The Sun.
London, England, 1864-12-13 00:00:00

Speech of General Cialdini.

The following is a literal translation of the full
report of the speech of Gen. Cialdini, published in
the Turin official Gazette :
" It is with the greatest hesitation that I rise to
speak, gentlemen, on the project of law now under
discussion, not only from the respect with which the
senate inspires me, but because this is the first time
of my addressing this grave assembly, to which must
also be added the importance of the question itself
and the great and deserved authority of the Oppo.
sition, in whose ranks I see excellent and most diem
tinguished men whose talents, character, and ante.
cedents I highly honour and esteem. Sach coned.
derations ought, perhaps, to arrest the words on my
lips, and condemn me to silence, if my position as a
soldier and a citizen, my titles of General and Sena-
tor, did not seem to impose on me the duty of ex.
pressing,without arrogance,but with a firm and clear
conviction, my opinion upon a bill of such great im•
portanee, and which seems fated to exercise the
greatest influence on the destinies of the country.
As the hon. senator Mamiani well said in his speech
of elegant and enviable eloquence, this question,
-which for nearly three months has been the theme
of the European press, been discussed at length in
the other House of Parliament, and now debated for
several days here, may be considered as completely
exhausted. It becomes, therefore, very difficult, if
not impossible, to speak of it without falling into a
continual repetition of what has been already said
and written,and such repetitions are to be eschewed
as useless. Nevertheless, if my memory does not be•
tray me, in reading all that has been written on this
grave argument, I have vainly sought a clear and
logical exposition of the military ideas which in
my opinion, more than any other consideration of a
political or administrative order, counsel the trans.
for of the capital, even independently of the Convene
tion of the 15th of Sept. This omission encourages,
determines me to speak ; not that I can hope to fill
it completely and usefully, but because I may at
least attempt to do so without incurring the risk of
the dreaded repetitions. As a soldier, intrusted with
a great command in the national army, from the
duties of my position, habits of study, love of my
country, and I confess, from an instinct of respone
sibility, I have necessarily had to take the defence
of the State into serious consideration. From the
beginning of 1862, after my return from Naples, I
have constantly reflected that we have an enemy
permanently established in our country, intrenched
in one of the most formidable military positions
known. The:enemy is powerful from the strength
of his armies, his vigorous organisation, his antique
traditions. There is no truce, no transaction with
him possible, so long as he has a foot in Italy. War
is therefore inevitable sooner or later, and war, per-
haps, is only a question of opportunity both for him
and us. Oa the other hand, I reflected that we have
a fortunate and most useful alliance, but, perhaps,
a conditional and transitory one, because due to the
policy set forth by a great monarch, who may one
day or another disappear from the scene of the
world. Heaven avert such a misfortune! but we
must think of it, precisely because it would be a
great misfortune. If the Emperor of the French, I
continued to think, were to die, ho would leave the
French outposts on the Mount Cennis, at Sospello,
Scarena, and Turbia, all positions illustrated by the
Piedmontese arms, and which the history of Savoy
recalls with just pride, positions all of which we lost
by the cession of Nice and Savoy, and by the demar-
cation of our new frontier towards France, if on the
death of the Emperor there ensued a change of
policy inFrance,if there were a return to that policy
traditionally hostile to the idea of the resurrection
and unity of Italy, which even the Republican
Governments of Lamartino and Cavaignac main•
tained against us, if our friend became an enemy, to
what risks would not Turin, capital of the King-
dom, be exposed ? If, at the same time, Austria,
profiting by the altered circumstances, were sud-
denly to attack us, what terrible dangers, what tree
mendous embarrassments, would not threaten Italy ?
Why do we not think seriously, why do we not
labour diligently, to create a new system of general
defence of the State, apt to protect it against these
different, perhaps distant, but possible eventuali-
ties; apt to ward off a disaster, a surprise, a coali.
tion,or an European reaction ? The wise do not shut
their eyes to danger and await it unprepared.
Cowards only refuse to see it, and are dismayed.
Political and military wisdom consists in calmly
scanning its extent, considering the remedy, and
providing it. Such disturbing thoughts haunted
me, gentlemen, in my occupations and my daily
walks, Such disturbing thoughts frequently
troubled my sleep at night. In this disposition of
mind and soil I received a letter from the Ministry
of War, inviting me and several Generals to report
our views concerning a project of defence against
Austria, concerning tetes•de•ponts to be constructed
hece or there, this or that city to be fortified, and so
forth. I answered these various questions in detail,
but then, observing that this project was incomplete,
transitory, end restricted, while, according to me, a
wide, general, and permanent system was indispen-
sably necessary, I added some considerations of my
own, which, by a singular coincidence, are neither
foreign nor inapposite to the present discussion.
The Senate will allow me to communicate these,
remarking that I wrote and forwarded them to the
Ministry of War on the 4th of June, 1862, when:the
Convention of the 15th of September was not—could
not be foreseen, when I could not be suspected of
over deference to the Minghetti Ministry, or of
cowardly servility to France. This is what I said
to the Ministry, beyond answering the special
questions :

" The moment seems to me come for preparing the great '
changes which the political eventualities to which we are
exposed must entail in our general system of defence of the
State. We are now allied with France and in permanent
hostility toAustria. The death of the Emperor, the Eastern
question, that of Rome, or any other whatsoever, may one
day completely reverse existing alliances, and smooth down
ancient enmities, creating new views, combinations, lute-
rests, and sympathies both of peoples and governments.
By some strange accident we might to-morrow find our
selves the allies of Austria and the enemies of France (I do
not admit the hypothesis as possible, but in considering the
general system of defence of the State, even the most remote
possibilities must be taken into account). Besides, the
transfer of the the capital would be henceforth a military,
if it were not even convenient politically. It is a question
of time. The cession of Nice and Savoy, the new demarca-
tion of our frontiers towards France, do not allow the capi-
tal of the kingdom to be any longer at Turin, on which
200,000 French may descend by different roads in a few
marches. The capital of Italy, if not Rome, ought certainly
to be Florence or Naples. It seems to me, therefore, that
our general system of defence of the State foreseeing a pos-
sible change of alliances, and a speedy removal of the capi-
tal, ought henceforth to embrace these most serious contin-
gencies, and prepare us for the necessary transition. The
defence of the State can no longer he considered from thii
Piedmontese point of view exclusively modelled on the
ideas of Buonaparre, who, starting from France to conquer
Italy, was in a position diametrically opposed to ours. We
accept the precise conditions under which tho Romans
lived, and militarily speaking, Italy must be regarded
from the point of view of that warlike people—that is
to say, completely reversing the actual system. The ca-
pital, the depots, the reserves, the magazines, the factories
the arsenals, the resources of every sort should be in
that part of thepeninsula which lies in the midst of the sea.
Turning our backs on Southern Italy, we should fix our eyes
on the circle of the Alps, from which alone can descend the
enemies of Italy, whether German or of any uther nation.
The Lombard and Piedmontese plains may still be the scene
of great battles against the invaders, without renouncing
be
forehand the defence which. the double slope of the Apen-
nines offers to whoever has skill and de termination to profit
by it. On this general idea, which I have barely touched, I
would fain see discussed, planned out, and established a wide
system of defence of the State, answering to the wants both
of to-day and to-morrow, and embracing all contingencies,
the present and the future, the near and the remote. Far from
this,
I only see narrow schemes, hardly sufficing for the po-
litical and military conditions in which the country actually
is, sufficing only while the Emperor of the French lives,
while France is our ally, while Austria is our enemy, and
has a footing in Italy, while Turin is the Italian capital,'lcc.
As I said, I wrote this to the Ministry on the 4th
of June, 1662. Two years and a half have gone by
since, and the lapse of time, far from weakening,
has only strengthened my conviction. I do not pre..
tend to turn the Senate into a conference of Ge-
nerals, or a council of war, nor to submit to its ex-
amination and judgment a general system of de-
fence of the State, such as 1 see and feel ought to
exist. But I would fain demonstrate and make the
Senate comprehend how and why a good general
system of defence of the State exacts by implication
in my opinion the removal of the capital beyond

the Apennines. As the ideas and considerations on
which this system rests are of the greatest clear.
ness and simplicity, as they do not require speoial
knowledge nor technical language to be understood,
as every senator, doubtless, has the general struc-
ture and configuration of our country impressed on
his mind, as love for it and its interests are engraved
his heart, I hope to be easily followed in my retie
soning. Italy, gentlemen, has two-thirds and more
of her frontier washed by the sea. The other third
is joined to the continent by the circle of the Alps.
In a sublime contrast at the foot of these gigantic
and snowy Alps stretch out the vast and fertile
plains of Lombardy and Piedmont. The Appe,
nines, as if weary of the Mediterranean, bend back
and cross over to the Adriatic, forming a great cur-
tain, an immense towering curtain between the two
seas, from Genoa to La Cattolica. After this rapid
glance, let us reflect. In front of the Apennines
you have the vast and beautiful valley of the Po,
in which you find the Austrian encamped in his
strong quadrilateral, end of which—l mean the
valley of the Po—we can neither fortify nor
defend the principal outlets, because they are
not in our hands. The valley of the Po
therefore shows us an enemy solidly established
in a house which has its door open to whoever
chooses to enter. Can it be pretended or desired
that the capital of the kingdom should be in this
valley of the Po ? On this point I remember that
the honourable Farina said that he desired to cone
serve the capital at Turin, that it might perpetually
remain under the protection of the French empire.
I have a great regard and esteem for the honourable
Farina, and was therefore deeply grieved to hear
from his lips a thought, an idea, so wounding to my
sentiments as a soldier and a citizen. I see with
regret that there is an abyss between me and
the honourable Farina. I see that we are at
the antipodes. He desires the capital of the Italian
kingdom under the perpetual protection of the
French empire. I desire to see it placed under the
sole protection of our own bayonets, of Italian arms,
and Italian valour. (Applause.) I beg pardon of the
Senate, but at this moment I remember another
point. Yesterday the honourable Farina quoted
a sentence of Napoleon, taken from the memorial
of St. Helena. I confess that I did not quite seize
the sense of that phrase, that maxim, nor have I
had time to refer to it to understand it perfectly.
Its meaning, however, seemed to be that Florence
was not sufficiently central to become the capital of
Italy, I fully concur in that opinion, and exactly
for that reason I desire and hope to go to Rome.
But, gentlemen, if Florence is not central enough
to be even the provisional capital of Italy, what
shall be said of Turin ? Returning to the basis of
my reasoning, I will tell you that behind the Apen-
nines you have, on the contrary, a territory sure
rounded by the sea, and closed in by the Apenninee
themselves, easy of defence, without an enemy,
unless you choose to qualify as such the army about
to be enlisted by the Court of Rome, which can
never be of a force to excite serious apprehension.
It seems to me, gentlemen, that a doubt is not
permitted, that hesitation is not possible. Let
us hasten to remove behind the Apen-
nines, not only the capital, but the arse-
nals,'.the depots, the reserves, all our resources,
all our most vital interests ; then let the passes of
the Appenines be put in a state of defence. From
Genoa to La Cattolica the roads across them are
only seven or eight. All these roads, gentlemen,
offer gorges, defiles which are real Thermopylae,
where a few earthworks, a few guns, and a hand-
ful of brave men can arrest a whole army. Let us
erect some solid fortifications at La Cattolica to
secure the flank, and then multiply as far as pos.
sible the permanent and portable means of passing
from one bank of the Po to the other, and thus pre-
pare the possibility of useful, rapid, and decisive
manoeuvres. Whenever this general system of de-
fence of the State is accepted and carried out, the
destinies of Italy can never depend upon the uncer-
tain issue of a battle. At our pleasure, and accord-
ing to circumstances, we can retire behind the Po
and beyond the Apennines to await better days, or
if it suits us, if we are in a position
to fight, we may come down and try the
fate of arms in the valley of the Po, The
political action of the Government will acquire
strength and power from the very solidity of our mili-
tary system ; whereas the want of a connected and
strong military system does not allow our policy to
take a bold flight, to follow a brave inspiration,
without putting the State to the greatest peril,
without compromising the country and the throne.
As to my ideas concerning Venice, the means of
penetrating the Quadrilateral, and of directing a
new war against Austria, with regard to the trans•
fer of the capital, I do not deem it prudent or opp3r.
tune to explain them. As I already said, the Senate
is not a council of war, and, besides, the Senators
know that there are questions not to be treated
of here nor made public. (Bravo.) A great mas-
ter, an extraordinary genius for war, dictated a
maxim at St. Helena, a sentence which, illeinter-
preted or ill-applied, might one day become most
injurious to our country. Napoleon said,.; The fate
of Italy is decided on the Po,' and the honour- ,
able Ricotti invoked the precept in erudite
and conscientious language, and the honourable
Durando recalled it in his grand and profound
speech. In order well to understand and to appre-
ciate at its just value the impart of that maxim we
must first put ourselves in the point of view of him
who wrote it; we must recollect what Italy was in
his day. .Napoleon spoke as a master, but he spoke
as a conqueror who twice came from France to
snatch Italy from the Austrian domination. His
maxim is everything for foreign armies, contending
for the possession of Italy. And, in fact, let us
reflect. Whence, from whet part, can foreign
armies come down into Italy ? Only from the
gorges of the Alps. What is the base of operations,
what the possible line of retreat of these
foreign armies ? Evidently the way by which they
came, or an analogous and neighbouring one; at
any rate one of the roads which cross the Alps. it is
therefore clear that foreign armies entering Italy
to contend for or seize dominion over her are neces.
eerily tied down to the line of the Po, to guard
their base of operations or to cover their line
of retreat, till one of the two armies has been beaten
by the other, till one has retired and yielded the
field to the victor. In the Italy of those days there
was no State with means and will to oppose a
serious resistance to an army triumphant on the Po,
which thus, after its victory, easily obtained the
entire submission of all Italy. From this point of
view there is no doubt that the maxim of Bona,
parte is true and correct. The fate of Italy is
decided on the Po when Italy is incapable of fight-
ing and defending herself ; when Italy, unarmed,
unwarlike, cowardly, looks on inactively at the
struggle of two foreign armies, to fall a victim to
whichever of them is victorious on the Po—oh !
then, gentlemen, the precept of Bonaparte is just,
the destinies of Italy decided on the Po. (Bravo
Very well.) But the campaign of Hannibal—
the most memorable of ancient or modern times,
because that great man first dared to brave
obstacles not overcome before his day and
held to be insuperable, because he first
dared strike at the heart of the most power-
ful and warlike peop!e that ever existed—the cam-
paign of Hannibal, I say, gives the lie to that pre-
cept, too abinlute, too general, too exclusive. The
battle of the Trebbia, won by Hannibal in the val-
ley of the Po, did not decide the Roman destinies.
Hannibal won two other battles still more terrible
and bloody, at Thrasymene and at Canr m, and
Rome did not go down either then or after; on the
contrary, Hannibal, the first captain in the world,
was forced to retreat, was forced to abandon his
enterprise. Gentlemen, I insist much, too much,
perhaps, on this argument, because I should grieve,
most deeply grieve, if a fatal error could prevail in
Italian minds—if it were believed is Italy there is
no defence, no safety out of the valley of the Po.
Fortunately, great changes, great novelties, have
occurred in Italy since that time. Passing over the
electric telegraphs and railways which enrich the
defence with extraordinary resources, I allude to
points of far greater importance. Italy, inert for
many centuries,
with aspirations, sprung
with national
tioup
nalbg
has
ardour.ndin
of the dead has seen 300,000 soldiers,
witwThhiteehOollainfoed;
forth from her cemeteries. (Bravo.)
600cannon,start
The land of the dead counts 200 battalions of mobi-

lized National Guards, and an infinite number of
Volunteers, who in the hour of a supreme struggle
would, I am sure, return to the side and the van-
guard of the army. (Applause.) The land of the
dead possesses fortresses, entrenched camps, a re-
spectable fleet, and counts 22 millions of inhabitants
forming a single State. There is more yet. Those
Italians of whom it was said a few years ago," Ita-
lians do not fight"—those Italians have dared sevee
ral not inglorious campaigns, both under the grey
capotes of the soldiery and the red shirts of the vo-
lunteers. (Bravo.) And, by an evenhanded decree
of Divine justice, those Italians who do not fight
held prisoner in their hands the celebrated man, the
illustrious General, who in an incomprehensible,
inexplicable moment of ill humour, had flung that
atrocious and undeserved insult in our teeth. (Ape
plause.) All these novelties, all these changes, gene
tlemen, constitute a material and moral force which
deserves to be taken into serious consideration,
and would certainly have been appreciated by
the calculating genius of Bonaparte. If that eagle eye had
seen thsecapital behind the Apennines, all the resources of a
great State protected by a numerous and warlike army, by
a people in whom national sentiment and military spirit had
cast abundant and fertile seeds, oh, certainly he would have
modified his sentence. But, gentlemen, by removing the
capital to Florence,do we give up fighting on the Po Who
ever said, ever thought such a thing? We shall still de-
scend into the valley of the Po whenever the march of the
war requires it, whenever it is necessary for the defence of
the State; but with this difference—that instead of turning
our backs on the Alps we shall face them ; in case of a
disaster, in case of a lost battle (which may happen to the
best armies in the world), we shall not be pushed, pressed,
hemmed in by the Alps, driven on the French frontier; we
shall withdraw, instead, behind the Appenines, where we
have a territory of 900 kilometres, defensible inch by inch,
in which woods, hills, marshes alternate, in which there are
no enemies entrenched, which is protected by the sea, and
closed by the Apennines, in which the defence may be long,
may become eternal. Some orators have expressed an idea
that the transfer of the capital weakens the defence of the
Po. The hon. President of the Council of Ministers
answered very opportunely that the cabinet is not a com-
bative body, not a fortress, taking a direct part in the de-
fence. He observed that to remove the capital from the
valley of the Po signifies to prepare the means of fighting
and manoeuvring in it, without the embarrassment and
responsibility of protecting an exposed capital close at
hand. Gentlemen, affection for Turin and sorrow at seeing
her dethroned have suggested strange ideas, singular com-
parisons, unexpected deductions. I have myself heard per-
sons of great judgment, great learning, and in every way to
be respected, affirm that theApennin es and the Po are insig-
nificant obstacles ; on the contrary, the watercourses on the
left of the Po are barriers of great importance. I have heard
it said, as I hinted just now, that the presence of the capital
en the Po strengthens itsdeience ; that the transfer weakens
it, and °thee tanxims of the same kind, which I have al-
ready more or less answered by anticipation, with reluct-
ance, however, as they are arguments which really do not
require a serious confutation. Gentlemen, let us speak
plainly. I too have a heart which profoundly feels the
bitternesses of political life, and can understand gteat affec-
tions and great sorrows. Heaven forbid, therefore, that a
word, a single syllable should fall from my lips which
should in any degree wound those affections, those sorrows
which I fully comprehend and thoroughly respect. But
when the security, the greatness, the future, the life of
Italy are at stake, gentlemen, affection must be silent, the
heart must not speak; logic alone, cold and inexorable,
must reason. (Bravo! Very well I) An eye filled with
tears does not see. (Well I) A heart wrung by profound
pain has only sad provisions, mournful presentiments. A
suffering brain is oppressed by black images, by sorrowful
ideas. But are we, gentlemen, to pause dismayed by pre-
sentiments, previsions, fears? (Well I) Ob, if all the
prophecies of misfortunes had been verified, what would
have become of us, what would have become of Italy ? Let
us take heart, and recognise that a secret force more quick-
sighted, stronger, more enlightened than we, guides Italy
on a determined course ; let us acknowledge that the Italian
revolution pursues its march, slow and pacific, but more
irresistible than we could have imagined or desired, beyond
the limits which we ourselves had imagined and traced out.
(Well.) I deplore the injury to Turin as much as any one,
as on the field of battle I have often wept over fallen
soldiers and friends; but, not to lose soldiers and friends,
ought we to renounce combats and victories ? (Applause.)
Not to cause local injury or sorrows, shall we sacrifice the
general interest, shall we sacrifice the public weal ? To
Turin, seated at the foot of the Alps, at the extremity of
the State, but a few miles from the French frontier, in the
most eccentric conditions which can be laid down, I dis-
pute with pain, but with entire conviction, the title of a
capital. As a duty of civic gratitude, with a feeling of infi-
nite reverence, I join with all Italians in proclaiming
Turin the most deserving city of the Italian resurrection.
(Bravo !) I have never forgotten a saying of the hon. Bet-
tino Ricasoli, and I always recall it, because it made a pro-
found impression on my mind, because it seemed to me dic-
tated by an exquisite sense of patriotism. Bettino Ricasoli
said one day, The greatest good fortune, the greatest re-
compense to which a citizen can aspire, is that of rendering
a signal service to his country.' That happy and sublime
phrase of fimtino Ricaeoli may be appropriately applied not
only to single citizens,. but to the cities, to the provinces of
the kingdom. And this noble Turin will, doubtless, hence-
forth feel with patriotic pride that no city in the world can
equal her in the measure of sacrifices to the country. (Bravo.)
I therefore vote in favour of a prcject of law which removes
the capital beyond the Apeunines—a necessity which I have
felt and supported for a long time ; and I vote for it because
especially and before all, I desire a country strongly and
militarily constituted so as to defy foreign ambition and
audacity. I vote for it because net until I see my country
strong► shall I hope that she may live long, free, glorious,
and independent, that she may assume that rank and influ-
ence in Europe which belong to her by geographical posi-
tion, by the nature and richness of her soil, by the number,
temper, and genius of her inhabitants. As to the Conven-
tion of Sept. 15, no doubt, gentlemen, all that has been said
for and against it :nakes it very difficult to find, at least for
me, a formula which justifies the reasonableness of a deci-
sion, and is a conscientious explanation of the vote. The
Convention seems to me to have become a question of faith;
and you know, gentlemen, faith cannot always be reasoned
with; can never be commanded—faith is felt and inspired.
Nevertheless, I cannot but reflect that the Convention
assurer me that the French troops will leave Rome, and
this seems to me an infinite good; for I do not love foreign
troops in Italy, however much they may be friends and
allies. I hope the French sentiment will not be hurt by
these words of mine, since I am thoroughly persuaded there
is not a single Frenchman who could tolerate the presence
of English or Russian troops in France. I vote for the
Convention, because it seems to me to awake us from the
lethargy into which we had sunk for two years, and to have
a salutary effect in rousing the national sentiment. I vote
for it because it sanctions, confirms, consecrates the thought
and spirit which truly inspired the Italian resurrection by
transplanting the capital and the dynasty into one of the
annexed provinces. Before sitting down, allow me, gentle-
men, to toll you that this discussion as a whole leaves in my
mind a serious and painful doubt. Rather than to allow,
tolerate, encourage the rivalry of local Interests and conve-
nience, rather than to speak in favour of this or that city,
of this or that province, might it not, perchance, be more
useful, more opportune, more prudent, more noble always
and exclusively to advocate general interests, to speak al-
ways and exclusively in the name of Italy? Rather than
to deplore and grieve over the sacrifices necessary for the
public weal, might it not, perchance, be better to encourage
the country to endure them ? If from this solemn place,
gentlemen, you tell the cities and provinces whence you
come that the sacrifices asked are indispensable for the
safety, the strength, the future of Italy, be snre,gentlemen,
the people will believe you. If you tell them that liberty,
independence, national unity are blessings for which too
high a price can never be paid, the people will believe you.
Tell them so, gentlemen, I implore you. The sehool of
sacrifice ennobles great causes, retempers the:soul, and mag-
nifies the national character of peoples. (Well.) Prome-
theus could transform clay into men. Sacrifice alone
changes men into heroes." (General and prolonged ap-
plause.)

Ever since the beginning of the week it has
been reported in Turin that the French Govern•
meet had voluntarily extended the time assigned
for the transfer of the capital. There does not apr
pear to be the least foundation for the rumour, to
which I refer, only because it has been very
widely spread, and has obtained credit from many.
The Loft of the Chamber of Deputies has sent an
address to Cialdini expressive of the satisfaction
they feel at the declarations contained in his speech.

PATENT-OFFICE MUSEUM, SOUTH KENSINGTON.
—Number of visitors for the week ending Dec. 10, 1,708.
Total number since the opening of the museum free daily
(12th May, 1858), 873,917.
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