The Sun.
London, England, 1863-01-23 00:00:00

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L()NDON, FIiIDA ', JANUARY 23, 1863.

The reply of the new VICEROY of EaYPT to the
Consular Body appears very satisfactory. The
address itself proved the high estimation in which
he was held. Those who presented it knew from
experience much that was gratifying and encourag-
ing in the past, and hence could hope for great
things from the future. This passage evinces their
already high estimation of the Prince :—" Each of
us has had the honour to know your Highness in
private life, and on more than one occasion to
appreciate the eminent qualities which led your
Highness to avoid, with a reserve as dignified as it
was wise, taking any part in public business during
the late Government." This reticence of character
displays in itself a care and elution that are emi-
nently becoming to a statesman, for it is never
those who thrust themselves forward officiously who
prove the most efficient when the time of trial
comes. It was no want of ability that kept ISMAIL
PASHA from interference. On n late occasion when
he was Regent for a short time he so conducted
affairs as to create a favourable impression. This
Is alluded to in the address iu the following words:

—"During the Regency which your Highness Wad
called upon to assume, you were able, despite the
difficulties of the position, to secure the respect and
sympathies of the people whose destiny was com-
mitted to your charge, and in dealing with the
foreign representatives your Highness gave proof
of firmness and justi2a that inspired the profound
respect of the whole colony."

The first words of the Viceroy's reply prove that
he is in earnest in his solemn undertaking. He
says—" I am deeply impressed with the
task which GOD has imposed upon me,
by recalling my uncle, and placing me at the head
of the Government of Eypt." After stating that he
was determined to devote himself to the prosperity
of the country he went on to observe that "the base
of all good administrations is order and economy in
the finances. This order
w and economy I shall
folio by
every possible means, and I have resolved
upon abandoning the system of my predecessors,
by fixing for myself a civil list which I shall never
exceed." Besides this excellent resolve the Vice-
roy has a still better plan in prospect—to abolish
the system of forced labour. This system, he states,
is the principal, and, indeed, only cause which has
prevented, and still prevents, the country from
taking all the development of which it is suscepon, -
in the right directi
table." This is a step and
ISMAIL PASHA deserves the greatest credit for his
resolution in this respect. The more he
follows the example of more enlightened countries
the more rapidly will progress be made, and the
more steadily will it be maintained in the country
over which he presides. It is refreshing to notice
so extended a view taken of affairs, at the outset of
a new reign, and it is surely some foundation for
our hopes to rest upon, that will outlive the first
excitement of the inauguration, and remain to win
the admiration and respect of succeeding times.
Such a change as the Viceroy proposes to make is
an era in the history of the East, and it is to be
trusted that he will go on in the e which
ho has commenced • good course
, undeterred by the objections of
those whose prejudices may be wounded by his
reforms, and uninfluenced by the advice of in-
tert,s;.ed partizans. The principle that the Viceroy
acknowledges in this speech is
that of
progression, and the spirit that animates

him is decidedly that of progress. Far from fall-
ing short of expectation, his Highness has more
than fuifilled the most extravegan', desires that
could have been formed ; and all that remains now
to wish is that he may be long spared to carry out
his noble resolutions. The result cannot be other-
wise than happy to the country which it imme-
diately concerns, and beneficial to all those nations
that come in immediate contact. Certainly a more
auspicious opening of a new reign has seldom been
seen ; and both on political and personal grounds
there can be but one opinion, that ISMAIL PisuA
has already taken his place among the ranks of
national reformers and social benefactors. The land
of the Nile has a bright prospect before it under
present auspices, and it is earnestly to be hoped that
the judicious improvements now laid down by the
intelligence of its new ruler may be carried out
in a style and with a success that may result in credit
to the enlightened mind that has devised them.

It is one proof that England must be right in her
firm neutrality between the North and South, that
she gains of both sides. Whigs, Tories,
and Radicals here, with a few singular exceptions,
concur in the policy of leaving the two great parties
to fight out their own quarrel. Both sides in the
States perfectly well know that we, and all Europe,
would rather they should settle it by the unbloody
war of diplomacy. They know that France obtru-
sively, and England without any display of zeal in
the macter,would gladly aid both parties in coming
to terms which should be dishonourable to neither;
but we do net mean to:offer services which would
certainly be rejected, and which, in the present
temper of both, would as certainly be useless.
In the coming session, we have little doubt that
there will be various opinions as to what will
be the end of the struggle most desirable for
England and the world. Most statesmen and poli-
ticians in Europe will believe, as we certainly do,
that a breaking up of the Union into such a num-
ber of independent nations as geography and diver-
sity of interests suggest, will be for the advantage
of the world; and there may be also a few who can
honestly believe that a democratic Republic, com-
prising all the lands between the Isthmus and the
North Pole, would be a blessing for humanity ; but
those who think all North America should form one
vast power, and those who would break it up into
two, four, or more nations,will all agree that the set-
tlement which Americans will make for themselves
will be better than any we can make for them. Ever
since the Norman Conquest we, in England, have
fought out our own quarrels; we have thus come to
a practical conclusion that this is the best course
for ail nations. France has not yet learned the
same lesson. Hence her interference in Italy and
in Mexico, we might add in Egypt ; hence her
readiness to burn her fingers in the American fire ;
bat England's mind is quite made up.

We know the thanks we have had for this from
the North. For a long time all our thorough im-
*partiality was represented as favouring the South.
Our manufacturers supplied the South with arms ;
our skippers, at their own risk, attempted to get
medicines, clothing, and luxuries in food, through
the blockade, as well as guns and ammunition ; we
half forgot the black spot of Southern slavery in
the courage and skill displayed by Southern com-
manders and Southern soldiers, and all these things
were set down against us as erimes. It availed
nothing that we did +en times more for the North,
practically, than we did for the South—that where
our merchants and manufacturers sold a hundred
pounds' worth of warlike stores to the South, they
must have furnished five times that amount to the
North. Political independence and military courage
turned our sympathy towards the South, and the
North could not forgive the sentiments which we
did not care to suppress. Yet all the time our
national acts were the same. Whatever feelings the
conduct of either side evoked, we maintained our
neutrality. We do not recollect one single case in
which the North has even the shadowof a just com-
plaint against us except it be for the building of the
Alabama. That, however, at the very worst, is
simply a cAse of action too slow on the part of our
Government to cope with the dexterous movements
of those whose property the vessel was. We cannot
for one moment blame the builders; they had a
perfect right, as the American builders themselves
would have asserted in a parallel case, to execute
orders in their own trade, without asking curious
questions. And as to our Government, it could not,
unless prepared to imitate the illegalities of Mr.
LINCOLN and his Secretary for War, have inter-
fered before they had legal ground for doing so, and
that was furnished too late.

The South, for a long time, did behave somewhat
civilly towards us; though it was no doubt in the
hope.of obtaining our more or less direct assistance.
Indeed the South began with attempts at compul-
sion. Before the blockade had become effectual it
prohibited the sale of cotton, under the assured con-
viction that "cotton was king," and would soon
compel the iutervention of Europe. The North
shared the conviction. Indeed both parties for a
long time fully believed that want of cotton would
compel Europe, and England especially, to take
sides with one of them, each hoping to be the one ;
the South because it had what we wanted, the
North because it kept the maritime lock and key
to it. Singularly enough, to this day the South, as
well as the North, persists in refusing to liberate
cotton. The South forbids its sale, and burns it
where the North would be likely to clpture it;
the North stations its ships to prevent its leaving the
Southern ports. The South has always cherished the
overweening conceit that England was at its
mercy. " What would mankind do without us
and our slaves," they ask triumphantly; " But
for oar productions the mills of Lanashire would
be shut up, and the Chartists of England would
revolutionise the country." Such, says a pretty
recent traveller in the States—Mr. STIRLING—is
their language; and the common term of contempt
applied by them to our honest and industrious
workmen is that of " hireling l"

At length, however, the South appears to have
lost all patience with us. The Emperor of the
FRENCH wished to procure for it an armistice of
six months, with the farther object of its indefinite
prolongation. Europe, meanwhile, was to obtain
the four millions bales of cotton which, our
Consuls tells us, are to be found there, and the
South to be thus amply supplied with money, and,
of •course, with all that money could purchase.
England and Russia replied, "Not yet." For this
the North neither praises nor blames us. The
latter it could not do, the former it would not. But
now it is our turn to catch it Also from the South.
we acknowledged them as belligerents, and
When we
to act as policemen for the North in our own
manufactories, then England was everything. Now
that we refuse to adopt, governmentally,a partisan
policy, nothing is too bad for us. taorltdi sbayn
We are
the Richmond Whsg that the English people
"permit. almost without remonstrance, those two
old painted mummies, RUSSELL and PALMERSTON,
to place the British nation in an attitude towards
us heartlessly cruel and unjust." And we are even
threatened with the high displeasure of the mighty
South. " The Confederate States TA ill remember
England in the future. There was a time when
she could have made fast friends of us, but that

time, we believe, is going by for ever. We look
upon her present Government as little less corrupt
than that of the North. The conduct of her
Ministers in our affairs ham been chara&erised by
sordid lust and base ears." Mr. SEWARD
is even described as Lord RUSSELL'S master !
"A threat from SEWARD will silence Earl Russia',
more effectually than the wails of the suffering poor
of his country. Treachery being the predominant
characteristic of both the Yankee and the English
premiers, we are not surprised that there is a mutual
hostility to the South, and perhaps a tacit under-
standing to despoil us of the products of our coun-
try. SEWARD is by far the shrewder knave of the
two, and his voice seems to be as potent with Earl
RUSSELL as it is i❑ the Cabinet of Washington.
Certain it is that he has dictated, in the most super-
cilious terms, the course which he wished England
to pursue since the establishment of the blockade
and the recognition of the Confederates as belli-
get ents."
Such effusions we read and laugh at, and hardly
say we forgive, because, they have not the power to
make us angry ; but what will injure the South far
more with England, is, her brutality towards negro
prisoners. Mr. DAVIS' savage proclamation against
them was veiled in semi-legal phraseology, though
no cue could doubt what it meant ; but we are not
allowed to wait long for the practical comment. The
shooting in cold blood, by order of Southern com-
manders, of twenty negro teamsters near Murfrees-
borough, has excited no indignation or remonstrance
in the South ! JEFFERSON DAvIS has given, and
will give no intimation, that it is not exactly what
he meant, for he did mean it. The atrocity, as we
regard it in England, is coolly taken as a matter of
course, by the South and its friends. In this coun-
try it will be matched with the doings of NEILL and
FURCIIIN and BUTLER. In England negroes are
regarded as men, and as having a perfect right to
their liberty if they can get it. Suppose that these
negroes were slaves who had made good their title
to manhood, and who were now driving for wages
the waggons of the army through which they had
gained their liberty—what but the most fiendish
spirit of revenge could dare to deal with these in-
nocent men as brigands or pirates? The South is
adopting the very means by such deeds as this to
cut itself off from the sympathies of all civilised na-
tions, and of England pre-eminently. Since the
issue of the war has manifestly become emancipa-
tion or slavery, an evident change has commenced
in the feelings of this country towards the Northern
cause, and the South needs to treat the negro better
rather than worse, if it would retain any measure
of English good will. We do not, indeed, think the
North more generous or philanthropic than we
thought her before. Emancipation as a " military
necessity," is pure selfishness ; but we are a practical
people, and when we associate the triumph of the
North with the abolition of slavery in ten large
States, to be as surely followed by its abolition in
the Border States, we shall regard, not the nobleness
or meanness of the motive, but the grandeur of the
result. We may care little for the North, but the
cessation of Southern slavery is everything to Eng-
lishmen.

The address of the Prussian Chamber of Depu-
ties to their unconstitutional KING will be read
with interest. As yet a mere summary of the
Address has reached us, but its tone and spirit are
plainly discernable, and confirm our anticipations.
The Chamber has assumed a firm and undaunted
attitude, remonstrating with the KING in respect-
ful but decided language on the illegality of the
proceedings of his Government. " Since last See-
sion,"says the Address, " the Ministers have carried
on the public administration against the Constitu-
tion and without a legal Budget." They declare
the supreme right of the popular representatives to
have been attacked, and the country is alarmed by
these unconstitutional measures. There is certainly
much ground for this uneasiness,since if the Minis-
ters continue to act in direct opposition to the ex-
pressed will of the Chambers all constitutional
government will be at an end. The deputies de-
clare to the KING that abuses of the power of the
Government are now taking place as in the years
that preceded the Regency, and reminding him of
his recent declaration of the sincerity of his
intention to maintain the Constitution, distinctly
express their conviction that his Ministers have
already trenched on its privileges. They assure the
Monarch that they are supported by the great body
of the people, and that the party who presented the
recent addresses to the throne are only a small
minority. It is now to be seen whether the KING
will listen to this remonstrance; whether his eyes
are yet open to the danger and weakness of a posi-
tion which is seen to be untenable by all
but himself. We learn from a French source that
it is rumoured in Berlin that the Government is
willing to fix by law the maximum of the army, if
the Chamber would inaugurate a similar proposi-
tion. This would seem to indicate a more con-
ciliatory spirit, but we fear that it will need further
time and trouble to bring thu KING to reason. The
cause of the dispute is not touched upon in the
address of the Deputies. They justly conceive it
to be their duty in the present crisis to make their
stand upon the general principles of the Constitu-
tion, rather than upon any isolated measure, how
ever arbitrary and uncalled for. The gravity of
the tone of the Address shaws that the Deputies
fully appreciate the seriousness of their position.
There is no exultation, no defiance, only a firm and
quiet resolve to maintain the rights of the people
whom they represent. We trust their unshaken
tone, supported as it must be by all constitutional
kingdoms, will yet have weight with their mis-
taken rulers, and convince them, in the coneluding
words of the Address, that " peace at home and
power abroad can only be restored to the Govern-
ment by its returning to a constitutional state of
things."

DEATH OT MR. W. C. NOTTER.—Mr. W. C. S.
Notter, who was for many years connected with Covent
Garden and Drury Line Theatres, departed this life on the
16th inst., aged 65, deeply lamented.

THE SOUTHERN EMBANKMENT OF THE THAMES.
—Last evening a meeting of the rector, church-
wardens, and yes rymen of the parish of St. Mary, Lam-
beth, was held at the Vestry-hall, Kennington, to consider
a report of a committee of the vestry on the Thames Em-
bankment and roadway (south side) ; Mr. R. Taylor in the
chair. Mr. Doniton,M.P., moved theadoption of the report,
the practical effect of which, he said, was to empower the
vestry to consult some practical engineer so as to protect
the interests of the parish in reference to the damage to
property which would be effected by the embankment.
After some alight discussion the report was adopted.
TESTING OF SHIPS' CHAINS AND ANCHORS.--
A communication from Lloyd's Registry-office was
read yesterday at the meeting of the Mersey Dock Board,
stating that regulations had been passed to prevent ships
from being classed A 1, unless they had chains and an-
chors on board which had been subjected to a certain proved
test, and asking the Mersey Dock Board to co-operate with
L oyd 's,
to
at Liverpooltthe a proving house si-
milar West India Docks.
The letter was referred to the Works Committee.
A MAN BURIED IN A SEWER.—Yesterday
tbhya establishingrecently opened a
a painful character occurred to a man named Charles
morning, shortly before nine o'clock, an accident of
Church, an excavator at Darnley-road, near Hackney
Old Church. The unfortunate man was engaged in form-
ing a new drain, when a mass of earth gave way, and com-
pletely buried him. Three •quarters of an hour elapsed be-
fore the unfortunate man could be reached. He was dis-
covered crouched up,quite insensible,
and fearfully crushed.
At the London Hospital it was found that he had fractured
legs, a severe scalp wound, and numerous contusions. But
alight hopes are given of his recovery.