The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-21 00:00:00

their time having expired some, days previously, they
had left his army on the Ist of June and matched
two days from the front to the White-house, whence
they were conveyed in steam transports to Wash-
ington, and thence again by rail to this city, on
their si ay home. Their battered banners, as well
as their tattered clothes, bore witness to the work
they had performed, and the hard service they had
undergone, and as they marched through the
crowded streets it was impossible not to admit that
20,000 new recruits, even if not composed of Irish
and German mercenaries, could not make amends
to General Grant for the loss of 2,000 such fine
fellows as these, seasoned to war, inured to hard-
ships, and who had, moreover, the additional merit
of having enlisted for puro love of the cause, at a
time when bounty money was not considered a
provocative of heroism. No c'..ieers greeted them
as they passed, footsore and weary, along the dusty
way; and not even the members of the Lincoln de-
legation who crowded the balconies and doorsteps
of Barnum's Hotel to witness the spectacle so much
as clapped a hand or waved a handkerchief to wel-
come the returning braves. Was it because they
stuck too closely to their bargain to merit the appro-
bation of the true patriots and able wire-pullers
who desire Mr. Lincoln's re-election ? Not so; for
there was one portion of these 2,000 men—amount-
ing to about 50 or 60—who brought up the rear of
the long, thin columns, who no sooner came within
sight of the Barnum balconies than the suppressed
cheers of the Lincoln delegation broke forth, and
the hands clapped and the handkerchiefs waved in
a storm of delight. It may also be asked if these 50
or 60 had determined to return to the battlefield
which their comrades had abandoned ? They had
not. They were on their way home like the
rest, and were about to turn their swords
into ploughshares, their spears into pruning-
hooks, and to study war no more. Then,
of course, their names were familiar to Mr.
Lincoln's friends and supporters for their deeds of
heroism ? Wrong again. They were merely negro
teamsters, waggon-drivers, and trench-diggers, who
had borne some of the shock and all the hardships
of the campaign, and who received a greeting denied
to their white comrades, solely because their skins
were black.. No one, not hardened by inveterate
prejudice, would deny the negro any merit, in peace
or war, that was justly his due; but to honour him,
independently of his merit, and solely on account of
his colour, is quite as much a prejudice as that which
formerly held, and in most parts of the country stil'
holds, him as a social pariah for the same reason.

General Fremont and the Presidency.

General Fremont has addressed the following
reply to the committee of the Cleveland Conven-
tion accepting the nomination for President :
" Gentlemen—ln answer to the letter which I have had
the honour to receive from you on the part of the represen-
tatives of the people assembled at Cleveland on the 31st of
May, I desire to express my thanks for the confidence which
led them to offer me the honourable and difficult position of
their candidate in the approaching Presidential contest.
Very honourable, because in offering it to me you act in the
name of a great number of citizens who seek above all things
the good of their country, and who have no sort of selfish
interest in view. Very difficult, because in accepting the
candidacy you propose to me I am exposed to the reproach
of creating a schism in the party with which I have been
identified. Had Mr Lincoln remained faithful to the prin-
ciples ho was elected to defend, no schism could have been
created ; and no contest could have been possible. This is
not an ordinary election; it is a contest for the right even to
have candidates, and not merely, as usual, for the choice
among them, Now, for the first time since '76, the question
of constitutional liberty has been brought directly before
the people for their serious consideration and vote. The or-
dinary rights secured under the Constitution and the laws
of the country have been violated, and extraordinary
powers have been usurped by the Executive. It is directly
before the people now to say whether or not the principles
established by the Revolution are worth maintaining. If,
as we have been taught to believe, those guarantees of
liberty which made the distinctive value and glory of our
country are, in truth, inviolably sacred, then there must
be a protest against the arbitrary violation, which had
not even the excuse of necessity. The schism is made by
those who force the choice between a shameful silence or
a protest against wrong. In such considerations origi-
nated the Cleveland Convention. It was among its ob-
jects to arouse the attention of the people to such facts,
and to bring them to realise that while we are saturat-
ing Southern soil with the best blood of the country,
in name of Liberty, we have really parted with it at home.
To-day we have in the country the abuees of a military
dictation without its unity of action and vigour of execution;
an administration marked at home by disregard of consti-
tutional rights, by its violation of personal liberty and the
liberty of the press, and as a crowning shame, by its aban-
donment of the right of asylum—a right especially dear to
all free nations. Abroad its course has been characterised by
a feebleness and want of principle which have misled Euro-
pean powers, and driven them to a belief that only commer-
e.
'el interests and personal aims are concerned, and that no
great. nrine;. les are involved in the issue. The admirable
conduct o.
the people, their readiness to make every sacri-
flee demanded .them, their forbearance and silence under
the suspension of
eryth
an-
iing that could be suspended, their
many acts of heroism
sacrifices, were all rendered fx uit-
-siesakm7ore exactly by the per-
sonalquaged. This incapacity
lessb by
ntdhsefo incapacity,
which
th eo rwtaora
and selfishness naturally produced suca.. results as led the
s
European Powers,
w with
l eg t call y,
superiorenoug h,
ptoop
ti
that the North, h its greatly
s
mum resources, and its credit, will never be able to recce
laeo co.7•v it icti
mon-
the South. Sympathies which should have been with us from
the outset of the war were turned against us,and in this way
the Administration has done the 'country a double wrong
abroad. It created hostility, or at best, indifference among
those who would have been its friends if the real intentions
of the people could have been better known; while at the
same time it- neglected no occasion for making the most
humiliating concessions. Against this disastrous condition
of affairs the Cleveland Convention was a protest. The prin-
ciples which form the basis of its platform have my unqua-
lified and cordial approbation, but I cannot so heartily con-
cur in all the measures which you propose. I do not believe
that confiscation extended to the property of all rebels is
practicable, and if it were so I don't think it a measure of
s xund policy. It is a queation belonging to the people
themselves to decide, and it is a proper occasion for the
exercise of their original and sovereign authority. As
a war measure, in the beginning of a revolt, which
might be quelled by prompt severity, I understand
the policy of confiscation—but not as a final measure of re-
construction after the suppression of an insurrection. In the
adjustments which are to follow peace no considerations of
vengeance can consistently be admitted. The of ject of the
war is to make permanently secure the peace and happiness
of the whole country, and there was but a single element
in the way of its attainment. This element of slavery may
be considered practically dest:oyed in the country, and it
needs only your proposed amendment of the Constitution to
make its extinction complete, 'With this extinction of slavery
the party divisions created by it have also disappeared ; and

`v ET

in the history of the country there has ever been a time when

the American people, without regard to one cr another of the
political divisions, were called upon to give solemnly their
voice in a matter which involved the safety of the United
States, it is assuredly the present time. If the Convention
at Baltimore will nominate any man whose past life justifies
a well-grounded confidence in his fidelity to our cardinal

principles, there is no reason why there should be any divi-
sion among the really patriotic men of the country. To an 3
such I shall be most happy to give a cordial and active sup-
port. My own decided preference is to aid in this way, and
not to be myself a candidate. But if Mr Lincoln should be
renominated, as I believe it would be fatal to the country
to endorse a policy and renew a power which has cost us the
lives of thousands of men, and needlessly put the country
on the road to bankruptcy, there will remain no alternative
but to organize against him every element of conscientious
opposition with the view to prevent the misfortune of his
re-election. In this contingency
I accept the nomination
a preliminary step, I have resigned
at Cleveland, and, as
my commission in the army. This was a sacrifice it gave
me pain to make. But I had for a long time fruitlessly

endeavoured to obtain service. I make this sacrifice only
to regain liberty of speech, and to leave nothing in the
way of discharging to my utmost ability the task you have
set for me. 'With my earnest and sincere thanks for your

expressions of confidence and regard, and for the many
honourable terms with which you acquaint me with the

actions of the committe,—l am, gentlemen, very respect-
" J, C. FnEno:NT.
fully and truly yours,

"New York, June 4,"

Persons in debt may obtain instant protection against
imprisonment or seizure of their goods, and an entire release
from all debts and liabilities without publicity, by application
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(estabilshed 1330),12, Hatton-garden. City branch --6, Moor
gate-street, Bank.—ADVT.

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