The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-22 00:00:00

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detail the alleged treaty between Franca and Italy
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the most explicit and apparently poasesses mos,
authority is the following, which is communicated
by the Turin correspondent of the lndependanc,;

PRICE
STAMPED ....sd.

no man can be too well house,!. A perfect sanitary con-
dition as regards habitations is one which, while it pre-
serves and defends the inhabitants from the inclemency of
the seasons, allows him to breathe and enjoy pure and unvi-

Beige, under date the 17th inst.
The following► are the principal features of tte
convention : —" France will intimate to the Pope

,hat within two years' time at most the Ffenctr

tiated air. For these reasons it is the truest source of health
and wealth. It is thcrelmo a matter of great import anco to
the farmers that the agricultural labourers should be well
housed. There are great difficulties in the way, and the first
difficulty is that it is an investment of capital which does
not bring in directly an adequate return ? This is an objection
which I consider fallacious. The point is, what do you con-
sider an adequate return ? Ash the farmer whether he would
like to have on his farm his labourers in healthy habita-

army will entirely abandon the Pontifical States, if
the Government of the Pope will be abe to take

steps for the formation of an army. Just as the
organisation of the pontifical army will proceed an
equivalent number of French soldiers will leave the
territories of the Holy Father. In order to nff,ul

facilities to the Papal Government for the establish•

ment of this force, France will allow it to enlist

tions or living two or three miles from the acres which they
cultivate, in miserable hovels which engender sickness and
weaken their energy and strength, The farmer will say
directly—" Give my labourers who reside cn my acres and
reside in houses which allow them to come to their labour
full of energy and vigour, energy and vigour given by
sound sleep and pure air. The farm will then be more valu-
able to the tenant, and if so, it must be more valuable to
the proprietor, and it does tell upon the rent. In this way
the latter will find an adequate return for his investment,
I do not say this is an easy difficulty to combat. It is a great
one, but it must be met. The question, however, is usually
argued as if the proprietor was called upon suddenly to
sweep away all the miserable tenements he has inherited,
and to cover his estate with model cottages. That is im-
possible, for you cannot in an instant effect this great
change. You cannot unhouse the whole peasantry from an
estate at once. It can only be done gradually. Take a
model estate of 2,000 acres. On that estate you require a
minimum of 60 cottages. The expenditure for creating 63
cottages would probably be £6,000 or £7,000. I have seen
the estimate of such an expenditure. Well, how is a man
to expend £6,000 or £7,000, which is perhaps three times his
rental, unless he has that which we have no right to sup-
pose—other sources of capital P No one expects anything
of the kind. No one expects, that because you have dis-
covered a want in your social system and a duty to perform
that it is to be done in a manner injurious to yourselves. You
cannot expect every landed proprietor to be a Duke of
Northumberland—a man whose hand is as extensive as his
fortune, and who built cottages on 200,000 acres at an ex-
pense of some £50,000. Her Majesty conferred a riband on
the Duke of Northumberland because he created a Channel
fleet at the moment we had none; but the man who lays
out £500,000 in building cottages on his estate as much de-
serves a blue riband as the man who creates a Channel fleet,
or even at the head of a Channel fleet leeds us on to victory.
(Cheers.) Every man cannot do what the Duke of North-
umberland has done, but every man can do something. He
may build a few cottages, or repair others. You ought to
keep before your eyes, clearly and closely, the object you
have to attain, and avail yourselves of every opportunity of
accomplishing the result. (Hear,) The other day I saw some
inferior tenements built by persons who speculate in building
cottages. These inferior tenements were purchased and con-
verted into excellent cottages—not exactly model cottages,
but cottages in which a man may live iu health and in some
degree of comfort and happiness. These are opportunitieit of
which every man may avail himself. This is a duty which
must be performed. (Hear.) The question is becoming both
n town and country one of paramount interest. The great-
ness of the country depends on the race that fills it, and,
whatever our ancestors may have done to make the country
great or famous, whatever liberty they may have acquired,
whatever wealth they may have accumulated, if the race
becomes inferior, you lose all these results and all these
blessings. It is a question to which we must give our minds.
I do not touch on the scenes of life in our great cities. They
are familiar to all. They prove that wretchedness and crime
are co-ordinate ; but, while we deplore the condition of our
working classes in our gt eat cities, it is impossible any longer
to shut our eyes to the condition of our agricultural
labourers, and it is our duty to set an example on this sub-
ject. I was reading lately in an old book written more
than 200 years ago, and I was surprised to find that this
question, which is supposed to be one of modern origin dis-
covered by the philosophers of the 19th century, had at.
trated the attention of society nearly 300 years ago. Nearly
300 years ago, to the honour and glory of the Church, in-
tramural sepulture was forbidden. I may then say that
there is nothing new under the sun, and what we look upon
as the result of enlightenment and progress was practically
considered a considerable time ago. A very great scholar
observed that in his opinion the declaration of the wisest of
mankind, "Vanity of vanities, all is vanity," was not a
misprint, but a mistake of the copyist, and that he believed
the words really were not " Vanitas vanitatum, oninia
vanitas," but " Sanitas sanitatum, omnia sanitas." Now,
I quite agree that it must have been a misquotation
of the words of the wise King of Israel, and, if so, that this
would have constituted one of his best claims to be consi-

French volunteers, and of course Catholic nations
will bo anxious to follow the example of France.

The King of Italy, on his part, er gages not to attack
the Papal States, and to prevent any armed bands
from entering the Pontifical territory; but there is

no new proposition of any reconciliation with tho

Pope. The King would not expose himself to a
refusal that is foreseen after so many solemn and
repeated declarations. The King has, moreover,

determined on adopting a measure which may be
regarded as a great concession to the Papacy. He
has consented to fix the capital of the kingdom
definitively at Florence. This transfer of the seat
of government will probably be very vigorously
assailed by the party of opposition, but wise people
will allow for the situation of the King, and will

comprehend the reasons which have made him act
as he has done. Parliament will meet on the Ist

of October, in order that the Government may
obtain from it a ratification of the arrangements
between the two Cabinets. The Ministry have faith

in the patriotism of Italians, and they reckon on the

support of a very large majority. Count Vimercati
has been sent to M, Ratazzi, who is at present at
Baden. Baden, to ask for the patriotic adhesion of

that statesman."

The hidependance says, in reference to the above :
The Turin correspondent who transmitted to us

he first information upon the nature and the scope

of the negotiations in question, and who has just
communicated to us, in terms as precise and as
positive, the result those negotiations have led to,

deserves the utmost confidence, and we are per-

evaded that when the veil falls which still sur•

rounds this diplomatic mystery, facts will prove, to

a certain extent at least, the importance and the
accuracy of the communications we have repro-
_ _

&Iced."

The Opitzione of Turin is very precise. It says
in its edition of the 16th—" We are informed that

yesterday evening, the 15th September, the enliven-

tion between the French and Italian Governments
concerning the cessation of the French occupation
of Rome in two years was signed in Paris. M.
I)rouyn de Lhuys signed for France ; Chevelier

Constantine Nigra, chief plenipotentiary, and the
Marquis Pepoli, minister plenipotentiary in extra-
ordinary mission, signed for Italy. We are also in-
formed that the King's Government, with the view
of communicating these stipulations to the national
Parliament at the earliest period, has determined to
summon the Chambers for the 4th of October."

The Nord says—"lt is incontestible that the
mission of MM. Menabrea and Pepoli to the Empe.
ror of the French has had some result, and that the
Roman question has just made a great step towards
its solution, despite the contradictory assertions of
the semi-official papers. Oar own information con-
firms the fact of the convention concluded between.
the Governments of France and Italy, the delay of

two years as the extreme term of the occupation of
Rome by the French troops, and, finally, the en-
gagement entered into by the Turin Cabinet to
make the Pontifical frontiers respected."
The Temps refers to the treaty in the same con-
fident terms. It says—" It is impossible any longer
to doubt that the Roman question is at last ap-
proaching the solution which it has so long
claimed, and which principles claimed for it.
It was essential that the occupation of Rome,
"ou nous sommes sans droll," should cease some
day or other, and it appears that the time is hence-
forth fixed, and that a delay of two years has been
or is to be signified to the Pontifical government.
The semi-official press at Paris maintains at present
great reserve. But the affirmations of the Turin

dered the wisest of mankind. I have ventured to place be-

fore you the condition of the three classes of the agricul-
tural world, and I think that we may all of us look with

some interest on our position. As far as this country is

concerned, I am willing to admit that there has been some
improvement in the condition of the labouring class ; but I
do not want it to be supposed that I am making any critical
remarks on the conduct cf the landlords or the tenants. I
am sensible that as much fault lies with the labouring class
themselves ; and it is for this reason that I intend, with the
permission of the committee, to offer a prize of £5 for the
cottage that is kept in the best condition. I think it has
been said before, to show the uselessness of such prizes,
that what we want is new cottages, and not rewards for
keeping old ones in good order. I think that criticism is
quite superfluous. What we want is to bring the attention
of the people themselves to the subject. Now, although it
is humiliating to confess, yet I do confess, that cleanliness
and order are not matters of instinct ; they are matters of
education, and, like most great things—mathematics and
classics—you must cultivate a taste for them. People, from
neglect and being left alone, will wallow in the mire, like
brutes and beasts, and not complain of the condition
in which they aro placed. If you offer a prize you awake
the attention of the community to the subject. They try to
obtain a prize, and although only:one man obtains a prize,
in the research and pursuit of the prize they discover such
sources of delight and such new causes of happiness and
content that you educate them to that cleanliness and order
which you want to instil into their minds. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore, I am of opinion that a prize of that kind, if I
am permitted to offer it, will not be fruitless. (Ilear.) 1
thank you, gentlemen, on the part of myself and my col.
leagues, for the kindness with which our names have been
received. In making these remarks on the general condi-
tion of the agricultural interest I think it is one to which
we may generally look with satisfaction and content, but
at the same time with an increased sense of our duties,
both as proprietors and occupiers, and a conviction that in
proving the condition of the labouring classes engaged in
agriculture we are, in fact, increasing the sources of our
own wealth, and confirming the sources of our own hap-
piness. The right hon. gentleman resumed his seat amid
loud and prolonged cheering.
The toast was also responded to by Mr BERNARD arid
Mr SMITH, and several other toasts were afterwards given
aed acknowledged.

journals have become too emphatic to leave room for
the slightest doubt. It is probable that other clauses
accompany and complete the stipulation of the delay
of two years; bat it would be idle to comment upon
the indiscretions of the Italian press, as we shall
very soon know—at the latest in the early part of
the next month—the tenor of the conventions de.
Bided between the governments of F.rance.and
Few people, even among the most impatient, will
be surprised by the concessions which may have

been introduced into the convention for the purpose
of preparing and mitigating an inevitable denou-
ment. On the other hand, the friends of the Holy
See ought, if wise, to rejoice the first at the end of
a state of things which was in no way profitable to
their cause. It ought to be obvious to el erybody
that, though the French occupation of Rome has
suspended the natural course of things, it has con-
solidated nothing, and to say the truth, has even
restored nothing. The Holy See, including its tem.
poral rule, is a moral power which can only be sus•
tained by a purely moral prestige, The material
assistance so long afforded to it, far from having
been favourable, has injured it, for it has sown the
seeds of schism in Italy, and withdrawn from its
moral power all the transitory security it gave to
its political authority. The hour has come for the
Holy See to transform itself if it can, but it is clear
that circumstances are much less propitious than at
the accession of Pius IX."
The Presse says If it is true that France nu•
dertakes to recal its troops from Rome in a fixed
time, the Italian question advances towards a going
tion, while taking new ground. In our opinion
this engagement amounts to the abdication of the
Italian pretensions to Rome ; Italy henceforth cons
centrates her efforts upon Venice, and, above all,
she endeavours to find a provisional capital, She
may transfer the seat of her government to
Florence, but the provisional so soon becomes the
definitive."
The Debats is of opinion that the Italian Govern-
ment will do well to transfer the capital to Florence,
if only for military reasons. It says :—By estab-
lishing himself in Florence the King of Italy allows
nothing to peep out as to what he hopes or does not
hope with regard to Rome; but he clearly shows
his thoughts with regard to 'Venice and Austria.
Against an army issuing from the famous quadri-
lateral, nothing defends, nothing can defend, the
plain of Lombardy and the access to Turin—no-
thing, unless it be a victory obtained in the open
field. Turin is so situated that, in case of war, a
battle must always be fought to save it, even if
fought on disadvantageous conditions. The eoun•
cillors of the King of Italy no doubt thought that,
in the ambiguous state in which Europe is placed,
when every spring for the last four years has been
like a sword of Damocles suspended over the head
of the most pacific nations, is was not wise to rest
content with such an exposed capital. Florence
protected against an army invading Lombardy, not
only by distance but by the line of the Po, by the
citadels of Alessandria, Piacenza, Ferrara, the
Apennines ; Florence besides possessing every.
thing which constitutes the charm of life in a
capital, and everything which can symbolise the
majesty of a great kingdom; Florence would offer
striking advantages of situation to such Italians as
the future disturbs, and who, right or wrong, fore-
see coming days when they may be compelled to
struggle anew for their independence. This is
enough to explain the long conceived project of
placing, at all events provisionally, the seat of the
Italian Government in Florence. If this project be
will be a sufficient precaution on the
partofti etltalians, which doubtless ought not to
executed,
excite any particular alarm among us for the main•
tenance of peace, but which nevertheless will re-
mind us of the precarious state of Europe, and of
the many combinations which may result, and
which are certainly less probable than the Franco.
Italian treaty that Italy is at this moment ardently
discussing."