The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL S,

TIMES.—We have so fully laid before our readers
the past history and the preeent state of the Danish
Question that we have now only to chronicle the
events of the hour, and remark on the success or
failure which attends the efforts of this country and
the other great Powers to bring the dispute to a
peaceful end. Austria and Prussia, whatever may
be their ultimate intentions, are now, it would
seem, resolved to pass the Eider. Having taken
the conduct of affairs out of the hands of the Con-
federation, they are showing as much activity as
if their estimation in Germany depended on the
readiness with which they came forward to support
the common cause. Both Governments are push-
ing forward their troops, and if the enemy were
not formidable in numbers and resolution,
the vanguard of the invading army might
soon be on the soil of Schleswig. Germany
being, for the first time in the memory of this
generation, united, and the two chief armies engaged
in a common enterprise, both Berlin and Vienna
seem to think that the future " hegemony" will be-
long to the State which takes conspicuously the
lead in this war. We have expressed an opinion
which we see no reason to alter, that both Govern-
ments are acting against their own better judgment
in proceeding to extremiries against Denmark, that
they have a secret apprehension of the consequences
of their movement, that they would not be sorry for
an opportunity of settling matters amicably, and
that they have been throughout impelled by the
unexpected and overpowering pressure put upon
them by the smaller States and by their own sub-
jects. There would indeed be little hope of preserv-
ing peace if military movements could be made to
keep pace with the enthusiasm of the people. The
Germans have already in imagination conquered
Schleswig by the arms of Austria and Prussia, and
then forced the victorious Powers to surrender it in
turn to Duke Frederick VIII. They have reduced
the kingdom of Denmark to its original Scandina-
vian proportions, and transformed the harbour of
Kiel into a great naval station for the,fleet which it
is their purpose to create. But, happily for the
peace of Europe, a campaign cannot be improvised
even by military Powers which are always drilling
and reviewing their two or three hundred thousand
men. The two German States cannot enter Schles-
wig until they are provided with such an army as
is likely to drive the Danes from the Danewerks,
which they have been lately strengthening with
such activity. Some 50,000 or 60,000 men at the
least must be moved to the Eider, with all their
artillery, baggage, munitions of war, and a great
part of their provisions. This has not been done
yet, and will probably not be accomplished for an-
other fortnight, so that, in spite of the eager expec-
tations which prevail throughout Germany, there
will probably be no serious attempt on the Danish
line of defence until the in onth of February is pretty

tar advanced. It is plain that the two Powers see
that the business will take longer than the Germans
expect, for they are making known their own ala-
crity and the speed with which they are forwarding
troops to the scene of war. And there is certainly
good reason for the haste they show. The frost,
which was to make the Danish positions defenceless,
has passed away, and by the time the invading army
is ready it is probable that all hopes of an alliance
with the weather will havevanished. By that time
also the Danes may be able to get their fleet into the
North Sea, and retaliate upon the German ports,
should the Confederation think fit to make common
cause with its two chief members. All things con-
sidered, there is reason to believe that the Danes
will make a brave and perhaps a prolonged resist.
ante to the aggression with which they are visited.
They have an army in Schleswig sated to amount
to 38,000 men ; they have formidable works ; their
navy is efficient; and all classes, roused at the in-
juries with which they are threatened, are banded
together to fight the Germans. But we have still
hopes that this extremity will not be reached. The
Prussian and Austrian Governments, urged on
a :ainst their own real opinions to attack the Danish
Monarchy, no sooner announce their determination
than they find that their conduct is condemned by
all the neutral Powers of Europe. We belie;ve we
may state that there is no difference of opinion be-
tween France, Russia, and England. With regard
to the first Power, the Emperor assents to all the
representations we have made in favour of peace.
He upholds the Treaty of 1852, which recognises
the succession of Christian IX. in the Duchies, and
thinks that all the legitimate requirements of Ger-
many could be obtained without any breach of that
solemn arrangement. But it is the opinion of the
Emperor, and in this we must agree with him, that
any active participation in the dispute might place
him in a difficult position. Though interference in
a foreign quarrel is most distasteful to the people of
this country, yet it can hardly be doubted that
any hostile demonstration of England against the
German Powers would be much less dangerous in

its nature than a collision between France and two
first-class military monarchies. We might; if we chose
to interfere, blockade the German ports with a few
ships, and send a force to Schleswig, and yet the war
would remain entirely local. But if France were to
become engaged with Prussia and Austria it would
at once be a question of 300,000 men on the
Rhine, and perhaps an outburst of French ambition
which would make Europe regret the assistance it
had invoked. It is quite natural, then, that the
French Government, seeing the momentous conse-
quences that might follow from any movement on
its own part, should desire to limit its action to
pacific representations. It may, indeed, be that if
the war go on, a time will come when France may
find matters sufficiently advanced for her to draw
the sword in pursuit of her own ends, but at present
she carefully avoids seeming to grasp at an oppor-
tunity for threatening her neighbours. But not
the less does the Emperor's Government make
known its opinions and sympathies, and these should
have due weight on the two Powers which are en-
gaged on this imprudent enterprise. Russia is too
much employed on her own domestic disturbances
to do more than join England in friendly remon-
strances, but even these from a Power as Conser-
vative as themselves should have as much influence
on sensible Governments as angry notes and ultima-
tums. This country, finding thus that the views
which men of all parties here take of the dispute
are shared by the chief Governments of Europe, will
not lose any opportunity of urging its own conclu-
sions on the Prussian and Austrian Governments.
These are, it cannot be too accurately remembered,
about to seize Schleswig as "a material guarantee"
that Denmark will do what she has already under-
taken to do. The King, having no power to repeal
the Constitution of himself, any more than the
Queen of England has to set aside an Act of Par-
liament, is about to summon the Rigsraad in order
that the Act of November last, by which the posi-
tion of Schleswig was assimilated to that of Den-
mark, may be legally and effectually repealed. If
he were to do more than promise, and were to
pretend to carry out this change of himself, he
would, in fact, be deceiving the two Powers by
assuming an authority which does not belong to
him. He asks, and the neutral Powers ask, that
the occupation of Schleswig may be delayed until
there is time for this to be done. As yet Austria and
Prussia refuse this reasonable request. The only
excuse which the two Governments can make is,
that the late King of Denmark made promises and
then evaded them, and that it is possible the present
King may do the same. But such a pretext for an
act of usurpation which leads to instant bloodshed
and threatens to involve all Europe in war is cer-
tainly the most flimsy that can be imagined.
Surely a delay of a few weeks, until the Rigsraad
is assembled, could not prejudice the cause of Ger.
many ? The two Governments could keep a few
thousand men on the Holstein frontier, and thus
maintain their political position without burdening
the people whom they affect to protect with the
presence of a large army. In the meantime the
Rigsraad could assemble, and if a further guarantee
were required the promise of the neutral Powers
to use their influence with Denmark:in the matter
oughtito content any reasonable statesmen.
DAILY NEWS.—The proposals of Mr. Bright and
Mr. Cobden for reforming the laws relating to the
land are proposals simply to get rid of all enact-
ments which hamper natural agencies and operations.
They neither propose to divide nor to accumulate
the land; they only ask that it shall be delivered
from legal restraints which foster, and were in-
tended to foster, its accumulation. But if the bene-
fits to follow from such deliverance are not capable
of instant realisation, Nature is even now carrying
on a mighty work among us,
gra-
dually and surely avenging by whichherse
herself sheup ison the
upholders of artificial systems. Her work is not now
free trade in pools or in land, it is free trade in men.
She is carrying ft ova our shores, in multitudes that
year by year increase, those whom we will not suffer
to exist here, and planting them in rich and bound-
less. lands where they can live in comfort, and find
tinae for something more than mere animal existence.
This seems a very natural operation ; yet there are
countries in Europe where it is not allowed to take
place, and where the workman is kept poor and
hopeless, of course all for his own good. To this
great operation Mr. Bright adverted as at once a
benefit and a warning. It is a benefit, incalculable
and infinite, to those who in the present state of
England take advantage of it, and through them to
us all. But it is also a serious foreboding of the con-
sequences that must ensue if we continue to account
England as the England of the rich, and make our
laws w ith a view to the maintenance of an unnatural
system of class supremacy. Yet if we will only be
wise ere the hand has ceased writing on the wall,.
we may find in this source of danger the means of
safety. For all other remedies would possibly act
too slowly ; this is of immediate service. The am-
, mutation of laud, the ultimate fund for the support