The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-27 00:00:00

made to them-not with the view of exciting dis-
coment at recent legislation—but if the truth had been
fairly told them, we need not have waited until to-night
for the settlement of this question, but at least four years
that question would have been finally settled by the
toeral assent and concurrence of the nation. (Hear.)
1 must own, sir, that what I must call double-dealing
has been carried on up to the results of the recent elec-
tions. (Hear, hear, and cheers from the Opposition.)
Now, it has been said that the Earl of Derby has acted
vary fairly, that he put before the country this question,
Are you for free trade or are you for protection ? I
shall be ready to bring forward protective measures if the
country is clearly for them, but otherwise I shall assent
to the free-trade policy hich has of late years been
adopted." Why, sir, I certainly do not wish to say
anything harsh of Lord Derby. (Ironical cheers from
the Ministerialists.) Besides other considerations, in
udging of Lord Derby, one should look to what his pre-
vious conduct had been with respect to office. I cannot
but recal to mind, in speaking of the conduct of the
noble lord, that when I was his colleague in the Admin-
istration of Lord Grey, he left that Cabinet because he
could not concur in the measures that were proposed.
Again, in 1845, he left the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel,
because he could not give his assent to the repeal of the
corn laws ; and last year, when he wished to propose
some duties on corn, and found that he could not make
a Ministry upon that principle, he abandoned the attempt,
and gave up what must have been the highest object of
b's ambition. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, then, I
say that with regard to the man, one ought not to judge
prematurely or upon partial grounds that he has departed
from that character and that honour which becomes a great
public man in a high station. But I must say that the
theory upon which he seems to have gone was a theory
utterly impracticable with this constitution, and with
this Parliament—(hear, hear, hear)—that if he had been
the Sovereign of this country, or if he had been an abso-
lute Sovereign in any country, he might have said,
" Let the people decide, and let them tell their represen-
tatives their own views with respect to commercial
policy ;" but in this country, as the head of a party, it
was inevitable that those who were joined with him
should take part on one side or the other in the elections,
and thus we have had a most extraordinary spectacle,
and a most extraordinary result, because we had gentle-
men going into the towns and saying, "We are against
any tax on bread ; we could not bear a rotura w clic
COril Itrtv o, and Wu auppnrt Lora Derby ;" and other gen-
tlemen going into the counties and saying that the great-
est mischief had been done by the repeal of the corn
laws, and that they were for protection, and therefore
that they supported Lord Derby, the Administration all
the while helping both, and taking care to provide them
with the best means of securing their election. (Hear,
hear.) They said to Mr. A, in the town, "You must
take care that you are for a large loaf, and that you will
never hear of protection ;" while at the same time they
said to Mr. B, in the county, "You are to take protec-
tion for your motto, and you must declare for a restora-
tion of the corn laws." (Hear, hear, from the Opposi-
tion, and loud cries of "No, no " from the Ministerial
benches.) I will not detain the house at this time of
night, but instances of that conduct have been given
over and over again. They were stated by the right
honourable gentleman the member for Edinburgh in
the speech which he made at Edinburgh, and he goes
through the different places and the different profes-
sions that were made at them. Why, sir, I believe, in-
deed, there was one case of a gentleman who stood in a
county on protection principles, and failing in that, he
stood for a town on free-trade principles. (Loud cries
of " Shame, shame," from the Ministerialists.) Well,
if it is absolutely necessary, I will come down another
evening—(the remainder of the noble lord's sentence was
drowned in renewed cries of " Shame" from the Mini-
sterial benches). Well, but what was the result ? Why,
the result has been, that we have seen it stated by a gen-
tleman who still remains on the side of protection, that
in many places a Protectionist candidate would have
succeeded, had it not been that the Government sup-
ported the free trade candidate. That is the statement made
by a Protectionist, not by a member of the Government,
but by one associated with them. And then comes the
noble lord at the head of the Government, and he makes,
as I understand him, this statement. I certainly do not
wish to misrepresent him, though I think he has often
misrepresented me, but should on that account be only
the more anxious not to treat him in the same way. But
as I understand him, he says, " This country has de-
cided in favour of its present commercial policy ; that
being the case, I am ready to adopt it, and to support
and carry measures in consonance with the free-trade po-
licy, but I still believe there is great danger in that po-
licy, and that—but God grant I may be wrong—great
calamities may ensue from this course." Well, that is a
new position for a Minister of this country. When
Sir R. Peel dissolved Parliament in 1834, he announced
what his principles were in what was called the Tam-
worth manifesto. He stated the principles by which he
meant to abide. The integrity of the Irish Church was
one thing by which he meant to abide. He did abide by
it, and when he was defeated upon a motion made by
me, he gave up office. (Hear, hear.) Again, when Lord
Melbourne proposed his measures in 1841, he said—" I
propose certain duties on corn, sugar, and timber." The
result of the elections was unfavourable to him ; the
House of Commons came to a vote against him, and he
at once retired. But you have now a provision for a
perpetual Ministry. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) That
has been the case hitherto, according to the constitution
of this country. Ministers have had certain opinions,
certain views, certain principles ; and if they found that
they were thwarted in those principles, when they
thought that they ought to be carried into effect, they
no longer remained in office. (Hear.) But as I understand
at present the case stands thus :—" If the country ap-
prove of protection, I will carry protection measures, but
if the country approve of free trade, then I will bring
forward free-trade measures ; but if lam right, and free
trade produces great calamities, then I turn Protectionist
again." And thus the same Minister may be a Pro-
tectionist, then a Free-trader, and then again a Pro-
tectionist. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) That would be a
new thing in the history of this country ; and giving the
noble lord the utmost credit for thinking that his course
is consistent with integrity, and that he can reconcile it
to his own sense of duty, I still say that it is an example
full of danger. (Hear.) But then the right hon. gen-
tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer has adopted
this policy. Now he has shown to the house that while
he was connected with the cause of protection, he did
not faithfully serve the cause of protection. I say there-
fore, now that he has espoused the cause of free trade,
let us take care that he is not as faithless to the cause of
free trade. (Hear, hear, and loud Opposition cheers.)
When we observe, that which we must most of us ob-
serve, that in the course of his speeches when he sat on
this side of the house, he never boldly put forth such
opinions as the noble lord the member for Leicester-
shire expresses, and that he never defended with any
earnestness that cause of protection, although it
was very satisfactory to the house that that cause
was not urged with more sincerity and with more
zeal, and although that was an advantage to the cause
of free trade, still it would be quite a different thing if
the cause of free trade were in his hands—(hear, hear)—
and it would be a great loss to that cause which we
prize if it were not properly represented by the right
honourable gentleman, if its principles were in any way
departed from, and if any measures were proposed con-
sistent with free trade, and extending free trade, but not
"prudently " extending free trade (according to the
phrase of the amendment), by which free trade measures
might become odious and unpopular. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore, sir, I think it is the duty of the House of
Oommons to watch the course of the right honourable
gentleman, and to take care that in his free trade policy
he does that which is best for that cause. (Hear, hear.)
When Sir R. Peel came down, in 1846, he said, "I have
changed my opinions ; I render that homage to the
cause of truth as to declare that I will no longer be
guided by the observations of 1842." Every one sitting
on this side of the house at once gave full credit to his de-
claration. We believed entirely, and we are justified by the
event in doing so, that he had embraced completely that
system of commercial policy which is now connected for
ever with his name, and that we should have his support.
The only advice that I had to give my friends during that
struggle of 1846, and which I gave both to the members
of the House of Commons and to the members of the
House of Lords, with whom I was politically connected,
was to give their suport to Sir Robert Peel in that great
struggle which he was carrying on, I felt quite sure
that he would conduct it in the most skilful, in the most
able, and in the most prudent manner to an end, but
have no such confidence in the professions of the right
honourable gentleman. (Hear, hear, and . cheers.) I
think the comparison of the honourable member for Bir-
mingham may not be a very elegant or refined one per-
haps, but may be quite true, and that there would be
great advantage to the country in having new measures
from new men. I should be quite ready to have those
teem-
ures proposed, and I for one should be sorry if
brorehotion to-night should prevent them from being
vatc
forward. But I think that we are bound to
course with jealousy those measures, and the whole
who ar:eti.ils debate has shown that there are many
Verse 41017,1 --)rotectionists at heart, and who, if any re-
Country, happeniro in the commercial prospects of this
should pr ver-speculation or the state of the currency
lend their aid .Ilee tem
eir aid and P I•.ry distress, would be ready to
the old system. ` Join in agitation for a return to
is our duty to
wa',-..e,_1 ar, hear.) I say, therefore, that it
ment. (Hear, hear": the proceedings of the Govern-
Mr. WALPOLE „aiacin td cheers.)
fallen from the noble lorithatht B"a°
observations which had
member for London, induced
him to make a few remarks be efwoere the debate was closed.
The noble lord's observations
(Reel: some respects similar
to the resolutions before them,
parts, and were hear.)
They
themselves into three
divided
of a prospec-
himselfentid3e conduct of
use: of the Op_
tive character. Those pointsand waiseroen t
the
and his colleagues,
position on the subject of the corn lawse.
prospective part offered some prophecies as t rhenalbY, the
which he supposed his right hon. friend intended tottbdget,
forward; and, thirdly, observations on the conduct of the
lord at the head of the Government. As to the first
subject, whether we adopt the motion of the hon. member
for Wolverhampton, or the amendment of it, which has
been moved by the noble lord the member for Tiver-
ton, the only point to bo considered was, whether
theyas .were prepared to say, that the measure of 1846,
W
In all respects • •
observatio wise, it:lst, and beneficial." The
part ofhe which the noble lord had made on that
should never subject, confirmed him in saying that he
that
On which the agree to
proposition. The grounds
were, that it was ienape oli of
the corn laws was resisted
P tic to
for our supplies of depend upon foreign nations
f-th
Were in h at the corn laws themselves
armony with the
commercial matters, and neral policy of the country in
brould introduce that
was
suddenthe change which the repeal
Wel
Polo) mu' into the h awl precipitate.
Quo in 1a46, when the quention