The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-23 00:00:00

ME SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEiVIBEE, 23, 1864.

Phillimore,, at Sydney; the Falcon, 17, Commander
Eakin, at New Zealand ; and the Silarnander, 4,
Commander the Hon. J. Carnegie, at Cape York.

Sir Robert Peel, M.P., on the Irish
Drainage Question.

The first scientific meeting for the session of the mem
hers of the Royal Dublin Society was held on Monday
evening, when a paper was read by Mr W. L. Joynt, :sug-
gestive of improvements in the Irish arterial drainage laws.
Sir ROBERT PEEL, who was amongst those present, spoke
at some length on the subject. In the course of his address
he said—This question of the drainage of Ireland is at the
root of the agricultural interests of this country—(hear,
hear)—and has a direct and important practical bearing
not only upon the state of the occupying tenantry of the
country, and upon the labouring classes, but upon the land-
lords of the country. I have been, lam happy to say, a
good deal through different parts of Ireland, and what is it
that strikes an observing traveller or visitor to any particu-
lar district? It is the great trials to which the farmer is
subjected from the vast amount of undrained land which is
everywhere to be found. (Hear, bear.) We have to con-
tend in this country, not only with a very humid climate,
but with vast districts which might, I venture to say, be
perfectly well drained, but which unhappily have remained
to the present day chilled and blighted by the stagnant
waters which for a long period of years covered them.
(Hear, hear,) That being the case, any of us who desire in
this agricultural country to see the connection between the
landlords and tenantry of Ireland, the occupying tenantry
and others, strengthened, should cheerfully co-operate in
whatever may tend to the strengthening of those relations,
and anything which will tend to strengthen those relations
is entitled to the best attention, and 1 cannot say more to
this most distinguished and patriotic society. (Hear, hear.)
I hope the imperial government will give that assistance
which may be required ; and of this I feel certain, that that
govern ment will be entitled to the best thanks of the com-
munity in Ireland—that government will be esteemed in
this country as one of the most magnificent—it will be one
that, at all evente,whether in office or out of office, to which
I shall give ray support,if it will deal boldly with this ques-
tion—if it will not hesitate to grant money for work which, I
am fully convinced, will have the indisputable effect of
raising a very great and important class of Irish people
from a depression under which they labour, and of,
making them an intelligent and self-relying agriculture
class. (Applause,) We have had an:immense emigration
going on for the last few years. I think that since the year
1861 nearly a quarter of a million of people have left the
shores of Ireland, perhaps never to return. I have heard
people say that this emigration is the safety-valve of Ire-
land. Well, now, although it may be perfectly true that
nearly a quarter of a million of persons have left since April
1861, such has been the excess of births over deaths, that
really that number is very considerably diminished ; and
the total number up to the present time, as I learn, does
not exceed 130,000 persons who have left this country. But
it is an important item with respect to the civilisation of
Ireland. However, Ido not admit that emigration ought
to be considered as the safety valve of Ireland. What we
want to see is that steady, that useful employment of the
agricultural labourers which will do away with all this talk
about emigration being considered as a safety valve for
Ireland ; and how can we best set about it but by under-
taking works such as has been pointed out ? We all of us,
I venture to say, very many at least in this room who take
an interest in the question of drainage, have read the vs.
rious reports which have been made on the subject since
1811 to the present time. These reports aro full of informa-
tion. We find, I believe lam not overstating the mark
when I say that I think there are nearly at this moment
4,600,000 acres of land waste, or bog, and uncultivated.
That is an enormous mass in an area of about 20,000,000
acres—very nearly a quarter of the whole area of the coun-
try. It would, I think, take eight or ten million of pounds
sterling to drain that. We don't ask that. I will tell you
what I would like to see, and I believe there is in this
country adequate security for such a work. I should like to
see three-quarters of a million sterling well laid out in
drainage works—not for the purposes of arterial drainage, '
but for thorough drainage.;Hear.) With that sum of money
you might drain 150,000 acres of arable land, which very
much require it, at the cost, at the very highest, of £5 an
acre—and I venture to say that there is not an agricultu-
rist in this room who will not admit that the application
of that money would render the letting value of the land
at least 10 per cent. higher than it was before that expe-
riment was made. (Hear.) Well, is not that in itself a
sufficient guarantee for the security that would be forth-
coming from an action of that kind ? Unfortunately, in
this country, there are so many smaller bidders that there
is an immense competition for land of any kind ; and, in the
county of Cork and elsewhere, I have seen land which I
have been told was lot at from 18s to 22s an acre, but which
was so cold and chill, and rank from the water standing
upon it, and from the want of drainage, that I venture to
say it was not worth 5s an acre. I ask you, as reasonable
men, how can the tenant be expected to pay his rent wader
those circumstances? It is impossible. And then comes
that much more difficult question—if he cant pay the rent,
even though ho may bo willing—if he dont like, with a cer.
tain insecurity of tenure in some places, to make an outlay
out of his own pocket, which he is not certain will be con-
sidered to him in due proportion, and without a heavier rent
to pay—(applause)—now, the great difficulty that we have
to struggle against in this country is undoubtedly—l dont
think there is a man in this room that will contradict me—
that we are encumbered in our operations for drainage pur-
poses on a large scale by an enormous number of small
holders. Will any one credit that, in this country, out of
600,000 holders of land, at least 430,000 of them are holders
of less than 30 acres. That is a state of things which all of
us, in the best interests of the country, in the hest interests
of the people who hold that land, wish to deprecate. It
would be iefinitely better for these small holders of half an
acre, or two acres, or five acres, to become intelligent la-
bourers, rather than to be wasting their time and their sub-
stance—substance they have none, but to be wasting their
time upon those small holdings from which they never can
acquire a position, and which certainly aro one of the
black spots, I think, in the agricultural interests of the
country. Although much has been done, and although
much is required to be done, yet still I am happy to say
there is a vast improvement in agriculture going
on in the country, which only wants a little stimulus
to go through its whole extent, I cannot bear—going
through this country as a common traveller—to hear it
eternally dinned in my ears that the country is going to ruin
and decay. I sea nothing of the kind. I see improvements
going on of every kind that represents the prosperity of a
country—railways, savings banks, and so forth ; and I must
say, for one,that I see no reason to:despond for the country,
I see prospects of a better future certainly before us. But I
cannot bear to see, by men who know nothing of the matter,
a grievance chalked upon every milestone along the road,
just as if it was put there in order to tell the travellers and
visitors—and they come here in vast numbers during the
season—that whilst they admire the beauties of our scenery
and observe the resources of our country, they are by no
means whatever to contribute their capital for the develop-
ment of those resources. Let us put a good face on the mat-
ter, (Hear, hear.) I have been four years in the country,
and
opportunity
of observing them, and I
say that ofthis country are a most intelligent,
t I htavt
he had
people
aye, and a self-denyin people—(applause) ; and I believe
that what we require is not to be told constantly that we
have grievances to complain Of, but boldly to put shoulder
to shoulder, and that one class should support another; and
then wo should see that the resources of the country and
the intellectual capacities of the people are not surpassed by
those of any other people in the world. I must apologise to
this company for having detained them so long—(cries of
"No")—but there is one remark I should like to make be-
fore I sit down. We have a strong body in Parliament.
Every county, as the hon. gentleman has said, has its re-
presentative to advocate its interests. What I should like to
see would be a measure pressed upon Government and upon
Parliament by that legitimate parliamentary influence, that
fair and honourable co-operation and pressure, which would
result in the carrying of such a measure—a measure which
would have the effect,
in my mind, of greatly relieving the
agricultural interests by the fair and just granting of public
money for the purpose of draining this country. (Hear.)

PEACE AND SOUTHERN INDEPENDENCE.—At a
meeting held in the Church Schoolroom, Whit-
worth, on Friday evening, Mr. S. Mills, Rochdale, in the
chair, it was resolved, on the motion of Mr. Grimshaw,
Manchester, seconded by Mr R. Smith, Oldham :—" That
this meeting wishes to make known the sufferings which
the working men in the cotton trade, and their wives and
families. have long had to bear, owing to the stoppage in
the supply of cotton, which article affords them the only
means to earn their daily bread ; and this meeting also
wishes to make known their fears that if this war goes on
the sufferings of the cotton operatives will grow worse and
worse ; that the poor law relief was never intended to meet a
case of this kind, and cannot do so effectually; and that
this meeting cannot see why tens of thousands of British
working men should be brought to pauperism, or how it
can be reasonable for any Government in time of peace
to act in such a way as to bring them to that state." It
was moved by Mr A. Stott, Tunnicliffe, seconded by Mr
R. Fletcher, Whitworth, and resolved :—" That, in conm
sequence of the wide-spread distress that now prevails
in the cotton districts, by the continuance of the war in
America, this meeting is desirous that her Majesty's Go-
vernment should use their influence, together with France
and other European powers, to bring both belligerents
together, in order to put a stop to the vast destruction of
life and property that is now going on in that unhappy
country."--Mr J. Matthew, Manchester, moved, Mr J.
Hoyle, Whitworth, seconded, and it was resolved—" That
this meeting of factory and other operatives memoralise the
Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston, her Majesty's First
Lord of the Treasury, for the immediate and total repeal of
all duties now levied on cotton goods and yarns when im-
ported into British India, and that such memorial be signed
by the chairman on behalf of this meeting; and further,
that a deputation be appointed to present the memorial to
his lordship, and that Mr W. J. Legh, M.P., for South
Lancashire, be requested to accompany the aforesaid depu-
tation, and support its prayer."—The chairman was ap-
pointed one of the deputation to Lord Palmerston.—After
a vote of thanks to the chairman, the meeting separated.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—There has been something like a feeling
of surprise in this country at the readiness with
which the people of British North America have
assented to the main principles of Federation. We
were hardly prepared for so much unanimity. Pro•
vincial isolation is commonly one of the most uncon-
querable of traditions. Poverty, slackness of trade,
difficulty of communication, weakness against ex-
ternal enemies—in fact, all the evils which beset
small and unfavourably placed communities will
sometimes be borne by men rather then abandon
the local jealousies with which they love to
feed their hearts. People with no ports have gone
on for generations grudging to their maritime
neighbours the slightest concession, and cities that
lived by trade have cherished a constant distrust of
those who must furnish the materials on which all
trade is based. Such has been the experience of
Europe, and even in America the process of weld-
ing together provinces, all with one common type,
has been by no means easy, The early annals of
the American Union bear witness to the difficulties
which had to be encountered by the first generation
of statesmen after they had succeeded in asserting
their independence of the British Crown. Several
years of confusion and weakness were necemsary to
convince the people of the new States that their
interests would be better advanced by a strict
Union than by the loose Confederation under which
they had begun their career. Very different from
this mutual distrust is the feeling of the British
Americans. No sooner was the word Federation
pronounced than every one acknowledged that it was
in his thoughts. A union as close in theory as
that of their neighbours has been decided upon by
acclamation, and it seems likely that it will be car-
ried into effect without opposition or discontent in
any quarter. The principles are settled, the details
present no difficulty, and politicians of all parties
speak of this matter as one on which there is no
longer any difference of opinion. With extraor.
dinary unanimity the scheme of Federation has
been adopted by the Conference, and now awaits
only the assent of the various Legislatures and the
sanction of the British Parliament. Avoiding too
centralised a polity, which the jealousies of Lower
Canada might cause to fail, the Conference has
decided on leaving all purely local matters to local
control, and giving to the Federal Parliament at
Ottawa a power, greater, indeed, than is constitu-
tionally possessed by the American Congress, but
still only general, and with regard to matters such
as finance and military defence, which relate to all
the provinces. The Governor. General will be ap•
pointed as heretofore by the Crown; the Parliament
will consist of two branches, a Legislative Council
appointed by the Government, and a House of Corn.
mons of which the fundamental principle will be ree
presentation by population. The Upper House will
consist of 76 members ; the Lower for the present
of 191. But after each decennial census the repre.
sentation will be readjusted according to population
on the principle that Lower Canada shall always
have 65 members, and the other provinces such a
number as belongs to them respectively on an ap-
portionment in the same ratio. The discrimination
between the authority of the general and that of the
local Legislatures will require some care, but from the
summary lately given by the Hon. Geo. Brown in a
speech at Toronto, the subject seems to have been
discussed at length, and such a division of labour
agreed upon as will maintain the rights of the several
provinces without weakening the Ottawa Parliament
as the embodiment of the national will. At Montreal,
at Toronto, and everywhere that the members of the
late Conference have addressed the public, the pub-
lished result of their labours is received with uni-
versal satisfaction. The cause of this unanimity is
no doubt to be looked for partly in the ideas which
have become popular during the last few years as the
consequence of English free trade end European aspi-
rations for nationality, and partly in the conviction
that only a Federation which can inspire respect by
its strength will bo able to preserve to the British
Americans the security of their territory in the
neighbourhood of a people so numerous and ambi-
tious as the Americans of the Northern States.
With regard to the first of these causes the opinions
expressed by Mr Cartier at a late banquet at Mon-
treal must have been formed by every man of sense
in Canada. This flourishing province is, as all the
world knows, shut out from direct communication
with the sea for six months of every year. What-
ever victories may be reserved for sciecce, it is not
likely that it will ever be able to break down the
barrier of the winter's ice in the St. Lawrence, and
to the end of time Canada must remain a country
only partially and periodically maritime. With the
same instinct as that by which Russia pushes to the
ports of a temperate climate Canada tends to con.
solidate with regions which can give it a regular
intercourse with the Atlantic and Europe. As yet
the communication has been through American ter-
ritory. The Governments of the two countries have
been wise enough to assent to Customs' arrangements
of sufficient liberality, and both the British province
and the Atlantic States of the Union have received
the benefit. But this dependence on a foreign, and
at some time possibly a hostile Power, appears to
have made the Canadians unquiet in the midst of
their prosperity. They lacked, as Mr Cartier ob-
served, the maritime element of greatness. " For
six months of the year, in fact, they had to knock
at the door of their neighbours for permission to do
their trade through their territory, and he held
that, whatever might have been thought sufficient
20 years ago, the two Canadas were now too popu-
lous and their commercial wants too numerous to
have their trade done in that way through six
months of the year." Here speaks the material
genius of the ago. These are the considerations of
utility and security which urge the Canadians to
consolidate their new nationality. The delegates
from the Lower Provinces speak is a correspond-
ing tone, and explain how much they have to offer
to Canada in return for the service it would render
them by uniting them to its larger territory and
more numerous people. They remind their hearers
that the trade of the Lower Provinces amcunts
nearly to the half of that of Canada, and that their
population is 900,000. While Canada cannot reach
England, nor England Canada, except through a
foreign territory, while the Canadians have to ask
a permission which is inconsistent with the dignity
of any country that desires a position in the world,
the Lower Provinces offer to add a marine to theirs.
" That done, British North America will ben
come the fourth maritime Power in the world."
Such opinions have, no doubt, been long maturing.
For many years the deliverance of Canada from
commercial dependence on the Republic by the con-
struction of the International Railway has been the
favourite speculation of the local patriots; and the
isolated communities of New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia, seeing the rapid advance of other regions of
the world, and especially the growth of the Ame-
rican Union in power and prosperity, have long
overcome any jealousy they may have had of
a foreign race in Canada. But it is undoubtedly
the great convulsion of the American civil war
which has suddenly given activity to these tenden-
cies towards union. The colonies might have been
content with their former loose relations to each
other for many years to come if they had not found
that there was on their frontier a Power capable of
raising men by the hundred thousand, a Power
whose citizens do not scruple to utter remarks now
and then of ominous import, and to speculate on a
union of the whole continent in a manner which the
people of the Provinces could not but construe as a
threat. The Canadians and the men of the sister
Provinces have felt that the best safeguard against
any such sinister ambition would be the establish..
ment of a Federation similar to that of their neigh-
bours, possessing respectable military strength, and
protected furthermore by the sacredness which
attaches to nationality. We do not, indeed, believe
that there is ony design on the part of the time-
ricans to disturb their good relations with the people
on their northern frontier, but still no community
ought to be at the mercy of another, as the colonies
would be at the mercy of the Federal Government
if they remained in future years isolated from one
another. The establishment of a Federation is the
best precaution they can take—the most sober, the
least indicative of suspicion, the least offensive in
any way. No one will have a right to complain,
for the union which binds these colonists together
will be a benefit not only to themselves but to the
Federal States and to the whole American coati.
vent. If the traditional jealousies of the two Canes
dian populations can be soothed, we may see in a
few years a new nation, with a territory equal to
that of the American Union in its happiest days,
inhabited by a people united as the Americans have
never been, because free from any source of internal
enmity. The relations of the Federation to our-
selves will present features of novelty on which it
is useless at present to remark, but whatever may
be in the future we can now cordially congratulate
its people on the assumption of their new position,
at the same time that we recognise the good feeling
which leads them to desire the supremacy of the
British Crown. We have no doubt that the ques.
tions which have perplexed politicians will be easily
settled now that the British Americana have learnt
that to depend on themselves is an advantage as
well as a duty. One speaker on a late occasion told
his countrymen they had all the privileges, all the
powers of freedom, without one of its burdens, but
that they could no longer expect to maintain so
exceptional a position. " They felt they could no
longer call upon the people of England to tax them-
selves for their benefit while they did nothing."
This is the true tone of men who are fitting them.
selves for freedom and national life, and with such
men it will not be difficult for the British Govern.
ment and nation to deal.

POST.—The great event which both Americana
and Europeans have log and anxieuely awaited

has taken place, and to all appearances the excite-
ment to which, while yet in the finer°, it gave rieo
line entirely subsided. Mr Lincoln has been virtu.
ally, if not officially, proclaimed President of the
United States for the next four years, and accord-
ing to electoral usage, has replied to the congratn-
lations of his supporters with a speech big with
promises and redolent with hope. His competitor,
as unsuccessful in the political as in the military
arena, not venturing to question the validity of the
decision which has been pronounced, takes the car-
licit opportunity of withdrawing from the service
of a Government of which he is not permitted to be
the Chief. Political distinction being denied to
him by his fellow-citizens, and military distinction
being impossible of acquisition under an Adminis-
tration whose policy it is to prefer the ruin of the
State to the exaltation of a political rival, General
M'Clellan has apparently resolved on retiring into
private life, and devoting himself to those more
humble but more useful pursuits from which, four
years since, he was taken away, Cincinnatus re-
turns to his plough, and the circumstance may be
accepted, according to choice, as a parody on, or
a repetition of, hietory. Passing from the candi-
dates to their respective parties the Republicans
are jubilant with success • the Democrats, we
might almost say, are cowed by their defeat. That
the lattek would be beaten they themselves have
long since been aware ; but knowing as they also
did the causes which contributed to their failure, it
was not unreasonable to expect that they would at
least have recorded a protest against the means by
which their defeat was secured. Such, however,
has not been the case. Even in New York, the me.
tropolis of the Republic, the large majority of the
citizens, though supporting the rejected candidate,
have not ventured to murmur at a result the legal
force of which they might nevertheless have fairly
called in question. It is doubtless the duty of the
minority peaceably to acquiesce in the wishes of the
majority, but in the apparent indifference with
which the issue of the Presidential election has
been received we see something more than the
mere discharge of a political obligation. The party
in the ascendant not only enjoy that supreme power
which their numbers give them, but they have
manifested in a manner not to be mistaken their in.
tention of using that power to prevent the
possibility of their opponents gaining the ascen-
dant. The Republicans are the State, and their
rivals appear satisfied to admit an assumption which,
for all practical purposes, ignores their political
existence. The opening of the Confederate Con.
gress simultaneously with the election of the Nor.
theta President invests the former event with more
than ordinary interest. The established Govern.
ment has always affected to treat the Confederates
as rebels, but it must be confessed that the insur-
gents conduct Zhe administration of the State which
they are attempting to found in a manner no less
methodical, and much more seemly, than their for-
mer fellow-citizens in the North. Indeed in almost
every particular the machinery of the two Govern.
ments is the same. Each is ruled by an elective
President; each possesses a Parliament created on
principles and exercising functions in all respects
identical; and each, to complete the parallel, is
engaged in a war which taxes its energies to the
utmost, and which threatens at no distant time to
swamp its resources. But, though resembling each
other in so many particulars, there is, setting other
distinctions aside, a marked difference between the
two Republics in the temper in which the peoples
composing them discharge the functions allotted to
them in the administration of the State. Both are
Democracies, and in both the multitude, in the
simplest acceptation of that term, are supreme. But,
whilst in the South the people speak with one
voice and concentrate their energies into one com-
bined effort, in the North the voices of one section
of the community are employed to drown those of
another ; and the efforts of all, instead of being
directed against what is assumed to be a common
enemy, are neutralised by being in part turned
against themselves. The Federal Government
have a twofold duty to discharge—that of
subduing the enemies of the State, and of coercing
a large section of the people whom they profess
to represent; whereas the Confederate Govern-
meat have but one object in view, an object
shared by every citizen in the Southern States—
namely, to secure, no matter at what cost, national
independence. We will postpone the consideration
of Mr Davis's message to the Southern Congress
until its text is in our hands, but the telegraphic
summary of its contents, published in our columns
yesterday, calls for a passing remark. The general
tone of the President's speech, we are told, is bold
and defiant. It may well be so. Nearly four years
have elapsed since the new Confederacy found its
soil invaded by a Federal army, and yet not only
since then has the tide of invasion been successfully
repelled, but in many respects the infant Republic
is in a better position to carry on the war in which
it is engaged than when that war commenced.
Louisiana and Tennessee—the only States which
the Federal Government go so far as to pretend
have been submitted to their sway—are not even
held in subjugation. Atlanta, the city to secure
the possession of which so many sacrifices were
made and so much blood spilt, according to the
latest adviccs has been pronounced untenable, and
its evacuation by the Federals may be considered
imminent. Richmond is more secure now than it
was when the first Confederate Congress was assera•
bled within its walls, and the army by which it is
defended is stated on good authority never to have
been so numerous or so efficient as at present. The
ranks of their enemies are divided, whilst their
own have, if possible, become even more closely
knit together, and therefore the Confederates may
well feel confident of the final issue. Mr Davis, as
their spokesman, may naturally express surprise
that the nations of Europe have not sooner recog-
nised their independence. Possessing all the ele-
ments of an independent Power, and having, though
opposed to terrible odds, and under disadvantages
the most embarrassing, successfully resisted every
attempt to crush that independence, the Southern
Confederacy may with some appearance of justice
complain of the non.recognition of an aceomplishid
fact. If Mr Davis has deemed it his duty to come
plain of the attitude so persistently maintained by
the European States, and especially by Great Bri-
tain, we may at least rest assured that the manner
in which the complaints have been conveyed has
been courteous and dignified. We could not say as
much of Mr Lincoln or any of the members of his
Administration.

Railway and other Companies.

MANCHESTER, SHEFFIELD, AND LINCOLN-

SHIRE.

The directors of this company have given notic3 of in-
tended application to Parliament in the next session for
power to purchase the Marplo New Mills and Hayfield
Junction Railway, authority to subscribe to the Liverpool
Central Station Railway, to raise additional capital, and to
confirm agreements made with the Midland, the South
Yorkshire, and the Barnsley Coal Railway companies ;
power to run over and use with their engines and carriages
so much of the Midland Railway as lies between Barnsley,
Leeds, Bradford, and Skipton ; also to enable the South
Yorkshire Railway Company to run over part of the Mid-
land Railway and to make working arrangements ; to enable
the Midland Railway Company to run over and use with
their engines and carriages so much of the Manchester Shef-
field, and Lincolnshire Railway as lies between Barnsley
and Ardwick ; and.to enable the company and the Midland
Company to provide joint station accommodation at
Barnsley. Another notice is for power to enable the com-
pany to construct a railway from the Knott Mill station to
the Old Trafford station on the main line; and to authorise
the Manchester, South Junction, and Altrincham, and the
London and North-Western Railway Companies, or either
of them, to subscribe towards the intended railway and
works. It also provides for power to use a portion of the
London and North-Western Railway at Manchester. In
another notice the company intend to apply for powers to
make railways from the main line at Worksop to Mansfield
by a junction with the Midland branch railway; also to
make a branch from Worksop to liagginfield, and to autho-
rise the Midland Railway Company to subscribe towards
the intended railways and works; power to use the Mans-
field and Nottingham Railway and Stations of the Midland
Company, and to authorise agreements with the latter
company. They also in another notice express an inten-
tion to ask for power to make a railway from the Man-
chester, South Junction, and Altrincham Railway, near the
Old Trafford station, to the Garston and Liverpool Railway
at Garston ; also a branch to the Stockport, Timperley, and
Altrincham Junction Railway at Timperley; to enable the
company and the Great Northern, the London and North-
Western, and the Midland Railway Companies to subscribe
towards the said intended railway and works, and to enter
into traffic and other arrangements, and to enable those
companies to run over and use the intended railway and
works.