The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

POST.—When Earl Russell, in acknowledging
the hospitality with which he has been entertained
at Blairgowrie, favoured the hosts with a review of
the foreign policy of the English Cabinet during
the period he has held his present office, he might
congratulate himself on having pitched on a fruit-
ful theme. W hen Lord Palmerston's Administra-
tion was formed the war in Italy had not come to a
close, and since then a revolution in the American
Republic, an armed intervention in Mexico, and a
widespread insurrection, extending over a con-
siderable portion of central Europe, have thrown
more than an ordinary share of business into the
office of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affeirs.
With so many topics to which to refer, Earl
Russell accordingly experienced little difficulty
in making a long and interesting speech; and if
he did not remind his hearers of the negotiations
which he so happily conducted with the Govern-
ments of Brazil and Denmark, we can only attribute
the omission to a natural unwillingness to refer to
transactions in which his personal skill in diplo •
macy was so singularly displayed. Poland and
America of necessity constituted the staple of his
discourse; and as the great issues raised in those
countries still remain unsolved, the Foreign
Secretary specially endeavoured to justify the
policy hitherto pursued by her Majesty's Govern-
ment. Results not unfrequently supply the best
justification for proceedings whose expediency at
the time of their inception is problematical ;
but as neither in the case of the American civil
war, nor of the Polish insurrection, matters have
reached that stage when the consequences can be
accurately foreseen, it is not possible to employ
the most conclusive of all arguments, that of jus •
tification by events. In both these quarrels Eng-
land has observed the strictest neutrality ; and,
however either of them may terminate, it is not diffi-
cult to show that the Government of this country
deserve credit for having so far saved it from being
embroiled in foreign disputes. If ultimately, how-
ever, this kingdom should find itself engaged in
active hostilities, the question would of course arise
whether so unfortunate a result might not have been
averted by the prosecution, on the part of the
Government, of a different policy. Events have
fortunately as yet not flowed into this channel, and
in the meanwhile it is neither unreasonable to
congratulate ourselves on our present good fortune,
nor unjustifiable to hope that we may henceforth
steer clear of the many difficulties by which we
are surrounded, and through which, under the
,guidance of the present Government, the vessel of
the State has hitherto been so successfully steered.
We have so frequently of late found it necessary
to discuss the policy pursued by this country as
well as be France and Austria in respect to the
Polish question, that Lord Russell's allusions to
recent negotiations may be dismissed with but 'Little
comment. But one observation which he thought
proper to make is so just and forcible that we cannot
pass it by without remark. Having reminded his
hearers that in his place in Parliament he stated
that in his opinion neither the obligations nor the
interest of England required that we should go to
war for Poland, he went on to say—" Holding that
opinion, I think it unbecoming of us to rail at
Russia when we are not prepared forcibly to resist
her aggression." Nothing can be more conclu-
sive. But, ou the other hand, may not one in-
quire, as in fact the French Cabinet is to day
inquiring, why, holding this opinion, England
took upon herself with other Powers to dictate to
Russia the proper way of governing her domi-
nions? Was it "becoming" to accept voluntarily
the office of censor, and in the same breath to declare
everything wanting which could give weight to the
reproof? These are questions not put by us, but
put by Poland, in whose breast false hopes have been
excited, and by France, who not unnaturally re-
sents the affront which has been passed on her, in
conjunction with the other two Powers, by the Rus-
sian Government. No one doubts that it is not for
the interest of England to go to war for Poland ;.but
may it not well be impolitic to declare such event out
of the bounds of possibility ? England derived no
material benefit from going to war for Turkey nine
years since ; but for all that she found herself obliged
to invade the Crimea. We have never questioned the
soundness of a policy directed with the view of pre-
serving England from being entangled in a European
war, but we have feared lest such a result would
be hastened instead of averted by frequent and posi-
tive assurances that stich-a contingency was utterly
impossible. The course taken by the Government of
this country in respect to the American belligerents
has, except at W ashington and Richmond, met with
universal approval. In recognising the South as
belligerents we committed, as Earl Russell forcibly
pointed out, no breach of neutrality. It was impos-
sible to treat the uprising of six millions of people
as that petty rebellion and domestic disturbance
which in the first instance the Government of the
Northern States would have had us believe it to be.
But independently of this consideration, our exten-
sive maritime relations rendered it necessary that
the character of Confederate cruisers should be
especially determined. If we did not re-
cognise the belligerent character of the Con-
federate States, we would have been obliged
to treat their privateers as pirates, and by
so doing would have most glaringly violated that
neutrality we are so anxious to preserve. Nor does
the oft-repeated assertion that the Confederates were
rebels against the Union, even admitting its truth,
furnish any ground for impugning the conduct of
the English Government in acknowledging their
belligerent character. It assuredly is not for the
descendants of those who nearly a century ago
shook off allegiance to the English Crown to cry
down rebellion as of necessity unlawful. The peo-
ple of this country, as Earl Russell reminded his
hearers, rebelled against Charles I. and James II.;
and it was their descendants who, by rebelling
against George 111., laid the foundation of the Ame-
rican Republic. It is not therefore withoat surprise
that we hear from American orators and statesmen
angry and oft-repeated denunciations of rebellion
as the greatest of social crimes ; and we may well
wonder at the singular aspect of a Government—
the offspring of successful revolution, and theo-
retically absolutely dependent on popular suffrage—
assuming the tone and adopting the language of
Oriental despotism. It is the constant complaint of
the Northern States that they are misunderstood.
On this side of the Atlantic the true objects with
which the war is protracted are not acknowledged,
and the genuine philanthropy which counsels the
extermination of a kindred race does not meet with
the appreciation which it deserves. In extenuation
we can only say that we employ to the best of our
ability the judgment with which we are endowed.
Battles have been fought extending over several
days, and the slain have been counted by thousands,
but when the accounts have reached us we have
sought in vain for the evidences of that Christian
spirit—that motive principle of this mighty war,
which we have been so frequently called upon to
admire, if not to emulate. We have been charged
with taking pleasure in the continuance of hostili-
ties, and throwing obstructions in the way of an
amicable settlement. We may well, to quote the
words of Lord Russell, lose patience when charges
of this kind are brought against us, not by an ill-
regulated press, but by men whose talents and edu-
cation have placed them in the foremost rank of
American statesmen. We can well afford to disre-
gard misrepresentations so palpable as these ; but
we cannot, without misgiving, look forward to a
time when those representations may still obtain
credence with the American people. How long the
judicial blindness with which they are now afflicted
may last no one can tell. We can only hope that
when a war which has so completely distorted the
judgment of an intelligent people shall come to an
end, the American nation will acknowledge that
they possess no closer friends or more sincere well-
wishers than that people from whom, and by no
distant interval, they trace their descent.
HERALD.—The long inaction of the great armies
of the belligerents in America is at end. From
Virginia and Tennessee we have intelligence of an
approaching conflict. By this time iu all proba-
bility two great battles have been fought decisive
of the respective campaigns in those states. The
news is not unexpected. For some time past it has

been rumoured that the Confederate troops were
gathering iu Eastern Tennessee, and when the
abandonment of Chattanooga and Knoxville with-
out a blow was announced, it was very generally
surmised in well-informed quarters that the evacua-
tion of those important positions was not effected
without a distinct strategical object, that an en-
counter between the two armies would sooner or
later take place, and that a position so easily defen-
sible would not be finally surrendered without a
tremendous conflict. It would now appear that the
retrogade movement from Chattanooga was made
with the two-fold purpose of drawing Rosecranz
further from the base of operations, andof effecting
a junction with reinforcements from the army of
Virginia. The accounts, it is true, aro somewhat
obscure and perplexing. Au action is said to have
taken place at Lafayette, Tennessee, iu which the
Federate sustained a defeat. But a glance at the
map alma that Lafayette, Iliauessee, is far in the

rear of the Federal armies, and that the encounter
must have taken place east or south-east of Chatta-
nooga, in the direction of Lafayette, in the state of
Georgia. It was reported by the last mail that
Rosecranz and Burnside had occupied Chattanooga
and Knoxville; and it is hardly likely that they
advanced so far with a Confederate force between
them. The probability seems to be that the Federal
advance from Chattanooga was continued with a view
of feeling the enemy and ascertaining his strength,
and that somewhere between this place and Lafay-
ette the Confederates encountered the invaders and
drove them back. This supposition is strengthened
by the announcement that Gen. Longstreet, with
20,000 men, had passed through Resaca, in the state
of Georgia, and that a portico?, of his force had
actually reached Lafayette. It was known that
Bragg had retreated in a south-easterly direction,
that a division or two of Johnstone's army had
reinforced him, and that Buckner was on the
Atlanta Road with another division. If our view
be correct, their several forces have been concen-
trated in the vicinity of Lafayette, and have hand-
somely repulsed the Federal advance, compelling
Rosecranz to resume the defensive, and even threat.
ening his communications with their superior
cavalry. We shall not be surprised to learn that
the Confederate commanders, availing themselves
of their interior lines of communication, have con-
centrated near Chattanooga a force equal, possibly
superior, in numbers to the Federal army, and that
Rosecranz's only chance is the naturally strong
position he has taken up on Checkamanga Creek, a
mile or two south of Chattanooga. By this time
the battle has been fought. It is obvious that the
Federals must fight at a considerable disadvantage,
at a distance of 200 miles from their basis of opera-
tions, and that, while a Confederate reverse will only
lose Eastern Tennessee, a Federal defeat may bring
about the destruction of Rosecranz's army. In the
meantime the Federals have made the best move
they could make under the circumstances. Acting,
apparently, on the information that Lee's army has
been weakened by the withdrawal of Longstreet's
division, the whole of Meade's army has advanced
to the Rapidan, Lee's army may fight on the old
battle-ground, or if it is too weak to risk an engage-
ment in the open field, fall back upon the impreg-
nable lines about Richmond. The Confederates
have an enormous advantage in their railway coin
munication, which enables them, as their necessities
may dictate, to reinforce their Virginian or Ten-
nessee army It is quite possible that Lee will
act entirely on the defensive, re use all offer of
battle, and await at Richmond the issue of the
struggle in East Tennessee. Placing the numbers
of the Confederate soldiers in the field at 300,000,
we can are no reason why there should not be in
this quarter a force quite sufficient to account
for Rosecranz, and yet leave Richmond amply
protected. IVe must, however, wait for further
news before we venture to discuss Lee's move-
ments. The Federals have always been singularly
misinformed respecting the operations of their op-
ponents. It is quite likely they have been deceived
on the present occasion, and that Lee may not have
sent one man South, the object of the rumour being
to entice Meade from a strong position, and induce
him to become the assailant. Under any circum-
stances a battle is imminent, and the next mail may
bring us the most momentous intelligence that lias
yet reached us from the seat of war. From other
parts of the Confederacy the news is decidedly
favourable to the South. Gen. Gillmore is making
little or no progress at Charleston. The Federals had
been repulsed in an assault upon Fort Sumter with
a loss of one-third of the attacking force in captured
alone. The besieged had mounted two enormous
Blakely guns which had somewhat awed the crews
of the iron-clads. Forts Moultrie and Bee held out
bravely; and a tremendous fire was kept up on the
Federal position on Morris Island from half a dozen
batteries. It is significant that we do not now hear
that the siege of Charleston is " progressing." The
invasion of Texas has not commenced auspiciously.
Two gunboats have been destroyed or captured at
Sabine Pass in the Gulf, and the rest of the expedi-
tion has returned. The neighbourhood of Opelonsas
and the country of the Teach() are occupied by Con-
federate troops, and will offer a stout resistance to
Federal progress. We shall not be surprised to
team that here, too, the Federals have met with a
surprise and a defeat. On the whole, the prospect
is brightening for the Confederates, despite Mr.
Seward's boastful anticipations. It would be pre-
sumptuous to attempt to forecast the issue of the
grave results now pending, but at least there is no
reason to despair of the fortunes of the South.

TIMES.—It is now some time since a long vaca-
tion speech has been directed to questions so im-
portant and interesting as those just discussed by
Lord Russell at .:,dlairgowrie. In the fearless and
candid address which we yesterday reported his
lordship explained without reserve the foreign policy
of the Government, and, though we derive from that
exposition much assurance and much satisfaction,
we see also by how slender a thread the peace of
Europe may at any moment hang. The Russian
question, serious as it is, we may at once dismiss,
for, though Lord Russell intimates that the recent
acts of the Imperial Government may entail weighty
consequences, he repeats the declaration that Eng-
land will not go to war with Russia for Poland, and
it is tolerably certain that Russia will not go to war
with England for anything else. The Mexican
question, too, may be safely put aside. As we are
not proposing to interfere with the Mexicans in one
way or the other—either to constitute a Govern-
ment for them, or to protest against any which we
may find constituted and accepted—we can hardly
incur any serious obligations in that quarter. But
the case is, unfortunately, different when we come
to the belligerents of America. Both Federals and
Confederates are dissatisfied with our neutrality,
both discontented with the position which they oc-
cupy in our eyes, and both angrily desirous of some-
thing which we cannot give them. The letters of
our correspondent in the Southern States will have
prepared the public for the question of which Lord
Russell now speaks as raised botween the British
Government and the Confederate authorities. It
was an important question beyond a doubt, and none
the less so because it involved a principle of great
interest to ourselves. The blockade which now
closes the Southern ports forms the most effective
engine in the hands of President Lincoln and the
most formidable obstacle in the way of President
Davis. The possible interruption of this blockade by
one of the Powers of Europe has been the dread of
the North and the hope of the South ever since the
war began. At length the Southern Government
made a formal protest, and demanded of us that,
in pursuance of doctrines to which this country
had assented, the blockade should be declared
ineffective. President Davis alleged not only
that the blockade, as a matter of fact, was con-
stantly eluded, but that it must in itself, as pro-
fessing to extend over 3,000 miles of coast, be prac-
tically unsubstantial and imaginary. Now, here
again, as on many occasions during the American
war, we found ourselves confronted with one of the
old questions which in times past we had discussed
at the cannon's mouth. It was the interest of a
maritime belligerent such as Great Britain to
stretch the privileges of blockaders, and to put the
greatest possible stress,upon an enemy at the least
possible cost. It was the interest of neutrals to
limit these privileges, and to reduce the system of
blockade to the dimensions of strict reality. It
could not be allowed, they said, that a maritime
Power should merely proclaim a port blockaded. She
must actually blockade it, so that access is rendered
almost impossible, and that obligation would con-
veniently curtail her power of interfering with
neutral commerce. We had recently adhered to
this doctrine, and the Confederate government
accordingly challenged our judgment on the actual
effectiveness and consequent legitimacy of the Fede-
ral blockade. Lord Russell's exposition of the
principles maintained by Government will certainly
satisfy the public. He did not deny that a blockade
of 3,000 miles of coast must at intervals be imper-
fect, but he took the common sense view of the
case in pronouncing it a good and effective blockade
according to the spirit of international law. If, in-
deed, it were not so, it would follow that no exten-
sive blockade could be possible at all. The Federal
States have satisfied the reason of the case by throw-
ing their whole energies into the operation, and the
exceptional instances in which the blockade is
eluded are only sufficient to prove the rule of its
reality. There followed another question of more
present and visible importance. The Government
of Washington complained of the escape of the
Alabama from a British port, and were threatened,
it is said, with war in case any more vessels of a
similar character were sent to sea from this country.
Within the last month her Majesty's Government
has ordered the detention of two vessels lying in the
Mersey, and destined by report for the service of
the Confederates ; so that while the law of the case
is doubtful, and oven the facts uncertain, it might
seem that England had been shaping her course
rather by a sense of fear than a conviction of right.
That idea, however, Lord Russell's speech strives
to dispel. We cannot say that we think the law on
this point so plain as the advisers of the Crown
seem to supposio, and Lord Russell's exposition of it
is the one weak part of his remarkable speech. It
appears from his lordship's words that the perplexi-
ties of the Government in the matter have arisen
not so much from the obscurity of the law as from
deficiencies in the evidence of facts. The law officers
of the Crown, we are informed, did say that the
Alabama could be lawfully detained, but not until
it was too late to detain her. In like manner Lord
Russell now states, as beyond dispute—though
many are inclined to dispute it—that if we allow
any vessel to depart armed from our ports and
attack a foreign belligerent, we are virtually taking
part in the war. In the case of the suspected
vessels in the Mersey there is a now and curious

feature created by the incidents of modern warfare.
These ships are steam rams—that is to say, ships
constructed for the purpose of destroying other
ships by the impact of their iron prows. They
carry, therefore, their armament in their very form
and build, and are virtually armed vessels before
they have got a single gun on board. This brings
them, according to the advisers of the Crown, even
while empty, within the scope of the law; but,
though Lord Russell, in reviewing all these circum-
stances, promises that right shall be done, he de'
Glares in the plainest and most uncompromising
language that not the slightest concession or sur-
render shall be made to threats. "We will not
adopt any measure that we think to be wrong. We
will not yield a jot of British law or British right
in consequence of the menaces of any foreign
Power." These words, which were received by the
audience with the loudest applause, should be proof
sufficient that the honour of the country runs DO
risk in the hands of her Majesty's Government.
But the feature of his lordship's speech which will
commend itself most readily to the public is the
homely common sense and practical honesty
which pervades every portion of the argument.
Though the Foreign Secretary cannot pretend
to neglect the letter of the law, Lord Russell
is far more solicitous about its spirit. His rule
is evidently sought not so much in the pars
of jurists as in the golden maxim of moralitYr
"Do as you would be done by." He puts England
in the position of the Federal States, and asks what
we, if we were so circumstanced, might be expected
to do. Having satisfied himself on that point, he
proposed that the Federals should be allowed to do
the same, and when the Americans are capable of
forming a calm and unbiassed judgment of our
policy they will give us credit for these good inten-
tions. At present, unhappily, they are in no imp
partial mood, and it is seldom, indeed, that a Mini"
ster of State has been compelled to speak of the
opinion of a foreign country in language so strong
as that used by Lord Russell in describing the
speeches and writings of Americans. He acknow-
ledged the impartiality of the Federal Government
and the reasonableness of Mr. Seward himself, but
of American orators in general, and of Mr. Sumner
in particular, he could only say that their efforts
directly tended to plunge two great countries into
war. Of that contingency the Americans may noW
learn our thoughts from the mouth of a Minister
whose words will find a faithful echo in the breasts
of his countrymen. England will use every effort
for the preservation of peace ; sbe will do " every-
thing which she thinks just and right" towards
Americans, but she " will be ready to meet attack
if unjustly attacked, and ready to bear her part in
the contest, if contest there must he."

COUNTRY MARKETS.


GLOUCESTER—SEPT. 26.-
The show of English wheat to-day was moderate, and
the attendance small. Farmers were unwilling sellers, 11
a reduction of IS per qr on the currencies of the last week•
Foreign wheat was again very dull, and at fully is per qr
decline. Barley, beans, and oats were without change.

COLCHESTER—SETT. 20.
There was a less supply of wheat to-day, but quite equal
to the demand, and the rates of last week were about is per
qr lower. Barley of fine quality realised late prices; other
sorts is cheaper. Beans and peas as before.
NV heat,! white 44s f.OB 1 Beans, Mazagan..333 $9
red 42s 46s middle & 5ma11.353 3"
Barley
Oats
I

CHELMSFORD—SEPT. 25.
At this corn exchange to-day there was a fair supply of
wheat, most of which changed hands at last week's prices,
but in some cases a reduction of about is per qr had to be
submitted to. There was no alteration in otter articles,
with a heavy trade.
Wheat, old white...3os 47s
new ..44s 48s
old red....36s 42s
new 40s 448
Barley 265 36s
Chevalier ..28s 398
Grinding 22s 31s
Malt.... 61s 67s
Chevalier 64s 69s
Oats 2os 28s

Yeas, Partridge 37s 405
White 39s 40s
Boiling .. 40s 435
Dun 33s :65
Ditto new —s .—s
Beans, Tick, ,1d 343 39s
new -6 --s
Harrow Ticks .4,358 405
new —s --°I
Mazagan e, 30s 39

KIRKCALDY GRAIN—SEPT. 26.
Wheat. Barley. Oats.
First....3ss Od I 27s Od I 22s Od
Second ..36s Od 28s Od 23s 6d
Third....42s Od 31s Od 25s Od
To-day we had good supplies of all descriptions of grain
at market. The trade was inactive, Barley Is and oats
Gd per qr under last week's rates.

COAL 11
Prices of Coal per 'eon a
s. d.

Byass's Bebsido West
Hartley ...16 9
Walker Primrose 12 3
Carway;, and Duffryn
Malting . 2O 0
Eden Main l7 9
Holywell 17 3
Lambert's West Hart-

ley 16 6
Wylam l7 0
Co wpm Hartley 16 9

AftKET.
the close of the market.

Ships at mark,

s. d.

Walls End.
Haswell l9 0
Heugh Hall 17 9
17 9
South Kelloe
Hetton 19 0
IBraddylr s Hetton
Framwellgate.. l7 6
Tunstall
Caradoc lB 3
Russel's Hetton lB 3
KeiperGrange l7 9
Riddell ........17 3
)t, 44; sold, 44.

Foreign Mail Packet List.

MAILS DUE.
Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton....... Oct. 19.
via Marseilles .. Oct. 13.
Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. . Oct. 6-,
Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. Sept. 20*
China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton.Oet. 2.
via Marseilles ...Sept. 27•

Falkland Islands
Gibraltar, via Southampton .. Oct. 2.
India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Oct. 2
via Marseilles Sept. 27•
India (Bombay), via Southampton Oct. 11'
via Marseilles Oct. 5.
Portugal.... Oct. 5.
Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Oct. 2.
via Marseilles Oct. 11,'
Newfoundland .. Sept. €'`"
Oporto and Vigo
U. S. and British N. America, ty Brit. packet.... Sept. 303
by U.S. packet....
by Canadian packet. Oct. 2.
W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe .. . . Oct. 10.
Bahamas, via New York
Mexico ... . Sept. :48.
All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, } Sept. 2S'
California. and British Columbia..

DESPERATE ENCOUNTER BETWEEN A STAG AND
A GILLIE.—An incident has lately occurred at
stag chase in the forest of Glenavon, which causes cone!'
derable alarm among keepers and gillies. Mr. John Mort!"
son, Glenavon, an athletic youth of 17, had occasion to OP
a brace of hounds at one of the antlered monarchs of the
mountain near the summit of Ben-y- Baird. The chase wee
truly exciting, and prosecuted with such swiftness and
vigour as only stag and hound could do. It extended over
some miles, until one of the hounds compelled the noble
animal, for the sake of his lacerated haunches, to turn
and keep him at bay. Assisted by his skill as huntsman
in taking a near cut to the place which was most likely
to be the field of engagement, the nimble-footed mewl'
taineer came in sight of the stag and hound struggling
desperately, and on observing that his trusty hound wag
coming off second best in the match he bounded with
renewed alacrity to his rescue. By this time the hound
was in a great measure exhausted, in consequence
of the effusion of blood which followed the =let'
ring blows dealt by the stag with his antlers, and in allPre'
bability helwould soon have become the victim of his exile:
perated foe. The youth rushed in the face of the infuriate;
animal, and applied his massive bludgeon with might And
main, which in a few rounds was flying from the substaa'
tial horns of the stag in splinters in every direction. Being
now, by the loss of his bludgeon, in a defenceless conditioat
his antagonist sprang upon him, and with one jerk heaved
him over a large stone like a bundle of straw, and he scarcely
had got to his feet when the desperate animal was coming
with the finishing stroke. It was now do or die. Convill'
eively he seized the animal's horn with his left hand, while
with his right he thrust his skien dhu into his heart, and
thus terminated his career.—Elgin Courant.

Births.
CLAYTON.—On the 23d inst., at Gloucester, the wife of
Captain Clayton, author of "Ii l'illegrino," &G., of

daughter.
RIBBLESDALE.—On the 26th inst., at Paris, Lady Ribilles4
dale, of a daughter.
RYMEB..—On the 27th inst., at North•end, Croydon, 1*(1'
YOTING Samu
On the 24th in
Lee Rymer, onst ~ f a so
at The Limes, Croydon-corr
n.
mon, the wife of D. fill Young, Esq., of a daughter'
.
Marriages.
ft
HILL* TIIOMPSON.—On the 28th lust , at Saint peter
Church, Walworth, Mr. Henry Rill, .of Camberwell, to
Sarah, second daughter of Mr. Thomas Thompson-
POLE—LANDS.—On the 24th inst., at St. George's, Cary
terbury, Sir Peter Van,Notten Pole, Bart., to Louisat
third daughter of the late Samuel Lands, BET, 1:185
India Company's C.S., Bombay.
Deaths. •
CIIITTY.—On the 28th inst., at Walham-green, Edward
Chitty, Esq., of Lincoln's-inn, aged GO. late
CALD WELL .—On the 2Cil inst., Wm, Caldwell, Big
of Customs, aged 72.
DASIIWOOD.—On the 24th inst., at Halton, Sir J. Richard
Dashwood, Bart.
B.D. a 49.
FABER atory
On the 26th inst., at The Or,, Lged ondon, the
Very Rev, Frederick William Faber,
FiNcEL—On the 24th inst., at Bordeaux, Frederick Finch,
Esq., of Shahporeondae, Tirhoot, W
Benga, aged 01.
MACKAY.—On the 20th inst., at 14, estbourno-par
terrace, Lieut. Colonel. Angus Mackay, late 21st I.I„N.D'
Fusiliers.

London :Pr 'in and Pal,!ialied by WILT...TAIT ANDIOCO'
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office No. 11
'
Strand, in the Precinct of die 'Savoy, in the Conatl4
Middlesex,— Tpsday, eeptemDer 29,1180.: