The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-16 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, TAN. 16, 1864.

While plots and rumours of plots are agitating
the surface of Parisian society. a pleasing contrast
is presented to us in the peaceful ceremony of
Thursday last, when, in the Palace of the Tuileries,
Monseigneur deßorialEcsasE, Archbishop of Rouen,
received the Cardinal's hat from the hands of the
EMPERIOR. The inaugural address of the new Car-
dinal, immediately after his investiture, and the
reply of the EMPEROR, will be read with very
general interest. There may be readily recognised,
in the disebrases of both Cardinal and EMPEROR,
something more than the ordinary phrases of cour-
teous compliment. In the tones of bath we hear
the voice of men who have passed not unmoved,
Lot untaught, thrcugh the painful expe-
riences of life and the trying vicissitudes
of fortune. He who once was a refugee
in London, and then a prisoner in the Chateau of
Ham, now speaking from the height of his almost
upparelleled power in the stately palace of the Tui-
leries, amid the gorgeoue paraphernalia of Imperial
pomp, utters no boastful words of idle gratulation,
but in sober seriousness confesses that" the honours
of, this world are heavy burdens imposed upon us
by PROVIDENCE. " Ialso," says the EMPEROR, " ask
myself frequently if good fortune does not possess
as many tribulations as evil fortune; but," he
adds, with the confidence of a Christian, mingled
perhaps with the fatalism of a BONAPARTE, "in
both cases, faith is our guide and support—reli- ,
gions faith and political faith; that is to say, ,
confidence in GOD, and the consciousness of a mission
to accomplish." The full importance, not only to
France, but to Europe—not only to the present,
but to future generations—of the mission
intrusted to NAPOLEON 111. it is not difficult to

recognise, lie is now, at this supreme moment

placed by -.PROVIDENCE i,a atßolijon of awful

responsibility akin to that of the pilot
whose hand is on the helm of a mighty vessel laden
with men and treasure, drifting upon the breakers.
He cannot arrest the course of events, but he can
guide his ship to safety or destruction. It is a posi-
tion, indeed, solemn enough to inspire the most
danutless with dismay.

The EMPEROR rightly feels that only faith
in the help of HEAVEN, and a sense
of duty to be done, can uphold the possessor of such
a weighty charge. From some other remarks
which occur in this, discourse the EMPEROR,
in theory, at least, recognises some of
those liberal rights which the truest friends
of his dynasty would be glad to see him

adopt yet further in practice. " The circ:e
of our Constitution," he says, " has been widely
traced ; every honest man can move within it at
his ease. Exclusion no longer exists." M.
TRIERS himself could hardly describe more
emphatically the blessings of a free con-
stitution and of a liberal Government than does
the EMPEROR. But beneath "the glove of velvet"
may unmistakeably be recognised " the hand
of iron," the firm grasp of which has
proved of essential service to France in her hour of
need, but which, let us hope, may ere long be some-
what relaxed in the wise fulfilment of the Ear-
PEROR'S recognised " mission."

After what has occurred the remarks of the Com-
mander-in-Chief are not to be wondered at, but at
the same time it cannot bat be matter of regret
that such a decision should have been come to at
head-quarters. The result must prove disastrous in
every reepect to the dignity and the reputation of
our army. This case of Colonel CRAWLEY is almost
unparalleled in the annals of military trials, and the
favouritism which has been shown to him is quite
extraordinary. Many may feel inclined to ask
why the court-martial to)k place in this country
at all. It would have been better either to have
refused to appoint one at all, or else to have ar-
ranged for it to take place in India. It is merely
a mockery to make a show of conceding to popular
opinion and then to allow things to come to such
a pass. The epitome of these remarks may be
summed up in a few words—namely, that all those
who have appeared conspicuously against the
accused are severely censured, and acquainted with
their impending removal from the regiment. As
Colonel CRAWLEY is to resume the command,
perhaps the kindest thing to do to any of those
under his authority is to take them away. Bat the
slur thus publicly put upon their conduct is unfair
in the extreme. This is not the way to ensure
full and complete evidence at any future court-
martials that may take place. If it is once under-
stood that all who come prominently forward to
aid the prosecution of an accused party are to be
visited with extreme censure afterwards, it is vir-
tually ignoring the practice that a man has a
right to express his honest opinion, and thus places
a military trial in quite a different category to other
tribunals. It cannot be that these strictures and
these harsh measures on those who at the worst
are trivial offenders, while the prime mover and
the chief offender is not only acquitted, but in a
manner complimented,can meet with the approval or
inspire the confidence of experienced and attentive
observers of public events. They must view with
alarm a course of proceeding which will rouse the
indignation and awaken the opposition of
all at all disposed to cavil at authorities, or to
question the validity of their decisions. The
disaffected may ask of what avail is all this ma-
chinery, and to what end does this military meek-
anism exist if it is impossible to remove the influ-
ence of prejudice, and to arrive at a clear decision
when tyranny and cruelty have been practised.
The English public did not care to know that no
censure was to be applied to the actors in the tragic
and unworthy scenes at Mhow, and that all that an
indignant Parliament, a warning press, and scan-
dalised public opinion could effeet was to bring into
discredit these officials who presumed to give evi-
dence against one whose actions had called forth
the severest censure that has for years been bestowed
upon any individuai in such a position. It is no
use to temporise matters, by intimating to the
Lieutenant-Colonel that it is expected he will prove
by tact and judgrr ant that the " painful experience
of the past has not been lost upon him." If, as the
verdict of the court would have it, he has been un-
justly accused ali along, what reason exists for him
to recall the late events us a warning ; and if, o❑
the other hand,he is not clear of the imputation cast
on him of having exerted his authority in a tyran-
nical form, and taken advantage of circumstances
to a degree that was unwarrantable, and altogether
displayed a harshness and hardness of conduct that
is unbecoming one in his position, why then there
seems no cause why he should be more careful. He
can hardly, on his return to India, adopt a more
cruel course than that he pursued towards the un-
fortunate Sergeant-Major LILLEY, and if such
actions come under the sanction of the law, he need
hardly be very scrupulous or circumspect if he is
provoked or perplexed with those under his corn

mand. When we read the passage in the remarks,
that discipline must, under all circumstances,
be maintained, it occurs to the mind that this sen-
timent may be carried too far, and be productive of
sad and serious resuits. Order is Heaven's just law,
it has been said, but might not the poet with more
truth have mentioned justice as holding the pri-
mary place. Tne extreme of strictness, and the
acme of regularity may give rise to great harshness
of proceeding, and cause effects alike disastrous and
disgraceful. Not one of these here censured but
will be indignant at their rebuke, while the Colonel
is vindicated and oven congratulated as it were. Too
soon angry feelings give rise to heart-burning, and
altogether to kindle discord and disaffection, is not
a politic course, nor one that will prove to be pro-

ductive of the fear that inspires respect, and the

judgment tint contests opinion.

The chief shame

of this lamentable affair appertains to the autho

rities in India. Nothing can excuse their partia

line of conduct throughout, and their determined

upholding of Colonel CRAWLEY has insensibly, bu

most decidedly, influenced the opinion of those in

this country. The result is a subject of deep regret

and it is doing no service to anyone concerned in
the affair to say it will all come right, and the
worst is over. It is quite the reverie; it has esta-

blished a precedent, and given rise to disquietude

in the minds of many, and it will be very long be_
fore this important case is forgotten. It has proved
one thing beyond a doubt, that the present mili-
tary system of this country is most defec-

Live, and that the sooner a thorough change

is effected the better it will be for the interests of

justice, and the general satisfaction of the public.

According to present arrangements there is no tri-
bunal where the friends of those in the lower ranks

of the army may look for redress in cases of wrong

or injury done to them. If an appeal is made it is

considered a mark of disrespect, and a breach of

discipline, and if an inquiry is instituted it ends in
all who have power to act concurring in the
opinion that the matter had better rest where it is,

for fear the requisite rules and regulations may be
infringed by a censure on a superior officer. Such

is virtually the case as regards the present mode of

procedure, and it does seem hard that an English

citizen, whose civil rights are the wonder and admi-
ration of the world, should become shorn of his

privileges and deprived of his safeguards, because

he enters the ranks of our army to fight for our
liberties and to endure hardship, privation,

and toil. It has been a mismanaged affair
throughout ; but painful as was the impres.

sion that the first recital of the events occa-

sioned, it is rendered tenfold more poignant by

the reflection that it has gone forth to the world

that, from the high places of command, such pro-

ceedings have been sanctioned as legal, and that

the powers that be have fully and honourably ac-

quitted the offender. Without any disrespect to
His Royal Highness the Field Marshal Command-

ing-in,Chief, who has doubtless been influenced by

incompetent advisers, and whose conduct has always
been productive of unqualified approval from all
quarters, it is not going too far to say that the late
Duke of WELLINGTON would have taken a decided
stand upon this matter. The whole of the Mhow
proceedings would have called forth his strongest
censure, and the arrest of LILLEY would never have
been passed over by one who, during his long con-
nection with the Army, was often accused of coldness
and want of sympathy by his officers, but who never
failed in exercising and exacting the strictest justice
towards the humblest in the ranks. This is the
only true principle on which to govern, for rules
and regulations can be of great value in sending
forth a concentrated and well organised army, but
they are but the guinea stamp, after all ; the ster-
ling metal may exist independent of their orna
ment, or they may be the supersciiption on a coun-
terfeit coin.

The Danish Government is at last weary of con-
cessions, and appears resolved to try what effect an
open declaration that the limits of its patience are
nearly reached will hive upon the German in-
truders. It has announced in plain and unmistake-
able language that the passage of the Eider will be
regarded as a casus belli under whatever form it may
be attempted or whatever pretext may be put forward
to disguise its real intentions. Denmark is willing
to accept Earl RUSSELL'S proposed Conference,
having nothing to fearfrom an assembly which can
scarcely call treaties and forms of renunciation mere
waste paper, but this consent, too, is made condi-
tional on the undisputed possession of the Eider.
The advance of Federal troops to whatever na-
tionality they may belong, from Holstein into
Schleswig, will be looked upon as a sign for the
commencement of hostilities, and in such a case
Denmark is resolved " to enter on the war with all
energy and to prosecute it as long as the resources
of the country will permit." This language leaves
no doubt of its meaning, and it is not used too soon.
The menacing tone and continual encroachments of
the Diet have been in no wise modified by the
efforts of Denmark in favour of conciliation and
peace. It has now arrived at the conclusion justly
stated by Earl RUSSELL, that if a struggle is to
come Denmark had better fight while she yet re-
tains her strength, and not suffer herself to be
dismantled in a vain hope of avoiding war. The
execution in Holstein has been turned to such good
account by the enemies of the King, that it is
scarcely likely an extension of it would be suffered
by the most complaisant Government. It is well
that Denmark has at last assumed her proper atti-
tude, relying no longer on the doubtful support
of her allies or on the moderation of her
aggressors, and boidly declaring that she will stand
or fall by the maintenance of her national integrity.
Such a warning does not come too soon, for in the
sitting of the Diet on the 14th the Austro-Prussia❑
proposal was to the effect that the Confederation
should demand the suspension of the November
Constitution, and, in case of a refusal on the part of
Denmark, proceed to the military occupation of
Schleswig. It was suggested that the forces which
would be required for the occupation of Schleswig
should be raised to the necessary strength. This
sage and moderate proposal was lost by a vote of 11
to 5, upon which Austria and Prussia declared that
they would take the matter in hand themselves.
Whether both of them might not see reason very
quickly to repent of any such proceeding, is a ques-
tion that may very safely be asked. The conduct
of Prussia in this matter has been such as entirely
to alienate from her those sympathies which were
readily called forth by her struggle for constitu-
tional liberty. The Prussians can, it seems, make
great professions and persevering efforts on behalf
of their own constitution, but they have little regard
for the rights of other nations. They can declaim
about the requirements of the Germans in Schleswig
and Holstein, while the political wants of the Poles
in,Posen are very little heeded. There is plenty of
room for reform at home in East and West Prussia,
before they need extend their care to the banks of
the Eider. It is much to be regretted that the
young Prince, whose connection with our Throne
has made him an object of special interest, and who
was supposed to be a friend of liberality and mode-
ration, should have espoused the cause of the Prince
of AUGUSTENBURG. It is a political error on his
part, as it will incline Europe to look upon him
as an aggressor and a breaker of treaties, while it
will forfeit the favour of the English people, whom
he may hereafter have to turn to for alliance and
aid. Lord RUSSELL has spoken out strongly to
Saxony; we trust he will carry his remonstrances a
little further, and inform those diplomatists at
Vienna and Berlin, whose influence has sometimes
proved so fatally fascinating to him, that
England is prepared to support Denmark
in her resolution to preserve the north of
the Eider inviolate, and that any infrac-
tion of the Treaty of 1852 will be regarded
as a sign for the recal of the English ambassador.
In his communication of Deo. 17 to Mr. MURRAY,
our representative at Dresden, Earl RUSSELL very
properly points out the absurdity of the statement
of the German Powers that their subscription to the
Treaty of 1852 was no longer binding, as Denmark
had failed to keep her engagements with them.
" The entire basis of treaty arrangements in Europe
would be overthrown if such an excuse for the
breach of a clear and simple treaty could be ad•-
rnitted. Any Sovereign might say—' My reason
for withdrawal from such a treaty was that I had
made another agreement with one of the parties
thereto. This other agreement has been violated;
my treaty with you is therefore null and void."
But it is useless to argue against a conviction
founded on interest and ambition. The wolf is

never at a loss for an excuse to eat his lamb, and
Count PITzRUM, in his reply to Earl RUSSELL,
appears to overlook the fact that the efforts of the
father of MARIA THERESA to obtain the consent not
only of the great Powers, but of the Estates and
Assemblies of his own realms, by no means pre-
vented FREDERICK of PRUSSIA from quietly ap-
propriating that fair province of Silesia which is to
this day incurporated in the Prussian monarchy.
Truly an exact observance of the professions of two
or three hundred years ago, and a rigid application
of those principles whose observance Prussia insists
upon at Copenhagen, would prove very awkward at
Berlin. It is rumoured, with what correctness is
uncertain, that France intends encouraging the Diet
in its resistance to the Treaty, and thus still further
to complicate matters. "Light but one beacon and
the hills shag blaze," The first soldier who croeses

he Eider may apply the torch to a conflagration

hat shall extend through Europe. It is the sense

of the vast and uoertain results that makes the

combatants hesitate to strike, but Denmark at least

has learned the truth so ill appreciated by our

Cabinet that a firm front, and a due preraration for
war, is the best means of securing peac2. The de-

spised Schleswig-Holstein question is now absorb-

ng the attention of Europe, and the great question

of peace or war still remains unanswered, while the
doors of the temple of JANus swings doubtfully on
their hinges.

Madlle. Augusta Thompson, who will be recol-
lected as having gained the first prize for singing at the
Conservatoire two seasons ago, has since been pursuing her
musical studies in Paris. She has this week left for Scot-
land, where !lob engaged for a aeries of Glasgow concerts!