The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-08 00:00:00

T E SUN, LONDON,

he reminded the House of the New Zealand Bill,
the importance of 'which was only equalled by the
number of its clauses, and said he expected that on Monday
some idea would be given by Government what their inten-
tions were with respect to that impertant Bill. I agree that
it is a Bill of the utmost importance, and I should deplore
the circumstance that this Bill, which'attempts to establish
a right principle of colonial administration, under happy
auspices, should be defeated by aey occurrence con-
nected with the abrupt " termination of Parliament.
But, Sir, what is the 'bulletin of Monday night upon this
subject—that night upon which I was called upon to state
exactly the intentions a Government, with regard to public
business? The New Zealand Bill has not only got into Com-
mittee, but has nearly got through Committee.--(Hear,
hear.) In fact I may seer, that out of more than 80 clauses,
72 have been disposed of, and, with the exception of some
which refer to what may be almost called a private and a
local subject, the great questions connected with this Bill,
which is to give a new constitution to an interesting colony,
the great questions are all settled in this House; and it is
hardly possible to conceive that the state' in which the New
Zealand Bill is now found could' at all justify her Ma-
jesty's Government in relinquishing the hope of speedily
passing this Bill through the House.—( Hear.) Then there
is another colonial measure, also referred to by the Right
.Honourable Gentleman—the Hereditary Casual Revenues
Bill, which, to use the language of the Right Hon. Gentle-
man, is a measure of " primary importance."- Now; perhaps,
the House will allow me to remind them of the nature of this
Bill. The law officers of the Crown have expressed their
doubts, and more than doubts, whether these branches of
casual revenue, which now assume very great importance
in the auriferous colonies of Australia, might not be, by the
wrict letter of the law,• applicable to the consolidated fund,
instead of being applied, as her. Majesty's Government
wished, to the benelitsof the colony in which they were disco-
vered. No one can doubt but that this is an object to attain,
which would not excite any very great party feeling, or re-
ceive any very great opposition;, and when I mention that
the Bill which is to confer this highly beneficial and ad-
vantageous privilege upon the colony is composed of only
two clauses, it is not a very presumptuous expectation on
the part of her Majesty's Government• to hope that they
may be' as successful with it as they have hitherto been in ,
that foremost Bill with regard to colonial legislation relating
to New Zealand.—(Hear, hear.) , There are two other Go-
vernment Bills which the Right Hon. Gentleman referred to
as connected with the colonies, and really, with the excep-
tion that the word " bishop" does appear in the titles of these
Bills—and I know how unfortunate the word sometimes is in
exciting debate in this House, and in calling forth the :irre-
gular energy of the Hon. and Learned Member for Youghal.
—(A laugh)—l should hardly suppose that there would be
any opposition to these two gills. Oneof them, the Bishopric
of Quebec Bill, is in fact only to take care that in the diocese
already divided one of the bishops should not retain the
whole of the episcopal property, but should divide it with his
brother bishop, and I should hardly think that this measure
would be opposed, more especially as it consists only of two
clauses, and has already passed the other House of Parlia-
ment.— (Hear, hear.) I think, therefore, k is not rash to
suppose that even that Bill may soon pass into law without at
all procrastinating the conclusion of the session. There is a
fourth Bill, called the Colonial Bishops Bill, and that is a mea-
sure which is also of very small dimensions, its only object being
to relieve the Indian bishops from a disability which, in the
case of the other colonial bishops, does not exist. It is,
therefore, a Bill essentially just in its provisions. It is one
which I cannot say is of that urgent nature which, generally
speaking, all the Bills are which her Majesty's Government
have brought forward; but it is a Bill of a very important
character, and yet very slight in its dimensions, and I hope it
will receive the sanction of Parliament.— (Hear, hear.) I
have now gone through two of the most important groups of
projected legislation to which the Right Hon. Gentleman
referred, but the colossal catalogue was not limited to these
two groups. The next subject to which the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman alluded for those proofs of the unsatisfactory state of
public business which he adduced, refers to the department
which is presided over by my Noble Friend the President of
the Board of Works. There are three Bills on the table of
the House which have been placed there by my Noble
Friend. The first of these is the Intramural Interment Bill, a
Bill which, I believe, has the concurrence of a great majority
in this House, and which it is the public wish, as well as
the wish of the majority of this House, should pass into
laae.—(Hear, hear.) lam not prepared, I confess, to re-
nounce the hope, not only of passing that Bill, but of
passing it quickly, and with but slight opposition. There
is also another Bill, the Metropolitan Water Bill; but re-
member that that Bill has already been referred to a Select
Committee, and it comes down, therefore, to the House
with the advantage of the criticism of that Select Commit-
tee, and the approbation ,of a tribunal to which the House
always looks with great respect, and therefore I think I am
warranted in believing that it can be passed without post-
poning the termination of this session.—(Hear.) There is
another Bill laid upon the table of the House, by my Noble
Friend (Lord J. Manners),—the Metropolis Buildings. Bill,
and, as there seems such a keen desire to resist legislation
on the part of some Hon. Gentlemen, from'the fear that they
may be overwhelmed with it, and, as it is necessary, in
order to give Hon. Members cue opportunity of making
any observations in reply, that I should conclude with
some motion, I am prepared to move, at the
proper,
time, that the order of the day for the Second
reading of that Bill might be discharged. —(" Hear," and a
I have now gone 'through three of the great di-
which the Right Hon. Gentleman brought to our
lvaius
igohn.s)
notice. All our measures of legal reform are fast arriving at
that safe harbour to which I believe they are destined.--
(Hear.) All our colonial Bills have also made very great
progress since the Thursday when the attention of the coun-
try and of the House was called to • the unprecedented posi-
tion of Parliamentary business; and of the two Bills which
are under the charge of my Noble Friend the President of
the Board of Works, one of them has been referred to a Se-
lect Committee, which, as I before said, will tend to make its
progress through the House more rapid, and the other has
received out of doors and in the House such a degree of favour
that I cannot doubt it will in due time pass into a law.—
(Hear, hear.) Sir, there were, however, other circum-
stances in the state of public business on which the Right
Hon. GentLman dilated in terms of impressive solem-
nity, and which seemed to produce a considerable effect
at the moment upon the feelings of the House. The Right
Hon. Gentleman called the attention of the House of Com-
mons, particularly on Thursday, to the state of the
Committee of Supply. He reminded the House. that
hitherto the expeditious way in which the Committee of
Supply had been carried on, the promptitude with which
we had passed our estimates, had been, as we are all but too
willing to acknowledge, the consequence of the continued
forbearance of the House; but the Right Hon. Gentleman
gave the House to understand that even now the remaining
estimates amounted to millions. Oa Thursday night he
called the attention of the House and of the country to the
important fact that there were still 200 votes which had not
been passed, and that those 200 votes were to be met with 42
recorded negatives of one Hon. Member.--( Hfoear,
the hear, and
laughter.) That was the dreadful prospect e G
It wips be
ment at the end cif the week, and that was one of the evi-
dences of the incapacity of her Majesty's Ministry to conduct.
the business of the House of Commens•
some satisfaction to the Right Hon. Gentleman toerha know
that, Monday having come,,l, appearing tn give that account
which the "unprecedented" state of Parliam
was said to call for, can say that some ,plea Of entaextenuating
ry business
now on Monday,
circumstances may be alleged,; fug that
instead of 200 votes in supply remaining to ben passed,
there are, I believe, only 19. thdt with
regard to those 19 votes, I cannot help thinking a , even
Honourable Member
with the deterined spirit of the Hon
for Youghal,find
the Hon. and Learned Member may yet
(Cheers.) A
other opportunities enough.for the exercise of his indefati-
gable powers—(A laugh)—and that perhaps when we go
into Committee of Supply again with those 19 votes we
may experience even from bins some little tender touch
of remorse.—(Laughter.) There were some miscellaneous
bills also mentioned by the Right Hon. Gentleman. There
was the Navy Pay Bill. I have endeavoured to forin some
opinion whetner that measure can be passed, but I cannot
gather that there is any opposition to it, and when the state-
ment is made with respect to it by the Secretary to the Ad-
miralty, I indulge in the hope that that Bill too will piss.
here is also the Patent-Law Amendment Bill, but I may
remind the House that that Bill has already passed the
House of Lords, and that we have referred it to a Committee
there; as I have before remarked was the case with. Bills so
referred, it will receive a revision which will enable it to
command much more readily the general attention of the
House. I cannot think that lam yet called upon to say that
these two laws, which I believe will be advantageous to the
country, should be renmetlced. Now, Sir, there are some
other bills, and one rather large head, to which the
Right Hon. Gentleman also referred. There are two Bills
with regard to Ireland. There is, first, the Valuation
-of Land Bill, and I hear from all sides 'that this is a good
measure.—(Hear, hear.) Why, then; should we give 'it
up ? I cannot say that lam prepared to give it up, when
we have had only one division upon this measure, and when
the numbers, I think, were 80 to 4in favour of the Bill—
(Hear, hear)—and, believing that this is a Bill which is very
much to the 'advantage of the people of Ireland, I certainly
think the House will concur in thinking it should pass.
There is another Bill connected with Ireland—the Whiteboy
Consolidation Bill.* lam anxious at this moment-that no
Bill should pass, that we should proceed with no Bill which
is likely, I won't say to waste, but to occupy the time of
the House, unless it is of urgent necessity ; and, as I agree
with those who think that a Bill for the purposes of con-
solidation can scarcely come under this bead, I am prepared
not to press it forward.—(Hear, bear.) Then there were
the continuance Bills' which is the last class of measures to
which I shall refer. The Poor-law Board Act, which is a
continuance Bill, now stands for a third reading; and then
there is the Encumbered Estates Act. That is a Bill
which must be continued, and I cannot anticipate that
any Honourable Gentleman in this House can wish that
that Bill should not pass.—(Hear, hear.) there remains'
another Bill, which relates to a matter to which the Right
Hon. Gentleman said the late Government attached the
greatest importance,' and which must be renewed—l mean
the Prevention of Crime and Outrage Act •in Ireland.—
(Hear.) We have had from some lion. Gentlemen opposite
some hints as to the opposition which is to be extended to
the renewal of the Crime and Outrage Act. Sir, whatever
opposition is offered to the Bill, as long as ft respects Par-
liamentary usages, and is conducted in that courteous spirit
which I believe will always distinguish this House, that op-
position in case of imminent necessity I must be prepared to
meet.—(Hear, heir.) It is the opinion of her Majesty's Go--
vernment that the Act for Preventing Crime and Outrage in
Ireland should be renewed—(Hear, hear)—and, inasmuch as
that Act consists of only one clause, giving Hon. Gentlemen
opposite credit for as energetic patriotism as any body of men
possess, even should they, put, in practice all the resources of
their rhetoric, I cannot believe, if they should avail them-
selves of all the opportunities which the constitutional forms'
of this House provide them with, they will be able to de-
feat a measure so necessary 'to the peace, the tranquillity;
thbeiesbpiribteand
and the prosperity of lreland.—(Cheers.) With very
fleet respect, therefore, for the opinions held by those
now gone througlh
anlentlemen, we shall attempt to continue that
the Right Hon
Act,°n. Iwetveellr,theamm
raemwiparepbacrecdonfdourcttehdeiarccooprpdoisnigtiotno,
decide,
l
that the state of practicet
hoef
wholethi
fao
fu House.—(Hear, —e (cloileoas rs ,a ear
catalogue.) I have
f
is it
their opinion
and I ask the House fairly to
is so
—( Hear, bear.) ' ,
that the state of public business,
business in the House of Commons,
unsatisfactory as waipointed ont on Thursday night?
Government measures etheaTh Sir; that when I examine the
anxious desire to ask the Holy: mot passed, with the most:
support nothing which I
do not conceive to be of the first':
myself this Parliament should not
the ex-
anxious desire that the labours of tleceseity, with
the most
be prolonged, I do not find.
ception of the slight, and. met. in;jillst.iped, with
which I have referred, in recommending the
instances' to
any of these Bills.—(Hear, hear.) The,at e withdrawal of
necessary, and they appear to me also to belpinee
ar to me to be
ilw
factory state ofe progress, so that all of theme may e-y be
tie sa-
passed consistently with that termination of the se
sion which we all of us anticipate.—(Hear, hear.)
I claim no credit to the Government for this state-
of the public business, and I say that most un-
feignedly. It is a state of the public business, in my
opinion, satisfactory, but it is due and due only to the good
1 sense and the good temper of the House of Commons.—
(Cheers.) And, Sir, when I heard the highest authority
dilate upon the present state of business, and say, with all

the weight attaching to his name in the senate of his coun-
try, that if we didnot take care we should bring represen-
tative government itself into disrePute and that it would
appear that we could not transact our business, I say that I
have drawn from the session • which is new closing a very
different conclusion and a very opposite moral.—(Cheers.)
I would, rather adduce what has been done in this House and,
the manner in which it has .been done—l would rather ad-
duce item an 'argument in, favour of representative govern-
ment, in favour, at least of the mode in which representa-
tive government is carried on in this country, than bring
it forward as -an argunient which should lead us to believe
that the reputation of representative government, is in danger.
•—f, Cheers.) • Sir, I will not, • dilate upon the fact that we
have been enabled already to-pass through the House of
CommenS 37 Government measures, 20 of which have al-
ready become.law ; but when,. I recall. to the House the cir-
cumstances of the session, • that a change of Government
took place, and when I remind the,Honse of the party feel-
ings
which under such circumstances naturally revived,
of the •• great delay of business which from such circum-
stances must necessarily occur,- and the fact that I and my
colleagues only on the 15th of March were enabled to resume
our seats in this Muse; I:think it tells very much (as I said
before) for the, good sense and good temper of the House
of Commons that we have been permitted by their aid
to carry-out to nearly a conclusion so many important
'tneaSures:—(Cheers.) Sir, I remember some years ago,
when I sat en, therpttier side of the House, under the guid-
ance and advice of that disfinguished man Lord George
Bentinck, and when I took a part in public affairs, which
i was not, but foe the too great indulgence of my friends, cal-
calated to occupy, it became my duty to sum up the results
of the. longest session that I believe the. House of Commons
ever yet-expetienced—a session. of More than ten continuous
months; concluding in the month•ot Seetember, 1848. There
were at that: time the 'time charges made as to the ineffi-
ciency of the House of Commons. At.that time you were
told that the: accumulation of husinese was Intolerable, and
that it was proved in. a manner, whichaivery one ought to
view with alarm that a represen`•failVe Government could'
no longer deal with the affairs df''a great' community. Sir,
it was my duty then, after a careful analysis of all the mo•
tions and all the measures of that remarkable session—it
was .my.duty then to vindicate the conduct and character of,
the Henn of Commons.—(Hear, bears) It was my duty
also to endeavour to prove that which I gave, my
reasons for
believing—that iteiras to the weeknessof the Ministry, and
not to the inefficiency of. the House—(Rear, hear)—that this
lamentable state of, affairs was owlng,.. In *the present in-
stance, I do not think it necessary for'me to ascribe the pre-
,
sent state of pablic business either to the weakness of the
Ministry or to the inefficiency of the House of Commons, be-
cause I maintain that the position 'of ptiblie business at such
a period, and after a session so. broken up and disturbed,
never was more satistactory.—(Cheers.) I said that I claim
no credit for the Ministry for this result, but I can say this
most sincerely for them—that we have endeavoured by sedu-
lous attention to the business which we had to discharge—we
have endeavoured to merit the generous support which we
have received from the House of Coalmen!, even .from our
...
opponents.—(Cheers.)
The motion for the, discharge. of the second reading of the
Metropolitan Buildings Act'was then put and agreed te.
• THE MILITIA TILL.
Mr. L. HEYWORTH' • presented a petition from 7,595
young men of Loridon,' and two petitions from Rochester and
Chatham, against the Militia Bill..
Mr. RICH claimed the attention of the House while he
replied to the aftacks made upon those Hon. Gentlemen who,
having voted in favour of a local Militia Bill, had felt it.
.their duty to oppose the general Militia:Bill- how before the
House. A most unfair use had been madebf the charge of
inconsistency egainst those who had opposed the Government
measure. 'He wished to call the attention of the House to
the grounds upon which this measure had been introduced
to the House, the measure itself, and the •consequences of
its . adoption. The grounds • upon which the measure was in-
troduced were easily dispatched. The Home Secretary had
referred to the imminent danger from abroad, and said that
in the event of invasion, and atter providing for the safety
of our ports and arsenals, only 25,000 men would remain
available for the defence of the country. The discussion as
it had proceeded had dispelled both allegations. The danger
had been given up, both by words and.' deeds, the number
of men to be raised had been redticed in number, and the
Government had doclined-td take 'advantage of the offers
made to them by vbliinteer corps. It was said the marines
could not be =counted as available for the defence of the
country, because, in the event of attack, they would be em-
barked on board the fleet. ;Now, the danger to be guarded
against was from a sudden and unforeseen attack upon our
shores by an enemy before we were aware of their intention
to effect a landing. In such an event it would be the height
of imprudence to send our marines from Woolwich and from
our arsenals. and they must therefore be included in any
estimate of our disposable force. The Home Secretary had
Honourable Gen-
; they
from
Kingdom
alsolrelandexcluded a Irelands
mach an
partd
and
de
parcelfore
districts
sbttehrteiehenta Unitedst
dispatchedc
wou hneictar y,
n
as Yorkshire or Middlesex, and we were bound to defend it,
and Ireland -was bound .to come to our defence in
nufTarctPsringlia
*ere in a-disturbedestate, and the • Right
ttphleuemabelivnnev7as,teof'thoinuervreafsoioniren;a. bound to include Ireland, which, it
should be remembered, contaiued 12,000 constabulary trained
to the use ,of arms, and who 4 were therefore available for
the' defence of that country. Hooontable Members, in
dealing with the disposability of our forces; had assumed that
we were legislating with regard to a lerge- and comprehen-
sive invasion of this country, such -as would imply the come
maral of the Channel fleet,. and an amount of preparation on
the.part of the enemy which would give us.full time to make
vaunter preparations. In such a case the allocation of 10,000
men to the Thames, 6,000 to Pertemouth, and an equal num-
ber to Plymouth, would be mere mystification and misleading.
•The•attack to which we would.be liable being sudden and un-
foreieene.there would be imbecility as.well as cowardice in
locking upour troops in garrison• instead of sending them to
meet the enemy. 'Chad been urged that those who opposed
this Bill were reckless of the defence of the country ; but the
best refutation of that imputation was to point to the various
alternatives which had been proposed as substitutes for this
measure. The Noble Lord the Member for London had sug-
gested a local militia, a measure more in accordance with the
constitutional precedent, more comprehensive in its operation,
and by which the men would be more easily found. That
alternative had, however, been rejected. So had the recom-
mendation of the organization of volunteer corps, and the more
important suggestion of those who preferred the,addisiou of
10;000 or 15,000 men to the regular army. The kluitourable
and Gallant Member for Westminster (Sir De Lacy Evans)
bad shown how a force of 4,000 infantry and artillery might
be brought home from the colonies, and made available for
the defence of the country; but the Government refused to
listen to him. Certainly, when they were consulting about
thhoeywyvereeretotaablloyntto
the best means of adding to their military defences, it did
appear to him to amount to infatuation to attempt to blindly
InduentyW incapable of doing the
and which duty, indeed, they acknowledgedentrust to them,
they would not
give them time to learn .to
~discharge, whereas they might
readily go to the we
.clis,Ciplined and easily , recruited'
re,, army, and obtain a most efficient body of
trained soldiers. Why .should the" not consolidate and
remodel that army of reserve which they already possessed,
for the penaion and battalion syatern did • really constitute an
army of teserve? , For ••a • half-pension ,oe. sixpence a-day,
the ' Gevernment 6014 . without difficulty, raise
10,000 or. 15,000 .-enem. from 28 •• to 35 years of
age, who had all.served tenor twelve years in the regular
army, and thus obtain an. efficient force of Prune
soldiers before the raw levies of the intended militia had
mastered the goose-step. The gap that would thus be occa-
sioned in the army could easily be filled •up by recruiting.
• It might 'be said' that this, would be defirivin the regular
armyseethe best' men; but the danger
forwhich this Bill
was demanded was either real or i •
tnaninary. If merely
- 'hthe at once entirely- •
. imaginary, it' might
to retain a man in England to discharge-the most important
dant
duty of a soldier, that of defending h• mos !lisp°
_..
net b -
prehension Of danger, could 'his country in the aP
Y any latitude of language
be called ;robbing the ,array of thatluau's,•
Maintained that by holding ; A services. •Ile
the ahincemen of this half-
pension for half service they could thus form a large and
most, efficient army of reserve froth the
regular -and
. . army;
there would be no difficulty whatever in • r ' recruite,
because the service could easily be render p_ °scut-mg.
. rendered o popular that
dismissal front its Instead lif being 'regarded as a boon, would
be esteemed a punishment. Noys,
the Government only
hoped to get 30,000 or
militiamen in the first year by
the bounty. They would ,have to resort to the ballot, and
they would find in the present temper of
evils of the Is 11
that the practical 4-ot. the public mind
would not be endured.
He had, pointed
.out how. they could
for an army -
12,0Q0 men at once. for QIO 000 or
obtain ,
of reserves=-(Hear.)
Now there were 30,000
ofpetii
I:nets, from 16,000 to
18,000 9f Wil°lll- from 10,00 lir"
' clam Of these '
they could obtr ,
and ,
these 0 •to 12,000 under
fifty - veers
of
leastge'24,ooo young 41(164 le the ' others,
woulefurnishatto
35
,000 or 40,-Onlen and prime soldiers,
.infiniteli preferable
0,
,_
_4‘,..ssse. 00 undiscirdined
militias
=eh.' y the system
0.5,.
snaeltitloPreen :ens for P
Short service they
6,000. r b 00
could' obtain e a few years in 'fa- every year from the
regular array, sun la act they would get too
s ,
_.... try. They could, how
Many for thi °uu ever, most judi-
cious the emigration of' cod
°iously encourag fui and steady soldiers
to the colonies.
'lnd their families
practice. A measure had siwas no theory, it
bwas
already in
the Ordnance, by itead been adopted
,lsy the Master of
o New Zealand- which about 2,000
Leoldiees
Were genttot
rids° 10,000 or 12, ,Australia, and North
ssimerica. We mighthick would .be T° Men in this mane
;aer for the colonies, W the
small pensiog for to receive them,
and we might keep up
d raduall t a inr Political reasons.
',Thai we would be enable g _ 0 gis:
withdraw our own
troops from the colonies, and t
He had therefore alid theta when they
"arrived in this country. h •
rOluted Out a mode
e mi ht establish an army of r
ofY which g 28 and 35 eserve composed
prime soldiers betweetl years of age -
maintain a force amountswa
thought necessary to
d
a ci,_ large in
and the cost a clothing,Thatarming, an riliine.e, ;
was on a' ""ern would not
exceed 150,000/. a year.e of the substittitea,
amongst' many, which had been proposed instead st of this Bill.
But the Government chose tos_ adhere to the old origi I
.militia force of the country, and said_ that this la
-ill Was ate
in the 'right direction. Now; the old militia. force was men!!
daily local in all respects.
It
Waansdrwas.ne and drilled temPo-
- rarily in each county or shire,
exceptionr moved out of
lits own county unless , underd circumstances.
l-War, however,. broke out, anthe me. n were marched from
' and., from kingdom to kingdo
county.to county,.. kingdom and, in
a second arm
n fact, they became substantially
e Government of the Much so,
'that in the year 1808 th,•day formed
corpsof
out of the old volunteert.
the year 1793
and organised,
classes
.•and 1804, a local Militia, composed of all ; and trained
them round their own That
militia was
homes. local
force of this country. Now
true
representative of the old militia„
the untry„ New,
what would be the efficiency of
officep2rOplOSed militia
under the command of* the.44,all°rne-the n the case of
methods by which regular troops
'could there were two
'could be reinforced--either by additional regular troops,
of regularly drilled or
by the subordinate co•operation
general Volunteering and levy en masse,
Both gathered by
highly beneficial, and in case of
Both measures were
d. emer-
hut -they were essentiallgency highly necessary ; -
regular army, :acted withy
it itstinct.
The one force joined the
regufor the other force to be trained
and and afforded time
it
•
to this Bill was, that
and disciplined. His objection _ t con-
like most fth •
• resources, and was, 0 stir legis-
lation,founded these two
compromise. It would never tur-
a most mischievous
t say an he would no. army. In such a
nigh a body of troops—
uirements essenti Ito • a its efli-
force there, were several
N erregthese: that it should he fit for
ciency ; among
which Alt:tsit should be easily and certainly
garrison and 1101 duty. ,
should have seine connexion with the
rise that It ,
of the country. Now, the Chancellor°
spirit of the regular army ~
id his constituents at the hosting
of the Exchequer had' to.
would be cheap)popular and efficient.
that the proposed militia
ha would the militia have in But would this be so? W
Nothing but a red coat com-
mon with the regular troops
1.
e. Then, would • t b
1 a opera-
a semblance of military discip in
five? They were told that. _
without the ballot it would not
Thee, would it be popular r ‘,.
To this' question the very
necessity far a ballot was the reply But, to go beyond that
at the petitions which
he bade Honourable Memberslook
th li• esu ject Of these
there upon .
had been received by the e one -' oneSi I tied
there was, in favour of the measurn, , , g ,as
• Der 37; there were
he understood, by fifteen boys
d•
that night-1,377,
against it—exclusive of those presented ni
with signatures to 'them amounting in tingn number to nearly
) So much f
a quarter of a, 'million.— (Hear' hearth
Chancellor or
the
popularity of the measure, of which
of 'ale
•
Exchequer had boasted .to ,his Buckinghamshire *matt-