The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-12 00:00:00

easily impugned.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, whatever were I gentlemen, I am sure. you will agree with me, that it is
my early indiscretions, they commenced in the county I quite high time that justice should be done to the Bie-
of Buckingham, and the county of Buckingham has (fish producer as well as the consumer.—(Loud cheer.)
permitted me to atone for them,— (Hear and cheers.) IWe are not ashamed to Erc, it is our political creed that
I justieo should be done to all classes, and if that be true
Gentlemen, in politics as in everything else, a man is not you will agree with me that justice should be done
the worse for having
sown his wild eats.—(Hear, hear, to the British producer as well as to the British
and cheers.) And lam sure that you do not think it
necessary on this occasion, as I have done on every oc- consumer.—(Hear.) If we can show—and it is not dif-
ficult, for all acknowledge it—that there are great classes
casion when Mr. Gibbs has made a speech to attack my of producers in this country who are suffering because
early career, to enter into any reply now. Bat when,
gentlemen, he talks of steadiness of conduct, when he they are placed in unequal competition, it is not only our
policras a party, bunour duty as English statesmen, to
ta'k3 of steadiness of character, I think I may appeal
see that that interest is placed in its proper
to 15 years passed in the House of Commons, where it position.—(Loud cheers.) I must confine my
cannot be said that at any time I have deserted a prin- observations, because Ido not wish ;to extend them
ciple or ever falsified a pledge.—(Cheers.) Bat, gen-
to any great length, to that interest, because it is the
tlemen, when he asks who can trust me, I may interest in which you are mainly concerned. But don't
be permitted to say at present I possess the confidence of
suppose that in talking of land my thoughts centre in
my Most Gracious ' Sovereign, and that I hope before land. When I consider this question I consider—and
the sun sets today I shall also be the recognised repre- this I say most sincerely and frankly—what I
sentative of the people of Buckinghamshire.—(Cheers.) take to be fur the advantage of the commu-
Gentlemen, the Honourable Gentlemen who proposed nity; but if I confine my argument to the agri-
my Honourable Opponent has told you that,ithough you cultural interest it is only because you are mainly inte-
listened for a long time, and I spoke for a considerable rested in agriculture and the products of agriculture,
period, you would go away without: eny definite idea and because, being familiar with the subject, your
of what were the intentions of the Government or myself minds will easily grapple with the observations
as a single member of it.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if and reasons which I may be permitted to give you.—
you will give me your patience, which I know (Hear, hear.) Well, I consider, then, with regard to
from your disposition you will do, it shall not agriculture, that it is oar duty to bring forward mea-
be my fault if you have not from me the most definite sures which will permit the British cultivators of
de seription of what is the intended policy of her Ma- the soil to enter into fair competition with
jeete'a Government.—(Cheers.) This I can say without the producers of foreign countries.—(Cheers) We
affectation, thatit shall never be said I had obtained power have not the slightest wish to restrict the energy and
upon finse pretences. This Ido know, that all my promises enterprise cf the foreign producer, provided, when he
have been earnestly offered out of power, and now that I comes into competition with the English producer,
am in power it shall be my earnest endeavour to put in the English producer is not overwhelmed.—(Hear, hear.)
practice the policy which I have recommended on the That is all we want. There is, I apprehend, a vast
opposite benches.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall en- majority in this country who agree that there is a
deavour to convey to you without any equivocation, and pressure of taxation on the cultivators of the soil which
with as little reservation as can possibly subsist be- is not experienced by any other class in the country.
tween a candidate in my peculiar position and those But, I candidly tell you, there are people who say
whose suffrages I have solicited—(Hear, hear)—l will that is not the case. But, if you will permit me, I will
endeavour to convey to you what are my intentions in a place before you, in a few sentences, and with extreme
manner the most unequivocal, and what are my hopes.— brevity—not attempting to exhaust the whole question
(Hear, hear.) But I must, in the first place, gen- —some of the most prominent facts, and if answered by
tlemen, recal to your recollection the circum- any Free-trader who is present—and there is none more
stances under which the present Government capable than the Learned Gentleman (Dr. Lee), and
has succeeded to office.—(Hear, hear.) You must recol- whom I would listen to with greater pleasure—if, I say,
lect that it was on no motion that asserted the prin- he will answer me • the meeting to-day will not be
ciples which we have upheld—that it was not by a ma- without profit, and i assure you I will communicate the
jority of the House of Commons sanctioning the policy information I receive to the next Cabinet meeting.
which we have always recommended—that we were You, the Free-traders who are present, will, doubtless,
summoned by her Majesty to become her servants, give weight to what I say, for, after all, being Bucking-
-(Hear, hear.) Had it indeed been upon a vote hamshire men, you are men of sense and spirit.—
of the House of Commons, which declared in a (Cheers.) The income-tax in this' country is raised on
manner which could not be mistaken that the policy income in round numbers to something more than 200
which we recommended iniopposition should be imme- millions a year. Now real property, which con-
diately carried into practice, there could have tributes exactly half of the revenue on which
been no doubt as to what should have been the income-tax is levied, viz., something more than a
our duty under the circumstances.—(Hear,
hear.) hundred millions a year, is a moiety of the great national
But you will be pleased to recollect that it was internal income. Real property, besides contributing to the
disease—that it was a division amongst themselves that general taxation—the imperial taxation of the counery—
caused the late Government to fall—(Hear)—it was from pays in great Britain alone ten millions per annum extra.
the arm of one who had long been their cherished col- It is, therefore, quite clear on the surface that if a bun-
league and friend that the fatal blow ,was struck, and dred millions out of two hundred millions, pays ten mil-
-1 unless we had obeyed the commands of her Majesty, lions extra, it pays five millions more than it ought to pay.
her Msjesty must have been without servants It is then said that real property consists of something
and the country without a Government.—(Cheers.) else besides land. I admit it does. I will put theca"
Gentlemen, there were duties to perform under these with great fairness. Supposing that real property. es'
circumstances which it was impossible could be ne- sesaedto the income-tax, is something more than 011_1,
glected.—(Cheers.) There were the urgent exigencies hundred millions—l will take fifty millions as a moiety 01
of the moment which required immedieve attention— it, as applying to land—then itfollows, hind pays two and
(Cheers)—there were certain things which must be a half millions more than it ought to do. It is
done, whoever might be the Minister, or what- clear, therefore, by the system of local taxation, upon
ever might be the policy which he might the question as stated by the Free-traders, that land
ultimately place before the century. (Cheers.)- pays two millions and a half more per annum than any
And I wish to know what evidence has been given by other class in the community.—(Cheers.) Well, that is
the present Administration that they shrink from an a very great burden—a very great burden indeed, when
appeal to the country t —(Cheers.) I wish to know you are calling upon the cultivators of the soil to
whether the present Administration has yet had an op- enter into unrestricted competition with the cultivators
portunity to do that which all public men of all sides of the soil in all other countries.—(Cheers.) Is that
and shades of opinion agree it is . absolutely levees- so or not?—(" Yes" and hear.) Now, let me ask you
nary for the public safety—for the public service—. this question—what is your legislation when you cell
should be done before that recurrence to the sense of the upon the occupiers or owners—for if there be
nation should take place which is now on the lip or in justice or injustice in this respect in your le-
the mouth of everybody?—(Cheers.) Welt, then, gislation, it matters not whether it falls upon the occu-
gentlemen, it is our duty to fulfill that which is piers or owners, for these distinctions exist no longer ;
requisite and necessary; but while we are prepared but let me ask you under what financial sya-
to do that, while we cannot for a moment suppose tern the cultivators of the soil in Great
that any obstacles can be raised to our doing Britain were asked to bear this additional burden e
that which every man, whatever •may be his political Lot me put before you your financial system in this re-
oipnions, feels to be absolutely necessary for the service spent, under which you were encouraged to produce one
of the State, rest assured that it is our wish that the of the most valuable articles which the soil brings forth,
policy of this country should be such as we have re- I allude to wheat; but of late years you are told, that since
commended for many years on the benches of the Oppo- the repeal of the corn-laws the British farmer complains
sition.—(Cheers.)' " What opposition?" said the Hon. that the price he gets for a quarter of wheat is no longer
Gentleman who proposed my Hon. Opponent, with scorn remunerative to him. You are also told that the British
and contumely; hero insinuated that it was an opposition farmer ought not to produce wheat—that ho produces
that bad done notg, and then with singular incon" too much wheat, and that ho ought to give up the pro-
sistency he treated us to his own budget.—(A laugh.) duce of wheat as much as he can. That advice was
He recommended the measures which he thought were given to the British farmer by Sir R. Peel, and re-echoed
necessary to relieve the agricultural interest, and every by Lord John Russell. It is the common formula
measure which he recommended in spirit, if not in form, of all writers on political economy, and is suggested as
is one of those measures which I myself year after year a means of curing the evils to which the repeal of the
have proposed in opposition, and by the aid, support, corn-laws has given rise. Their advice is that you
and assistance of that opposition, I have yearly victo- should discourage as much as you can the production
riously carried in a free-trade House of Commons.— of that article which under other circumstances was
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is my wish to express, without your most valuable crop.—(Hear, hear, and cheers )
reserve, and in a manner which cannot be mistaken, and Now, I ask my Free-trade friends whether I put
in language which no perversion of faction the case fairly? If that be so. then, naturally,
can render equivocal, what are the intentions you would suppose the financial system of the
of Government upon this great point.—(Cheers.) Gen- country would encourage the British farmer in the
demen, it is our opinion—the opinion which I myself as production of some other crop, but what is the case?
your Member in the House of Commons have frequently When you go to the next superior crop which British
expressed—that when the great changes of 1846 were Ministers advised to be grown in the place of wheat, end
carried, they were carried in a spirit of great precipita- to which the soil in this country is generally fe-
tion—l might almost .say of panic—and they were vourable—when we come to the next superior
carried without a due regard to these unpor- crop, barley, what does the Legislature do?
tent productive interests whose fortunes for a time, Why it raises on barley a revenue amounting to
as the event has proved, were sensibly affected.—(Hear, 11 000,000 sterling—(Cheers)—equal to the'revenue of
hear.) For example, in 1846, you repealed the old powerful monarchies and ancient empires, for that
corn-laws. (A voice—" And a good thing too.") You amount is raised upon barley under the Spirit Ac:s.
rep( aled them without any condition. You repealed them Well, I say, that is monstrous.—(Cheers.), That
without considering the burden to which the agricultu- system could, no doubt, have existed when it;
rat iettoe st was subjected, and which they were artificial price, as it is called, was given to wheat;
always recommended to endure, because they - pos- but we say when you tell the farmer we
s ssed those corn-laws —(llcer.) You also, for example, have subjected you to such severe competition that you
altered the colonial system, to which one of my Jim n 3„: give up growing wheat, you are bound to take
Friends has referred to-day.—(Hear, hear.) You changed care that an inferior crop is not loaded with heavy rc-
the whole course of your colonial policy;iatter having strictions land severe imposts.—(Choers.) Is that the
bowed to a passionate conviction of the people of Eng- truth?—do Free-traders support that system? But I
land and increased your national debt to terminate dare say it may be said that this tax of eleven millions
slavery, you opened your marks t 3 to slave- is not or the slightest importance to the producer, as it is
grown produce in a manner which oven one theai hy the consumer and nut producer. NI do
or your most celebrated Free-traders has declared to pots hink that eleven millions on one article canow, be paid
be most unjustifiable.—(Cheers.) So again, very shortly by the consumer without checking the production of that
afterwards, you abrogated your maritime code, but article.—(Cries of "Hear, hear," and loud cheers.) If
while you forced British shipping, forexample, into corn- it were possible to produce eleven millions from
petitien with the shipping of all the world, you left upon an inferior crop by a tax, without checking consumption,
the I3aitish SttatD3D and the British shipowner restrictions what would become of the argument of the tax upon
of a very onerous and injurious character.—(Cheers.) wheat? It is quite clear we cannot have it both ways,
And, therefore, these, three great interests, and I take and he was glad to hear a Free-trader say, candidly and
them only as an illustration, were dealt with most un- honestly, that they could not.—(Cheers.) I am in-
fairly, for while acting under circumstances of great formed this Free-trader carries my colours, and I b;.-
emergency, you came to a settlement, which, in lieve you will find a good many Free-traders carry-
fact, as far as these great interests were ing my colours.—(Laug.)
concerned, was no doubt unjust,—(Cheers.) Because, question has arisen hter
how Now, g
to retain unr entlemen, the
estrict
remember this, gentlemen, that so far as the three cases importation,
and yet adjust the balance, so that no in-
ed
I have taken were concerned, even those who vindicate justice be done to the British producer? That is the
that peculiar system, which I think is unjustly called a question; and if you will listen to me, I will give you
se stem of free trade, admit that the settlement some information on the subject. First of all, we have
was not carried into effect en principles of the opinions of Free-traders, and I will give you the opi-
of political and financial justice.—(Cheers.) But nion of the most eminent one. The gentleman to
what says the Hon. Gentleman who proposed my op. whom I allude has only this year ,published his oh-
ponents who was a Free-trader, and who has given us a serrations with regard to the recent commer-
' lively and picturesque description of cottage life?—(A cial legislation of the country. Recollect
laugh)—all of which might have existed and. indeed, his opinion is that of an uncompromising Free trader, of
did exist, under the old syst-m?—(Cries of "No, no.") the highest literary authority, as a Free-trader, and
I repeat that it did exist, and I will quote whose works are constantly referred to in the House of
an authority which I am sure the Hon. Gentleman
will consider a very high authority, indeed. I mean Commons, and are perpetually thrown in our face.—
(Hear, hear,) He is the literary executor of Ricardo,
the late Mr. Cobbetr, whose descriptions of cottage life, aed the editor of Adam Smith. Now, will such an autbo-
when protection existed, were almost as lively as pie- rity satisfy you?—(flear.) I refer toga now edition of
ltures que, and as poetical Its his own.—(A laugh.) But, the celebrated work of M'Culloch
on Taxation, and -I
gentlemen, don't let us be diverted from the argument by fled that Mr. M'Culloch says in that book, that it is of
this slight cocumstance. I say that, without reference to the greatest importance that the malt-tax should be re-
the agricultural interest itself, here is au uncompromising tamed; but that it cannot be retained with perfect jus
Free-trader who tells you that it is true and just that the lice to the English producer without a countervailing
question of the poors'-rate should be settled. Why, what duty; and Mr. M'Culloch says, sooner than give up the
is that but an admission that, as respects the produce of malt-tax, though it restricts the industry of the farmer
British industry, which has been thrown into competi- and checks comsumption, he would propose a different
Lion with the general produce of the world, the question course; and he adds, it is of the utmost importance
of local taxation which he described as being so unjust to keep that great arm of finance, and that it would be
and grievous, should have bean settled at the time the beat to give the farmer a countervailing duty of 2s. 6d.
change was made?—(Cheers.) Take now the case of on barley.—(Hear, hear.) But he says more—he
sugar.—(Hear, hear.) If I wanted to establish the in- thinks that the present at stein is most unjust to the
justice of the present system, should I go to the chair- cultivator of the British soil, and he states there is no
man or the deputy-chairman of a protection society? doubt that the best way of settling the question
Net I should go to Mr. Deacon Hume, the founder of is by a countervailing duty of seven &hilltop on
the commercial system which the late Sir Robert every quarter, of and by a mediftekeluty
Peel adopted.—(Hear, hear.) Nay, I might quote for other species o grins. This is his opinion in 1852.
Sir Robert Peel's own words in reference to the repu- (Cheers.) But he says still more—that though the
dieted measures of Lord John Russell in 1846, of which British farmer, the occupier and owner of land in Great
Sir R. Peel did not approve, because he staid sugar was Britain, according to the present system, are placed in a
taken out of the category of free trade in consequence of most unjust position, yet so much prejudice exists on
the abolition of slavery, which would render it the subject at the present moment that it would no longer
an act of injustice, if not of illegality, be wise todo that justice to which they were entitled.
to place the colonial producers in competition But I cannot believe myself that the country will remain
with the foreigner.—(Flear, hear.) Why here are two quiescent while a reat body of the industrious and hard-
evergdeval
oadmittedjheers.)cases without referring to the shipping case.— working portion of the community have to support
Buth no one can den no human being has burdens from which other classes are exempt.—
leeded, t. at our British seamen and shipowner:, in (cheers.) You, the Free-traders, must agree with
bein
industry nlgnheml
they should the petition with the entire world, there us, that that society • is not safely established
to be entirely unrestricted, and where any considerable body of the producers
' those vexatious lno longer subjected to all of the country carry on their industry under
force, crippling theaiws which are still kept in unfair fiscal circumstances.—(Cheers.) I will now tell
allesources and increasing their. you my opinion, I agree with Mr. M'Culloch thus fur,
itijuries.—(Cheers oursides.) Why, here are the , that the cheapest, easiest mode, and the least expensive
Free-treeless :cheeriag in,
laugh.) Here are Free- to the community of settling the question, is by a coun-
traders admitting that in three
rests in which the g_eaesgreat instances, and into- tervailing duty. I think no one will deny that in
r t t amount of British the aggregate that countervailing duty would
ainnvdestetd
the namely' theagricultural,
has se ement has
the give the English producer much less than
colonial, the ttl
been precipitate—that shipping, capital is
it
been unjuat _
he was scientifically entitled to, and knowing the cha-
of the English people he was disposed to think
(Cheers.) Why, we are /mania:ions._
(A laugh.) raster
object to a compromise of this kind.
•
What then is the use of having an opponent to that they would not . ..
me.— He not s eak for the agricultural interest alone, but
did p
(A laugh.) Why is there a rival candidate? Wh •
yls for the whole community, when be said he believed that
an individual for whom I entertain such sincere rely
Friend—why is he, as it Peet the cheapest, easiest, and most effective and least onerous
as my Learned were, pulledtbeir debts—for it really came to
manner of
from the classic shades of Heartwell Hall to fight a.. • paying
a man with whom he entirely agrees?— (Cheers.)
',al"' that—was to follow the advice given and the policy
recommended by Mr. M'Culloch.—(Cheers.) But if
A VOICE.---They don't agree.
, don't agree! Then they determined to adhere to what
the people of England are . . . .
Mr. DDRAELL—They are I consider prejudice and short-sighted views—if the ge-
determined to support an injustice which they denounce.
a body of the community have a prejudice against
nerl
" Incto entreat —(Cheeri.) Now, gentlemen, permit., ilcat a settling the question in a manner which has been recom-
continuance of that earnest Pa
nit
which You mended by the highest authoritiee, I am Lot going to
have already bestowed upon me, but pray understand pledge the existence of a Government or of a policy on
I irk you to listen, t from
isten, DO any vain wish such a measure.—(Laughter.) The policy which I think
to address you, but being of her Majesty's Ministers
one no Government ou h hrink from who have acceded
g t. to s
lam anxious that it should not be said hereafter that I to office enderhave done, is to
the circumstances we -
bad attempted to concsul the policy which i
we _ntend
oto secure to the agricultural interest ample and complete
pursue.--(Cheers, If you will give me your attenti n redreas.—(Cheers.) lam of opinion that the simplest
fir a moment I will tell you frankly and openly what and cheapest mod
the ' is the one which eto community -
wet think and what we wish to do Cheers. Well, this great pelitical economist has recommended. The
then, gentlemen, it is our opinion that in the years 1846 country will soon have an opportunity of expressing its
to 18d great injustice was done to many great interests °Pinion. But it cannot be said I speak with any reserve
in which a vast, an immense amount of capital is in- upon the point.—(Cries of " Ob, oh," and cheers.) If
vested, and upon which much labour depends; and it is the nation chooses not to sanction the policy which the
also our opinion that justice should now be done them. highest authority—which men who have given their
—that justice should,
--;
in fact, be done to all classes- I minds to the study of the subject_which men Who were
(Cheers)—and if the e Premises I have stated be true, I Free-trailers long before brawling l'ree-troders exiisted-."
. ,
.. .