The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

and on the very last oocesion on which he addressed i pressed upon Us, promptly and effectually set about pro-
them to speak of him in those terms, but because, as viding for the defence of the country, not neglecting
one perhaps of the older members of their Lordships' but cherishing ancient alliances, alliances very valuable
Hoyle, he (the Noble Marquis) remembered the time when not forced or purchased, but which had their
of the whole of the Noble Duke's military and Parlia- origin in a common interest, and to be maintained by
mentary career. (Cheers.) It had struck him (;he constant good offices, and scrupulous good faith, good
Noble Marquis) that he stood in a somewhat peculiar faith as between Government and Government, and good
position in addressing them upon this subject, for it offices as between people and people. (Cheers.)
might not be known to many of their Lordships—for The Earl of DERBY—Before I proceed to any other
there were not many living who could recollect the air- t.e topics upon which it may be afterwards necessary
cumstance— but forty-Eix or forty-se wen years ego—then
a young man in official and parliamentary life—he was to trouble your Lordships, there is one topic which lam
permitted and authorized by his colleagues of that time, sure all anticipate that it is impossible for me to avoid
to call upon the other House to do justice to the me- touching on shortly, and it shall be very short indeed,
mory, and to provide for the family of one of the
greatest heroes that ever lived, and with whom alone in because that topic is one that is foremost in the minds
not of your Lordships only, but of every man in the
the military history of this coantry, the Noble Dnke
was to be compared. (Cheers.) It was in 1807 that, country, and almost, I might sly, of every nation in the
at a moment of great difficulty, and at a great crisis in world. It is impossible that we should reassemble here
' the military affairs of this nation—the country was without remembering and deploring the great loss we
condemned by the stroke of fate to lose the services of
the greatest admira have sustained. As I rose to address your Lordships
and who had fallenl that ever distinguished this country
my eye instinctively turned to the head of this table; but
I miss there the once familiar face, with his hand up- I
raised to assist the infirmity of his hearing, as conscien-
tiously and laboriously he sat to listen to the observations
of the humblest member of your Lordship's house. ,
Again I see him rising amid the greatest silence of your
Lordships, and with faltering accents, with no studied
eloquence, but with a power that grasped and seized, as
it were intuitively, upon the very marrow of the matter
in hand, slowly and deliberately dropping, as it were,
among your Lordships, the pithy and, sententious words
of matured sagacity, of matured experience, and matured
wisdom. His unparalleled achievements in the field, his
possession of all the qualifications which mark the great
military leader, his sagacity in council, his unswerving
loyalty, his deep and unparalleled devotion to the in-
terests of his country—all these are already written in
the undying pages of history—all these are already
graven upon the grateful hearts of an unforgetting
people, But, alas! he is gone to another and a better
place, and with all reverence be it spoken, there peaceful
and happy be his state. In the course of his long life,
in the battle-field at the head of his troops, in the con-
gress of monarchs, in the councils of his nation, in the
cabinet of his colleagues, in the closet of his sovereign,
in the assembled parliament, unseduced by the lustre of
' his own bright name and undazzled by the splen-
' dour of his own transeendant glory, he steadfastly
resisted listening to the aspirations of any wider
ambition, and cast away from him as unworthy
of consideration thoughts of personal interests. My
Lords, from such a subject I turn with regret to subjects
it may be of far lower interest, yet subjects, as the
noble marquis has said, of very considerable importance.
[His lordship then paid a tribute of admiration to the
noble mover and seconder of the address for the ability
they had displayed, and thanked the noble marquis
(Lansdowne) for the friendly tone in which he had
spoken. He proceeded to say]—lt a a source of satis-
faction to me that the address is not in the course of the
discussion likely to lead to any difference of opinion.
Nor do I at all complain of tho humour and the irony
with which the noble marquis has treated one part of
the subject. It is necessary for me now to state to
your lordships the view of her Majesty's government.
I thank the noble marquis and my noble and learned
friend for the language they have held with regard to
the state of our foreign relations, for I concur with them
that while it is our duty to abstain, in the slightest
degree, from interfering with the internal affairs of any
other nation, while I recognize to the fullest extent the
right of every nation to regulate its own affairs, I, look-
ing not to the language alone, but to the acts also of
foreign nations, am bound to say that I see no appre-
hension at the present time of the interruption of our
friendly relations with any one of those powers, what-
ever may be their form of government. On the other
hand, I cordially concur with the noble marquis, end
with my noble and learned friend, that it is not in the
professions, it is not in the friendly acts, it is not in the
attitude of any foreign country, that a nation must trust
which desires to be independent and to be respected, but
while she is desirous to maintain the good will of all
foreign nations, and is anxious to avoid all causes of
offence, her real permanent security must rest upon her
own capacity for internal defence, upon the hearts in the
first instance of her own subjects, and in the next upon
the organization of her own forces. (Cheers.) And I
think it is a subject of congratulation that not withstand-
the efforts made in various quarters by persons of whom I
will only say that I think they have taken a most mistaken
part, to prevent the formation of the purely defensive force
which was established by theact of the last session of parlia-
ment, and which, as my noble friend has reminded your
lordships had the sanction which was given in the last
speech of the noble and gallant duke to your lordships,
I say, notwithstanding the efforts which have been made
by those parties to prevent the formation and organisa-
tion of that force, it is a matter of congratulation to find
there is still throughout the country the strong British
feeling of attachment to the institutions of the country,
and that attachment demonstrated not by words but by
actions, which has already, notwithstanding many diffi-
culties, brought into the field, and, to a great extent, to
a state of elticiency, as find and as able a body of the
young men of this country as ever volunteered their ser-
vices for the defence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Nor
will I deny that there is much to be done for the material
defence of the country. That is a topic on which lam
sure your lordships, will not expect that I should detain
you. It will be sufficient if I say that the the attention
of her Majesty's government has been and continues to
be directed to that most important subject, and no doubt
their hands and their means in provi,iine,b for the defence
of the country, without the desire of offence to any
foreign power, will not be inconsiderably strengthened
by the tone and language which the noble marquis has
had the good sense and the good feeling to address to us
this evening. (Cheers.) I will not touch on any of the
topics of the speech relating to our foreign relations, or
indeed on any topic except one of those to which the
noble marquis has adverted, because—important as they,
all are, and confident as I feel that her Majesty's govern-
ment, whenever discussion shall take place upon any of
them, will be able to justify the course which they have
pursued, and the measures which they intend to recom-
mend to parliament—this is not the occasion, nor is it
desired on any of these subjects to pledge your lordship:,
by agreeing unanimously to this address, to the assertion
of any principle, as connected with any of these mea-
sures. But there is one topic, and that one of paramount
importance, upon which I think I shall not discharge
my duty to your lordships and the country if Ido not
say a few words. I advert to that passage of her Ma-
jesty's speech in which sho congratulates the country,
and I believe with very good reason, upon the improved
condition of the country generally, and more
especially of the industrious classes. When I say the
improved condition I mean this:—For a course of three
or four years, since a period of great difficulty, of great
misery, and of great national calamity, there has been a
gradual, and to my mind a most satisfactory, progress in
each year in improvement over the year preceding, until
at last in the year 1852, I believe we have returned in
every respect to, and in some we have gone beyond, the
period of 1846, which was a period of great and ackeow.
ledged national prosperity. lam not now speaking of
causes, I am speaking of facts, and I will not trouble
your Lordships with many of them at present, but I will
refer to some which I consider to be the best tests of the
real condition of the industrious classes of this country.
I believe you can take no better criterions than, for ex-
ample, the amount of pauperism, and the consumption
of different articles—such as tea, coffee, cocoa, tobacco,
sugar, and all those other articles which enter into the
consumption of the great body of the people, and with
regard to which, those being articles of exclusive foreign
importation, we are capable not merely of ascertaining
the amount which has been imported, but also the amount
which has been consumed, without the possibility of the
admixture of any article grown in this country, the
amount of which, of course, greater or less, would mate-
rially affict the calculation. I find, then, that with re•
gard to all these articles there is within the last few year
a continuous and progressively rapid increase of con-
sumption, from which I think we may fairly argue that
the great mass of the people, so far as their expenditure
would directly show itself in the consumption of there
articles, are in a state of gradual improvement. I look
again to the condition of the savings banks of this coun-
try. Few circumstances more peculiarly show the
condition of the country than the proportion between the
amount substractsd from and the amount deposited in
savings banks. Mind, Icm not now speaking of the
number of depositors or the amount of (1.-Tosits, hcoause
the ....otlltta et. aepoeiLj aura 46e ...Lune. of depositors do
not really exhibit the real amount of contributions saved.
But in the course of the years 1847, 1848, and 1849,
there was a diminution in the amounts vested in the
savings banks of a most formidable character. I will
not trouble your Lordships with many figures, but this
is a circumstance which marks in a very striking man-
ner the mode in which the distress of some years back
operated in different places in the country, and the pe-
riod at which the tide began to turn towards prospe-
rity. I hold in my hand a table which, dividing the
various districts of this country, into the agricultural
district and the manufacturing district, exhibits in each
year since 1846 the amount put on and the amount
withdrawn, and the balance between these will be an
indication of the prosperity of the country. In the
agricultural districts I find this remarkable fact. In
the year 1846, towards the close of that year, there
were withdrawals beyond deposits to the amount of
80,434/. In the seer 1847, the balance of withdrawals
agaite4t deposits was 335,000/; in 1848, it was no less
than 782,0001.; in 1849, it was 379,0001.; in 1850, it
was 542.0001.; in 1851, the adverse balance diminished
to 165,0001.; and in the course of the present year it
was within a few hundred pounds, I am happy to say,
of the most prosperous of former years. that is so
far satisfactory ; but these statistics show that from
1848 to 1852, great sufferings were inflicted on the
agricultural population; for in those four years alone
the balance withdrawn from savings banks in the agri-
culeural districts nearly amounted to 2,500,0001. The
manufacturing districts exhibited in certain of these
years a similar decline. In the years 1846 and 1847,
there Was a preponderance of withdrawals over dope
to to the
amount
of ,
in
1851, _ 330,000/. But lB4B-9, 1850,
i_ 144 a 1852, in each of those years there has been
u favour of th manufacturing districts an increase of
deposits v -
amm 185(1),'bankaIni.1 from 200,000/. to 400,000/. Therefore',
savin 57152, there is exhibited with regard to
the cgonsum t
ujiame evidence which is exhibited in
ption
which was experience
evidence of a co, article of prime necessity—the
of a recurrence stalltlY improving state of things and
condition of national prosperity
to that
lords, in detailing taeae in 1846. I say, again, my
the same time, I will
0 some at least of the causens L
sho„
jawthtich we are to look
teem not giving causes. Eat, lam stating facts—l
not shrink from expressing' at
°Pihioa with regard
acknowledgment '
in explaining the facts
I do not hesitate now in making theo4° returns. And
that, in my view a great portion of the prosperity at,

----From his high estate,
And welt'ring in his blood."

(Cheers.) There was then, as now, but ono unanimous
feeling on the subject; but when he (the Noble Marquis)
addressed the House of Commons both he and those
whom he addressed were bat imperfectly aware that at
the very moment when that great man who had raised
the naval power of this country to its highest pinnacle
of perfection and glory was lying dead, there was rising
in the east another man who was destined to perform the
same great service to the army of England, and whose
unremitting energy and great practical skill were after-
wards to assert the dignity of this country, and to esta-
blish that character which the British army—as well
under his peaceful command as under his military
career—had never since forfeited. (Loud cheers.) Such
were these two great men. Differing undoubtedly from
each other in various details of their characters, they
resembled each other in all that was excellent and noble.
Both directed their attention to one great object—neither
of them was indifferent (as who was ?) to the praise of
others, but neither ever allowed that praise to divert
him for a moment from the service of his country, the
honour of the crown, and the safety of the people.
(Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) felt proud,
and any man might feel proud, to have lived with such
contemporaries. (Cheers.) He had been reminded of
that expression which was to be found in one of the
most English poets we had, when he adverted to the
great men of his own time. Speaking of the character
of England and of Englishmen, he said that it was
enough for him
" That Chatham's language was his mother tongue,
And Wolfe's great name compatriot with his own."
(Loud cheers.) Ho (the Noble Marquis) felt proud, and
he thought an Englishman ought to feel proud of his
times and of his country, when ho had lived to see in the
same ago such men and such actions directed to the
public good. (Great cheering.) In selecting these
great men as the glory of our age and of our time, he
did not mean to overlook the fact, that during the
same period there had arisen genius of another
kind—that the arts and sciences had not been dormant,
but that men of great capacity, industry, and intelli-
gence, had essentially contributed to the prosperity and
wealth of the country. But let them recollect when they
were culled upon to do honour to the head of the mili-
tary profession, that that prosperity and that wealth
would cease to be secure unless it was protected. (Loud
cheers.) For, be it remembered, that to whatever pitch
or height the manufacturing and commercial industry
of this country might be raised, and whatever accumula-
tion of capital might find its way to our shores, that
capital and that industry would disappear at once, and
instead of attracting the eye, would attract the rapacity
of the world, if it was for a moment supposed to be de-
fenceless. (Load cheers.) Let them be assured that,
in the present state of the world, and in that state in
which it must long continue to remain, it was not merely
to industry, science, and ert, or to anything of a pacific
character, that they could long look for the glory and
safety of the Crown and of the realm, unless they made
up their minds to protect it efficiently, and to show that
we were not cnly the most industrious but one of the
most powerful nations in the world. (Cheers.) He had
thought it right to say so much, and ha associated these
observations with the names o: men who, in his opinion,
had done more than any men ever had done to bring
forth and to strengthen the power and efficacy of our
resources. (Loud cheers.) He did not think himself
called upon to dilate more particularly upon the actions
of the illustrious man whom we had lost. If that were
requisite he should wish to leave the task to noble lords
of greater eloquence and ability; but he did not conceive
that it was at all necessary, for those actions had taken
their places in the history of the world—they were pre-
sent in all our minds—they were familiar to all recollec-
tions, and they were enaraven upon all men's hearts.
(Loud cheers.) He (the Noble Marquis) was not inclined
to enter upon the various topics which had been so care-
fully introduced into the royal speech, that he did not sup-
pose the house would have to pronounce any distinct opi-
nion upon them. He certainly could have wished there
had been a less faltering declaration of the views of her Ma-
jesty's Government with respect to those great questions
of commercial policy which had bean alluded to. After
the time which had elapsed, after all the experience they
had had, and after all the facts and the arithmetic whirh
had been brought forward since the question had first
come before them, he should have thought that not only
the country, but her Majesty's Government, might have
been able to form an opinion on the subject. (Cheers.)
Aiding himself in the construction of the speech by the
remarks of the noble Marquis, he thought that her Ma-
jesty's Government had et length been satisfied that
what they now called the "recent legislation," had had
its fair share in producing the prosperity of the country.
(Cheers) Perhaps they did not wish, es the officers of
the ship, to be the first to abandon her; and they had
the gallant feeling that when the ship was sinking, they
ought to be the last seen on deck. (Cheers') Ho did
not see any desire to keep the ship afloat: he did not see
any desire, either in that House or the country, to en-
courage them to stand by what was called the good old
cause. He was ready to take admissions in any way,
direct or indirect admissions, admissions by insinuation
or admission by hint; they were all equally valuable,
coming as they did in different shapes and in different
degrees, from most, if not all, of the leading persons in
and out of that House, who bad for years advocated
protection. He hoped he was not mistaken in supposing
that her Majesty's Ministers entertained the view not
only that the Free-trade legislation had been attended
with the happiest effects, but that it was necessary to
pursue that legislation in the same spirit and on the
same principle, and then they would be entitled to the
support of every man in the country who had advocated
free trade. Ho did not wish to enter into discussion
as to the details of the question. Other opportunities
would arise. He had heard with great satisfaction of
the support which had been given for the last two or
three years by the Government of Brazil to the efforts
for the suppression of the slave trade, and that in conse-
quence our Government had been enabled to suspend
their restrictive measures. There was no amendment so
great as that which sprung from a Government itself be-
coming convinced of the duty it owed to the cause of
humanity. That was one of the objects to which he
attached great importance, and one which he knew would
give great satisfaction to the country.
Lord BROUGHAM said upon the subject of the
slave trade, and the other subjects to which his noble
friend had adverted, he entirely agreed with him that
they could better discuss them on a future occasion. It
might be misconstrued if he were not to say 3 word on
that at once glorious and painful topic to which the
Noble Lord had adverted. There would have been no
risk in foretelling that when this day unhappily should
come, when he whose loss they all deplored was no more,
every whisper of detraction would be hushed, and one
voice would reverberate throughout the kingdom to tic•
knowledge his transcendent merits. The result had sur-
passed expectation. All classes of his fellow, citizens, all
descriptions of persons, without distinction of rank, or of
sect, or of party, at home and abroad, the countries he
served, the allies he saved, the adversaries he encoun-
tered, partly on a just recollection of btnefits, partly on
a generous oblivion of differences, had all joined in one
unbroken, uninterrupted accord to acknowledge his
tsanscendant merits, not the merit of genius merely,—
not that which dazzled men—his extraordinary and
almost marvellous fortune ; but, what he placed first and
foremost in this great charcc!cr, and that which was
worthy to be ever held up for the attention es well as the
inaetrine, iits great public virtne, the con-
stant self-denial, the constant abnegation of all selfish
feeling, that distinguished his whole career, and which
never for one instant interfer d with that strict, rigor-
-6,", sad constant discharge of his duty, whatever station
"" might be called upon to fulfil. (Cheers.) He had a
rghet to say that this public virtue was even more to be
red than hisgenius and good fortune were to be ad-
mired.
more 'MIN'
r)4'01)1v asg they now felt Es loss, they would yet
mover and Y feel it. tie entirely agreed with the noble
what they lid yes seconder of the address in
the
to our having no right
interferewhatever to
with
We had no internal affairs of other countries.
tion which they right to complain of any institu-
ruler whom they patd have adopted, or to disparage any
them, but nobte lords chosen to set in authority over
that we lay under towrii3)titid forgive him also for adding
ttirgetion whatever to regard the
words rather than the
of
aannaY
elsewhere,
our own Government or ' nay Government be it
help thinking that hero And be could not
sewhere where there
a rational desire for freedom, a was
vided for that unapeakahle wietsieuty security was pro-
being allowed among the p,3opie rulg, bly free discussion
was impaired
he wal bound to admit, that that s*el:iseubjects. Now,
by whatever prevented free discussion, et-
impnire th great en
upon whatever subject and in whte any discussion,
ratay. tree
might be' perfectly jest SP
measurei to a certain degree
rity of
• freedom. They
they might be wrong • , they
might be right
be absolutely necessary to prevent „the
ve t
it. ”../.
or they
might be absolutely impotent to pre n • ith that
we had and could have no possible concern ; it was
business of ours ;e
it wile wholly and entirely foreign to
us. We are bound, as bystanders'as spectators, not to
interfere, not even to object,
but
lies
of
any eereign state
to lament, that anything
should have happened in the
which in any way lessened that prYotection. He did ant
fear the revival of war. He hoped and trusted that all
, and even
such days were far distant ; ho VTODt
said he believed there would be now% Nevertheless, it, c
_„
was our right, it was our bounden duty, to take
j a‘1.,..a ~ne
measures, and all such precautions, as should d
.
effectually serve for our fig:erie° against it, should it un
happily occur. (Hear, bear.) And not only ohcluld
we
discharge our duty by so doing, but we should render a
very proper tribute to that greet man whote loss we now
deplore—that tribute which he himself would have
praised—if we promptly and strenuously set about fol-
lowing the advice which he so often and SO urgently I