The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—To-day the answers of the belligerent
Powers to the hot proposition of the neutrals will be
presented to the Conference, and we shall learn whe-
ther the present week is to end the armistice and
leave the decision of everything to the chances of
war, or is to see the beginning of a new treatment
of the question entered upon with somewhat better
hopes of success. Of the more favourable result there
is, however, we are sorry to say, little expectation.
The neutral Powers —England, France, Russia, and
Sweden—have supported the scheme of arbitration.
They consider that a question like this, involving
the race, nationality, and language of a mixed pool-
lation, may be advantageously settled by an able
Sovereign and his Ministers, founding their judg-
ment on the evidence laid before them as to the dis-
tricts inhabited respectively by German and Dane.
They consider that only by such a course can the
honour of both parties be saved, inasmuch as each
has declared for a frontier which the other refuses,
and neither will give way in direct negotiation.
The choice of an arbitrator would be a matter for
after consideration. There are not wanting Sove-
reigns in Europe well qualified both by character
and known impartiality for the office. The King of
Italy or the King of Holland would execute the task
with perfect good faith. No doubt the neutral Go-
vernments, feeling that in the acceptance of this pro-
posal lies the last hope of peace, have urged it with
sufficient importunity on the parties to the dispute,
but there is unfortunately little hope that they will
prevail. Of the three belligerents Austria alone,
we believe, has shown any disposition to accept it.
The Court of Vienna is far wiser and far less enthu-
siastiz than any other ruling power in Germany. It
knows how unstable is the position of the Empire,
how contradictory to its own principles is a war for
nationality, how dangerous may be the precedent
of a plebiscite, how little to its own interest it is to
aggrandize the Prussian power, or to give the minor
States a preponderance in German counsels. It
knows that the continuance of war may bring upon
itself and the delicate fabric of Austrian dominion
dangers which have been hitherto evaded only by
a most skilful policy. It knows that France must
be waiting for an opportunity to carry out its tra-
ditional designs, that Italy is ready for a spring,
that everywhere the chance of the Empire being
involved in war rouses the highest hope of the
refugee; that, in short, the whole world is looking
on with expectation of some great result from the
imprudence of a State whose most fitting maxim is
not to move that which is at peace. But these views
are peculiar to Austria. Neither of the other two
belligerents seems to look upon the scheme of arbi-
tration as one that it would be possible to accept.
The Prussians consider themselves to have posses-
sion of Schleswig by conquest, and will not enter-
tain the notion of withdrawing their troops at the
bidding of a referee, however able and impartial.
They think that with a little firmness everything
they have sought for many years may be gained.
England, they fancy, will after some sullenness
accept the annexation of Schleswig to germany as
an accomplished and irrevocable political change.
-Without having that low idea of the courage and
enterprise of this countrEwhich the majority of the
Prussians now affect to entertain, the Berlin Go-
vernment really believe that the Danish question is
not sufficiently important to this country for us to
endanger our position by entering on its recount
alone into a war against the whole of Germany.
Why, then, should they accept arbitration if by
merely holding what they have already conquered
they can separate the whole of Schleswig from the
Danish Kingdom ? As soon as the Conference comes
to an end, they can declare the two Duchies inde-
pendent, and inform England that their assent to
the scheme of dividing the Northern Duchy is
retracted as not having been accepted by the oppo-
site party. These reasons have so far influenced the
counsels of the Prussian Court and Ministry that an
unofficial refusal of the scheme of arbitration has,
we believe, been already given by Prussia, and,
unless other opinions have since prevailed at Berlin,
it will, no doubt, be formally repeated at the Con-
ference to-day. Equally resolute is Denmark to
maintain its rights in Schleswig, and only to yield
possession of the country to force. The Copenhagen
Government and people, the Danish party in &hies,
wig, and even the plundered farmers and towns-
people of Jutland believe that they see in war a
chance of gaining better terms than if they accepted
an arbitration which might cut off from them half
of the Duchy. Not only does Denmark object to
the arbitration, but it sees with impatience the
duration of the armistice. There is, we believe, no
question of a further prolongation, and this is
chiefly owing to the resolution of the invaded State.
The Ciermans would gladly let tae armistice last a
month, or even three months longer, for while they
negotiate they occupy and Germanize; while they,
discuss frontiers they are actively engaged in mak-
any frontier but that of Jutland unlikely to be
chosen by causing it to appear that the inhabitants
are in every part, and by a great majority, elisions
for a union with the Confederation. But for these
very s +me reasons, among others, Denmark desires
that matters may be brought to an issue as soon as
possible. If the Duchies are held three months
longer, until the Daniell element is crushed oat,
until the whole is converted to the doctrine that an
independent dukedom is necessary to their happi-
ness, Schleswig may he considered lost to Denmark.
There is no knowing what effect such a transfer of
allegiance might have on populations which are now
atanchest in tne.ir attachment to the Throne. No-
thing, then, they thin::: remains for Denmark but
to fight as soon as possible, if it be once allowed
are the people
that war must begin again. The;:e
be admitted
with whom we have to deal, and it
that there is little chance of bringing :hem to
terms. The violence and treachery of Pre:ssia
have long convinced the Danes, as they haasq
now convinced England; that there can be no
safety in any negotiation carried on with the
Cabinet of Berlin. M. von Bismark is so ambi-
tious, so unscrupulous ; his influence over the
King is so great ; and war leads so readily to the
improvement of his position with the people he has
so grossly misgoverned, that we can scarcely hope
he will yield to any considerations of justice or
humanity which we can present to him. This

country can only expect a change in his counsels by
making it appear to his own State and to Germany
at large how great are the dangbrs to which they
exposed themselves. There is, indeed, no section of

the Confederation which has not something to lose
by a policy which places them in opposition to Eng-
land. Austria, the least guilty, would perhaps
suffer the most, as her discontented provinces may
be either reached or affected by a fleet acting in the
Adriatic, while her North Sea squadron would be
destroyed or driven into some neutral port. The
movement Germany consequent on a war might
lead to risings against the minor Princes, and in
fay onr of national unity, if even that unity had to
be placed under the protection of the French Em-
peror. As to Prussia, if France remained friendly
and neutral,the price demanded would be one which

every German would shrink from paying in patriotic
horror. We have not much hope that anything

which can now be said will influence the reckless

Government of Prussia, but it may be assured that

the renewal of this war will be a calamitous era to
itself and to most of the German States.
POST.—The mcrc fact of the Lord Chancellor
being the intr6Jucer of a bill purporting in any re.
spect to reform the ez:.'.Bting law is in itself a con-
clusive proof that the brat,.
ch of law affected by the
measure stands in need of mo....lification. No law
reformer of the present, or indeed, wt, might say, of
any past time, has effected so many unquezZi°Labl...°
good alterations in our system of jurisprudence, and
in its mode of administration, as Lord Westbury.
Although when at the bar known solely as an
eminent equity lawyer, no sooner did he become

invested with legislative functions than he applied
himself with vigour and industry to the reformation
of many of the more glaring abuses which for cen-
turies had passed equally unobserved and mare.
dressed in every department of our legal system.
When in the House of Commons be found time for
the creation of an entirely new law of bankruptcy,
and embodied his views in an elaborately-devised
and most comprehensive statute, which will long
excite the envy and the admiration of future gene-
rations of law reformers. Since his elevation to the
its
even
to he hac ventured on a task which, fromen
immensity, might well have seemed hopeless
to the most sanguine—we mean the condensationhaoaf
the statute law; and already some Progress
been made in that great work. The last vestiges
ao
tf tthhaet cruelhands o
lawf
his
creditor made
tthe debtor
punishment
more severe than that apportioned by the Legisla9
ture to the commission of crime have not escaped
Lord Westbury's notice, and will doubtless ere long
be swept away by enactments not indistinctly
shadowed forth by those measures which he has
already added to ;,he statute roll, Within the
present session he has, as the public are aware, in-
troduced a bill calculated to remodel in many im-
portant particulars the administration of justice
in county courts, and to abolish, so far as is
possible by legislative enactment, the scandalous
practice now rife in our superior courts of bringing
speculative actions with no other object than that
of compelling the defeated litigant to pay a lawyer's
bill. There are many other measures, and notably
those effecting a consolidation of a large portion of
the criminal law, with which the name of the pre.
sent Lord Chancellor will always be honoarably
associated,but which it is needless more particularly
to specify, Lord Westbury has been unwearying
in the fulfilment of those duties which, though by
far the most important pertaining to the high office
which he fills, are for the most part entirely
neglected by those who take their seat upon the
woolsack. Not contented with those important