I am, without any affectation,
utterly unconscious of ever having changed an opinion.
Now, let me put this strikingly before you. What was
it at the last election which lost to me the confidence of
the the great majority of the Conservative party? My
pro-Jewish and pro-Papist votes, as they were termed;
but what I called them, my votes against a dead principle
of sham uniformity—my votes in favour of a living prin-
ciple of just toleration, which, thank God, moves
among us, and which will ore long, with the crowning
triumph of Jewish:emancipation, have its being in the
Constitution.—(Cheers.) Singular to say, a large sec-
tion of the Liberal party now withholds its support from
me fee precisely the same reason as their opponents in
1847, aid, more singularly still, out of precisely the same
reason thut they then rallied and triumphed around me.
The cause of this is obvious. It is because the great
Whig party in the State has since entered on a crusade
for the perscoution of Catholic consciences, which, if it
becomes their older, and sterner, and sectarian tradi-
tions, is of modern inconsistency, violent enongh to
rouse back :among us the spirits of Charles Fox and
Charles Lord Grey, if with no unfair imaginative license
I can suppose their spirits still guatelieg that sacred
principle of religious liberty to which, during their
lives, they secrificed all things but their honour.—(Loud
cheers.) After some very severe animadversions on his
colleague for an alleged breach of faith, Mr. Smythe
went on to say—l have now to deal with the accuse-
-
tion of my constituents, that I have neglected my Par.
liamentary duties. I at once plead guilty to the
charge; but I think in Canterbury you have never
A leugh) Ono
been very particular on this head.
th the
_ p e-
of your representatives a most able—aird
.distireuished
sensation of your city in his pocket.—(Laughter.)
was even, I four, °wine
A toniontdhies
pr,esLi
toi redn A. .wCe
re
seeYantgtehnsidelant than myself. I say I
at once plead guilty to the accusation. I say more, that
I greatly regret my
neglect of what are called Parlia-
mentary duties, and if you will give me an opportunity,
I will promise for the future to amend.—(A laugh.) My
neglect has, I confess, chiefly been owing to my own ic-
dolence, but partly, also, to the untoward situation in
which the members and followers of Sir Robert P; el'
the seventh
Administration have recently been placed We have 9
been, so to speak, interred in a sort of Mahomet's-
•
coffin position—(Laughter)—where life was all but im-
.. aend cheers.)
possible, half-way between
Whig exclusiveness and the repugnantheaven of
House of
earthiness
of terrene Protection.—(Hear, hear,o
I remember the present leader
The Dunciad
recordedo lon e l li
ie
n.
Commons to have called " Hansard,"
In
which" ii, after
all, the mere record of its debates,OreAonfdiv,hat hashbeenC
although
mofill/yOlibtiaess.
heard" ( A
muchl a laugh.) g hm.
Hansard than myself, I do not think t at he is there-
Idomenootf
fore better fitted to promote the popular interest in " the
thinkgood time,that"
because,inevita inevitably ymaenerahthianesg.bheeetnt chokedeere with chick-
weed
gthhtaetr.h)e iverthheedreifffoe
therefore
eence between,, er
us reminds
the story of Tom and Dick:—,, What
doing, Teter
ing Colonel Rom"ilill
" Nothing."
doing, Dick?"
ye,dl you been
Now, notwithstand-
only been the part of Tom. He ah es attendance, his has
you; and I have simply foregone as done nothing for
of Dick, in helping Tom to do and declined the part
I come to the accusation which nothinghas for you. Now,
me by my colleague. I '
pvieergyTcreed: nbINI what
have
been urged against
into the fact that I' havegivenmight resolve his charge
John Russell's Governme If two votes against Lord
im-
mediate interest a charge to b I desired in my own
would be precisely this—of e brought against me,
persona'it
adherent of Lord John Russell's
having been a
_ord
John is not E 0 popular anywhere Administration. -6
that I
know of, that the charge,
• not in
Canterbury. Yet I c,nnonteed signify—certain
certainly
accept the position—
though I know it to be for fan opponent
the moment—e-
of Lord John Russell's gecause,
with the exception Government, simply is
of its foreign olicy, the charge
untrue. I yield to no m even to the present
leader of the House of Commons,an'not in his great admire-
tion of that was:email I' 'that at this oonjunc
It is true
tare ha is gff • . I odium and
u ering under much ephemera .
mush unreasonable obloquy, but he bears within htm—
,,
---- That strong divinity of 50,111
Which conquers chance and fate.'
him, Lord
d
He
realizes, even to those who do not know or
Sydenham's touching and dyingtestimonr--" Lord John
Russell is the noblest man I ever knew. He belongs
to the foremost category of this world's worthies.
"Happy are h "said a ancient classic, " who have
t they, a
recorded things worthy to have been acted. Happy are
they who have acted things worthy to
"be recorded.
lasPiiebtQf till so theYwhQ "Ye doe Mii. ,—(Chioto
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