The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-13 00:00:00

cording to the law of nations, and where, according

.o Danish determination, resistance to an unjast

and tyrannical attempt to dismember their ancient
monarchy must commence. Any accident—the
fortuitous discharge of a single musket—may pro-

mote hostilities, and plunge Europe into the horrors
of a desolating war. Did the Germans calmly
reflect upon the consequences not only
likely but most certain to ensue from this most
criminal conduct of theirs, in supporting antiquated
and unfounded pretensions, we might still hope for

.he preservation of peace. But all respect for pri-

vats rights, as well as for public treaties, seems to
be swept away by their ravening desire to extend

he influence, and to secure, at all hazards, a safe

hat boar for the future fleet, of dreamy Fatherland.
So long as Germany counted on having only to
deal with a weak Power like Denmark, we can
understand the impetuosity with which she was
prepared to enter into the unequal conflict, although,
in common with every honest man, we reprobated
the spoliation which she meditated ; but now that
it has become evident that she will, should she
persevere in her iniquity, find herself in presence
of a more powerful adversary, we own we cannot
comprehend the rashness with which she rushes
on her own destruction. As to what the
small principalities and fifth-rate kingdoms
could effect, if unsupported by Austria and Prussia,
it would matter little. But the conduct of the two

great Powers, we admit, astonishes and alarms us,
for we cannot suppose that anything short of a
popular pressure, which it is found impossible to
resist, would compel them, in violation of their own
solemn engagements, to sanction and stealthily
encourage the partial and dishonest conduct of the
commissioners charged with carrying out the Federal
execution in Holstein. With Italy panting for the
possession of Venice, and France longing to realise
her cherished hope for the boundary of the Rhine,
it is inconceivable that Austria and Prussia
should lend themselves to raise a storm, which
they may be powerless to allay. The more
particularly as the support of those who now urge
them to pursue a line of conduct imperilling their
own welfare, is but little to be counted upon, should
recourse be had to arms—for history tolls how plainly
those petty kings and princes bend before every
storm that assails them ; and how quickly and un-
scrupulously they have on all past occasions changed
sides and politics in order to forward their personal
aggrandisement. That VICTOR EMMANUEL will
assail Austria, should that Power be engaged in an-
other contest, does not admit of a doubt ; and that
the Emperor NAPOLEON will not hesitate, should he
be afforded the opportunity to annex the Rhenish
Provinces to France, is equally certain. No act of his
Government would give more general satisfaction to
his subjects, or tend more powerfully to consolidate
his Throne, for it would be hailed with delight by the
Red Republicans,while it would secure the warm ap-
probation of the most devoted Legitimists. Shculd
the French and Prussian armies meet in hostile con-
flict the result cannot be doubtful; and should the
Prussians entertain the hope that England, after a
second Jena, will interfere to secure the possession
of their existing territories, the sooner they are dis-
abused of such a delusion the better it will be for
themselves. To us it matters little which of the
two Powers possesses the Rhenish provinces. Popu-
lar feeling would undoubtedly be rather in favour
of a faithful ally, who had honestly fulfilled his
obligations, than of a nation which was amongst
the first to repudiate its solemn acts, and to involve
us in a senseless and unnecessary war. Of this the
Prussians should be fully convinced. No matter
which of our political parties may happen to be
in power, the British people will never permit
their own welfare to be endangered by exerting
their influence in favour of a Prince who has violated
his solemn engagements, or in behalf of a nation
which has proved itself unworthy of constitutional

The interest excited by the long-pending trial
respecting the Alexandra has been so great and so
universal that it is not surprising that the Court of
Exchequer should have been thronged on Monday
by members of the bar, and of the general public.
The subtleties of the law and the doubtful wordings
of the Enlistment Act rendered it somewhat uncer-
tain what course the judges would pursue, however
strongly common sense and consistency might plead
that our neutrality permitted the export of arms
and ammunition to one of the belligerents. There
was no great infraction of its obligations in supply-
ing unarmed ships to the other. The decision of
the Lord Chief Baron up 'n the point will without
doubt give general satisfaction, and must have been
largely acquiesced in by the hearers, both on the
grounds of law and equity. The careful and deli-

berate manner in which the Chief Baron delivered
his opinion proved that it was no hasty or partial
judgment on which he acted, but that he had fully
weighed over the arguments he had listened to,
from the eminent counsel on either side, as
well as those considerations on the subject
which had presented themselves to his own mind.
Baron BRAMWELL having concurred with the
Lord Chief Baron in refusing the rule for a new
trial, and Barons CHANNELL and PIGOTT being of
a contrary opinion, the junior judge, according to
custom, withdrew his opinion, and Baron CHAN-
NELL being thus left in the minority, the original
decision was allowed to stand, which determined
that the building of the Alexandra did not come
within the term of the Foreign Enlistment Act,
and that, consequently, her detention was illegal.
The Lord Chief Baron, in his very able address, in
pronouncing his judgment—which was, in fact, a
summary of the pros and cons of the whole case—
narrowed the question as far as possible to the ob-
ject and intention of the Act of Parliament. With
the dignity and independence befitting an English
judge, he put aside all hints of political disturb-
ance, all threats of American anger, and calmly and
clearly unfolded to the jury the terms of the law,
and the construction which, in his opinion, they
must put upon it. The Attorney-General had used
as a conclusive argument the threat that, if this
case were decided in favour of the defendants,
it would not fail to excite the greatest
indignation among the Federals. Tne manner i❑
which the Lord Chief Baron put aside such repre-
sentations was worthy of an occasion of national
importance. The Attorney-General had illustrated
his meaning by supposing that Great Britain and
France were at war, and that Sweden fitted out
vessels of war and supplied them to the enemy.
Should we not regard such proceedings as a casus
belli? Could we doubt, he went on to say, that a
great Power like the United States would follow
the same course, and, setting aside VATTEL,
GROTIUS, and PUFFENDORF—Say, " We will not
endure it." Such considerations, however, were not
suffered by the Lord Chief Baron to influence a
tribunal which should be raised above all argu-
ments save those of law and justice. Questions of
national interest or possible advantage should not
be enffered to intrude into the arena where " Fiat
juseitia ruat, ecelunz's is the fitting motto. The
Chief Baron, after saying that he doubted whether
such views ought to have been presented
to the Court, and that he was certain
they should not be suffered ,o influence
its decisions, observed with great force that inter-
national law would be of very little use if it were
not to govern and control the conduct of strong