The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—We are not prepared to admit that even alr
stractedly the principle of direct. as superseding indirect
taxation, is founded on no better principle than the inability
of Government to carry through the Legislature a measure
involving the abolition of indirect taxes. We maintain that
there is something more in the question than this, and that
it is not fair to attribute to prejudice or selfishness ()ping)°
founded on sound sense and clear reason. If the.llouse ,
Commons is, as Mr Gladstone thinks, most truly opPesed
to, we will not say, the abolition of indirect taxation, but to
any material alteration in the balance now existing belle!)
these two modes of collecting revenue, it is not because tu".
House consists mainly of the possessors of large propertyt
who would be the principal sufferers by such a change 1
is because there is involved in this question something
much more important than the mere interests of a class'
the principle, namely, 'whether the taxes are tir
are not, to be imposed by the persons who contribute
towards them. Repeal all indirect taxes, and the Poorer
class of the electors, who constitute the majority in every
constituency, would be in the enviable but anoraalotto
position of imposing taxes which they do not pay, while the.
richer class of electors would be paying taxes in the iteP°
sition of which they could scarcely be said to have any voice
The country would be divided into two hostile camps
class possessed of accumulated wealth would bear the WWl.'"
burdens of the State, and the remainder of the community
would by an agreeable division of labour have nothing t°
do but to assess them. The Liverpool Financial Refer°
Association seem to have persuaded themselves that such It
state of things would have no evil effect upon trade. e.
do not admit that the prosperity of trade' is the only objee'
to be kept in view in the imposition of taxes ; but were it B°,
it is quite clear a predominance of direct taxation Welt
have a most injurious effect on the prospects of trade all
commerce. People go into business for the purpose °
making money, and everything which tends to make inoto
a less desirable acquisition tends directly to discourage they
pursuits which are directed towards acquiring it. If 11
moneyed man, the possessor of accumulated wealth is to be 3
marked out as the especial object of the vengeance of the
taxgatherer—if he is to form a member of a proscribed cleft
on which is la.d the whole burden of the State, the pursuit of
money will lose many of its attractions, and what is eves
more import,tnt, that capital in which the strength of Bur
land lies—which is the most movable and transitoryof hulys,l
possessions, will make itself wings and fly from a
where it is so ungenerously and inhospitably treated, ell'
seek out for itself some place where it will be received with
a less churlish welcome. It thus appears that this question
between direct and indirect taxation involves issues uttlelt
more important than those of time and manner, and °I;
cheapness or dearness of collection, and that the theory tu
Free Trade, noble and true as it is, may be reduced to ell
absurdity when it falls into the hands of fanatics who insist
upon pushing it to its extreme condition Niithout reference
to political expediency, or to other economical considerationS
quite as true and quite as worthy of our attention as the
doctrines of Free Trade themselves.

PosT.—The reigning dynasty in Greece having beet~
changed, the representatives of the nation for some time
past busied themselves in creating those constitutional safe'
guards which will at the same time ensure for the Cretan
the unrestricted use of its legitimate prerogatives, and for
the people the enjoyment of that political liberty which they
believe they have now secured. It is easy to frame constitn"
tions, but the difficulty consists in preserving them. The
representatives of the Greek nation are desirous of providili:
against every possible contingency which, on the one lien"
could threaten the security of the new dynasty, or on the
other, give to it powers which might be employed to the
prejudice of the nation: It is no doubt expedient
to write down in black and white what , they intend
shall be rules •for the guidance of the Sovereign
and the people ; but they must not suppose alat
when the new code has received the sanction of Parliarnell'
and the assent of the Crown, when it has been confirmed
with every formality and solemnly enrolled amongst the
muniments of the kingdom, that their task is completed*
A charter is worth nothing more than the parchment on
which it is written if the Sovereign and the people whose
respective rights and obligations it prescribes do not loyal!y
and conscientiously observe its provisions. Paper coon'
tutions do not prevent dynasties from being overturned, net
the liberties of a people from being trampled under foot. ,
the Greek nation. then, is desirous of inaugurating under
its present youthful Sovereign a new era, let it unite In
supporting and protecting the Throne which it has raised'
In the presence of the monarchy which it has created, let
it banish that anarchy which even at the present moment
threatens to involve both Sovereign and people in a corn'
'non ruin. If the Greek nation would have its liberties
respected, let it prove to the world that they are prized;
and that it knows how to discriminate between political
freedom and lawless license. Their own future lies in the
hands of the Greeks. It is for them to decide whether ,
shall be as radiant as their friends wish it to be, or whether
it shall be as clouded as the past.