The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-23 00:00:00

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At the end of the last n-•ntury, when Gee to s
Third was King, and wh,n Meyer Aenechelen
a broker's shop in the Jew-lane of Frankfort, under
the sign of the Red Shield—" Rothschild
were only six bankers in London who had the re-
pute of being possessed of extraordinary wealth, or
were what is now termed millionaires, These- six
hankers were Thomas Courts, Sir Francis Bcring,

PRICE ...4d.
STAMPED ')d.

THE S

,TIES,

Joseph Denicon, Henry Hope, Lewis Tessier, and

Peter Theilusson. Of Thomas Coutts and thze in-
eresiing incidents of his cp.r!y cr.rter mention has

(From the Court Journal.)'.
The state of parties in England at the present
day undoubtedly presents a very curious susi2ct
for speculation to those inclined to investigate the
principles and gulding motives of political affairs
It is often urged, and with no slight show of reason,
that in reality there is very little distinction be-
tween the two great parties in the State—the Con-
eervacives and the moderate Liberals—though cer-
tainly nobody denies that each of these Val.:at:s
materially from the Ridical or ultra-Liberal por-
tion of the community, who are only partially :ppro.
seated in Parliament, and are not likely to obtain
much influence in this country as long as loyalty,
reason, and religion hold any sway over the minds
of the great bulk of the people. Still, it has been
argued in opposition to the first-mentioned idea,
that although Liberals and Conservatives may not
find very much to differ about seriously, the former
are more inclined to concede to the wishes of the
Democratic party, and that were the Conservatives
to give way they would, little by little, pave the
road for the accession to power and influence of such
men as Bright and Cobden, or their friends of the
un-English and unpatriotic Manchester school. If
we admit this, we shall also acknowledge that there

been mace already, and it need ba added only tht

he began life with a c;ipit.l uzdur tho7..and, 2rid
died worth nearly e. million et money. The c: her
of Sir Francis Baring was stiq more • Eucccs I a .
Life their modern succt:saors and riv:llF, the world-
fitmous b,.nkers of the lied the 13,irings
came from Germany. The immediate anceator of
the family was Herr F.-ane:s 11;Jrint;,pastcr of t.l‘.

Gle oTer to t

is good reason for keeping up the existing distinc-
tions of parties, and that even if there be not much
to choose between the two, their maintenance in a
state of vitality and activity is essential to the
welfare and true interests of the nation.

Among the Conservative party there is, withon
doubt, far less dissension and diversity of opinion
than among those who sit on the Liberal side of the
house, or support Liberal politics out of doors. Of
course there are a few who are dissatisfied with the
leadership of Mr. Disraeli, or even with that of
Lord Derby—a few ambitious spirits who, with less
experience and infinitely less brains, persist in con-
ceiving themselves to be the only true and fit re-
presentatives of the Opposition; but these men who
are but little respected by anybody, are in a singu-
larly small minority, and on all important questions
they will be found to vote with the remainder of
the Conservative party. But how is it among the
Liberals ? Take the example of the present Go-
vernment, and we shall find not only its supporters,
but actually its members, voting on different sides,
and entertaining such discordant opinions, that it is
almost impossible for them to agree in bringing for-
ward any measure of importance without at least one
or two of the Ministers resigning. Of course this is
only the inevitable fate of every coalition Ministry.;
but it is owing to this fact that the present Govern-
ment is so weak, and commits so many and such
serious errors. Those errors, moreover, are chiefly
errors of non-commission, owing to the fact which
we have stated, that they are unable to decide upon
or adopt a course which will not be distasteful to
some of the members. Lord Russell, once the
leader of Reform, is now the apostle of " rest and
thankfulness" for past favours; while Mr. Milner
Gibson is hand-in-hand with the Reformers. Sir
George Grey is all for the routine of the old Whig
school; while Lord Palmerston himself, Mr Glad-
stone, Lord Clarence Paget, and others adopt a
more reckless if not dangerous mode of procedure
in State affairs. On Church matters, we witness
Sir Roundell Palmer differing from Lord Shaftes-
bury, and some Ministers voting for Church Rates
whilst others side with the Dissenters, and so on
with regard to nearly every subject of any import-
ance which might be mentioned, we find them not
only disagreeing, but recording their votes against
one another.
The vote on Mr Baines's motion singularly
illustrated this discordance of sentiment and action.
Lord Hartingtou, Sir It. Peel, the Attorney-Gene•
ral end others went out of the House, thus plainly
showing their objection to the bill, while the re•
mainder of the Ministers recorded their votes in
its favour. NIL Olatlbtune's speech on tee oecaz4on
was a singular effusion, and one that laid him
open to many imputations, which Mr Whiteside
and those who succeeded the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer were not slow to seize upon and utter.
We can imagine the disgust of such men as Messrs
Newdegate, Spooner, and other staunch anti-
Reformers, who still maintained some reverence
and liking for the right honourable gentleman,
when they heard him make this, the final recanta-
tion, by which he took the last step downwards—
the step which has so long and so anxiously been
looked forward to by the extreme party, and so
much dreaded by the moderate and respectable
section.

Mr. Gladstone has snapped the last tie which
bound him to the constitutional parties in this king-
dom. Henceforth he can no longer hope to repre-
sent the University of Oxford, loose and heterodoxi-
cal though its theology has almost become. He
must bid adieu to his Church friends, and make
common cause with the Dissenters and Radicals,
with Baines and Bright, Forster and Stansfeld, and
with the men whom he received the other day—
Odgers, Beales, and Co.—and who told him such
unpleasant things.
It has, indeed, been stated that the speech of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer was intended to act
as a means of reviving his lost popularity with the
working men, for whom he has always professed
so much consideration and solicitude. This may
be so, and there is at least no doubt that the
working men of England are impressed with the
firm conviction that Mr Gladstone was the person
instrumental in forcing Garibaldi to depart; but
we are inclined to believe that, apart from this,
Mr Gladstone had a higher and more important
object in view, and that he meant his speech to
serve as capital on the hustings at the next general
election, and also as the forerunner of a series of
speeches and measures which shall ultimately
gain for him the entire confidence of the great
Liberal party, and their consent to his becoming
their leader. We certainly would rather see Lord
Clarendon or Lord Granville—nay, even Lord
Russell—the successor of Lord Palmerston than the
present Chancellor of the Exchequer, who, in spite
of his brilliant genius and sparkling oratory, may
not be quite the man to lead a numerous and restive
body of politicians, or to guide the destinies of the
country. If Mr. Gladstone ever becomes Premier
of England, he will not receive the support of such
men as Lord Granville, Sir Charles Wood, Lord
Hartington, and Sir Robert Peel, who may be called
the Conservative element in the present Ministry,
but he will have to seek out the elements of his
Administration among men who have not, and never
will have, the confidence of the nation, or the
slightest weight in influencing its opinions. We
may then look forward to Government measures for
introducing the ballot, expelling the Bishops from
the House of Lords, and universal suffrage, and
then it may be that we may perhaps see a clear and
defined line between the two great parties in the
State—the Conservatives and moderate Liberals
amalgamated, on the one hand, to resist the en
croachments and the dangerous schemes of the
Radicals on the other.

10 ac
er:ost ra n
of
f otri
..- -
Persons who have been in the habit of Wing weekly as
borrowers of Sewing Machines will do well to apply at once
and become members of Messrs. Watts and Co.'s Sewing
Machine Clubs. By so doing they will not only save the
money they now foolishly throw away, but at the sanra time
secure to themselves the possession of one of the best and
most celebrated sewing machines in the Iverld. Every in-
formation given on application; oats letter addressed, with
a stamped envelope, to Messrs. W and Co., 12, Beaufort-
buildings, Strand, London, W.C., where men, rs are en-
swellings, rashes, and all
rolled daily between 10 and 4 ; Saturidnayths,e
[AnvEuTtsNlENTO—Holloway's Ointment and Pill
Experience before Authority.—For nearly the third s.—
century have these dies stood
di icseerass' es. sores,
t first the
faculty
denounced these
but the experience of sufferers soon o vdelrt scrip-
overcoming
rewont.herThinovsaelwidhs
mtioednscoafa
lskinent s ,
dpptooslidtio Holloway's medi-
onithe benefit they had
tines
derived from their use ; those '
eins tebraedstecdureo
found equally satisfactory results,111
their turn tried them,
ad-
mirable curatives used and i and thus are these
globe. The ointment hasprzed throughout the habitable
most marked success in always been applied with the
ankles, and numberless erysipelas,
other' varicose veins, swelled
around us are sorely oppresseidn rmit ies by which thousands