The Sun.
London, England, 1852-01-16 00:00:00

etenitna
LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 16, 1852.

The French Constitution has been just proclaimed,
and it differs in no essential degree from the Consu-
lar Constitution of the Year VIII., the work, we
believe, as much of SIEYES as of NAPOLEON, and
one, therefore, which the PRESIDENT might
have deviated from without at all viola-
ting those Idies Napoleoniennes which he
so instinctively adopts, or in the least doing vio-
lence to the hero-worship, which, situated as he is,
and as he has always been, cannot but be considered
alike creditable to his head and to his heart. There
was a later Constitution, that of 1815, which was the
sole work of the EMPEROR, and the work of his ma-
turer years, a constitution much more favourable to
the cause of peaceful progress and self-government, and
consequently to the cause of order, that we had hoped
to have seen adopted as the model, and we must con-
fess that we are somewhat grieved and disappointed
that the quasi despotic regime of the Year VIII. should
have been preferred to the quasi liberal regime of

1815. But the PRESIDENT, who has had such bitter
experience of the intrigues, the meannesses, and the
utter selfishness of the THIERSES, the CHANGARNIERS,
the BERRTERS, and the other Burgraves, may per-
haps be excused for considering that at present the
want the most urgently felt in France is a strong
Executive ; yet for his own sake, as well as for the
sake of France, we trust that he will remember that
the real strength of an executive is increased rather
than diminished by its being subjected to a direct re-
sponsibility to the legislative power, and that, in
order to make such legislative power responsible to
the people, and by so doing render effective
any appeal that the chief of the Executive
may feel it necessary to make to the people, freedom
of debate in the Legislative Chamber, and freedom of
publication for such debates—in other words free dis-
cussion and a free press, are absolutely necessary. We
are, we must confess, greatly disappointed at find-
ing the very subordinate part assigned to the Legislative
Assembly by the new Constitution, and are grieved
as well as disappointed, at learning that the elections
to the Legislative Chamber, although they are to
take place by universal suffrage, are not to take place
by ballot. Universal suffrage, without the ballot,
will expose the voters in the rural districts to the
direct intimidation of the priests, who will
drive the voters up to the poll after the most
approved Irish method, whilst in the towns the
voters will be exposed to an intimidation of a dif-
ferent character perhaps, but which will be equally
destructive of the freedom of their vote. Oa this
point we trust that the PRESIDENT will reconsider
his determination, and when we remember the peace-
ful and admirable manner in which he
amended his original decree of the 2d De-
cember, and gave vote by ballot in his own
election, that he will, in like manner, amend the
present decree, and consent that those who are to
share with him, although in a minor degree, in the
glorious task of regenerating France, shall, like him-
self, be freely chosen by the people, and the experience
of every age, and of every country, and of every so-
ciety, however limited may be its members, proves that
there can exist no such thing as freedom of election
unless the votes are taken by ballot. We have given
elsewhere the observations of all our contemporaries
on the new French Constitution, so that our readers
may see the opinions of the organs of every political
party on this important document, to the considera-
tion of which we shall return on a future occasion.

Accounts from the United States furnish us, not
merely with particulars of a lamentable fire at New
York, as well as with other particulars relating to
the terrible conflagration at Washington—a calamity
which has produced a loss, it is estimated, of not less
than 40,000,000 dollars—hut with a description also
of the very gratifying reception accorded to Kossuen
by the citizens both of the capital and of Philadelphia.
Those who endeavoured, in the first instance, to de-
preciate the reported enthusiasm of America for the
illustrious leader of the Hungarians will find in
these dispatches serious cause for disappointment.
They will perceive that so far from being in
any respect questionable, the reception of Kos-
STITH in the United States is such as must
inevitably excite hopes in the minds of the Liberals
of Europe of the ulterior and not very remote eman-
cipation of the great race of the Hungarians. Kos-
SIITII'S interviews with the remarkable men of
America—with such men as Mr. CASS and Mr.
Wenerea—may
A. trifling now be classed with the interesting
incidents of a
like character related of LAFAYETTE.
Opposition to certain proposed honours, an
opposition restricted entirely to within the walls of
the Rouse of
Representatives, had only tended
to 'increase
the general ardour towards the
leader of the Magyars •on his arrival at
Washington. So little, indeed, did that move-
ment against him on the part of a few dissentients
affect the bearing of the population towards the Go-
vernor of Hungary, that his Excellency was
with all that respectful homage which is co
greeted
consonant
with the feelings inspired by Republican•
institutions
A considerable concourse of
members, both of the
Cabinet and of the Congress, were presented to him
at one of his earliest private receptions. Subsequently
he proceeded, in company with his suite, to an in-
terview with MILLARD FILLMORE, the American Pre-
sident. Insinuations were soon afterwards thrown out,
almost as a matter of course, by his depreciators, to the,
effect that this interview had not proved in every way
as satisfactory as might have been anticipated : yet,
although the proceedings were throughout of a strictly
confidential kind, insomuch that only three persons,
WEBSTER, SHIELDS, and SENVARDS witnessed the
meeting of KOSSUTH and FILLMORE, it is anything
rather than difficult to perceive at a glance that
the occasion must, on the contrary, have been one
eminently agreeable to the illustrious chieftain of
the Hungarians. In testimony that such must
really have been the case, it is only necessary to ob-
serve the uninterrupted continuance of the honours
offered to that distinguished personage. Invitations
still poured in upon him from all quarters beseeching
him to accept of congratulatory banquets from the
different towns of the United States. Committees
were formed in various places with a view to the
carrying out of those complimentary demonstrations.
His time, in fact, appears to have been principally
occupied at Washington, as it was at Westminster,
with the onerous task of receiving deputation after de-
putation. According to some of the accounts received