The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-17 00:00:00

BILL.

Mr. BROTHERTON, on moving the second reading
of this Bill, said as he was anxious that all persons
should be fairly heard, he did not object to the petitions
which had been presented; but he renaindocl the House
that they ought to have been submitted to the Private
Bill-office.—(Bear.) He would not delay the House by
expatiating on the importance of education, for it was
admitted on all hands that it was necessary to extend
education in the country, but he would frankly state
the origin of the Bill and the circumstances in which it
was placed. There were threo parties in the towns of
Manchester and Salford anxious to promote the cause of
education; and they duff red as to the beet means of
accomplishing that object—one party being for
religious education, another for secular educa-
tion, and a third for voluntary education. The
Bill was supported by a very large number of rate-
payers. No less than 40,000 rate-payers in the
two townships had signed petitions in favour
of the measure. The Town Council of Man-
chester had, however, thrown out the Bill by a ma-
jority of 32 to 22, but the Town Council of Salford had
approved of it by a majority of 17 to 14. The majority
of 17 paid 9,2431. in local rates, and the mi-
nority only 1,8261., showing clearly that the
feeling of the rate-payers was in favour of
taxing themselves for the purposes of education. It had
been objected that this was more of a public than a pri-
vate Bill, but the promoters had despaired of seeing a
general measure passed applicable to the whole king-
dom, and the necessity for education in Manchester and
Salford was so great that they deemed it advisable to
propose a scheme of their own, which would not only
not infringe upon the consciences of any, but be gene-
rally acceptable to the ratepayers. If the House agreed
to the second reading, the Bill might be referred to a
Select Committee, or, when the report was brought up,
it might be submitted to a Committee of the
whole House, and then treated in all respects as a
public Bill.—(llear.) He considered that the towns of
Manchester and Salford bad done themselves immortal
honour in setting so noble an example to the kingdom,
and of showing that they sincerely desired to promote
education.—(Cheers.) All they wished was a system of
education suitable for the working classes, supported
by local rates, and under local management. The
amount of remuneration to be given under the Bill de-
pended entirely upon the number of scholars, the prin-
ciple being to pay in proportion to the work done. The
Hon. Member concluded by moving the second reading
of the Bill.

Mr. M. GIBSON said he intended to take a rather
unusual but not an irregular course with regard to the
Bill. He meant to move au amendment, to leave out
all the words after the word " that," for the purpose of
adding a resolution, to this effect—" That a Select Com-
mittee be appointed to inquire into the state of education
in the municipal boroughs of Manchester and Salford,
and adjoining townships, and to ascertain whether it is
' advisable to make any further proposition, and in what
manner, for the education of the inhabitants
within such boroughs and townships, by means
of local rates to be raised within the same."
He made this amendment, because the measure, as a
private Bill, was extraordinary. It was, no doubt, tech-
nically within the rules of the House. It possessed
one peculiar distinctive character of a private Bill
—vis., that it was limited in application to par-
ticular parties and to a particular locality
—and persons who wished to legislate in that
way might, undoubtedly, proceed with such a Bill us a
private Bill. But he hoped to have the Speaker's ap-
' proval of a different view of the question. It had been
the object of the House, for some time past, to
limit the number of objects for which special
applications were made for private Bills ; and
it had passed general and comprehensive laws
of which particular localities could avail themselves by
complying with the conditions which they set out. Now,
if education was made one of the objects for which spe-
cial applications were to be made, such a course would
not be consistent with the past proceedings of the
House.—(Hear,) If every town in England applied
for its own particular Education Bill, there would con-
stantly be revived religious subjects which would lead to
prolonged discussions in the House. The reasonable way
to deal with the question of education was for Parlia-
ment to decide on the general principles of a measure ap-
plicable to the whole community, and then to allow
particular localities to avail themselves of that measure
if they complied with its conditions. So great a change
in the public policy as that of sanctioning the formation
of free schools for secular education, supported by local
rates, without a preliminary Parliamentary inquiry,
was never attempted before, and he asked
the House not to accede to so novel a principle
until such an inquiry had been instituted.
This was a measure involving far more than the ques-
tion of levying local rates fur the purpose of education;
it involved the great principle of how children should
be educated, whether in the Catholic or Protestant reli-
gion, and upon that point neither the corporation of
Salford or Manchester had yet pronounced on opinion.—
(Hear, hear.) There was one influential body in Man-
chester for whom this Bill made no provision whatever,
except it was that they would have to con-
tribute to the rates—(A laugh)—while, in reference
to the Roman Catholics, they could only avail themselves
of the provisions of the Bill by allowing the authorised
version of the Scriptures to be used in their schools.—
(Hear, hear.) It was not necessary for him to go through
all the provisions of the Bill, because that was a subject
which ought to be left to the consideration of the Com-
mittee.—(Hear, hear.) Ho admitted that the pro-
motors of this measure were deserving of great
credit for the trouble and expense which they
efforts° ulti-
had brought to the service of this
question, and he should be sorry if
their but many
mately produced no legislative results,
which he re-
m moutons
disagreeable consequences would beeod)
the House would only adopt
thesis from no hostility to
commended.—(Hear, hear.)
It outw of local rates that
a plan of supporting education spared to them if
ti
he moved this amendment, it was not in thha now pro-
but in the present state of
e spirit of op-
rang for education posing
posed this course,
public affairs it was hopeless to think the promoters
succeedcould in carrying their Bill this
(Hear,session.--
hear.) It was, therefore, with the view of en-
abling them to husband their funds to be need in the
future that he proposed thiassae,cond, choeuarrs.e)of disposing
of
which h
of the question now.—(Bear
Housethe
ead been h
presented w
on
be
lede
.7 by th Petitions
ts
the subject o
Bill, because many parties had signed those petitions
under the erroneous impression at they were signing
petitions in favour of national
education.—(Hear, hear.)
The majority of the people were anxious for a Parlia-
mentary inquiry on the subject of this Bill—nothing
more; and he hoped the House would not sanction the
tpareinplapulewwhhicichhhte haheßdilslucgognetsatineld, but agree at once to
Mr. ROEBUCK seconded the amendment, but ho
did so upon a much narrower ground than that which
had induced his Right Hon. Friend to propose it. Ho
objected to the Bill being considered in the light of a
private Bill; it was far too extensive to be placed in that
category; but if technically it was a private Bill,
he should bo glad to hear some one draw
the line where a Bill ceased to partake of a private cha-
racter.—(Bear, hear.) This he contended was no private
Bill at alt, and thereiore he insisted that it ought to be
stopped in limine.—(Hear, hear.) Great public prin-
ciples were involved in this Bill; it involved no private
interest, bat actually embraced the great, wide question
of national education and religious prejudice, and he was
at a loss to understand how the Government could allow
it to go on as a private Bill.—(Hear, hear,)
Mr. WALPOLE rose and was
(LEFT SPEA KING.)

THE MISSING OFFICERS OF TIIE 30TII REGIMENT.
—A Malta correspondent sends the following gratifying in-
or Cavan and Captain Mauleverer, 30th
who were thought to be lost in a yacht, have
Corfu. The yacht only:is lost.
leendeetcn
:
charter of incorporation, with limited liability,
ribtel'eaall;A•gc'hibeen granted by the Government to an association to be
called the Colonial Gold Company. The proposed c...pital is
500,000/, in 5/. shares, and the objects chiefly contemplated
are the purchase. of ores and the transmission of the richer
sorts for ecouonucal reduction of worke to be established in
London.