The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-11 00:00:00

THR SUN, LONDON, TEURSDAY EVENItsTG, NOVEMBER

Average Amount
Rochester, Chatham, and Strood Bank Roches-
ter—Day and Nicholson
RRyugebilyaßukagnkv,yeßfpboym—frßetu tlai
and
dand o Son 7,872
10,737
17,365
Ross (Ad Bank, Herefordshire, Ross—Pritchard
and Allaway
Saffron Walden and North Essex Bank, Saffron
Walden—Messrs. Gibson
Salop Bank, Shrewsbury—Burton, Lloyd, and
Co
Scarborough Old Bank, Scarborough—Woodall
and Co
Shrewsbury Old Bank, and Shrewsbury and
Ludlow Bank, Shrewsbury—Rocke, Eytons,
and Co
Sittingbourne and Milton Bank, Sittingbourne
—Valiance and Son 3,868
Southampton Town and County Bank, South-
ampton—Aaddiann and Pearce 13,105
Southwell Bank, Southwell—Wylde and Co.
Southampton and Hampshire Bank, Southamp-
ton—Atherly and Fall . . 3,390
Stone Bank, Stone—W. Moore 405
Stafford Old Bank, Stafford—Stevenson and Co 11,378
Stamford and Rutland Bank, Stamford—Eaton,
Cayley, and Co. ..
Stourbridge Old Bank, Stourbridge—Bate and
Robins
Shrewsbury and Welshpool Bank, Shrewsbury
—Beck, Downward, and Co.
Taunton Bank, Taunton—Messrs. Badcock 26,023
Tavistock Bank, Tavistock—Gill, Rundle, and

14,869

24,062

Co
Thornbury Bank, Thornbury—Rolph, Yates, and
Parslow
Tiverton and Devonshire Bank, Tiverton—Duns-
ford and Barne
Thrapston and Bettering Bank, Northampton-
shire, Thrapston—Yorke and Eland
Tring Bank and Chesham Bank, Tring—But-
cher and Son
Toweester Old Bank, Towceater—J. and S

12,500

Percival
Town and County of Poole Bank, and Ring-
wood and Poole Bank Ledgard and
Sons
Union Bank, Cornwall, Helston—Vivian and

. .
Co.
Uxbridge Old Bank, Uxbridge—Hull, Smith,

and Co. _
Wallingford Bank, Wallingford—Hedges & Co.
Warwick and Warwickshire Bank, Warwick—
Greenway and Co.
Wellington Somerset Bank, Wellington—For,

Brothers
West Riding Bank, Wakefield, and Pontefract
Bank, Wakefield—Leatham, Tew, and Co
Whitby Old Bank, Whitby—Simpson, Chap-
man, and Co
Winchester, Alresford, and Alton Bank, Win-
chester—Bulpett and Co.
Winchester and Hampshire Bank, Winchester
—Wickham and Co
Weymouth Old Bank and Dorchester Bang,
Weymouth—Elliott and Pearse
Wirkesworth and Ashbourne Derbyshire Bank,
Wirkesworth—Arkwright and Co. ...
Wisbech and Lincolnshire Bank, Wisbech—
Gurney and Co. •• •••
Wiveliscornbe Bank, Wiveliscombe—P. and W
Hancock
Wolverhampton Bank, Wolverhampton—Good-
ricke and Holyoake.
Worcester Bank, Worcester—Farley, Lavender,
and Co.
Worcester Old Bank and Tewkesbury Old Bank,
Worcester—Berwick, Lechmere, and Co
Worcestershire Bank, Kidderminster—Farley

6,664

_
and Turner
Walsall Old Bank, Walsall—CharlesFoster and

Sons
Warminster and Wiltshire Bank, Warminster—

Everett and Co.
Wolverhampton Bank, Wolverhampton—
Messrs. Fryer
Yarmouth and Suffolk Bank, and llalesworth
and Suffolk Bank, Yarmouth—Gurney.
Birkbeck, and Co. .
Yarmouth, Norfolk, and Suffolk Bank, Great
Yarmouth—Sir E. K. Lacon, Bart., and Co
York Bank. York—Swami, Clough, and Co

JOINT-STOCK BANKS.
Bank of Westmoreland, Kendal
Barnsley Banking Company, Barnsley
Bradford Banking Company, Bradford
Bilston District Banking Company, Wolver-

hampton
Bank of Whitehasen, Whitehaven
Bradford Commercial Banking Company, Brad-

ford
Burton, Uttoxeter, and Staffordshire Union
Banking Company, Burton-upon-Trent
Chesterfield and North Derbyshire Banking

Company, Chesterfield -
Cumberland Union Banking Company, Work-

ington .
Cheltenham and Gloucestershire Banking Com-
pany, Cheltenham
Coventry and Warwickshire Banking Company
Coventry
Coventry Union Banking Company, Coventry..•
County of Gloucester Banking Company. Chel--

6,840

9,032

7,360

9,042

11,075

13,515

9,331

10,470

6,278

44,599

13,22

22,127

16,434

34,78

43,254

7,148

11,515

8,823

79,227

10,200

580

11,418

9,864

14,920
7,692

25,242

5,740

37,48 9

11,4 f )9
45,6 32

9; 320
8, 732
47 ,210

►,472
3: 1,469

I 9,320

53,445

9,075

36,748

10,042

27,465
13,240

tenham
Carlisle and Cumberland Banking Company'
Carlisle
Carlisle City and District Bank, Carlisle
Dudley and West Bromwich 9anking Company,
Dudley
Derby and Derbyshire Banking Company, Derby 19,391
Darlington District Joint-Stock Banking Cons. •
pany, Darlington
East of England Bank, Norwich
Gloucestershire Banking Company, Gloucester . 153,206
Halifax Joint-Stock Bank, Halifax lB,BOB
Huddersfield Banking Company, Huddersfielt, t.. 36,258
Hull Banking Company, Hull . 25,882
Halifax Commercial Banking Company, H a-
lifax
Halifax and Huddersfield Union Banking C c ,m-
-pany, Halifax
Holston Banking Company, Helston ....... 1,361
Herefordshire Banking Company, Hereford
Knaresborough and Claro Banking Comp any,
Knaresborough
Kingsbridge Joint-Stock Bank, Kingsbridg, a 3,160
Lancaster Banking Company, Lancaster 58,757
...„
Leeds Banking Company, Leeds
Leicestershire Banking Company, Leicester 74,008
Lincoln and Lindsey Banking Company, Lin, lobs 49,606
Leamington. Priors and Warwickshire Ban], :ing
Company, Leamington Priors
Ludlow and Tenbury Bank, Ludlow 9,330
Moore and Robinson's Nottinghamshire Ba nk-
ing Corn pany, Nottingham 33,866
Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Bank ing
Company, Nottingham . . 29,072
Newcasti,e, Shields, and Sunderland Union Jo' int-

104,3U0

.... 23,358
18,771

Stock Banking Company, Newcastle
National Provincial Bank of England, Birming-
ham, Head-office, 112, Bishopsgate-str net,
London
North Wilts Banking Company, Melksham ~, 49,060
Northamptonshire Union Bank, Northampto tn., 73,537
Northamptonshire Banking Company, No rth-

1,240

ampton
North and South Wales Bank, Liverpool . 38,168
Pares's Leicestershire Banking Company, Lei-
nester... .
Saddleworth Banking Company, Saddlewortlh.., 2,046
Sheffield Banking Company, Sheffield 33,259
Stamford, Spalding, and Boston Banking COM-
48,177
StuP:kneYY'Sstßamanfokrindg Company, Bristol Somer•set-
shire Bank, and Somersetshire Bank, Lang.
port
Shropshire Banking Company, Shiffnall ...
Stourbridge and Kidderminster Banking Com-
pany, Stourbridge
Sheffield and Hallamshire Banking Company,
Sheffield ... • ...
Sheffield and Rotherham Joint-Stock Banking
Company, ShAiold
Swaledale and Wensleydale Banking Company,
Richmond . .
Storey and Tilias's Banking Company
Shaftesbury ... . .
Wolverhampton aild Staffordshire Banking Com-
pany, Wolverhampton 36,180
Wakefield and Barnsley Union Bank, Wakefield 13,423
Whitehaven Joint-Stock Banking Company,
Whitehaven
Warwick and Leamit-gton Banking Company,

• . _
Warwick . 31,166
West of Englan4 aud South Wales District
Bank. Bristol . .
Wilts and Dorset Banking Company, Salisbury 71,471
West Riding Union Banking Company, Hud-
dersfield
Whitchurch and Ellesmere Banking Company,
Whitohurch
Worcester City and County Banking Company,
Worcester , 5,927
York Union Banking Company, York 69,615
York City and County Banking Company, York 89,669
Yorkshire Banking Company. Leeds
P. DEANS, Registrar of Bank Returns.
Inland Revenue, Somerset House, November 6, 1852.

TES 'NEVI AND BREATH. Flow often do we find
the human face divine disfigured by neglecting the
Widest of its ornaments, and the breath made disa-
greeable to companions by non-attention to the Teeth?
Though perfect in their structure and composition, to
keep them in a pure and healthy state requires some
little trouble; and if those who are blessed with well-
formed teeth knew how soon decay steals into the mouth
makingt
h, e f autnalsighlhetly. what otherwise are delightful to ad-
unhealthiness by the impurity of
breath, they would spare no expense to chase away
of avoiding all
o flushes.
evf nßut although most ladies are
t''lheyaieerrteeff:awdaa nred tk ci designating
particular
powders of the
nature, and
satisfactory to
Pearl Dentifrice, as
elements, and ersinaetl
preserve the dental atrucytu
g eatly aware of the imperative necessity
the bleb
or mineral substances of an acrid
priech the greater part of the cheap tooth-
poinstent day are composed. It is highly 1
011 t A i
Preparationeessi reiabß ,t
feerlodiewi
es lhti tfornoadm sr:
allO d
perpetuatei on
embellishnj
ut or ,i
aonuo dsr
ranee to the breath, and 74 tmlii.fmiopuernrtalf: grateful Ira- 1
the graces of the m ,nth.--couerrut
nthpgeast five o'clucmk,, as two tae:
paveent, morning,a_ few., ~
MT3T BRUM Arreau,—
King William-street, to. `ZZegt Proceeding in a
body of a man lying (+nth trend, they dts
ether the poor f about half
way
knocked down by ems 1 down in.
a lit, or was at Present;
coveredcilla
ir
I It uatel
downos the street. tr t, n
quite a TOYIStrn

THE EMPIRE.

The following is the report of the commission
charged to examine the proposition relative to a
modification of the Constitution, conformably to

articles 31 and 32 :
" Messieurs les Senatours,—France, attentive and
excited, now demands from you a great political act.
You are called upon to put an end to her anxieties and
to secure ber future.
" But this act, however important, does not meet with
any of those great difficulties which obstruct the wis-
dom of legislators. You know the wishes expressed
by the Councils-General, the Councils of Arron-
dissement, and the addresses of the communes of
France,—wishes for stability in the Government of
Louis Napoleon, and for return to a political form
which has struck the world by the majesty of its power
and by the wisdom of its laws. You have heard
that immense petition of a whole people, following
in the footsteps of its liberator, and those enthu-
siastic cries, which may almost call a plebiscite by
anticipation, proceeding from the hearts of thousands of
agriculturists and workmen, manufacturers and trades-
men. Such manifestations make the task of statesmen

an easy one. There are circumstances in which fatal
necessities prevent the firmest legislator from acting in
harmony with public opinion and with his own reason;
other circumstances there are amidst which he wants
much reflection in order to solve questions on which
the country has not sufficiently decided. You, gentle-
men, are not exposed either to this constraint or to this
embarrassment. The national will urges you on and
supplicates you, and your vast experience tells you
tnat in yielding to her entreaties you will assist in re-
placing France in the paths which are suitable to her
.interests, to her grandeur, and to the imperious neces-
sities of her situation. All this is, in fact, explained by
the events which are being enacted before you.
" After periods of great political agitation, it always
happens that nations throw themselves joyfully into the
arms of the strong man whom Providence sends to them.
It war the fatigue of civil wars which made a monarch
of the conqueror of Actium; it was the horror of revo-
lutionary excesses as much as the glory of Marengo
which raised the imperial throne. In the midst of the
recent dangers of the country, this strong man stood
forth on the 10th of December, 1848, and on the 2d of
December, 1851, and France confided to him her stand-
ard, which was then declining. If, on this memorable
Tourney, which was nothing but a series of triumphs, she
has declared her will to confide it to him for ever, it is
because by his courage and by his prudence the man has
shown himself equal to the task; it is because, when a
nation feels itself tormented by the agitations of a stormy
Government, a necessary reaction leads it towards him
who can best secure order, stability, fled repose.
" Louis Napoleon, therefore, is in this wonderful situ-
ation,—that he alone holds in his hands these inestima-
ble gifts. He has, in the eyes of France, his immense
services, the magic of his popularity, the reminiscences
of his race, the imperishable remembrance of order, of
organiz ttion. and of heroism, which give a louder pul-
sation to the hearts of all Frenchmen. He revives in
the eyes of Europe the greatest name of modern days,
not only for the military triumphs with which his history
is so rich, but for chaining down the political and social
tempests, for endowing France with the conquests of
peace, and for strengthening and fertilizing the good
relations of States. Both at home and abroad it is to
h im that is attached a vast future of pacific labour and
or civilization. That futuro must not be at the mercy
of the chance of events and to the surprise of factions.
" Hence France demands the monarchy of the Empe-
ror; that is to say, order in revolution, and rule in de-
n iocracy. She wished it on the 10th of December, when
c he artifices of an inimical constituti n
o prevented the
people from expressing their opinion ; she desired it
again on December the 20th, when the moderation of a
noble character stifled the demand. But now the public
sentiment overflows like a torrent ; there are moments
when enthusiasm, too, has the right of solving political
Iquestions. For some time past visible signs announced
what must be the mission of Louis Napoleon, and the
provident reason of statesmen put itself in accordance
with the popular instinct in order to fix its charac-
ter. After the bitter sarcasm which put the heir to
a crown at the head of the Republic, it was evident that
France, still democratic by habit, never ceased to be
monarchical he her instincts, and that she wished for the
re-establishment of the monarchy in the person of the
Prince who revealed himself to her as the conciliator of
two ages and of two minds, the line of union of the Go-
vernment and of the people, the monarchical symbol of
organized democracy.
"At the end of the last century the preponderance of
the democratic element gave rise to a belief in speculative
or ardent minds that France ought to mark the new era
into which she had entered by a divorce between her
Government and the monarchical form. The Republic
was borrowed from the recollections of antiquity. But in
France political limitations seldom succeed. Our country,
although taxed with frivolity, is invincibly attached to
certain national ideas and to certain traditional habits, by
which it preserves the originality on which it prides
Itself. The Republic could not acclimatize itself on the
French soil. It perished by its own excesses, and it
only went into those excesses because the instincts of
the nation were averse to the new form of government,
The Republic was but an interregnum, brilliant abroad
and terrible at home, between two .nonarchies.
" At that period glory raised to power one of those
men who found dynasties and who traverse ages.
blouriehing on that new stein Franco beheld a mullet chy
suitable to modern times, and yielding to no other in its
grandeur and in its power. Was it not a great lesson to
see a similar fortune reserved 50 years after fora second
trial of the Republican form ? Is it not a striking
example of the perseverance of the French mind in
:flings which are like the substance of her political life ?
Is not the proot complete and decisive ?
" It will be the more so as the Irepsrial Monarchy has
all the advantages of the Republic without its dangers
The other monarchical regimes (the illustrious services of
which we will not depreciate,) have been accused of having
placed the throne too far from the people, and the Re-
public, boasting of its popular origin, skilfully en-
trenched itself against them in the masses, who thought
they were forgotten and overlooked. But the Empire,
stronger than the Republic, on democratic grounds,
removes that objection. IC was the Government which
the people most energetically supported, and most
deeply regretted. The people have again found it
in their memory to oppose it to the dreams of
idealogiets and to the attempts of perturbators. On
the one hand, it is the only one which can boast of ;he
right recognized by the old monarchy.--` That it is to
the French nation that it belongs to choose its King; on
the other, it is the only one which has not had quarrels
to settle with the people. When it disappeared in 1814,
it was not by a struggle of the nation against the Go-
vernment. The chances of an unequal foreign war
effected that violent divorce. But the people have never
ceased to see in the Empire their emanation and their
work ; and they placed it in their affections far above
the Republic—an anonymous and tumultuous Govern-
ment, which they remember much more by the violence
of its proconsuls than by the victories which were the
price cif French valour. ,
Tha t is why the Ndpoleonian monarchy absorbed the
Repub lie once, and why it must absorb it a second time-
The Republic is virtually in the Empire, by the contract-
like ch tracter of the institution, and by the oommunica-
don an d express delegation of power by the people. But
the Em pire is superior to the Republic, because it is also
the mot larchy, that is to say, the government of all con-
fided to the moderating action of one, with hereditary
successi on as a condition, and stability as its con-
eequenc as. Monarchy has the excellent quality of
yielding admirably to the progress of civilization; by
turns fc ,tidal, absolutist, and mixed, always old, and
always modern, it has only to reopen the era of
its dery incratic transformation which was inaugerated
by the . Emperor. That is what France now wishes; it
is what, is asked of you by a country fatigued with
utopian ideas, incredulous with respect to political ab-
straction s, and whose genius, a union of sound sense and
poesy, a s so constituted that it has no faith in power,
unless tt at power is revealed in the form of a hero or a
prince.
" Eves i if the love of Frenchmen for monarchy be only
a prejudice, it must be respected ; a people can only be
governed in accordance with its ideas. Bat it must in
particulat r be respected, because it is inspired by the
most ease )ntial necessities, and the most legitimate inte-
rests of I he country.
'• Fra a ce is a great State, desirous of presenting at
home a red abroad the force which a vast territory and
35,000 ( 100 of inhabitants give. She is both agri-
cultural and commercial. Notwithstanding the fer-
tility o: F her soil, she would be poor if manufactures
were no t to add immense personal to real capital, and if
the testi ) for polite enjoyments and moderate luxury did
not give to labour an aliment, and one which is always
new. I int labour, in order to arrive at the result of its
ventures i must needs be supported by so many advances
of funds, and such a persevering continuance of efforts,
that all s ,uccess would escape itelere interrupted or
troubled by the storms of a disquieting and subversive
erly and prosperous
any other form
. It requires stable institutions, for these alone
•
life , begettt elelor;
ahi
ofie
nds
see
rn
cce
hoe
in,
da
pin
rt and
00 0 secureur eosf t credit.aon F r
ran c e ;
can only compromise them.
to
ce.
twhhe"i which
most
tu‘ al
rsra:bihil
solid
foundationsi inss titthuet ion s
are are governmentmarvellously
require o
df
fgreat
vaS suitable—as States, to
The Republic, on the contrary, is only the govern-
ra ant of small States. If we except the United States of
A ..merica, which, by their geographical potation, form an
f mception to all rules, and which besides are only a fede-
ration, a Republic has never been able to establish itself
correctedexceptsmallembarrassments by a small extent of territory and a limited
population.
" Ancient Rome, so far from contaedicting this rule,
fully confirms it. The Republic was only in the city,
and for the city. Beyond it there ware only avaricious
masters and oppressed subjects. If ever France can be
said to have had a leaning to a republican government
it was in the middle ages, when the republican spirit,
extinguished from the time of the Cse3ars, had again
:awoke in a part of Europe ; when France was checkered
-with 411 but independent provinces, and when the feudal
principalities were in all parts menaced by the com-
munal movement. But since that moment all the
interior action of France has removed her from the
republican form. She, in particular, has separated from
i t when she gave herself a united territory and thirty-five
a z illions of inhabitants, living under the same laws, in
t' re s same country, and united by an infinite chain of
6., pendent interests, which the same movement of circa- ,
lint ion causes to terminate in a sole centre. Such a people I
is . not to bo shaken, as were the eitiz ne of a single city,
eve nif called Athens or Rome. A country which lives
by ; its labour, and not by the labour of slaves and pre-
sent a from the State, cannot be occupied with speeches
of ti to forum, with the pernanestt agitation of coatis,

with the terbulent cares of shifting politics. This fever,
to which democratic republics give the name of political
life, cannot with impunity be communicated to a nation
Those splendour particularly consists in the pacific de-
velopment of its wealth, and in the regular an intelligent
activity of its private interests.
" Our fathers learned these truths in the rude school
of public and private mi,fortune. They compose all the
interior policy of the commencement of this century.*
Why should incorrigible innovators have in these latter
times inflicted the too palpable demonstration of them
upon us? We have seen altars raised to instabiliiy and
to periodical convulsions, the two plagues of the social
body; we have seen laws made to reduce to solemn pre-
cepts the febrile and terrible crisis which may ruin a
people; we have seen the vessel of the State launched
on an unknown sea, without a fixed point to guide itself
by, without an anchor to cast out; and no one can say
what would have become of the future of France if Pro-
vidence, watching over her, had not raised up the man
of the intrepid heart, who extended his hand to her.
"France, with full knowledge of what she is doing,

intends to return to her natural state. She longs agai❑
to find her real position and her equilibrium. The
French nation, in its admirable common sense, is not so
infatuated with its superior qualities as to be blinded to
its weak points. It knows itself variable in its impres-
sions, prompt to be worked on, and easy to be led astray;
and, bacause it distrusts the rapidity of a first movement,
it seeks a fixed point in its institutions, and desires to
be retained on astable and solid basis. The French de-
mocracy has sometimes been compared to that of Athens.
We have no objection to the comparison, as far as po-
liteness and elegance of mind are concerned, hut we, in
all other respects, utterly disclaim the similitude. The
Greek democracies were nothing but a perpetual flax
and reflex, never accepting the corrective of their levity.
They were, besides, idle and grasping, living
on the civic oildi and distributions of food. O❑
the other hand, the French democracy, of a more mas-
culine and more haughty character, does not look to the
State for the care of its wellbeing; it depends on its own
efforts for support, and most joyfully submits to the
eternal law of God—daily labour. Its sp--culations em-
braced the whole world; it cultivates the earth with its
free bands; it furrows the mighty deep with its vessels;
it multiplies its industrial creations, engenders capital,
and makes the future tributary to its able and immense
combinations. When a nation thus founds it enterprises
on credit and durability, when sometimes not less than
half a century is necessary to it to reap the benefit of
its operations, it is not the institutions of a day that can
give it any hope of their success. Such a nation would
be mad, if it did not desire to make the moving sphere
of its interests turn round the motionless axis of a
monarchy.

•• It is true that in Franca equality is an object of ab-
solute worship, and a monarchy has, as its very first
condition, the privileged existence of those grand and
rare individualities which God raises above their fellows

etheeivepeirtsionniFfirciaintic: oaf d
ma
it
s peoplew i
tha,q)nudt thejealcoounscye ntthr ao
those
eedp
ro .
to form dynasties, and which are less human beings than
ra-
diation of a civilization. But P ealitsuch as we con-
y,vidential grandeurs rendered legitimate by State reasons
e therefore,qual ity
cotiehsaitstedmeninconrseinddeerreidngalleacehquaciiitsn a
equality
:I-
-n
; —below which it finds its level. At Rome and Athena
missible to the supreme authority and it is,
end when Augustus had converted the Republic
into a Monarchy. In France we considered it
as saved and confirmed for ever under the reign of the
Emperor. The reason is that in this country of equality
there is nothing that is less supported than the govern-
ment of one's equals, because equality is there fully
satisfied in holding everything in its grasp—place',
credit, wealth, and renown—and in having a wide
and open road before it, which leads to everything ex-
cept that extreme point of power, that inaccessible
summit, which care for the public tranquillity has pieced
high above all private aspiratiow. By these means
the democracy wonderfully agrees with the monarchy,
and that union is the more solid since common sense
unites with the habits of the people in cementing it.
" But, should cavilling minds, believing themselves
more wise than the whole country, bring forward, as an
objection to the desire expressed for the hereditary em-
pire, the inconveniences which minorities and bad
princes may, at certain intervals, produce in mon-
archical States, we would reply that all human
institutions contain within themselves certain de-
fects and weaknesses. The monetehy has not the
privilege of perfection; it has simply for France, the
merit of an incontestible superiority over the system of
perpetual election, which only offers an eternal series
of struggles and haz trds, and which solves one difficulty
only for the purpose of immediately leaving another
pending.
" Some ancient States, believing that they were im-
proving on the monarchical system, placed in sovereign
and immoveable assemblies that element of stability
which dynasties represent. But have not such assem-
blies also had their moments of weakness? Does not
their history exhibit melancholy instances of venality or
tyranny? Has not their baseness given them insolent
and seditious guardians? And in the point of view of
moral responsibility, which is one of the great checks on
the conscience, there Is not the slightest comparison be-
tweet a man and an assembly. In assemblies, the re-
sponsibility of the body effaces that of the individual;
and,as a collective responsibility is very nearly illusory,
it comes to pass that that irresponsibility, which some-
times constitutes the force and independence of assem-
blie3, is also the cause of their excesses. In a Prince,
on the contrary, the responsibility is undivided and in-
evieabie, and presses with all its weight on the side of
duty. In fine, when evil ere, pa into a sovereign political
body, it continues there as a precedent, increases as a
tradition, and the thing itself can only be kept up by
keeping up the evil. On the contrary, if evil glides to
the throne, it causes alarm only by temporary and in-
termittent perils, which are, besides, extenuated by the
institutions and moeificatiuns which aro more easily el-
footed in the ease of a man than in that of au assembly.
Th, f-eble Louis XIII. was foll,wed by the grand Louis
XIV.; and, besides, Louis XIII, is, in the eyes of pos-
terity, covered by his Miuister, Richelieu.
" These general considerations appear to us to prove
sufficiently that the national sentiment which addresses
itself to you, gentlemen, as to s-age mediators between
the people and the Prince, is neither a frivolous caprice
nor a fleeting infatuation. Behind the fascination of a
great name, and above the gratitude which is felt for the
acts of a noble and patriotic courage, there are grand
thoughts, powerful interests, and an admirable intuitive
perception of the public necessities. France, gentlemen,
desires to have the life of a great nation, and not that
Y existence which consumes the
the last four years, while subjected
siie has known how to correct
evils of a deplorable situation.
that such a situation should be
gleams of safety, pstbbßooryr
uceoptichuaeaegirirrhitibl precarious
iuuodst ssooy
d'naaenecspdeel experiments,onsusissreaic.:t During
possibly be based. At present she is about
Up to the present time she has, in
the midst of the tempests which assailed her, found only,
37, on which no future pros-
peritysot ipnoene sti
haolefi y
triumphalth rho
selectp eopi
tte ;wa
arches
ct h
merely
es
eset
rhniaeettluoyvhde ea
sriscet:oor ero Pgp
transitory
could
kith joy, the edifice of her
o enter the port, and to fettled, by means of the form-
gr°notl of a monarchy.
pnraotespiesirliottywohootmhe sshoelidgreets
ei Let us now look to the details of the draught of the
Senatus-Consultum.
,6 Louis Napoleon will take the name of ' Napoleon
name which was inscribed
111..'
hies. Wo do not
It is that name which re-echoed in the acclarna-
besides, that profound
youthful tit from a natural
met with in the won-
derful instincts of the people.
et; and it is a pious
It is a homage to Na-
g andoo
good
p senseo ll t t
whicheo iielection.
i s
pe alwaysopl
sea, who was constitu-
tionally proclaimed Emperor of the French, and whose
remembrance
reign, though abort, has not been effaced by the obscure
existence of the exile. It Belies for the future the
question of succession, and signifier somofthheis
that the Empire will
ho hereditary after Louis Napoleon, as it has been for
himself. In fine, it connects the POitical phase to which
we owe our
bir"awn ch
safety with the g. I
orines name which was
also the safety of past times,
" And yet, by the side of the traditional element, con-
temporary events preserve their Proper value and their
peculiar signification. If Louis Napo on is called on at
present to resume the work of his unee, it is not merely
because ho is the heir of the Emperer, but because he
deserves to be so ; it is on account ot his devotion to
France, and of that spontaneous sun personal action
which has rescued the country , from the horrors of
anarchy. It is not sufficient for nim tt be the heir of
the Emperor ; be must be legain e-eotEd, for the third
su
-(383, time by the people. Thus the ee
his (h and the elec-
tion will combine to double force, tee modern fact
rendering the old one young and vigorous
by the power
of a reiterated consent and a second contract,
"The Senates Consultant next default T.
-Anis Napoleon
with the right to adopt, a heir n of i direct suc-
cessor. Adoption, which is a common rigot in private
families, cannot be an exception in dYnasqc families
for, when no natural heir exists, it is a Irinei le • ;
public law that the choice of the monarch h
--nesPto thein
people. Bat that rule is that of ordinary ties 'land can
not suit in an absolute manner an order of thi ' . :
arse after a long gs wntch
again resumes a new co interribtion and
in the midst of the most extraordinary circurocance:
9
" Louis Napoleon, the depositary of the c?ntelence. of
the people, charged by it to draw up a constitivion can
on infinitely stronger ground' receive mandate the
--ate to
provide for certain eventualities, and to prevent certain
crisis in which that constitution might perish The
strokes of nature have been often terrible in rqgoin
families, and have set at nought the counsels of th, wise**o,
The French people will not imagine that it mattes too
great a sacrifice of its rights, in abandoning itself
once
more to the prudence of the Prince whom it has made
the arbiter of its destinies. This provision, besidel is
borrowed from the Imperial Constitution. The Ernoire
which revives ought not to be less powerful in its metes
than was the Empire at its commencement; and in enter
to remain within the letter and the spirit of that prat,_
dent, the Senates Consultum proposes to you not to ad_
mit of such adoption, except for the male descendants,
natural and legitimate, of the brothers of Napoleon I
The right of unlimited adoption would be iu manifest
contradiction with the p water wish for the re-establish.
meet of the Empire, which is the guiding-star of our
deliberations. In fact, the Empire ie inseparable from
the name of Bonaparte, and cannot be conceived without
a member of that family with which the new form of
the monarchy was stipulated in France.
.E cry thing
ought to remain consistent in the work which we are
considering,
" But above that combination, solely of a political cha-
racter, France places a hope which more than anything
constitutes her faith in the future, namely, that at no
distant period a wife will take heer
to t place on the
ro throneons
which is now rising, and will givhe Emper sci
worthy of his great name and of this great country.

. See the speeches delivered in the Tribuna on the return
to Monarchy in 1804.
t Tacitus.—Omnes, exuta equalitate, jussa principia as-
pectars.".-0 Annals," 1., 4.

That debt was imposed on the Prince on the day when
the cries of " Vive l'Empereur !" hailed him on his
passage; and he will accept it virtually, but necessarily,
the day when the crown graces his head. Far, E lime the
Empire is established with a view to the future, it ought
to carry with it all the legitimate consequences which
preserve thst future from uncertainty and convulsions.
"In default of the direct line and of the adoptive line,
the case of succession in the collateral line must be pro-

vided for. On that point we propose to you a clause by
which the people should confer on Louis Napoleon
the right of regulating by an organic decree that orders
of succession in the Bonaparte faintly. By that
means our Senates Consultuni will remain more per-

fectly in accordance with the popular wish, which in it
unlimited confidence has placed in Louis Napoleon's
hands the destinies of the country; it will like-
wise be more in conformity with the political changes
which Francs has entered into since the 2d of Decem-

bet% The greatest political genius of Italy, in the 16th
century, was accustomed to say that in those rare and
solemn moments in which the question is to found a new
State the will of a single man was indispensible.# That
is what the nation comprehended so admirably when it
intrusted to Louis Napoleon the task of drawing up the

constitution which governs us. At present, that a capi-
tal modification is taking place in one of the very foun-
dations of that constitution, it appears natural and
logical to again confer on Louis Napoleon a portion of
the constituent power, in order that, i❑ the special point
which concerns most intimately the interests of the
dynasty of which the nation declares him the head, he

may enact such provisions as appear to him most suit-
able to the public interest, and to the interest of the
monarch. For his family, as well as for the country,
Louis Napoleon is the man of au exceptional situation,

and no fear must be entertained of adding to his power,
in order that, with the assent of all, he may settle it by
the authority of a single person. We therefore propose
to you, after a conference with the organs of the Go-
vernment, which has led to unanimity of opinion, an
article thus worded :—`Art. 4. Louis Napoleon Bona-
parte regulates, by an organic decree addressed to the
Senate and deposited in the archives, the order to the
succession to the throne in the Bonaparte family, in case
he should not leave auy direct or adopted heir.'
" It is not necessary for us to say to you, that in this
system the formula to be submitted to the French people
ought to contain an express mention of that delegation.
It will be necessary, according to the constitution, that
the French people be called on to declare whether it
desires or not to invest Louis Napoleon with the power
which we conceive ought to be conferred on him.
"After having thus spoken of the succession to the
imperial crown, the Senatus Consultum carries its atten•
tion to the condition of the family of the EinpPror. It
divides it into two pirts:-Ist, the Imperial family, pro-
perly so called, composed of the parsons who may by
possibility be called to the throne, and of their deseen7

dents of both sexes; and, 2d, of the other members o
the Bonaparte family.
" The situation of the Princes and Princesses of the
Imperial family is to be regulated by Senatus Consulta,
and they cannot marry without the Emperor's consent.
Art. 6 pronounces for any infraction of this regulation
of public interest the penalty of losing all right to the
succession, with the proviso, however, that in case of
the dissolution of the marriage by the death of the wife,
without issue, the right is at once recovered.
" As to the other members of Bonaparte family, who
compose the civil family, it is to the Emperor, and not
any longer to Senatus Consulta, that it appertains to fix
by statutes their titles and situation. It is useless to
insist on this distinction, as it is explained by the
difference which exists between the civil family and
that uniting in itself the double character of civil and
political family.
"We have also to request your special attention to
the final paragraph of article 6, which confers on the
Emperor full and entire authority over all the members
of his family. These special powers are called for by
the gravest considerations, and belong to the right
generally claimed by reigning families. Princes are
placed in so lofty a position by public right and national
interest that they are, in many respects, beyond the pale
of the common law. The greater their privileges are,
the more their duties are immense towards the country.
Montesqiiieu has said, ' It is not for the reigning family
that the order of secession is established, but because
it is the interest of the State that there should be a
greatness
o y
their mustdig n b
dignity,
retainedthe in a
reigning family.' They belong, therefore, to the State by
stiecter ties than other citizens, and on account of their
very
ir
actions perpetual
wardship, under the guardianship of the Emperor, the
defender
appreciatorsortofothfe
and who stands in the place of father and guardian, in
order to preserve this patrimony intact to the nation.
If these reasons do not apply in all their extent to
the members of the private family, there are others of
not less importance, which are drawn from the conjoint
responsibility imposed by a name which is the property
of the nation, as much as of the persons who have the
honour of bearing it.
"Besides, several of these persons have the privilege
of being the only ones in the State that the Emperor
can place by adoption in the rank of persons who many
succeed to the crown. But there is no public privilege
which ought not to be paid for by duties specially
created to justify its necessity, and to co-operate in the
object of its establishment.
"There is another point which it is sufficient for us to
remind you of—the maintenance of the Satin Law in the
Imperial dynasty. In France, the Salto Law is, so to
speak, incorporated with the monarchy, and although
its origin goes back to the remote,t periods, it has so
completely penetrated into our way of thinking, and is
altogether so much in accord with the rules of French
policy, that it is inseparable from all transformations in
tee monarchical principle.
"Finally, gentlemen, the Senatus Consultum provides
for the ease in which the throne should be vacant.
ever the nation should be so unfortunate as to experi-
ence this I.t iction' (to use the language of the celebrated
edict of July 1717) •it would be tor the nation to
repair it. Arr. 5 I..rmally rec. ,guizes this fundamental
essential, and inalienable right. At the same time, it
provides for the means of preparing a choice worthy of
the French people, by its prudence and maturity. In
consequence, an organic Senatus•Consultum, proposed to
the Senate by the Ministers formed into a Council of
Government, with the addition of the President of the
Senate, the President of the Legislative body, and the
President of the Council of State, shall be submitted to
the free acceptance of the people, and will give to France
a new Emperor.
" Such, gentlemen, are the principal provisions of the
Senatus Consultum now submitted to you for considera-
tion, and which will prepare the august contract of the
nation with its chief. Should you adopt it, you will
order, by a concluding article, in virtue of the constitu-
tion, that the people bo consulted concerning the re-
establishment of the Imperial dignity in the person
of Louis Napoleon the combinations of whose suc-
cession we have just explained to you. But, gentlemen,
we may affirm, while bending at present before a public
will which only asks for an occasion to burst forth
afresh, that the Empire is accomplished; and that Empire,
the dawn of which has lighted up the path of Louis
Napoleon in the departments of the south, rises over
France surrounded by the most suspicious auguries.
Everywhere hope revives in men's minds ; everywhere
capital, restrained by the uncertainty of the future,
rushes with ardour into the channels of business ; and
everywhere the national sap circulates and vivifies to
produce the most abundant fruits.
" This reign, gentlemen, will not be cradled in the
midst of arms and in the camp of insurgents Pimtorian
guards. It is the work of the national feeling, most
spontaneously expressed ; it has been produced in
our commercial towns, in our ports, in the most
peaceful centres of agriculture and manufactures,
and in the midst of the joy of an affectionate people; it
will consequently be the Empire of Peace—that is to say,
the Revolution of 1789 without its revolutionary ideas,
religion
without intolerance, equality without the
follies of equality, love for the people without Socialist
charlatanism, and national honour without the calamities
of war. Ah ! if the great shade of the Emperor should
cast a glance at this France which he loved so much, it
would thrill with joy at beholding the gloomy predictions
of St. Helena, at one moment being so near realised,
totally disproved. No, Europe is not to be delivered up
to disorder and anarchy I No, France will not lose the
grandeur of her institutions; and the ideas of Napoleon,
directed towards peace by a generous-minded Prince,
will be the safeguard of civilisation."

44 * Debbesi pigliare questo per una regola generale, the non
mai, o di rado, occorre ch'alcuna republics, o regno, sta, da
principio, ordinato bene, se non e ordinato da uno."—(hla-
chiavelli, on Titus Livius,' 1,9.)

HEALTH of LONDON during the WEEK.

The mortality of the ineJopolitan districts continues
to be rather higher than is 11,114 at the same period of
the year. The deaths registered in the week that ended
last Saturday amounted to 1,101. In the ten cor-
responding weeks of the years 1842 51 the average
number was 984, which if raised in proportion to
increase of population, for comparison with the present
return, becomes 1,082. The excess of last week's
number above the corteoted average is, therefore, not
considerable.
Fatal cases arising from scarlatina declined from 104
in the preceding week to 82 in the last. Eight children
died of smallpox, 6 of measles, 33 of hooping-cough, 5
of croup, 5 of inflaenzs, 18 persons of diarrheas, 1 of
purpura, 47 of typhus ; 4 children of syphillis. No
death from cholera was registered. In the last two
weeks the deaths from diseases of the respiratory organs
(exclusive of pbthisis) fell from 262 to 234.
Last week the births of 830 boys and 814 girls, in all
1,644 children were registered in London. The average
number in sev,,n corresponding weeks of the years
yo
f temperature,t
en years
b y which7.7d
owga.s It
has not
t exceeded
been
so
1845-51 was 1,397.
the week that ended 25th September, and
At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean
selonnthmeolnadstaytwtoo wse7e.2ksdeigt.,ladaesolsiundeddgetielly
height of the
esgb.6ianrdnoeimgn.ge
ttoeo barometer
2ct
October
ewgr.e
ietkThwhaeas was
an2oo9tlb3ede4anii nl -hi Theah
4.6 deg. on Sunday, or 7'9 deg. ahoyveth
rtasmht
hihi
tem-
peraturevi
snegaeepcanrhnena average4gf
tsw9rehioene9;mecwkedi
ba4tl e
was 54.6
05.
again on
aboonve the ayFrage.
Monday and
Thursday, when it was 50.3 deg., and rose
-I:raiedsadyilyt,ownheeanrlyit twhaessaamboeuthelig egho dta.s
It was higher than the average throughout the week.
'bile wind blew generally from the south-west.

SOUTH-EASTERN AND 131tIGHTON RAILWAYS.-It
was stated on Saturday in a cotemporary, that arrangements
for an amalgamation of these two companies were nearly
concluded, and that Mr. Laing, M.P., the chairman of the
formes company, was about to resign. From inquiries made
officially at both companies, we understand that there is no
foundation at the present moment for either statement.—
Morning ,ddverriser.

THE LATE MR. DANIEL WEBSTER

(From the Times.)
To the remarkable deaths which will hereafter
signalize the obituary of 1852 we may now add that
of the man who by common consent was reputed the
greatest among the statesmen of the New World.
The knowledge generally possessed by Englishmen
respecting the life and services of Daniel Webster
will, perhaps, hardly prepare them for the sensation
which his decease has created in the country of his
birth. He is spoken of in America almost as Peel
was spoken of in England. The journals of the
States appear in mourning for the departed states-
man, writers of all political denominations concur in
eulogistic biographies, and the reception of the intel•
ligence in every town of the Union is chronicled with
uniform testimony to the popularity of the subject.
As far, indeed, as concurrence of admiration can be
taken for proof, we should be justified in ranking
Daniel Webster among the truly great men of

his age.
In this opinion, however, it is not probable that the
voice of Europe or the decision of history will en-
tirely concur. The truth is, that Mr. Webster's re-
putation was eminently American, and the apparent
grandeur of its proportions was due in no small de-
gree to that spirit of hyperbole in which the citizens
of the States are accustomed to address themselves

to all national topics. They magnify their statesmen
as they magnify their scenery or their strength, not,
it must be owned, for purposes of delusion, and still
less with the emptiness of Asiatic boasting, but with
the exaggeration incidental to Democratic institutions
and national adolescence. Besides this, Mr. Webster's
qualities appealed directly to the passions and senti-
ments of his countrymen. His oratorical powers
were remarkable, and in no country does popular
oratory exercise so great an influence as in the United
States. Americans are enchained by speeches, and
when Daniel Webster addressed an audience already
predisposed to admiration, his eloquence rarely failed
to rouse them to enthusiasm. In justice to his me-
mory, it should be added that this eloquence was
usually employed on the side of genuine policy. Nor
would it, indeed, be easy, with certain recent excep-
tions, to point out any question in which his
authority was not ultimately exerted in the general
interests of conciliation and peace.
But it was not from this personal gifc that Mr.
Webster's reputation derived its most characteristic
feature. He, above all others, was peculiarly the
person in whom American statesmanship was dis-)
played before the eyes of Europe. He was the con-
ventional representative of his countrymen in their
diplomatic relations with the other great Powers of
the world. It was not that he enjoyed any extraor-
dinary tenure of those Ministerial appointments to
which such functions are committed, but his terms of

office coincided remarkably with some of the mos
critical conjunctures of the foreign policy of the
Union, and to the consideration of these subjects he
brought an extensive store of jurisprudential informa-
tion, great personal aptitudes, and a wisdom, if not
liberality of view, beyond that usually prevailing
around him. It is true that he was an American, but
he was an American who had seen the world, and he
recognized those necessities of international inter-
course for which Republican politicians are sometimes
fain to substitute the suggestions of impulse, interest,
or power. In this capacity he commanded a respect
more universal than attached to him as a Whig sena-
tor or a popular speaker. He filled with considerable
success what would otherwise have been almost a void
in the pretensions of his countrymen. In him they
saw an American who had not only carried American
elections and guided the discussions of Congress, but
who had met the diplomatists of Europe on fair ground
without discredit, and who enjoyed in the capitals of
the Old World a distinction which in other cases was
limited to the towns of the Union. The extent, if not
the character, of this renown, is sufficiently evinced
by the attention now paid to his memory. We do
not imagine, as we have already intimated, that the
verdict of Europe will altogether support the natural
partialities of America ; but, at any rate, the event
now announced will be esteemed of European impor-
tance, and it will be universally admitted that a states-
man of the world has been lost in the senator of
Massachusetts.
It is in this representative capacity that he has
been so remarkably endeared to the people of the
Union, nor was there any more striking feature in the
recent political rivalries than the respect which in the
most passionate heats of conflict was uniformly paid
to his general pretensions. Even those who opposed
his elevation acknowledged his claims, and so univer-
sally was he recognized as a " great man," that his
adversaries were compelled to show cause why great
men should not always be made Presidents. He was
a distinguished and successful lawyer, a writer of
considerable repute, a triumph orator, a veteran Par-
liamentarian, and, above all, a celebrated American.
It is unfortunate that his latest displays should have
been so unfavourable to his renown. On the present
occasion we should be naturally reluctant to bring
these blemishes conspicuously into view, but it can-
not be denied that the questions of the bay fisheries
and the Lobos Islands placed the departed statesman
in no creditable light either as a Miuister or a civilian.
We are the less called upon, indeed, to conceal or
qualify our opinions, since the justice of our strictures
was afterwards confirmed by the reversal of American
policy in Mr. Web•ter's own hands• Either from
declining strength or incidental disability, or some
increase of that extraneous bias from which few
American politicians can remain exempt, it is manifest
that he took a wrong course, without evidence of any
laudable motive. In his earlier views of foreign
policy he was both mere successful and correct. At
various times it became his duty to assist at or con-
duct some of the most important negotiations in
which the Government of the Union was ever engaged.
The North-Eastern boundary, the provisions of
mutual extradition, the right of search on the high
seas, and the Oregon frontier constituted successive
questions of policy, involving the highest interests of
more than one State, and in all these discussions the
influence of Mr. Webster's authority was both power-
fully and meritoriously evinced. On points, too,
of more exclusively local interest, such as the
annexation of Texas, the Mexican war, the reception
of new States into the Union, and the compromise of
the slavery disputes, his voice was heard on the side
of moderation and equity. Indeed, when not biased
by the temptations of party, or swayed by the pres-
sure of a political crisis, he was far too sagacious to
be seduced into error or excess, and his support might
be confidently anticipated by the promoters of right
and reason.

There is nothing surprising in the esteem and affec-
tion with which his name is now regarded throughout
the provinces of the States, for his very faults were
the faults of his countrymen, cherished for their plea-
sure, and caricatured for their benefit. In many re-
spects—in his oratory, for instance, in his popularity,
and in his eminent nationality--he presents a marked
resemblance to Daniel O'Connell; but he enjoys this
superiority over the great agitator, that he never seri-
ously designed to lead his countrymen astray. If he
talked to them after their own fashion, he rarely car-
ried these popular views into the practical administra-
tion of the State; and if his resistance to public ex-
travagance was not always what might have been de-
sired, it was perhaps as much as could be attempted.
He was beyond all doubt an accomplished scholar, an
acute lawyer, an experienced diplomatist, and a great
statesman. In this last capacity his proceedings were
occasionally opposed to our ideas of such a character,
hut it must be remembered that statesmen are ad-
justed to states, and a Minister who can secure the
permanent approbation of his own countrymen with
as fair a renown abroad as was enjoyed by Daniel
Webster, has achieved as much glory as even the best
politicians are likely to obtain.

FORTIINE-TELLING.—A fellow, named Tattersall, who
has just been committed to the Rochdale House of Cor-
rection, a short time ago induced a woman, named Ann
Howard, of Facit, near Rochdale, to believe that he pos-
sessed certain supernatural powers; and, amongst other
marvellous revelations, he told her that she was under
the power of some mysterious enchantment, from which
he would deliver her on the payment of ss. The woman
paid the money, and in consequence of a promise she had
made to give herself and children to be controlled by
him, she became very unhappy, supposing that she had
by that promise rendered herself subject to an infernal
power, from which she could not be released. Her fears
became so alarming as ultimately to dethrone reason,
and she has been conveyed by the local authorities to
the lunatic asylum.

FATAL RAILWAY Accumwr.—On Sunday evening,
an accident, resulting in the death of two highly re-
spectable persons, took place at the Seaforth station of
the Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway. Mr.
Edward Hamnett, of Islington, Liverpool, principal of
an eminent firm in that town, was, with his niece, a
governess in a school at Seaforth, waiting for the arrival
of the 8 p.m. train from that station to Liverpool. It
was rather stormy at the time, and on the arrival of the
train a great many passengers rushed to obtain seats.
Mr. Ramnett, who is upwards of 80 years of ago, was
also endeavouring to obtain a seat, and was getting into
a carriage when the train began to move off, when he
Jet go the handle of the carriage door, and, with his
niece, who had hold of his arm at the time, was dragged
under the carriages, and both were instantaneously
killed.

THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE Gos-
par, IN FOBEIGN PARTS.—During the past year this society
has paid the following sums in aid of the operations of
the Church in the several colonial dioceses : Madras,
10,9051. ; Calcutta, 9,917/. ; Quebec and Montreal, 7,9904 ;
Newfoundland. 6,4211 ; Toronto, 5,338/. ; Nova Scotia, 5,022/ ;
Fredericton, New Brunswick, 5,143/ ; Cape Town, 3,302::
Sydney, 2,832'. ; Melbourne, 1,197/. ; Colombo, Ceylon'
1,284/. ; Jamaica,
ea
1,684/. ; Tasmania, Van Diemenz'
s Land,l,
1,1( 8/. ; Guiana, 1,2x31.; Barbadoes, 1,1841.; New
1,076/. ; Adelaide, 9871. ; Newcastle, Australia, 2761. ; Bom-
bay, 5961.; Victoria, China, 123/. ; Antigua, 525/. ; 3orneo
211.; Rupert's Land, 3191. In addition to these, the society'
has granted to Europe, 474/. ; the Seychelles, 210/ ; Egypt,
544/. ; making the total grants, including home operations, j
78,5001.