The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-23 00:00:00

PRUSSIA.

The following, being the official text of the de-
spatch forwarded to the Prussian Ambassador in
London by Herr von Bismarck on the 15th inst., as
announced by telegraph, has been received at Mr.
Renter's office :

Berlin, May 15,
As it is to 100 foreseen that the question of the position of
the two ilerman Powers with regard to the London Treaty
of 1052 will be brought forward at the approaching sittings
of the Conference, I find it requisite to make the following
remarks upon the subject :
Up to the death of King Frederick VII, the German
Powers were able to expect that the Crown of Denmark
would fulfil the obligations it had undertaken to wards them,
and that by this means, and by a presentation of a succession
law to the Estates of the Duchies—which has not even yet
taken place—the order of succession aimed at by the London
Treaty would be placed in a perfectly legal position before
the anticipatea, case of the demise of the Crown actually
oceurrva,

These expectations were not only frustrated by the death
of the King, but his successor upon the Danish throne im-
mediately proclaimed his intention, by the Act of Nov. 18,
not to comply with those obligations.
The Government of the King immediately called atten-
tion to the connection of these obligations with the intended
order of succession, with regard to which I need only refer
to my despatch No. 487, of Nov. 23, and repeatedly declared
that it should theretore consider itself justified in regarding
the Treaty of 1852 as no longer bindindupon Prussia. That
she did not instantly proclaim her withdrawal from that ar-
rangement was owing solely to regard for the remaining
Powers, and to hope that Denmark's yielding, by receding
from the open breach of her obligations, would re-establish
the preliminary conditions and afford the possibility of the
maintenance of peace.
Even when this hope was deceived, when the constitu-
tion for Schleswig, opposed to the treaty, not only
remained unretracted upon the Ist January, but then
came into operation, the two German Powers were un-
willing to make any immediate use cf their rights. Even
at the moment when they were forced to adopt warlike
measures against Denmark, they declared in the despatch
of the 31st January of the present year that they did not
intend to attack the principle of the integrity of the Danish
monarchy. But they at the same time expressly stated that
Denmark's further persistence in the course she had adopted
would compel them to sacrifices which would render it their
duty to give up the combinations of 1852, and to endeavour
to come to an understanding upon some other arrangement
with the siguataries of the London Treaty.
This case has completely occurred. The Danish Govern-
ment has carried its persistence in denial to the utmost, and
has continued armed resistance to the last.
After all these occurrences the Government of the King
cannot consider itself in any way longer bound by the obli-
gations as contracted on the Bth May, 1852, under other
circumstances. Prussia concluded this treaty with Den-
mark, and not with the other Powers; the ratifications
were only exchanged between Copenhagen and Berlin, not
between Berlin and London, or St. Petersburg. Even if,
which we do not admit, the London Treaty had been in-
tended to create obligations between us and the neutral
Powers, these would become void together with the treaty
as soon as the latter lapsed through non -fulfilment of its
preliminary conditions.
The Government of the King therefore considers itself,
in accordrnce with the declaration of Jan. 31, entirely free
from all obligations which could be deduced from the Lon-
don Treaty of 1852, and justified in discussing any other
combination quite independent of that treaty.
It results from the nature of political relations that the
solution of a question, the European bearing of which the
Government of the King has never undervalued, should be
attempted in common with the other great Powers, and this
natural consequence is recognised by the Government in the
concluding sentence of the declaration of January 31.
By accepting the English invitation to the Conference
the Government of the King has given pooof of its readi-
ness to seek for and discuss in common the means for this
purpose ; and this and nothing else can be the task of the
Conference. (Signed) VON BISMARCK.

The Schleswig-Holstein Question,

The following is a copy of a declaration which

has been presented to the Conference by his High

ness the Duke Frederic of Schleswig-Holstein :
The approaching re-union of a conference, summoned to
deliberate on the means of restoring peace to the North of

Europe, induces me to make a statement of my rights which

are inseparable from those of my country, and the recog.

nition of which can alone bring about a durable peace.

I acknowlege the generous intentions of the Great Powers
to terminate the present effusion of blood. An assembly of
European representative is undoubtedly fully authorised to

make common efforts for attaining so noble an aim. Still
such an assembly is necessarily limited in its attributions,

and cannot decide upon the destinies of a sovereign and. of

a country, without having obtained their participation and

consent.

By the demise of his Majesty the King, Duke Frederic
VII,, Providence called me to the throne of the Duchies of

Schleswig and Holstein. The right of succession, which
I claim as representative of the eldest line of the House of

Oldenburg, is conformaLle to the law of all Germany, and

of those European countries in which the inheritance to

he throne follows the agnatic principle. Agnation succes,

sion, by order of line and primogeniture, has been esta.

blished for the Duchies, not only by the statutes of the

reigning house, tut still more by pacts concluded between
the reigning family and the Estates. It has, moreover,

been observed, as a law, during a series of centuries, and
serves e s the basis of public law in the Duchies. Upon
this basis repose the claims of the Duchies to their union
and their autonomy.

The validity of my rights exists independently of the
recognition of any foreign Powers. It is an absolutely do-

mestic question.

Consequently the Treaty of London of the Bth of May,
1852, cannot alter or affect the identical rights of my family
and my country. The carrying out of that treaty would, on
the contrary, infringe the sacred rights of crowned heads

and of populations. The treaty never received the adhesion
of the agnates, nor that of the representative bodies, condi-
tions inherent to the treaty itself. His Majesty the King of
Denmark has never fulfilled them with regard to the
Duchies, although he has accomplished them in part with
respect to Denmark; neither has the Germanic Confedera-
tion, whose mission it is to protect the members which
compose it, adhered thereto.
Engraven in the conscience of the people, and considered
to be the condition of its public prosperity, my right con-

stitutes itself a power. In 1846, when the Court of Copen-
hagen showed the desire to:assimilate the laws of succession
in the Duchies and in the Kingdom of Denmark, it alone
was able to excite immediately general agitation and resist.
ante. When a little time after the Danish Government
threatened to abolish in the Duchies the succession in ag-
natic order, and to unite Schleswig to Denmark, the entire
population of the two Duchies took up arms in defence of
their independence. In the sanguinary struggle, which
lasted three successive years, the population furnished
proofs that its own rightw and those of its princes shall be
held by it ever sacred.
It was these same principles of legitimacy and national

independence which, at the death of his Majesty the King,
Duke Frederic VII., caused a general movement to take
place. The great majority of the national functionaries re-
fused the oath of fidelity to an illegitimate sovereign. Po-
pular agitation already threatened to assume a warlike atti-
tude when the Federal troops and the armies of the great
Powers deliveried the Duchies from the Danish yoke. The
population, once more their own masters, destroyed the en-
signs of foreign royalty in presence even of a hostile army.
A part of the country proclaimed my rights. The war con-
tinues at present its sanguinary course. By whatever one
pleases to designate it, it is in its nature and origin a war
of succession.
Declarations on the part of the representative bodies,
those of the several corporations, as well as the homage
paid ese by the inhabitants in general, leave no doubt that
in despite of the difficulties accruing from the situation of
Europe, neither the population nor myself will ever renounce
our legitimate right. In presence of such unanimity it can
no longer be questioned that a claim so identical with the
interests of the country, and so based on the conscience of
the public, must be of invincible force.
I feel fully aware of the responsibility that I have taken
upon myself in proclaiming my rights in presence of my
people. Did it concern merely my person and my family I
should have hesitated, if not in presence of future dangers,
at least in that of an imminent effusion of blood. But the
firm conviction that my rights form the basis of the liberty
and happiness of the people of Schleswig Holstein has
guided me in every act since the death of Frederick VII.
During all time, inked, a profound antipathy has existed,
notwithstanding affinity of race, between the inhabitants of
Schleswig Holstein and those of Denmark. The history
of the preceding eight centuries bears sanguinary traces of
it. Under whatever form of government it has been at-
tempted to unite the two peoples it has always failed. The
government imposed upon the Duchies in 1852 led to an
oppressive tyranny which did not respect either the school
1 or the Church.
The people of Schleswig-Holstein consider their inde-
pendence as the only guarantee of the future. Any other
arrangement can merely aliment a new conflict, and provoke
disastrous troubles.
The separation of the Duchies from Denmark is thus de-
manded, not only by the principles of legitimacy and
legality, but also by the exigencies of humanity and uni-
versal peace. Even supposing that one might ouccced by
force to replace the Duchies under the Danish yoke, they
would not fail to seize the first opportunity to shake off a
rule as odious as unrighttul, .Aa to myself, I should con-
sider it my duty to summon them at the fit moment to arms.
If, in spite of the spontaneous and non-official manifes-
tations of populations and actual representatives, Europe
should still entertain doubts of the veritable opinion of the
country, and should still cling to historic right, rotbing
can be more equitable than to appeal to the official manifes-
tations of the will of the country.
There are different modes of ascertaining what are its.
opinions, For my part I object to none, provided the ludo-