The Sun.
London, England, 1852-09-01 00:00:00

LONDON, W DNESDAY

without a hearing—a hearing long deferred, if you
will, but still inevitable, on the meeting of the Impe-
rial Legislature. Whereupon precisely in the
unluckiest " nick of time" for all parties—comes the
wr►ter of Blackwood with his flower-basket and his
bludgeon, with six words of eulogium for the Cabinet,
and half-a-dozen of the coarsest abuse for the
Opposition.
The Earl of DEBBY is spoken of, during the course
of this article, in Blackwood, as a statesman whose
personal character has long been known and spoken
of as one of chivalrous honour. To the accuracy of
that assertion we subscribe with all alacrity
and with all cordiality. But we should be
compelled to acknowledge ourselves to have
been most painfully and egregiously mistaken
in our previous estimate of Lord DERBY, if we did
not conceive that his whole nature would revolt from
the sentiments attributed to the Cabinet by his
rather excited apologist. Supposing the PstimE
MI-
NISTER to regard this account of his " Pre-
sent Position" otherwise, he is not the man
we have hitherto believed him to be, but, on the
contrary, one altogether disqualified from under-
taking the direction of the affairs of her MAJESTY'S
Government. Such, however, cannot remain for
one moment our impression. On the contrary, we
conceive that the individual who of all men in the
United Kingdom will be the most peculiarly dis-
mayed by the furious tone of the writer in Blackwood
will be the Noble Earl at the head of the DEBBY
Administration.

Speaking, as it were, "in the name," or, at any
rate, in behalf of an eminent group of statesmen, our
contemporary might be expected to speak, according
to its wont, in language appropriately sedate and
statesmanlike. But—we put it to the community at
large, without respect to differences in party or
religion—is it statesmanlike to talk, as the political
article here referred to actually does, in terms the
most fierce and unmeasured, of everything and every-
body that can be supposed to come in any manner
within the range of the Opposition. Blackwood speaks
for example (Vol. lxxii., p. 357.) of the Manchester
School—a body of distinguished public characters/
including such men as JOHN BRIGHT and RicnAun
COBDEN—thus :—" They are squinting swine, hud-
dled together in a filthy sty, believing that there is, or
ought to be, nothing in the world but their swill-tub."
A little further on the Irish ecclesiastics are described
as " so many incarnate fiends" (page 359)—they are
depicted as having " ridden roughshod through blas-
phemy and blood" (page 360) —and the very thought
of them or of their proceedings is said to be enter-
tained with " loathing and abhorrence." Is this, we
ask, statesmanlike ? Nay, let us put it a little more
definitely, is it barely decent ? Is it in this manner,
with this fire, and fury, and detestation, that Minis-
ters are to be presumed to be preparing themselves
for the revelation of their policy to the newly. elected
Parliament ? Must we believe that the Earl of
DERBY and his colleagues are such outrage-
ous partizans that they feel
at swine in the presence of democracy disgust as
—or that they
are such arrant fanatics that their hearts sicken before
the mere idea of Popery ? Are we then to find in
the DERBY Cabinet a Government consisting of
nothing better than ultra-Tories and red-hot Orange-
men ? Alas—under those circumstances our hopes
would indeed be doomed to disappointment—our con-
jectures that by placing themselves boldly in the van
of the grand onward movement of the age, the present
Ministry might become consolidated into a strong
Government. Yet that supposition we cannot even
now regard as extravagant. We cannot believe that
the golden opportunity before them will now, at
the eleventh hour, be so basely abandoned. We cannot
believe that the Earl of DERBY will voluntarily place
himself in direct antagonism to vast and important
sections of the community he is called upon to govern
—to the Catholics of Ireland in one direction, and to
the Manufacturers of England in another—lighting
afresh the smouldering brands of civil discord, and
engendering the passion of hatred where he ought
only to have fostered the principle of conciliation.
We look for better things than these from the brilliant
genius of Mr. DISRAELI, from the commoa..t.,, a
Mr. WALPOLE, from the dispassionate judgment of
Sir JOHN PAILINGTON, from the astute intellect of
Lord ST. LEONARDS, and—(turning our eyes from
Florence to the Bay of Fundy)—from what we are
fain to regard as the energetic patriotism of the Earl
of MALMESBURY. We cannot believe that the DERBY,
or any other Cabinet, would venture upon a course of
so much narrowness and bigotry, that even a sup-
posed and unauthorized exponent of its views should,
without the severest reprehension, betray the con-
tempt entertained for swine towards one part of the
community, and the abhorrence due to fiends towards
another among the more important classes of the Bri-
tish population. Party feeling can never so far blind
inG
oo
vs istryo asno
tn. e v evirr seo foaarn u r infuriatebelieve th et
hcsotu
the judgment of our administrators. Sectarian ani-
not
ao
nus
dor
blahs
ee
"as
Rs wu
ro
Rl dT bo ef
ph es rbeabt ye
impliedls
ha has other,
nobler,
policyof
is in preparation.grander revelations in store for the inauguration of
the first session of the new Parliament.

EVENING, SEPTEMBER 14 1852

11 3,i x.d

7% 9i

5 %
18h lii %

70% 71%
24

78 77% 78%x.d
42

Lel
9514 % % %
86

Pm
84 83% 84

814 x.d
104%
122%
153/4

3
29%

43%

30%

12%

15%

11 10%
16% 16