The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—In America all other topics have been
forgotten for a time in the excitement of the Presie
dential election. The Republican party are ex-
treme in their rejoicing, for they have been cone
pletely victorious. It is stated that Mr. Lincoln
has 213 electoral votes, against 21 for General
M'Clellan, and a popular majority of nearly 400,000.
It is also announced that the votes of Tennessee,
Louisiana, and Arkansas will, probably, not be
taken, as the majority in the rest of the Union will
allow them to be disregarded without any change in
the result, The speeches of the President and of his
principal advisers indicate sufficiently how it is pur-
posed to employ the new lease of power. The war
will begin again in the ensuing spring with fresh
vigour. The policy of emancipation will probably
receive the formal sanction of Congress. The coup-
fiscation of rebel property will be strictly en-
forced. Proclamation will succeed proclamation,
and draught will follow draught so long as it is ne-
cessary to keep up to their present standard the
immense armies of the Republic. In all this the
dominant party is no doubt sincere. The nation
• has accepted Mr Lincoln's plan of " pegging
away," and has no other idea than to continue the
war in the style of the last four years, by sending
three or four different armies into the heart of the
Confederacy to occupy some unimportant town, or
linger in front of the enemy's earthworks. The
hope of the Federals is that one, two, three, or four
years—for they are not over sanguine now—will
find the Confederacy exhausted of men or its people
shaken in resolution. Through all the speeches of
the Northern politicians there is a vagueness of
plan and an avoiding of military details which
show how puzzled they are to reconcile even the
last campaign with the speedy conquest of the
South. But there is a blind confidence that the
conquest is to be achieved somehow, and a belief
that the re-election of Mr Lincoln has removed one
of the greatest difficulties from their path. -So much
are the Republicans e'ated that they begin to be
good natured to their opponents. The Democrats
are informed that the victorious party bear them no
ill will, and would gladly see all Americans unite
for the salvation of the country. They are bidden
to take notice of their own weakness, of the com-
pleteness of their defeat, and the impossibility of
their making any effectual opposition to Mr Lincoln
during his second term of power. The country has
heard the worst that can be said against the
President—it knows of his arbitrary arrests, his
emancipation edicts, his appointment of military
dictators, his ceaseless demand for men, and the
depreciation of the currency which has accompanied
his campaigns. But everything has been—to use
the American expression—endorsed by the popular
vote. The President may conduct the war as he
pleases for four years more, and fill the fortresses
with his political enemies. He may bring down
the value of a dollar to a few pence, and fill every
household with mourning for those carried away to
perish by disease or fall before the Confederate
rifles. No political party will be able to make
head against him—no single State of importance
will any longer question his authority, Even New
York has elected a Republican Governor, and Mr
Seymour will cease to influence events by his half-
hearted opposition. The Democrats are invited to
consider these things and to desist from their useless
endeavours. Their answer has not yet been given,
for they have at present scarcely recovered from
their great defeat. But many of them will, no doubt,
be content for a time to forego opposition. The main
body of the party will, of course, shape their course
according to the fortunes of the war, for a political
party in America has too enduring an organization,
and is kept together by too attractive prospects of
place and power, to accept a defeat as final and
submit in mass to the enemy. But when the smoke
of the electoral contest clears away the eyes of the
nation are again directed to the greater struggle of
which it is but an episode. In the late autumn days
the last movements of the present year are taking
place. The news is very vague, and probably not
on all points to be depended upon. The Confede-
rates have renewed operations in the Shenandoah
Valley. General Early—undismayed by his defeat
—is believed to be engaged in preparing for a flank
movement around the Federal right; and it is fur-
ther reported that a large Confederate force under
Generals Longstreet and Breckinridge has been
concentrated in South-western Virginia. Of Sher-
man we hear nothing except the suspicious statement
that there is news highly important and favourable
to the Federal cause, but that " the publication of
details is prohibited." General Grant appears to
have finally abandoned all thoughts of taking even
Petersburg this:year. The last defeat which he sus-
tained the other day seems to have convinced him
that the best operation to which he can apply himself
is the hutting of the army for the winter. It is
something gained that for some months to come this
war is likely to languish, but we can have little hope
that the winter months will bring with them any
such change in the popular mind as will increase
the chances of a reconciliation. On both sides this
interval will be passed in preparations for another
and perhaps even a bloodier campaign than those
which are past. To come to this conclusion it is
only necessary to observe the tone of the Confede-
rate President's Message to C egress, end the
substance of the debate which followed. Mr.
Davis had given his opinion that the arming of
the slaves was for the present unnecessary, but
that they might be employed in greater numbers
than before in duties subsidiary to that of fight-
ing, such as driving carts, making earthworks,
and so on. At present, it seems, even this moderate
proposition does not secure the approbation of alt
members of Congress. The Southerners believe that
they have in their white population a sufficient
number of men to carry on the war, and that even
though a time may come for the employment of the
negro race that time has not come yet. The scheme
for the employment and emancipation even of a
limited number was opposed on the ground of inex-
pediency, and the point will probably be debated
with some spirit. But even those whose prejudices
are most against arming the slaves intimate that
they are ready to take this step if it be necessary.
In this spirit the preparation for next year's cams
paign will be made. For the present, it is likely
no large number of the negroes will be employed in
the war, and these will not be allowed to bear arms.
The Confederates will trust to the power of Governs
meet and of public opinion to bring to the army
the great number of men who still remain unem-
ployed. From this source they expect to obtain
as many as will place their armies in a position to
defend the chief points of their territory during the
ensuing year; bat should these not be enough, there
can be little doubt that a levy of negroes will be
made. The people are ready for it, the Governors
have assented to it, and President Davis can effect
it when he pleases. This seems to be felt at the
North, for the expectation of a speedy peace has
not accompanied the re-election of Mr Lincoln. The
political event which has filled the Republican party
with exultation was no sooner certain than the price
of gold, reduced by the fall of Atlanta, began to rise
once more—a sure sign that those whose trade
teaches them to observe events most closely see as
yet no end to their country's troubles.
POST.—Mr Cobden's speech at Rochdale is a chae
racteristic and remarkable composition. In it, while
inculcating peace and non-intervention, he assumes
a belligerent attitude to almost every Power and
every party in the world, except, perhaps, the Fede-
rals and their European partisans. While making,
for the dozenth time, a great sensational demonstrae
tion in favour of the Northern States, he boasts that
he and his alter ego, Mr. Bright, have carefully ab-
stained from mixing themselves up iu the dispute;
and while he cannot but know that from the com-
mencement of the struggle the South have from time
to time put forth statements of their case, with the
grounds and reasons for separation and their right
and title to independence, he roundly affirms that,
conscious of having no case at all, they have never
ventured to state is to the world. Singularly enough,
the latest manifesto put forth by the Confederates
appears side by side with Mr Cobden's speech in
yesterday's papers. What is most strange of all,
however, is to find Mr Cobden—the great apostle
of non-intervention, the essence of whose doctrine is
that every people ought to be sole judge of its own
affairs, and that nobody else has any right to judge
for it—raising a complaint, and that totally un-
founded, that other nations have not been appealed
to as judges in a purely domestic matter which cone
cerns six millions of Southerners, and, according to
the theory of self-government established in the
United States, nobody else whatever. But whether
the Confederates called in other nations judges or
not, it cannot much signify in this case, as other
nations have unmistakably and emphatically
expressed their judgment on the question, and
that that judgment is that the Confederates, in
accordance with the principles which the com-
mon ancestors of North and South reduced to
practice in 1776, at the cost of a civil war
with their own Sovereign, have the most ale,
solute right and valid title to freedom and inde-
pilidence. Bat to enumerate all the fallacies con-
tained in this singular address would be labour
without end, If there is one thing more than
another which is the real cause of secession, it is
the conflicting interests having their origin and
roots in geographical circumstances; and therefore,
apparently, Mr. Cobden must needs run a tilt
against fact and nature by reiterating that geo-
graphical circumstances forbid the separation of
North and South. Yet Mr. Cobden deems himself
marvellously strong in his geography. He could put
his finger on Chicago in the map blindfold, and
hazards the bold prediction that our university men
would not be able to put their fingers within a
thousand miles of it; as though they may know a
deal about the Limo at Athens, which he describes

as resembling the bed of a dried up torrent, they
know nothing whatever about the MississiPPo
Some, however, will be so presumptuous as
doubt whether all this vast knowlede of the 1391)
of the universe is not merely mechanical. If g.ri;
graphy, in the best sense, teaches us anything,ts
that the people who inhabit the Southern Sts",i,t;
and the people who inhabit the North, will have
conflicting interests, and consequent antagonisti
characters, which are sure; sooner or later, to 0100
them distinct and separate nations. Mr. Cobden
doctrine of non-intervention and self-governMebn,
means that a people like the six millions of Sat d
erners have a right to dispose of themselves 110.,
manage their own affairs as they please, accordiaetir
to their own will and choice, and that no °tl3,
nation or Government, much less their late oge"4'
the Northern President—from whom they have „
a great public national act withdrawn their de'or
legated authority—can have any the least right 0,
title to coerce and rule them against their Wi6brao
This is Mr. Cobden's doctrine of non-interveotl;ot
and self-government. He holds it was good J
the colonists of 1776, who really were the Bubjecoti
of, and owed allegiance to, the sovereign autheoit
of Great Britain. Yet he rejoices in their recnii
while he will not allow the same prii.ciple to alto
in the case of the Confederates, though they on'
to
riously never were the subjects of the Nortbe
people nor of the Northern President. The Prensi
dent, according to American principles, was siwr.f
the agent or servant of the South so long as be sue
joyed the sanction of their " consent," which t. 0
Declaration of Independence, with the Constituidl°e,
of the United States founded upon it, expressly
Glared to be essential to all legitmate governniAe"o
and State authority. Why does not Mr. C°l3,',',•ees
fairly and honestly grapple with these diffielli3
instead of perpetually evading them ? Why
:he say candidly at once that he likes the polittee
and social system of the North, and, therefr,st
he is for having it forced upon the South sgstl3,4
the will of six millions of free citizens elainj,,,l-00
the same liberty as that for which the comet 01
ancestors of both belligerents levied war sgs,7„,f
their constitutional ruler with fax less s"'"4l
of reason and excuse ? This would be 013:d
and straightforward ; but the shifts
ate
evasions we have been called upon to analyse 0t
really pitiable, Mr Cobden tells us he thinks tulip
though a republic is good for America, our 010,
system of constitutional monarchy is better for to
For different nations, different forms of Govtriti
ment. But cannot Mr Cobden see that, by Pa'f,"ol
of reasoning, what is good for the North mat DO4
be good for the South, and that six millions of u°oB
federates have at least as much right to reds
their will into fact, and separate themselves 1r y,
the North, their mere fellow-citizens and etitlet
as the three millions of colonists had to rep,
against their lawful Sovereign and set up for tilo
selves ? Mr Cobden's friends have claimed forayy
the soundest logic and common sense, but o'lo
these qualities do not find any place whate'retio
these singular demonstrations against . the Priote
ciples of self-government and non-interve°t"oo
As for the rest of Mr Cobden's speech, it W2B 0
old story over again for the hundredth tittle' sty
was something infinitely more tedious to sfait
through than a twice-told tale. We have hesroe
all so many times already, in Parliament, 011 set
platform, and in letters to constituents, in se;
and out of season, that we are quite sick ° bi
Everybody who reads the newspapers knows itoet
heart. England is to mind her own business ;diet
must not content herself with refusing t°),°lo
material aid to the cause of the oppressed, iv''''opo
fusing to stand up for justice and public lag ;0i
must not even express sympathy with the opPredei
against the oppressor ; nay, she must not, ;0
discuss the subject in the newspapers, much lei 0(
Parliament. In short, England is to do n°t,,eti
but attend to the shop. A nation of shopkeeteol
should not stir from behind their counters., '053
is Mr Cobden's theory, and a very comfortabinott
brilliant one it is. The only fault in it is Tbt
it is totally un-English and impracticable- ope
federals may exterminate six millions of feldSol
citizens for the crime of wishing to be indeile°
and manage their own affairs, but, inconsiate I 1 to
it may sound, Mr. Cobden will not, even WI
sake of his beloved and revered commerce, ,8-1104
England to protect her sons from the treacberJtbeto
ferocity of Chinese, Japanese, Hindoos, and ,O;00,
benignant specimens of " Oriental civilisBo4
who make solemn treaties only to break thfo,:boe
think it a religious duty to murder Western boo!
barians" without mercy. So far from going rote
to protect our people, we must not even P.iolik
these shores at home ; our necessary fortifies'ede
which Mr, Cobden, of course, considers 1110,0 g
eery, being classed by him with " everA:ooo
abomination of modern times." Stuff of this
ood
is not to be answered with argument. Regro left
is thrown away upon it, and it may safely
to dispose of itself.