The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-28 00:00:00

ROBBERY OF NEWSPAPERS

TEN POUNDS REWARD.

In answer to the complaints of several Subscribers,
whose papers are stolen in periods of political or
other excitement, we can only renew the expression
of our deep regret. In order, if possible, to bring
some one of the robbers to account, we hereby offer
a reward of Ten Pounds for such information as
may lead to the detection of the culprit, and
Ten Pounds more on conviction of the offender.
Sun Office, May 24, 1852.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tl7l/1 DAT —Morning 0 rain. after 9 I Evening 35 mitt after 9
To-Molutow—Morning 7 min. after 10 I Evening 42 min after 10

THE WEATHER.—SUI OFFICE, MAT 23.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
51—highest since noon yesterday.
44—lowest this morning and during the night.
53—this day, at noon.
BAnosisnEß, 29.91.
WIND N.E.—doll, cloudy weather.

DAILY WEATHER TABLE.
sttate .
of the Wind and Weather at each of the following
LlK•te
rtro at Nine o'clock yesterday morning.—The stations
pLym'oaltged in order of latitude.
Poivralrl,,,___--Wind E., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
u'El--Wind E., gentle breeze—overcast.
.77._--"TRAittp.r Wind NE. fre-h b u • I 4 breeze—overcast.
Fot..kasrosr,...ofy Ind N.E., strong breeze—overcast.
Tusrßrapcitc--virinialt N.E., gentle breeze—overcast.
VAIiEENWICH_i'vI•E., strong breeze—overcast.
d N., gentle breeze—overcast.
STitooh—Wind N.E2 gentle breeze_overcast.
Swpwort—Wind
~‘"title breeze—overcast.
ia coLcmsrint—Wind
.
CAMBRIDGFeWind N. E7:' gentle breeze—overcast.
r‘tentil3e breeze—overcast.
YtkrtmouTH—Wind E., strong
[he returns from the tollo breeze—overcast.
the wind and weather ou 4 places indicate the state of
eAlnesday morning at nine
Ltuszticir—Wind N.E.. strong breez—
cloudless.
rt
CARLow—Wind N.E., gentle breeze Pa
lkitrumgoAß ind E., strong breeze—
ially y.
cloud
N.E.. gentle breeze—rail:.artially cloudy.
Grtoirros— Wind N.E.. strong breeze—over
fltstitamak—Wind N.E., strong breeze--.oyeas t•
cloudy.
Bittsutione.m—Wind N.E., strong breeze—,-vrec_aat-
HOLTRIAD —Wind E.N.E., hard wind_partialTast.
hexodgxs N.E. gentle breeze—partiall;
r," arrßT--Wid N gentle breeze—foggy. cloudy
.
;up X-.‘r Ind N.W. gentle breeze —overcast
B Ind N.E., gentle 'breeze—partially cloudy.
EArrocit—liVind E , hard w d cloudless. ,
•

01/4
LONDON, FRIDAY. MAY 28, 1852

Immediately before the dissolution of Parliament
th,. Earl of DERRY has expressed his views upon the
ail.important question of the extension of the political
franchise. It must consequently be with more than
ordinary interest that the speech delivered last even-
in the House of Lords by the present leader of her
lIIAJEsTY's Government will be examined by the
various constituencies throughout the United King
dom. From the observations which then fell from
the lips of the PRIME MINISTER, the electors
'nay perceive how far the members of f the
Cabinet are prepared to maintain the
oligarchic influences of Toryism as opposed to the
liberalizing tendencies of the age--those tendencies
which are nothing lets than the inciting principles in
the onward march of civilization. Unless he had been
in a manner compelled to explain his sentiments upon
a subject of such extraordinary magnitude, and in
some respects, moreover, of such,bewildering intricacy,
It is scarcely probatie that Lord DERRY- would have
selected a critical juncture like the
Prefoeut in which

to announce opinions calculated, for many reasons, to
provoke the most implacable feelings of ani-
mosity against his Government. It was, there-
fore, by no means spontaneously that the
Noble Earl addressed himself yesterday to
the consideration of the subject, his real sen-
timents in the matter having been elicited
by the remarks with which the Earl of
HARROwBY presented a petition praying for such an
extension of the franchise as would bestow upon
learned bodies the rights and privileges of represen-
tation. Driven to the necessity of at once pro-
nouncing his opinion upon the most desirable means
of solving the problem of reform in the constitution
or re-organization of the House of Commons, the
First Lord of the Treasury spoke out with a
candour such as might scarcely have been anticipated
under the circumstances. He endeavoured in no way
to conceal the dislike with which he had regarded pre-
ceding innovations. Nay, more than this, he affected
no readiness whatever to yield to the solicitude of those
who are desirous of placing the elective franchise still
more easily within the reach of the population. The
system of rotten boroughs he was, of course, obliged in
common truthfulness to reprobate as having been al-
together " indefensible." But, notwithstanding this,
Lord DERBY appeared last evening to intimate with
tolerable distinctness an anxiety on his part to pre-
vent, if possible, the further distribution of the pre-
rogative of suffrage to those classes which he boldly
asserted to be " the most easily misguided portions
of the community "—meaning no other than
the industrial part of the population. For inasmuch
as the PRIME MINISTER declared his intentions thus
unmistakeably, we are rejoiced at the circumstance of
last night's discussion. Without that explicit announce-
ment of the intentions of the Ministers as to the pro-
minent question of the day, that of Parliamentary
Reform, there might perchance have been serious
misapprehension as to the future policy of his Admi-
nistration. Henceforth all doubt upon the matter
appears to be removed. The Cabinet, with-
out having issued any manifesto, stands be-
fore the country in its true colours, as one
diametrically opposed to the further political emanci-
pation of the multitude. The people must look else-
where if they are really solicitous—as we devoutly
trust in our heart, and as we sincerely believe in our
conscience—to extend yet more largely amongst
themselves the sacred and (when once obtained) in-
defeasible rights of representation. It behoves the
Liberal electors therefore to take Lord DERBY'S
speech of last evening as a guide and an incentive in
their electioneering preparations.
Nevertheless, it must not be imagined that
the leader of the new Government has alto-
gether closed his eyes to the difficulty
of his own Ministerial position, or to the necessity of
something being done in reference to the House of
Commons with a view to its speedy re-organization.
Far from it. As a statesman of considerable
sagacity and experience he perceives the twofold
exigency by which his Administration has from the
first been confronted. It required no great pene-
tration, indeed, to discover that, whatever might be
the name of the Party elevated to power, from
that Party would be demanded concessions the per-
tinacious refusal of which would be impracticable
without the general disruption of the empire. From the
Radicals those concessions would have been large,
from the Whigs less, from the Tories least. Natu-
rally enough, the Tories imagine that the result of
the numerous and comprehensive reforms certain to
be accomplished by a Radical Cabinet would be, of
all things, the most disastrous to the Constitution.
Whereas the Radicals no less naturally feel assured
that the diminutive changes for the better brought
about by a Tory Administration would more than
anything—more even than a French invasion—en-
danger the stability of the state, the peace of the
country, and the prosperity of the population. Of
the medium course pursued by the Whigs the
country has had experience. It rests with the consti-
tuencies of these islands, therefore, to decide as
to the difficulty of the existing alternative.
From the forethought of the Liberal electors we
expect much. To the Free-traders generally we
look with implicit confidence. Neither will consent,
we feel assured, to commit the fortunes of Great
Britain, at this epoch, to the chances of an unneces-
sary and perilous experiment. The Free-traders
must bear in recollection that, although the Protec-
tionist leader has virtually abandoned the principle
of agricultural monopoly, he has done so, not be-
cause of his recognition of its pernicious ten-
dencies, but simply because he regards its triumph
to be wholly impracticable. The Liberals, on
the other hand, cherish in remembrance
the conviction forced upon them by common
sense that, although; the Tory PREMIER admits the
reasonableness of extending the franchise to
learned bodies like the universities of Scotland, for
example, and to remote quarters of the empire, such
as Canada, and Australasia, he allows that his mind is
more than ever averse to distribute more widely
among the masses nearer home the universally
coveted privileges and prerogatives of representation.
Satisfied as to the nature of the policy likely to be
carried out in the event of the Tories being
strengthened by a majority in the next Parliament—
aware from an unhappily protracted experience of the
nature of the policy certain to be revived in the
event of the Whigs being raised once more to the
offices of Government—the electors of the United
Kingdom should henceforth prepare themselves for
the electioneering struggle about to commence, not
from feelings of party, but rather from the pure and
elevated motives of patriotism. They should demand
of the various candidates, not who are their
men, but what are their measures. They should
look not to persons, but to principles. The
battle at this moment is not, as formerly,
to be,fought in the courts of registration. It is to be
commenced at the hustings and decided at the polling
booths. At the hustings the question ought to be
"Are you a Free-trader ?" not as Sir JAMES
GRAHAM advises, " Are you a supporter of Lord
DERBY ?" Those who aspire to obtain a seat in the
House of Commons ought to be catechised some-
what more closely than as to whether they are
Whigs or Tories, Liberals or Conservatives, advo-
cates of Progression or Retrogression, of
the oligarchic or democratic principles of
government. They should, instead of being
examined solely upon these general heads, be cross-
examined in detail as to what may be the sentiments
entertained by them individually upon such matters
as national education, and vote by ballot, and an ex-
tension of the franchise, and a re-distribution of elec-
toral districts, and an advance in sanitary improve-
ment, and a continuance of recent efforts at retrench-
ment, and a further modification of our fiscal and
financial arrangements, together with other
scarcely lass important reforms long de-
manded, often refused, but ultimately cer-
tain of realization. The next general election,
in short; should be one in which the real feelings of
the people ought to be sounded more deeply than has
been the case in any one of our foregoing Parliaments.
In order to secure this happy result, it is only neces-
sary that the electors should be more true to them-
selves. They should regard the juncture as one
fruitful not only of good or evil to themselves, but
faustluikr:ly to redound to the glory or disgrace of many
e vity of
generations. Upon the balance of the ap-
proachingelections infinitely more is dependent than
a Cabinet. The result must be in a
very great measure either to undermine or to consoli-
date the Constitution.
At be 3

_'ter iing read last evening for a second time, it
was decided by the House of Commons, that the
Patent Law Amendment Bill should be referred to a
as virtually
the
Select
present Com pmaitrtitieaernThe question may be considered
. ent
• Although it is impossible
to deny
ny h e
accuracy of the assertion made yesterday
e therefore t
by the Llon. Member for Newark, to the effect that
apterzwoseedeanennoatctbmuetniatmheandt
the neces
its still further procrastination.
ffisitcyienfotirY
nt the
been subjects
u treated
of inventors have
The rights already been too
long overlooked to render it a matter of indifference
whether their claims should be denied examination
for another year, upon a plea inadequate under
ordinary circumstances. There canner, of course,
be one moment's doubt that such must literally be
the effect of the decision arrived at last evening
in the House of Commons. The reference to a Select 1
is the most advisable 1
Committee, at any period,

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