The Sun.
London, England, 1852-07-27 00:00:00

T 8 UN, LON DON,

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

/LOANING PAPEYS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—Tae true claims of public men to public
honour are eztremeli difficult to certify. Even in re-
spect to the great characters of the last century, there is
hardly yet tarhepe an agreement of opinion. So rapid,
in the French revolution, were the changes of popular
Isentiment that the Convention was forced, for mere
decency's sake, to decree that no (Adz we should be re-
warded with nations' acknowledgments till -ten years
after his decease. The canonization of a Popish saint
has been defered, we believe, by.Pepal ordinances, for a
still longer period of historical probation; and it needs
very little argument to show the propriety of the rule.
Yet, though barely two years hews elapsed since the
death of Sir Ruben Peel, we find his memory already
honoured by the spontaneous tributes of a whole people,
and so uniform, indeed, has been the consent of admira-
tion, that the inauguration of the Tamworth statue,
which we reported on Saturday, suggested no expression
but that of general satisfaction. It was too :late to
deteant on Sir R. Peel's public character. The eulogy
had been already pronounced by the voice of the nation,
and symbolised by the visible prosperity of the country.
There still, however, remains a question for history to
solve—how far has this gratitude been truly merited?
When the legislation of 1846 is reviewed by writers who
will look upon Free-traders and Protectionists as Mere ab-
stract symbols of anhncient feud, what will be the judgment
upon the statesman who, by his own private resolution,
changed the social and financial aspect of a mighty king-
dom? It is hazardous to anticipate such a verdict, but
epsculations are free, and we may venture on the expe-
riment. As to the essential wisdom of Sir Robert's
pulley there can be no longer any doubt. What he did
it has proved impossible for his most inveterate antago-
nists to undo. They have not been lacking either dispo-
sition or opportunities. A strong Parliamentary party
was formed and maintained upon the single principle of
reversing, modifying, or compensating the acts of 1846.
In the usual course of constitutional occurrences they
have come into power, and according to the ordinary
measure of such power they ought now to be competent
to realize their views. But never was the contrast between
party mechanism and public opinion more conspicuously
displayed.' While protection was marshalling its comba-
tants in Parliament, Free Trade was _ doing its work out
of doors; and, before Mr. Disraeli could put the question
in " constitutional" form, it bad been definitely settled
by the experience and acclamations of the people.
Protectionists were fain to go to the husting3 with
the preliminary confession that protection was impos-
sible, and with solemn avowals that they entertained no
intentions of reverting to an exploded policy. Neither
can it be said that these feelings were partial, for, al-
though everybody might not have been satisfied, the
" contents" did clearly form so large a numerical majo-
rity of the people as to compel the recognition of states-
men. This, indted, was the true point of Protectionist
weakness. Considering how powerful a party Mr.
Disraeli succeeded in maintaining, and how nearly he
could balance his adversaries in a Parliamentary divi-
sion, it was nothing less than the known convictions of
the unrepresented messes which could have restrained
his decision. There is no possibility of denying that
the legislation of 1846 has prodigiously improved the
finances of the kingdom, has been followed by a gene-
ral prosperity without example, and has hitherto so ap-
proved itself to the public mind as to be beyond reach
of reversal. To the argument that this prosperity and
satisfaction will soon have an end we can, of
course, make no reply, for prophecies are necessarily
unasseilable ; but we do not see how the must
stubborn Protectionist can deny that the people, up to
this moment, are so thoroughly satisfied with free
trade as to render even Parliamentary strength
completely powerless before public opinion. Tuts
legislation, therefore, of Sir Robert -Peel was essentially
good—so good, indeed, that it would be difficulty to fled
any single act of gay legislator so wonderfully Justified
by its results. But, considering Sir Robert's circum-
stances and obligations, was his private- resolution
equally justifiable? The party of which he was the
itteccti;licitthboesechionwcesal
anded
head had been formedp,ro
general principle ofo nordi-
nances which he boldly overthrew. Was• he warranted
in thus " betraaing" it? That the first duty of a
Minister is to hie country and the second only to his
party, is what not even the most bigoted partisan would
venture to deny, end, if free trade is the blessing which
it appears to be, it becomes a direct conclusion that any
statesman would have been justified in securing such ad-
vantages to the country at any expense to his Parha-
m-cutesy followers. Parties, even in their most exalted
sense, can be nothing but mere instruments of Govern-
ment, and, if the ends of Government are to be'
sacrificed to its instruments, it is hard to see what is
gained by any Government at all. Sir Robert Peel
sagaciously descried the practical necessity of the
time. He concluded that the corn-laws must be
repealed, and that his conclusion was eminently just
has been now proved, not only by the experience of
millions, but by the involuntary confessions of his ene-
mies. He repealed them, therefore, in spite, rather than
by the aid of his own party; but what becomes of a
party's boasted claims if it can do nothing more than
impede the exercise of superior wisdom? Is there any'
man in the kingdom who, after the budgets of the last
six years—Mr. Disraek's included—will say that Sir
Robert Peel ought to have withheld these blessings from
the country out of respect to party understandings? We
might safely leave the question in this form, but we con-
ceive the occasion suggests a rather broader generaliza-
tion. In plain terms, we are much of opinion that all
measures of large popular benefit—all measures which
consult the advantages of the many at the expense of
the few—must necessarily be carried by some breach of
Parliamentary punctilio. It has been said that every thing
should be done for the people, but nothing by them, and
there is some truth, as all history tenches us, in e as-
sumption that the masses are not always the best
judges even of their own immediate interests. This
maxim of political science, therefore, would seem to
warrant the confinement of representative institutions
within narrower limits than pure theory would sug-
gest, but it can only be carried out with practical
success when the administrators of Government recollect
their unseen obligations, and give due thought to the'
interests which are unrepresented by votes. It is cer-
tain that the House of Lords did not approve the Re-
form Bill, and almost as notorious, perhaps, that Sir
Ruben Peel's House of Commons did not really desire
the repeal cf the corn laws. In each case a measure of
real justice and incidental necessity was carried by the
impulse of Ministerial power after Minhsters, had been
impressed by the popular will. Of this impression the
few and responsible members of a Government are
naturally more susceptible than the numerous and irre-
sponsible members of a Parliamentary Legielature, and
they act accordingly. They are in advance of their
party, and they discern duties to which their followers
are blind. In the common course of events the machine
may work smoothly, but at conjunctures of periodical
recurrence even " great parties', must submit to be told
that a still greater party demands the preferential atten-
tion of their leaders. The safety of our constitution lies
in these its selftcontradietions. Parliament represents
the people not by arithmetical computation of veto, but
because, yielding to impulses from above or without, it
records occasional conclusions against its own views and
wishes. For ono of the greatest of these state opera-
tions the country has to thank Sir Robert Peel; for
others it may possibly have to thank the bitterest critic
Sir Robert Peel's measure.
THE PROTECTIONIST PARLIAMENT.
HERALD.— We arc always pleased to have a little
amicable discussion with our opponents, on our mutual
and o ' ppost
hjoesog prospects, and
woe s, Ivh henceig
friendaei
nr readily
last
t replynigb
tt,o3
the point,
made by
heo our
paper. The
only
ihnavthee taortiocifle to which offer
to his
statement is, th at
he replies, to be acimitti
questionably did not athonft.cerlvn things which we un-
or twice, that we were allowing ethseaiLd;eret writers and
more than once
talkers to state the case in their ow b
wa3
even as so stated we did not see how they could
reach reed that
satisfactory result. The reply of our Whig friend ch a
is as
follows:--
"It•
iii worth remarking, that the Ministerial mani-
festo, to which we have above Made allusion, while, for
the sake of argument,. it accepts our premises, rejects our
conclusions. Conceding the fact of a Ministerial rai-
noritty, it denies that Ministers need therefore turn out.
For, it says, if Lord John Russell were sent for, the
first question he must be asked by her Majesty would
be, how he proposed to govern now, with a majority of
twenty or thirty, when he could not govern last Feb-
ruary with a hundred?
" We take note that the Ministerial organ puts such
queetions, as a significant indication of Ministerial pre-
sentiments. But, in the aame of Cocker, if the Libe-
rals cannot resume power with a majority at their
back how can the Derby-Disraelites retain it with a
minority ?"
We concede" no such fact, but we say, suppose that the
strength of parties shall
rove to be as you state it, i. e.,
twat the Government has only 300. or 305 votes in the
House of Commons—what follows? Lord John Russell
could not help resigning, when Mr. Disraeli had but 260
supporters; will he now be able office,and to resume
retain office, when g•
former 260? To tit' his
opponent has 300 in lieu of his
13 the rejoinder is "If the Liberals
cannot resume power with a '
Tajority at their back, how
can the Derbyitea retain it minority?" Facts are
here hidden under phrases. Liberals have a i'l
ma-
jority, so they say. Now,
our
practical difficulty was
this:—Say that they have
a majority for one vote—a
vote against Lord .Derby—we doubt the fact greatly—
but let it be assumed. 'Our next question is, what one
step can " the Liberals" take beyond To
this? outvote
end dismiss a Ministry is one thing; but it
nugatory,
except you can set up. a new Ministry . in
its room. Now, how is this to , be done?
Your " Liberal majority"
is made up of several
classes besides the pure Whigs and Radicals. Are the
few Peelites conciliated? Li their place in the next
Whig Ministry allotted? Have Lord Ralmerston and
Lord John Russell made up their differences? And,
above all, have the minions of M`flala cud,g,
and
Wiseman agre- d to support a Russell Administration?
In the latest Irish election proceedings we meet with such
language as the following. At the Tipperary neuttga.
lion a priest, called—
" The Very Rev. Dr. Burke, said, Ireland was always
treated in The same manner, whether the Government
places were held by Whigs or Tories, by the renegee,,
Russell or scorpion Stanley.—(Deep
add prolonged
groaning- ) But one Government after another have
felt the effect of the manner in which lrollitnd was
troeted—one Government after another have been made
to
feel that Ireland could not be so treated with impu-
ttY.--(Lotid cheers.) Yes, and one Government after
!mother shall still be made to feel that Ireland cannot
eggunjuetly treated with but that so long ai
is
an, impunity;
...m.
lastly Heated'shall ,be the
cult, ov
sshe gt ct at
• The renegade
01 baaobeen
made to feel this; scorpion bootie)"
) liatise. to feel it in his turn,—(Voeiferoes cheer-
alter the ,c tic;; bv: which he offered
outrage to the feelinandafter j Bill by which he
I sought to
o_ ~Ds es,
AU au 'the religion of the Catholic millions

of the Mali people, and of their fellow-Catholics in Eng-
land aid Scotland, was discarded,—(Hear, hear, and re=
newod cheerier.) Scorpion Stanley shall owe his down-
fall to a similar cause." •
There will, probably be forty or fifty men returned from
Ireland by priests of this sort. These forty or fifty
agents of .111‘Hale and Cullen will agree in a vote against
Lord Derby. But what will their votes be, when a Rus-
sell lilinistry asks their. aid? Their immediste demand
will be, " Reneal the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill;"—a de-
mand which Lord Jahn Busteli cannot even pretend to
comply with. Taking, then, these three elements of
discorctitito view, the'Peelites to be treated with; 2,
the Palmerston party, however-small, to be conciliated;
and, 3, the Lucasses, Mays, Bradya, and MacGuires
to be • bought over,—msy we• not well say, that
to brink this "'Liberal majority " into the form
of an Admi.nistration will prove a task even ex-
ceedingthe temerity of tr Russell? But, it is asked,
"If the "majority
is the minority to do it?" We again repeat., that we do
not scrinit tho fact•that Lord Derby will be in a mi-
nority.' But,'-should it area turn out that he has but
305 votes in the new House of Commons, we meet the
questien by this plain answer. He will carry on the
Goverfinceut, as a public duty, because he will he at the
head of the strongest party in the House. Let the
ilouse.df Commons'consiat of--1

305 Consorvativoi
15 Eli'elite4.
180_ Whigs, .
85 Radical 4,
45- trigh BiTgide,

25 Neutrals,— -
it maysand probably will, be soon found that no other
pirty •but the Conservatives can carry on the Govern-
ment. And in this atm° of things it may become a plain
duty, obvious to ail, and . denied by none, that Lord
Derby•and bis Cabinet should, amidst whatever diffieul-
ties, abido by the helm and steer the vessel through
what all will admit to boa very intricate and dangerous
channel.

DAILY NEWS.—Australia has decidedly risen in
the emigration market since the discovery of .its gold
fields. Looking beck on the emigration records of
former years, it is clear that all the exertions of enthu-
siastic colonisers to turn upon Australian shores a mo-
dicum of the stream of emigration flowing perennially
from this country to America had been a comparative
failure. Australia was distant—to emigrate thither
appeared a step that could not be retracted—in...short,
the sum total of emigration to. the southern colonies
bore a small proportion to the sum total of emigration
to the United States and the Canadas. But the tales of
" the diggings" have set all the world agog; and there
is nowsuch a squeezing-and jostling to get off to that
El Dorado that the emigrants' discomforts begin before
they -quit their native pores. Now we have no wish
whatever to damp this spirit of enterprise. In Australia
thereis more elbow room than in this our crowded old
country; men can get on there with less of capital, with
less of toil and heart-siokening. hope-delay; we said so
before the gold-fields were discovered, and we say so
still. But we would fain whisper in the ears of san-
guine adventurers that their prospects of attaining with.
comparative ease in that, remota region to indepeudence
and "berm' are not. materially increased by the
discovery of gold deposits there-' and that they had
better not make, as poor Dick Whittington did,
the gold too prominent and exclusive an object of their
calculations for the future. Gold is doubtless a very
pretty. commodity. And in .a country where there is
abundance of other elements. of wealth, to be had in
exchange for it, pockets full of gold are not .to- be de-
spised: But they whoset their hearts on gold, and gold
alone; if placed an a position to acquire and store up as
much of it as their hearts can desire, are extremely liable
to realise the fable of Midas—to starve among their
stores of gold,- and 0 deserve the ass's ears which
sprouted out on the head of that sapient monarch whom
much less profitablefisoecnksse,
the gods cursed ley granting his prayer, that everything
ho touched might be turned to that precious metal. The
mania will in limo cure itself, but atlampurraces:edannt,itheardtist-o
and
dw
corery of the gold-fields line set the wits of all Aus-
rhaalhialahawyoowlgearethe..hreinagre—iitia :as
made.
Some few years
bwaicthk •athhelimAituedstrraalinagnes
owfereparsitchhreinwhheerredhsn
stock-
masters might rear as many sheep and cattle as they
pleased. Wool, tallow, hides, and so forth, were
produced in
calufnodratonicoathodexlupxourtrieins
weaheichhantgheefmorantub.e
the • mother country produce. Food was
thperofil:btlereliincvs"tc; etnhte;
wages were high; the
the- penniless labourer soon earned enough to convert
. epiat'a jll i); t-; ;a
cheapsfam necessaries,atlt capitalist npdd lir
smalls il? Vo u found supplied
a.
shtiamte i_nietfu soacieter produced by convict transportation
were disappearing; Australia was as comfortable a har-'
bour of refuge as the poor man could desire. But since
the gold fever has broken out, the ploughman has left
his• plough in -the furrow, the herdsman has left his
master's cattle and sheep untended, the clerk has fled
from his ledger with entries half-made, all settled in-
dustry is-paralysed and disturbed, men of all classes are
scraping for gold with pickaxe and shovel, exposing
themselves to unwoated privations, now accumulating
sudden wealth,, now. toiling laboriously for nothing.
Nomadic hordes of gamblers are setting all their pros-
pects in life upon a chance in the gold regions. The
confluence of the worst members of society, the rude,
grasping habits acquired even by those of better dispo-
sitions, and the absence of. a sufficient police, are ren-
dering the Australian El Dorado anything but a safe or
comfortable residence for respectable members of society.
We repeat that we insist upon these facts not to deter
intending emigrants from proceeding to Australia. This
social disarrangement can. only be temporary, and they
who are forewarned of it may turn it to profitable ac-
count. Owing to the seductiens of the mining districts,
the demaed for labourers and clerks has become greater
than ever in the more settled districts of Australia, and the
remuneration for steady industry has proportionately
augmented. We would have einigrante keep this in view,
and arrange their plans rather with a view to fill up the
vacuum lett by the gold hunters, than to stake every-
it enable
thing upon the chance of their being able to pick up
awl den wealth in " the diggings." Fortunes rapidly
of adventurers wile
wthhoe
made are as apt to be rapidly spent. Extraordinary
luck is the lot in this world only of the few. The wealth
that is acquired more -slowly by steady industry its more
leetifig, fur the habits contracted in acquiring
men to retain and use it more wisely. There is it story
we have somewhere read of a party
foulnve who,
un-
moved lured from Spain to the Now World, when the
tales of Cortes and Pizarro made. it as attraotive to
A Castiliansng t 0 s Angle-Norman
;nn as
n race. California
As soon
nAausstErhaletya
to the gold
hy rtehgei oancso withacorn
ahtdh e
gibesex c e p toifo ah
joof
sought
work to till it, as he might have done on the plains
out a piece of fertile ground near the coatt
of Etlrmadura. The gold seekers penetrated into
the interior. and, after a prolonged absence, re.
turned with rich store of gold, but worn altd ema-
ciated with privations and desperately hungry. Their
old friend refused to impart of the produce of hie farm
except in return for their .gold, and the prices he fixed
upon his corn, flesh and wine were exorbitant ; but
they were starving, no other dealer in these commodi-
ties was nigh, and their pockgs were 80on emptied. We
pass over details. The prudent tiller of the soil explained
sole object 'to his angry friends that his . _ _ t had been to se-
cure them from perishing with all their wealth, and
teach them practically the true use and value of gold.
They ,then
shared their acquisitions in brotherly-. fashion,
'and reinraed all of them wealthy men to their native
Spain. The moral of this story is one that our
nume-
rous Australian emigrants would do well to lay to lieut.
--.—__.

theca
MORE TELEGRAPHS.
A very brief period will elapse before Belfast is placed
nkeinagt.dommse,
in direct communication with the three capitals of
of the coati-
at pre,tut in
progress, and will nut,
aassurells'alitoas
we are satisfied, meet--
with impediment or procrastination. The schemef
this
sth
ethifeecteapairteale
telegraph actually agreed to by the
new company takn°
in Dover, London, Birmingham, Wolverhampton s'a
Manchester, .Bolton, W.
0 igan, Liverpool, pres,l
Carlisle, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Greenock 'Tv
Great Britain • and Donaghadee, Belfast, ij,il.sila
lie, Gahm-,
y Limerick, Tipperary, Waterford, Cork------
and the intermediate towns in Ireland. Lines t• ,
wires are in daily operation between Liverpe °I
eivo.i3;
gan, Bolton, and Manchester ; a six-wire-lin()„' ;'."
extend from the latter city to London and-ri ,'' to
from Liverpool to Carlisle the line, whi:hy'rer;
subterranean, consists of four wires, --"
is
and
Portpatriek to Donaghades the company h from
ready made the preliminary arrangements for al"
merging a series of Oix insulated wires, pre or sub.
made by the same etetinent engineers by pared
and
Dover and Calais cable ryas fabricated. The t whom the
line between Dublin and Golway has already filvv"ire
most ample satisfaction to the directors of thn't-71!I the
railway; and the came may be said of all the Intat, of
lines which the company have cnnatrueted in En°i-er.
and Scotland. We may state that the schenie-g'and
projected the company intend shall be carried oat
most fully, and, we will add, in a vary ehort time h out
As a proof of this assertion, it may be added ence.
the wires for the Irish inland lines are at ~,res that
the Ulster Railway terminus ; that the ent at
for the County Down line are also at the ei_wiree
Dovvu Railway Company's terminus ; and %-,0
tT'at"thY
cables for immersion across the Channel are at e
Gates-
head, at the Messrs. Newell's works, underpin_
g theencase
them. Inside the external iron wire casing .
coating of gutta paella, in which the wires 6 13
a
of
enclosed by Air, Statham, theT Gatti'
,Perche
Company, some time since. .
~.he process at
the Messrs. Newali's must be nearly, if not etready com-
pleted; pleted ; and, on that being done, and
the tewires tested, it
only remains to carry
.the Fop? to .„ harbour, and lay it
across. That this finai opera ion will be attended with no
discomfiture that skill and abliltY can avert, is suMeienfiY
guaranteed by the Seeress ei‘.te'Ddiil3,g on the great aehieve-
meat of the Dover and Calais Submarine Telegraph—ail
enduring monument of their abelitykin coping with and
overeomieg obstacles which, to oeeer eyes, seem
_well
nigh impossible. That the company are entitled tol
evk‘ry respect and confidence we can aesure our re%don.
We have the authority of Mr. W.:Voile, of the
Northern Bank, for elating that the proprietors are
gentlemen Of the highest standing in the commercial
circles of Ezgland. What they engage to do 'there
is no doubt but they will perform; and, under these
circumstances, we promiq) ourselves the Pleasure of
shortly congratulating cur friends on the completion of
thoo
important undertaking that is to place us in in.
staateueous communication with the principal seers of
commerce in the world.-IVorthern W. •

As some %rot-lit:nen a few days since were erZvat.
ing atßalliol Col!ege fQr . the new buildings, a jug or urn,
of potter's clay, war. dug up. It bad a handle, and is sup_
posed to belong to the teign of the First or Second Edward.
It was found among some bones, but none were inside the
vessel.--eaford Chronicle.