The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-23 00:00:00

THE DANISH PAPERS.

Lord P.. CECIL wished to ask the Under Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs a question, to which he ought to
be accustomed by this time—how the Danish papers were
getting on? (Laughter.) Perhaps the hon. gentleman
would give some detailed information as to the state in
which they were—whether the whole of the copy was now
in the hands of the printer, and if so, whether the hon.
gentleman was confining himself to the Foreign •offie,e printer
or whether he was employing some of those large printers
who could turn the whole thing out with ease in thirty-six
hours. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. LAYARD said the noble lord was well aware that
Foreign-office papers were of great iruportance—(cheers
from the opposition)—and it was more than absurd to sug-
gest that such papers should be sent out to any other print-
ing office in the country, which might cause great damage
to the public service. The Foreign-cffiee had only a limited
means of printing, and all that could be done was being done.
He hoped that by to-night or to-morrow the whole of the
copy would be finished. A large portion of it was almost
ready, but they required the last revise. They might give
an instalment of them if the house wished, but he did not
think it would be treating the house fairly to give only a
part. He hoped the whole papers:would be ready next week.
Mr. OSBORNE wished to ask whether the foreign powers
alluded to the other night had given their consent to the
production of the documents relating to Sleswig-Holstein.
Mr. LAYARD said he never stated that they required
the permission of any foreign powers, but that it was a
matter of courtesy before they published a foreign docu-
ment to ask the foreign minister whether there was any ob-
jection to the publication.
Mr. OSBORNE—Has the question been asked?
LAYARD—Of course it has.
Mr. OSBORNE—And assented to ?
Mr. LAYARD—As far as we have gone yet.
Mr. OSBORNE wished to know if there were any other
foreign governments which they had to go to.
The question received no answer.
Sir J. WALSH wished to know whether the whole or
only a selection of the documents would be given. He un-
derstood the hon. gentleman to mean the latter.
Mr. LAYARD said the papers would be so voluminous,
that he thought the greediest member would be satisfied.
On the motion for going
into committee of supply on the
navy estimates,
Mr. DISRAELI said—l wish. to make an inquiry of her
Majesty's Government as to our relations with Denmark,
but I do not see the noble l
. lord in his
place, and if I pursue
the inquiry for a moment, it because it is not the first
time when at this critical period of public affairs the noble
lord is not in his place, and I almost despair of seeing him
in his place when this information can be given to us. With
regard to the question of the noble lord (Lord IL Cecil) I do
not think the Government has acted considerately or fairly
to the House of Commons in this matter. The first night
of the session I called attention to the eircumatance that
to papers were presented on the all-absorbing question of
the hour, and the most important topic in the speech of the
royal commissioners, and also to the peculiar circumstance
that no papers were even promised. The noble lord seemed
to be somewhat irritated that any comment should be made
on the subject, and the noble lord said the reason why the
papers were nut noticed in the speech was that Ministers
did not wish to make the speech longer than it was. but
that it was a matter of course that the papers should be
produced. Well, it is a very curious thing, which wo were
Lot aware of at that moment, that almost
at the same time
another account was given in another place by the noble
lord the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the same subject,
which did not agree with the explanation of the noble lord.
For when in another place some surprise was expressed at
the absence of papers, the noble lord the Secretary of State
explained the matter in this wise, He said that the negotia-
tions had unexpectedly terminated, and he gave the house
to unders'.and that they were negotiations which her Majesty's
Government never expected would terminate, and as they
had not terminated, no proposition had been made for the
uroduction of the papers. (Hear, hear.) The impression
in another place was that there w is no prospect of the papers
being produced, Then all that we could get from the

Under-Secretary of State was to deprecate pressure put
upon him, and to lament the great task which fell to his lot
of having to print 600 pages ; and to-night e says the
quantity of papers when produced will astonish end satisfy
the house. In the first place, let me remind the house that
before the Crimean war the house met on the 31st of
January, and ou the 2d of February p epers were distri-
buted and in the hands of members; and what were those
papers ? They were in two parts, the one part consisting of
400 pages, and other of 378, being, in the estimation of
the Under-Secretary of State, a more considerable mass of
papers than those now to bo laid before the house, In that
case also the negotiations were not finished at the time, for
it was not before the 27th of March that her Majesty
announced that the negotiations had terminated fruitlessly,
and that war was about to be declared. Take another case,
which occurred during the present parliament. What
happened after the termination of the negotiations
which preceded the Italian war? Why, the first
moment that the new parliament was formed, I presented
the papers to the house. It is true the house had no oppor-
tunity of reading them, because the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs proposed a resolution amounting to a vote of want of
confidence in the Government;principally on account of our
management of foreign affairs, in which he was successful.
We retired from that bench, and about a week after the
noble lord announced with great frankness that he was pur-
suing exactly the same policy. (Hear, hear.) I must say he
pursued that policy for a brief space,'as in the last four years
he has followed entirely a line of his own. (Hear.) I con-
gratulate the noble lord in establishing a name which bears
terror to no country except his own. (Opposition cheers.)
As regards the papers, I think as far as precedent is con-
cerned and the benefit of the public service, it is clear, from
the habit of Parliament and those rules of common sense
which are still more powerful than even their own standing
rules, that this is the first occasion of equal importance
that the house has been left so entirely in ignorance of the
facts. The negotiations in this case have been going on for
weeks and months and years, just as in the case of the dis-
pute between the Latin and Greek churches. Yet in the
latter case, on the 2d February, 1855, the papers were laid
on the table within three days of the meeting of Parliament.
We have now been sitting for several weeks in this forlorn
condition; and with a possibility of shortly meeting our
constituents, we are without the opportunity of affording
them any information on the subject. Notwithstanding
this much has happened in the interval which might have
offered an opportunity to the Government of giving most
important and interesting ;nfm,noti.o to rho
House Of
Commons which might throw some light on the state of
that part of Europe. The other night an hon, gentleman
rose and asked a question on the subject of Germany and
Denmark. The noble lord answered the question inci-
dentally, and informed the house that the Government had
agreed to mediate between the contending parties, and that
there was a probability of an armistice being agreed to, and
that they made the proposition under circumstances that
were favourable. He intimated with delicacy, but with no
great amount of precision, that there was reason to hope
that Austria and Prussia had taken a sensible view of the
case, Let the house pause and see the importance of this
announcement. These are Ministers who year after year
have contended in this house that it was most unwise to
propose a mediation between contending States if there was
no chance of that mediation being accepted. (Hear, hear.)
Both sides of the house must be aware of the instance to
which I allude. (Hear.) Though Ido not want to intro-
duce a name and subject that always plunges us into con-
troversy, yet we are all aware that year after year that
great maxim of statecraft has been impressed on the house
by the noble lord and his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) Well,
what is the natural inference to be drawn ? If these
Ministers who will not sanction mediation between con-
tending States, except with a probability of success, have
agreed to mediate between Denmark and Germany, they
must have believed that their mediation would have been
successful. That was the natural conclusion to be drawn,
and everybody went home almost with a conviction that
there was a chance of seeing some honourable and concilia-
tory termination of these great and deplorable disasters.
(Hear, hear.) A few days after there was an authentic
rumour—at least a telegram which bore the appearance of
authenticity, to the effect that these negotiations had failed
—that her Majesty's Government attempted to mediate,
and proposed an armistice, but that the result was not
satisfactory. Still it was only a rumour. I came down to
the house to give an opportunity to the noble lord of making
those explanations which everybody in the house and
country awaited with the greatest anxiety. (Hear, hear.)
Everybody had agreed that a minister and a prime minister
who had made that communication to the house on Friday
with these rumours appreciated and credited in every part
of the metropolis, would follow it up as it was his duty to
do, and come forward in his place and enlighten and guide
public opinion ; but the noble lord was not here. I appealed
to his colleagues; I asked her Majesty's Government. I
asked every member of the Cabinet, who on such a subject
one wouldeimagine should be sufficiently well informed and
impressed with a sense of their common responsibility, and
would only have been too ready to satisfy the natural
desire of the house and of the nation. There was intense
silence. Attlast the Under Secretary of State, who appears
to; do all the work of the Government, rose with becoming
modesty—(laughter)—and asked permission to announce to
the house that her Majesty's Government had made
another diplomatic failure. (Cheers and laughter.)
All the, information we received was merely limited
to that result. The house did not want to be as-
sured of the want of success of the Government, or of
the disappointment they and the country necessarily fe't.
But they wanted that something like light should be
thrown upon the question. They wanted to know the
reasons which had induced the Prime Minister, who is so
opposed to mediation unless there is a great probability of
success, and who would not have ventured to suggest an
armistice unless previously assured that it would be assented
to, to lead the house to believe that one of the invading
powers at that moment was apparently animated by more
conciliatory sentiments than she had been given credit for,
One would have thought that the noble lord would have
made it a matter of special public duty to have come for-
ward and enter into these explanations. But the noble
lord was not here, and what followed ? Some nights
after that an hon. gentleman asked another question upon
the subject of Denmark and Germany, with respect to
which the House of Commons are, I believe, the least in-
formed of any body of men in Europe. (Hear.) The noble
lord, replying to the inquiry whether Jutland had been in-
vaded, made an answer in that veils, which in the older
times used to be called " King Cambyses' vein"—(laughter)
but which of late has become peculiarly the property of the
noble lord, and certainly the noble lord uttered some words
which in old times would have alarmed Europe and ani-
mated the House of Commons ; but in the present instance
they were received with that depression and despondency
which usually now accompany such expressions on the
part of the noble lord, because experience has proved to us
that they generally tend to the humiliation of our country.
(Cheers and expressions of dissent.) Well, sir, there was a
pang of anguish throughout the country when they heard
that Jutland was invaded. (Hear, hear.) Everbody felt
that that was too much. (Hear, hear.) Everybody said
that was the last drop, It was said only yesterday—there
was an authentic rumour—l credited it myself—that the
Prussians had repented of their conduct and had relin-
quished the position which they had taken up in Jutland.
They found that they had made a mistake. They say so.
That is the report—that the Prussians found that they had
made a mistake in going into Jutland ; as if they had not
made a great many mistakes in invasions before, and that
they had retreated from that country—from Denmark at
least. I believe they had not heard the noble lord s words
at the time—probably if they,had they would have remained
there. (Opposition cheers.) But, sir,Monday comes, after an
anxious Sunday ; Monday comes, and we naturally wish to
know if there is any truth in the account which has reached
us that the Prussians have retreated from the ill advised
position which they had taken. Because, after all, the
chances of a general war must very much depend upon in-
cidents of that kind. The noble lord is again absent, and
again we are without any one to guide us upon this sub-
ject. It is not therefore merely with regard to these papers
as to which I shall always maintain that the House of Com-
mons has been most scurvily treated—(hear, hear)—but
also with respect to these repeated instances where infor-
mation might have been given, and ought to have been
given to us, that the House of Commons is treated with
carelessness and disrespect, What I want to know from
her Majesty's Ministers, and I hope I shall get an answer,
although the noble lord does not present himself, is on what
ground did they rest the hope that the offer of mediation
would have been accepted by the contending parties—by
which of the contending parties was it refused—was it re-
fused by the Danes or by the Germans ?—was it refused by
both of the invading Powers ? These are all questions of
the utmost interest and importance, and we have a right to
information with respect to them from her Majesty's Go-
vernment. (Hear, hear.) On what ground did the noble
lord think that Austria was about to adopt a rational and
conciliatory course towards Europe ? Is it or is it not true
that Prussia invaded Jutland, and then retreated from the
position which she had assumed ? We want light, we wane
knowledge on these subjects from her Majesty's Ministers.
It is our duty to make these inquiries. It is our right to
receive this information. (Loud cheers.) Is the House of
Commons to go on in this way upon a subject which now
engrosses all the interest and passion of Europe—a subject
with respect to which men upon the Royal Exchange are
talking as much as upon all other matters, for their business
entirely depends upon the course of public policy in these
matters? I say that the place where the most information
should prevail—the most authentic information—is the
House of Commons, and yet that is the place where we can
obtain least information, and least authentic information.
(Cheers.) I ask the house to consider their position—how
much it touches their honour in the country. Suppose you
were sent to your constituents to-morrow—l put that in-
quiry before you because there are frequent rumours that
such an event is not far distant—(hear, hear) —how would
You meet your constituents ? Suppose a man in the crowd
says, "How about Denmark?" (Cheers and laughter.) I
want to put it to the house—not merely gentlemen on this
side, but the house generally—in their right position. It
may be a matter of perfect indifference to her Majesty's Go-
vernment that they are the derision of every court in Europe
—(cheers and counter cheers)—but we do not want to be
the laughing stock of our constituents, and therefore we
must make an effort to put an end to this highly un