The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

Lord Fermoy and Mr, Harvey Lewis.",

Yesterday evening Lord Fermoy, M.P., and Mr. Har-
vey Lowis, M.P., met a large number of their constituents
at the Vestry-hall, St. Pancras, to deliver addresses having
reference to the measures of the last and approaching ses-
sions. The chair was taken by Mr. W. Douglas, who, in a
brief introductory speech, referred to the question of metro-
politan railway schemes as one in which the borough of
Marylebone is most deeply interested, and on which it re-
quired the best assistance of its representatives in Parlia-
ment.

Lord FERMOY,who was received with cheers, after observ-
ing that he and his colleague addressed their constituents
at the end of last session, and then met with an approval of
their conduct, said they were now on the eve of a session
which was doubtless fraught with events of the greatest
importance, both in a political and in a metropolitan point
of view, As regarded political matters, the question which
pressed most on the public mind at present was the state of
the foreign relations of this country. (Hear, hear.) They
all knew how serious a step it was for a country to embark
in war; and suffering as they were from the lolly of their
ancestors in that respect, the English people would wisely
hesitate to urge the Government to take any step tending in
that direction. (Cheers.) He had himself always been im-
pressed with the importance of the principle of neutrality or
non-intervention, and he believed that a more prudent po-
licy was never adopted by any ministry than that of Lord
Palmerston and his colleagues in relation to the American
question. (Cheers,) Every day showed the wisdom of that
policy. It was now manifest that by interfering in any
way in the disturbed affairs of America, this country, in-
stead of making things better, would have made them
worse. (Hear, hear.) Moreover, how different would
have been its position, if now that it was obliged to pre-
pare for war in the East, it had been carrying on war in
the West. He had therefore felt it his duty to support
the Government in redsting the pressure to interfere in
American afftirs. He also thought they were right in carry-
ing out in its integrity tke Foreign Enlistment Act, and
preventing the steam rams from leaving Liverpool. (Cheers.)
It would, indeed, have been a mock neutrality, a sham non-
intervention to allow any nation to fit out vessels of war to
be used against another nation with which this country
professed to be on terms of amity. Whilst he would apply
the principle of neutrality and non-intervention to the East
as well as the West, he =ld tot look at the present state
of affairs in Europe without great doubt and apprehension.
It was the fashion nowadays, in speaking of the Sleswig-
Holstein question, to say that there was something difficult
and mysterious about it. Ha was not going to inflict a lec-
ture upon them, but the question seamed to him a very
simple one. In 1852 Russia, Prussia, Austria, France, and
England) and) as far as their opinions could be ascertained,
all the other posters of Europe, thought it for the interest
of Europe and of the world that Denmark should hold a
thoroughly independent position, and, sating on that prin-
ciple, those cotintriets tlghed to a treaty guaranteeing to
Dentnati a free and independent position. In the course of
events parties interested in the Cie panic confedQrati9l,4 had

thought fit to take advantage of opportunity for endeavour-
ing to impair the independence of Dann:keit. tie did nut
want to go into the question of Morganatic marriages) or
any of those quations which lawyers were so agreeable to
dints; 'especially when paid for doing it. (Laughter.) The
question, as between nation and natier4 was whether it was
for the safety and advantage of turope that Denmark
should be free and independent, (Ilear.) It appeartd that
some of the contracting parties to the thAty had changed
their minds .that Austria and Prussia (ho put aside the
small eerinan principalities) were now impressed with the
value and importance of what they termed the ptintiple of
nationality. If either of the?..e roVvets sa* so ranch value

in the principle of nationality they inight apply it pt
home, (Cheers.) if Anstria believed al its value, what
was she going to do for Venetia? (Hear.) What was
she going to do for Hungary, or for Galicia ? (Hear, hear.)
If Prussia believed in it what would she do with Posenk or
would she drop from her iron claw that portion Of Poland
which she now gripes ? (Hear, hoar.) WhAt, ihoreolier,
had she to say with regard to her Rhenish provinces ? If
the printiple Was to be applied to Denmark, why should it
not be to the other nations who were so anxious to apply it
to her ? (Hear, hear.) With regard to their interest in
this question, ho was not, as they saw by his opening sett•
tence on this subjec!t) bile of those who were anxious to
meddle in otter people's business ; but Denmark had claims
npon them for sympathy, at all events, and for advocacy.
Denmark was an ancient ally of England ; she Was, like this
country, a maritime State, more pOwetltil by sba than by
land, and she was lb. proOittoti to her means a good cus-
tomer for Ilritith. thinnfactures ; and England being a party
to the tat of 1852 was bound, in his opinion, to do what
silo could—he Rleant diplomatically—to see faithfully ful-
filled te treaty to which she had planed her Sitrnattire: As
regarded the other I,talelis olio Web contracting parties to
the treat, to a tifo'tiglit the majority of them would see fit to
I'unitbVith England in remonstratine.
We
b, the Germanic
Confederation as to their present conduct ; and he trusted
that the matter would end in that way, withoht *fit% tit
upon Austria and Prussia rfddr My heOY resPiinsihility
for the step Whith %hay *ere taking. (Hear, hear.) They
were inteMning ; the tramp of armed men was now re-
sounding over Europe at their dictation, and by their both-
mend; and upon them, he repeated) rektted the responsi-
bility of such conduct. Let a shot once be fired in anger,
whether on one aide of the river or the other) let the s*ord
be once drawn in the present quarrel) and no than present
could forsee the end of the war which would thus have
been commenced. (Hear.) At all events they Might rest
assured that the two States whose coadttet led to it would
be, as they ought to be, the first to s'Aer for the step which
they had taken. (Loud cheers.) If Denmark were dis-
membered, he would not give a fig for the chance of the
Austrian empire holding together ; and less still would he
give for the present position of the King of Prussia,
who, having a quarrel on constitutional grounds to settle
with his own people, wou:dprobably rather enter on a foreign
war than yield what was justly duo to his own subjects.
(Cheers.) In the present serious aspect of European politics
it was most gratifying to him, as he thought it must be
also to the nation, that there was at the head of affairs a
statesman of such great experience, particularly in foreign
affairs—ono who united with the wisdom of years the vigour
of youth in his heart—(cheers)—and who had never Leen
accused by his bitterest enemy of forgetting. for'one moment
the interests of his country. (Renewed cheers.) lie would
now proceed to say a few words with regard to affairs at
home. With respect to the invasion of the metropolis by
railway companies, the noble lord observed that there were
about 32 schemes to be brought before Parliament. It would
puzzle even the wisdom of parliament to make a proper se-
lection, and in his opinion the best course which the Go-
vernment could pursue was to appoint a royal commission