The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-27 00:00:00

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The following bills ware read a third time and passed :
St. Helen's Canal and Railway—South Wales Mineral
Railway—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Rail-
way (Stearnboat,)—Dublin Trunk Connecting Railway—
Sheffield Waterworks (Bradfield Inundation)—North
Western and Charing•cross Railway--Metropolitan Dis-
trict Railways.
Lord REDESDALE moved that the standing orders
relating to private bills be dispensed with for the remainder
of the session.

The motion was agreed to.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES (METRIC SYSTEM)

BILL.

The house went into committee on this bill.

The Earl of DONJUGIiMORE appealed to the noble
earl (Fortescue) who had charge of the bill, not to press it
at this period of the session. It would not,
in his opinion,
simplify matters, but would tend to make inexplicable con-
fusion.
Earl GRANVILLE did not see that the peculiar period
of the session should be considered as a reason for not pro-
ceeding with the bill. The house was well attended, and
ho thought•they could properly consider the clauses of the
measure. The principle of the bill had already been fully
discussed.

The bill then passed through committee, and was reported
with amendments.
CIVIL BILL COURTS (IRELAND) BILL.

- - -
The Commons' reasons for disagreeing with certain
amendments made in this house to the bill were considered,
and their lordships determined not to persevere with their
amendments.
INIPROVEME:•.iT OF LAND ACT 1864 BILL,

The Commons' amendmsnt to this bill were considered
RS disagreed with.
HARWICH HARBOUR ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
JUDGMENTS, &3., LAW AMENDMENT BILL.

This bill passed through committee and was reported
with an amendment. The standing orders were then
suspended, and the bill was read a third time and passed,
in order that it might be sent down to the other house to
consider the amendment.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLEMENTAL (No, 2)

BILL.

This bill ceased through committee,
CRIMINAL JUSTICES' ACT (1855) CONTINUANCE

BILL.

This bill passed through committee.
ARMAGH ARCHIEPISCOPAL REVENUE BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
CONSOLIDATED FUND (APPROPRIATION)
BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
NEW ZEALAND LOAN BILL.

This bill was read a third time and passed.
PUBLIC WORKS (MANUFACTURING DIS-
TRICTS BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
POOR REMOVAL BILL,
This bill passed through committee.
EXPIRING LAWS CONTINUANCE BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
PIER AND HARBOURS BILL.

The repot t of amendments to this bill was brought up
and agreed to.
HIGHWAY ACTS AMENDMENT BILL.

The amendments to this bill were agreed to, and the bill
was then read a third time and passed.

RAILWAY COMPANIES POWERS BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH, on rising to call the
attention of the house to the changes which have taken
place in the state of foreign affairs since Parliament met,
said that he took that opportunity to endeavour to draw at-
tention to our present position. There had been a change,
which affected not only the integrity of the Danish domi-
nions, but the sacredness of the obligations of the treaties
by which the States of :Europe were bound together, the
security of the smaller States, and the steady progress of
constitutional government on the continent of Europe,
which for some years we had witnessed with the greatest
satisfaeiion. When he last addressed them he had no hope
of doing good; ho had no hope now, and only spoke because
ho felt it right to do so. Har Majesty's Government de-
clared that they would afford no assistance to Denmark,
after the failure of the Conference. At the commencement
of the session the Opposition declared that it was not their
duty to find any foreign policy; and they had ended by
adopting the foreign policy of the Government, while they
had commented severely upon the mode in which it had
been carried out by the Foreign Secretary. He regretted
this determination of the two great parties in the State ;
nor did he think that such a course would have been
adopted by the groat statesman whom England declined to
honour. He believed, moreover, that there was not more
than one reign—that of James I.—in which such a policy
would have been acceptable to the country. Let them ob-
serve in what state Denmark was now. She lay prostrate
at the feet of her despoilers, and had none to protect her,
encept, perhaps the Emperor of France, who might have,
perchance, come forward to defend her. At the beginning
of the prcient year Denmark possessed all the provinces
secured to her by the treaty of Vienna; and would have
continued to do so had it net been for the lawless inva-
sion of the German Powers. In. the first place, they
called their invasion a Federal execution, and based it
n.oa certain letters patent issued by the late King.
Before, however, Federal execution was levied, those
leUers patent were withdrawn. Austria and Prussia
then declared their intention to occupy Sebleswig as a ma-
terial guarantee for the fulfilment of a certain diplomatic
engagement entered into by Denmark in 1850 51—and they
did this, although they had made no objection, until it was
varied, to the constitution of November, 1863, which united
Schleswig to Denmark. But after th tt constitution had
been agreed to, and the Parliament dissolved, Austria and
Prussia desired the King to repeal that constitution, which
he could not do without vicnatieg his oath. M, Bismark,
indeed, observed that he might do so by establishing a state
of siege. But had he done so, the King of Denmark would
have deserved to forfeit his throne, and have lost the cha-
racter which he had hitherto maintained. The constitution
was not repealed, and first Schleswig and then Jutland were
occupied, He inferred from this that this war was not
commenced t4no intuitts by Austria and Prussia, but that
they preceded step by step from one wrong to another
when they saw that then- aggressions met with no resist-
ance. Although he believed that there was no treaty of
Holy Alliance,, he thought that there was an understand-
ing—not only one—between Austria, Prussia, and Russia,
which was indeed far worse than the Holy Alliance. The
Sovereigns of the former alliance declared, and they kept
to their word, that they would not check territorial aggran-
disement for themselves, but would limit their action to
giving assistance to any soveeeign who might be threaten-
ened by the revolutionary party, and might ask their aid
is maintaining his authority. But Austria and Prussia had
not been content with this. Not confining themselves to
snpport the authority of the King of Denmark, they had
forbidden him to extend constitutional Government to
Schleswig. It was not merely the declarations of her
Majesty's Government which had given these German
Powers an insight into the pacific policy of the Govern-
ment

Reduced estimates were introduced at the com-
mencement of the year, and they were ostentatiously do-
ecribed as peace estimates. New he quite admitted that
we were not entitled to demand success in all his snde.r-
takings from a British Minister—but we were certainly
entitled to ask that he should not take measares which
rendered success impossible. Now a Government which
declared that its strength should never be used, did in
the most direct manner deprive itself of all influence. He
thought it of the deepest importance that the several sove-
reigns of Europe should have decided not to maintain the
Treaty of 1852 as tee basis of their i;
peeer. He saw no
reason for such a departure. The only ground that could
be given was founded on the new doctrine that nations were
to decide on their own fate ; but thin doctrine road no appli-
cation to Schleswig and Holstein. In the case of a large
homogeneous population, like that of France, no doubt the
doctrine of nationality was well founded. Nor did it affect
the balance of power in Europe by whom that race might
be ruled. Under any dynasty their policy and their action
would be the same. But when the people of a particular
province desired to withdraw themselves from a State to
which they had belonged they disturbed the balance of
power in Europe by bringing about the dismemberment of
the State to which they had belonged. He did not see how
or why any treaty should be respected after that of 1852
had been set aside. There would in future be no such
thing as international right in Europe,tand there would be
no security for any State in Europe except that which de-
pended on her strength. There was not a Weak State in
Europe which did not feel that its secueity was sensibly
diminished by what had taken place in regard to Denmark.
If Kiel might be claim ed and taken possessi on of by Austria
and Prussia, what was there to prevent other Powers from
seizing the Texel, or Prance from marching upon Bel-
gium ? What had. recently • occurred roust sensibly
diminish the sense of independence of all secondary States.
But, besides the regret and indignation which he felt on
this score, he regarded the conduct of the Glernettn Powers
as a declaration of war against constitutional gov erament.
No doubt their behaviour towards Denmark was part of a
plot to destroy liberty in Prussia and
wickedly -laid
Austria also. He dreaded th is, net because it would
last, but because it.would interrupt the peaceful progress
of constitutional freedom, which, but a few months ago,
seemed going on in those States. A damn had been thrown
across the stream, which was certain to rise and over-
whelm the Governments which had interreapte d its course.
It was because these things could not be done without re-
tribution, and a terrible retribution too, that he viewed
them with so much
alarm. Then cornea the question,
what are we to do ? We could not disguise from ourselves
that there was much mystery
in these recent transactions
—that there was something,hehe ed which we -could not see
—that there was :something we could not ex plain' in the
conduct of Austria, Prussia, and. Russia. We must look.
thenito our own strength, We r gust increase ti iat atre Rgth

by fortifications, and by keeping bothour army and navy
in the most efficient condition. 'We must endeavour to
maintain the best understanding with France. Al ove all,
he looked as our best security to the revival of the ancient
spirit of the country, which did not consider lucre, but
looked to honour. There was no doubt te w' at we now
saw passing around us was calculated to ,:.; us both with
indignation and regret. Did history record airy instance of
cruelty more revolting than that of which the Poles bad
recently been made the victims? Did history record
another instance in which, as had been the case with the
Poles during the last few months—women, children, old
men, young men, the glory and pride of their country, had
been marched (without any of that assistance required by
the age of some and the sex of others) from Warsaw to
Siberia, dying on the road or destined to slavery when they
arrived at their destination ? When we saw this, and wit-
nessed the wrong done to Denmark—when we saw the
Powers which had despoiled her, proceeding from one
wrong to another until they had appropriated to them-
selves a large portion of the country—when we saw
such outrages as these, which could not remain without
decisive retribution, he could only express his hope
that those who wore not parties to these crimes, that
those who had not in any way participated in them,
might, by the divine permission and mercy, be exempted
from that punishment which should only be inflicted on
those who designed the wrong and assisted in its perpetra-
tion. (Hear, hear.)
Earl RUSSELL said this matter had been fully debated
in both Houses of Parliament, and both Houses of Parlia-
ment had come to their conclusion upon it. Bat there were
some statements made by the noble earl which appeared to
him to require so mach correction in order to reduce them
to the actual state of facts, that he could not avoid noticing
some of those statements. The noble earl had spoken of
Denmark a& a country that had been invaded by two great
Powers, who had invaded it for the purpose of taking from
it some of its own provinces. Now, the difficulty of this
question throughout had been that while Denmark was a
small country there were at the same time two different
races—indeed, more than two different races in that country
—and that one race, which possessed the power of directing
and controlling the Government, were at issue with another
race, which occupied part of these provinces. But there
was another difficulty still. While the majority might
exercise unjustly, and could exercise oppressively if they
chose, all their power over the minority, that minority had
the power of appealing to a nation on its frontier, close to
its boundary—a country of more than forty millions of in-
habitants, whose feelings, whose position and sympathies,
would be with the provinces. In that state of affairs the great
towers of Europa made a treaty, but that treaty depended
upon the temper, upon the discretion, and upon the good
sense of one party, as well as upon the mercy and forbearance
of the others, Now, they should remember always that the
beginning of this contest was in 1848, when Prussia in-
vaded the provinces of the King of Denmark. They con-
tended that they were justified in invading Holstein by an
article of the Germanic Confederation, and that they were
justified as respected Schleswig by a special engagement
that had been made. Therefore there was a dispute and
discussion betwet Denmark on the one side and the Ger-
manic Confederation on the other, and it could not be said
that Denmark was entirely blameless in that matter, or
that she had fulfilled all the promises she had made. He
was told that he had looked into the subject of the
treaty of 1852 more than it was necessary to do, but he had
thought it was absolutely necessary to look into it, and he
could neither say the Government of Denmark was blame-
less, nor that they had fulfilled all the promises by which
they had bound themselves to the Germanic Confederation
or to Austria. Therefore the question came to this. Were
the Powers justified in dividing Denmark in order to compel
her to fulfil her promises, and to keep her treaty engage-
ments ? The question was a complicated one, and no one
could say that in going to war purely and simply for Den-
mark, without asking anything for Denmark, we would
have been taking the right course. This was not a question
of whether you should go to war or should not go to war;
but the main difficulty in a question of this kind was that
, you should not draw the sword without being convinced
that you were in the right. If you were to go to war if
you were to ask the people of England to contribute large
subsidies to that war—if you were to ask them to subject
themselves to all the evils of war, you should at least be sure
that you were in the right course when you drew the sword.
Now when he said that Denmark had not taken a perfectly
upright course in this matter, he did not mean to defend
the Powers of Germany against the accusation the noble earl
had brought, but he would say if they had been willing to
submit the matter to the decisica of the Powers of Europe
who were not immediately engaged in it, if they had listened
to both sides, all this difficulty might have been settled by
negotiation. But unfortunately, awhile Denmark for 11 years
continually and persistently put herself in the wrong, Ger-
many had determined that she would listen to no reason, and
as Denmark would give no promises of redress, she would
settle the question by the arbitration of war. He blame! that
conduct, and he blamed it the more because it was not the
judgment of Austria and Prussia which led them to this;
bat perhaps together, and perhaps separately, they wished
to have popular feeling in Germany in their favour, and it
was rather in consequence of that feeling that they felt the
cause to be right that they again participated in that war.
He did not agree that in that case we ought to have taken the
part of Denmark, and that, although France and Russia
refused to be our backers in it, that we should ourselves
have proceeded, and by our means have defended the cause
of Denmark. He had said the question had been discussed.
He held in his hand the resolution that had been arrived at
by the House of Commons, the address which they had
presented to her Majesty, after considering this matter, he
thought, for four nights together, and knowing, as they
must have known, that if it had been a case of war the
appeal must have been made to them, as the only c3nsi-
tutional body, far the means to carry on that war. After
thanking her Majesty for laying before them the papers,
and expressing the regret of the House of Commons that the
Conference had been brought to a close without accomplish-
ing the important purpose for which it was called, they
went on to express their satisfaction that at this conjuncture
her Majesty had been advised to abstain from armed inter-
ference in the contest now going on between Denmark and
the German Powers. Therefore, if they had called on the
House of Commons to carry en a war of that kind, the
House of Commons would not have supported the Govern-
ment in that war. The noble earl had supposed that the
honour of England had been impaired, Now, in what re-
spect had the honour of England been involved in this
contest? Was it bound by treaty to assist Denmark?
There was no treaty since 18 i 2, and there was no proof
whatever that it was to the honour of this country to assist
Denmark in this war. He was convinced there was no such
obligation, and he was fully convinced also that if any
cause should arise in which the Honour of England re-
quired her to go to war, they would have the House of
Commons deciding, not by a small majority, but by
overwhelming numbers, in support of fulfilling the obli-
gations in favour of which the honour of England was at
stake. They might repeat now what Burke said in an
eloquent speech made ninety years ago in relation to
America. lie said, " Slaveey is a weed that grows any
where. They may Lava it in Spain, they may have it in
Prussia." Nov he was loth to think that the people of
Prussia, in the course of these 00 years, had not learnt
both to value and to understand liberty. His belief was
that neither on the part of the Crown, on the part of the
House of Lords, nor on the part of the House of Commons,
had they yet arrived at a true understanding cf what a
constitutional monarchy should be. It required no aid and
no assistance from us, but after this question of Denmark
had b2en settled, as it would be without any intewarence
of ours, he believed the bust prospect for the future to
see liberty and constitutional monarchy established in
Germany, was to leave that intelligent people to establish
what should be the terms of government between the So •
vereign and themselves, and there was no reason why
England should interfere in any way in the settlement of
that dispute. He was far from thinking that, were we to
compare Europe with what it was 40 years ago, at the
time of the Holy Alliance, that the people of Europe had
not made great progress in political feeling, because he
believed that fe lie.g was in abeyance at that time. He
believed no sovereign, looking at the signs of the times,
would think otherwise than that ; but, on the contrary,
they would find the sympathies of the people of England
to be with the government of a constitutional monarchy.
That was h's belief, and he was ter from thinking if we
had been thrust into war, and the States of Europe had
been pitted against each other in bloody contest, that we
should have promoted the cause of liberty any more than
we should have promoted the cause of peace. He believed,
on the contrary, that by leaving it to the people and the
sovereigns of Germany to settle this question among them-
selves, the Government had acted not only for the honour
and interest of England, but they had done that which was
best for the honour and interest of Europe.
Lord STAT F ORD DE REDCLIFFE said his noble
friend had asked where anything could be found to justify
the expression that the honour of England had been
lowered. He thought a justification was to bs found
for it in the manner in which the negotiations had been
conducted. The great object of her Majesty's Govern-
ment was the maintenance of peace in the north of Europe.
But, instead of peace, we now had war. Then we had
been told that the treaty of 1852 was to be maintained
Governmentmisaintaine
d; but
that treaty had been given up by the English
itself. The hopes which were raised in Denmark had been
destroyed. It was, in a wo.d, impossible not to perceive
facts which justified the expression that we had suffered a
certain degree of discredit as a nation. He regretted the
blame which had been imputed to the Danish Government,
who throughout all the proceedings had been placed in a
most critical and difficult position. The conduct of the
Danes ought to elicit feelings of the strongest admiration,
and it was a matter of regret that we could not show our
sympathy with them in a more effective manner.

The subject then dropped.
SEARCHING FOR ARMS IN IRELAND.
The Earl of LEITRIM drew attention to a search for
anus which had been made in April last, under a warrant
of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in the parish of Clouds-
vadock, in the barony of Kilmacrenan, county Donegal;
and asked the Lord President if there were any law
to au-
thorise the police in Ireland to enter the dwelling-house of
any of her Majesty's subjects without a warrant and to
search it, or carry off any property of any kind whatsoever
from such house without any written authority.
Earl GRANYILLE said that all the proceedings in the

case which had been referred to by the noble lord were of a
strictly legal character.

After some remarks from the Earl of Donoughmore and
Earl Granville,
The subject dropped.
The house adjourned at twenty minutes to eight o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening.
The sitting was resumed at six o'clock.
THE MAGISTRACY OF TEWKESBURY.

Mr LYGON gave notice that to-morrow he would call
the attention of the house to the late appointments to the
magistracy at Tewkesbury, and move for correspondence
on the subject.
THE YORKSHIRE RESERVOIRS.

In reply to a question from Mr FERRAND on the sub-
ject of the reservoirs of Yorkshire,
Sir G. GREY said the report of Messrs. Rawlinson and
Beardmore had been printed and circulated, and any mem-
ber could refer to it himself; but he did not find it in the
statement ascribed to them by the hon. gentleman. They
did not pretend to assign the precise cause of the accident ;
but they thought the manner in which the pipes were laid
might have affected the puddle wall.

Mr FERRAND asked whether it was the intention of
the Government to appoint a commission to consider the
question.

Sir G. GREY did not thing it was necessary to issue a
Royal commission, but that two or three engineers might
be employed to investigate the matter.
Mr FERRAND could assure the right hon. gentleman
that the lives of thousands of persons were in danger by the
present state of those reservoirs, and they were looking
with anxiety to have something done before Parliament was
prorogued.

Sir G. GREY said, if the Government made any change
in the law, it could only have a prospective bearing. If the
lives of thousands of persons were in danger, he would re-
commend the hon. member to put himself in communica-
tion with them, and adopt the measure he had pointed out
the other night, and which he believed would be an effec-
tual remedy.