The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-05 00:00:00

TEIL SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 5, 1864.

is moat difficult ; and if there he a thorough understanding 1 the immaterial and irrelevant portions of those despatches,
between England, France, and Russia, I say war is impose refers to the mortification which France felt on account of
Bible. (Conservative cheers) These were the py con- the refusal of the joint application of the three Powers by
ditions under which her Majesty's Ministers e d upon Russia, and he fairly quoted the resolution of France--a re-
this matter, and which they enjoyed when t y began to solution at which none can wonder and none can bomplain
manage this question of Denmark. (Hear:) o years ago, —to avoid repeating a diplomatic measure of the same cha-
and much less, there was a cordial under e. ;nt; between racter as that which had exposed her to the refusal of Rus-
England, France, and Russia upon that cha -I ion, or upon sia. But the right hon. gentleman gave the house to under-
any question that might arise. They might look forward stand, or left it to be inferred, that the meaning of the de-
to the future with every confidence in the enjoyment claration on the part of France was this—" Do not look for
of peace. (Hear, hear). They might look forward any more co-operation from me with respect to Denmark—
to a period when they would have accomplished all they our policy is changed; but if you had stood by us in the
could have desired for the public good. But what has hap- case of Poland, I would have stood by you in that of Den-
pened ? Theythave alienated Russia, they have estranged mark. Inasmuch, however, as you abandoned me in respect
France, and then they call Parliament together to declare to Poland, I will leave you to conduct your own affairs in
war against Germany. (Cheers.) Why, such a thing reference to Denmark." (Cheers.) Sir, I will give again the
never happened before in the history of this country ; nay, very words of the despatch referred to by the right hon:
more, I say never can happen again. I look upon it as one gentleman, and you will see whether the words of Mr Grey
of those portentous occurrences that sometimes take place were not very definite, and whether they did not bear an
to humiliate the pride of nations, and to lower their confi- interpretation the most remote from that given by the right
deuce. (Loud cheers.) As difficulties increased—as ob- hon. gentleman. The words were written at the time that
stacks before them mounted—as they were multiplied, as ahe says France was adopting a policy of inaction in refer-
consequence of their perpetual errors and constant mis- once to Denmark. What were the words of M. Drouyn de
takes—yet more piteously have they exhibited themselves. Lhuys ?—" France may not (his excellency said) be inaiffe-
You always find that her Majesty's Ministers are near war. rent by any means to the maintenance of the integrity and
As in private life you always dud that it is the weak who independence of Denmark, and it was not from any indiffe-
are 'violent, so it is with her Majesty's Government. So rence that he disapproved of your lordship's suggestion;
long as the cordial feeling with the great Powers existed that he had already represented to the German Powers that
they spoke et ith moderation—they counselled with dignity ;if they invaded Holstein for the purpose of effecting a revolt
but, like all incompetent men, the moment they are in in Schleswig, and if they went further and invaded Schleswig
extreme difficulties they conduct themselves in a way that itself, they would be infringing on the rights of an inde-
is ludicrous and false, and the affairs of the country cannot pendent sovereign, and entering upon a grave question
be arranged by the resources they possess. See the de- affecting the balance of power in Europe, to which France
spatches that have been written—that memorable despatch could not remain indifferent." (Applause.) And is it not
which was sent to St. Petersburg in January about going the fact that all these expressions, when they came from the
to war against Germany. Then we went twice to Paris, pen of my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign
entreating the Emperor to assist us in consequence of our Affairs, are treated as menaces, which are to bind us to go
mistakes. It is only by giving them credit, as Ido through- to war; but that, when they proceed from the mouth of the
out, for complete sincerity of expressions and conduct, that French Minister for Foreign Affairs, at the very moment
the behaviour of the Government is at all explicable. As- when, as the right hon. gentleman says, France was re-
sume that their policy has a war policy, and it is quite in- nouncing all co-operation with us, with regard to the
telligible, but when difficulties arise, then they instantly Danish question, they are not considered in that light at
have recourse to violence in every word they utter. Every all ? (Cheers.) The right hon, gentleman went on from
despatch they write seems to look to a scene of collision. the September stage to the November stage in these cam-
What is the state of Europe at this moment, produced by plicated proceedings, and he referred to the discourteous
the mismanagement of our affairs ? I know not what other terms in which the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
hon gentlemen may think. but to me it seems most serious. Affairs treated the proposal of the Emperor of the French
I find the great German Powers openly avowing that they for the assembling of an European Congress. My noble
have not the capacity to fulfil their engagements. I fled friend is a man of truth and honour, given to speak out with
Europe impotent to vindicate the public law, because a great as little of circumlocution as circumstances would permit,
alliance has been broken up; and I find a Government of a (Laughter, and hear, hear.) But what course did the right
great, proud, and generous nation like England, with the honourable gentleman himself pursue ? Did he pursue
reserve of magnanimity, shrinking from the responsibility a course calculated to mend our manners ? How did he
of undertaking war, and sensitively smarting under the im- describe the proposal made by the Emperor of the
pression that her honour is stained, and stained by pledges French ? On the 4th of February, 1864, this master
which I maintain ought not to have been given, and expec• of diplomatic courtesy—this statesman so careful
tations which I maintain ought never to have been held out of the fine feelings of our neighbour, so sensible of the value
by wise and competent statesmen. (Cheers.) It appears to of the alliance between the two countries—somewhat curtly
me, therefore, obvious that her Majesty's Government have and somewhat succinctly, as I venture to think, described
failed in their avowed policy to maintain the integrity and the proposition which had been made by the Emperor of the
independence of Denmark. It appears to me undeniable that French for an European Congress as an " adroit manoeuvre.'
the great influence of England in the councils of Europe (Oh, oh, and loud cheers.) I refer to this matter in order
has been lowered, and it appears to me that the consequence that I may meet the inferences which the right hon. gen-
of this lowering of our influence is to diminish the security tleman proceeded to found on our refusal to join in the Con-
for the maintenance of peace, (Cheers.) And what defence gress, just as he found baseless inferences on our proceed-
have we ? If a criticism is made on his ambiguous policy, ings in regard to Poland. He stated that we had refused
the noble lord says to me, " What is your policy ?" the Congress in a manner that could not but be exceedingly
(Ministerial cheers and counter-cheers.) I say my disapproved of. lie said that France, on the death of the
policy is the honour of England. (Laughter and King of Denmark, resolved to take no part in the question,
cheers.) The honour of England and the peace of and he quoted a despatch, dated December 19, from Lord
Europe—and the noble lord has betrayed both. (Conner- Wodehouse to Earl Russell, in which he says General
vative cheers.) I can understand a Minister coming to Fleury, the envoy at Copenhagen, had had instructions
Parliament when there is a question of domestic interest from the Emperor not to take part in any negotiations there,
of the highest character—the emancipation of the Catholics, but to tell the Danish Government explicitly that, if Den-
the principle on which our commercial code is to be esta- mark was inclined to go to war with Germany, France would
blished, or our representative system founded. I can under- not come to her assistance. lam astonished that the hon.
stand a Minister, though I think it a weak point, saying gentleman, bewildered, I suppose, with the study of these
upon these questions he would leave Parliament to decide fitteeen hundred pages—most anxious, because his
what should be their policy. Parliament is in possession of candour is well known to the world, and giving the
all the information on these subjects that is necessary or fullest powe s of his mind to these papers—yet by
that can he obtained. Parliament is as competent to come some unlucky fate, some ill-natured star that crossed
to judgment as the Ministers themselves upon such ques- his good intentions, has almost in every case—
times. But it is quite a new doctrine in Parliament to ap- and I will make good what lam now stating—has mime
peal to Parliament to initiate a foreign policy. (Cheers.) represented the real effect of those papers even which he has
That is a prerogative of the Crown, exercised under the quoted. What did he say in this instance with respect to
advice of responsible Ministers, It is devised, invented, General Fleury ? It is true we received this statement
carried on in seeresy, and justly and wisely so. What do from Copenhagen, and on receiving it we determined to
we know what is going on in Downing-street at this mo- verify it by referring to Paris. Accordingly, we referred it
meat ? For aught I know, the noble lord may have made to Lord Cowley, who returned from M. Drouyn de Lhuys,
this morning another proposition which may light up a with this important addition—for the right hon. gentleman
general European war. (Hear, hear.) It is for Parliament says France had definitely refused to take any part, in the
to inquire, to criticise, to support or condemn our foreign question—M. Drouyn de Lhuys stated positively that no
affairs, but it is not for them to initiate a foreign policy, in declaration had been made either by or to the King of Dan-
absolute ignorance of the real state of affairs. As well might mark which did not leave the Emperor free to take any
you ask them to set a house on fire. Igo further. He course which he might think fit. (Cheers and counter-
is not a wise, lam sure he is not a patriotic man, who, in a cheers.) Do hon. gentlemen opposite really mean that that
crisis like the present, would accept office under conditions is not a material part of the statement ? (Cheers.) Is that
which might be found not only unwise but impossible to a policy of absolute renunciation. It was a very wise
act upon. No, sir, we must not allow her Majesty's Mi- course on the part of the Emperor of the French, and it '
nisters to escape from their responsibility. (Cheers.) That might have been wise and prudent on his part that he
is the meaning —that is at the bottom of all these demands would not lend to Denmark his military support ; but that
of what is your policy. From the first night we met, on the is not the policy which was enunciated by the right hon.
4th of February, that has been the question, Parliament gentleman, and it is totally different from the effect of the
was called together by Ministers in distress to give them a statement of General Fleury quoted by the right honour •
policy. Parliament has maintained a dignified and discreet able gentleman, because it is expressly stated that
reserve, and now you find in what a position these Minis- the Emperor of the French fully reserved to himself the
ters have placed the country. It is not for us to help these right to enter into the Danish question as freely and as
Ministers in their foreign relations. The most we can do is fully as he should think fit, (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I
to tell the noble lord what is not our policy. We will not now come a step further is the statement of the right hon,
threaten and then refuse to act; we will not lead on our gentleman, which I think contains an important point. The
allies with expectations we do not intend to fulfil. If it right hon. gentleman says, that in all cases where the Go-
ever be the lot of myself and those with whom I act to vernment found themselves strong they were moderate in
carry out the important negotiations of this country, as the their lau;uage, but when they found themselves weak they
noble lord and his colleagues have done, I trust we shall became violent; and en that principle he accounts for the
not at least carry them on in such a manner as it will be letter written on Dec. 2.5, fur the purpose, he says, of me-
our duty to come to Parliament and announce that we have /ening the Diet in case they proceeded to Federal execution.
no ally, and then to declare that England can never act alone. Her. again lam sorry to say that the right hon. gentleman
(Cheers.) These are words which ought never to have es- has not quoted the document fairly or truly. lam in the re-
caped the lips of any British Minister, (Cheers.) They collection of the house, and in the presence of the right hon.
are sentiments which ought never to have entered his heart, gentleman. In quoting the letter of Dec. 25, which he de-
(Cheers.) I repudiate and reject them. (Cheers.) I re- scribes as one of great violence, he makes a mistake in one
member that there was a time when England had not a tithe sentence of considerable importance. He says my noble
of our resources, when, actuated by a patriotic course, she friend menaces the Diet in case of their proceeding to Fede-
triumphantly encountered a world in arms. (Cheers) And, ral execution. He read the words generally and commented
sir, I believe now, if the occasion were fitting—if our inde- upon them. He read the wcrds "any precipitate act on on
pendence and our honour were attacked and assailed—it our the part of the German Confederation at the present moment
empire were endangered—l believe England would rise in may lead to consequences fatal to the peace of Europe."
the magnificence of her might, and struggle triumphantly (Hear, hear.) But what is the preamble to that letter?
for those objects for which men live and nations flourish. Why, sir, it is not with respect to Federal execution at all—
(Loud cheers.) But, air, I for one will never consent to go it does not once mention Federal execution, nor has in any
to war to extricate Ministers from the consequences of their reference to it, which was the inference sought to be con-
own indiscretion. And it is in this spirit that I have drawn veyed by the right hon. gentleman. But what was the pre-
up this address to the Crown. I lenve drawn it up in the amble to which I have referred ? The Diet sitting at Frank-
spirit in which the Royal speech was delivered at the corn- fort appears to claim a right to decide on questions of sue.
mtncement of the session. I am ready to vindicate the cession in the several States composing the Confederation,
honour of this country when it is necessary, but I have and to be bent on asserting such a right in the present case
drawn it up in the interests of peace. (Cheers.) Sir, I beg —the case of Holstein. Therefore, Ido not hesitate to say
leave to move the address which stands in my name. (Loud chat the quotation cf the right hon. gentleman does not
cheers from the Opposition.) give him a tittle of foundation for his argument. The
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who rose question has no reference to Federal execution, but it had
amidst lend cheers, said—Sir, I will venture to assure the to the claim of deciding as to succession, which had been
right hon. gentleman that he shall have no ground to corn- more or less made at different periods by the German
plain of any attempt on the part of her Majesty's Govern- Diet, but which were not admitted to be part of their regu-
went to disguise or to escape from their responsibilities. tar attributes and jurisdiction, Does any hon. gentleman
(Hear, hear.) Whether, indeed, he has rightly discharged imagine that the claim of the German Diet to determine
the duties of an Opposition—whether he has successfully the succession of Austria or Prussia would be allowed for
vindicated the large motion he submits to the house—is a one moment? Bat it was to this significant claim of the
matter, I think, fairly open to inquiry; but as I admit German States, and not to Federal execution, that the
honestly and fairly that his charges against the Government letter referred which was quoted by the right hon. gentle-
are bold and palpable, the first demand is that we should man, and quoted, I may say, in a manner which entirely
offer a defence. Therefore I make no apology to gentlemen tahifies its purpose and effect. (Oh, oh, from the Opposie
who have placed amendments on the paper, although I can tion benches.) I say he quoted it for the purpose of illus-
well understand that the hon. member for Bridgewater (Mr Crating our menaces against Federal execution ; and I speak
Kingleke) and the hon. member for Warwickshire (Mr in the pretence of hon. members who can judge of the words
Newdegate) should, in the interests of England, substitute of the right hon. gentleman and the inference which was
questions which really do involve a policy for a motion sought to be conveyed by the quotation. I now come to
which involves none. (Hear.) At the same time it is our the despatch quoted by the right hon. gentleman, and here
duty, while wholly refraining from any attempt to check again lam sorry to say I cannot speak of his quotation in
free discussion, to meet the accusations which he has any other terms than those which I have already used. (Oh,
lavished upon the conduct of her AL jesty's Government oh, and hear.) I come to what I may call the lugubrious
Now, sir, it is as NI ell to have something to agree on, and despatch of Dec. 29. The house will remember that in
I ant glad to find there is a starting-point which the right quoting the despatch the right hon. gentleman resorted to
hon. gentleman and her Majesty's Government possess in the fullest use of his comic powers of description—(loud
common—l mean the startineepoint concerning the pro- laughter, and oh)—of voice and of warning. We all re-
ceedings of last summer and early autumn, and the decla- member the plaintive tones with which he described her
ration made by my noble friend at the head of the Govern- Majesty's Government as addressing itself to France. Her
ment in the month of July, as being an authoritative an- Majesty's Government, he said, were most sincerely desir-
neuncement by my noble friend of his own opinion that the ous to act with the Imperial Government on this question.
Treaty of 1852, entered into for the purpose of maintaining This letter referred to the proposal made by the British
the independence and integrity of Denmark, would receive Government for a Conference on the Danish question; and
that support from united Europe under which it had origi- the right hon. gentleman read on, and said that when M.
nally teen framed. I agree likewise he has fairly proved Drouyn de Lhuys expressed a general desire to co-operate
that my noble friend, in giving that opinion with respect to with England Lord Cowley remarked that it would be a
the probable conduct, the anticipated conduct, of the other curious thing if a difference of opinion prevented co-opera-
Powers, par ties to that treaty, likewise implied the readi. tion, and that no answer was made. He said that he had
ness of the Ministry of which he was the head to take their made an application to France to join us in a European
part in it. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman has likewise Conference on the affairs of Denmark, to which Lord Cowley
stated, and fairly stated, that at that period France and could not get an answer from M, Drouyn de Lhuys; and
Russia were of the same mind. Up to that simple point that, finding that he could not obtain an answer, he felt
the right hon. gentleman and the Government are agreed, himself bound to wind up the conversation with the ex-
and I now set on a long and dreary journey of dissent. The pression of a hope that the difference of the opinion about
right hon. gentleman says, in the month of September, the Congress in reference to Poland would not prevent co-
there was a total change in the policy of France. Ido not operation with regard to the affairs of Denmark. There the
know that it is necessary or expedient that we should enter right hon. gentleman stopped, but what was the inference
at this period upon the course taken by her Majesty's Go- he drew ? Was it not that France had rejected the proposal
vtrnment with respect to the Polish question. As far as I of the Conference ? Unless it had that meaning, it had
know, the Parliament of this country did not in either none at all, for the whole gist of his argument was to show
house act with regard to Poland on the principle of extreme that long after France had resolved on a course of action,
reserve.
-a-rlf.
D o f
i sstitefferAiET°
—Not by us only.
n e
On the contrary, both in the House of Lords and and had announced it to Denmark, we went to Paris, bore
the House Commons members did lift up their voices cn ing France and pestering her with proposals to which she
bhumanity. (Hear, hear.) would not listen or consent. Again I say he has misled the
mh
house ; and whether he has or not the house will judge for
suffering humanity.
Mr. GLADS -
ONE—Not in the least; but I will add itself when I have read a few words from the despatches
that the most pronounced charge with respect to the which were quoted by the right hon. gentleman. In the
supposed conduct of her NJ ajesty's Government in conversation of Lord Cowley and M. Drouyn de Lhuys,
regard to Poland was this—that the noble lord the Secre- Lord Cowley says :—" I presume I may give them assurance
tary of State for Foreign Affairs had, by his declaration at that the Emperor's Government are not prepared to reject
the commencement of the discussion that we would not the motion of the conference ;" and M. Drouyn de Lhuys
take up arms for Poland, entirely des trcyed and crushed the replied—" The Imperial Government are anxious to prevent
hopes of the Poles, (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentle. a war, and if it saw its way to prevent it through a Con-
man says there was a change in the
policy of France in the ference, it would not refuse to take part in it," (Cheers,)
month of September. Was there such a change ? The right The right hon. gentleman described what he called the Em.
hon. gentleman has undoubtedly quoted a despatch of Mr. peror's policy 01 renunciation. But Lord Cowley says, " I
Grey to support the statement which he has made; and the have dwelled, as far as time will permit, the general tenor
right hen, gentleman gracefully apologised to the house for of the conversation with M. Drouyn de ',buys, and his ex-
troubling it by quoting from despatches. I am more die- cellency expressed an opinion that, if your lordship should
posed to complain of the sins of omission than the sins of also insist on knowing the intentions of the great German
commission, (Laughter, and hear, hear.) But the right Powers, it would aid in bringing this question to an issue,"
hon. gentleman, while Professing WdieregArd and pass over j That is what the right hon, gentleman thought fit to de-