The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-10 00:00:00

eets(-.1
proxies attempts to save its credit by making oat that
ttough, as appears by its own pines. Lord Drrby had
s• s • •'• • ' • ' • he, ling
resealed teet etssne ed sole westieseet tor the latter
• .
iseecinent being oil L t ::neech. this
aessicee which eve, at the time, read in a- dienaetrie
g
°ally opposite sense. Again, here is Lord Rednor;
who always pushes things to extremes, assertin that
tbe new Miniiitiza will be " the meanest of "mere and the
most profligate of statesmen," unless they make a fight
for a corn-law; which merely means that he wants them
to do so, and will pique them to it, if he can. Now,
when your worst enemy wants you to do a thing, it is
time to doubt whether it is for your advantage. At the
present moment nothing will give more annoyance to
the rather factious noblemen and gentlemen now goading
the Conservatives to their ruin, than that the agricul-
turists and other interests lately exposed to the operation
of free trade should release their representatives from
their pledges, and leave them as free and open as possi-
ble. Those representatives may then do something, as
they undoubtedly will, if they can; but, if they enter
Parliament' all • ticketed with pledges, they will simply
stand as targets for the fire of the Opposition, without
DAILY NE
being able to use their own arms self-defence.
Upwards of 7,000 workmen, it WS.—The stragigle betwen the en-
gineers and their employers,
the terms offered by the i t seems
appears, drawing
blaavr to
e Nae accepted
we olonse.
:ere; and .
confession that already sommbeaaesee,boool. of
b theedfurstbor
the Amalgamated Society
contest attests the rapid exhaustion e e been
of
absorbed b
carrying on the war. No other result could be expected.
The laws of society, if allowed free meanys fore
the long run be more than seetertfien, will ever in
for the artificial
combinations which selfishness or benevolence
de-
vise to control them. Free trade—that
t may
re, the natural
order of things,—spontaneously developing itself in
entire freedom, here as everywhere else,
win the victory. The Amalgamated Society
.1" sought
is sure to
to interfere with' the natural course of the world,
and will be beaten; for it has long been obvious that
it is no emancipating move; no vindication of the
liberty of the workman against tyrannical and selfish
restrictions imposed on his time and labour. by the
cupidity of his employer. On the contrary, it has
distinctly aimed at founding a new constitution of the
commercial world; it has tried to supersede nature by
arrangements framed to secure special advantages for a
particular class upon strict principles of protection; and
nature has proved too strong for it. The same fate
would have attended similar conduct on the part of the
masters. Artificial schemes, however skilfully planned,
for depressing wages below the natural level of their
market value, are equally certain to fail. If the labour
of the operative is in demand, the eagerness of masters
to obtain possession of it will break down every resolu-
tion to keep down his remuneration at a theoretical
price. When trade is good and hands are scarce, wages
must and will rise, whatever edicts may have been pre-
viously fulminated on the contrary. In all these mat-
ters there is only one danger to be apprehended—the
interposition of impediments to the most complete
freedom of action. That freedom alone is the
guarantee for justice to both parties: the sole pledge
that each shall obtain that portion of the profit which
fairly belongs to him under the actual circumstances of
trade. Protection, whether of workman or master, is
the child of covetousness aed the parent of injustice ;
and by a righteous law of Providence, commonly works
as much injury to those in whose behalf it is set up as to
those agalast whom it is levelled. This law has received
an illustration in the present contest which is much to be
regretted. The masters, in taking back their men, have
required them to sign a pledge that they would not be-
long to any kind of trades union. We are not prepared
to assert that under the actual circumstances of the
struggle the demand of such a security could
be avoided,
yet neither are we convinced of its imperative erati •
stet workmen are returning to the shepfnbecavensentereyseity.
are
the losers in the fight: the loss and suffering they have
suaained are the beet guarantees against a repetition of
their aggression. On the other hand, such a pledge is a
clear restriction on freedom of action; it seta up a bad
example; it keeps alive the idea of artificial regulations;
and is very likely to be turned against its inventors at
some future sky. It will be appealed to as a justifica-
tion for some counter-pledge hereafter. ft is
the misfortune of the working classes that the
practical exercise of their freedom has many more
difficulties to encounter than are found to impede the
capitalist. They have fewer means to meet the en-
croach inents of covetousness. It thee:- numners are in
f.•%C3SS in a particular trade, or employmeut is scarce,
their ability to extricate themselves or to resist an undue
depreciation of wages is weaker. Capital easily transfers
itself from one business to another, when sinking profits
command it to flit. The poor man can practise but one
trade; his education has not qualified him for changing
his calling, and thus adapting himself to the ever-varaing
circumstancss of commerce; and when the supply ex-
ceeds the demand for labour in any department of bu-
siness, emigration to another and more inviting field
either wain the kingdom or in the colonies is a re-
source froth' which he is commonly precluded, either by
poverty or ignorance. But if the difficulties vehicle
nature has imposed on the working man are great,
it is intolerable that they should be wantonly in-
creased by legislation. No class of men is more entitled
to fair play, or every consideration of humanity and
justice, than, the working class; and in these days none
can be injured with greater risk to the whole commu-
nity. Not only is their importance in the social
system every day more deeply appreciated; but, still
more, the sympathy which is felt for their wrongs not
unfrequently manifests itself in the active propagation
of benevolent, but most crude and dangerous schemes
for the improvement of their condition. Our laws of
'pertnership are a signal instance of an unintentional, bat
nevertheless very real denial of fair play to the poor.
Large capitalists can readily unite in small firms, and
thus escape moat of the evils incident to the laws which
regulate partnerships; but the union of a large number
of small partners is impossible, except under the pro-
tection of a charter. And this impossibility arises, not
from the condition of unlimited liability—for the dif-
ference between limited and unlimited liability vanishes
for the poor man, who in either case stakes all his sav-
ings in that partnership—bat from the laws which re-
gulate the relation of partners towards each other:
Every partner is legally entitled to an equal control of
the common property—he may sell or otherwise dispose
of it without impediment—be may pledge the common
credit—no agreement to place the management in a few
hands, who alone should have the right of dealing with
the common funds is valid—there is no means for settling
the disputes of partners between each other but a suit in
Chancery; and to that extremity the death of any partner,
tocauses,nothing of other causes, renders them incessantly
liable. It is obvious that under such circumstances a
large partnership is a practical impossibility. We have
pointed
out on a former occasion that partnerships en
commandite promised to furnish a happy solution of the
great and anxious problem of combining the interests of
the master with those of the workmen: a more vital
matter for the welfare of England cannot well be con-
ceived. It is very provoking that the absurd provisions
of our laws of partnership render the attempt to realise
this all-important good impossible. Au operative in a
mill may lend his savings to the manufacturer at a fixed
rate of interest, but if he stipulate tor a return pro-
portioeate to the profits of the concern, he is pro-
nounced by the law a partner, and acquires rights of
interference and management to which no master
could subject himself. Can any regulation b
more unreasonable? Can any plan be • e
more skil-
fully devised for frustrating an enormous good, with-
out any compensating advantage? There are many
weighty considerations to be taken into ae
some serious difficulties to be eneatiate. deeount, and
a new general low of partnership;
but
,se in framing
hat objection
of any moment can be raised aeainst a lender being
allowed to stipulate for a vac in Instead of a fixed re-
turn on the loan which hey midst
without losing his character of Is_to a mercantile firm,
vetted into a partner? The ender, and being con-
gencral creditors of the con-
cern might with reason have their position improved by
such loan being declared pert of the joint capital, and
in the eyent of hanks
uPte
forming part of the assets,
instead of being proved
a.; debts ageinst the estate; who
than, is interested i
capitalist from as,
Lc; n.preveeting the mill-owner or the
t
perdeipatioa ihe"-sating his people with bins ar dal rleaew
ucc. stis of his trade?
of commandite, it is replied, alj•ntale would
set up in husiuess, woulde trade with a without
multitudeeP of small
luaus, and having no personal stake themselves, would
conduct the affairs of the pertnership with reeklesaneas
and ruin. Bet even supposing this danger could not be
guarded against, it would still be beyond the province of
the law to supersede by enacenents the exercise of per-
sonal prudence. The law is bound to furnish every fa-
cility for the prevention and remedying of wrong; but
the law cannot and ought not to undertake to shut out
the risks incident to human lire. Profits cannot be ob-
tained without risk; the law is not justified in
assuming a false paternity towards the poor
man, and forbidding him to have a cbanco of the profits,
on account of the danger of loss. The calculation of one
against the other is his affair;.he has a right to free
action; and the exercise of the virtues called forth by
the tresponsibilities attached to liberty, educates and
elevates the character. A few such losses would draw
out an intelligence end caution that would compensate
for a hundredfold their amount. But well-framed pre-
visions for enforcing publicity would bestow all the
security which could be desired. The amount of the
publicity might be regulated jointly by the law and pri-
vate agreement. In the case of small sums. or loans
made en commandite by workmen to their employers, a
periodical statement of the accounts at a meeting of all
the partners ought to be required; and, we should add,
an auditing, if demanded, by sworn public officers, with
a machinery, similar to that provided for the friendly
societies, for the prompt settlement of disputes. In
other cases—we might &most say in all—the requiring
specifying the terms of the part-
of a written agreement,
nerehip, and ready legs! means for enforcing it, is all
that the law need provide. The great matter is, to
allow loans to be entitled to profits, without conferring
partnership; all the rest the practical good
the rights of of the community would - • sense and experience E peed:ly
supply.

The conditions upon which the Western Railway
of
IT,'-secuib,sctroi be taken and completed have been arranged,
ption is tu be made up to-day. The line is
and the.,(wen to Chartres, to which point there has been an
alreauY, 'traffic, and the next ex:eo,i,m is to be Lemans,
increasing
that are e:;timated to yiel i 10 per cent. on the
eul)tor terms
ay. The completion of the Work to Rennes, a further
nhc fwill
eat
n 1 Ofe miles,i
s t 0 ande ffewe ecl at a V
Co
lti
ich Nli nit a
total expenditure within 1,500,000/.
, or an average of 6,5001.
per mile
for Oahe concession was granted nearly a year ago,nara
and isyears, with a Government guarantee of 4 per
g iwtsillakggeerpegtahtee
cent.
distance

Asrs. Keith and
firm of Ke th, Shoobrid Shoobridge as representing the
ge, and CO.,'were made bankrupts
yesterday, and their affairs will be administered under the
supervision of Mr.
(Commissioner Fonblanque. Messrs.
Reed, Langford, and Marsden, are the solicitors to the peti-
tioning creditor.