The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-09 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 9, 1861.

The dl3asters now befalling D.2nualrk are P.
disgrace to England. It is nothing less than dis
gra:efol that England should be holding aloof all
this while, during a pericd when the soil of D:n-
math Proper, not that of Holstein and of Schleswig,
but even that of Jutland itself, is being devastated
by a war brutally commenced against the Danes
by the two chief Powers of Germany. It would be
disgraceful,at any time and uncier any circumstances,
that Englandshould stand .sido apatheticlly while
an outrage of this' flagrant character was being
perpetrated by two of the great powers conjointly,
and perpetrated by them upon one of the minor
powers opposed to them single-handed. As the
Earl of SHAFTESBURY remarked last evening in the
Lards, putting the matter before us ir a mere
numerical point of view, it is fifty millions against

England, however, more especially. It were
an infamy to us as a great Power, as one
of • the mightiest Powers of the earth,
both by sea and land, if within less than a year from
the date of the nuptials of the young Danish Prin-
cess with his Royal Highness the Prince of
WALES, we should complacently stand out of
harm's way, while Austria and Prussia were
with brutal deliberation and in flagrant de•
fiance of all attempt at remonstrance to take all
the preliminary steps towards the dismemberment
of the Danish Kingdom, Hitherto the Ministers
of the Crown here in England have been bold only
in words, As Esrl RUSSELL was, for example, last
evening—" rearing" once more against Austria and
Prussia, but roaring as usual " like any sucking
dove," Q sotl-• the noble earl the Foreign Secretary,
at the very close of his last speech in the House of
Lords last evening :—" I:should not think that
anv fleet of Austria or of Prussia would venture
to encounter:a squadron of ours!" Than which—
two millions ! And, even when that has been said,
it is an understatement of the atrocity now transpiring
in broad day under the observation of all Christen-
dom. Whereas the population of Denmark is
2,600,000—the population of Prussia is 18,500,000,
and the population of Austria 35,000,000, to-
gether (Austria and Prussia) 53,000,000, An
unprovoked war, an unjustifiable war as the
Foreign Secretary of England himself called it last
evening in the House of Lords, a war of this
shameful and audacious character, begun by
two such huge Powers against one so small,
is an outrage in itself to each and all of the
other great Powers of Christendom. It is especi-
ally and peculiarly an outrage to the pride, the
majesty, and the honour of England. Under any
conjuncture of circumstances, as we have said,
England holding itself aloof from the war now
desolating the southern provinces of Denmark
would be a disgrace to us. It is, how-
ever, a disgrace to us of a peculiar poign-
ancy, now that the Heir Apparent to the
Crown of England has, barely a year ago taken
to wife the eldest daughter of Denmark, the fair
young princess who has but so very recently became
the mother of a future Sovereign of these realms,
a Prince who in his turn, let us hope, is fated to
become the progenitor of our Kings to be. It
is true that we are in no way whatever dis-
posed to adopt the argument of those who would
maintain the necessity of our Government mould-
ing their foreign policy upon the hints suggested
purely by our dynastic alliances. In effect,
there is proof positive, in the actual " situation,"
that :this is by no means the present scheme
of our argument. Dynastic al iances far more
necessary, some of them of long duration, and
all of thetas most intimate, would rather tend to
warp the Foreign Policy of England towards the
side of Germany, to give a bias to the roiling of
England's wheel of fortune towards Prussia, and,
together with Prussia in this matter, towards so
many of the lesser powers of Germany ! There are
dynastic considerations, of course, on the side of
Denmark, having great weight with us at this epoch
in the history of the two countries. But these con-
siderations are but subsidiary to others of a far
weightier import, to considerations of Justice, of
Right, of Honour, all seriously implicated in this
matter. The war now being waged by 53,000,000
against 2,600,000 is a crime against the sense of Jus-
tice, of Rig ht,of Honour common to all Christendom.
Itaffects the Honour, the Right, and the Justice of
remembering that our fleets are as quiescent in the
matter of this Dano-German war as possible—we
don't know of any more impotent specimen of what
is vulgarly, but expressively, called Bounce.
Much Austria or Prussia care for these big
words of our loud-talking and bold-writing ad-
ministrators ! They care for it all, so very much,
they are so extremely alarmed by the valiant
attitude assumed by England in this war, that they
prosecute their designs against Danmark with the
utmost possible coolness and deliberation. Latterly
our English Ministers both in the Lords and in the
Commons have been taunting the Opposition with
simply finding fault, instead of finding for them
(her MAJESTY'S responsible Ministers) what they
have, to all appearance, been quite unable to find
for themselves—A Policy ! In other words they
are clamouring to their political antagonists to
tell them what attitude they ought to assume in
the matter of this D elno-Germ an war. For ourselves,
we should feel rather disposed to euggest that if Earl
RUSSELL'S big words and small doings are to
be accepted as typical of the Ministry, as a
whole, we would earnestly suggest to them, one
and all, to Earl RUSSELL and his Colleagues, as
Mr. Punch suggested years ago to poor King
BOMBA, when in a like state of bewilderment, to
get under the bed by all means as quickly as
possible.

The speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer
on Monday evening will be read with the greatest
interest and attention by thousands of readers in
all parts of the country. It deals with a most im-
portant part of our social life, and although intro-
ducing what is in some respects a new and uncer-
tain principle', it shows so clearly the immense evils
already in existence, and the terrible amount of
suffering and pauperism occasioned by them, that
there is little doubt that the project se?, forward in
the Government Annuities Bill will commend itself
to the acceptance of the country. There is no
quality more generally possessed, or more highly
valued among Englishmen, than that wise and
kindly Providence which induces the head of a
family, while yet in the full vigour of his faculties,
to lay by a store for the benefit of those dear to him,
when he shall be no longer able to supply their
wants. The principle of Life Assurance enables
him to do this with ease and security, giving him
the reward of his prudence and self-sacrifice before
it is actually due, in the event of his sudden or pre-
mature death, and empowering the man who can
only put aside his twenty or thirty pounds a year
to bequeath to his family an amount which the
prudence of the longest life would not, unaided,
have enabled him to acquire. The immense advan-
tages of such a system to the man of uncertain in,
come and of limited means are immediately apparent,
and the extraordinary extent to which this branch
of business has developed affJrds sufficient proof of
the public appreciation of its merits. But although
Conferring such benefits on its members, if fairly
and efficiently conducted, it must be evident to the
most inexperienced that an insurance company, if
under dishonest or incompetent management, may
he the means of creating the direst distress, instead
of r
case elieving
onagnxitehtey.
wealthy That tohrismiisdanl:teaosfsteias
readily acknowledged,
and c:eaely shown by the
established reputation and accumulated capital of
our large insurance offices; but among the lower
classes there is an amount
of° a
disappointment too often oeea
indignation,
which
eahnnadds
long been a matter of regre7ansal
wretchedness
which Mr. GLIDSTONE'S project of Government
Anr.uities is designed to remedy. The report of
the registrar on the condition of Friendly Societies,
which was published in the autumn of last year,
excited a good deal of public attention. It provel
what the applications to our magistrates for as-
sistance had often given reason to sispec t before
that a large proportion of these eoci;.ies have been

absolute failures. What are the statistics which
Mr. GLADSTONE gives on good authority ? From
1844 to 1862 inclusive the number of life assur-
ance companies projected was 596; founded, 276;
ceased to exist, 259; amalgamations, 12; tranfers
of business, 161; winding up in Chancery, 57.
What an amount of failure and distress among
the labouring population is testified by these
figures ? For we must remember that a great
proportion of these companies belong to what are
called industrial business and minor insurance
societies, the distinction bring that industrial as-
surance depends on weekly or monthly collections.
Where can there be a harder case than of a labour-
ing man who has been stinting himself and deny-
ing his family little comforts for a long period of
years, to find the company collapsed, the money
squabdered, and the prospects of his family entirely
destroyed. As Mr. GLADSTONE very clearly pointed
out in his admirable and lucid statement, the espe-
cial hardship ef such a case is that the sufferer has
no means of redressing—no actual claim existing
until after his own death. " When we consider,"
said the right hon. gentleman, " the condition of
those scattered families which have sustained the
loss of their head, we see at once that the position
of the policy holder is almost one of entire helpless-
ness." The hardship of the rules of many of these
societies was also shown by the statistics as to the
lapsed policies. No grace is given, no allowance
made for the inevitable casualties which
often darken a working man's life, and
cripple his industry. The delay of a few weeks
in the regular payments entails the loss of perhaps
ten or twenty years' savings. Such terms are un-
common among the large companies which deal with
wealthy men. Are they then fair or just as applied
to a man whose best efforts and most untiring in-
dustry cannot prevent the failure of his employer,
fever that lays him low, the accident that breaks a
limb, and leaves it a hard matter for his wife to get
bread for the little ones without paying insurance
premiums. In one friendly society alone out of
86,000 policies made no less than 18,060 lapsed in
five years. o:her conditions often press very hardly
on the members, such as the one which stipulates
that all questions requiring arbitration shall be
settled in London, although it has agents in all
parts of the country. How is a poor man to come
from a distant county to enforce his humble claim ?
Worse revelations were made by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer in the course of his able speech of
companies whose expenditure exceeds their income
by one-third ; of dressed up managers, who are
fined half a crown if they neglect to wear the
diamond rings provided ; but a great number of the
failures of self-governing societies arise from the
want of business knowledge and experience among
the managers. The Government scheme, into the
merits of which we shall enter more fully another
day, deserves a full and fair trial, which we have
no doubt will be accorded to it by the House and
the country after a little further investigation.

When people once engage in a shuffling course
there is no saying where they will stop, or to
what devices they may resort in order to gain
their point or cover their errors. The excuses
which Ministers put forward relating to the pro-
duction of the Danish papers are most extraordi-
nary. Every week some new excuse is given, and
they seem pretty determined to try how much
they can do to exhaust the patience of the House,
and fritter away important time, so as at last to
obtain their object. Mr. DISRAELI last night in-
quired of the Premier when these papers would
he forthcoming. The last division that was received
only came up to the end of January. Since then,
as Mr. DISRAELI reminded the House, thero have
been "announcements of an armistice, then of a
Conference, and finally, among other matters
of moment, an invasion of Jut'-end !" The right
hon. gentleman observed that the papers presented
as yet to the House would furnish no particulars
of any of these details; accordingly, he asked
Lord PALMERSTON whether he intended to submit
to them any papers having reference to these very
important events, and, if so, when they might
expect them. Certainly it would be difficult, if
not next to impossible, to form an estimate of the
present state of things. For this very reasonable
query the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
ment returned one of his evasive replies, couched in
terms, of such convenient ambiguity that the most
acute observer would have found it very difficult
to detect the exact meaning or come to a definite
conclusion. He said that there was only one thing
which prevented these notifications being pre-
sented to the House, and that was that
negotiations were still going on as to a
conference. He therefore explained that as sson as
these deliberations were brought to a close, he
hoped the Government would be able to afford
the desired information. Of course that means
that some indefinite period must be passed before
there can be any chance of hon. members receiving
full accounts of the very important transactions
which are now taking place. It is really surprising
how Ministers can trifle any longer with these
matters. From beginning to end there has been
nothing open or straightforward with respect to
the production of these papers. First of all, no
mention was made of them in the Royal Speech ;
this in itself was an omission of so grave a character
that it betokened something very wrong. There
are some things which are conspicuous by their
absence, and of these was the non-appearance of
notice concerning these influential and important
communications. After the discussions relative to
the appearance of the Danish papers, a new and ap-
parently almost insurmountable obstacle sprung up
in the way of their reception. lit was told to the
House, and the larger conclave of members who
anxiously awaited them, that a considerable period
must necessarily elapse before their production.
Some very insufficient reasons were given for this
delay, but the result was the same, and some weeks
went by. Every now and then some one of more
or less weight in the House asked with eagerness
or demanded with energy for some explana-
tion of. the cause, or some intimation of the
period of the delay, which was so inconve-
nient and neal apropos. To all these queries
of course some answer was given. Occasionally
the Ministers must have been puzzled to reply, and,
indeed, Lord PALMERSTON found it so awkward to
play the second part in the eternal catechism that
he adopted the expedient of absenting himself. At
last this dodge was discovered and announced to
the House. There was an end put to that proceed-
ing, but still it had served its turn and time was
gained. Now that some papers have appeared, and
it seemed that curiosity was at last to be satisfied,
and a correct estimate formed respecting the policy
of England to Denmark, another difficulty presents
itself, and a new source of trouble occurs. No more
knowledge must be received at the present ; thus
far shalt thou read, but no farther, has been pro-
nounced by the oracle of the Treasury. When it is
too late to give an opinion that will influence the
course of events, or to suggest an alteration that
might materially benefit the cause of the oppressed,
then it is to be presumed that a full, true, and par-
ticular account will be vouchsafed to the perusal of
eon. members. It comes to this, the Government
have taken an almost unparalleled course respecting
she management of these Danish papers. It will