The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-06 00:00:00

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THE IDENTIZAL DISPATCH OF AUSTRIA

AND PRUSSIA.

VIENNA, Saturday.
The semi-official Presse publishes the following
analysis of the last Austro-Prussian circular dis •
patch to the German GATernments;—
" The dispatch hopes that the Diet will allow it-
self to bs represented at the Conference, and ex-
presses the wish that with a view to a correspond-
ing attitude of the representatives of Austria and
Prussia and of the Diet, a common course of proce-
dure, at least up to a certain point, may be decided on.
The great German Powers are far from considering
themselves outside the Confederation. Austria and
PrusP:ia,
who, when united, can say--' We aro the
cermanic Confederal ion, except one-tt d,'assuredly
wish to avoid this third taking a different or even
entirely opposite direction to theirs in a matter
common to all Germany, and that upon the first
occasion which offers to the Diet to present itself
before foreign eyes as a collective power, the lament-
able spectacle of profound disagreement may not be
displayed in striking colours to the eyes of the
world. Austria and Prussia, on the other hand, out
of regard for the position of some of their German
Federal allies, desire to abstain from any course
entailing the danger that an European war might
result from the Conference in place of the wished-
for-peace, and of the negotiations taking a direc-
tion which would only assist the plans of the
especial and veritable enemies of Germany.

"Further on the identical despatch points out to
the Federal Governments that, if the two great
Powers reckon upon the assistance of the plenipo-
tentiary of the Diet, the instructions they have to
give will be based upon combined action of as inti-
mate a charecter as possible If these Powers hope
that account will be taken of the
obligations they
have to fulfil towards Europe, the Diet will never •
theless retain to itself complete liberty of discussion,
and they will be ready to uphold its right.
"In entering upon the real foundation of the Ger.
mano-Danish question, the Austro-Prussian point
brought nearer to each other, and much would be
of view and that of the Federal rajority might be
gained if the neutral Po xers represented at the
Conference could be convinced that the solution of
the question depends upon the manner in which
this foundation is regarded.
" Real and lasting peace between Denmark and
Gsrmany could only consequently be brought about
by causing the opposition of the Dsnistt Government
against any other organisation of the Danish
monarchy than that advocated by the Eider-Danish
party to cease, The idea of the common monarchy,
according to the existing system, has been shown to
be not lees impracticable. A
middle course, how.
ever, presents itself. This would be to place Sehles-
wig-Holstein in the body
of the monarchy, per-
mitting it to participate in the constitutional and
liberal institutions of Denmark.
" Upon the one hand the abuses introduced into
the Duchies by Denmark would thus be removed ;
upon the other, the not unfounded fear of the Danes
of aristocratic rule by the Schleswig-Holstein nos
bility-eaconstituting the main point of the Schles-
wig-Holsteinism prohibited by the treaties of
1851-52—would be dispelled. In any arrangement
against the preponderance of this feeling it would
be requisite that a position should be secured in the
monarchy for the Duchies to which they are en-
titled by their wealth and population. This equi-
librium would be all the better attained if the
Duchies, while administratively united, were
separated from the other Danish provinces by a
more distinct autonomy.
" By this means the
principle of the Danish inte-
grity might be united with the legitimate demands
of the Duchies. As regards the order of succession
created in 1852 by the Treaty of London, and
equally applicable to the Duchies, the Confederation
may make use of the entire liberty it possesses.
Herein it may reckon upon the support of the great
German Powers. It must not, however, be left out
of sight that is examining this part of the question
the Conference must necessarily take the legal basis
of most recent possession as its point of departure;
and it cannot be denied that, in spite of the existing
state of war in Schleswig and Jutland, this basis is
as little to be set aside as was the case in France
after the fall of the first empire, when the allies
governed France by a commission.
" This basis of most recent possession by the
common Danish dynasty would serve as a point of
departure for the examination of the right of suc-
cession of the House of Augustenburg. The Con-
ference will be forced to admit the interested parties
to furnish proof of their rights, but they will be
none the less obliged to give such proofs. Proof
and counter proof will have to be weighed, and
Germany must require that this should take piece.
If the Confederation was not competent to decide
the succession question without examination, the
Conference will be still less able to do