The Sun.
London, England, 1855-12-29 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBEB. 29, 1855.

of the Lodgers, which finishes with " Confusion worse con-
! founded."

THE • WEST END AND THE CITY.
Scott's Tavern, Haymarket, and Samuel Brothers, Ludgate-
hill—Measures and men—Hits and Skits at Everything and
Everything—lnns and Outs— Shoe-black Brigade —A Polished
Gentleman—Comic Duet between the Clown and a Blacking-
Bottle —Howlett's Hair Dye—A Dyer's Material—A Dire Art
for Falsehood framed— Coloured Imitations—The Sydenharu
Trousers—Height of Fashion—Genuine Malt and Hops—All-
sopp's Pale Ale—The East and the West—Scott's Lot, and A
Race fur Public Favour.

NUMBER ONE, LONDON.
A Visit to Dakin's Tea Establishment, St. Paul's—" In to
spes est"—Bohemians and Teetotallers—Groat D►:awing Mate-
rials —The Magic Chest and the Enchanted Teapot—Clown
gets Tea in it, and Pantaloon gets into Hot Water in conse-
quence—Omnibus Companies on the Old System and the Now
System, and the System that don't assist 'em—Strong Opposi-
tion, and final discovery of the " Right Men in their Right
Places"—Whack, bang, flip-flap, hey, presto, and Change to
" LAST SCENE OF ALL that ends this straw() eventful

History."
Doors open at Half-past Six, and commence at Seven.

PUBLICATIONS.

NEW NOVEL.
Now ready; In 2 vols., post Bvo., 215.,

A UR A G A• Y.
A NOVEL.
•
Burst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to Henry Colburn, 13,
Great Marlborough-street.

C 0 LBURN'S UNITED SERVICE
MAGAZINE, and NAVAL and MILITARY JOURNAL. for
JANUARY, contains :—The War in the East, and Close of the Cam-
paign—The Two Princes and the Guards' Memorial, with Verbatim
Copy of the Memorial—The Report on the Hango Massacre—On the
Ignition of Gunpowder in Ordnance Charges, with diagrams—Social
Life at Peru since the Western Invasion—The Leg of Use Pet, or
-hips versus Batteries—Sir Howard Douglas and Military Savings
Banks —Mr. Cobden on Enlistment —The Use of Geldings for Cavalry
—Sketches of Mercenaries—The Retiring Quartermaster-General--
The Lifeboat and Shipwrecks —Notes on Military Science—Naval
and Military Operations of the Month-;411 the Despatches, Gazettes,
Promotions, &c.
Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to Henry Colburn, 13,
Great Marlborough street.

Tits day is published, in Two Irol4. post Bvo., with numerous
Illustrations, 215.,

LIVES OF BRITISH GENERALS
Distinguished during the Great Peninsular War.

liy J. W. COLE, M.P., 21st Fusiliers.
London : Richard Bentley, Publisher in Ordinary to her Majesty.

BENTLEY'S MISCELLANY,
Price Ilalf•a-Crown,
For JANUARY, contains What we are All About Present
Aspect of Affairs in Relation to the War—The Spendthrift. By W.
Harrison Ainsworth, Esq.—How we went to see the Militia Re-
viewed—The Dockyard Warrants. A Tale of the Times. By Dudley
Costello—Damascus and its Neighbourhood.—The Man in the White
Hat. A Sketoh from Railway Ufa. By a Season Ticket—False-
hoods and Realities of the War—Bow I Grew into an Old Maid—
Lewes's Life and Works of Goethe. By Monkshood. & c., &c.
London : Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street.

This day is published,
PALMERSTON'S LAST JOKE ; or, the New
Pension Warrants Considered. A Bolt forged by Vulcan.
Price Is. ; or sent by post on receipt of thirteen stamps.
London : Edward Stanford, 6, Chiring-cros.t.
The profits derived from the sale of this pamphlet will be given to
the Officers' Widow and Orphan Permanent Fund.

THE GIPSY and the POSTMAN'S KNOCK
QUADRILLES. By STEPHEN GLOVER.. Piano solo, 38.;
Ducts, 48. each.

" These brilliant, lively, animating, soul-stirring airs will continue
to give wings to the feet throughout the season."

THE POSTMAN'S KNOCK. New Song.
By W. T. WRIGHT° Y. Finely Illustrated in colours. 2s. 6d.
" What a wonderful man the postman Is."
London : Robert Cocks and Co.. New Burlington-street ; and of all
Bluslcsellers.

GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.—The
Directors hereby Give Notice that they will receive Money
on Loan, to pay off Debentures falling due,and are prepared to accept
Tenders ter the same for a period of 3,5, or 7 years. at 5 per cent.
per annum. Application may be made to the undersigned.
By order of the Directors.
CHAS. A. SAUNDERS, Secretary.
Paddington Station, 2d November, 1855.

MEXICAN AND SOUTH AMERICAN
COMPANY.

The TWENTY-FIRST DIVIDENi) of seven shillings and six-
pence per share on the shares of this C•inpany, free of income tax,
will be paid on or after the 19th January, between the hours at
eleven and three.

Forms for claiming the Dividend may be obtained by the share-
holders on application at the office.

HYDE CLARICE, Secretary.
7, Gracechurch-street, 12th December, 1855.

EAST and WEST INDIA DOCK COMPANY.
—Tho Court of Directors of the East and West India Dock
Company hereby give Notice, that a Ilalf•Yearly Court or General
Meeting of the said Company will be held, pursuant to the directions
of the Act Ist and 2d William IV., cap. 52, at the Dock House, No.
8, Eilliter-square, on FRIDAY, the 11th January next, at which
Nfeeting a Dividend will be declared on the Capital Stock of the
Company for the Half-year ending the 31st instant.
By Order of the Court:

GEORGE COLLIN, Secretary.
East and West India Dock House.
No. 6, Biiliter-square, Dec. 31st, 1855.
N.B.—The Chair will be tsken at Two o'clock precisely.

ARGYLL ROOMS.-LAIIRENT'S CASINO
NOW OPEN for the winter season. Principal Cornet
a Piston, M. Boulcourt.—Doors open at 8. Admission One Shilling.
Laurent's new Varsoviana every night.

CHRISTMAS HOLlDAYS.—Unrivalled
Attractions at the ROYAL PA N OPTICON, including a New
Diorama. Lectures on Natural Magic and Chemistry for the
Young, a Christmas Musical Melange, Luminous Fountain, &c.. &c.
Hours of Exhibition, 11.30 to 2,3 to 5.30, and 7to 10. Admission,
One Shilling. Schools and Chlldron, half-price. Stalls, 2s.

EVENING CLASSES.-CROSBY HALL,
32, Rishopsgate-street Within. LENT TER3f will com-
mence on WEDNESDAY, Jan. 2d. The fee for each class is 3s. per
term. A. subscription of 14s. per year, or 4s. per quarter, entitles
the subscriber to the use of the Reading Room and Library at Crosby
Hall, and also to attend any one Class each term.
Prospectuses, with lists of classes, &c., may he had at the Library.
CHAS. MACKENZIE, A.M , Hon. Soc.

THE SCARBRO' HOTEL, LEEDS,
CLOSE TO THE MIDLAND RAILWAY STATION.
B. FLEISCHMANN, having renewed the
jo Lease, and considerably enlarged his Hotel, in soliciting
future favours and gratefully acknowledging the distinguished
patronage he has the honour to possess, begs to announce that, in
addition to his Family and Coffee-room business, he has opened a
SECOND-CLASS COFFEE-ROOM, the charges in which depart-
ment will be strictly commercial. •

PURSUANT to a Decree of the High Court of
Chancery, made in the cause, Edwin Willoughby and others
against James Sanders and another, the creditors of WILLIAM
SORRELL, and also the creditors of HARRIET ANN HARRISON
SORRELL, are, by their Solicitors, on or before the 21st day of
Janu.try, 1856, to come in and prove their debts or claims, at the
Chambers of the Vice-Chancellor Sir Richard Torin Kindersley, No.
3, Stone•buildings, Lincoln's•inn, Middlesex ; or, in default thereof,
they will be peremptorily excluded from the benefit of the said
Decree.

Friday, the 25th day of January, 185 G, at Three o'clock in the
afternoon, at the said Chambers, is appointed for hearing and adjudi-
cating upon the Claims.._

The above-named William Sorrel was a schoolmaster, and resided
in Marsa•street, Walthamstow, in tho county of Essex, where he
carried on a school, and died in the mouth of October, 1845. and
after his death his widow, the said Harriet Ann Harrison Sorrell con-
tinued to carry on such school until the tiu►e of her death, which
happened in the month of June, 1846.
CHAS. PUGH, Chief Clerk.
Further information may be obtained of Mr. Hughes, No. 10,
Chapel-street, Bedford-row, London, plaintiff's solicitor.

XAST INDIA HOUSE, 28rir Durtraza, 1855.
THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the EAST
INDIA COMPANY do hereby plve Notice; that the Rate of
Exchange at which they will receive C.sh for Bills on Bengal and
Madras will, from the present date, and until further notice, be 2s. Od.
the Company's Rupee, and for Bills on-Bombay 2s. Old. the Com-
pany's Rupee.

T. D. DICKINSON, Deputy Secretary.

Spirit of the Public Journals.

(From the nsnes of this day.)
Just as we are conclalling the year 1855 we aro
presented with a blue-book giving us detailed in-
formation as to our trade and navigation in the
year 1854. In that year, the first of what we are
told to considera ruinous and disastrous war—in a
year during which we were repeatedly warned by
Mr. Bright that distress and disorder were spread-
ing themselves through our commerce and our ma-
nufactures, we have the satisfaction of knowing
that our trade obtained a magnitude and develop-
ment never known before. The real value of our
imports during 1854 amounted to 152,500,0001.,
while our exports during this same year amounted
to nearly 116,000,0001. If we take the official in-
stead of the real value of our imports, for the sake
of comparison, we shall find that in 1850 they
amounted to 100,469,000/. ; and in 1851 to
110,285,0001. ; in 1852 to 109,331,0001. ; in 1853
to 123,000,000/. ; and in 1854 to 124,338,0001.,
giving an increase of 24 per cent, in four years, a
progress unexampled in the annals of peace or war.
The value of the goods imported from foreign coun-
tries in 1854 was 94,000,0001., and the value of
manufactures and produce of the British isles ex-
ported during the same period to foreign countries
was 97,000,0001. There is every reason to believe
that the prosperity of the present year equals, if
it does not surpass, the pros ''city of 1854, and
that the deeper we have plungeU into war the more
extended have been our commercial transactions.
We have, in very truth, called a new world into
existence. The vast sums which we have expended
in maintaining and provisioning our armies have
not been swallowed up in the earth nor whelmed in
the depths of the ocean. They have been scattered
among a population which till now has lacked a
market for its produc and capital to stimulate its
production. They have infused a spirit of enter-
prise and activity throughout the East, and are
destined, in no long time, to wean herpeoples from
their hereditary listlessness and rapine, and to
teach them the golden secret of industry, progress,
J.nd order. Our manufactures are penetrating to
regions which they never reached before, and mar-
kets are opening themselves to us of which a little
while ago wo did not dream. Never did unproduc-
tive expenditure trench so nearly on productive
expenditure as that which we have recently made
in the East. The money has been spent not with a
:ornmercial but with a political object, and it seems
likely that with a little patience and energy we
'nay realise the former as completely as the latter.
Never, we apprehend, was it heard of before that a
nation was able to carry on a great war and at the
name time continue to derive almost all the advan-
tages of peace. But so solid is our commercial po-
sition, so favourable to us have been the condi-
tions under which the conflict was carried on, that
.ve seem for once to have conciliated contradictions
mend to be husbanding at the very time we are
squandering our resources. Wages are high, prices
tre well maintained, trade is brisk. The great de-
itruction of capital, mistaken, by superficial ob-
servers, for a deficiency of the circulating medium,
does indeed embarrass those who have speculated
beyond their depth, and check the outbreak of
future speculation ; hub it is not in the state of the
mxchanges nor in the rate of discount that we shall
Lind the test of commercial prosperity, but rather
in the magnitude of our dealings and the profit
which those dealings yield us.
If we turn from the astonishing results which
these figures disclose, we shall indeed be struck by
the contrast. From the northern ports of Russia
during the year 1854 we imported 1,299,0001.,
and from the southern ports 2,952,000/.—in all
something more than 4,000,000/. War was not
proclaimed till the 27th of March, and, as English
merchants were naturally anxious to obtain such
payments as they could from a country with which
their transactions were about to close, the exports
for these three months were fully up to the average,
but the imports by sea during the same period
were only 55,0001., showing clearly enough how
greatly the petensesing power of Russia was im-
paired by the very menace and prospect of war.
Of course, as to the efficiency of our blockade these
returns can tell us nothing, for from the time the
blockade was proclaimed there would be no clear-
ances in our ports for Russia, and it is from clear-
ances that such reports as those we are considering
are compiled. But we may easily imagine what
must have been the pressure, even during the last
nine months of 1854, occasioned by the sudden
stop put to the export and import trade of so vast
an empire—the first amounting ordinarily to
13,000,0001., and the second in the first three
months of 1854 to upwards of 4,000,0001. What a
revulsion—what stagnation—what misery—what
despair must have ensued, we may faintly guess
from what is felt here if any temporary cause ob-
structs the development of our commerce or cheeks
our transactions even in the remotest corner of the
globe. Russian commerce is not indeed wholly
destroyed, for, thanks to the aid of her fond and
faithful Prussia, she can still export articles of the
smallest bulk and receive in exchange articles of
the first necessity. But this can only be done
at a terrible enhancement of price—that is, at a
terrible amount of want and misery. Of the in-
fluence of high prices in restricting the demand we
have just had at home a signal example in the case
of sugar. It was apprehended that the stocks of
sugar were likely to fall short. The result was a
competition among buyers and an enhancement of
price. The apprehension was of short duration. It
was found that the increase of price had so effec-
tually limited the demand that the stocks of sugar
would be amply sufficient, and thus the apprehen-
sion
of failure had prevented the possibility of
failure itself. Even so it must have been with
Russia. The vast enhancement of the price of
whatever was not to be Rroduced within her gloomy
dominions must have enforced upon her popula-
tion a degree of abstinence and self-denial which,
except with reference to the end in view—the
maintenance of the pence and security of the world
—it is painful to contemplate. We know not—
probably we shall never know—the scenes of misery
which aro even now passing in the midst of those
dreary solitudes, or to -chat extraordinary expe-
dients the Government of the would-be conqueror
of the world is driven to supply itself with the
most ordinary applianees for the conduct of the
war it has provoked. We could wish that when the
Czar is to deliver his answer to the proposals of
the Western Powers he would spread before him
the returns of the Board of Trade, and seriously
meditate with what prospect of success a country
in the commercial position of Russia can persevere
in war with a country in the commercial position
of England.

(Front the Daily News of this day.)

We publish to-day, a translation of a pamphlet
advocating an European Congress as the best means
of restoring peace, which appears to have fluttered
all the quidnuncs of Paris. It has been attributed
to "high inspiration." M. Drouyn de l'Huys, M.
Walewski, M. Guizot, the Emperor himself, have
all been hinted at as having had a finger in the pie.
Were we disposed to attribute this publication to
any author, more or less influential, we should
rather guess at M. Sylvestre do Sacy as the pen-
holder, and a certain meddling Princess as the,
" high inspiration," than any of the parties who
have been Its leanings are Russian, and
its language that of a writer familiar with the ge-
neral tone of the journals of Western Europe. But
we vehemently suspect that it will ultimately turn
out that it is the production of some nameless
pamphleteer, and that all this guessing at authors
is a mere trick of the trade played off by a puffing
publisher.
The panacea for the hostilities under which Eu-
rope is labouring, recommended in the pamphlet,
is a General Congress—that is, a Congress of Eu-
ropean Sovereigns. Now, frankly speaking, Europe
has already had more than enough of such Con-
gresses. They have each and all of them proved
to be nothing more than conspiracies of Kings
against their subjects, in which the great Powers
sought at the same time to trick the small ones.
Their adjustments of the affairs of Europe have
proved sad rioketty and ephemeral affairs : men
are sick of the very name, and want to hear no
more of them.

Who aro to compose the Congress ? By what
process are they to bring their deliberations to a
practical decision? Are all the Sovereigns of Europe
to be represented in it ? Is each b have ono vote,
or is this privilege to be reserved for the leading
Powers, while batches of the minors club together
to make up ono vote ? Or are all to have a multi-
plicity of votes, the number allotted to each being
iu proportion to that of their subjects, as is the case
with the slaveholding States in the North Ameri-
can Union ; or in proportion to their wealth, real

or presumed, as is the case in some of our own ves-
tries and joint-stock companies? Are the mem-
bers of the Congress to be bound by the vote of a
simple majority ; or is an absolute majorkty to be
required ?
Two things are certain : That any decision on
European affairs arrived at by such a Congress, to
which England is not a party, will be a mere
empty form of words ; and that the English people
will not allow their Government to bind itself by
the decisions of such a Congress. There are five
Governments engaged in the war : Russia on the
one side ; France; Englaed Sardinia-, and Turkey
on the other. Three of those are first-class
Powers ; two secondary ; let us assume that Eng-
land, France, and Russia are each to have
one vote ; Sardinia and Turkey one between
them. Again, Austria and Prussia, as first-elass
Powers, will lay claim to one vote each ; and
the Scandinavian States, Holland, Belgium, the
Italian States (Sardinia excepted), Switzerland,
and all the petty Kings and Grand Dukes of Ger-
many, will be for having aliquot parts of votes.
Austria and Prussia, there can be no doubt, would
take part with Russia on all questions of moment.
There would, therefore, be three votes on the side
of national independence against three votes on
the side of usurping and aggressive Russia ; and the
equally balanced scale would be turned by the com-
posite votes of the remaining Powers—most of
whom are hopelessly subjected to Russian influence.
Any English Minister who should propose that
England should consent to hold itself bound by the
decisions of a tribunal so composed, would have
to bide the brunt of a storm of popular indignation
and execration compared with which that which
broke over the devoted head of poor Lord John
Russell when he returned from Vienna was a gen-
tle, caressing breeze.
•
England's accession to the projected Congress is
out of the question. That France, Sardinia, or
Turkey could be brought to acquiesce in it appears
to be beyond the range of possibility. For Turkey
to do so would be to sign her own sentence of era-
sure from the list of nations. For Sardinia to do so
would be to deliver herself up, bound hand and
foot, to the tender mercies of Austria and the
Court of Rome. For the Emperor of the French
to do so would be to seek, like his uncle, to be
adopted into the brotherhood of the old " legiti-
mate" despotisms ; and, like his uncle, to be be-
trayed and trampled down by them on the first
convenient opportunity. But even suppose these
our allies were to be over-persuaded to leave us in
the lurch, and take part with this precious Congress.
England's position would not be thereby altered
for the worse in the slightest degree. England has
entered into the war for the purpose of asserting
the independence and integrity of the Ottoman
empire. The ohject of England in commencing
the struggle, was not only to rescue Turkey from
the grasp of Russia, but to establish, as a recog-
nised principle of the European law of nations,
that henceforth no European state shall be allowed
to exercise sovereign rights within the territory of
another, or to deprive another of part of its terri-
tory by unprovoked armed aggression. To obtain
the recognition of this principle England has been
under the necessity of recognising the status quo of
European Governments as legitimate. She has
been obliged to act in concert—not only with the
French'people, with whom her cordial alliance is in-
dissoluble—but with a French ruler, whose means
of attaining to empire, and whose domestic policy
since he attained to it, she cannot approve ; and
she has been obliged to keep on terms of civility
with the indescribable Government of Austria.
The accession of her present allies to the pro-
jected Congress would relieve England from the
entanglement of such connexions. Isolated from

the monarchs of Europe, she would regain the con-
fidence of all classes of Liberals throughout Europe.
Our principle of action is to make the most on all
occasions of existing circumaances, with a view to
promote the great cause of liberty and progressive
improvement. To this end we have from the be-
ginning earnestly and unwaveringly supported the
policy which the public opinion of England forced
on her rulers with regard to the present war. We
are still prepared resolutely and loyally to pursue
the same course as long as our Allies continue to
co-operate with us in good faith. But if they fail
us the policy of England must be adapted to the
altered circumstances in which she will then be
placed ; and in advocating the adoption of t bolder,
more uncompromibilig, and 'um° indepeud(ut libe-
ral policy by our rulers we are confident that we
shall have the approbation and support of the peo-
ple of England. We dream not of a war carried
on by the banded Powers of Europe against us ;
the boldest and most inveterate of them will shrink

from the idea of assailing England. But we know
that any combination of the European Powers from
which England shall stand aloof will accelerate the

struggle between them and their subjects—which
must come some day—and will relieve England
from the painful necessity of winking at, and ap-
pearing to sanction their oppressions.

(Prom Galignard's Messenger of this day.)

The pamphlet, a translation of which appeared
in our impression of yesterday, entitled "The
Necessity of a Congress for the Pacification of
Europe," has excited considerable interest in the
public mind, and forms consequently the subject
of comment on the part of the Paris press. On an
examination of the effect created ou the latter by
the publication in question, we are of opinion that
its first importance has been exaggerated, and
that its inspiration must not be attributed with
any degree of certainty to the source currently
asserted. This conclusion wo have not hastily
adopted, for at the first glance a certain amount
of ill-feeling would appear to have been excited in
that portion of the Paris press
_which was not
favoured with an early copy of the pamphlet, and
which in consequence depreciates its importance.
Thus the Debats and the Siecle, which were more
fortunate, loudly acclaim its consequence, whilst
the Union and others express themselves in terms
directly contrary. We are inclined to believe
that the importance of the document in ques-
tion has really been exaggerated from the atti-
tude assumed by the Constitutionnel and the
Pays, both of which journals enjoy the reputation
of being semi-official. Now the Constitutionnel
not only refrains from commenting on its con-
tents, but forbears reproducing them, and even
abstains from making the slightest allusion to the
subject. The Pays does publish the entire docu-
ment, but accompanies it with comments which are
far from partaking of a favourable character. It
must, moreover, be stated that in general this
pamphlet has excited dissatisfaction, and that the
measures it proposes, though cloaked in able lan-
guage, are considered more Utopian than states-
manlike. The facilities it prepares for Russia aro
undeniable, but we fear that the susceptibilities
and interest of an enemy have been more seriously
consulted than those of an ally.
. We translate the following passages from the
article of the Pays :--
"A pamphlet has appeared, which, according to two
journals, is destined to produce a deep sensation in the
political world, and which, it is asserted by one of them,
may be considered as inspired by high influences. .We
do not know, nor shall we seek to ascertain here, the
high influences to which allthion is thus made. In our
eyes, this document, written by an anonymous states.
man, remains a private work, and as long as the ideas it
propounds be not translated into official propositions
emanating from the Governments interested, we shall be
permitted to believe that it expresses only the inspirations
of its author. The latter is convinced that the solemn
judgment of the European nations, constituted in a
species of grand pacific tribune, is a most honourable
and easy method of terminating the differences which
exist between Russia and other States. He unites,
moreover, that thought to the idea of the unity and fra-
ternity of nations, which, in passing, savours of St.
Simonisin, and lie sees in its accomplishment the end
of human wars, and the inauguration of the reign of
universal peace. We will not deny that this proposition
is grand and generous. We are of those who de-
sire to see the substitution of sanguinary wars by in-
ternational arbitrations. We even believe that con-
gresses are the best means of regulating the quarrels
of States and of re-establishing the equilibrium of so-
ciety. But it may be permitted to doubt if the propitious
hour has arrived to have recourse to this pacific system.
Has the author well examined the real position of Europe
and that of the belligerent parties Is a congress pos-
sible, when a basis of peace has not been decided on
with Russia ? Where would the deliberations com-
mence ? On the Austrian propositions ! But then it
must be ascertained if the Czar has accepted them as a
preliminary to negotiations. A congress naturally
suggests an armistice. Is an armistice possible if
Russia does not adhere to our demands ? If she
adheres, of what advantage can be a congress ? It
is true that the author enlarges his views on this point,
and speaks of no less than of reconstructing the Euro-
pean equilibrium on a new base. But is Europe pre-
pared for this reconstruction ! Is she disposed to accept
it ? Is it certain that Germany—even our ally, Austria
—above all, is it certain that Russia, which hesitates at
the simple neutralisation of the Black Sea, would agree
to an establishment of a new European equilibrium
Again on this !mint, where would the deliberations cont.
mence ? Beyond the Eastern question where is the equili-
brium disturbed, and where is it to be re-established ?
These are grave ;questions and arduous problems, of
which the solution and even the discussion appear to us