The Sun.
London, England, 1863-07-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES,—When the Polish question has to be considered
by ttatesmen or discussed by assemblies who think and
debate under a real sense of responsibility, both are com-
_

palled to stop somewhat short of the conclusion to which
they seem to be tending. A public speaker has no hesita-
tion in commencing a European war at once from the plat-
form by a series of Resolutions. But the House of Com-
mons is obliged to weigh the consequences of such creations
of impulse and eloquence. When war is suggested as the
last and only effectual remedy for the wrongs of one nation
of Europe, the warmest sympathizer with the oppressed
people instinctively recoils from such a desperate mode of
cure. This was the feeling which made the rejection of Mr.
Horsman's resolution last right inevitable, His speech
threw enough light on the subject to show those who heaid
it the edge of a gulf, and the natural consequence is a re-
fusal to jump into it. The recoil of feeling was enough to
prevent the motion from being put to the vote. It made
the text of a carefully prepared speech, and was then aban-
doned. It is an old difficulty, constantly recurring, not
created for the first time by " the Treaty of 1815." It is
quite true that the settlement of 1815 has " failed to secure
the good government of Poland." Countries could be
named in which that blessing has not been secured in 30
years of freedom from any such trammels. The sufferings
of Poland began much further back in history than 1815,
and cannot be ascribed wholly to the mistakes of
the last generation of diplomatists, or to the
treaties of that year only. It is perfectly true that
Poland has been, as Mr. Horsman says, " diplo-
matised to death ;" but its dissolution had many stages,
and of the causes that led to its disappearance from the roll
of independent kingdoms Poland itself is not guiltless. The
"diplomatists of 1815" must not bear all the blame, though
they are so often accused of blotting out a gallant nation
from the map. They are certainly not responsible for the
divisions and intrigues of the Poles themselvcs when they
still had a political existence, a Monarchy, and an army.
The repeated cessions of territory which have reduced the
" kingdom " to its present limits were like possessions
dropped, one after the other, not only from inability to held
them, but a willingness to part with them. What was once
a distinct realm is now lost in a vague and not undisputed
"nationality." Poland, in truth, created in Russia the
Frankenstein that has so long pursued her with the relent-
less persecution of the being that has less than the attri-
butes of humanity. All the afflictions of Poland, then, are
not modern, and it is very difficult, indeed, to say to what
period a full " restoration" would require the Powers at-
tempting to go back. By the Treaty of 1815, however,
something was saved, for which that settlement gives us a
title to ask better treatment. The European Powers are
joint guardians and trustees for a people which has been
grievously wronged. The Treaty gives them the right of
interfering for their protection, but in appealing to it we
by no means bind ourselves to revert pedantically to all
the conditions it contains. It is not even necessary
that Russia should re-establish all that the Em-
peror Nicholas abolished after the revolt of 1830.
The " exploded hypocrisy " that Mr. Horsman
so strongly denounces need not be revived. This
is the weak point of Mr. Horsman's argument. He assumes
that any Congress or Conference must necessarily restore
all contained in the instrument the Russian Emperor tore
up so contemptuously, If the stupid brutality of the Russian
administration in Poland be not incurable, surely some
security may be obtained for the Polish people, even with-
out returning to all the political machinery of the Constitu-
tion that so soon perished. It would be something to ren-
derimpossible a repetition of the outrages the Poles suffered
suce excesses.
IGovernor
is as
the M obu blind
vie
andff could be under the Vice-royalty of such a madman as the brother of
Nicholas, g
the Grand Duke Constantine. It would be a gain
to
humanity if h a
es
re-
strained from his cruel ad-
ministration of the Russian Government that has revolted
Ithe civilisation of Europe more than the abolition of a
charter. The remonstrances of the several Powers may at
least have the effect of compelling Russia to introduce
something like common sense, intelligence, and humanity
into the Polish Government. They may bring that Euro-
pean opinion to bear soa Russia in a distinct form, without,
it may be hoped, kindling a general war, which wculd be
remedying one evil by creating a greater.
HERALD.—The friendship of some men is much more
mischievous than their enmity. It would be absurd to
suggest that Mr. Horsman is actuated by a diabolical de-
sign to injure the Polish cause; but the result of his inter-
ference might justify the assumption. The truth is,
that the honourable gentleman seized upon the Polish
question as a capital subject for the exercise of an
epigrammatic talent which had grown somewhat rusty
for want of employment. tFio he availed himself
of the postponement of Mr. Pope ?Hennessy's motion
to press forward one of his own, and last night he
entertained the House of Commons with a speech of two
hours' duration, which will add to his reputation as an ora-
tor, and destroy all his claim to the title of statesman. The
speech was brilliant and incisive, but in every sentence the