The Sun.
London, England, 1852-07-19 00:00:00

FOREIGN.

Dutch Rhenish .... • ........•
31 a ria Antonia • • • • • • • • •
Montereau and Troyes
Namur and Liege .. • • ........ ......
Northern of France
Orleans and Central ..... ........
Paris and Lyons •• ..... ..... •..
Paris and Rouen. • • • • •• •• •• •• •• •• •-
Paris and Strasburgh • • -
Rouen and llavre .. • • • • •• •• •• •• •• .
Western of France ................

412%
493?

1,394
162

944
890
21,643
13,666
11,814
7,401
6,809
3,059

1,669
325
874
1,125
22,614
18,542
13,740
8,192
14,099
3,364

MINING NEWS. —The share market has been in a
less active state this week than for some time past, chiefly,
perhaps, owing to the elections calling many of the specu:
lators, dealers, and brokers, out of town ; notwithstanding,
however, good dividend shares maintain their price, several
early return
of which, indeed, have been sought for at advanced rates,
particularly Devon Great Consols, South Tolgus, South and
west Caradon, Tincroft, South Tamar, and Bedford—in some
the present value of metals will naturally tend to enable
are inquired
7 dividends being made. Several mines of early promise
rireehineired for, and good reports are being daily received of
the excursio of
the accident to
discoveries making in them, so that we fully rely on an
toactive business in all mining shares
a more of
good repute.
Tu —Alining Journal.
a . ITA.L ACCIDENT AT BURNLEY.—The inquest
on the bodies
was opened on train at Burnley, on the night of the 12th inst.,
the four persons killed by
Mr. J. Hargreaves, at the Sun Inn, Burnley, before
officials of the co es, coroner, and a respectable jury. The
been examined, company, and several of the passengers, have
as to the causes of searching investigation is being made
to complete the theexam accident. It being found impossible
inquiry stands adjourned
of the witnesses this day, the
Court-house. The leading until Wednesday next, at the
Yorkshire Railway Company
ceedings, and have been
sufferers.
SALARIES TO OFFICERS ANT,
COMMON LAW Counrs.—Byg officials of the Lancashire and
PanY were present during the pro-
unremitting in their attentions to the
virtue CLERKS IN THE
and 16th Victoria, chap. 73),
ie of the new Act (15th
clerks of the common law courts are following officers and
instead of fees, from the 24th of October
be aid by salaries
sociates in the Queen's Bench, Commonber next: —The As-
Pleas, and Ex-
chequer; senior clerk in the offices of the Associates in the
Bench, Common Plea.
Queen's ,_, and Exchequer;. •
e offices • clerk of assize
clerks in those , for the performance
of the duties of Associate in the Northern Circuit;
clerk
of assize for the performance of the duties of Associate of
the Western Circuit, Oxford Circuit, Midland Circuit,
Home Circuit, Norfolk Circuit, North Wales Circuit, and
South Wales Circuit. The following judges, clerks are
likewise to be paid by salaries :—Principal clerks of the
Lord Chief Justices of the Queen's Bench and Common
Plebe, and Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer; chamber
clerks to the same; third clerks to the same; principal
clerks to the other judges and barons, and chamber clerks
t. 9 the same The salaries to the judges' clerks are to be
[ nzed by the
Treasury, with the sanction of the three chiefs
a the ..,_ e
wraluon law courts. ,

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS Or SATURDAY.
TIMES.—It used to be thought that a candidate on the
hustings, or at a Parliamentary meeting of electors, was in a
position only second in point of distress and squeezability to
that of a heretic on the rack, or a Hebrew in the dungeon of
a Front de Bad. Tied to the stake, and surrounded by a
thousand inquisitors, it seemed scarcely possible that he
should avoid revealing his most secret intentions to the gaze
of a watchful and jealous world. Those days are surely past,
since Mr. Disraeli can be let off so easily as he was yesterday
on the hustings at Aylesbury. Had his questioners been
confederates, and Dr. Lee, his single opponent, a partner in
he could not have succeeded more thoroughly in
theth m
e
game, he
of his inimitable illusions. The process is
such an arrangement of perspective as shall compel a certain
class of minds to believe the existence of some distant object
absolutely in spite of themselves. In this marvellous picture
the foreground is evidently impossible; the next distance Is,
to say the least, doubtful; but in the medium of candour thus
created no room is left to doubt the last and furthest, though,
of course, the indistinetest of the objects before you,
It is well known that incredulity itself is the chief instrument
of credulity, and that by surrendering a certain amount of
the popular faith you may, for a time, obtain a faster hold
for the rest. Thus Disraeli gives up the corn-laws altogether.
He assures the electors of Buckinghamshire that he never
did for an instant expect, or design, their restoration. Such
is the fate of the foremost object in the picture of agricultural
protection. The next distance is occupied by relief from
local burdens. This project has been sifted so often, and to
such excellent purpose, that it now affords very little solid ,
hope; so here, again, the candid exhibitor assures his spec-
tators that this is only a trifle, and may or may not be be-
lieved. We don't think 'much of this, he seems to say; it
may or may not yield you some relief; but, when we have
exhausted this mere surface vein, we shall then be able to di-
rect our attention to our real object—a general revision of our
financial system. That is what you have to hope for. We can
only work this mine with an overpowering majority in our
favour. Let the nation but, give us the requisite power, and
you will see the whole taxation of the country so evenly
and skilfully distributed, that none of you shall any more
feel it than he does the clothes on his body—in cooler weather
than the present. Who can doubt a man that speaks so fair,
and that knows so well what is possible and what is impos-
sible? Me Disraeli takes the farmers into his con-
fidence. " Now, my good friends, be advised. Give up Pro-
tection. Don't expect much relief from your local burdens.
But, once let us deal with the general taxation, and we shall
soon put the right load on the right horse." We really wish
it were possible to help the farmer out of that mine of hope,
the general taxation; but when so much of it is on imports,
and so much of the rest falls on the general consumer, and of
what then remains so much fails on other proprietors
and persons than landowners and farmers, we must
confess that even here all is barren from Dan to Beer-
sheba. Tie auriferous soil has been turned over so often
by successive generations of diggers that there is nothing
left for this new set of financial projectors. What can you
take off the farmer except what he shares with the com-
munity at large?
If a general revision of our financial
system be one of the blessing that " looms in the distance,"
we beg to suggest that even our hopes, wild as they are,
must submit to be controlled by the laws of possibility. We
cannot hope to fly, or to live for ever in this earthly sphere ;
we cannot hope to be all of us rich and powerful. Only one
in a myriad can hope to be Archbishop of Canterbury or
to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, and lead the House of
Commons. But Mr. Disraeli takes good care that the hopes
he inspires shall not be exposed to any such reasonable
scrutiny. The " loom" is to appear through a haze ; so it
is a poetical and mythical haze that Mr. Disraeli raises
before the eyes of his hearers befote he 'attempts to denote
the promised relief. Approaching.the credulous and suscep-
, tibia countryman, he offers sweet words and the vapour of
some spiritual chloroform.• The work is soon done. Sweet
sounds and smiling faces, soft illusions and dreamy de-
lights, possess the whole soul of the victim, and
another generation is added to the long list of political
dupes. But, besides these tender appeals to the un-
fortunate agriculturist, another purpose and another
policy, of a much more possible and practical character, pre-
sents itself, even through the hazy medium of Mr. Disraeli's
address, That policy is what we indicated yesterday, in
our remarks upon the copious gush of good measures that
has flowed through a really stop-cock Administration.
There are fond people who stream that Lord Derby and his
Chancellor of the Exchequer will confine themselves strictly
to Conservative measures. Do these people remember that
Lord Derby has lent a hand at every measure of reform, ex-
cept those of '46 and '47, since the Reform Bill, and inclu-
ding that wholesome, but rather revolutionary measure?
Do they remember that he helped to lop off the bishoprics
from the Irish Church? Do they remember that Mr. Dis-
raeli is a Liberal by birth and education? —that Lord
George Bentinck, the saint of the new Government, lived
and died a strong Whig? Do they remember the
history of the last session ? When Sir James Gra-
ham laid the recommendation of the Chancery
Commissioners on the table, and exclaimed, " Where will
you find the man to carry them out ?" he was, after the com-
mon usage of mankind, confining his ken to the then exist-
ing state of things, the then temper of men, and the then
combinations of party. He did not see " looming in the dis-
tance" the vision of a" Conservative" Government suddenly
and carnally admitted to power, and holding power by the
tenure of its reforming activity. He did not contemple a Go-
vernment passing measures against time, and in order to
prolong a session and get a stock of credit, helping itself
freely from the stores of its predecessors. It is now many
years since any change of Ministry made a change of mea-
sures, nor are we ever likely again to see the tide of reform
ebbing and flowing according to the humours of the
dominant politicians. Mr. Disraeli will not allow
that the measures of the last session were found
to hand. They were only original in this, that they were
even more liberal than the Whigs themselves would ever
have attempted to pass. Such, in fact, is the conflict of par-
ties in these days. The question is. what men shall have the
honour of conducting a given course of legislation? When
Peel, partly by policy, partly by accident, had become the
destroyer of the corn-laws, it immediately occurred to some
of his colleagues that two could play at that game, and that
they also might form a Government and party of their own,
by first resisting reform, and then carrying it with a strong
hand. In this manner, indeed, the Government has spoken
out plainly enough. Be its words ever so doubtful, its acts are
decided ; they are still acts of reform ; and no one can now
doubt that it will do any amount of reform that may be ne-
cessary to perpetuate its power. It will have no other alter
native, and, the greater the pressure applied to it on the
meeting of Parliament, the stronger will be its budget of
reforms, let country Conservatives like it as they may.
HERALD. —lt must be a matter of grave surprise that so
clever a man as the Chancellor tootle Exchequer should be
found identifying himself with the agricultural party, and
undertaking their defence when it has beep abandoned by so
many others. What can possess Mr. Disraeli to choose the
side of justice, often the thorniest path, and abandon that
which is easier, and for his own popularity more expedient?
Why not, like Sir James Graham, throw over all his former
leave the cause which requires most aid to pro-
d lavish justice and - •
generosity on those who can
afford to return.-them in the shape of power and popularity?
What, moreover, have the cultivators of the soil done or
suffered to require such advocacy? Is it not notorious
they are . unusually Pass_
perous ? Have we not the
that
assertion of the. Times to that .effect, and what more
w will a thoughtful man require for the satisfaction
O's- this doubts and his scruples? What if the
of production be as great now, and perhaps
cost
with wheat at 40s. as when it was at 60s.
greater,.
or 20
.cent,bethe annual lossto
pro-
tect
hi itself,
principles,ilff lasn
under difficulties? Have not poor clergymen and
thrive f—armer is subjected-1s it not an indisputable fact that men
ldabourers always the most numerous children? Is
for the state that the burdens should fall some-
where,s costermongers load their asses on the rump to save
a
body?' It is surprising that men of discernment
the whole • t Chancellor of
like the present the Exchequer, a man also of
• and somewhat beyond the calibre of a mere menu
genius,
f budgets, does not perceive, or perceiving forgets,
that o
like the 1 t increases under
e, pa m- ree, difficulties,
that as virtu
to increase the •ifit is desirable virtues and excellences of
so,
agricultural classes, the safest method is to lay as many
the as possible, rather
h s upon them
lieve 1 and he will be far more of a friend to them and
lieve then ,if
he will consent to shut his like the
istt,anrovtinggoo
eyes, Times
the I condition, and look at them through the
their actual
to , of free trade ; or, like the boy who was
spectacles
cockles, if he could but persuade himself,
roasting
-2-emes does, that the expiring hisses of the wretched
as the
is a song of satisfaction at their warm condition.
creatures
li has dwelt more than once on the inequalities of
Mr. Disrae ,
tem of taxation—the subject formed part of
the present spa
which he dilated both atj Newport Pagnell
the theme upon again at Buckingham. He showed how those
terday
and es
inequalities affected all classes, but especially the agricul-
nation
gq 0 Dated to the time when the Government would
agricul-
tural. —'n• • to bring forth measures for the reduction of
nces, and so enable the cultivator of the soil to
those grieviath
his foreign rival with Advantage to the coun-
compete w..faction to himself. Surely the Chancellor of the
try and sato.
could have very little regard to his popularity
Exchequer
s holding such language as this. He could
when he
oe was
thinking that a time would come when words
hardly would seem strangely inapplicable, and
like these interest, instead of being, what it has
ral
the agricultural
been, the most important, would
always hitib, a small part and parcel of a much
become "'-' far less noble one. Does he not see,
greater, though s and the Brights, .that the broad lands of
with the
Unbdietns sturdy population, are rapidly merging into
England, and ..
,ff the mill aod the manufacture ? That if
be in a condition
mere aPPan—es school come into power, as they infallibly
the Manchesterthe present Administration, all these
must on the remembered? As the chief interests
promises of his will be
its exports, and consequently upon
of the nation dePenoo must do so still more as the influences
its manufactures, "
sd, we suggest to the Chancellor of the
of free trade inctsehass'useaes of Messrs. Bright and Cobden,
Exchequer, in • r- t be as well at once to take the bull by
no
whether it would wit on the ground ? What are the cult
the horns and thx, °'xcept, as. the Liberal journals describe
veers of the soil, e
env obstacles in the way of the nation's
them to be, so many
bulwarks of Conservatism, of Prates-
progress' so alan-r me English love of justice and fair
tantism, of that genua sympathy towards the oppressed,
Play, and still more
obstacle in the way of treating men
which is an extreme • g out in its fullest extent the
failurienohfe
ma chester and the Parente party ?
doctrines Of the n influenced greatly by their
Men undoubtedly. sre
something long, wiry, and jarring in
occupations ; there il _ and Politicians; " Life among the
your Manchester oratorseeas machines, and carryin
i as if themselves and the world
talk of beeves, and
spindles" makes men
machinery, as if all•were to run on in
the same systematic
be misled.
were part of the same ei with the same exhaustion of oil
courbsos
hospital in the human, the store in
and wadding, which the t nyeunount. The men whose
y 0 a .
the inanimate, could suPPI
entire life is spent in gaining vic-
tories over the soil, are,,,:
whose
like
their soil and their beeves, not
easily mooed, it must eeeo-yr we counsel Mr. Disraeli not to
confessed; the sturdy thews and
sinews of this country.
l''he identify himself with their cause,
or waste time and thought
be restored to that estimation in
seeing that justice be done to
them, and that They should
en which the more flashy and
the minds of their countrymen
of the press and the
blustering, oily and bullying, p
w st from them ? He is the
nation have endeavoured t° 're What has he to do
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
with high moral feeling?
or
with " terminatin t ife "
Why should -- .n
g s r
'ti t this was what occupied the
Where did he ever find that
az ts ? He may be old-fashioned
thoughts of the framers of budgets of the soil have been
enough to imaine that the cultivators.
of thethat
that ;
mainly instrumental in the prosperity
that they
have
our armies and our fleets—that they
manned
laces of the earth, and made this
have reclaimeee
land the gimieilthe wasteoPri ;
d be may think that for this,
were there no other " w some kindly feeling is due to them
er cause, , , adhere to old ways, hal-
-even if they ousiY
do pertinaciously lowed by such recollections, but not so profitable now; he
ecollections, . may even consider aas they are by a count
that scattered . TY
tile' Without that ' of social intercourse and c
and scientific im advantage
at baud for every man socials crowded uP witrheinis t
fellows in a city, some more ade-
quate time sho ld been allowed to prepare them
u have
for a than
suddenly. to mulct them
of all, or g,e largeh was
of their profits ; or, as
a statesman he portiohnink.
that as Governments
which intend' might t .
affecting the welfare of
some great alterations
large portions of their subjects give notice of their intentions
to prat vie the
___etinaes award even
ea for the change, and '1"1"

compensation, so a large body of his fellow-men, cruelly de-
ceived in all their expectations, and suddenly subjected to
the operation of a sweeping change, demand to be treated
with kindness and consideration. If such be the feelings
and the thoughts of the present Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, it is to be regretted that his previous studies and pur-
suits have fitted him rather to represent the old-fashioned
heart of England than the new lights of the present age,
and that the speeches of the elected of Carlisle are lost upon
him, and the Times unfolds its columns to dull eyes. He
may now count on the gratitude of the nation hereafter
for such exertions ; he may have cast in his lot with that
which is noblest and fairest; he may show that he is above
the narrow spirit of the age, but he will not show that he
is fitted to form one in that combination of Cobden, Graham,
and Russell, which, if it never shall in reality, dreams that
it shall, direct the energies of this great empire.
CHRONICLE.—Even the most fertile orator, addressing
two similar audiences on the same topics; with only a day's
interval, may be excused if he partially repeats himself. Mr.
Disraeli's more elaborate address of yesterday, at the Ayles-
bury hustings, followed almost word for word, in some pas-
sages, the speech delivered by him. on Wednesday at New-
port Pagnell. The achievements of the Ministry, in passing
the Chancery Bill and other measures of last session, were
made for the twentieth time the subject of self-congratula-
tion; and there would be little advantage in repeating our
frequent exposures of an obvious fallacy. Facts, it is said,
are stubborn things; but, in the hands of skilful narrators,
they exhibit a. most convenient pliancy. The late House of
Commons alternately figures •in Ministerial speeches as the
most factious of Oppositions, and as the most accommodatint
of legislative bodies. One phase gives lustre to the supposed
victories of the Government,. who, in another point of view,
exhibit themselves as the trusted leaders of. a confiding Par-
liament. The present year, we are told, will be rendered
immortal by the reform of the Court of Chancery. All the
honour of the measure is claimed for Lord St. Leonards, who
would certainly Put forward no such pretensions on his own
behalf. It is much if the Chancery Commissioners who
framed the Bill are ever mentioned by complacent Ministerial
orators. Mr. Disraeli only allows them, with somewhat un-
gracious candour to
" Pursue the triumph .and partake the gale."
After all, however, there are subjects more interesting to
Buckinghamshire freeholders than even the abolition of pro •
ceedings in the. Masters' offices. Once more it seems that
there is something looming in the future; and political spe.
culators, especially of the agricultural section, are anxious to
discern its form. The features, at least, are not those of Pro-
tection. "No one ever believed," says the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, with happy audacity, " that the Government
had any intention, or ever expressed an intention, to bring
back the laws repealed in 1846." No wonder that some dis-
sentient groans 'interrupted -the applause with which this
startling assertion was received. The old • alternative of re-
adjusting the taxation of the country might naturally have
been expected to take place. of the abandoned corn-laws;
but we now find that even this boasted discovery has
shrunk into secondary importance. Mr. Disraeli " car-
ries his views much farther," . and promises other
measures, which " will redress the grievances of
the cultivator of the soil, will place him in a
fair position for the exercise of his industry and the em-
ployment of his capital, and will at the same time, by their
wise and comprehensive character, relieve every class in this
coantry, by the introduction, into our system of taxation,
of principles mote just and More beneficial than those which
have hitherto been its basis." This, then, is the change
which looms in the future ;- and yet the world is little the
wiser for the definition. It ill becomes a master of language
to use his skill in concealing, by phrases so plausible and
sonorous, a conscious absence of meaning. Does Mr.
Disraeli really intend his hearers, or. the country at large, to
believe that he has an entirely new, just, and comprehensive
scheme of finance ready formed in his mind ?' The project
is certainly unkoown to his, colleagues, and by himself it
has been kept in the profoundest secrecy. During all the
fiscal debates of the last Parliament, the new policy never
oozed out; and in the budget speech the existing system
was mentioned with unbounded eulogy. Statesmen and
economists know well that political science con-
tains no such mysteries for any Minister to dis-
cover ; - but • the simplest understanding may judge
whether an active party leader would have ab-
stained during the contests.of the last six years, from using
so irresistible a weapon. One subject which occupied a pro-
minent place in the Newport Pagnell speech was entirely
omitted yesterday at Aylesbury—gr. Disraeli left Maynooth
out of his address at the hustings. He might be justified in
boasting,, on the former occasion, of his consistency with re-
ference to the Maynooth endowment, if he distinctly avowed
his hostility to its continuance ; and it is not necessary to ex-
amine minutely the motive which induced him to take a con-
spicuous part in opposing the Bill of 1845. He saw, according
to his own account, that theaneasurawas adverse to the spirit
of the age—in other words, he knew that a No-Popery cry
might become dangerous even to the strongest Minister. Bat
Sir Robert Peel. was in the
.habit of thinking of justice and
the public good, rather than of the easiest methods of con-
ciliating popular prejudice. The bitter opponent who has now
virtually adopted his financial polies, doeS not even pretend
to share in the vulgar fanatibism to' which he finds it conve-
nient to appeal. It is. enough for party purposes that May-
nooth is unpopular in England; and as- •for Ireland, it is
further off, and• its support is in any case lost to the Govern
meat. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer is consistent in
his disapprobation of 'the endowment, what is to be said of
his colleagues?. Lord Derby carried the.-Bill through the
House of Lords, and advocated it in speeches of remarkable
ability. The majority of the. present Cabalist adopted a simi-
lar course; norbas it yet been officially appounced that the
Ministers are prepared to run the risk of withdrawing the
grant. On this question, as on that of Protection, the con-
stituencies are probably expected eo'dictate the policy of the
Government. A calculation of votes will show, When the
elections are finished,--whether English -clamour or Irish
discontent will be found the more endurable evil. In the
meantime, Mr. Disraeli. judiciously. countenances the popular
cry, taking credit,at the same time for the forbearance of the
Ministers in not adopting it to its full extent. In dealing
with the Proclamation against processions, it would have been
impossible to surpass the wonderful statement which astonished
the market table of Newport Pagnell. A new Popish plot sud-
denly sprang up in the fertile brain' of the ingenious Minis-
terial leader. Good Mr. Walpole had only thought of one
or two religious processions ; but Mr. Disraeli, at one stroke,
transformed them into seventy, disturbing all the principal
towns of the kingdom with their obnoxious pomp. Mysteri-
ous information had, he informed his auditors, been sworn
before the Privy Council ; and the public peace was only
preserved by the issue of the Proclamation which first in-
formed the world at large of the existence of the proceedings
which it denounced. Electioneering objects, indeed! The
Minister scorns the imputation. All the other acts of the Go-
vernment may have been prompted by party motives; but
the manifesto against processions was a necessary measure
of policy, peremptorily required to meet a grave and
practical inconvenience. The coincidence of the Pro-
clamation with the elections, and with the agitation
against Maynooth, was 'merely a happy accident.
When any Roman Catholic ecclesiastic next applies to Mr.
Walpole for directions as to his proper and legal costume, it
might be well to ask the Home Secretary whether the law
allows priests to conduct religious processions in buckram.
There would be little use in discussing with Mr. Disraeli the
probability of a. Ministerial majority. on the opening of Par-
liarnent. The comparative strength of the rival parties will
materially depend on the nature of the issue to be tried. Mr.
Disraeli himself, will scarcely.ventore to • deny that there is
a great Preponderance of numbers in favour of Free-trade;
and his only hopes of securing a victory lie in schemes for
evading the struggle. The protective duty
was first ex-
changed for the project of shifting local burdens from the
land ; and already, as we have seen, the ingenious Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer is preparing some new device
to mystify his less decided opponents. If they will neither
pay a tax to the landawner, nor compensate him for losing
it, surely there can be no objection to the policy of cheapening
production. A leader of Opposition might, perhaps, catch a
few unsteady votes by proposing a resolution in terms osten-
sibly so harmless; but a Minister must embody his policy in
definite measures; and must cheapen production, if at all, by
some financial concession which will necessarily be made at
the expense of the rest of the community. There will be an
undoubted proposition.
majority ready to resist any such
Mr. Disraeli cannot—Lord Derby; probably, will not—ab-
stain from.bringing forward some measure of the kind. The
Government will forced either to try its strength on the
question which it has so carefully avoided, or to face the just
indignation Our defrauded of their final hope,
POST.—dissenting contemporaries are in high feather
at what they cousider the great increase of the numerical
strength of their party in the new Parliament. They are
now nineteen stron instead' of six. And although they
plaintively lament g
over the loss of the so-called Rev. W. J.
Fox, and Mr. L. ,Hayworth, x, ex-Member for Oldham,
ax-
Member for Derby, contrive to comfort one another
with triumphant songs over they
the success of Mr. Miall and
Alderman Challis. The former of these is, however, their
chief card. The bitter controversies which have annually
been re-opened in the divided borough of Rochdale, on the
subject of ,church-rates must be only too painfully remem-
bered by our readers. If yens -wish to see dissent in its worst
term, rabid, coarse, unscruPuloua, stimulating all the bad
Passions, cultivating none of the good, pandering to the mob,
exciting to violence, desecrating what is sacred, and abusing
,What is holy, go to Rochdale on Easter Monday, and
no present at the, annual audit of the vestry accounts. If
you wish to pee this system argued . for and upheld,
your own Church abased, your clergy reviled, and
Your services scoffed, at, go to one of those anti-State
Church meetings, where 'the new Member for Roch-
dale and Mr. Eastace Giles maintain their periodical
ravings, assisted by the rich Hibernian brogue of the more
ssscruPtdous but not less•zealons Mr. 'John Burnet. You will
"'sue hays a much better notion both of political dissent and
(41' its favourite champions than you could gather from any
lose
that could be given here. Such a visit would
suslolose at once what is meant by the a dissenting interest"
"—what it pis, in short, that Mr. Miall is.. to champion so
vallantl
'ar
. ourselves, we freely confess that W 8 view r
Ch lan s return as , holding out a remote good to the
coh,areh. 'We temember what Mr. Disraeli said of Mr.
Me„,?_ll;applying the same considerations to the
auser for Rochdale, we are •not sorry that a gentleman
bent °polls
so much mischief should be -amenable to the
rilles
the House of Commons. There is no place in the
world
So well calculated to take conceit out. of a man as that
Honourable House; and there, as surelyats. he ventures to
speak. that hero of the platform and stumpavill find his own
level. e° theefe tors of Rochdale are welcome to the man
after their own hearts,e and the Radicals are welcome to their
811L,Pcisesd tilts They may blow the Puritan blast for many
ent-thlen- walls of Jeri Che will 'take no heed. They
may rant d rail. but the Church and the State will no
more h an
their' conjoint energy in the consti-
tution
of this country than the .Ishintonformts supplant
the , n
serartera or the Member for Rochdale become a states-
-an' Wd have. lived long enough, and seen enough of the
world
h; , and learnt sanough of religious principle and Church
history, to know the absurdity of trying to put fetters on
the human
conscience, --sconscience, or tie down to.one formula the exer-
cise of human opinion. We have learnt also too much not
to know that, viewed as a religious question, dissent is en-
titled to great consideration ,on the part of the Government
of this country. And, therefore, we advocate religious
liberty, and will resist to the utmost any attempts to restrict
it. But we have also learnt 'that political dissent is founded
not on religious liberty, but civil disaffection ; and aims,
not so much at the promotion of liberty of con-
science as' at the destruction- of several essential insti-
tutions of this country, and of them more particularly, the
Church. Dissent may be considered•as hereditary, political,
and formal or schismatical. Against those who have been
born and educated dissenters, who sincerely believe what they
have been taught, and therefore sincerely disbelieve the
Church, or at least disbelieve her claims to anything good.
we have nethiueo say. We accord them what we ask for
ourselves. We ivilliogly let • them go their way, while we
claim to_ go ours. So, again, when men like Mr. Baptist
Noel or Ur. J. 'E. Gladstone' 'formally secede, and join the
ranks of
are imps tenet of he discipline, ent, •becauSe they w
doubt th C s creed, or
leave them to stand or fall
r hereditary •
either
dissenters
to their own Master. But, when
t with having h
or formal schismatics, not coat:
increase their ,the same
liberty as, other
desire
lesigeir neighbours, the case im-
portance at the cost of
we take- , behalfe e case is
altogether,' changed, and •ut on cudgels, not
such,.of our Church
against dissenter*
hatg h they assail. We stand
and constitution, Wow . —on the defen-
nence
doing, we give offence, we
sive, and if, in so
d tin. It teconi • may be very sorry,
tut we must dean B•es no liabre a theological

controversy, but a political strife. And what is it, after all,
that is contended for by these political firebrands who are
to appal the stout heart of the House of Commons? Is it
liberty of conscience? That is already conceded. Is it
civil rights? They are not withheld. Is it freedom from
taxes to support the Established Church? They are
already free. Is it exemption from church-rates? That
can easily be effected. It will only be necessary for them
to pay a higher. rent for their land, or a longer price for their
leases, and a short Act of Parliament could make the
amount recoverable from the first proprietor, on whom, un-
doubtedly, in theory, the rate is intended to fall. For con-
venience of collection, property is let subject to church-
rates, but it is the owner, and not the occupier, who
really pays. So far, then, the claim for exemption is
absurd, when set up by occupiers only; and when
preferred by owners, is not less unreasonable, since
the liability to church-rates entered, of course, into
the calculations by which the purchase of the proper: y was
determined. In this way, the argument is carried back till
we arrive at the first imposition of a rate, and the equity of
the statute empowering it. And here it is a simple matter
of quid pro quo. kor convenience of jurisdiction, England is
mapped out into parishes. It is necessary to provide for
every person the means of procuring Christian baptism, in-
struction, marriage, and sepulture. For this purpose the
State uses the Church which it finds existing and pervading
the country, but which is intrinsically quite a separate cor-
poration—adopted by the State, but by it neither created
nor endowed. It imposes upon the clergy the duty, under
penalty, of ministering these necessary offices to the inhabi-
tants of the parish—and it imposes upon the parishioners
the simple duty of keeping in decent repair and preservation
the church where they are baptized, married, and taught;
and the churchyard where their families lie buried. It
this be a hardship, if this offend any man's conscience,
if this will justify a class of men who dissent from the
Church, because it is not good enough for them, in breaking
through every rule of Christian charity, simple honesty, and
good faith, then the sooner we throw history, logic, common
sense, and plain dealing to the winds, the better. What is
it then that these rabid broth-eaters really desire? It is the
simple subversion of the Church of England. A modest
object truly. And why? Because they are jealous—jealous
of the endowments which piety more self-denying than their
own has bequeathed to her—jealous of the influence she pos-
sesses through• the country- jealous of her learning and
moral standing—jealous of her universities and public schools
—jealous of her large though hardly-earned share of the
education grant—and jealous of herconserving influence upon
those institutions which their own unscrupulous liberalism
seeks to overthrow. This is political dissent, at which Bax-
ter would have blushed, and Wesley hid his head, but which
their degenerate descendants laud to the skies as the charac-
teristics of a golden age.
ADVERTISER.—We yesterday made a passing allusion,
the claims on our space not admitting of our doing more, to
the ferocious address delivered from the altar, by the Popish
priest of Tralee, against those who meant to vote for the
Protestant candidate. We venture to say that anything in
the shape of ecclesiastical cursing, which could be at all
compared 'with this concentration of demoniacal malignity,
has not been witnessed since the time of the notable priestly
curse recorded by Sterne, in which the powers of language
seemed to be exhausted, in invoking vengeance on the de-
voted head of the man who was the object of that unparal-
leled piece of priestly malevolence. Let us recall attention
to this extraordinary effusion of Popish hatred and rage. It
is well that the Protestants of Great Britain should keep their
eye fixed on these developments of the spirit which animates
the Church of 'Rome towards all • who differ from her, as
they are incidentally made from time to time. It is of
importance not- to forget that the fiendish display of the
Tralee priest, is. but a fair specimen of the spirit by which
the adherents of Popery are everywhere actuated, though
the priests generally are too good tacticians .to express them-
selves in the same out-spoken and energetic manner as the
priest of Tralee, and those other priests to whom we are
about to allude, have done. Let us cull a few flowers of
rhetoric from this priestly exhibitidn of meekness, love, and
Christian charity. They deserve to have all the prominence
which our colurhns can confer upon' them. Take as the first
specimen of the spirit by which the Tralee priest is animated,
the opening sentences of his address, delivered, be it remem-
bered, from that altar which is professedly consecrated to the
moat sacred rites of the Roman Catholic religion : —"lf there
be," says this Rev. Joho Maine, "if there be one amongst
you who still clings to, and gloats over, his sin, let him not
show his face. I will be on tele hustings, and watch the per-
jured wretch who dares comes forward, and, for a paltry
bribe, register his vote for Kinderlev. I'll mark him;"
Again—" If there be a Catholic elector of this borough who
will dare to go forward and register his vote for the English
enemy, pass him' by with scorn anel•contempt. Do not be
seen to walk with him, to talk to him, or associate with
him. Let him -fester in his corruption ; be not you contami-
nated by any contact with a wretch so base and degraded.
Despise him. If you meet him on the high road, pass over
to the other side. Have no dealing with him." This must
be formidable enough to any Roman. Catholic. To be treated
as if the mark of Cain were on his forehead, or as the lepers
were of old, whom no one would approach, would, it might
be supposed, he of itself sufficient to deter any Roman
Catholic from voting in -any -other way than this priestly
dictator thought fit to prescribe. But-what follows would, to
most Roman Catholics, be more terrible still. There is nothing
in this world which would more alarm and appal a Roman
Catholic, than to be denied the presence of his priest, and the
last rites of his • religion, on • his deathbed. Yet that most
dreadful doom is held in terrorem over the heads of those who
might dare to vote in any other way than the priest of Tralee
thought proper to preacribe.• ." For. my part," he says, f‘ I'll
confess to you what my feelings are with respect to those
wretched and corrupt Catholics. Let me suppose one of
those wretches prostrated by sickness. Suppose the hand of
death heavy upon him, and that a messenger comes to me to
attend him in his dying moments. If there were no other
priest in the way, I would be bound to go. I dare not re-
fuse to attend him. But I confess to you that I would be
sorry from my heart to be called upon to attend the death-
bed of such a being.—(Great-sensation.) -I would go to at-
tend such a wretch with a heavy heart—without much hope,
because I would feel that I was going to administer sacra-
ments to one whose conscience-was so seared, and whose heart
was so rotten at the core, that I could not have much expectation
of effecting a conversion. Overpowered with the impression
that I was about to visit a perjured wretch who, fora miser-
able bribe, had betrayed the dearest interests of his country
and his religion, and borne crown with the harrowing re-
flection that God, in his just anger, might leave such a
wretch to die in his sins—(Sensation)-1 would fear that my
mission would be fruitless—that I could have no hope of
converting a heart so hardened, so lost to every sense of
duty and religion, as to vote in support of those who would
trample on the Lord of Hosts.—(Sensation.)" We offer no
comments on language like this. It needs none. Any re-
marks of ours would only weaken the effect which it cannot
fail to produce on every reflecting mind. We hear of
landlord dictation : what landlord dictation could com-
pare with this? ..This Popish
priest iv, in reality, the
man who .returns the Member for Tralee. The Pro-
testant candidate felt compelled to retire from the con-
test, when he found himself confronted by odds so tremen-
dous against him. The Rev. 11r. Maine is much more of a
boroughmonger than ever the late Duke of Newcastle was,
or than any nobleman or gentleman in England now is. It
is a mockery to -say that the'Romari Catholic constituency of
Tralee possesses the elective franchise. They possess it only
in name. In reality, and in effect, the Rev. Mr. Maine is the
sole depository of the electoral qualification, so far as regards
the Roman Catholic portion of the •constituency in that bo-
rough. Mr. Ptlatirice O'Connell, the candidate who was re-
turned, is the representative of this Popish priest, and of him
alone—not of the-constituency. But the borough of Tralee is
not the only borough in Ireland which can-rejoice in a priest
of the character we have sought to describt, merely by
quoting his own, words. There are other Reverend Mr.
Maines in the sitter island. .The , crop,
,indeed, is rather
abundant. There is one whose name is not given us by our
correspondent, who rejoices in being located in the King's
County, who issin every respect worthy 'of his brother in
Tralee. " I received," says oar communication, " a letter,
yesterday, stating that such a system of intimidation had
been organized by the priests in the King's County, that he
feared lives would be lost in getting the men to the poll ;
and that, on last Sunday, at Tullaghmore, the officiating
priest, in the course of a most furious tirade, delivered against
the Conservative .candidate,. declared that every, man who
voted for him would go to hell and the devil. This was said
in the presence of an officer of the regiment quartered there,
who had accompanied his men to divine service at the
chapel." Another and another still. Listen to the lan-
guage of two 'priests of Holy MOther Church, spoken
from the altar on Sunday last:—" You will have
some idea," says the writer; " of the part the priests
are taking, when I quote for you the language used from two
different altars on Sunday. One priest told his flock that he
would seal up the mouths of every one of them who attempted
to vote against their Church; and another, who preached at
great length upon the crucifixion, several times in the course
of his discourse impressed upon his hearers that any of them
who would vote for Fitzpatrick, who had assisted in passing
such an Act against their Church as the Ectlesiastical Titles
Act, would make himself a participator in shedding the
blood of our Saviour." Thia, we presume, oxr readers will
allow to be bad enough; yet, bad as it is, worse remains be-
hind. The following is a piece of priestly eloquence ;
•
"HELL BROKE LOOSE!" The demon of persecution is up Englend •
_
Blood-
shed, sacrilege, • and fire
been demolished ;
Terror. Roman • • Catholic chapels
have
a ve
butchered ; but
all, the
those who worshipped there
have been
ent of Redemption—the
more horrible than have commenced the Reign of
• Sacoratnal_h
as laeen violated and
body and blood••of the Sawn
trampled in the mu
armies of devils to mud Hell has opened and belched forth
desecrate and murder. This is the work
and who, if they can get power to do
altars of Christianity, a th
Of the Derby. Government, who drew the .sword against the
mg ems.
for*the Old Faith Link your strength around
for
so.will not leave one of em in these United Kingdoms.
Up, Irishmen,
orfeuds, Who
would art Orange landlord,
the sanctuary. This is no time icabals
would place hie hopes in the smiles''
while the Holy God of Heaven spreads forth hie arms to
shelter the faithful defenders of his Church ? Who would
support Jocelyn Otway, the supporter of Derby, and his
hell-crew? Who.would vote for Jocelyn Otway, that wants
to go to Parliament to help in the destruction of the Ca-
tholic Church ? The traitor: who will do so, never let him
him, for
menetmernavychhfa
jpnedl
ads! orkeLepetfrhomis
memory you like the
his companions, and no saint in heaven
will
his dying hour." Vote for Scully and Sadlepriray forDo him
your
duty to God and man, and trust in Him alone
who. can defend
aytotuem—pwthotocanstrwikiteheyrouin ina moment
persecution, tli
hand
Hurrahthat
for would
the
Brigade !" .•
This is a specimen of the priestly
spirit, as it flourishes in
in the far-famed, county of
Tipperary. Are not elections
Which take place in the presence of these horrible sayings
and doings the veriest mockeries ? A
T;
-.g
Main, we say, it is the
priests, and they alone, who return the embers in thosen
parts of Ireland, where there is a preponderance
Catholic voters. Why not, then,
by a Pgtive -Aebtoroughs
Legislature, place the representation of the P
peteiebh Will any
and counties directly in the hands of th
man who reads the extracts we have- g•vecei
:e rrand who at the
of Roptiale
same time remembers that in every instance completely
in-
timidation to which we have referred, has obrn'insuring the
successful in excluding the Protestant
amen who reflects
election of the Popish candidate—will any the priestly
on this, still tell us that the ballot is not necessary,
would be worse
not to be granted? With well a men and ought
than folly to waste a word in the wayhofcal
i la we have given the
can peruse the priestly. effusions ciaft'w_ e
me
argument. No one
n who could in-
above samples, without feeling tbwhtoie
incur their displeasure,
yoke so dreadful-a-doom on t
the score to the scaffold.
field, and consign • Protestant: by
If these Popish without: the slightest hesitation,
state
would, if they had the powerh,°;:kindle the flames of
doom those those who voted
and with so mucile manifesto
an anonymous place, we surely
contrary to their avish
hen we assume, that if Popery were
do them no injustice w
priests
England, the man who dared to act ac-
cording
J udgment or to call his soul hi
'good will,
n
aahnhyn
twianyEn abetiane
to the Romeo, "v",
or have his
head be forthwith
his body on the scaffold. This is the 8
head severed from
inthe
astcoenhdisa on wt.
committed ames,
Popery in
of things
this country, are atowhborining
have adverted as g Do not
. which we
the fa" having occurred in e than justify all we have ever s
whichtlekthinogs
Ireland objects of the Church of Rome wit said as to the
aims and objecta
.oia regard
as religious meatus? Popery is to civil
as we
not
t 'at cwlteht with.
epiritual power riuvariablyalaw lic• 1 —P9 Icallupre Ulaey as

well. Let the Church of R)me only become the flominant
church in this cotntry, and not one vestige of our civil
rights will st:e permit us to enjoy. Our minds, our con-
sciences, our bodies would all, in that case, be subjugated
to that domineering and grasping ecclesiastical corporation.
BR

'ITISH AUSTRALIAN GOLD MINING
COMPANY.
The subjoined has been received with regard to the cir•
cumstance mentioned in the Awtralian intelligence yester-
day, that Mr Hargreaves and Mr. R. Fawcett, of Sydney,
had published a denial of all connexion with the British Aus-
tralian Gold Mining Company, established in London, all
by whom their names had been used. The explanation is °
a nature to show that the company may possibly be free from
blame, but it is plain that there must have been a gross de-
ception practised in some quarter, which will require to b 5
traced :
" Sir,—The attention of the London committee of tbil
company has just been drawn to a paragraph in the Time!:
this day, in which it is stated that Mr. Hargreaves and Alf•
Richard Fawcett, of Sydney, had both repudiated any OP-
nexion with this company.
" In reply to such statement, I am instructed to furnish
ur°isll
,
you with the following extract from a letter, dated Sydney'
18th of June, 1851, signed R. Fawcett,' and addresse
William Fawcett, Eq., Jermyn-street, London
:'—
I have been induced to conitnence the formation%
company hero for working the gold and crushing the cluft
on an extensive scale. 1 have been fortunate snouta
of
secure the following able assistants, viz.—as committee„;
management here, Mr. Edward Hammond Hargreaves, wf
first discoverer of gold in Australia and Mr. John Orr,
°_
the firm of Jamieson and Orr, in Australia; and for solicitor
here, Randolph John Want, Esq. You can add my nitineo ~,
one of the committee, and fix upon my house for tempor''
offices,'
" The authenticity of the letter from which the about
extract is taken was duly verified, upon oath by Mr' d
Fawcett, before Alexander Ridgway. notary public,
of ell.be
proper notarial copy of such letter is in the possession
committee.
n
" The committee are induced to make this statemen.,4lot
because they attach the slightest important to the Wiw,d •
drawal of Mr. Hargreaves or Mr. R. Fawcett from the boats' ;
but solely with a view to clear themselves from any iraPP ,0
tion of having made use of the names of those gentle2l"
without proper authority.
" I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
" FREDERICK PATEY CHAPPEat.,
" Solicitor to the Compaq
" British Australian Gold Mining Company,
" 26, Moorgate-street, July 17."

THE COUNTRY MARKETS,
.7 04
ABIRDICEN, JULY 16.—Grain—Oats 168 6d to JAL.'
401bs per bushel ; barley, 25s Od to 25s 6d, 521bs per bulb
bear, 25s Od to 26s (.d, 521bs per bushel; wheat, red 35s to o"
ditto, white 35s to 425, 621bs per bushel; oatmeal, 13s 3d to 17
7
per boll ; flour, 30s Od to 3ls Od per sack. Provisions—mil'
4d to 7d per lb ; mutton, ditto, 4d to 6d; veal, ditto,
to 6d ; pork, per stone, 3s to 3s 6cl; lamb, per lb., 4d to au '
tallow, per stone, 3, Od to 3s 6d ; new potatoes, per get
led to Is 4d ; salmon, per lb, is to us Od; hares, eac
to Os Od ; grouse, per brace, Os to Os'; butter, per lb, 7d to atuo:
eggs, per doz, 6d to 8d ; cheese, per cwt, Os to Os Od ; be
dom
per pair, 2s 6d to 3s Od; chickens, ditto, is 6d to 2s Od; dtlah.
la 6d to 2s Od; ducklings, ditto, 2s to 2s 6d ; turkeys, each,
at
to 7s Od; geese, ditto, 6s to 78 ; butter for exportation (Prelcl
cure), per cwt, 00s to 64s ; eggs, wholesale price, per dozen,,,b,,
to Ord ; 41b loaf, 6d ; 21b loaf, 3d ; pork, per stone of lt, •
lard3s Od to Os Od; pork, fine small, 5s 6d to Os Od ; pork, ut
3s 6d to 4s 3d; ship pork per barrel of 204 lbs, Os to
9a,
to 9; Meal—Oatmeal, Is 4d to Is sd; barley dust, Od
peasemeal, is IQd to 2s Od ; side, Od to 7d ; beremeal, I.loy
tO 18 10d; flour, I s 8d to is 9d; barleY, per lb, lid to 2d; bar
flour, is 9d to is 10d.
61061°
DALICEITH, JULY 15.—The relative weight per four lit
of the three prices of wheat were lest 121 b, 18st blb, as lb,
11.1 b. Oats, 12si. 61b, 12st 411 x, and list 51b. Barley, 15st 81b,
15st 81b, and 15st 61b. Peas and beans, 18st 111 b, 105' -
and 18st 81bs. • •

•
Qrs. Best: • Current. inf 0'
120 Wheat ... £2 5 0 £2 1 6 £1 17 4 ,
319 Oats
28 Barley , 1 5 0 1 4..0 6
26 Peas and Beans 1 11 0 1 13 6 1 13 •
Average of wheat 4ls aid.
CORK,. JULY 16. e
The receipts of home grain are very trifling. In pies
foreign wheat we have a moderate business passing at the Olt
of last week. Stocks are narrowed to a small compass.
erj•
impossible to effect sales of oats at the prices asked by hold ice
The consequence is we have not a single transaction ton ot
in the article. The trade in fine fluur is dull, and the 11:0,
ness doing is moderate in the extreme. Coarse 11°" f
affected by the abundant supplies of potatoes, is lass free °
hav,
sale, Owing to the stock of Indian corn in this market_
ing become almost completely exhausted, a considerable
vance was effected on the article, as high as 81 5s per ton 30,,
having been obtained in retail for a few small 'parcels'
cf.
however a few cargoes have now come to hand this price 21s
not lung be maintained. In fabt the price now asked, bl,
altogether nominal.
Currency.
lea
2 White wheit 00e Od to. 00a 00, Od-20 .4.
2 Barley los 6d to 005 Od
o Ditto oos Od to 00s Od 00s d°
0 Ditto ...... OOB Od to 00s Od
0 Bere. 00s Od to 00s 'Od -•Os Od
96 Oats 10s 2d to 10s 10d
0 Ditto..» 005 'Od to 00s •Od 10s 4d..-9 do
0 Ditt0.....: 00s 'Od to 00s •Od .
0 Pigs. 00s Od to 00s Od 00s Od per cwt
Quantity sold at the Highest Prices:-
0 barrels white wheat; 0 red ; 0 barley; 0 here • 20 o°'
e pigs.
Quantity of Grain and Number of Pigs sold last week '
Wheat, I. Barley, 1. Oats, 700. Pigs, 0.
PRICES OF BUTTER.
CtyA
NT.
sFeiresotnqdugauliatyli
. . .
6696 as Fseircsotnqdualquaitylity..:
...................
..
. get
Third quality
Fourth quality
Fifth quality
Sixth quality
quality .....
.......... od;
CORK. Hour—First 125 6d to 13s Od ; extra 17 toe
seconds, '
lOs 6d to 12s • households 9s to 10s 6d ; thirds,
ew
per cwt. Oatmeal 10a 6d to 11s0d; Indian mealas to 8s 6d;
in 10100.,
hs
meal, 9i 6d to 10s per cwt. Indian corn 7110 s to 815' Odor
Bran 80, Od to 00s per ton. Hay—Farmers 25s Od to 00s; 111`0,0
006 ; dealers CO3 to 00s Od; average 01sper ton: Straw—Far od
186 Od to 23r Od; average 00s; dealers 23s Od to 001 od;
average 005 Od per ton. Bread—Wheaten loaf 6d to, to
household loaf bd to Od per 41b. Fresh butter,
~_,8%,..
10d per lb. Eggs-3s 10d to 4s Od per hundred. u°*tt/.,Aos,
Newport 14s Od ; Lydney 15, ; Lander° 00s ; `'4ol.
12s 6d per ton. Tallow 39, Od to 401 per of
Whisky, 25 o:•• p., 5s 9d per imperial. gallon.
,7" to
--Beef 4id to 7d ; mutton 5d to 6icl ; veal 0.„,,is
id ; pork 4d to 04; bacon 6d to 7d ; sausages 5d per lb °,01;
818 s to 910, per cwt. Bangor slates 2/ 17s 6d to 3/ Os pc'
Bark, red 71to 8/ lOs per ton. Fleece wool 16s to 00s per 14°..A
Hemp 29/ t 0341 Per ton. Fish=SeotCh'herrings 185 to 198;1 '1;0
ditto, 245 to 00s per barrel ; Newfoundland, 10/ Os W 11e1ow
ton. Timber—Memel, 70s per ton ; red pine, 315 x;
ditto, 3/ 15, per ton; deals, 151 to .18/ per 100. skid Market 185 to 263; salted 20s to 22s r
pe cwt •
.oeh „inks,
ad to Od per • lb. Potatoes, white 9d to l'Id;
10d to 12d. Guano—Peruvian, 101 10s to 11/ per ten* Ty
Archangel, 19s per barrel. •