The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVEiNING, 20,. 1863.

and solely in order that the Government might be
enabled, as they were enabled, thereby to get rid
of nearly ten thousand prisoners, then (in 1853) in
durance vile, under sentence of transportation ! As
early as three years after the passing of this Act,
however, the Committee of 1856 showed quite plainly
that the consequences even then were becoming very
flagrant. If allowed to increase and multiply, it was
felt that these consequences might become (as they
have, even under modified circumstc.nees) really dis-
astrous. Hence the supplementary set of 1857,
repealing certain clauses in the act of 1853, and
nominally making the sentences of penal servitude
under this new arrangement equivalent in appearance
at least to the sentences of transportation; As
the deduction drawn from a few very simple calcu-
lations given upon pages 5 and 6 of this clever little
pamphlet from Bermuda, the writer of it proves, be-
yond ell chance of doubt, that under the Penal Servi-
tude Scheme, as thus modified in 1857, fully one thou-
sand more criminals "are now annually let loose
upon society," than under the old system of tran-
sportation, under the continued operation of
which, by the , way, those lawless felons
would have still been required to expiate
their crimes by perpetual exile in remote
colonies. According to the—to say the least of
them—indiscreet arrangements that were made at
the time of the substitution of Penal Servi-
Itude for Transportation, a secondary punishment
has been instituted, "nominally less in extent, ac-
tually far less in duration," and at the same
time one frequently subjected since then, most con-
fusedly, to divers "changes and modifications, both
in extent and in character." So confusedly has this
been done in point of fact, that it is really in no way
rash to assert, in so many words, that no prisoner
under the new system can in any way conjecture,with
air approximation to certainty, what is the precise
amount of punishment he will have to un-
dergo, forecasting the probabilities of that
punishment from the actual wording of
his sentence. " For example," says the Bermuda
pamphleteer, coming directly to the point, so far as
he can possibly contrive to do so by the logical as
well as the rhetorical device of enforcing his argu-
ment by illustration—" A prisoner who has com-
mitted an offence which would formerly have been
followed by transportation for seven years, may
under the Act 1857 be sentenced to Penal Ser-
vitude for any period between three and seven
years. Supposing his conduct in prison to be good
this sentence may mean imprisonment in England
for any period between two and a half years, and
five years and three months. It may mean the
same term of imprisonment partly in England,
and partly in Bermuda, or Gibraltar, with re-
lease at the end of the time in England, and
consequent restoration to friends, associates,
and former practices. It may mean impri-
sonment for part of the time in England, and
a removal to West Australia where on libera-

tion he finds a return home all but impracticable.
Lastly it may mean an imprisonment partly in
England, and partly in Bermuda, or Gibraltar,
and eventual removal to, and release in, West
Australia." Defining admirably the injurious
effects resulting from all which uncertainty, the
writer sententiously, almost wittily, pronounces
the condemnation of this most mistaken system, or
in fact, no•system, by saying—"lt supplements the
chance of impunity." Then there are—added Co this
pernicious multiplication for the felon of the chances
of his impunity—there are those now notorious evi-
dences of overmuch solicitude for his creature com-
forts during the period when he is nominally un-
dergoing punishment I Enough, however, has here
been remarked in reference to the preliminary por-

tions of the argument comprised in this welcome re-
minder from Bermuda of the circumstances under
which Penal Servitude became incorporated with
cal in a great measure substituted for the far
simpler and, it is impossible to deny it, far more
effectual system of Transportation to Penal Settle-
ments. The most important ptart of the writer's
argument we have yet to glance at, namely, his
contrast of the English and Irish systems for car-
rying out this scheme of Secondary Punishments
by means of Penal Servitude.

HENRI DRAYTON'S ENTERTAINMENT.

One of the latest additions to the entertainments
of the metropolis is that of Mr. Henri Drayton,
entitled, "Federals and Confederates," which he
gives nightly at the Polygraphic Hall, King
William-street, Strand, with unbounded ap-
plause. It consists of vivid descriptions of
scenery and incidents connected with the different
States at present torn by civil war, interspersed
with a number of.new and very excellent songs.
The first part is devoted to the "Federals," the war
fever in New York, the departure of the volun-
teers, and some comic nigger incidents, which
serve to enliven the more serious portions of the.
entertaiment. The " Southern States" form
the subject of the second part, and, although,
of course, there is somewhat of the serious ele-
ment, the comic comes in most effectually at pre-
cisely the proper time. Mr. Drayton gives us a
capital description of the cotton, sugar, and tobacco
plantations; and the nigger ditties are highly
humorous, especially one entitled " Down among
the cotton." Of course we have the national song of.
the South, known to us ail as " Dixey's Land,"
which Mr. Drayton sings with such spirit and
enthusiasm that he procinces quite a sensation
amongst the audience. During the evening he
also introduces Russell's celebrated song, the
"Dream of the Reveller" with very great effect.
Mr. Drayton pssesses the qualifications for a public
entertainer in a very eminent degree he is a good
elocutionist, a brilliant instrumentalist, and a fine
vocalist, added to which his manner is affability and
good' humour itself. We can confidently recom-
mend a visit to the " Federals and Confederates,"
with the full assurance that those who visit the
pretty little Hall will thank us for directing their
attention to so capital ac entertainment.

►SERIOUS ACCIDENT AT WOOLWICH DOCKYARD.
—A serious accident, which it is feared may yet
result in loss of life, occurred yesterday morning at Wool.
with dockyard. It appears that a party of riggers were
employed in drawing a truck, upon which was placed the
mainyard of a vessel under repair, when the timber cover-
ing of a deep aperture in the yard gave way under the
weight passing over it, causing the 'ehicle to sink, and the
mainyard fell upon two of the men, named Edward King
and William Roberts, who were both severely crushed, the
former having a leg, and the latter several of his ribs
broken, with internal injuries. The sufferers were removed
to the Royal Marine Hospital, where King had his leg
amputated, and both men now remain in a very dangerous
condition. The timber cover of the aperture, the latter
being connected with the capstan, was found to be in a
rotten condition, which was the cause of the accident.

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N he
bar of iEththe s Tyne—between three and four feet sea—a large
fleet of laden vessels, many of them of large tonnage, sailed
from this port this afternocn. The fleet of noble vessels,
with their cargoes, were of immense value, they being the
second and most important section of the Spring Fleet that
has sailed within the past two or three days. The after-
noon was remarkably fine, and as vessels not only poured
out of the Tyne, but the Wear, Blyth, and all the adjacent
ports, the North Sea off the coasts of Durham and Nor-
thumberland was covered with shipping, and presented a
magnificent spectacle when the ships got under canvas.
The fleets of vessels which have sailed to-day from the
North-eastern ports are bound for every quarter of the
globe, and represent ships belonging to almost every nation
that has a mercantile marine.

FAIAL ACCIDENT AT POZT TALBOT.-011 Tues-
day afternoon a respectably dressed lady took an
express ticket at the Port Talbot station for Swansea. As
she was crossing the line in order to go to the down plat-
form she was run over by a goods train, which killed her
on the spot. The body was badly mutilated. The name
and address of the deceased were unknown up to the time
of this report leaving,

cut to pieces or captured by the rebel forces. They
Lught desperately, but the ammunition became ex-
hausted, and the Unionists, overpowerc-d by ,supc-
rior numbers, were either killed or c.iptured.
The cavalry and artillery got off safely.
No reinforcement from General Gilbert, at Frank-
lin, reached the scene of action. There were seven
regiments of Usionists at that place.
Van Dorn is reported to have eighteen thousand
men under his command.

Further details of the fight at Franklin yester-
day have been received. Five regiments of in-
fantry and one battery of the Eighteenth Ohio, with
the Ninth Pennsylvania and Second Michigan
cavalry, all under commend of Colonel Coburn of
the Thirty-third Indiana, advanced on Springville
on the 4th inst. Several spirited skirmishes
occurred during the day, cur troops camping four
miles distant. On the sth a movement was appa-
rent, and during some disoider on our left,
they suddenly opened on our men with
three bttteries, on different poibts, at the same
time. The enemy also appeared on each filnk
in greatly superior force. The unequal contest was
maintained with great determination, with heavy
loss on both sides, and resulted unfortunately to
our troops ; a large part of the Thirty-third Indiana,
Nineteenth Michigan, Twenty-second Wisconsin,
and Eighty•fifth Indiana, with the most of their
commissioned officers, being captured. Our artil-
lery and cavalry were succeaully withdrawn.
The One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Ohio was
out, but returned without loss. All is quiet to day.
The rebels have fallen back. Their force was in-
fantry, with heavier artillery than ours.
General Gilbert's non-action in failing to rein-
force Colonel Coburn is severely censured by the
officers and men.

A large meeting was held in New York last
night. The following resolutions were passed, and
speeches made :
Resolved, That it is the duty of every citizen to unite in
all proper efforts to preserve and perpetuate the Union in
accordance with the constitution.

Resolved, That the conduct of disaffected persons, claim-
ing to be citizens of the United States, yet zealous in their
attempts to embrace and impede the action of the legally
constituted authcrities, and in the utterance of treasonable
sentiments, deserves and should receive the condemnation
of every loyal citizen.

Resolved, That the loyal people of New York hereby
pledge their fortunes, their influence, and their honour to
the support of the national authority in every vigorous and
determined effort, by force of arms, on sea and land, to
secure a complete and final suppression of the causeless and
atrocious insurrection which now desolates our country.

Resolved, That the army and navy of the United States
owe their undivided allegiance to the constitution they have
sworn to Support and defend, and that no soldier or sailor
can rightfully hesitate in his obedience to the commands of
superiors in rank whore authority is derived from the Go-
vernment of the nation.

Resolved, That every citizen owes allegiance to the Go-
vernment, and he who denies its authority or fails in his
duty to uphold the honour of its flag, is an abetter of trea-
son, and should suffer the penalty duo to his crime.
Resolved, That this meeting, under solemn convictions
of duty, and in a firm reliance on the justice of that Pro-
vidence which guides and guards governments and peoples,
does hereby resolve itself into a lo) al league of Union citi-
zens, pledged to an unconditional support of the Govern-
ment in all its constitutional efforts to suppress the rei,el-
- and an uncompromising opposition to treason in what-
ever form it appears.

Resolved, That the committee of this meeting be the
cfficers and committee of the Loyal Union League of the
citizens of New York, and that each person present is a
member of the league.

Prince Napoleon on the Polish Insurrection.

Prince Napoleon, in the Chamber of Deputies
on Wednesday, said—lt will be readily understood
that I have nothing to reply to the speech of the
Marquis de la Itochejaquelein, If the slightest
doubt had been possible, it would have been re-
moved from your minds by the words which you
have just heard. I heartily thank Count Walewski
for having delivered them, and I declare that they
completely satisfy me. I have only one regret to
express, which is, that Count Walewski did not
confine himself to those words which he repeated
with an energy which resounded in my soul : "
is false ! It is false! It is false !" That, in my
opinion, is all that the speech of the Marquis
merited. (Murmurs.) I now return to the calm-
ness of discussion, for the speech to which I have
alluded is not of a nature to produce impression
enough in the country to make me depart from it.
I begin by declaring that he had no intention of
speaking, and what had taken place proves that
silence would have been opportune. I found that
there was an advantage for every one—for the
country, for the Government, and for the Senate—
to bring about a unanimous, or almost unanimous,
vote. In order to obtain that vote, I was ready to
make every sacrifice. The committee, morever,
had itself hesitated on the course to be adopted. I
had besides heard—and be assured that in giving
those details on my own responsibility, I do not
make myself the echo of vague rumours coming
from sources which I could not mention—l had
heard that the Government had shown it-
self undecided, and that it had been in contem-
plation to refer the matter, in the form of a vote of
confidence, to the Emperor. I should, I confess,
have preferred that solution to any other, and it is
only because I am forced to it that I now speak. I
do not come to perform an act of opposition. I am
not in the habit, and my adversaries themselves will
do me that justice, of concealing my sentiments. I
could have wished in fact not to speak. I well un-
derstand how difficult it is to discuss when all the
elements of discussion are wanting. I feel great
sympathy for the Poles, but I am completely de-
prived of the necessary information as to the prac-
tical means of action, in order to exprees those sym-
pathies by political acts. I can very easily point
out the tendency which I should wish to see develop
itself in the conduct of the French Government.
But must war be made, or must it not P I cannot
say. Have we allies P What is the situation abroad?
[hat I am ignorant of. A foreign diplomatist is now
on a journey, and the whole of Europe is preoccu-
pied with that excursion. In order to have an opi-
nion on that fact it would be necessary that I should
have the portfolio of Prince de Metternich before
me, but I have not. The Government alone knows
what is to be thought on that important point. No
useful discussion can take place except on events
which have been accomplished. F r instance,
we were able to discuss the Italian question, for
on that everything was known. You are well
aware that on that subject I epproved of the past,
cad endeavoured to impel the French Government
torward as regards the futuie. The Senate united
with me in approving of what had taken place, but
oe the other point it was not of my opinion. In the
present case the situation is not the same ; we art
on unknown ground ; we do not possess the
elements of discussion, and that, I repeat, is why I
did not wish to speak. The report of the committee
has, however, compelled me to do so. There are
in that document many points of which I approve,
but there are others, and particularly the conclu-
sion come to, which I differ from. I confess that
on hearing the report, I expected a proposition of
referring the question to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, but the conclusion surprised me. The re-
port resembles a sentence of condemnation when
all the reasoning had appeared to tend to an ac-
quittal. On finding that the order of the day was
proposed, I found it impossible not to come forward.
I cm well aware of all that we have to expect from
the; ability of the Government-speaker; he will
endeavour to show that the order of the day has
nothing that can be blamed by the opinions which I
defend, and nothing that opposes their expansion.
Those are all Parliamentary quibbles at which we
must not stop ; I prefer to attend to the dictates of
plain common sense. 'Diem are three plans to be
p
adopted with regard toetitionb—the previous
question, the order of the day, and referring them
to the Minister. The previous question, except by
five or six members, has no great ehanec of being
supported in this Assembly. Next cornea the order
of
the day, which wounds my feelings, and—
which is more serious—offends a notable part of
public opinion in France. Last, came thereferenoe
to the Government, which I should have preferred;
not a reference for any particular motive, but pure
and simple, and voted with confidence and unani-
mity. Distrusting my own warmth, I should not
have raised my voice to trouble the general accord;
in that way I should not have compromised any ow).

Did I then fear the dangerous results of a decision
emanating-from you ? No. I have a great respect
for the votes of the Senate, but I know that they
leave bat a very indirect influence on the resolutions
of the Government relative to oar foreign policy.
What I wished was this—to prevent the Senate
from suffering in public opinion. It is in your own
interest that I could wish to see a unanimous vote
in the sense I have indicated. For if it is true that
a vote of the Senate has no influence on the vast
projects of theErnperor, it is not the less true that a
vote of the &nate may have some weight in the eyes
of foreign nations. Well, then ! It would be a good
thing to find the great bodies of the State grouping
themselves compactly round the Government with
unanimou confidence, and thus enabling it to display
the flag of France gloriously before Europe in one
of the most momentous of causes. (Applause.) I
believe that a simple reference, unanimously voted,
is preferable to an order of the day, which might
give rise to much misunderstanding and regret.
When I heard Viscount de la Gueronniere speaking
yesterday about the treaties of 1815, I fancied that
many of my colleagues, better versed in the diplo-
matic history of the century than myself or the
Viscount, must have smiled. If lam well informed,
nothing can be less exact than the sketch drawn by
the hon. Viscount. I think lam well informed
enough to say that the following was what took
place at Vienna :—The Emperor Alexander, obeying
rather a personal sentiment than a political or libe-
ral policy, wished to reconstitute the kingdom of
Poland, but he was prevented by Prussia, by
Austria, and by other Powers besides. Prussia
and Austria, not content with having Posen
and Gallicia, said, "If you reconstitute a
great Poland, give her to me." Then the
statesmen named yesterday—the Talleyrande, the
Haidembergs, the Castlereaghs—pronounced their
sentence :—" No—we must have no Poland in such
terms—no Poland liberally constituted." Thus it
was that the realisation of the projects of Alexander
was frustrated by Prussia, Austria, and the diplo-
macy of 1815. My opinion relative to the reminis-
cences of 1815 is well known,—they make me ill—
they oppress me. I could wish that the treaties of
1815 should never be mentioned in the French
Chambers unless with execration—above all I could
wish that the inspirations of a Government having
Napoleon III: at its head, should never be drawn
from the tendencies of that disastrous epoch. Admit
that you do nothing for Poland, the Emperor will
I am sure do something ; I have confidence in his
intentions and in his heart. But in that case the
order of the day will be in contradiction with his
own conduct. Under any circumstances, the vote of
that order of the day will be a great misfortune. Do
nothing ! Do you therefore wish to have the spectre
of Poland constantly before your eyes? In 5, in 10, ur
in 20 years you will see it again, for there is no sta-
tute of limitation for crimes of the nature of those
which are committed against unfortunate Poland.
The danger will exist so long as the policy of post-
ponement be ❑ot set aside. Never were circum-
stances so favourable as they now are for putting
an end to this f.rmidable question. The Emperor
is in the full vigour of his age aed of his genius ;
his Government, thanks to the wars of the Crimea
and of Italy, has a great prestige.abroad, and great
strength at home. There are aroued him passions
which are not strange in a vigorous nation like the
French, but those passions are not turned against
the Government. There are also bad tendencies in
some parts of society, but I confess that they do not
alarm me. The Government enjoys great power
end prestige both at home and abroad. It is a
favourable moment to undertake a great cause.

A 'Voice—We can leave the decision to the
Emperor. _

Princo Napoleon—By referring petitions to him
you do not advise the graniing of all their prayers.
Marshal Baraguay O'Hilliers—He would not do
so, if you did.

Prince Napoleon—l accept the interruption.
What inconvenience can arise from referring peti.
tions, when the Emperor would not follow the advice
given, especially if unsound P A simple reference is
all that is necessary.
A Voice—But it would no longer have the same
meaning after your remarks.

Prince Napoleon—l now come to the great objec.
tion. We are told—" You wart war." To that I
reply—'. No ;" but I don't want peace either. (Cries
of Ah !ah ! and laughter.) Your interruptions do
not embarrass me, because I know the Senate, and
expected them. What can be done? I know not,
nor is it my business to know. I do not pretend
to be discussing either a military or a diplomatic
plan. As a simple senator, how can Ibe sufficiently
acquainted with the state of affairs to advise any
decision P We cannot indicate the course to be
followed, but we can at least defend the cause of
Poland. That is neither war nor peace. lam no
advocate for war. I know its dangers, and feel that
it should not he undertaken without mature reflec-
tion. But be careful not to weaken your Govern-
ment abroad, by advising peace. I know that herr'
our opponents have another argument at command.
When we defend the cause of Italy, they call us
Italians ; and Poles when we speak in favour of
Poland. We are in reality liberal Frenchmen. We
defend the cause of nations, in accord with the feel-
ings and interests of France. As an encourage-
ment to my friends, I will ask, on what question
has France ever been more unanimous ? On
many points I differ widely from an eminent
author, Count de Montalembert, bnt on this ques-
tion our opinions are the same. (Noise.) He has
published a pamphlet which I have read with
deep interest, and have reason to congratulate
both him and myself. (Noise.) Ido not think we
ought to reject the aid of an opponent when we
meet him on common ground, however we may
disagree on other matters. I cannot believe that
you will refuse to refer these petitions to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs. It is impossible. I
see before me a Minister, who in his youth bravely
fought on the fields of Grodno and Oatrolenska;
would he vote the order of the day ? No! There
are here brave generals who have shed their blood
on the glorious battlt fields of the Empire; will they
vote the order of the day ?
Several Voices—Yes ! why not ?
Prince Nepal( on—l have still before me the gene-
rals who led our soldiers in the Crimea against the
Russians. Can they vote for the order of the day P
No! I repeat. Nor can I believe that the venerable
' prelates, who sit in this assembly, will consent to
declare the,nselves against Catholics. (Interruption.)
If, however, it should be otherwise, leave me my
illusions ; or, if you deprive me of them, let it
not be all at once ; let me still entertain some
confidence. And the judges, too, who sit on these
benches, will they be able to accept a vote which
throws no blame on the violation of all rights P If
you vote the order of the day, public opinion may
misconstrue it and address to you reproaches from
which I desire to set your conscience free. In my
conviction, France, with Napoleon 111. at her head,
cannot, ought not to abandon the cause of law and
justice ; it is her duty to defend it ; she has done
so and she will do so again. But we must use de-
spatch. Blood flows in torrents, and if you now
abandon Poland, the massacre will last a loog time.
Act then immediately ! In what way P Ido not,
I cannot knew. (Interruption, "Ah ! ah !") But
act at any rate. The insurrection will lsst if it is
encouraged; let the Emperor do what he thinks it
is possible to do, but let not the Senate pass a vote
that may be wrongly interpreted. Let every man
vote according to his conscience. I, for one, have
confidence in the cause wt ich the Emperor shall
, take in hand. (Loud applause.)