The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-29 00:00:00

The Weather—Sun Office, Feb, 29, 1864.

TIERMOMETER.
This day at Two o'clock

Barometer-29.69.
Wind—E, ; light breeze, and foggy.

s
.4, 4,. .. .
,
....

LONDON, MONDAY, FEB. 29, 1864.

Bit by bit the Danish papers are coming tardily
dropping in from the Foreign Office. By the time
the whole series shall have made its appearance—
then, bat not sooner, will come the tug of war
between the Government and the Opposition. As
much as Possible, Ministers are now hiding their
hand from their antagonists. Their " little game"
is being played Out, so far as they can contrive thus to
accomplish it, entirely in the dark. Procras-
tination may be simply " the thief of time" to
Dr. YOUNG, but it is far more than that—it
is a distinct policy to ear present Administra-
tors. It affords them the only chance they can
anywhere have, of getting anything like a result
out of that otherwise No-F°lleY) so happily and
epigrammatically described by the Conserva-
tive Chief, as aningenions combination of meddling,
and muddling. This bare chance of a result of some
kind, being, in point of fact, looked for by minis-
ters out of the pure chapter of accidents. It is for
all the world like Mr. MICAWBER of immortal
memory—living vaguely, confusedly, idly—at rare
intervals, just for a passing moment, as it were,
despondently, but as a rule, for the most part, very
hilariously, upon the delightful hope of something
" turning up!" In one of his innumerable straights,
that celebrated original, that distinct prototype, as it
appears to 113, of her 11IaJtsry's present Ministry
is descanting it may be remembered upon another
flattering tale told to him, for the moment, in the
strictest con fiden co by his perpetual confidant,
iforE--" I am at present, my dear COPPERFIELD,"
quoth Mr. MICAWBER, in one of his own not infre-
quent bursts of confidence, "I am at present, my
dear COPPERFIELD, ergaged in the sale of corn
upon commission." For this, read, in the instance
just now of her Majesty's Ministers, "in the
negotiation of a conference in London about Den-
mark." "It is not an avocation of a remunerative
description, my dear COPPERFIELD—Io other words,
it does notpay—and some temporary embarrassments
es; es vser.rtni Aver rt. .ria .c. 4 AF ea riininiTielel nature

have been the consequence. I am, however, delighted
to add that I have now an immediate prospect of
something turning up (I am not at liberty to say
in what direction) which I trust will enable
me to provide permanently both for my-
self and for your friend Mr. TEIOMAS
TRADDLES [read, here, for your friend
Mr. JOHN BULL] in whom I have an unaffected
interest." The application of the similitude is here
distinct and positive. It may appear at a superfi-
cial glance to be merely hinted at thus as a
humorous extravagance. But the resemblance is,
on the contrary, just literally and rigidly a
plain matter-of-fact. The Ministry is a MICAWBER
Ministry—living (entirely and for the most part
hilariously) in the midst of all sorts of muddle and
confusicn, upon the bare chance of something turn-

ng up!

It would almost appear as if a sort of infatuation
prevailed in some quarters with regard to special
cases and special individuals. Whatever is done, or
attempted to be done, to bring them to justice, to
call them to account, or even to make inquiries into
the various circumstances connected with the affair,
all ends in the same result, and the favoured party
escapes all perils, and steers clear of all shoals and
quicksands. Such a description applies to the case
of Colonel CRAWLEY. The whole proceedings that
have taken place have been of a peculiar character,
and it would appear, from the remarks that have
been made, as if it was not only proven a mistaken
notion that anything was said to the disadvantage
of that officer, but as if it was really reprehensible
so to do. The same partiality, prejudice, or what-
ever the feeling, sentiment, or influence should be
called, seemed to pervade the love of the debate
on Friday evening in the House of Lords. It is
true that there was only one speech which bordered
on exaggeration, and that was the Earl of LoNG-
FORD'S. The noble lord seemed to be full of virtuous
indignation at the remarks that had been made, and
the steps taken by all who had been adverse to
Colonel CRAWLEY, and without hesitation he called
the offenders to account. The noble lord seemed to
forget that, allowing the innocence of the Colonel
respecting the charges brought against him, he had
committed acts of great imprudence, and showed a
very hasty temper, and harsh form of government
which are very reprehensible in holding so high a
positicn. :He concluded his remarks by calling
upon the Ministers to pay the expense of the court-
martial. The most inveterate partisans of the
Colonel have not hitherto gone so far as to say
that he is an h innocent man, who has been ex-
posed to very great expense by a public ab-
surdity." Also Lord LONGFORD went out of his
way to cast blame upon the Earl of SHAFTES-
BURY for the remarks which he made upon the
subject last year. The noble earl very properly
replied to the insinuations against him in a few
brief sentences, which completely vindicated the
course he had taken. The Duke of CAMBRIDGE
thought it necessary to make some explanations
with regard to Sir HUGH RosE, who, it seems, had
been hurt by the observations of his Royal High-
ness the Commander-in-Chief. It would seem that
the expression, "error of judgment," gav ereat
annoyance to Sir 11. ROSE, and also te
MANSFIELD. It really must appe:r to every Da-

partial observer that these wore are -very mil
phraseology in allusion to the af,eir.
officers treated the Mhow proceedings in a trope,
manner there would not have been any need for the
late court-martial at Aldershot, a much f nne.,-
ance would have been spared to m av partici; as it
is, the reinstatement of Captain IF ILES is 4 direct
proof of how things were misnu -.aged in Italia,
at any rate all the stir an' •eafusion that ',eve
arisen respecting the transactiui 'the— non-
strata that some faulty arrangennee took place,
and some injudicious systems prevailed. It is not
usual for an outcry to be raised concerning a spot so
far off, unless some very extraordinary and out of
the way occurrence takes place, and it would be a
little more just and consistent for the supporters of
Col. CRAWLEY to remember that to give grounds
for imputations on his conduct is a great mis-
take of an officer as well as a slur on his reputation.
The model of chivalry whom the knights of old
were proud to take as their model was not only
without fear, but without reproach, and it is in-
cumbent on all in high positions to be as careful of
their conduct to their inferiors ae to their superiors.
If legally acquitted according to military law, still,
in the opinion of dispassionate critics, Colonel
CRAWLEY has not proved himself to be a considerate
commander, or an officer who exercised tact, con-
ciliation, or magnanimity towards those under his
authority. The idea of the Government paying ail
expenses is preposterous, and it would be establish-
ing a sort of precedent which would produce very
unsatisfactory results. There is nothing to justify
such a proceeding, and the officers who lay them-
selves open to suspicion by such inconsiderate
conduct as that proved to have taken place with
regard to Sergeant LILLEY'S arrest, deserve to boar
the consequences of their acts, however incon-
venient or expensive they may be. Lord CIIELMS
FORD'S speech will doubtless tend to throw light on
the judicial arrangements of courts-martial, and
thus on a future occasion some of the awkward
mistakes and uncertain proceedings which took
place at Aldershott may be avoided. The sooner
all concerned in the matter make up their minds to
re-adjust the whole mechanism of courts-martial,
the better it will be for the interests of the service'
and the satisfaction of all connected with, remotely
or immediately. The complaints made have
been many and frequent, and surely the whole
of the recent proceedings both in India and at home
are an incontrovertible proof of the inefficacy and
insufficiency of these military tribunals. Explain
it away, break it up, or give what term they may

Had it

to the case, this affair of Colonel CRAWLEY'S has
been a most unsatisfactory one to all concerned, and
it will be wise as well as humane to prevent the
possibility of the recurrence of such an event in
any shape or form► in which it might hereafter take
place.

There is probably no question on which the
opinions of all classes of Englishmen are more
unanimous than the slave trade. All creeds, parties,
and ranks unite in regarding it with abhorrence,
and the final extinction of the nefarious traffic
has long been a favourite project among us. The
great and costly sacrifice by means of which
England, at the expense of the prosperity of many
of her own colonies, secured the freedom of all
" involuntary servants', within her own domi-
nions, is still fresh in the memory of this genera-
tion. The efforts which we have made ever since
that time, the lives of brave men, and the treasure
we have given for the same cause, have given us a
right to
inquire somewhat closely into the pro-
ceedings of other nations with regard to the African
traffic. The enormity is so groat, so inexcusable,
so contrary to every lesson of religion and civili-
sation that few States are willing to defend the
practice or openly to confess any participation in
its horrors. Sprcions pretexts and ingenious
devices are, however, never wanting when interest
wishes to silence principle, and e.c :._rdingly we
must reckon some of the European nations among
the most formidable opponents of our efforts to put
The corn of Spain in

down the chive trade,

LPliaity

the Cuban slave trade is openly notorious, and the
conduct of that Power with respect to it is most
dishonourable and unjust. Spain, it seems, can
repudiate her morel obligations as well as her finan-
cial liabilities, and the half million which we paid
to her many a long year since in consideration
of her consenting to treaties which she has
never attempted to fulfil, has as yet produced no
visible results. We waste every year time and
treasure, and what is worse the lives of gallant men
and officers in cruising on the fatal coast of Africa,
while all the time Spain is openly encouraging the
trade in defiance of all her engagements. How-
ever willing the Spanish Ministry may be to fufil
the terms of the contract entered into long ago,
they have almost insuperable difficulties to contend
against in the reluctance of the people to abandon
a regular source of profit. Remonstrance and
lenity have been tried long enough; it is now high
time that some more decisive steps were taken if
we hope to put an end to this cruel waste of human
life. Let our Government demand from Spain the
stoppage of the Cuban traffic, or else the immediate
repayment of the money advanced to her in consi-
deration of the unfulfilled treaties. Such an alter-
native if properly pressed and supported by the
appearance of an English fleet would do a good
deal more towards arresting the progress of the
slavers than any amount of vigilance on the African
coast. Our men might as well fall in action against
the Spaniards as succumb to the influence of the
deadly climate, and it would he doing far greater
and more effectual service to negroes to stop the
fountain head than to increase the horrors of the
passage by inducing the slavers to pack them closer
in order to avoid detection. It is satisfactory to
find from Lord PALMERSTON'S answer to Mr.
GATE on Friday night, that a good deal has
been done even as the matter now stands. It
is undoubtedly a matter of congratulation that the
Brazilian trade, which used to amount to 60,000 or
70,000 slaves a year, and which consequently—as
the noble lord justly remarked—implied the misery
of three times that number who fell victims to the
horrors of the journey, is now entirely at an end.
It is so far gratifying to know that the Cuban
trade has decreased from an annual importation of
20,000 to 6,000 or 7,000, but that is still an unsatis-
factory result of our great and continuous efferts.
We do not question the sincerity of the noble
Premier's assertions of his own earnest desire to
forward the good cause, but we fear that neither his
efforts nor those of any other Minister will suffice
to stop the traffic until some better terms are ex.
torte? from Spain. It is unfortunate that France,
who proposes to share our anxiety for the suppres •
sion of the slave trade, should be the only nation
which refuses to allow us the right of search. Such
an exception is peculiarly to be regretted, as the
affair of the free coolies was at least open to sus-
picion. The Federal Government thought it ad-
visable to stop that scheme and its abuses, and as
they employ cruisers on the African coast it would
be no more than consistent to allo re us the desired
privilege. Ia this respect President LINCOLN has
set a worthy example, agreeing to a treaty for a
mutual right of search, which has proved of great
assistance to the cruisers. The reduction in the
actual importation of slaves into Cuba is in-
deed mainly attributed to this treaty by

Lord PALMEP.STON. As a proof of the value
f such a privilege, Mr. CAVE mentioned a com-
ua le to Terri COWLEY at the close of 1862,
r _teed that e !earner had just left the
Atr t carrying i, Jslavesunder the French
Pad Luis recently been asserted, in a memorial
j,maica, thc` the slave trade is being carried
on in f:" -.:-7e::r; while our colonists at British
Guiana have addressed the Government o❑ the
lame topic, pointing out the obstacles in the way of
their trade, and asserting that they could, by the
help of immigrants, compete with slavery, but not
with the slave trade. From the papers now laid
before Parliament, we learn that slaves are so valu-
able, that on one occasion the owners of a slave ship
paid £12,000 as hush money to Spanish officials for
a cargo of 490. It is also said that, owing to the
plan of landing the slaves on the small rocky islets
which fringe the Cuban coasts, and smuggling
them in small detachments up the country, it is
impossible to calculate exactly the number landed.
If this be the case, we have less cause to be satisfied
with the apparent diminution in the number of
slaves, and mast certainly try some other method
dian that of watching the African coasts. The
Spanish Government, according to Lord PALMER-
STON'S own admission, throw every obstacle in the
way of really useful measures; and, however great
the earnestness and sincerity of the noble lord's
endeavours, it is manifest that they have little
chance of success as affairs are at present. It is
useless to rely on the professions or promises of
Spain ; it is better to regard her as an open enemy
in this matter, for a long course of years has proved
her to be that most dangerous of foes—a pretended
friend.