The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

MARCH l6, 1852.

eotitstrarsupon,it.—(Hear, hear.) But that is net sate It'is
not' the mere question' whether a paltry duty should be
'imposed -upon this or that foreign produce. It is not the
whole of the commercial question, great as it is, that is in-
volved. That is not the question on which I would make
an appeal to the country. I intend, my Lords, that that
appeal shall be made. I recal with regret and suaprise the
proceedings that have taken place not very long ago. I
suppose I am bound to make the same circumlocution in
speaking of Chesham-place as in speaking of another place.
—(Laughter.) I saw, my Lords, with some surprise, that
proceedings have recently taken place in Chesham-place
which I think bid fair to render the Chesham-place compact
a rival to the Lichfield-house compact.—( Laughter.) The
Noble Lord who preceded me in office, it appears, had sum-
moned together a large body of his supporters to consult
with them on the course which they ought to take in opposi-
tion to the existing Government Looking at the circum-
stances under which the Noble Lora has quitted office,
should have hoped that the last object lie would have in
view as a statesman and as a patriot was to organise an op-
position against that Government which circumstances com-
pelled to succeed him.—(Hear, hear.) I confess that my
surprise and regret were much increased when I saw the
nature of the association which the Noble Lord has formed
for that purpose. I saw on that occasion that the Noble
Lord was attended by 168 Members of the House of Com-
mons. Now, where, I ask, were those 168 Members when
the Government fell in consequence of its own weakness ?
(Hear. ) Where were those supporters of the Noble Lord and
his Government on that occasion ? It appears, that, not being
disposed to support the Noble Lord on that trying moment,
they absented themselves from attendance,. and although
they permitted the Noble Lord's Government to fall, they
now willingly join in the cry of raising an Opposition for the
mere purpose of thwarting and impeding the course of any
future Government. These supporters of the Noble Lord,
though they have shown their unwillingness to support
their chief as First Minister of the Crown, are quite
willing to render, if possible, the existence of any Go-
vernment impossible.—(Hear, hear.) .1 may be wronging
the Noble Lord. I am speaking only from public intel-
ligence whidh has appeared in papers favourable to the
Noble Lord's policy ; but I apprehend that which had
passed at that time in Chesham-place is not a matter of
secrecy or doubt. It is reported that the Noble Lord has
concerted his plan of operations with Sir James Graham
on the one side and Mr. Cobden on the other. Sir James
Graham, however, was undoubtedly not present. Mr.
Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Villiers, Mr. Hume, and one or
two other gentlemen appeared to take the principal part in
this united assembly.—(Hear, hear.) And in that as-
sembly the Noble Lord, who was hardly a week out of
office—who was the author of the Reform Bill which was
laid before Parliament by the assent of his colleagues for the
purpose of settling, as he called it, the representation of the
country, and who was subseqently called upon by his sup-
porters to amend that nugatory and absurd Bill which he
committed to the consideration of Parliament—this same
Noble Lord had no hesitation in stating at that meeting
that, if called upon to form another Cabinet, he would do so
upon a different and much wider basis than the last.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) There now, my Lords, is the position
in which her Majesty's present and late Governments stand.
The head of the old Government, unable to maintain his
place, thinks it not unworthy of his high character and
station to associate with those who had before strenuously
opposed him, for the purpose of rendering the difficulties of
the present Government absolutely insuperable; and he
has led the country to suppose that the next Administra-
tion shall not be a Whig Administration, but one upon
a much wider basis.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I shall
go, then, to the country, when I feel that it is consistent
with my duty to my Sovereign and my country to do so,
not with any narrow appeal upon a question whether there
shall be a duty upon corn or not—that is a question
which I leave to the calm and deliberate judgment of the
country to determine—(Hear, hear)—that is a question
which I leave to the general concurrence of the country,
without which I will not bring forward any proposition.—
(Hear, hear.) I say, my Lords, I will not flinch Irons the
performance of my duty from the fear of any person Or
party. If the general sense of the country and Parliament
be with me in support of any measure which I believe to be
useful, I shall have no hesitation in bringing it forward, but
I will not overstrain the influence which may belong to a
Government, nor abuse the high position in which my Sove-
reign has placed me. I will not press the opinions of con-
stituencies, nor will I, by a bare majority of votes, force
on the country a measure against which a great portion of
the country may entertain objections. We are quite
ready to maintain the institutions of the country,
and to afford relief to the suffering .classes. I de-
sire not to turn away from us the valuable assistance that
we may receive from those who agree with us in
supporting those various interests, though they may differ
from us in the specific mode we may suggest in affording
that relief. No, there are higher interests at stake than
those I have already alluded to. We are threatened with
tar more serious consequences than the result of the impo-
sition of a 4s. or ss. duty upon corn. It is a question whe-
ther the government can be carried on at all, not upon what
principle it can be carried on. When I appeal to the country
I shall appeal to it in such language as this—Will you, be
you Free-traders or Protectionists, who value the interests
of the country, will you place confidence and give your sup-
port to a Government which in the hour of peril and danger
did not hesitate to take the post when your helmsman had left
the helm ? Will you support the Government which is en-
deavouring to place your country in such a position as will
render it perfectly capable of 'resisting any hostile attack,
and to maintain the peacri of the world?-(Hear.)
Will you
support a Government which is determined to uphold the
Protestant institutions of this country, and to 'spread to the
utmost of their power religious and moral education
throughout the land, and which will exert itself,
I do not hesitate to say, to oppose a barrier against
that current of ' continually encroaching demo-
cratic influence "which threatens to overwhelm the
whole power and property of the country—an influence that
is nominally in the hands 'of the masses, but is practically
lodged in the 'bands of a few demagogues, who exercise it
'over the unthinking people?—(Hear, hear.) Will you sup-
port a Government which will preserve inviolate the prero-
gatives of the Crown, as well as the rights of your,Lordships'
Hoists., and the rights of the freely-elected House of Com-
mons ?—(lfear,,hear:) These are the questions which, when
I-go to the country,•l will make the appeal on. 1 will ap-
peal on behalf of myself and the country, and in the words
of the meanest felon in the dock, which are hot unworthy of
being uttered by the First Minister of the first Sovereign in
'the world—l elect to be tried by my God and my coun-
try. (The Noble Lord resumed his seat amid tremendous
cheers.) '
Earl GREY next rose, but was for a considerable time in-
' audible. He said he thought that the criticism of the Noble
Lord upon the' petition just presented was most miserable
and quite unworthy of him. The Noble Lord had told them
that this question . was merely one of a paltry duty upon
corn. If so, why -did the Noble Earl and his party make
such great efforts for five years and a half to keep up this
cry of protection? They had heretofore described this
to be a vital question with their party. Although the Go-
vernment went out upon the Militia Bill, they felt the
greatest regret that the discussion upon the affairs of the
Cape had not taken place, for the purpose of affording
an opportunity to their lately appointed Under-Se-
cretary for the Colonies of distinguishing himself (Mr. F.
Peel). The late Govisrpment no doubt fell for want of sup-
port ; and the reason why they could not command it was
the objections constantly raised by the Protectionist party
in the other House, which had the effect Of arraying against
them a formidable party.—(Hear, hear.) He did not con-
tend that the Opposition had been a factious one ; but it was
by adopting tie cry of protection, and bytelling the far-
mers that the Noble Earl and his friends would restore
protection, that the object had been attained. Through the
instrumentality of public dinners, and by every practicable
means, pains had been taken to convince all persons con-
nected with land that by the assistance of Noble Lords
opposite , protection would be restored. Not two
yearasago' the Noble Earl '(Derbi), in answer lOsi deputa-
tion of farmers, had told them to trust in him, as he knew
how ,they, could succeed; and, using-.the language once
adopted by the Noble Duke at the table (the Duke of Wel-
lington), he said to them "Up, guards, and at them, and
protection would be restored."
The Earl of DERBY—I told them to trust to them-
selves.—(Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY (in continuation) —To trust to themselves,
but still to rally round the flag of protection. Now what
hal been the consequence of holding such language? Why
that many of their Lordships, intimately connected with
the
,Whig_party, withdrew their support from his (Earl
Grey's) 'Noble Friend, avowedly on the ground that the then
Government were opposed to protection; and that it was
desired to get it back at the hands of the Noble •Earl 'oppo-
site. ;In the House of Commons the opposition was even
still greater. Many who concurred with the late Govern-
ment on the question of free'strade, differed with them
en other matters; and, on the other , hand, many
concurred with the Noble Earl opposite on the sub-
ject of protection who differed with the 'Govern-
ment with regard to ether topics. The party to which he
(Earl Grey) belonged had been affected by nothing so much
as by the stress continually laid upon the restoration to pro-
tection. In many counties and boroughs persons ready to
give a general support to the Government were' prevented
coming into Parliament by the opposition offered on the
ground of protection ; and by these means the ranks of the
Government became weakened, whilst those of their oppo-
nents acquired strength. But this was not all. By this cry
of protection the Noble Earl had kept together a powerful
party in the House of Commons. He (Earl Grey) did not
say that a factious use had been made of that party, but the
Noble Earl .had led it as a very decided and a very eager
party. The opponents of the Government not only attacked
them on the score of protection, and on commercial ques-
tions (which he admitted they had a right to de), but they
seized upon all foreign, colonial, and domestic questions for
eager attack. Attacks, continual and repeated, were not
confined to one House of Parliament; and he did net think
the Noble Earl—the avowed leader of a great party—would
deny that he had directed those attacks. It had been ru-
moured--indeed, he believed it was no secret—that the last at-
tack upen his 'Noble Friend below him (the Earl of Clarendon)
had emanated from the Noble Earl opposite, and that the
resolution condemnatory of Lord Clarendon, which was
Secretary
forced upon the unwilling adoption of the Nob e,
Secretary for Ireland, had been written by the Noble Earl

himself. -
The Earl of DERBY—There is no truth in that state-
ment.— (Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY continued—At all events, it was a party
move; and it was rumoured that the Noble Earl directed it.
For the credit of party and of Parliament, he (Farl rey)
rejoiced to find that the motion was rejected by a considerable
majority. With regard to the present position of the Noble
Earl, it was not fair for him to say that the Government had
been forced upon him : it had devolved on him as a conse-
quence of his successful opposition to his predecessor s. It
could not, therefore, be contended that the manner in which
the Government had been formed constitutedse a ionre for
departing from the ordinary rules to be d such
cases. When an opposition kept together for a considerable
period of time by a concurrence of opinion on any particular
question, what was the course for such an opposition to take
when it found itself triumphant, and called upon to assume
the responsibilities of office? Why, naturally, to endeavour
when in power to give effect to the views it had expressed
when in opposition; and, therefore, o
lie shooffice uld have expected
that the Noble Earl on coming int h
as he said he
might an,fke a
would last year) would have declared, that, retaining his
former opinions, he could not, as anhonest
sacrifice of them. Their Lordships
that upo remember
that in February of last year the Noble Earl had at-
tempted to form an Administration, and
the
tempted
failure of that attempt he explained to their Lordships
reasons which had guided and the motives which
e in al k
influenced his conduct. In the speech of the Earl Noble
ahl e
h(a)nd
the occasion was to be found the following
passage in reference to agricultural distress :
Ir
impossible fur me, even if my convictions 'were let :-osutlrdoibige
than they were—it would be impossible forme, as an honest
man, to take office without a full determination to deal with
that distress, and endeavour to apply I
to it, as a minister,
effective measures of relief. My Lords, stated that, if I
could so far forget myself as to sacrifice my own honest con-
victions, the loss of honour which would be involved in such
a course of proceeding would naak
1 valueless. I said to her lNlajesty tehanltyl services
entertained,
and than I
retained, the opinion that it
ment,'lf it were impossible to was
the duty of the Govern-
do full justice, at all events to