The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

POST. —To be able to hope in spite of discoura,V"
meets destructive of hope is to possess a quality
which has on great authority received a high place
among the Christian virtues. We are not, there-
fore, at liberty to scoff at those who solace them-
selves with the expectation that great good will
come of the Conference to be held in London on the

affairs of Denmark. We will try to imitate those
excellent persons who hope the best under all cir-
cumstances and despair of nothing. We will not
suffer ourselves to dwell upon the interference with

anything like calm discussion and judicial equani-
mity which must result from the effects upon dif-
ferent parties of each day's telegrams from the seat
of war. We will recount no more the chances

against a peaceful solution which lie in the fact that
both the assailants and the assailed are possessed

by foregone conclusions. Nor will we spoil any
possibility of a successful issue by throwing
into the arena a single apple of discord out of the
many that lie about on every side. We will be con-
tent to watch and wait, giving the Conference, in
the meantime, our good wishes. It will do a good
work if it succeed in terminating the war and

placing the long-vexed question of Schleswig-Hol-
stein upon a footing of permanent rest. It may do
this, and we shall be glad to see it. But some things
it can never do. It can never justify in the eyes of
Europe the barbarity with which the war has been
conducted. It can never wipe out the stains of
blood needlessly shed which will long disgrace
the policy of Austria and Prussia; nor can it
allay the indignation with which the people of
this country regard the proceedings of Germany.
From various causes—not the least among which
must be counted the family alliances which of late
years have been contracted—there was till re-
cently a strong sympathy between the people of
England and the Germans. That feeling has
gone, and no Conference can resuscitate it. The
feeling uppermost in almost every Englishman's
mind is that two powerful States have combined to
deal out the hardest possible measure to a weak one.
That in doing so they have gone out of their way
to be unsparing. Not only would they grant no
terms, no armistice, no cessation from the daily
stretch and struggle of almost hopeless self-defence,
but they have done what they resolved to do with
a ferocity that was needless, and a self-glorification
that was inhuman. The bombastic orders of the
day by Prince Charles would lead one to suppose
that his soldiers had performed prodigies of valour
in the face of a superior enemy, and had won glory
through perils that had no precedent. Whereas
the only credit to which they are entitled is
that which two able-bodied men might claim

for pounding a small boy within an inch of his
life, or for attacking a defenceless woman. Talk
of glory ! Has the military glary of Germany
come to this that it must be freed from the better
instincts of humanity before it can achieve con-
quest ? Is it any glory to swarm over a small ter-
ritory like rats, and then boast of the havoc which
the many have wrought among the few ? Is it
glory to shower fire and shot amongst women and
children, and to slaughter brave men by the brute
force of ten to one ? Let those who eau glory in
such deeds ; let the two great Powers of Central
Europe perform their prodigies of power over weak-
ness ; and let their princes proudly proclaim the
heroic actions of superior numbers. These may be
glory in the eyes of Germany, but in England the
triumphs count for tyranny, the achievements for
monstrous cruelty, and the proclamations for mere
swagger. The heart of the nation is with Denmark
as the heart of one man, Not one in ten, perhaps
not one in a hundred, can give.a rational account of
the quarrel, or state the bearings of the Holstein
question. But ninety-nine out of every hundred
know that, be the question what it may, Austria
and Prussia have adopted a tyrannous mode of solv-
ing it. They may know little of Danish or German
treaties, but they know right from wrong, glory
from rapine, fair fight from foul, reason from passion,
and the necessary evils of war from its needless bru-
talties. The conduct of Germany is regarded in this
country with downright abhorrence—so much so,
that it requires the utmost prudence on the part of
our statesmen to keep the popular enthusiasm from
shouting aloud for Denmark at every opportunity an 3
goading the Government into war. No doubt, neu-
trality is the wise and right course for this country,
but the reasons are prudential rather than popular.
There is scarcely a dinner-table amongst the highest
classes where the wantonness of Austria and Prussia
is not spoken of in terms of severe reprehension. In
the less reserved circles of the middle and working
classes the utterances are louder and deeper; and
whether it be the unreasoning obstinacy of the
Court of Berlin, or the overweening love of power
at Vienna, or the paltry politics of Frankfort, or the
intrigues of the score or so of petty Sovereigns of
even more petty principalities which make up the
federation, the theme need only be German to draw
forth at once expressions which imply the reverse
of compliment and affection. We are not saying
that this is right, still less that it is wise ; but it is
a fact. The German policy and its attendant
cruelties—for they deserve no better namees-heve
scandalised the English mind. If counsels, long
trained to rise superior to passion, did not at once
control the impetuosity, while they command the
confidence, of the whole country, the Channel fleet
would leave for the Baltic in four and twenty
hours, and Europe would blaze up with war.
It remains to be seen what the Conference will
do. We have seen what it cannot do. At the same
time it is certain that something must be done.
This terrible assault on Denmark must be stayed
somehow. There is a point at which the neutral
Powers of Europa must reconsider their attitude.
Not the most pacific of European politicians is pre-
pared to see Denmark spunged out of the map. Yet
the Germans show no signs of holding their hand ;
and the heroic Deno still sell their lives at the
dearest price known to inherent bravery and aggra-
vated sense of ill-treatment. Welcome, then, the
Conference, hopelees as its prospects are I Welcome
anything that will but make an effort to stop the
waste of blood, to secure that necsssary fighting
shall at least be fair, and that judicial wisdom shall
undertake the problem which passion fails to solve.
HERALD.—The bare suggestion that France had
accepted the project of a Conference to arrange the
Dano-German difficulty, with the popular will as
iz
basis, or, in other words, that the Duchies should
decide according to the views of those possessing
most power and influence among them, has very
naturally draws attention to a subject of the
greatest importance to the present and future
well-being of States and dynasties during times
when some, at least, of these are considered not
to be firmly established. If the dangerous prin-
ciple that the supposed will of the people is to
supersede treaties regularly and solemnly ratified be
conceded, then there is not a power in Europe
which may not well tremble for some part of its
possessions. There is no kingdom so blessed with
peace or united in its people which might not be
disturbed with the prospect of independence held
out to any of its sections. What has happened in
Italy may well happen in Germany, in Russia, and
elsewhere. When Earl Russell produced his famous
dispatch to Turin, counselling the doctrine of na-
tionalities, a member of the House of Commons rose
and declared that on that principle our re?nure of.
Ireland would not be safe for a day, for that util:
versal suffrage would pronounce for a severance of
the connection with England. Extreme and most
unlikely as this statement appears when uttered in
a time of internal union and peace, on reflection, and
guided by experience, it will not seem so entirely
absurd and without foundation. If the men of intel.
ligence and property in Ireland had alone to deter-
mine the matter there could be but little doubt of
their loyal conclusion. But the decision would fall
to numbers, that is, to prejudice, hatred, and igno-
rance, and to unscrupulous ambition acting on these.
The momentous question would thus be left to the
most incompetent and corrupt of judges. This must
be the result of an appeal to the popular will every-
where. There may, of course, arise exceptional exi-
gencies where even the choice of numbers, the vox
populi, if that could in some measure be obtained,
would be preferable to any other arbitrament to de-
cide the vital problem of the government of a nation.
Bat that the great Powers of Europe should allow
a principle so purely revolutionary to enter the field
of diplomacy is to believe that they would delibee
rately propose the sentence of their own disinheri-
tance and condemnation. Our French correspon-
dent calls attention to the emphatic opinion of M.
Guizot on the question of universal suffrage, deli-
vered beforeit had strength to found the Second
Empire, and to combine various sections of the Ita-
lian governments into one kingdom. "No doubt,"
says the statesman and philosopher, " it should be
the object, and it is the natural result, of good social
institutions to raise progressively a greater number
of men to that degree of intelligence and indepen-
dence which qualifies them to participate in the
wielding of political power; but between that prin-
ciple of free government and universal suffrage held
up as the first and fundamental law of human so-
ciety, what a gulf ! What utter oblivion of an M.
nite number of facts, rights, and truths which justly
claim their rank and their share in social orgauisa-
don." Now, this forgetfulness of facts, rights, and
truths is just the difficulty that Conservatives have
always to contend against when opposing the popu-
lar views on the suffrage of which Mr. Bright, Mr.
Baines, Mr. Locke Kieg, and other prominent men
of the extreme Radical school are the champions. It
is very easy to talk of the rights of the working
classes to a free voice in the election of members of
Parliament, but in reality there is no right at all.
The power to choose representatives in the Legis-
lature is the very highest in the kingdom—the
security and permance of all our institutions
rest upon this. It
is preposterous to assert that

,TI

this supreme authority is lodged in the ignore.
masses of the community alone; for this is the sole
force and only result of universal suffrage, manhood
weage, or such a low qualification as must amount
sue-
ad to it inevitably and soon. If the
toovetrhwisheolrmi;:g
worms._
nq classes had any such natural
right it would be most wise.
to abolish it. But they
have not ; for the State is held tee ether by mutual
.
sacrifices and concessions as the pride of
protection
and peace. Political privileges, like al; other!
existing in a nation, must result from labour, ne08;
be the price of toii, must be the fruits of thrift arta
saving, giving a man exclusive property, aid
therefore a firm stake in the well-being of the com-
munity and kingdom. He must hold this property
either as the immediate recompense of his oWII
exertions, or inherit it from rersons having a right
to confer it upon him. There may, it is true, be an
amount of intelligence unallied to property, which
ought to entitle a man to the franchise, but this can
never be as sound and incorruptible a basis for the
suffrage as the qualification of property, for the
man who has most to lose will most dread needless
and perilous change and revolution. The repetition
of some very obvious political truths is not altoge"
ther an unnecessary duty now, when even our Go'
vernment are not very chary of how the question of
the suffrage is to be treated so long as a tenure of
office is still secured to them. We do not suspect
Lord Palmerston himself of any extreme opinions,
bat there are members of his Cabinet who eagerly
desire to see the franchise lowered to the accession
of numbers, or who, in other words, would place
the real Government of this country in the bands
of a wavering, unpropertied multitude. The six-
pound borough vote, the ten-pound county vote,
without any sets-off or counterpoise, must lead to
this democratic conclusion. The upper and middle
class votes would be swamped by the swarming
working classes, who would obey their
leaders and study what they considered to he
their own immediate and special interests, 130.
matter how ruinous to the permanent welfare of
the kingdom. The adoption of the ballot involves
this question of universal suffrage; for where you
destroy the open vote you exclude the non-electors
from their sole right in the representation, and thus
you make it only just that every one should enjaY
the same electoral privilege; We do not fear that
the proposal to adopt the popular will as a new
feature in diplomacy will be acceptable to the
crowned heads of Europe, although it should prove
to be the facetious suggestion of an Emperor, if
indeed the suggestion has been made; but the dis-
cussion of this novel idea is in itself a ground for
exposing its danger, not only to international eon'
cord and peace, but to the stability of domestic
institutions. When universal suffrage is named is
connection with the Dano-German question, it is in
some measure recommended for adoption as the rule
of adjustment everywhere. It ought, therefore, to
meet with no manner of entertainment. We all
know what it means. It argues the will of the
most influential, the most powerful, the most able
in the state to corrupt or compel all the others. D
does not imply the real voice of the people or their
independence or freedom. It is the open auction
mart of slavery. Nor is it singular that our own
English Radicals should be on the same monopolist
track. When they contend for a wide extension of
the suffrage and disregard the claims of the middle
classes, they are on the rapid line which has led to
the restriction of liberty and the ultimate control of
the popular will by a dictatorship. But it is re'
markable that members of the British Government
should fearlessly entertain and avow opinion
proved by all history, and by recent experience is
particular, to b 3 incompatible with any form of free
and liberal government.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

MONMOUTH-TUESDAY.

The local markets have been thinly attended during the
last week, and the average quotations are as follows
Wheat, white 5s 3d to 5s 9d 8ar1ey...... 3s 4d td 2s Si
Ditto red .08 Od toils Od I Oats .. 2s 2d to 2$ 91'

LYNN—TUESDAY.
At to-day's market there was a moderate attendance and
a fair show of wheat, with a dull trade, and the prices 0
week were barely obtained for all descriptions.
White wheat 45s to 46s / Barley . ... 34s to 360
11,cd 4ls to 425 I Grinding........ 398 to 32,4
Beans .32s to 34s I Oats..
Small 34s to 36s I Peas —s to •-'l/

HULL—TUESDAY.
At to-day's market there was a tolerable supply of Bad
lish wheat, and the trade quiet at scarcely last week's rates.
A moderate supply of barley, and prices are unaltered.
Wheat.... Old white.... per qr ... 42s Od to 44s Oa
Old red
New white .. ~
New red ....
Barley.... English malting„ 27s Od to 34s o°,
Grinding 24s Od to 25s 6'l
Saal and Odorbruok
Holstein and Danish 303 Od to 318 Od
Grinding
Oats English, old 22s Od to 20 Od
Archangel and Riga, per st oBl2ld to 13
Friesland and Dutch osl3d to 0513/1
Swedish and Danish 08124d to 03134
Beans ....English, old, per qr. 4os Od to 43 0,1
New pigeon 42s Od to 44s (di
New tick. 4os Od to 42$
o°_,
Egyptian
Peas ..Foreign boilers
tto,
3343: 66uu:
Grinding
Tares ....Spring
Indian Corn
Linseed, feeding s2s Od to 56s Od
crushing • 4os Od to 52s Od„
Linseed cakes (Hull) £9 10 0 to £9 15 "
Foreign: Bl5 oto 9 0 "A
Rape cakes 5lO oto 0 0 '
Bones 5 5 Ow 510 °

COAL MARKET.
Prune of Coal per Ton at ttie close of the market. ,
s. d. , 0a:I is. V.
imc
Wylam 18 9
Eden Main .lB 9
Holywell 17 0
Tanfield Moor Butes 14 9

Walls End. n
East Hartlepool 20 -
South Hetton 20 °
Kelloe l9 0
....... • 0
South Hart1ep001......19 0
Braddyll'a Hetton ..... 19 9
Caradoc l9
South Kelloe 19 3
$
Gosforth lB
a 6
Trimd on Hartlepool 1- 0
1 Yelper Grange 19

Walls End.

Harton 18 3
Hatton 20 6
Heugh Hall 19 3
TT as well 2O 6
Whitworth 16 6
T unstall
Ships at mark€

:t, 64 ; sold. 47.

Foreign Mail Packet List.

MAILS DUE.
Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. April 15;
via Marseilles April,l.
brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet. Mar '‘,"9,
Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. lielena April 1.
China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Apr!ll,,.
via Marseilles April 1"

Falkland Islands
Gibraltar, via Southampton
India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.. April !.,
via Marseilles .... April 11.
India (Bombay), via Southampton .. April /'
via Marseilles April b•
Portugal.... May. 1'
4'l.
Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton April6'
via Marseilles .. April ,g,
Newfoundland ..April i"

Oporto and Vigo
U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Aprtl
by U.S. packet....
by Canadian packet. April 5'
.1 10.
W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneritie April
Bahamas, via New York May 501;
',llexico April 0-
All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I April 13'
California. and British Columbia.

LADVERTISEILINT.3—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.;
There is no question whatever that rheumatism, neurallili;
and such like painful maladies have been more rife tPA,
seasol than for some years past. The number of Ow,
menials G.f cures effected by Holloway's remedies is unroll
cedented aii'd should be enforced on the attention 0%0
sufferers from Obese complaints. The parts in pain she" a
be fomented for seas minutes with warm brine, dried, 0:0
immediately well rub:,ed with the Ointment. It
into the pores of the sk;23, and gives the greatest relite
Many valuable lives are tonually lest, which might ire.
saved if early recourse in illness were made to these to.
markable remedies, which must necessarily prove bell
eial and cannot do harm.

CAMPBELL.—On the 4thßir
instths., at 44, Charles-street, 13fer;
keley-square, the Hon. Mrs. Henry Campbell, °

daughter.
RAGLAN.—On the sth inst., Lady Raglan, of a eon• the
TALBOT.—On the 6th inst.. at 23, St. James's square'

Lady Emma Talbot, of a daughter.
TAYLOR.—On the 6th inst., at Elizabeth-street, Litc*.
squara, the Lady Jane Taylor, of a daughter.
Marriages.
CHARLTON—BELLAsts.—On Tuesday, the sth ill!",%ci
Our Lady's Church, St. John's-wood, by his 8131,',4%-ift
Cardinal Wiseman, Edward Charlton, M.D., 01,!:p,":
castle-upon-Tyne, to Margaret Jane, eldest dallP'"
Edward Bellasis, 4Serjoant •at-Law.
WEZELL—BEAUMONT.—On the sth inst„ at the
nights,
Chapel, Islington, and afterwards at St. Pauls D-„11. 1- ti
bridge, Captain Count M. Gurowski de Wezell,
Diana, daughter of Capt, and Hon. Mrs. R. Beaute°l:l
Deaths.
ANDERSON.—On the 4th last •
, at Bridge-end)
Brechifl
N. 8., James Anderson, Esq.,agei 86. t A
BA.RKLIMORE.—On the 2d inst , at Old Quebee-stree 1
Barklimore, Esq., aged 86. 4
BUTLER.—On the 2d inst., at her residence, Grosvell°or
square, the Right Ron. Margaret Lauretta,
Richard Butler, second Earl of Glnga il•
ING4RFIELD.—On the 4th inst., ate 28, GrOSVOllOrstreel
W., Mrs. E. liagarfielJ, aged 47.
KNIG T.—Oahe 6th inst , at liainault House, Chig
Essex, John Knight, Esq.., formerly of St. George a,
aged 72.

t .........---
L ANDROI
London Prinzed and Prb!lewd by WILLIAIt ,---- ~ iv
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tuz StrN Oflice .00' „
Strand, in the Precinct of the !Savoy, n the Coull "
N.lidlefez.—Thursday, 4111 7, Iso4.