The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-25 00:00:00

• duty was, that.- whilst the consumer had benefited
enormously, the revenue, instead of suffering, had
become greatly the gainer, so that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer might well declare that, as regarded sugar, the
increase in consumption was a marvellous example of re-
ducing duties.—(Hear, hear.) The benefits of the measure,
as far as this country was concerned, could not be contested
after that declaration. When foreign sugar was first ad-
mitted, they were told that the effect would be to destroy
the cultivation of sugar in the colonies, as also to give a
fresh impulse to slavery. From that statement he (Earl
Grey) at the time entirely dissented, and stated as his
opinion that the ultimate effsct would be to promote
the abolition of the slave trade, and to increase, instead
-of diminish, the cultivation of colonial sugar.—(Hear,
hear.) With regard to the slave trade, his Noble Friend
(Lord Palmerston) when leaving office was able to con-
gratulate himself and the country on the practical extinc-
tion of the slave-trade; and be believed there had no
change since then occurred. He was aware. that Cuba
was now planted by free labour; and a contract had been
entered into for the supply of 80,000 free labourers to the
Cuban colony. The next point they were cautioned on was
the
_destruction of the cultivation of sugar,. a branch of
industry in which any falling-off was certain to make itself
manifest in a very brief period. Now, as he had been
interested in this matter, he had compared the averages of
the three last years of protection from 1839 to 1841—in the
East Indies, West Indies, and Mauritius, with the three
years following the complete cm anci.,ation of the trade, and
the result was a vas. increase in the quantity produced in
the three years following complete emancipation —(Hear.)
With respect to British Guiana, the Governor of that colony,
in a dispatch dated the l eth of November last, said that the
situation of the proprietors was better than it had been for
some years past; and that, if they acted prudently, there
was no reason for apprehending a reverse. The alarm
ge-
nerally felt with regard to the fall in sugar.
was not with re-
gard to slave-grown sugar, but beetroot sugar; but he (Earl
Grey) believed that alarm to be perfectly unfounded ; for
even with heavy protective duties he did not thinkthis beet-
rout could compete with the sugar-
cane. On
however, the slave-growers were as much alarmed
asr teinlat'
free-growers. He seas aware that extreme distress
existed
in Jamaica, and that at this moment the pressure was
severe; but Jamaica, considering the value of the soil moat
climate, and the character of the inhabitants, ought andnot
to be in a disadvantageous position as compared with the
other colonies. That suffering, however, he believed to have
arisen partly from the ravages of the cholera, but more
from the planters having listened too much to the advice of
Noble Lords opposite, and to a disposition to neglect other
means of improving their condition in favour of a visionary
attempt to win back protection. The Legislature of Jamaica,
neglecting remedial measures, had fixed their eyes upon
protection, and nothing else. The result was that whilst
other colonies were progressing, whilst the production of
Mauritius was making a gigantic advance, Jamaica showed
little signs of improvement. Turning to our own country,
he believed that the improvement observable in it was the
result of our having liberated its industry from the restric-
tions to which a vicious policy had formerly subjected it.
And yet that great commercial and financial revolution begun
in 1846, and almost completed in 1819 by the repeal of the
navigation-laws, took place under circumstances the most
disadvantageous. In the first place, the corn-laws were
hardly repealed when the potato disease, which had been
partially felt during the preceding autumn, appeared with
tenfold violence. Concurrently with this there was a defi-
ciency of corn throughout the greater part of Europe, and
the consequence was that in Ireland, during the whole of
1846 and part of 1847, there was an absolute famine, while
in this country the price of food was high, and distress
followed. In 1847 every man felt apprehensive as to whe-
ther the supply of corn would be sufficient to feed the peo-
ple. At one period, about this time, corn sold in Mark-lane
for 100 s. a quarter.
A NOBLE Piss-1255. a quarter.
Earl GREY believed at upwards of 100 s a quarter. Added
to this, 8,000,000/. were borrowed for the relief of Ireland,
and the country had to suffer the effects of the re-action of
the railway mania and of overtrading in 1845 and 1846, and
during the latter part of 1847 it probably went through more
disasters than had ever previously befallen it. To complete
this combinevion of adverse circumstances, there was the re-
volution which occurred in France in the spring of IMB,
and which spread itself from one end of the continent to the
other. But under, and, as he contended, by virtae of the
free-trade policy, the country had successfully passed this
tremendous trial. The people submitted to privations with
patience and resignation, because they knew they were not
artificially produced, and they met with a speedy reward.
Industry and commerce revived, and all trace of these fear-
ful calmities was lost in an inconceivably short space of
time. And what was the result in a financial point of view?
Why that the country had made provision by more than
974,000/. for the 10,000,0001. borrowed in 1847 and 1848. Such
a result was net only a subject of congratulation by those who
maintained the free-trade policy which led to it, but by those
who paved the way prior to 1816. For himself, he rejoiced
to have taken part in the commercial discussions which had
preceded and accompanied the measures of free trade. When
the success of these free-trade measures had been so com-
pletely established, it was natural that the country should
feel much anxiety as to whether the powerful party to which
the Noble Earl (Derby) belonged intended to tamper with
them. The Noble Earl had made an important declaration
to-night, but up to this moment the country were as much
at a loss to know what the views of her Majesty's Govern-
ment were as the first day that they took office. The Noble
Earl, on entering office, had said he would not attempt the
re-imposition of a duty on corn unless he had the powerful
concurrence of the country. The Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, however, had told his constituents on his re-election
that the agriculturists were to have relief by a countervailing
duty on corn, as he called it, or by some other cheap and
simple mode of relief, and that the Government were deter-
mined to afford that relief. Not long after, the Right Hon.
Gentleman made a most able speech in the other House of
Parliament on introducing the very resolution which was
the foundation of the present Bill. In that speech the Right
Hon. Gentlemen made a most careful and admirable state-
ment of the advantages of free trade; but unfortunately
the Noble Earl opposite, not long afterwards, made what he
called a supplemental speech, and to a festive audience de-
clared that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had made a
most excellent speech, but that he had not touched upon
the subject of the advantages of a compromise with the
landed interest; and the Noble Earl on that occasion vmut
on to insist u pen the necessity of acme compromise being
entered into with the landed interest on account of the
advantages which had been afforded to the consumer. In
the course of this somewhat enure proceeding, the Noble
Earl informed the assembled citizens that the statement of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer was only an imperfect
statement of the views of the Government, and that another
important part of those views ought not to be lost sight of.
Unfortunately this was not all, for after this supplementary
speech the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated
that he had been very much misunderstood —that he had
given no opinions in his budget-speech, and that he
in-
tended to act upon all the principles he had asserted when
in opposition. This was a somewhat startling proposition, ,
produced, perhaps, by murmurs in the camp. But this was
not all. '1 here had appeared various addresses from the
adherents of the Government. Even gentlemen holding
office had stated in their addresses to constituents very
contradictory views of the policy supposed to be held.
One Right Honourable Gentleman, not in the Cabinet, said
that he accepted office only in the full conviction that the
Noble Earl would reverse the policy of Sir Robert Peel;
and that Right Hon. Gentleman still remained in office.
But, thanks to the vigorous application of the screw by his
(Earl Grey's) Noble Friend (Earl Granville), a statement
that it was not the intention of the Government to re-impose
a duty on corn had been reluctantly extorted. There was
something else, however, in the back ground. What it was
the contrivers did not say ; but he (Earl Grey) thought he
knew something of the nature of it. The Chancellor
of the Exchequer, in speaking of this scheme, said it was
something in comparison with which the duty on corn
would be less costly, less inconvenient, and more simple.
If that were so, he (Earl Grey) said, let them go back to
the duty on corn. But he thought there ought to be an
end to this ambiguity and studied concealment. If the
Noble Lord and his supporters believed they had been all
along wrong, let them say as much— (Hear, hear)—if they
believed they had been right, let them discuss the question
in a straightforward manner. It was not right that a Go-
vernment which was to compose reconcile town and
country, and for ever heal past differences, should, in order
to serve some pitiful electioneering purposes, keep their
views concealed. As a straightforward declaration was the
most manly and best for the interests of the country, so it
was the best for the strength and stability of the Adminis-
tration.—(Hear, hear.) This was a question on which the
Government had no right to shrink from explanation. By
explanation the Noble Earl might incur reproach for having
grossly deceived himself or others; or, in the reckles Pursuit
of party objects, he might have sacrificed what he knew to
be the best interests of the country. On the.
udgment-
ud
other hand,
,he
judgment
might have erred from blindness or want of
n
either case little confidence would be inspired in his jg-
mente The Noble Earl must choose
alterna-
tives—want of judgment or want oe candour.een two
T one
he
e ;
must submit ; had pursued for the i
and he would therebybe incur the penalty
due to the erroneous cenrseensity
he could not escape, and 1
last six years. From that p
ise his views the heavier it
the longer he attempted to ---egu
would be. rde, cannot but thank the
The Earl of DERBY—MY Iso.
Noble Earl
(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—but
for his kindness in offering the two tempting
laltterurustattivesmahysbheaspeunnamitedted—tO say,
on behalf of myself and
my Noble Friends, and my colleaues in the other House of
Bey Lor.ds, with duell be driven
respect to
Parliament, that I do net Chink we aha to accept
either of them.—(Cheera)
the Noble Earl, I must take the liberty of repeating the
opinion that a great part of this discussion, and more especi-
ally
the greater part of the speech your Lordships have just
heard,
is in a great measure, if not altogether, irrelevant to
the question under debate.—(Hear, hear)—that question
being whether, considering the financial condition of the
country, we shall renew fora single year an objectionable
tax,
or leave the country with a deficiency, this year of
2,000,000!., and, probably, rent year of 5,0e0,000/.?—(Hear,
hear.) My Lords, I say, in a debate on the introduction of
such a Bill for such a purpose, I do not think it is relevant
to enter upon a discussion of the whole commercial policy
of the country, the more especially as the Noble Earl
knows, from the circumstances in which the Govesnin
have been placed, and the circumstances under which they
have taken office, that a full and complete discussion
of the subject on their part is impossible.—
n say,the
greater portion of the speech of the Noble Earl, I must" The
refers to a power wholly irrelevant to the question of
continuance of the income-tax—l mean the effects of free
trade in sugar. And, my Lords, while on the one hand the
Noble Earl, with a candour for which I thank him, ad-
mitted. that the great revolution in the commercial policy of
the country did not take place at an earlier period than 1846,
and consequently does not refer at all to the earlier proposi-
tions of Sir Robert Peel's policy from 1842 to 1846, he has at
the same time asked the question whether it is the intention
of her Majesty's Government to pursue
. and abandon the com-
mercial policy of Sir Robert Pelhe illustrates that
question by an elaborate argument on the subject of the
must
sugar duties. Now, my Lords, I
remind the Noble
Earl and your Lordships that the abolition of differential
duties on sugar was no part of the policy of Sir Robert Peel,
no part of his propositions; and it is perfectly well known
that when the proposition was made by her Majesty's late
Government, Sir Robert Peel with the greatest reluctance
was induced to conset t to the change; not because that
measure was wise, equitable, or just, but because
had to
choose between the adoption of an unjust,he
and impolitic course
of proceeding, and the late
expulsion of her Majesty
Government from office ; and Sir Robert Peel accordingq
took the generous course, but I think impolitic course,. of
supporting his successors and opponents,
a policy to which he was himself opposed. Therefore do not
let the Noble Earlandclaim the abolition of
the countr although adopting
the differential duties
Peel's free trade or commercial policy--(liear, hear.)
regard to the effect of that measure,
on sugar sass portion of Sir_ Robertvvith
I am sorry. g
when the Noble Earl is under some inisapprehe
slaves trade,
he speaks of the almost total cessation of the
and attributes that cessation to free trade. In the first
fcrui
place, he is wrong in point of fact. Undoubtedly oar y Lor
sers
operationds,
by a vigorous and active on the part o
—by the adoption of coercion on
nch put dawn ; and
the coast of Africa and
Brazil, the slave trade has been very In-
late years our efforts have been aided by the sincere