The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-16 00:00:00

eltent I a g'lnt

LONDON. MONDAY FEBRUARY 16, 1852.

Quietly though the news of Lord PALMERSTON'S
dismissal has been received in this country, it has
excited very considerable agitation in ♦arious parts
of the European Continent? It is already well
known, for example, that the intelligence was welcomed
with a sort of enthusiasm in the Austrian capital.
The announcement of the removal from the English
Cabinet of a statesman so long dreaded by the abso-
lutist Governments of the north was made indeed
with as evident delight as would have been infallibly
displayed by the Ministries of the KAISER and
the AUTOCRAT in the event of the restoration to office
of that political pet of Louis PHILIPPE and under-
secretary of M. GUIZOT—" cet excellent ABERDEEN!"
But the satisfaction consequent upon the arbitrary pro-
ceedings of Lord JOHN RUSSELL towards the late
Foreign Secretary, has by no means been restricted
to the metropolis of the Red EMPEROR. Paeans have
been chaunted by other states, sympathising in
the suppression and abasement of democracy. Berlin
has afforded evidences of the same pleasurable emo-
tions, and the delight which was first manifested at
Vienna was not long in extending its influence as far
as the Imperial Cabinet at St. Petersburg. Another
testimony of similarly joyful feeling has, within
the last few hours, fallen under our observation.
The comments made by the Athenian newspapers
upon the dismissal of Lord PALMERSTON from the
Administration enable us to form some accurate
notion of the sentiments with which that occurence
has been regarded by the generality of the Greeks,
as well as by their intolerant and repressive Govern-
ment. Immediately on the receipt of the news from
London recounting the coup d' &at of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, the official journal at Athens, the National,
pronounced with remarkable promptitude—(Qucere,
precipitancy ?) and with no less remarkable
severity (Qua're, insolence ?) what it face-
tiously and grandiloquently termed, " The
Funeral Oration of Lord PALMERSTON." There
was manifest in every syllable of these spiteful and
paltry vituperations the rapture with which a weak
power like Greece exulted over the fall of the Eng-
lish statesman. sever daring to breathe even a
whisper of animosity against him during the period
of his administration, the advisers of OTRO seized the
very earliest opportunity for the declaration of that
hatred which they had been cherishing with
such peculiarly mean and despicable implaca-
bility. No sooner had the information
of Lord PALKEILSTON'S fall reached Athens than
the ministerial paper was issued containing
the attack already referred to. While, however, we
cannot, of course, but lament a display of spleen so
melancholy of its kind, coining as it does from one
of the nominally constitutional Governments of
Christendom, we have reason to rejoice at the same
time at the proof it has elicited of the freedom of the
press, even under the authority of the Athenian Go-
vernment. The onslaught made by the Greek
National upon the character of Lord PALMERSTON
has been answered, and nobly answered, too, in the
columns of the Greek Jsperance. For our know-
ledge of the discussion upon this matter which has
recently taken place between those journals, we
are indebted to the Courrier d'Athenes, from which
it is sufficiently manifest that the advantage, in point
of ability, as well as in point of temper, has been
throughout on the side of Lord PALMERSTON'S
vindicator.

What renders the Greek National's aspersion upon
our late Foreign Secretary more important than it
might otherwise have been deemed, is the declaration
made by its contemporary that it has evidently been
written under the direct influence of the Athenian
Government. The article is consequently, as we
have observed before, official in its character. It
sets out with impugning Lord PALMERSTON directly
and personally as the enemy of Greece. Upon which
the ii sperance very sensibly remarks that whatever
has been the policy pursued by Great Britain towards
OTHO and his Administrators, that policy cannot be
regarded as merely the personal policy of Lord
PALMERSTON—reminding its readers rather signi-
ficantly that it is not one man who can
at any
time rule the affairs of Great
Britain, but that those affairs are, of course, influenced
bye the Ministry, by public opinion, by the House of
la"a•ninn''
tir by Royalty, and by the Constitution. It
WI therefore, and not without reason, at its Go-
vernmentg
being thus cock-a-hoop because of the re-
ernent of Lord PA.LMERSTON
nail' eiy believes that, for ever relievedremarking " •
from a re-
doubtable personal enemy, it will encounter no fur-
ther
difficulties in its retrogressive movement." Upon
the absurdity of
Esperance speaks outany
"
such species of argument the
yet more plainly. It says,
Lord GaaevaLe hase more succeeded Lord PALMER-
STON. Nothing can t
certain than that—but
does it follow that the policy
l oft itl‘ England has been
ignoran
changed ? Assuredly not l
Cabinety of G
deceiving them-
selves iu conceiving that the
p
rusernbles the actu.i Cabinet of Greece, thatpublic
opinion with that great nation canbederespaitseßdriwtaitihn
Commons differs in
no respect from the Legislative Chamber which
impunity', and that the House of c
has been established in Greece by the united
opera-
tion of fraud and of violence." That is plain
speak-
ing enough, surely !—it is language which can have
been no less unpalateable to the Athenian Cabinet
than it would ,be profitable, we believe, for the con_
aideration of her MAJESTY'S Government. In its ap-
preciation of the public feelieg in England, the
-Esperanco is correct undoubtedly, but in regard to
the intentions of the present Cabinet—can it be mis-
taken ? It were well for the Ministry to deliberate
before it consents to succumb to the German in-
fluence which indisputably led to the dismissal
of Lord PALMERSTON. Whatever the result, it is
satisfactory to observe that there are at least freedom
of thought and freedom of
writing in Athens as well
as in London ; : and that
Journalism will not more
readily consent to be gagged in
the capital of Greece
than in the capital of Great Britain. The Liberal

portion of the press in the former country has not
feared to comment boldly upon the course pursued by
its Government, any more than our own Ministry
has been screened by dread from the criticisms of
ourselves or our contemporaries. The Esperance has
dealt its blows around right lustily—et nos quoque
tela sparsimus.

The President of the Board of Control, in endea-
vouring to explain away his shameful tergiversation
on " the Ballot," assigned two causes, which he ap-
peared to think amply sufficient for that purpose.
First, the only mischief which it was necessary to
guard against would be removed by one of the pro-
visions of the new Bill ; the change would therefore
no longer be required—for cessat ratio, cessat
Secondly, the alteration would be positively mis-
chevious, inasmuch as it would deprive the non-
electors of the influence which they might otherwise
exercise over the suffrages of their more favoured
brethren. The only persons whom the Right
Honourable Gentleman deemed worthy of pro-
tection were the faggot voters, who by ac-
cepting fictitious qualifications were guilty of direct
fraud. They alone were entitled to his sympathy ;
the coercion and intimidation to which they might
be exposed should he averted by any means, however
objectionable in other respects. Nor should any en-
couragement be afforded to the creation of such im-
proper qualifications. No person would undertake
the expense and annoyance of conferring those titles,
when he could no longer be assured of the mode in
which the parties might exercise the franchise
thereby acquired.
If there were any validity in this argument it could
only apply to certain parts of Scotland, for it was in
that country only that the evil existed, or at least
that any remedy against such votes is to be provided.
Mr. MAULE then supported the introduction into
England of a system of which he disapproved,
in order that a trifling benefit might be conferred on
certain northern districts. Was this becoming in a
statesman holding an important office under the
Crown ? When he became a Member of the Impe-
rial Parliament, was it not his duty to legislate for
the entire "kingdom, and not merely for certain dis-
_

~. . _
Arias ? And would it not have been a more straight

forward and manly course to have grappled boldly
with the evil, to have made a direct provision against
such qualifications, than to have attempted by a side-
wind to remove the inducement for their creation ?
The Right Hon. Gentleman has certainly not exhi-
bited any direct proof of his fitness for the important
and arduous trust confided to his charge if he could
have been influenced by such reasoning, and if his
only motive for supporting " the ballot" was that which
he assigned to the electors of Perth, when
seeking a renewal of their confidence.
But the reason which he now puts forward as an
objection to the system is even still weaker and more
untenable than that which formerly secured his ap-
proval. The non-electors, forsooth, must not be de-
prived of their influence ! We had, in our innocence,
supposed that every elector should exercise his high
privilege in the manner which he conscientiously ap-
proved, without being subjected to coercion or an-
noyance of any description—that he should be guarded
as well against " mob " as against " aristocratic" in-
timidation. But Mr. MAIILE thinks differently.
There should be no freedom of election ; the voter is
to be nothing but a trustee for the non-voter, and if
he should presume to rebel against the lawful and
recognised authority of " his Majesty the
People," he should be forthwith subjected to
stringent punishment. Should those views be
be m generallyad e fadop partiese d
f, nr or
oc
toimpaio
g a t net
Ise ect
iaon n
s. henceforward
Bludgeon
men will be the most efficient auxiliaries that can be
obtained. Pugilists, and others of a similar class,
will, according to the laudable precedent established

at St. Albans, be regularly retained, and Lynch law
imported from our Transatlantic brethren. The elec-
tive franchise may then, indeed, be regarded as a

. _
peculiarly valuable privilege, when political power
will be transferred to those who have been hitherto
erroneously looked upon as political cyphers.
But if those persons can form such accurate opi-

pions, and arrive at such sound conclusions on public
matters—if it be so very desirable that they should
influence the votes of the several constituencies,
what pretext, what shadow of an excuse can be put
forward for withholding the franchise ? We will not
grant universal,or even household suffrage, say the Whig
Ministry, of which Mr. Fox MAULS is an influential
member, because " the many" are not properly qua-
lified to receive it. We go as far as we can with

safety to the country, and every man deserving of
the franchise will obtain it under the great extension
we are conceding. I cannot consent to the adoption
of the ballot, says Mr. MAULE, because it would de-
prive that intelligent body of their influence. Are
these arguments quite consistent ? Are they such
as might be expected from a person fitted to preside
over the destinies of our Eastern Empire at a time
when the renewal of the Charter to the East India
Company must be taken into consideration ? We do
not, however, think so meanly of Mr. MAULE'S
abilities as to suppose that he has put forward the real
reasons by which he has been actuated. There must be
something more than meets the eye, and we must
look for explanation to the nature of the Bill itself,
and the general objects of the Cabinet, as exemplified
therein ; and Schedule B will materially help us in
arriving at a just conclusion.
There is no longer the same holy horror of nomi-
nation boroughs or of the influence of local patrons
which was professed in 1832. The re-enfranchise-
ment of Boroughbridge, Saltash, Camelford, Stock-
bridge, East Looe, and other equally notorious locali-
ties, and indeed the general selection of the districts
which are to be added to the 67 boroughs to make up
the required number of electors, afford the most un-
equivocal evidence on that point. " The ballot "
would permit tenants to give conscientious and in-
dependent votes without the fear of being deprived
of their holdings ; the tradesman would not be afraid
of forfeiting the support of his aristocratic customers;
there would be no danger of a system of exclusive
dealing being resorted to, or the circulation of lists
similar to those referred to in the able communication
of our esteemed correspondent, the " Elector of Tot-
nes," which appeared in Saturday's publication. We
commend that letter to the consideration of those who
have hitherto remained undecided, and we venture
that any person perusing it in a calm and unpreju-
diced spirit will arrive at the same conclusion as the
writer, that the extension of the suffrage, unaccom-
panied by " the ballot," will be productive of evil
rather than of good ; that many of those who will
become entitled to the franchise will look upon it
with anything but pleasure; and, that in fact, the
Bill in its present form, without the ballot, will be re-
garded as nothing but "a mockery; a delusion, and
a snare."

r_ .._._

'The Lord Lieutenant has approved of Francis V.
Bennett, Esq., being appointed a deputy lieutenant of the
King's County, vice the Earl of Charleville, deceased.

Her Majesty bas given apartments in Hampton
Court Palace to the widows of the gallant officers, Penny-
cuiek and Cureton, who tell in the Seikh war.

ASSOCIATION FOR PROMOTING THE REPEAL OF
THE TAXES ON Ktiowt.nnon.—The annual meeting of the
members took place on Thursday last, at the King's Arms
Hotel, New Palace-yard ; Mr. N. Moore in the chair. The
secretary announced that the president (Mr. Milner Gibson)
was unable to attend, on account of illness; but had doubled
his subscription—an example which was immediately fol-
lowed by Mr. Cobden ; and which would, he hoped, be the
general rule for the year The officers and committee were
re appointed, and the following resolution was moved by
Mr. Cobden, seconded by Mr. Scholefield, and passed unani-
mously :—" That this meeting express their satisfaction at
the progress made last year, particularly at the comparative
freedom secured by the failure of the Government to obtain a
decision against the Household Narrative, and pledge
themselves to use every exertion to raise funds for a con-
tinued agitation for the repeal of the taxes on knowledge."
THE KINSALE ELECTION.—The clerk of the Irish
Hanaper Office, Mr. Fitzsimon, arrived in London on Sa-
turday, with the return to the writ issued for a new election
at Kinsale. It appears that the officer has made the return
omitting the date of the election and the name of the Hon.
under
Gentleman returned, Mr. Heard. The case, we understand,
15 Without precedent, but will, we believe, be easily disposed
of by a direction of the Speaker to amend the return.
REJANWICH ELECTION.—It is reported that the
Symonds, onernof
recentat contest for this borough has cost the unsuccessful can-
'it
de
a era no
0u
less
than 6,( 001. We believe 8,0001. will be nearer
1,900/.
. ...nt• The election expenses of Admiral Stewart are
C"IMODoRB MARTIN'S
We learn from
; Leanmd SQUADRON AT CORK.—
LTOVERNMENT
her Majesty's ship Arethusa, 50, Captain
the
turday afternoon,
Commodore Mart. that she parted company on the Bth with
Da,,untless
Regent, 90 squadron, arrived at Plymouth on Sa-
sgupre, bound to Cork to refit.
, 33-gun
friera,t,sqoua; drßono,guceo,ns6iost,insgereowf
-tshheip I:rianncde
Mu
livered into their cellars at Iv 6
Mr. Pease, to supply the Government offices with coals, &-
Great Northern liailway,...aeraPath.' a
ton, to be sent over the