The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-08 00:00:00

the weight attaching to his name in the senate of his coun-
try,' that if we did not take care we should bring represen-
tative government itself into disrepute, and that it would
appear that we could not transact our business, I say that I
have drawn from the session which is now closing a very
different conclusion and a very opposite moral.—(Cheers.)
I would rather adduce what has been done in this House and
the manner in which it has been done—l would rather ad-
duce it as an argument in favour of representative govern-
ment, in favour, at least of the mode in which representa-
tive government is carried on in this country, than bring
it forward as an argument which should lead us to believe
that the reputation of representative government is in danger.
—Cheers.) Sir, I will not dilate upon the fact that we
have been enabled already to pass through the House of
Commons 37 Government measures, 20 of which have al-
ready become law; but when I recall to theliouse the cir-
cumstances of the session, that a change of Government
took place, and when I remind the House of the party feel-
ings which under such circumstances naturally revived,
of the great delay of business which from such circum-
stances must necessarily occur, and the fact that I and my
colleagues only on the 15th of March were enabled to resume
our seats in this House, I think it tells very
much (as I said
before) for the good sense and good temper of the House
of Commons that we have been permitted by their aid
to carry out to nearly a conclusion so many important
measures.—(Cheers.) Sir, I remember some years ago,
when I sat on the other side of the House, under the guid-
ance and advice of that distinguished man Lord George
Beatinck, and_when I took a part in public affairs, which
I was not, but for the too great indulgence of my friends, cal-
culated to occupy, it became my duty to sum up the results
of the longest session that I believe the House of Commons
ever yet experienced—a session of more than ten continuous
months, concluding in the mouth of September, 1848. There
were at that time the same charges made as to the ineffi-
ciency of the House of Commons. At that time you were
told that -the accumulation of business was intolerable, and
that it was proved in a manner which every one ought to
view with alarm that a representative Government could
no longer deal with the affairs of a great community. Sir,
it was my duty then, after a careful analysis of all the mo-
tions and all the measures of that remarkable session—it
was my duty then to vindicate the conduct and character of
the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) It was
my duty
also to endeavour to prove that which I gave my reasons for
believing—that it was to the weakness of the Ministry, and
not, to the inefficiency of the House—(Hear, hear)—that this
lamentable state of affairs was owing. In the present in-
stances Ido not think-it necessary for me to ascribe the pre-
sent state of public business either to the weakness of the
Ministry or to the inefficiency of the House of Commons, be-
cause I maintain that the position of public business at such
a period, and after a session so broken up and disturbed,
never was more satisfactory.—(Cheers.) I said that I claim
no credit for the Ministry for this result, but I can say this
most sincerely for them—that we have endeavoured by sedu-
lous attention to the business which we had to discharge--we
have endeavoured to merit the generous support which we
have received from the House of Commons, even from our
opponents.—(Cheers)
The motion for the discharge of the second reading of tfie
Metropolitan Buildings Act was then put and agreed to.
THE MILITIA BILL.
Mr. L. HEYWORTH presented
a petition from 7,595
young men of London, and two petitions from Rochester and
Chatham, against the Militia Bill.

Mr. RICH claimed the attention of the House while he
replied to the attacks made upon those Hon. Gentlemen who,
having voted in, favour of a local Militia Bill, had felt it
their duty to oppose the general Militia Bill now before the
House. A most unfair use had been made of the charge of
inconsistency against those who had opposed the Government
measure. He wished to call the attention of the House to
the grounds upon which this measure had been introduced
No the House, the measure itself, and the consequences of
its adoption. The grounds upon which the measure was in-
troduced were easily dispatched. The Home Secretary had
referred to the imminent danger from abroad, and said that
in the event of invasion, and after providing for the safety
of our ports and arsenals, only 25,000 men would remain
available for the defence of the country, The discussion as
it had proceeded had dispelled both allegations. The danger
had been given up, both by words and deeds, the number
of men to be raised had been reduced in number, and the
Government had declined to take advantage of the offers
made to them by volunteer corps. It was said the marines
could not be counted as available for the defence of the
country, because, in the event of attack, they would be
barked on board the fleet. Now, the danger to be guarded
em-
against was from a sudden and unforeseen attack upon our
shores by an enemy before we were aware of their intention
to effect a landing. In such an event it would be the height
of imprudence to send oer marines from Woolwich and from
our arsenals. and they must therefore be included in any
estimate of our disposable force. The Home Secretary had
also excluded Ireland and the force in that country; but
Ireland was as much part and parcel of the United Kingdom
as Yorkshire or Middlesex, and we were bound to defend it,
and Ireland was bound to come to our defence in
the event of, invasion. Troops had been dispatched from
Dublin to our manufacturing districts when they
were in a disturbed state, and the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman was, therefore, bound to include Ireland, which, it
should be remembered, contained 12,000 constabulary trained
to the use of arms, and who were therefore available for
the defence of that -country. Honourable Members, in
dealing with the disposability of our forces, had assumed that
we were legislating with regard to- a large and comprehen-
sive invasion of this country, such as would imply the com-
mand of the Channel fleet, and an amount of preparation on
the part of the enemy which would give us full time to make
counter preparations. In such a case the allocation of 10,000
men,to the Thames, 5,000 to Portsmouth, and an equal num-
ber to Plymouth, would be mere mystification and misleading.
The attack to which we would be liable being sudden and un-
foreseen, there would be imbecility as well as cowardice in
locking up our troops in garrison instead of sending them to
meet the enemy. It had been urged that those who opposed
this Bill were reckless of the defence of the country; but the
best refutation of that imputation was to point to the various
alternatives which had been proposed as substitutes for this
measure. The Noble Lord the Member for London had sug-
gested a local militia, a measure more in accordance with the
constitutional precedent, more comprehensive in its operation,
and by which the men would be more easily found. That
alternative had, however, been rejected. So had the recom-
mendation of the organization ofvolunteer corps, and the more
important suggestion of those who preferred the addition of
10,000 or 15,000 men to the regular army. The Honourable
and Gallant Member for Westminster (Sir De Lacy Evans)
had shown how a force of 4,000 infantry and artillery might
be brought home from the colonies, and made available for
the defence of the country; but the Government refused to
listen to him. Certainly, when they were consulting about
the best means of adding to their military defences, it did
appear to him to amount to infatuation to attempt to blindly
raise a body of men who were totally incapable of doing the
most important duty they were about to entrust to them,
and which duty, indeed, theymight
readily go to the well-discipl' dandrecruited
me eerily
regular army, and obtain a most efficient body of
give them time to learn to .
trained soldiers. Why should they not consolidate and
remodel that army of reserve which they already possessed,
arm ension and battalion
discharge, acknowledged
they
wouldhey m
- aYstem did really constitute an
army of'reserve? For a half-on of sixpence a-day,
the Government might, with •ffi ulty, raise
Out di
10,000 or 15,000 men, from
see years of
age, who had all served-ten or twelve 2B to .
n the regular
army, and thus obtain ari
e. years i
of prime
soldiers before the raw levies efficient forcee
d d militia had
mastered the goose-steP. The a 'the intended
h lociould thus be occa-
sioned in the army could easily gee t b recruiCng.
It might be said that this would b fi u
1) ythe regular
army of the best men; but the d e depriving this Bill
was demanded was either real tiger for which
If merely
imaginary, it might be at toeo or imaginary.
d. If real,
to retain a man in England diesntirely dismisse
important
duty of a soldier, that of discharge the most
inap.•
prehension of danger, could net b g his countryotthe
d language
be called .robbing the army
of any latitu e .
' services. He
maintained that by holding 41_ that man s .
4a inducement of this
half-
pension for half service they could
large and
most efficient army of reservethus form a
~
anu
army;
there would be no difficulty w fromtha the regular
because life service could easily
bever in procuring
recruits,
dismissal from it, instead of beiri e rendered so popular that
h n would
be esteemed a punishment. No
regarded as a eoon,t
only
hoped to get 30,000 or 40,000 militiamen!the Govern
firstyear by
the bounty. They would have to in the.
ballot, and
they would find in the present to
resort to the
bl o
i mind
that the practical evils of the af?lper of the pub
He had pointed out how thh e `lot would not be endured.
12,000 men at once for an Y could obtain 10,000 or
aerve.—(Hear.)
Now there were 30,000 pensi Hereof res
r 16,000 to
18,000 of whom were of the f ni Of these
they years
obtain from 10000 first
under
fifty years of age, and thes: add° the others,
would furnish at least 24,000 young
men
to
prime soldiers,
infinitely preferable to 35,000 or 40%aeti and d
mila-
men. By the system of half-pensionso undiscipline . 0
they
could obtain 6,000 or 8,000 more rjaefor short service
the
regular army,
and in a few years in every would
fact the get too
many for this country. They coup, , y
most
ciously encourage the emigration of
steady"genowever
soldiers
and their families to the colonies. This and 0
n theory, it
in practice. A measure
was already hadiaal was
been adopted
by the MaSt
•er of the Ordnance, b ready
New Zealand' Y which about 2,000
soldiers were sent to, Australia, and North
America. We might raise 10,000 or 12,000 ein this man-
ner for the Colonies, theVr Would be , _ m
receive them,
and we might keep up small Pension for
to
..
Thus we would be enabled gradually to lor olitical reasons.
withdraw our own
troops from the colonies, and to disband
arrived in this country. He had therefore them
by which we might establish an arm,, :‘Pointed out a mode
composed
of prime soldiers between 28 and 35 leer's reserve
._
it
was
thought necessary to maintain a force so 13f age -If
and the cost of' clothing, arming, and drillin arge in amount;
exceed 150,0001. a year. That wag one
_,,g them would not
the substitutes,
amongst many, which had been proposed%
But the Government chose to adhere to
osttebad of this Bill.
militia force of the country, and said that this Bill was
original
in the right direction. Now, the old militia f__ was a step
tially local in all respects. It was raised midiurc?wes essen
redly in each county or shire and was drilled tempo-
,. never moved out of
under exce
its own county unless ptional
and the circumstances.
War, however, broke out, a men were marched from
county to county, and from _kingdom to kingdom, and, in
fact, they became substantially a second army—so much so,
that in the year 1808 the Government of the day formed
and organised, out of the old voludnteeer corps of the year 1793
and 1804, a local militia, composed
1 all classes, and trained
them round their own homes. f r local militia was the true
representative of the old militia oce of this country. Now,
what, would be the efficiency of the Proposed militia
under the command of the Home-office? In the case of
by which t
invasion there were two methods
additional he regular troops
could be reinforced—either by
of regular troops or
by the subordinate cooperation regularly drilled - ' 'lied batta-
lions, gathered by genera volunteering and levy en masse.
Both measures were highly beneficial, and in case of emer-
gency highly necessary ; but they were essentially distinct.
The one force joined the regular army, acted with it instan-
taneously, and afforded time for the other force to be trained
and disciplined. His objection to this Bill was, that it con-
foO
nded these two resources, and was, like most of their legis-
It would legis-
lation, a most mischievous compromise.. never fur-
nishe—he would n 4 say an army. In such a
a body of troop
essential •
force there were several requirements to its • that '
effi-
ciency ; among which were these. it should be fit for
Id duty—that it should be easily and certainly garrison and field
should have some conne • '
assembled—and that it
Now, the
with the
regular army of the country. the Chancellor
spirit of the
had told his constituents at the
ia would be cheap,!popular and effici t that the proposed mi lit
What
would the militia have en -
ave in coin-
But would this be so?
Nothing but
regular troops?a red coat and
com-
mon with the .
Then, would
a semblance of military
discipline. the,• it
be op , - era
tive? They were told that without ballot it would not
T h'
popular? ot is question Then, would it be the very
But, togo
necessity for a ballot was the reply.
he bade Honourable Memberslook at the petitions which.
had been received by the House upon the subject. Of these
there was,in Din favour of the measure, one;..er one, signed, as
he understood, by fifteen boys by ; there were
against it—exclusive of those presented that night-1,377,
with, signatures to them amounting in number to nearly
a quarter of a million.—(Elear, hear.) So much for the
Popularity of the measure, of which the Chancellor of the
EXellequee had boasted to his Buckinghamshire consti-