The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-07 00:00:00

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Sheridan's Romance of War.

(From the Index)

Once more we are startled with the news of a gnat
Federal v:etory, and to add to its significance it is
one of Sheridan's victories. They are always com-
plete. It is no drawn battle, no indecisive engage-
ment—the success is undeniable, the rout is uninr-

alleled, the capture incredible. Stieridal'a career
the Shenandoah Valley is a romance of his'ory. He
has, ¢ccording to his own account, destroyed at leas
two Confederate armies. At Opequa❑ Creek he in-

ilicted a defeat on Early's army ; at Fisher's Hil
Gap he annihilated it. There never was an army so
routed and demoralised as Early's, he informed the
Northern public. Yet a week afterwards this panic-
stricken corps, represented as making for Rich-
mond, took up a strong position in his front, re-
pulsed an assault of the Federals, and in its turn
became the assailant. Sheridan retreated up the
valley as far as Strasburg; there the beaten army
pressed him too closely ; he advanced to the attack ;
General Cook, his subordinate, with his accustomed
impetuosity, charged, and threw the Confederates
into confusion, and they retired without giving him
the opportunity of another victory. It was
strange, at least, that the army which was so
soon to become the assailant should at once
withdraw when threatened—stranger still that a
day or two later Sheridan's force should itself have
retired beyond Strasburg and the intrenchments
which it had thrown up in front of that town.
He reports that on the 19th Longstreet's army at-
tacked his army at Cedar Creek, before daylight,
threw it into disorder, and drove it four miles, cap-
turing large numbers of prisoners and a quantity
of artillery and materiel. The General himself was
at Winchester when the attack took place ; he has-
tened up, was in time to rally his troops and reform
his line, repulsed an attack, assumed the offensive,
and finally drove the Confederates off the field, cap-
turing 50 guns and 1,600 prisoners. Now this is a
very remarkable statement. For an army *sur-
prised and beaten, driven in disorder over four miles
ground,with heavy losses in guns and prisoners,to
rally, become the assailant, and finally in the after-
noon to defeat the victors of the morning, would be
a great feat. But that it should not only defeat, but
rout and drive its assailants several miles, recapture
its own guns, and take some five a❑d twenty from
the enemy, is little less than marvellous. We do
not deny Sheridan the possession of energy, dash,
and skill; but that the mere appearance of one
individual in the field of battle should suffice to
convert a disgraceful defeat into a brilliant victory
is more than we can credit on that gallant officer's
unsupported statement. Until we get the Southern
accounts of the engagement, it is of course idle to
speak with any degree of certainty as to its results.
But, taking the affair as it is now represented, we
think we are justified in considering it as another of
those indecisive engagements which have unhappily
been so frequent during the war. Longstreet's force,
although attacking, would be obviously inferior in
numbers to that of the Federals ; and it is possible
that his earliest success may have encouraged him
to continue the attack even after the Federals had
been heavily reinforced. But we are more inclined
to believe that Longstreet would have been quite
content with his first triumph, and that the after-
noon's battle was fought with a view of earryi❑g off
the trophies of victory. It may turn out, aware of
the arrival of reinforcements from Winchester, Long-
street had already commenced his retrograde move-
ment, and that the action on his part was confined to
defending his rear against the attacks of Sheridan's
enormously superior force of cavalry. That his army
was not routed is proved by the fact that night
alone put an end to the struggle, and that nothing
was heard of any pursuit on Sheridan's part. The
casualties on both sides must have been severe.
Northern correspondents admit a loss of 5,000 men,
and almost for the first time no estimate is given of
the number of Confederate killed and wounded.
But as the Federals were surprised and terribly cut
up in the morning, and as in the afternoon they
were compelled to become the assailants, it is pro.
bable their los3 far exceeded that of their opponents.
As to the capture of the 50 guns, the figures look
very large, but at least half of these were lost, on
Sheridan's admission, by the Federals, and we
strongly suspect Glen. Longstreet's account Will give

Meanwhile Sheridan is the popular favourite.
Gen. Grant, in a despatch to Mr Stanton, declares
him to be what he always thought him, " one of the
ablest of Generals," and public opinion points him

out as the successor of Gen. Meade in the command

of the army of the Potomac—Meade being too me-

thodical, too distreet, too gentlemanly, and too slow
to elicit the admiration of so rash and fast a people
as the modern Americans. The dictionary is ran
sacked for epithets of praise to heap on the head of

the victor. He is declared to be the Desaix of Ame-
rica ; to have done a deed that will rank with the
greatest achievements of Julius Caesar, Alexander
the Great, Charles XII., or Wellington; to be the
real and only Napoleon of the war, and to be de-
stined hereafter to the high position of the presi-
dency. On this last question there appears to be some
doubt whether he was not born a British subject.
As he would in such a case be ineligible to the pre-
sidency, he would be more fortunate than General
M'Clellan, and might reasonably expect from the
Government that patronage and favour which no
one who aspires to fi l the seat of Mr Lincoln can
expect at the hands of the present Administration.
Mr Lincoln, in common with his party, is so re-
joiced at a success which gives a denial to the asser-
tion of the assembled Democracy at Chicago that the
war is a failure, that he has ordered a day of na-

tional thanksgiving for the event. The document at
first blush suggests a doubt whether it is not due
to the too dexterous knavery of some forger emulous
of thn bale of 11r Joseph lixsard, of the New York
Times and the Brooklyn. Eagle, but as it appears in
all the newspapers, without qiestion, it must bf
accepted as genuine. Mr Lincoln holds that
the prolongation of the national existence for
"another year" is
a cause of thankfulness to
the Almighty. To some minds the phrase will con-
vey the idea that Mr Lincoln considers the exis-

tence of the nation to be precarious, as the life of a
aaan. The text phrase is still more extraordinary,
declaring as it does, that Almighty God has dc-

fended the Federal cause with his guardian care

" against unfriendly designs from abroado' The
people both of America and Europe may well ask
what foreign Powers or people have manifested un-
friendly designs against Mr Lincoln's Government,
or why, in a formal document such as a proclama-

tion for prayer
and praise, the President should
depart from the recognised formula to make an in-
sinuation, either true or false, against the Govern-
ment or people of a foreign Power unnamed ; and
that too at a time
when the United States are nomi-
nally at peace with the whole world except with
the unhappy citizens of the South.
The scraps of military news from all parts of the
theatre of war prove painfully that the character
of the war has greatly changed for the worse sincE
the assumption of command by General Grant. His
contempt for humanlife, and the recklessness with
which he sacrifices it, seem to have brutalised not
alone the army but the people. The greater the
number of men he destroys the higher the admira-
tion that is expressed of his genius. His order to
General Sheridan to convert the Valley of the
Shenandoah into a barren waste" has been as
much applauded as if it were an act of heroic virtue.
General Sheridan's destruction of all the barns and
an area of five miles in diameter,
the killing of a Federal soldier by
satli
aa dt
is o withinor
a party of guerillas, has quite as much as his victory
at Cedar Creek endeared his name to the Northern
people, especially to those who clamour for the re-
electionhomesteads
f of Mr Lincoln. The atrocities committed
is Kentucky by Generals Payne and Burbridge,
monsters who in any other country, or at any other
time, would be held up to public execration as ene-
mies of mankind, are justified by thousands of other-
wise humane people, on the plea that rebels deserve
no mercy, and that the only true mode of procedure
is to hang and shoot them wherever found, destroy
their property, and reduce their families to want and
misery. The effect, however, upon the mind of the
South does not seem to be that intended by the
Federal Government and its abettors in bloodshed.
Such acts do not strike terror and compel submis-
sion—they excite indignation and revenge, and
work up the feeling of the Southern people to a
pitch that will speedily replenish the broken ranks
of the Confederate army, and make a soldier or
guerilla partisan of every man capable of holding a
weapon. A Richmond paper suggests that in
retaliation for the devastation ordered by General
Grant and committed by General Sheridan in
the Shenandoah Valley it would be easy for the
South to employ " 20 or 30 trusty friends" in
the North to set New York or Boston on fire
iu as many different places simultaneously " on
some dry windy night,' and publicly mom •
mends the Confederate Legislature to vote a
million of dollars for the purpose. " The men," it
adds, " are already there, and New York would be
worth 20 Richmonds." It is evident, not only from
this passage but from the whole tenour of many
recent articles in the Southern and Northern press,
that the war has lost its original character, and is
fast degenerating into a savage contest. The North
more than the South is to blame. The North is
the invader. The North first commenced hostilities
against women and children, and forget the decen-
cies and amenities of civilisation in its treatment of
the helpless inhabitants of conquered cities. The
North first appointed rowdies, pig drivers, mule
breeders, and habitual drunkards to high command,
making choice of ruffians who did not look upon

said I, " was a small matter, even if the Govern-
ment of King William were guilty of it." "Great
or small, it was all the same in principle. Besides,
there is the more recent ease in India, when the
British Government blew a whole nation of Sepoys
to pieces from their guns." "Do you know what a
Sepoy means ?" I inquired. "Yes, a native of India,
~vhich the British Government holds by military
torce against the will of the people. Arid by the
.rime kind of force we hold the South, if need he.
They must give up the struggle, or be driven out,
or killed out, till not a --- be left, from the
Potomac to the Rio Grande." There is no
necessity to fill up the hiatus. Any one at
all connected with the habitual profanity of
the American multitude can supply it without
difficulty. Were persons such as those alone in the
expression of such sentiments their words might
pass for nothing better or worse than the frenzy of
lunatics ; but, unhappily, the same sentiments are
entertained by thousands of bloodthristy doctri-

naires, who have convinced themselves that the re-
storation of the Union will make the Americans
masters of the world—and that Union, in this sense,
is worth more than the liberty of the white rue?, or
:nln the lives of any number of millions, who may
oppose it by force of arms. Unconditional bubmis-
pion or extermination—these are the sole alterna-

yes which they hold out to the South. The New

Englanders, or the Yankees, properly so called, are
the persons who most commonly give utterance to
these extreme opinions. They do not lose temper
in expressing them, but are as cool and quiet in
tone and manner as if they were diEcussing the

most ordinary business of life. They snivel at. d
drawl in preaching extermination just as much as
they would snivel and drawl if they were selling
dry goods behind a counter, or interchanging a

casual remark with an acquaintance about the
weather or the crops. They leave, however, upon
the mind of the listener the impression that they

are thoroughly in earnest, and that when they
threaten murder and ext::rmination they mean what
they say, and would be as ruthless in act as they
are reckless in assertion.
The ultra war party—composed of Abolitionists
and exterminators—such as these are particularly
violent over the news of an irruption of a gang of

marauders from Canada into the State of Vermont.

They insist that the 25 or 20 men who plundered
the bank and murdered some of the citizens of St.
Alban's were Confederate raiders, though there
is not a particle of proof to show that they were
anything but thieves and assassins who took ad-
vantage of the civil war to do a stroke of pro •
fessional business on a larger scale than usual. For
all that anybody yet knows they may be rowdies
from New York or New England, who fled to Canada
to avoid the conscription, or bounty jumpers who,
having cheated the Federal Government of the money
paid for their military Fervices and spent it, have
resorted to this daring method of replenishing their
purses. Without waiting for proof, the war bigots—
as if one war at a time were not quite enough to
tax all the resources and energies of the people—
take advantage of this act of highway robbery, to
insist that the robbers are Confederate soldiers, that
they planned their invasion upon Canadian soil, and
that the British Government must be held to strict
account for harbouring, if not for encouraging them.
"This,' says a journal which is always more or less
rabid when it discourses of Great Britain, " is a very
serious matter, and demands immediate and decisive
action on the part of the British authorities in
Canada—actions of a very different kind from that
which they have lately taken in oases of violation
of neutrality. If they look with unnoncern on
such attempts, or act in a feeble manner, it will
most assuredly lead to painful and most under
sirable results." Another and more notorious
journal, which never speaks seriously upon any
subject, except when it desires to excite animosity
against England, wishes war to be declared at once
against Canada and the British Maritime Provinces,
not alone for the offence of these marauders, but
especially for the encouragement given to " rebel
pirates" in the harbours of Nova Scotia, " There
can be no question," it says, " of their reapnnsi-
bility, for they have not only furnished the men
and money for these outrages, but afforded shelter
to those concerned in them. In the event of their
leading to a war with Great Britain, as they unques-
tionably will if continued, they would be the first
that would be made to feel the full weight of our
vengeance." It happens that the Canadian autho-
rities have acted with the utmost promptitude, and
afforded every facility for tracing and giving up the
thieves concerned in the attack upon St. Alban's.
They would have done so whether the ruffians were
Federate or Confederates, bounty jumpers or de-
serters, or simply professional pluederers. They
require no incentive to do their duty other than a
sense of right and justice, and have done it ungrudg-
iugly. But the hectoring of the anti-British and
anti-Canadian press produces an effect the opposite
of that intended by the bullies who indulge in it.
Aimed against Great Britain it disgusts and offends
the people of the colonies, and has been so often re-
peated without provocation as to make the name of
a Yankee quite as odious to the British Americans
as it is to the people of the South. There never was
much cordiality of feeling between the people on the
opposite shores of the Lakes and the St. Lawrence.
The little that ever existed has been gradually
growing less, and such wanton insults—which the
New York and New England journals never omit
an opportunity of directing against England—all
based upon the aupposition that British North

"I therefore felt it necessary to tell M. Nigra
that, though I did not raise any doubt as to the per-
feet sincerity of his intentions, nor even as to the
accuracy of the facts contained in his report, never-
theless I could not conceal the fact that in my opinion
that document does tot fully give the features of the
negotiation, nor the meaning which we attach, and
which the Italian Government itself must attach, to
the engagements which have resulted from it. To
prove this it will suffice to state the impression which
it has produced on both sides of the Alps. News-
papers of every shade of opinion have drawn con-
clusions from it as much opposed to our intentions
as they are to those of the Ministers of King Victor
Emmanuel. This despatch, interpreted in a similar
sense by the passions of the different parties, has be-
come the text of congratulations and reproaches
which it must be the desire of both Governments
alike to reject. Whence this confusion, unless it arises
from the ambiguity of a few vague expressions, tht-
dangers of which in this mater we Ind frequently
pointed out beforehand ? In those words, rights
of the nation .. . national a-pirations,' despite the
care shown in the selection of the langulge, every
man reads what he hopes or what he fears. Doubt-
less it is somewhat difficult to explain how Italian
royalty might fled itself some day at It when it
seemingly forbids itself to go there ; for such con-
clusions do not naturally emanate from the perusal
of a convention which stipulates for the transfer of
the capital of the kingdom to Florence, and for the
guarantee of the Pontifical territory vgainst any
armed aggression. Opinion is. nevertheless, led
astray by such subtle problems. Eveints must
settle them. Good faith as well as prudence
will not admit of their being prematurely
resolved by vain hypotheses. Thus, I am far
from attributing any such attempt either to the
Court of Turin or to M. le Chevalier Nigra. I
point out the necessity of preventing even the sup-
position of such a thing by the precision and clear-
ness of official declarations. With this object in
view I have given in my correspondence, and chal-
lenged, in my interviews, all the explanations ne•
cessary to put aside rash or prejudicial deductions.
" Those explanations arc /summed up in the fol•
lowing propositions ;
"1. Among the violent means which Italy has

promised not to have recourse to (s'est interdit
l'emploi) must be reckoned the machinations of
revolutionary agents upon the Pontifical territory,
as also any agitation tending to produce insurrec-
tionary movements.
" 2. As regards the moral means of which she
has reserved to herself the use, they consist solely
in the forces of civilisation and progress.
"3. The only aspirations which the Court of
Turin considers as legitimate are those the object of
which is the reconciliation with the Papacy.

" 4. The transfer of the capital is a solemn pledge
given to France. It is neither a provisional expo.
dient nor a halting place on the road to Rome. To

suppress the pledge would be to annul the contract.
" 5. The propositions of Count Cavour in 1861 did
not contain this clause relative to the capital; more-
over, they limited the army of the Holy Father to a
fixed figure, and assigned a delay of 13 days for the
departure of our troops. The great differences be-
tween those propositions and the arrangements of
the month of September cannot be overlooked.
" 6. The case of a revolution which should burst
out suddenly at Rome has not been provided for by
the Convention. In regard to such an eventuality
France reserves to herself freedom of action.
"1. The Turin Cabinet maintains the policy of
Count Cavour. Now, that illustrious man declared
that Itome could not be united to Italy and become
its capital except with the consent of France.
" Such are, M. le Baron, the different points dis-
cussed in my conversations with M. le Chevalier
Nigro, and upon which, it seemed to me, we shared
the same opinion. Certainly, Ido not pretend that
he ought to have inserted those supplementary ex-
planations in his report. Still less do I wish to
reproach him for not having in that document pro-
tested against the use of fraudulent means, nor fore•
seen the fall of the Pontifical power by an internal
insurrection, not caused by foreign intrigue. I
agreed with the Minister of Italy, as my corre-
spondance shows, that there are certain previsions
which the dignity of the contracting parties and a
feeling of delicacy do not allow to be inserted in
diplomatic documents. Too much precaution, under
certain circumstances, becomes an insult. But, let
me repeat it, when through general formulas vague
vistas are allowed to glimmer, every man takes
his own view of them, and explains them accord-
ing to his own heart's desire; what hes not
been said is supposed to be uuieretood, and
extreme parties read between the lines of your
despatches what their passions dictate. This is
why we earnestly wish that light may shine forth
in the midst of this darkness in the discussion which
is abc ut to take place in the Italian Parliament.-1
am, &C., " DRouYN DE LDUYS."

"THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO BARON
MALARET, MINISTER OP FRANCE AT TURIN,
" Paris, Nov. 2.
- - -

" M. le Baron,—The Minister of Italy conveyed
to me three days ago, in the name of General La
Marmora, his desire to reconcile the meaning given
to the Convention by the Italian Legation in its
report of the 15th of September with that which I
had myself explained in my former despatches. The
on the
conversations of which I gave you an account

replies :-
0 1. The Imperial Minister for Foreign Affairs
thinks, first, that my despatch has not sufficiently
pointed out the difference existing between the pro-
ject of the Count de Cavour and the Convention.
I replied that the original project of the Conn:. de
Cavour having been inserted textually in my des
spatch, the difference between the two documents
must naturally be apparent upon reading them and
by comparison:; that further I had pointed out with
much exactness the modifications made in the origie
nal text, particularly that referring to the formation
of the Pontificial army and the far more important
change respecting the transfer of the seat of the
Italian Government. I have indicated with suffi-
cient clearness in my despatch that the fact of the
transfer of the capital has been considered by the
Imperial Government as a sine qua non condition of
the signing of the Convention.
"2. M. Drouyn de Lhuys thinks that to speak
of aspirations after having renounced violent means
of going to Rcme is to give rise to the supposition
among parties that underhand ways (voles touter..
mines) are kept iu reserve. I replied that nothing
in my despatch could give rite to such au interpreta-
tiod—that we lied exrestly recerved the nutionl:l
aspirations, but that we had at the same time set-
tled their sours;; and their el kt—that I should
have considered it an insult to my Government to
admit even for a single instant the necessity of an
explanation in this r:s,pect. There is nothing in
common between th 3 underhand ways of which M.
Drouyn de Lhuys speaks end the moral forces of
civilization and progress to which we r pixel for
obtaining a reconciliation between Italy and the
Papacy.
"3. M. Drouyn de Lhuys has called attention to
the fact that it was declared upon both sides at the
conferences that no previous arrangement cught to
be made for the case in which, notwithstanding the
legal execution of the Convention on the part of
Italy and France, the Pontifical Government might
no longer be able to subsist by itself, and would
render its existence impossible; that this eventua
ality would have constituted a new situation indee
pendent of the Convention and beyond the antici-
pations of the contracting parties. The two Gad
verntnents reserved to themselves, in the event of
this case occurring, full liberty of action upon
either side.
" This reservation mentioned by his Excellency
is perfectly correct, and I took care to communie
cate it at the proper time to the King's Govern.*
ment. But I have not considered that I was bound
to repeat it in a despatch destined for publicity, for
two reasons. In the first place, the Plenipoten-
tiaries having admitted that they could not, and
ought not to, preoccupy themselves with an even-
tuality of this nature, equal reason would seem to
exist for my adopting the same course in my des-
patch ; in the second place, I felt a repugnance to
bring under public discussion the prospect of the fall
of the Pontifical Government by its own fault and
importance. This eventuality is certainly possible,
but, if we must now look future eventualities in the
face, we should prefer to rest our ideas upon that of
a possible reconciliation between the Papacy and
Italy. I ought to add, farther, that M. Drouyn de
Lhuys, in making this remark, did not intend to
complain that it had not been explained in my des-
patch of the 15th of September. His Excellency
told me that he has rather been desirous of giving
some kind of reply to the journals which have coma
mented upon that document. M. Drouyn de Lhuys
entirely partakes our opinion upon the propriety of
not entering into a discussion as to a future even•
tuality, which the contracting parties had not to
take into consideration.
" Lastly, M. Drouyn de Lhuys would have wished
my despatch to have contained the explanation of
what we understand by national aspirations. I replied
to his Excellency that it did contain that explana-
tion, and that I had taken care to point out recone
ciliation between Italy and the Papacy upon the
principle of a free Church in a free State as the
object of our aspirations. The reserve of these
aspirations having been made expressly and in the
terma whioh I taxtaany quoted, I had nothing fn
add upon this subject.
" You will see from what I have explained to
you, M. le Ministre, that even after the remarks
of the hon. Imperial, Minister for Foreign Affairs,
the contents of my despatch remain unchanged.
Your Excellency will no doubt, equally with my
self, take the fullest account of M. d
:
Drouyn
Lhuys' observations, as I have had the honour to
explain them to you. But Ido not think them of
a nature to invalidate what I have conscientiously
stated in my report, which I maintain in its in,
tegrity.
" That which I have just written is not intended
to be published. But if the French Government
should think fit to publish the Notes which have
been lately caltnnaunieeted to you by the Minister
of France, I request your Excellency to give equal
publicity to this despatch.
" Receive the assurances, &e.,
NIGitA."

HOMEWARD AMERICAN MAIL STEAMERS.--.
There ara three steamers due at Liverpool this
week with the American mails, as follow : —The Hiber-
nian, from Quebec, on the 29th ult., and the City of Wash-
ington, with corresponding dates from New York, may be
expected to arrive—the former off Greencastle and the
off Queenstown—in the course of Wednesday. The
Cunard steamer Scotia, with dates from New York to the
2d inst., will no doubt reach Queenstown on Friday even•
jug or early on Saturday morning.

GIUN ALMANAC FOR 1865.
Will be Published on Thursday.
Price Twopence.

rriG CLERGYMEN. OFFICERS of the NAVY
and MERCANTILE MARINE, GENTRY, and
ot, E N,S RESIDENT on the SEA COAST. The Royal
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e Lifeboat Station on any part of the coast of the
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there should be a suffic ent number of men (fisher
atmsea). en, or
to
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eighbb Lifeoat, and a committee
up formed from the residen s
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to Mr. Richaap LEWIS, Secretary, Royal National
Institution, il, John-street, Adel Phi, London, W.C.

HEATRE ROYAL, DRURY- LANK-
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THIS EVENING, TOO MUCH FOR GOOD NATURE.
Messre. tielmore, Eitzjars.mes. Misses Helen,
3lovv,rd and It M
R. Leclercq, Vaadenhoff, Mrs. C. Melvide

After which, Shalzsnete's Traz-ely of M CBETIT. Mr.
?hops ; Messrs. Creswick R. Roxby, G. Belmo e. A lisyne*,
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Boors open at ha f-past Six—Commence at Seven.

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.-
Lessee. Mr. Buckstone.
'l' HIS EVENING, THE SUN AND THE WIND.
After v hich, THE STRANGER. Messrs. Howe, Chip
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Followed by ON THE SLY. Messrs. Buckstone, Rogers,
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And 01. IR MARY ANNE. 31
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To commence at 7.

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.
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1 HIS EVEI\ ING, VIZ M G'S BUTTERFLY. Fan-
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7.,avende, and B. Lavenue.
preceded., at 7, by INURS'EY CHICKWEED. Messrs. H.
Widdicomb, Garden, Moreland, Corea ; Miss Lavenue, Mt s.

Lee.
Doors open at half-past 6 ; commence at 7.
The Sox-office open daily from Elev,n till Five.

liING'S BUTTERFLY.-LYCEUM
TII 11;AT RE.--Fautan, the King's Butter Mr.
Eu HT ER. Ile most buccessful Drama producedfly, tor
years.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.—
sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vininz.
THIS EVENING, BORN TO GOOD LUCK. Addy
O'Kafferiy, Mr. Dominick Murray.
After which, THE STREETS OF LONDON. Messrs.
J. W. Ray, D. Fi her, D. Murray, J. Nelson, H.
Vining.,
Forreste r. H. Mellon ; Mrs. Henry Matston, Miss Emma
JBarnett, and Miss FAnny Gwynne.

NT W THEATRE-ROYAL,
BOW Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, A SHEEP IN WOLF'S CLOTHING.
Mr. J. Clarke, Mr. Stuart, and Mrs. Stirling.
After which, THE COLLEEN BAWN. Myles (with
Ong*, Mr. John Collins. Messrs. BillingtorP, R.. Phillips,
stephenstn, Eburne, C. J. Smith, R. Romer; Miss Woolgar,
Miss H. Simms, Mrs. Bi lington, and Mrs. H. Lewis.
To conclude with DOING BANTING. Messrs. J. Clarke
Stephenson; Mrs. H Lewis and Miss A. Seaman.
Commence at 7.

ROYAL ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.
Manager, Mr. Benjamin Webster.
EUINEN TALENT AND COMEDY DRAMA.
Those celebrated artistes, Mr. and Mrs. C. Mathews, are re-
engaged.
THIS EVENING, and during the week, UNDER THE
BOSE.
Alter which, a new and or!g,inal Comedy Drama, in three
acts, entitled SY BILLA.; or, STEP BY STE I'. Mr. and
Mrs. Charles Mathews.
To conclude with Mr. Maddlson Morton's New Comedy
Farce of
WOOD, OCK'S LITTLE GAME. Mr. Charles
Mathews, Mrs. Frank Matthews.

ISS ADAII ISIAACS MENKIN
AIIn her great impersonation of MAZEPPA EVERT
E ENING, at ASTLEY'S.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manageress. Mrs. Swanborough.
THIS EVENING, DELICATE GROUND. Messrs Par-
belle and.Belford ; Miss Palmer.
Followed by, at Eight, MIL KY WHITE. Messrs. Craven,
Stoyle, James ; Mesdaraes Swanbor ,ugh and Manders.
To conclude with MAZEPPA. Mesdames Raynham,
,Simpson, eLc.

COALS.—The LILLESHALL COMPANY'S
COALS.
Direct from their own Collieries.
Marquis'. 255. per ton. I Double 21s. per ton.
Top 245. ~ Deep ...228. „
Well screened and delivered within five miles of their De-
pots, Westbourne Park-road, W., and 17, South Wharf,
Paddington, W., and Maiden-lane, N.
Best Coke
Terms cash.
JOHN SCOTT, Sole Lvnt.

rirlHE THIRD EDITION OF " THE SUN,"
Containing the Latest srowrizio INTELLIGENCE,
Can be had Every Evening of
G. [l. GLEN tE, NEWS AGE-NT,
No. 4, Connaught-terrace, Hyde-park.

THE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN"
supplied, as soon as published every Evening by
1111:iltY" BROOKS, Newspaper Agent, 21, Old Cavendish-
treet, W.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
rsis DAY.—Moraing, 7n. 2m.—Afternoon., 7a. 40m.
CNN101111(17/.-310rIlillg, Bh. 15m.—Afternoon, Sa.

- t
jg '
4-; SUIT

LONDON, MONDAY, NOV. 7, 1864.

We have three days later news from America
by the Hecla, with some further accounts of the
would-be great victory of SHERIDAN, but they add
but little to the details already given. He continued
the pursuit until LONGSTREET turned upon him,
and then—we must wait until the next great
battle takes place. According to the movements
of HOOD, matters seem to be getting more serious
with SHERMAN, who found it necessary to leave
Atlanta in order to keep open his communications,
if that be possible. SHERMAN left one corps at
Atlanta, but that was so hard pressed that it was
actually in a state of siege. The Confederate
cavalry were so active that not a man con:d leave
Atlanta for fear of capture. Nor were the Federals
much better off in the direction of Knoxeville,
whither they were retreating from Bull's Gap,
which they had evacuated. Indeed, the position of
the Federals in the north-west was anything but
hopeful, and it is expected that SHERMAN will en•
deavour to make his escape as best he can. The
reported defeat of General PRICE in Missouri is
not confirmed ; on the contrary, he is carrying on
the campaign with increasedvigonr. The elections
in I),nnsylvania are stated to be cfficially carried
in favour of the Democrats with a majority of 150
for the borne vote, President DAVIS has made a
speech full of hope and confidence, stating that
all his attempts to induce the Federals to
come to terms of pence had been treated
with contempt, and that he was resolved to
conquer peace and to secure the independence of the
South by the sword, and the patriotic efforts of his
gallant countrymen. Oa the whole the news is
favourable to the South. As for the North, we
behold them carrying on the same system of civil
tyranny. President LINCOLN has published a
letter declining to interfere with Governor JOHN-
noiv's proclamation, requiring a test oath from
presidential voters, which is not surprising, since
its effect is so entirely in his favour. The Federal
news must now be looked upon with more ens-
picion than ever, for all that we hear confirms
the impression that they are doing their utmost to
secure the elections, if not by fair means, by any
other that is practicable and promises to be wore
efficacious. It behoves all who are more immedi-
ately concerned in the struggle to look to them-
selves and to be aware of the tactics of their crafty
and most unscrupulous foes, who will stop at
nothing to gain th-ir ends.

Al that appertains to the transactions of the
Royal National Lifeboat Institution are deeply in-
teresting, alike from their intrinsic importance, and
from their intimate connection with the interests of
the community. The services of the society bring
home their welcome labours to every home and
hearth throughout the country, and no family that
can count its members who occupy their business
in the great waters, or, even only occasiona:ly, tra-
verse the deep, but may look upon this institution
26 a benefit and a blessing. There is no saying
bow, 'when, or where they may not stand in need of
AIS services and require its agency, and it behoyee