The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

TUESDAY

(Laughter, and hear.) All this, Sir, is put upon us under
pretence of constitutional government. I believe there
never was such a delusion attempted to be practiaed upon any
people, particularly on people possessing the intelligence of
Englishmen.—(Hear.) Sir, this is a question now understood
by every one. At the period of the lissolution of 1841 it
was not an understood question. But now the whole people
of the country understand it, and knot that it means an ad-
dition of a halfpenny, a penny, or it nay be more on their
loaf, and which addition is to go into the pockets of the
landlords of the country.—(Oppositios cheers.) It requires
no talent to understand that, and therefore the community
at large require to know if it be the plan or policy of the Go-
vernment to re-impose or abandon that tax.—(Hear.) To
that plain question we can get no sewer, but are to be left
in the dark. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of
the Exchequer has asserted that mr views and opinions now
are different from what they were on resigning office; and
he wishes to know why we did notthen dissolve Parliament,
Now, Sir, under the circumstance had we dissolved Parlia-
ment we would have been liable tothe objection raised by Sir
Robert Peel in 1846—namely, tlat it would be using the
prerogative of the Crown to keep s party in power.—(Hear.)
In the next place it would be iissolving Parliament before
the supplies for the maintenance of the army and navy
were disposed of, which would le an unwise step.—(Hear,
hear.) Even now, after the Mutiny Bill shall have been
passed, a dissolution of Pediment is only a choice of
difficulties. It is a choice of ails.—(Hear, hear.) But if
Hon. Gentlemen were anxious tilt the public business should
bet proceeded with, that St. Abans and Chancery reform
should be conducted to an issue why did they not leave the
late Government unmolested?-(Laughter and hear, hear.)
There are other matters I mustspeak of, because the whole
policy of the late Government-its commercial and financial
policy—has been assailed by nember after member of the
present Administration.—(Hen, hear.) The policy initiated
by the late Sir Robert Peel, and successftilly carried out by
him, we have followed up; and in our hands the beneficial
results to the country have ben most important. lam
obliged to refer to some paper, which will show the House
that, with regard to the country, we have obtained most
important and satisfactory resits. In the first place, when
we left office, there was a milks of revenue of 2,700,0001.,
and the sum applied, besides hat, as a sinking fund, in the
ulasbltic credit was untsually high. The taxes which
year, amount to about 2,800,0001. The
hsctottauvtrsee ebofeoefpn reduced during our government amount to some
4000,000/. ; whilst the general revenue of the country has
ainrdishtoado.—ne(brairh of the Excise have increased
Heat, hear.) The taxes, in particu-
Insaoortm,bwueceitnhhtdrhieulagt, after the abolhion by Sir Robert Peel of the
glass duty, followed by our removal of thd duty on bricks,
there was an increase in the Excise of last year over that of
1844 of 1,080,0001. The Excise duty of 1844 amounted to
14,450,000 k, whilst that of 1851 reached 14,779,0001.—
,(Hear.) There are threesubjects in particular, which, ie
pursuance of the policy adopted by Sir H. Peel, we proposed
alterations in the laws regarding them. The duties on sugar
were reduced, and the increase of consumption has been. so
great that, whereas in 1845, the sugar admitted amounted to
244,000 tons, in 1851 the quantity admitted reached
329,000 tons. The-colonial sugar, which, according to the
Right Hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary, should have
fallen, admitted in 1845 was 244,000 tons, in 1851 reached
,281,000 tona•—(Hear, hear.) As regards timber, the altera-
lion caused this difference, that whereas in 1845 the quan-
tity admitted reached 1,317,000 loads, whilst in 1851 it
r
,navigation-laws we find a great increase, both in quantity
;and number of British ships, since these laws have been re-
-2,037,000 loads.- (Hear, hear.) As regards the
peeaachl e
de
.d
In 1848 the tonnage of British vessels amounted to
4,052,000 tons, whilst in the last year it reached 4,200,000
tods. Now, let us see if any dangers have resulted from
,that alteration. I conceive that mischief could arise only
sin two ways—namely, by the diminution of British shipping,
!or by the increase of foreign
shipping in such a manner
iand to such an extent as to make the nation 'to which
,such shipping belonged a dangerous rival to this country.
,But this is not the case, for the shipping of the United King-
dom numerically exceeds, in a large degree, that of France
rea
disadvantage,
se i n t hat o f
proves fo rei n a
n s hi
ni pear; a Be
in trade. It proves that
o u
hil
, W 3
r the United States, as does also the number of seamen.—
(Hear, hear )B t t there has been an increase in the
tonnage of British ships, there has also been a greater in-
c
ut_tbat, ,so far from being
a
the persons who import articles of raw materials for manu-
facture, and articles of food. get them now at a cheaper rate
and with greater facility than previous to the repeal of the
navigation-laws.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what were these
navigation-laws to which so much importance has been at-
tached, and which Adam Smith defended as the least ob-
jectionable portion of our fiscal policy ?—(Hear, hear.) If
any person will take the trouble to examine, he will find
they were an act of vengeance against Holland, an act of
political rivalry to prevent that country having the greatest
carrying power in the world, and greater than England.--
(Hear, hear.) Therefore, of late years, where no 811C11 object
was required, it was fit to repeal those laws ; and by that
repeal we have not incarred that danger which Cromwell
anticipated. The Honourable Member for Wolverhampton
as said that under these measures the country has flou-
rished to a degree heretofore unknown.—(Hear.)
:Not only has there been an immense increase in our manu-
factures, but the number of our ebips has also increased.
The quantity of articles of food consumed is such as no
man expected; and all these things prove that the people
are in a state of comfort and welfare never before attained by
them.—(Hear, hear.) It seems to be the purpose of the
present Government to reverse that state of things.—(Hear,
hear.) It has been stated in the speeches of the Members
of the Cabinet obscurely and mysteriously ;, whilst the Right
Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor for the Duchy of Lancaster
has plainly stated that it is the desire of Lord Derby to re-
se injurious to the country.--(Hear, hear.) Now,
verse that financial policy which has been, according to him,
my belief
is the reverse; and, therefore, I am desirous to maintain
that policy which has been so beneficial to native industry
and native talent.—(Hear, bear.) I will not, therefore,
Sir, cloak my meaning when I say I mean to oppose any
attempt to re-impose a duty on corn, whether for the pur-
pose of protection or revenue.—(Opposition cheers.) Sir,
that is a plain declaration; and on that point, with the
present. Ministry in power, it behoves us to obtain a clear
decision on the subject. —(Hear, hear.) I conceive that the
Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer is not_ justified in
delaying the solution of that question to next February.—
(Hear, hear.) It must be the interest of all parties engaged
in trade and commerce to obtain a solution of the
question. I also thick it is the interest of the agricultural
community. I said long ago —and the Right Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Stamford declared his surprise at my
declaration—that protection was the bane of agriculture.
I did not assert that protection was injurious to particular
classes, but that agriculture in general was injured by it.—
(Hear, hear.) Since its abolition we have seen greater ad-
vancement and improvement in the condition of the agricul-
tural interest than previously.— (Hear, hear.) My opinion,
therefore, is, that there never was a system introduced capa-
ble of doing more for the welfore of the people than the com-
mercial policy which, since 1842, has been placed on the
statute-book.—(Hear, hear.) There is a perfect agreement
in the deductions of all scientific men on this point, as also of
all who are anxious to see a perfect and unfettered inter-
course amongst the nations of the world.—(Hear.) If, there-
fore, you maintain that policy you will do well. It is not
a question that can be constantly suspended. Last year her
Majesty's Ministers, after repealing the window-tax, had but
a small surplus left them; and yet, proceeding on the free-
trade policy, we repealed the differential duties as well
as the duty lon :coffee. Now, if there shouldbe a. surplus
this year, the question will arise how will that surplus be
disposed of ?—( Hear, hear.) le will be said that it should
be applied to give farther extent to those principles that
have been found so beneficial. Then Right Ron. Gentlemen
opposite will doubtless state, "We are not Ministers for that
purpose. With finance and commerce we are incompetent
to deal, and they must accordingly remain suspended for an-
other year." I ask is this to be?—(Opposition cheers.) Is
the country to have no decision? Is it not the interest of
every individual that, either in the present or in the future
Parliament, there should be introduced measures for redres-
sing the evils now suffered by the
,various interests—the pro-
fessional, the trading, the colonial; and the agricultural in-
terests? I have, Sir, been greatly surprised by the declara-
tion of the Right Hon. Chancellor Of the Exchequer. I
believe no Minister of the Crown ever stood in the same po-
sition that he does.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman's
position is this—he says, " I have great measures in con-
templation that will relieve the agricultural interest from
injury, the colonial from roil?, and the shipping interests
from the competition under which they are sinking. But I
will nett Submit these measures. I will contrive to 'govern
in a minority, relying that the House will not only have for-
bearanCe with us, but that it will further be ready to improve
the country for us."—(Hear, hear.) The course pursued by
the present- Ministry, whilst most convenient to themselves,
is gmost inconvenient to the country.—(Hear, hear.) If,
therefore, they get from this to February, without professing
any principle, but merely endeavouring to get together a
majority for the next Parliament, that will be a great ad-
vantage to them, though in the mean time, that is until the
spring of next year, the country is to be sunk in uncer-
tainty. —( Hear, hear.)
No merchant or manufacturer can,
in the interim, know that he will have a marketfor his pro-
duce ; no firmer or matt of business will understand his po-
sition ; and all this that the private interests of her Majesty's
Ministers may be promoted, even at the sacrifice of all the
great and important interests of this country.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HERRIES said that the first question which the de-
bate would naturally occasion was, for what purpose it had
been got up. Shortly after the late Government had dis-
solved, au ostentatious announcement was made of some re-
solution binding the Heinle to adhere to a line of policy
which the Hon. Gentletnhe catirissite, •by whom this debate
had been originated; had been • quite in.struinental in bring-
ing about.'.' He• would ask that fit;h. Gentleman why he in-
tended to-make such a motion, and if he did intend it, why
did he not try the House of Co =none upon that issue?
They noW came) t hoviever, to that very- question 'and he
would defy shy mama -looking back - upon *hat had already
taken Plata to doubt for a moment that any other answer
could be given than that which his Right Hon. Friend had
so clearly and so distinctl
y given. His Right Hon. Friend
had, In turn, asked the tsroble Lord opposite; the Member for
London,;upon what principles he intended to condnot his
opposition, end. what had the Noble. Lord said?-(Hear,'
hear.)- He had, informed them of what should be the
conduct ihe .'s
hould pursue in Opposition, but he (Mr.
Harries) had :learned nothing from what he had said
but this—that he would continue to oppose, as he had
alWays oPPosed,"the re-imposition of thoseduties, this taking
off of which be ealled " free trade." -So that the' whole
extent of his•oPposition reduced itself to the matter upop'
which the opinion of the country was to be taken. They
learned from hint at the same time, 'however, that the
effect produck by this change in our financial
,policy had •
been not inconsideraele in the association of- Iparties in
Parliament,, W46_, heretofore, had existed apart from one
another. 'Bat' the • fact was, that the public business of the
country had been conducted by an administration of parties
with whom these were manifestly, and on principle, at
variance. From'that cause, too, they were but imperfectly
supported on certain great questions, and the Noble Lord
had substantially admitted this, when- he spoke of having
been " worried". froni office. Judging by appearances, 'he
already felt the force of an old Parliamentary aphorism,
which he had often heard—" Wait till the-Whigs are out
of office, and, then you will know what faction is."
(Laughter.) But universal suffrage, the ballot, and Menu},
bers paid for-their services in Parliament—these were the
principles apparently upon which the Noble Lord intended
to conduct the opposition, which it was right the House
should know. lie (Mr. Harries) should not have risen but
for the circumstance that hailed been repeatedly called upon
first by the Hon. Gentleman who had asked this question,
and also by the Noble Lord, as to some statement he madern;
another place, at his election, touching the effect of the re
peal of the navigation •laws, and in answer to that challengeible coin
would put his observations into the smallest
possible
now, to'
pass, merely giving results in figures.' He wou
de ive
exhibit the result of the change in our navigation co
the figures exhibiting its effect on British and foreign shipping
respectively, between the year 1849, the last of the
navigation-
laws, and the year 1861 the second of the new y
stem.
and he would showHe'
would take the imports and the exports,
that the comparative operations of the new law on our cons-
mercial system had been unfortunate. In 1849 the tonnage
A 290 000 tons, and in 1851
of British shipping inwards was • a slight, but still la.!
it was only 4,3400 tons, being
tonnage inwards in I
significant, diminution. The foreign
1849 was tons. Thus, 'I -1 r 1 2,600,000
ABl,OOO sons, and in 18a ,
while there had been no worms. in British shipping inwards

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