The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-07 00:00:00

The Earl of RADNOR said that so far as he was con-
cerned he certainly did not mean to agree to the com-
promise which, it appeared, had been entered into the
other night. Not being present on that occasion, he
did not feel himself bound by it ; and he had come up to
town for the express purpose of moving an amendment
to the resolution which stood on the paper, and which,
in his opinion, did not go far enough.
The motion was then postponed until to-morrow.

FREE TRADE POLICY.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE rose pursuant to
notice to move to resolve that this house thank-
fully acknowledging the general prosperity, and
deeply sensible of the evils attending frequent changes
in the financial policy of the country, adheres
to the commercial system recently established, and
would view with regret any renewed attempt to
disturb its operation, or to impede its further progress.
The noble marquis said that the course which he had
taken was that which he had thought most likely to se-
cure unanimity ; but it appeared that, having done all he
could in. tho way of lie had ended, as was

usually the case, by getting more or less the "opposition
of both sides. Having placed himself, however, io this
position, he must excuse himself as well as he could. He
quite agreed that it was but fair to give a moderate mea-
sure of support to her Majesty's Ministers, in order to
enable them to carry on the government ; but when
they heard, as he had heard with some amusement, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer in the other house declaring
that the Protectionist party had not wished, or at least
had not endeavoured, to return to a Protectionist policy,
he thought their confidence must be a little shaken.
For that reason he wished that a vote of this house
should also sanction free trade policy. They had heard
a great deal of an appeal to the sense of the country, but
he did not agree that the sense of the country was taken
by a simple vote of the other house without bringing
the question before this house. There was another
reason why the question should be brought before this
house, and that was that they had the First Minister
of the Crown in this house. He had wished to have a
concurrent vote of both houses, and that this house should
have adopted the resolution which had been carried in the
other house, and for the life of him he could not under-
stand why the noble earl opposite and his friends would
not consent to that course ; either they were not sincere
in their agreement with their colleagues in the other
house, or they felt themselves weak and unable to carry
their own propositions there. He did not wish to
attribute to noble lords opposite any insincerity in their
adoption of free-trade policy, and he would take that
opportunity of saying that he saw no trace of protection
in the Budget, which had just been laid before the other
house. (Hear.) Free trade could not, in all cases,
secure prosperity or avert adversity, but would mitigate
adversity ; and, as circumstances had proved, could
decidedly promote prosperity. Why, the repeal of the
corn law was passed in 1846, notoriously to meet a visi-
tation of Providence—a visitation against which the old
system could not hold up its head a moment. In 1848
no one doubted the expediency of the orders in council,
or the necessity entirely sweeping away those laws. It
was true, as had been said in the Commons on the first
night of the session, that since the calamities of 1846
there had been a gradual and steady increase of pro-
sperity, giving a sound and convincing proof that the
system, which had been found the only one for a season
of adversity, was also the best one for seasons of pros-
perity—namely, a system of free trade and unrestricted
competition. (Hear, hear.) He had no fear that that
system would ever be departed from, and it was a great
comfort to him, that in its favour he gave his free vote
in that house, and had ever since given it a constant
and unhesitating support. (Hear, hear.) He supported
Lord Spencer's motion of 1841, for a moderate fixed
duty, and regretted much that that motion had not been
acceded to, as, although feeling convinced that it would
lead to complete repeal, he had always thought it much
better to let that repeal come in a continuous and gra,
dual manner. He had no doubt, under any circum
stances, of the success of unrestricted competition. He
would have preferred his original motion, but should be
glad-it by nrl evting Ilia rnisdifiarl ftwrn innw ou the table,
he could secure an unanimous vote, to the effect that our
commercial system must be adhered to, and thus put the
principle beyond the reach of Parliamentary controversy.
(Hear, hear.) ,The noble marquis concluded by moving—
" That the house, is thankfully acknowledging the gene-
ral prosperity, and deeply sensible of the evils attending
frequent changes in the financial policy of the country,
adheres to the commercial system recently established ;
and would view with regret any renewed attempt to dis-
turb its operation or impede its further progress."
The Earl of ABERDEEN said—My lords, although
most anxious that a general unanimity should prevail
with reference to the subject now under discussion, still
I feel myself constrained to make a few observations on
the subject. It may, or it may not, be proper for this
house to come to some resolution or vote affirming the
policy of free trade, and the system of commercial legis-
lation which has recently been established, but, for my
own part, I should have been well pleased to have left
the matter precisely as it now stands, and should not
myself have advanced or proposed any vote of this de-
scription, and for these reasons— I think, in the first
place, that this house has pronounced a very decided
opinion on this subject, as the whole course of our legis-
lation since 1846 has been in accordance to the principle
laid down in that year. (Hear, hear.) We have done
nothing since then to indicate the slightest tendency to-
wards re-action, and even my noble friend, the noble earl
at the head of the government, notwithstanding his
speeches, has abstained from making anymotionwhichhad
that tendency, while the house has certainly not adopted
any motion which couldgive any indication of re-actionary
tendencies. (Ministerial cheers.) That being the case,
we are the same body in the house that we were at that
time ; we are not like the House of Commons, a chang-
ing body, in whose case an appeal to the people was re-
quired to confirm and establish the opinion of the house
on the subject. On the contrary, our opinion may be
taken now, according to all experience and precedent,
to be precisely the same as pronounced in 1846. There-
fore, for these reasons, I should see no necessity that this
house should come to any fresh decision on the subject.
(Ministerial cheers.) For another reason, I think any
vote on this subject unnecessary. No vote to which
your lordships can come will be practically of the slight-
est importance. I believe the question of the corn laws
to be settled irrevocably, and that however favourable
your vote, it will only be settling what has been
frtfirmly
settled. (Cheers.) If your lorships should un l urnd-
ately vote adversely, I should regret it for your o
ships' characters' sake, as it would only exhibit to the
world the impotence of this house when opposed to
the voice of reason and the strongly declared opinion
of the country. (Loud Opposition cheers.) I say
this of the question itself. I think that when we look
at what has recently taken place, the result of the
late elections, and the unequivocal demonstrations of
public opinion—when we look at the recent vote of the
House of Commons, and have heard the declaration of
her Majesty's Ministers themselves—l take it for granted
not only that the question is settled, but that the time
is come when I, as one of the oldest and most intimate
friends of the late Sir Robert Peel in this house, may
feel myself fully justified in congratulating the friends
of that great minister, in congratulating the house, and
in congratulating the country, on the final and complete
success of that system for which he suffered so much;
and for which he made such great and distressing sacri-
fices. (Loud cheers.) I think we may rest convinced
that the contest of the last six years is now finally closed,
and that the name of Sir Robert Peel, which was persued
with such persevering and relentless hostility, may be re:-
ceived with blessings, and his memory revered as that
of the benefactor of his country. (Continued cheering.)
Perhaps I cannot expect noble lords opposite to shtre
altogether in this feeling of triumph, but I know Puri
it has long received the sanction of the
ofthe
try, and is deeply impressed on the heartsidl do not
people. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I have
see the necessity' for coming to this or any said
resolu-
tion on the subject of free trade, but I must
I never did expect to hear of the Government suggesting,
or the house assenting, to such a rerlear,
tio
marquis has placed on the table. proposing
the noble marquis announced hoiosk int
(Hear,
the When
it for granted that he
a resolution on the subject,
I
was going to propose a du
bplitceateliorgfe t
ah amt awj
eh rict hy had
eala
ready passed the Commonsy e
hear.) The noble marquis, indeed, stated at first that
such was his intention, but subsequently changed it to
what we have to consider to-nigh.t.. Iltreissoml
uotsitondsiffihocuulldt
for me to comprehend why the s'i
be
be objected to by the noble earl at the head of the Go-
vernment. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The noble
earl, when the noble marquis first introduced the sub-
ject, said that the resolution of the Commons did not
emanate from the Government, but was accepted as a
compromise coming from some other quarter. But
where is the difference I If you accept a compromise,
surely you are as much bound by it, that is if you ac-
cepted it in good faith—(hear, hear)—as if the pro-
posal emanated solely from yourself. (Cheers.) I there-
fore cannot understand what difference there is between
a proposition originating with the Government, or one
which was accepted by the Government with gratitude,
and waa looked upon as a. oPeciel of triumph. (Loud

ing that ground to be tenable, the noble marquis set
himself right, for he actually substituted and placed upon
the table a resolution which had been placed on the table
of the House of Commons by a distinguished member
of the Government. (Hear, hear.) I confess that even
that resolution is not to my taste, nor should I have
approved of it if it had been brought forward by the
noble marquis, but at all events it affirmed free trade.
(Hear, hear.) But that also the noble earl did not
approve of, and he laid on the table or suggested the
resolution we now have before us. Now lam bound
to believe that the noble marquis, in moving this reso-
lution, thinks and is convinced that he is actingfavourably
towards the interests he has so long supported, but I
must say that if I did not feel this question to be re-
moved far beyond our control, I should be of an entirely
different opinion. (Hear.) I should say that this reso.
lution was a greater step towards reaction than anything
that has been done since 1846. (Hear.) This resolution
asserts, " That this house, thankfully acknowledging the
general prosperity, and deeply sensible of the evils
attending frequent changes in the financial policy of the
country, adheres to the commercial system recently
established, and would view with regret any renewed
attempt to disturb its operation or impede its further
progress." Now, let your lordships observe the terms
of the resolution. First, it acknowledges the general
prosperity, but does not attribute it to any cause under
Providence. I am the last man to deny that all the
good we possess is due to the bounty of an overruling
Providence, but in this case I must say that Providence
has blessed a human agency, and that we have a right
to attribute the prosperity in a great measure to the
commercial system which has recently been established
in this country. (Cheers.) Then you go on to say that
you adhere to this policy, and would regret to see it
impeded. Why ? Because you think it would be in-
convenient. No doubt there is great inconvenience in
frequent changes of financial policy, but such incon-
venience might attend changes from bad to good as well
as from good to bad.
The Earl of DERBY (much excited)—There is not
one word about inconvenience in the resolution. The
noble earl should take care, when commenting on a re-
solution, that he quotes the exact words. (Cheers on
the Ministerial side, and murmurs on the Opposition.)
The Earl of ABERDEEN—It is my misfortune that
I am not able to read the words distinctly, but the two
readings amount to precisely the same thing. You are
deeply sensible of the " evils," but the evils of change
exist as much quil change from bad as from good, and I
say further that looking at this resolution, the logical
inference from it is, that you would change the system
if you could. (Opposition cheers.) I say that so far
I.:for the interpretation of the resolution. If it be only
the evils attending change that restrain you, thenq say
you would change it were it not for these evils. (Mar.
hear.) That I think is not sufficient ground for ad-
hering to a system you profess to adopt. No, my
lords, if you adhere to that system it is because it
is " wise, just, and beneficial." (Loud cheers.)
That is what I should like to vote, although I
should not refuse the resolution which has been ac-
ceded to by the other house, and which I think
was studiously worded to meet the feelings of the party
who act with the noble earl, and to avoid doing those
feelings any violence. Now, although I should like to
vote that the system was wise, just, and beneficial, I do
not call on noble lords opposite to vote anything objec-
tionable to their feelings ; but I refuse being party to a
resolution so immeasurably below my own convictions
on the subject. (Hear, hear.) Ido not wish to enter
largely into this question, but I could not help express-
-1 ing the very strong feelings I entertain as to the total
inadequacy of the resolution proposed by the noble earl.
(Cheers.)
Lord BEAUMONT intimated that he had an amend-
ment to propose, because dissatisfied as to the sufficiency
of that proposed by the noble earl. They wanted a
pledge that the policy which had worked so much good
would not be disturbed, and the best process for obtain-
ing that was, in his opinion, to adopt 'the resolution
which had already been adopted by the House of Com-
mons. Certainly, in adopting that resolution, the
last man from whom he should have expected a.
difficulty was her Majesty's First Minister. But
in that quarter the difficulty had arisen, and had only
been met by the extraordinary complacency of the
noble marquis. (Hear, hear.) The noble marquis had
altered his resolution in such a way to please the noble
earl, that, if accepted by their lordships, it might be
taken as a slur upon the vote which had been passed by
so large a majority in another place. Having such an
opinion,
he felt justified in producing, as an amend-
ment, the resolution in its original shape. The noble
earl said, " Well, as you have abondoned your original
intention, and adopted my words, do me a little favour
—propose them yourself." That scene passed rapidly
before his eyes, and within a few minutes not only was
the first resolution abandoned, and a substitute accepted,
but he found that his noble friend was to be the chief
actor. (Laughter.) Without meaning offence to any
party, he must say that he did not think that was a very
dignified scene. He was so taken by surprise that he
really could not rise to speak. (Laughter.) He had,
however reflected on the matter since, and was
now convinced of the necessity of doing something ;
and he thought the simplest and the best course was
'to take the resolution of the other house. He would
explain briefly to the house the grounds on which
he based his amendment. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl
acceded to power some months ago, not in consequence
of any immediate act of his own, but in consequence of a
proceeding in which he took no part. Being thus en-
trusted with the Government, he was perfectly free to
take whatever course he pleased with regard to the ques-
tion of protection or free trade. But he neither said that
he was prepared to carry out protection or to abandon
it. Instead of doing as all other governments had done
under similar circumstances—laying down certain mea-
sures and then appealing to the country to decide upon
them—he declined to make any proposals, withheld his
opinion, and then went to the country to learn what he
was to do. That was, in his opinion, an unconstitu-
tional and dangerous precedent. In adopting it, however,
the noble earl did give certain pledges. He said he
would appeal to the country, and would abide by its
decision •, and he (Lord Beaumont) must say that
up to that .moment the pledges given had been ful-
filled. He, for one, could not blame the noble earl
for not having put any strong language into the
mouth of his Sovereign, for he held that that would
have been bad in principle. (Hear.) But, after the
speech had been delivered, he had expected that the Go-
vernment would propose something which would decide
the question of free trade. Instead of this they said,
" Wait till we have proposed our budget ;" they did
nothing. Other parties then brought forward a resolu-
tion, and the Government then proposed one of their
own. A third resolution was introduced, and what was
then the conduct of the Goverment ? Talk of a compro-
mise ; why the Government liked this last resolution so
much that they actually withdrew their own to make
way for it—(laughter)—they adopted it, and every one
of them ultimately voted for it. (Hear.) The Govern-
ment having thus pledged themselves, all that remained
was to get the pledge endorsed by that house. But
here, at the last moment, the noble earl paused, and by
refusing what was adopted by his Government, he was
undoing what had already been done, re-opening the
case, throwing doubt on the sincerity of other parties,
and perhaps leading foreign powers to suspect that Par-
liament itself was not sincere. (Hear, hear.) On these
grounds he was prepared to move the resolution passed
in the House of Commons as
anearl, towards whose
amendment to the mo-
tion ; and he entreated the noble
administration
tl, entertainedn g
that no
course hostility,e to
wouldadoptp
tllarae t
e
1 the House of Lords in the most exalted position
resolution. By he
in which it could stand, that of declaring that
they were ready to sacrifice their own imagined
interests, and their own former predilections to sup-
port a policy which was feeding the hungry, and pre-
venting destitution, and which experience had proved to
be beneficial to the country at large. The noble lord
concluded by moving the following resolution as an
amendment :—" That it is the opinion of this house that
the improved condition of the country, and especially of
the industrious classes, is mainly the result of recent
legislation, which has established the principle of unre'
stricted competition, has abolished taxes imposed for the
purposes of protection, and has thereby
diminished the
cost and increased the abundance of the principal ar-
ticles of the food of the people ; that it is of opinion
that this policy, firmly maintained, and prudently
ex-
tended, will best enable the industry of the countryot
bear its burdens, and will thereby most surelytp
hraotmthis
the welfare and contentment of the peop.ei
any
house will be ready to take into consideration.h, in pursuance
mea-
sures consistent with this principle, which,
of her Majesty's gracious
may be laid before them.
ut and no other Peer
speech and recommendation,
whatch .vith.eewy
seeThmiengqudeispstioosned having been . p ,
what longer before he addressed
sirous of waiting some
The Earl of DERBY said he had certainly been de.
in ordertolTtthhee might know oinw
took P
thheeirholuorsdesghiepose,rally
bl 1
inclined to rise, his duty would not allow him to
were at present placed ; but, as no no
e ord appeared
et the
question be put with ahsolute silence on his own part.
What he chiefly desired to do, however, was to call their
lordship's attention to the position in which they were
placed in consequence of what took place on the preced-
ing week. It would be recollected that on Tuesday last
the noble marquis who had now brought forward the
motion gave notice of his intention to move a resolution
on the free trade policy of the
.country, without stating
at the time the precise words which he meant to propose.
In the course of a short conversation which took place
on that occasion, marquis the
he stated to the noble
grounds on which he hoped the house would be spared
the necessity of any conflict of opinion on the subject.
He said he thought it was most desirable that the past
should now be consigned to oblivion, and that they
should look to that which was really important, namely,
the future conduct of the Government of this country.
He then stated to the noble marquis the substance of
the amendment which he wished to submit, in order to
ascertain whether it met his views and thosei of his
friends. It was at that time, he believed, the e intention
of his motion at
of the noble marquis, if he brought
all, to give notice on Tuesday for that day,th in order that
ount
noble lords who had gone down to e migh t
have an opportunity of re
cording their opinion, and in
.
L don ht be in
duced
to
order that those who were in on
He (the Earl of Derby) suggested to the
to remain.
should postpone his final decision
on marquis that he ion
on the subject till Thursday, and that if he still persisted.
in his intention of moving
a resolution to which con-
siderable objection was felt on that side of the house, he
should extend the period of notice. When he came down
to the house on Thursday, the noble marquis met him
in an outer room, and offered to show him the precise
words which he meant to move. He (the Earl of Derby)
had at that time written down the words which he