The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-20 00:00:00

THE WEDDING SUN

Is now Publishing.

THIS DAY.—Morning,.• . 2h. 30m.—Afternoon, 2h. 52m.
T - HO RROW.—Morning, 3h. tem.—At t erno 3h. 2)m.

The Weather—Sun Office, March 20, 1863.

THERSIOMETER.
Highest since Noon yesterday . . 51
Lowest during the night
This day at N00n.....
Wind—N.-W. ; fresh. Morning cloudy, afternoon fine.

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LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 20, 1863.

In the House of Lords last night,
The Salmon Exportation Bill passed through
committee.
The Union Relief Aid Act Continuance Bill was
read a third time and passed.
Lord DALHOUSIE, in asking whether the Gover-
ment intended to take any steps to consolidate the
Metropolitan and City Police, particularly dwelt on
the shortcomings of the City Police on the occasion
of the recent Royal procession, and strongly urged
the propriety of amalgamating the City and Metro-
politan Police services as the only means of prevent-
ing the recurrence of such scenes.
Earl GRANVILLE stated that the Home Secretary
had written to the Lord Mayor in reference to the
matter, but no answer had been received.
The Duke of CAMBRIDGE explained the steps he
had taken to induce the city authorities to accept a
military force for preserving order on the occasion
of the entry of the Princess Alexandra into the
city. He contended that the metropolitan and city
forces should be amalgamated, and under the con- ,
trol of one instead of two authorities.
Lord TAUNTON was strongly in favour of the
amalgamation of the two forces.
Their lordships then adjourned.
In the House of Commons, in answer to Mr.
LONGFIELD,
Mr. LAYARD said that since the breaking out of
the civil war in America all communications be-
tween her Majesty's Government and that of the
United States on the subject of the island of San
Juan had been suspended.
On the motion for going into committee on the
Tobacco Duties Bill,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER appealed to
Mr. Ayrton, who had given notice of a motion to
refer the bill to a select committee, not to press that
motion, on the ground that it was without precedent
to submit a financial question to a select committee,
thus taking the responsibility from the Minister of
Finance.

Mr. AYILTON controverted the arguments against
going into a select committee, and moved his amend-
ment, which, on a division, was lost by 170 to 87.
The House then went into committee, when, after
some remarks on the measure, the clauses were
agreed to and the House resumed.
The House then went into committee on
pro_
ther
Corrupt Practices at Elections renewing
gress at Clause 8, which, after some discussion
and amendments, was agreed to, Some clauses
were added to the bill, and the House resumed.
The Telegraphs Bill was then taken in exntnittee.
The other business was disposed of, and the House
adjourned at ten minutes to one o'clock.

In spite of popular sympathy and public decla-
mation, in spite cf the pompous eloquence of rulers,
and the ready enthusiasm of peoples, the animated
discussions in the French Senate and the English
Parliament, and the cordial unanimity of the press
Of both countries, it would seem that the apathy with
which the gres.t Western Powers looked on the crises
of Polish fate in 1'772, 1795, and 1831, is to be re-
peated in the eventful struggle of 1863. The English
Ministry make no sign, save a few courteous re-
marks to an ambassador ; a French Minister yester-
day declared that "a fresh insurrection can only
bring fresh misfortunes,and it is neither good, useful,
nor humane to encourage it." Such words as these,
reaching the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, may afford
Some consolation for the news of ,
I,ANGIEWICZ'S
leant victories. Can it then be true that a great
and free people like the English, who boast that
of liberty throughout the
their
they are the championsworld,
chivalrous nation lfikore
world, a gallant end
French, who have so often struggled v.inly
own national privileges, will stand tamely aside
kn d suffer the unequal struggle between right and
might to go on, unaided by word or sign ? The
truth is, that so far as the Governments cf France
and England are concerned, behind their openly-
professed sympathy for the oppressed Poles there
lurks many an arriere pensee. The Emperor of the
FRENCH feels probably much the same intetest iu
the resurrection of Poland as he did in the forma-
tion of a united Italy. Savoy arid Nice on the
one hand and the Rhenish provinces on the other,
invest disinterested enthusiasm for an idea with
very convenient attractions. Meanwhile the suepi-

cion of this possible result of hasty interference un-
nerves the hand of the English Foreign Secretary,
and the fear lest Prussia should lose rny of
her territories renders the fate .of the 'heroic
Poles a matter of comparative indifference.
France, unwilling to provoke a quarrel
with England, and equally unwilling to
spend men and money for no definite advantage,
draws back from the promised interference, and
thus in consequence of unchecked ambition on one
side and dynastic entanglements on the other, the
Poles are to be left to their own gallant swords
and scythes. Fats ce gue dolt adcienne gui pourra,
is no motto for our modern statesmen. They
have no idea of assisting a noble cause, and leav-
ing future complications to be faced manfully,
or treated prudently when they arise. They
prefer to sit in their Cabinets and conjure up
every possible danger till no course seems safe
but perfect inaction. The question will probably
be raised again in our English Parliament, which
will not, like the French Senate, submit to the
dictation of a Minister. The animated debate
which included the vigorous speeches of M. Boer-
JEAN and Prince NAPOLEON was abruptly termi-
nated by M. BILLAULT, who, after distinctly dis-
couraging the insurrection, recommended the
Senate to express confidence in the wisdom and
firmness of the EMPEROR by passing to the order
of the day, instead of referring the petitions to
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At the same
I time M. EILLAULT took occasion to censure very
strongly the imprudence of some of the speeches,
referring, of course, to those of the advocates of
the Polish cause. The complaisant Senate cheered
loudly this expression of Ministerial views, and
immediately passed the vote for proceeding to the
order of the day, by 109 to 17. It is something,
perhaps, under the circumstances, to find a
minority at all, something that the motion
was not carried without a protest. The forcible
and eloquent discourse of Prince Napoleon, which
will be found in another part of our impression,
bad little favour in his eyes, nor the earnest and im-
pressive words in which the Prince declared that
the spectre of Poland would be constantly re-appear-
ing until her wrongs were redressed, for, he added,
with truth and spirit—" There is no statute of
limitations for crimes of the nature of those which
are committed against unfortunate Poland." The
danger, he added, will exist as long as the policy
of postponement. Without of course subscrib
ing to all his views, the general tone and
tenour of his speech will find an echo
in this country. Meanwhile the Poles are
upholding their own cause with undiminished
vigour. A telegram from Tarnow announces that
Langiewicz defeated the Russians under the com-
mand of General Schachowsky on March 17th and
18th, capturing at the same time large quantities
of war material, so that he will now
be enabled to call out some of his re-
serves. News from Lithuania tells us that all the
marshals of corporations, all judicials, and other
functionaries, have tendered their resignation en
masse basing those resignations on their refusal to re-
ceive any communication from the Government in
the Russian language. This will greatly strengthen
the cause of the insurgents, and will show the Rus-
sians the strength and vitality of the national spirit
they have provoked. Truly the Poles may say, in
Byron's words,

" In native swords and native ranks
The only hope of freedom dwells."

But in spite of scheming Emperors, family influ-
ence, and timorous statesmen, the sympathies of
Europe are with them in their noble struggle to be
free, and the success which the hordes of despots
cannot command may crown the efforts of a noble
and self-relying people.

A voice comes to us across the Atlantic, speaking
if not " with most miraculous organ," at any rate
very persuasively, in reference to the difficult and
long-vexed Problem of Secondary Punishments.
A little roll of paper, turning out upon examination
to be an octavo pamphlet of 23 pages in all, is the
speaking-trumpet through which this voice resounds
to us from the distance of Bermuda. The writer of
this pamphlet, which is briefly entitled " Obser-
vations on the Operations of the Penal Servitude
Laws," addresses his reader from first to last from be-
hind the mask of the anonymous. Concealed though
his identity is, nevertheless, it is an easy matter at
once to recognize from the whole tone •and
drift of his argument that the author is
at the least a man having an ample range
of experience, a man who is to a very consi-
derable extent master of his subject, and one who
is not indifferently endowed with the in-born
capacities essential to an Administrator.
If only from the lucidity of the argument
throughout, we should have read this pamphlet
with pleasure. We have read it with pleasure,
however, also for quite other reasons. Because,
for example, of its constituting a singularly well-
timed epitome of the " whole" argument upon
both sides—wonderfully well-timed, it happens,
seeing that the brochure reaches us in a manner
simultaneously with the close of the labours
of the Commission which has now been some
time sitting, with a view to the systematic
investigation of the difficulties surrounding the
very problem of which the pamphlet before us treats.
The pamphleteer, far away there in the Somers'
Islands, though he has is heard echoed to him from
the remote fatherland, through the Press, all that
has been so long and painfully familiar to us in
regard to the Garotters, Tickets of Leave, Penal
Servitude, Transportation, the English .Sys-
tem of Convict Discipline under Sir JOSHUA
JEBB, the Irish System under Sir WALTER CROF-
TON. He has listened attentively. He has read
thoughtfully. he writes now—upon a matter he
has manifestly well considered—writes quite dis-
passionately and quite deliberately. As conveying
to us the opinions of one observiLg our social and
moral dilemma in this matter from a distance,
and yet with the profoundest sympathy, the argu-
ment mentioned in this little apropos pamphlet
from Bermuda is really and truly entitled to our
very_ earnest consideration.
The author of it, beginning with the beginning,
sets out with a reference to the fact that eleven
ten years ago secondary punishments—that is to say,
punishments less than death, just short of
being capital, consisted of imprisonment rarely ex-
tending over two years, and of transportation ex-
tending from seven years to life. He recalls to
recollection the circumstance that it was by the
Penal Servitude Act of 1853 that this system of
secondary punishments was terminated, or at rate
11 transformed. It retained in force, this notable Act
of Parliament, the system of transportation,in graver
cases,
term of
esf periods of fourteen years and upwards, to
the rest of the criminal's natural exist-
ence. For the shorter sentence substituting " penal
or imprisonment
econrttawinithpehraiorddslawbhoitterheiwtheerer
asetrhvoitmudeeoor
considered equivalent to, though far less in dura-
tiontransportation they
than, the sentences of
pamphleteer, the ness„
by the
By this Act also, the reader is reminded
(angled system of
Tickets-of-Leave was established. Licenses to be
at large, in other words, were dispensed to the more
orderly or hypocritical among the felons—simply