The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-09 00:00:00

'sat \
07 11:01.
4WO

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LONDON, SATURDAY, JUly_9,
1884.

The Great Party Debate b:43 duly ended with a
Great Party Division. Principle has had nothing
whatever to do with the result actually arrived at.
The majority which has turned the balance in
favour of the Government has been guided into
the lobby—we were going to say purely, but, sound.
ing as the word does, rather ma• a-propos under the
circumstances, We Will say by preference--Folely
and exclusively by Party considerations. Not by
considerations of Principle, in the least ; solely and

exclusively, we repeat, by considerations: of Party.
Is there any, even one instant's doubt upon the
matter ? Examine the speeches delivered during
this heavy debate of four nights' duration, examine
the speeches delivered by those only true patriots
and honest men (in their own estimation, that is to
say, of course) the so-called Independent Liberals,
sitting below the gangway ! Mark well—haw they
spoke and how they voted! They spoke every one
of them dead against the Government. So speak-
ing, of course—nominally—out of considerations of
principle. Bat voting afterwards— diametrically
the other way. Voting, as we have said, solely and
e-ciusively with an eye to party considerations.
Not voting upon principle—there is but one thing
to be said obviously of the course pursued by these
immaculate gentlemen, by these only spotless,
high-minded, right thinking politicians. Liberavi
animam mean: said each of them to himself after
pronouncing his own especial condemnation
of Ministers, and then, having so whispered
consolation to their consciences—into the lobby
after Ministers ! Hence the three hundred were
exceeded by a good broad supplementary thirteen—
the drift of the mass of arguments making up the de-
bate to the contrary notwithstanding I The debate,
in fact, having been all one way—the result of the
debate, that is to say, the upshot of the division, has
been all the other. It is an immense triumph for
Ministers, and one, moreover, upon which they have
ample reason indeed to congratulate themselves. And
what caps the climax of victory to them is this, that
it is virtually, to all intents and purposes, a twofold
victory. A victory still greater, to our thinking, in
the Lords than in the Commons. For, it would be
idle to regard the result of the division last night
in the Peers as, in any way, in the light of a triumph
for the Opposition. A majority of Nine in the
House of Lords is, in one point of view, more
of an anti-climax to the cause of the Conservatives
than a minority of Eighteen in the House of Com-
mons. Particularly, remembering that the majority
of nine in the Peers for the Opposition was in a
House (Proxies and Present) of 345—and that the
majority of eighteen in the Commons for
the Government was in a House (exclu-
siva of the Tellers) of 608 altogether. A
division, in fact, as broad and comprehensive as the
Houses of Parliament have been driven to for many
years—and therefore (so far as the Legislature itself
is concerned), upon the actual matter in dispute,
final and conclusive ! Observe what is significantly
here intimated in parenthesis—final and conclusive
so far as the Legislature itself is concerned. For—
there is obviously, still, beyond the House of Com.
mons, the Country ! The representatives of the
people have been appealed to for their opinion, and
that opinion they have now pronounced unmis-
takeably. Bat—there still :remain—the consti-
tuencies !

Scanning the whole of this great Party Debate
from its commencement to its conclusion, we are
constrained to pronounce it altogether, as unques-
tionably very considerably below the mark as a
display of Parliamentary oratory. But one man
alone, to our thinking, was really up to the mark,
was really up to the level of his reputation—
whether we look to his share in the debates as a
speaker, of exceptionally brilliant powers as a
humorist, or whether we scrutinise the division.
list for his name (happilly in vain !) as a man
of veritable, not of nominal bat of veri-
table independence. Su signally well has Mr.
RALPH BERNAL OSBORNE acquitted himself
both by his bold speaking and his not voting at all
that—now that we have at last fairly recovered
our gravity after the ex'oausting laughter caused by
his radiant, witty, delightful speech of last evening
—we would here seriously proffer to him our most
earnest congratulations. The member for Liskeard
has fairly borne off the bell, he has crowned himself
with honear, he has once more, and this time very
signally, taken occasion to vindicate his indepen-
dence. lis constituents have more than ever reason
to be proud of him. For he has been at once the
most effective speaker in the whole of this great party
discussion, and the most consistent among all the
independent representatives in withholding his vote
from the division list. It is especially observable in
regard to the speech delivered by the hon. and
gallant member for Liskeard, that while in the
thick of an unusually angry debate, it seemed to
put every one into good humour, it was brought
to a close amid loud cheering from both sides of
the House ! Glancing for a momsnt at the one
night's debate in the Lords, we would say
that the Earl of CARNARTON has at least the
satisfaction of remembering those noble words with
which he closed his protest against the feeble, vacil-
lating, and abortive Foreign policy of Ministers—
the policy which has now been reprobated by the
Lords bat condoned by the Commons ! Lord CAR-
NARVON,WB say, has the satisfaction at least of having
eased his heart and his conscience by the delivery
of those noble words with which he thus closed
his eloquent peroration : " I myself claim,
when I see a weak, ancient, Christian people,
allied to us by blood and otherwise, ruthlessly tram-
pled down in despite of the laws of GOD and man,
and when I see England dragged in an unwilling
accomplice, then as an individual I claim my privi-
lege of expressing my abhorrence, and of washing
my hands of the guilt, and of,shaking off from my
feet the dust of this transaction." Whoever looks
seriously at the matter in dispute, not through
consideration of party, but purely through
considerations of principle and patriotism, will
find stirring in his heart and in his conscience
an echo of those burning words of Lord CARNARVON,
Others disposed to view matters less seriously, even
at this juncture, when Denmark is being abandoned
to brutal subjugation under the heels of the Prus-
sian soldiery, may be disposed to follow with a
glance of wistful sympathy the member for Lis.
keard as he quitted that scene of division in the
House of Commons, as with a scornful laugh. and
a disdainful shrug of the shoulders.

Amid the crowd of events thei, hurry on, one ie
very apt to forget incidents
that at first striking
become after a short time but secondary in interest
and importance, compared With matters of more
pressing and particular account. Yet there are
some events which should be rescued from the
shadows of such earl oblivion, and specially singled
out as objects of :loam Among these the expulsion
of the Circs'elsians must be considered to take a
and it is therefore very gratifying
prominen% place,
to not;,co that a public meeting was held the other
do- for the purpose of considering the condition
of the Circassian exiles, and the measures suitable
to h
isa undertaking,
for their relief. This is a very
eworthy
and the best wishes of
all feeling hesrte will be with those who undertake
pra
this work of benevolence, and advocate the cause
of the oppressed end the wronged. Lord &RAT.
FM) Di REDCLIFFE was the chairman, and he,
very successfully discharged the duties of 'that
onerous undertaking. He truly
said that though
the Circassians Were far from us in a geographical
point of view, yet that they
be, claims on oar
support and sympathy from the gallant manner
in which they had defended themselves in their
struggle with their enemies, His Lordship was
very wise in his declaration to avoid mixing np
the 'political question of Russia and Circassia
with the "purely benevolent" object of their
meeting; nothing could be better designed,l

than this, because it is well known that nothing
leads people so far astray from their orginal ins
tenti'ans, or so often fails in attaining results, as the
excitement of a great question politically discussed,
and the ramification of party interest and private
prejudices to which it leads. Lord STRATFORD DE
BEDCLIFFE only made one remark on this subject,
and the loud cheers with which it was received
showed that it met the full approval and elicited
the general approbation of the assembly to whom
it was addressed. He said that they would be
traitors to the great cause of humanity if they did
not avail themselves of all opportunities of that kind
to mark theirreprobation of the conduct of Prussia.
This sentiment is one that is completely in unison
with the spirit of the people of this country ; and
however an unworthy Ministry may falsify the
policy, or a degenerate House of Commons support
them, the general feeling in all public assemblies
will be against the Continental despots and great
oppressors of the North of Europe. If England
cannot at present assist as she ought by force of arms,
or even by moral influence, the unhappy victims of
cruelty and oppression, at least she can bestow ma-
terial aid to the victims, so that in some measure
their cruel sufferings may be alleviated, and
their state of privation partially ameliorated.
When we consider that there are more than
three hundred thousand of these emigrants,
it is scarcely necessary to say that too much cannot
be done for them, and that the utmost that gene-
rosity can effect and charity bestow will be only
too insufficient for their need and exigency. The
present appeal is made to the citizens of London,
with the earnest hope aad confident expectation
that their example will be followed by other parts
of the country, and so some really useful contribu-
tions may be expected for that heroic people now
suffering the worst ills of war in expatriation and
penury. The English people have never yet been
found wanting in the hour of need to come to the
succour of the oppressed, nor in lending their help
to the fallen. The liberality of their donations is
beyond the power of Government to check, and it
will be a satisfaction that in some degree, however
trifling, the native honour and spirit of the nation
can indicate itself, and while achieving the primary
object of assisting the Circaesians, we may also at-
tain the result of proving a part of our abhorrence
to the tyrannous Governments that are now tread-
ing freedom, right, and justice under their feet. A
more pressing ease of need than this hes never come
before a humane auditory, and those who respond
to it will be serving humanity in its hour of need,
and acting in the spirit of that charity which we
are told can never fail when mighty things shall
pass away.

Within the last few days a lamentable accident
has deprived the metropolis of one of the most
beautiful and ancient of its ecclesiastical buildings.
The age and historical interest of the Savoy Chapel
and its mediaeval works of art all ranked it among
our venerable curiosities. The catastrophe which
has rendered it a total wreck and levelled the
grim old Crusaders and stately ladies with their
ruffs of stone among the ruins left by the conflagra-
tion, has again brought up the que3tion concerning
the management of our fire-engines. While it is
a matter of debate under whose control. the fire-
engines of the metropolis shall be placed, the public
are left in a comparatively unprotected state. No
doubt, as far as their means go, the employes of the
Insurance Companies do their beat to fulfil the
arduous duties imposed upon them, while the
exertions and devotion of the firemen generally are
worthy of high praise. Still the whole matter of
fire insurance and fire extinction needs looking
into, and a thorough change must be made if we
wish to put this important branch of social protec-
tion on a proper footing. During the last 30 years
the policies of the companies have increased three-
fold, and during that period London has greatly
extended its bounadries. Outstanding suburbs
have become part of the metropolis, but the
district stations of the fire-brigade have not been
increased to a degree in any rate commensurate
with the requirements of the public. Houses in
the neglected outstanding districts may be burnt
to the ground before the fire engines from London
proper can arrive to their assistance, When
volunteer companies are famed for the protection
of these districts they are treated with contempt
by the superintendent of the brigade, and the
police often place every obstacle in the way of such
praiseworthy endeavours. The engines belonging
to private companies or individuals, such as those
of Capt. HODGES and others, meet with the same
opposition whenever they clash with companies'
bery ante, although in point of law, since neither i
party is licensed by Act of Parliament, they are
really on an equality. It has been proposed to put
the whole management into the hands of the Board
of Works, and this in our opinion would be un •
questionably the best way; but if this is not done
some law should be passed placing volunteer and
district companies on the same footing as their
dictatorial fellow labourers. If the companies are
for the present suffered to retain the charge of ex-
tinguishing fires—a responsibility and expense
which they declare themselves anxious to get rid of
—arrangements ought to be made for placing
powerful engines and a competent staff in every
district of the metropolis. When a fire broke out
the other night in one of the northern suburbs, the
keeper of the engine had to be awakened from his
bed to prepare the engine. As it happened, the
fire was of no great magnitude, and was easily sub-
dued ; but of course it Might have been far other-
wise. Of course we do not complain of the conduct
of the individual in this case, for it was clearly not
his duty to sit up all night and every night
waiting for fires ; and he showed, we
believe, the greatest promptitude ; but it is
the system with which we gad fault. It is entirely
out of keeping with our other business arrange-
ments, and when we reflect on the vast amount of
property acoumulated within our metropolis, and
the liability which every one is under to risks of
this kind, it is only marvellous that we should not
long ago have adopted a more complete and effica,
cious system. If the distance of the suburban
districts from the centre of action put them, under
existing rules, in a very dangerous position, the
busy thoroughfares of city life run equal risks from
a diferent cause. The ingemmability of the con-
tents of many of the warehouses, and their close
vicinity to each other, often enable conflagrations
to spread with alarming rapidity, and as, with the
best intentions, there is always a delay in getting
the engines to work, and the supply of water is often
deficient, a trifling accident soon becomes a disas-
trous catastrophe. Why should not the application
of steam, whose marvellous power we are so ready
to eviiloy in everything else, be encouraged by
ev'ay means in our power. The old adage, Bis dat
qui cite dat, is emphatically true at a fire, and
everything depends on the speed and force with
which the water is applied. The power of the
steam firesengines has been proved to be very great.
When the other engines seemed to be comparatively
powerless at the fire in the Savoy, the steam engine
came to the rescue and produced an immediate
effect—in fact, extinguished the fire. We
ought to have one of such engines to
every metropolitan district as well as hand en•
zinevrigLAtniiel hßtneond day and, night. A