The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

MARCH 16, 18V2

country upon it.—(Hear, hear.) But that is not all. It is
not the mere questionwietbet 'a paltry' duty should be
imposed upon this or, that foreign .produce. It .is not the
whole of, the commercial (pection, great as it is, that is in-
volved. That is , not the
.question on which I would make
an appeal to the country. I intend, my Lords, that that'
appeal shall be made. I._recal with regret auc ..cuaPrise -Cue
proceedings that have taken place not very, long ago. I
suppose I am bound to make the same circumlocution,in
speaking of Chesham-place as in speaking of another place.
—(Laughter.) I saw, my Lords, with some surprise, that
proceedings have recently taken place in Chesham-place
which I think bid fair to render the Chesham-place compact
a rival to. the Lichfield-houtse compact.—(Laughter.) The
Noble Lord who. preceded me in office, it appears, had sum-
moned together klarge body of his 'supporters to 'consult.
with them on the course which they Ought 40 take in'opposi-
tion to' the existing Government Looking at the circum-
stances under which the Noble Llird has quitte -office, 'I
should' have hoped that the last object he would have' in'
view as a statesman and as a patriot was to organise an op-
pos,tion against that Government which eirciunstances com-
pelled to succeed him.—(Hear, hear.) I confess` that my
surprise and regret were much increased when I saw' the
nature of the association which the Noble Lord has formed
for that purpose. I saw on that occasion that' the Noble
Lord was attended by 168 /vlembeis of the Hoire of 'Com-
mons. Now, where, I ask, were thoie 168 Members when
the Government fell in consequence of its own weakness ?
(Hear. ) Where were those supporters of the Noble Lord and
his Government on that occasion ? It appears, that, not being
disposed to support the Noble Lord on that trying moment,
they absented themselves from attendance, and although
they permitted the Noble Lord's GOVernment to,fall, they
now willingly join in the cry of raising an Opposition for the
mere purpose of thwarting and impeding the course of any
future GovernMent. These supporters of the Noble- Lord,
though they have shown their unwillingness to support
their chief as First Minister of the"Crowr, are quite'
willing ,to render, if possible, the existence of Any Go-
vernment impossible.—(Hear, .hear.) I may lie wronging
the Noble Lord. I am speaking only from public intel-
ligence whidh has appeared in papers favourable to
.the

Noble Lord's policy 1 but I apprehend that which had
passed at that time in Chesham-place is not -a matter of
secrecy or doubt. It is reported that the Noble Lord has
concerted his plan of operations with Sir James Graham
on the one side and ➢lr. Cobden on the other. Sir James

Graham, however, was undoubtedly not present. Mr.
Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Villiers, Mr. Hume, and one or
two other gentlemen appeared to take the principal part in
this united assembly.—(Hear, hear.) And in that as-
sembly the Noble Lord, who was hardly a week out of
office—who was the author of the Reform Bill which was

laid before Parliament by the assent of his colleagues for the
purpose of settling, as he called it, the representation of the
country, and who was subseqently called upon by his sup-
porters to amend that nugatory and absurd Bill which he
committed to the consideration of Parliament—this same
Noble Lord had no hesitation in stating at that meeting
that, if called upon to form another Cabinet, he would do so
upon a different and much wider basis than the last.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) There now, my Lords, is the position
in which her Majesty's present and late Governments stand.
The head of the old Government, unable to maintain his
place, thinks it not unworthy of his high character and
station ,to associate with, those who had before strenuously
opposed him, for the purpose of rendeiing the difficulties of
the present Government absolutely insuperable; and he
has led the country to suppose that the neat Administra-
tion shall not be a Whig Administration, but one upon
a much wider basis.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I shall
go, then, to the country, when I feel that it is consistent
with my duty to my Sovereign and my country to do so,
not with any narrow appeal upon a question whether there
shall be a duty upon corn or not—that is a question
which I leave to the calm and deliberate judgment of the
country to determine—(Hear, hear)—that is a question
which I leave to the general concurrence of the country,
without which I will not bring forward any proposition.—
(Hear, hear.) I say, my Lords, I will not flinch from the
performance of my duty from the fear of any_person or
party. If the general sense of the country and Parliament
be with me in support of any measure which I believe to be
useful, I shall have no hesitation in bringing it forward, but
I will not overstrain the influence which may belong to a
Government, nor abuse the high position in which my Sove-
reign has placed me. I will not press the opinions of con-
stituencies, nor will I, by a bare majority of votes, force
on the country a measure against which a great portion of
the country may entertain objections. We are quite
ready to maintain the institutions of the country,
and to afford relief to the suffering, classes. I de-
sire not to turn away from us the valuable assistance that
we may receive from those who agree with us in
supporting those various interests, though they may differ
from us in the specific mode we may suggest in affording
that relief. No, there are higher interests at stake than
those I have already alluded to. We are threatened with
far more serious consequences than the result of the impo-
sition of a 4s. or ss. duty upon corn. Ist is a question whe--
ther the government can be carried on at all, not upon what
principle it can be carried on. When I appeal to the country
I shalt appeal to it in such language as this—Will you, be
you Free-traders or Protectionists, who value the interests
of the country, will you place confidence and give your sup-
port to a Government which in the hour of peril and danger
did not hesitate to take the post when your helmsman had left
the helm ? Will you support the Government which is en-
deavouring to-place your country in such a position as will
render it perfectly capable of resisting any hostile attack,
and to maintain the peace of the world ?—(Hear.) Will you
support a Government which is determined to uphold the
Protestant institutions of this country, and to spread'to the
utmost of their power religious and moral education
throughout the laud, and which will exert itself,
I do not hesitate to say, to oppose a barrier against
that current of continually encroaching demo-
cratic influence which threatens to overwhelm the
whole power and property of the country—an influence that
is nominally in the hands of the masses, but is pradtically
lodged in the hands of a few demagogues, who exercise it
over the unthinking people ?—(Hear, hear.). Will you sup-
port a Government which will preserve inviolate the prero-
gatives of the Crown, as well as the rights of your Lordships'
House, and the rights of the freely-elected House of Com-
mons?—(Hear, hear.) These are the questions which, when
Igo to the country, I will make the appeal on. 1 will ap-
peal on behalf of myself and the country, and in the words
of the meanest felon in the dock, which are not unworthy of
being uttered by the First Minister of the first Sovereign in
the world—l elect to be tried by my God and my coun-
try.— (The Noble Lard resumed his seat amid tremendous
cheers.) •

Earl GREY next rose, but was for a considerable time in
audible. He said he thought that the criticism of the Noble
Lord upon the petition jest presented was most miserable
and quite unworthy of him. The Noble Lord had told them
that this question was merely one of a paltry duty upon
corn. If so, why did the Noble Earl and his party make
such great efforts for five years and a half to' eep up this
cry of protection ? They had heretofore described this
to be a vital question with their party. Although the Go-
vernment went out upon the. Militia. Bill, they felt the
greatest regret that the discussion -upon the affairs' of the
Cape had not taken place, for the purpose of "affording
an opportunity to their lately appointed Under-Se-
cretary for the Colonies of distinguishing himself (Mr. F.
Peel). The late Government no doubt fell for want of sup-
port; and the reason why they could not command it 'was
the objections constantly raised by the Protectionist party
in the other House, which had the effect of arraying against
them a formidable party.—.(Hear, hear.) He did not con-
tend that the Opposition had been a factious one; but it was
by adopting the cry of protection, and by telling the far-
mers that the Noble Earl and his friends would restore
protection, that the object had been attained. Through the
instrumentality of public dinners, and by every practicable
means, pains had been taken to convince all persons con-
nected with land that by the assistance of Noble Lords
opposite protection would be restored. Not two
years ago the Noble Earl (Derby), in answer to a deputa-
tion of farmers, had told them to trust in him, as he knew
how they could succeed; and, using the language once
adopted by the Noble Duke at the table (the Duke of Wel-
lington), he said to them "Up, guards, and at them, and
protection would be restored."
The Earl of DERBY—I ' told them to trust to them-
selves.—(Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY (in continuation) —To trust to themselves,
but still to rally round the flag of protection. Now what
hail been the consequence of holding such language? Why
that many of their Lordships, intimately connected with
the Whig party, withdrew their support from his (Earl
Grey's) Noble Friend, avowedly on the ground that the then
Government were opposed to protection, and that it was
desired to get it back at the hands of the Noble Earl oppo-
site. tln the House of Commons the opposition was even
still greater. Many who concurred with the late Govern-
ment on the question of free...trade, differed with them
en other matters; and, on the other hand, many
concurred with the Noble Earl opposite on the sub-
ject of protection who differed with the Govern-
ment with regard to ether topics. The party to which he
(Earl Grey) belonged had been affected by nothing so mach
as by the stress continually laid 'upon the restoration to pro-
tection. In many counties and boroughs persons ready to
give s general support to the Government were prevented
coming into Parliament by the opposition offered on the
ground of protection ; and by these means the ranks of the
Government becaspe weakened, whilst those 'of their oppo-
nents acquired strength. But this was not all, By this cry
of protection the Noble Earl had kept together a powerful
party in the House of Commons. He (Earl Grey) did not
say that a factious use had been made of that party, but the
Noble Earr bad led it as a very decided and a very eager
party. The opponents of the Government not only attacked
them on the score of protection, and on commercial ques-
tions (which he admitted they had a right to do), but they
seized upon all foreign, colonial, and domestic questions for
eager attack. Attacks, continual and repeated, weret notn
k
y—
confined to one House of 'Parliament; and he did not h
ould
the Noble Earl—the avowed leader of a great pa
deny that he had directed those attacks. It hadrt been ru-
moured—indeed, he believed it was no secret—that the last at-
tack upon his Noble Friend below him (the Earl of Clarendon)
had emanated from the Noble, Earl opposidte, a nwd
ch
ha t
was t h e
resolution condemnatory of Lord Claren
forced upon the unwilling adoption of the NothbeleNLabolred
Enoawa
Secretary for Ireland, had been written by
himself.
The Earl of DERBY—There is no truth in that state-
ment.— (Hear, hear.)party
Earl GREY continued—At all events,
itE wlaad. aected it.
move ; and it was rumoured that the Noble
he
For the credit of party and of Parliament,as (Baird Grey)
by a considerable
rejoiced to find that the motion rejectedwas
position of the Noble
majority. With regard to the p
Earl, it was not fair for him to say that the Government had
been forced upon him : it had devolved on him as a conse-
quence of his successful opposition to his predecessors. It
could not, therefore,
contended that the manner in which
the Government had been been formed constituted a reason for
departing from the ordinary rules to be observed in such
cases. When an
opposition kept together for a considerable
period of time by
a°PPconcurrence of opinion on any particular
question, what was thecmouprbsaen, fort ansudcheaalnladopupapesintiotn assume to to take
triumphant,
when it found itself
the responsibilities of ofr ice? Why, naturally, to endeavour
give effect_ to the views it had expressed
when in • and, therefore, he should have
power to
when in opposition , s expected
that the Noble Earl on coming into o ce (as he said he
would last year) would havedeclared, that, retaining his
former opinions, be could not, as an honest man, make a
sacrifice of them. Their Lordships might remember
that in
• February of last year the Noble Earl had at-
tempted to form an 'Administration, and that upon the
failure of that attempt he explained to their Lordships the
reasons which had guided and the motives which had
influenced his conduct. In the speech of the Noble Earl on
the occasion was to be found the following remarkable
passage in reference to agricultural distress :—" It would be
impossible for me, even if my convictions were less strong
than they were—it would be impossible for me, as an honest
man, to take office without a full determination to deal with
that distress, and endeavour to apply to it, as a . minister,
effective measures of relief. My Lords, I. stated that, if I
could so far forget myself as to sa "fi honest con-
ce my own ,
victions, the loss of honour which would be luvolved in such
a course of proceeding would make
my servic • es worso than
valueless. I said to her M lentertained, and that
ajesty that
Govern-
I retained, the opinion that it was the duty of the
at all events to
ment, if it were impossible to do itillitistiC'

I take stepsfte;wards m'tieeting the injustice under whieli the
owriers anal occupier or land in thin country were suffering.
I did- -reerWrid mi elf -to afty-stinelfie•-ratisuree,rbuttl tint
state that I Would riot take office on any other condiLion
4-than that of endeavouring, Lora
fide, to give effect to
my oWn conviction 'of•the .neeeeeity of legislating for the
relief of that class of her Majesty's -subjects." And-a few
aentences further on the Noble Earl proceeded to say :.-7-"
cannot, as-an honest men, =abandon the "attempt to. relieve
the existing distress by retracing the false step which has
been taken, and to remedy the wrong done by the imposi-
tion of a moderate import duty upori Corm" That was the
declaration of the Noble Earl last year, :and protection
baying been made the lever by which the opposition had
acceded to office, it was right to ask the Noble Earl whether
he ' intended-to adhere to his expressed opinions or' note—
(Hear, hear.) 11. the Noble Earl adhered to the opinions
just quoted he (Earl Grey) admitted that he was_ justified 'in
saving that be could not bring forwird such a policy in the
present House of Commons. - But if he intenJeci to adhere
to that: policy, and propose it to another Parliament,,,it wad
only natural that the precedent of IS4I should be followed,
when-the Goverment having, been placed in a minority-,
were told they ought at once' th take the sense of the coon:
try upon the question at issue. Upon a subject of such, in-
tense interest as that now before the coentry— a tiu'eject
of moment • with all classes. and cousideeed •et as
vital consequence by the Free-traders, he thought
the Noble Earl was bound to follow the course
adopted in 1811, and at onceto take the sense of the country
on the question of Protection. If .he did so no obstruction
would be offered by either House of Parliament; but, on the
contrary, everything would be done to facilitate the business
of the year, in order that the dissolution might speedily be
brought about. The Noble Earl said 'that responsibility
would rest on those who offered obstruction to those great .
measures which it was the duty of Parliament to consider.
Without denying the inconvenience which might arise from
delay, he `(Earl Grey) was still of opinion that such inconve-
nience must be incurred in" order that the opinion of the
country on the all-absorbing question of free trade might be
expressed. In 1841 Sir Robert Peel had said that when the
days of a Parliament were numbered it was not in a condi-
tion to consider important measures, and he recommended
disiolution and the formation of another as soon as possible.
In that opinion the Noble-Lord at the head of the late Go-
vernment concurred, after his constitutional scruples were
removed; so that there was a precedent set for
taking a similar course at the present • moment.. If
her Majesty's present adviser., meant to bring for-
ward the question of protections they ought to 'follow the
course taken in 1841 and dissolve Parliament. If they
meant to abandon protection, they were bound frankly and
fairly to announce such to be their intention. WhateVer
reproaches their followers might cast on them for deserting
their opinions and disappointing the expectations of their
friends, such reproaches would not be • lessenede but might
be calculated to, give infinitely more pain, if the Noble Earl
evaded the course which his followers had been led to expect

from him. Let their Lordships reflect upon'the extraordinary
position in which the question was placed. The Noble Earl
had stated to-night that although he retained his views with
regard to protection, he would not attempt th impose a
duty upon corn without the full concurrence of the country
—that it was not to be carried by a bare majority—that the
consciences of supporters and constituencies should not be
violated, but that he would leave the question to be settled
by the clear and deliberate voice of the country. Now was
thatther thiseany was mangoifvicnog pmumon _ understanding who did not see
the question? As had been said
by such rose-water
tha the
supporteb-eimv ipgoosui this?atrisonwhich
o f
with reference to some bygone subject,- could it be settled
thatbrin geven
to
bear with a
nt Dhvei ddNuatoynbylobenodEcyoa
mighteu vl
de
rnrlbeool
be accomplished without great difficulty? He (Earl Grey)
thought that the good sense of the country would reject the
reversal of a: policy which had been triumphant for six
years. If the Noble Earl meant to give up protection, why
did he not say so ?—(Hear, hear.) But the fact was the
Noble Earl canvassed the counties in one way and the bo-
roughs in another. The Right ,Hon. Gentleman now Chan-
cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster canvassed the electors of
Linconshire pledged to reverse the policy of 1846 ; whilst
another Hon. Gentleman canvassed Macclesfield as a deter-
mined opponent to the corn-laws. In fact, the Noble Earl
desired Protectionists to canvass counties, and Free-traders
boroughs.—(Hear, hear.). 'When the friends of the Roble
Earl found their expectations falsified, would their com-
plaints be diminished by a review •of the conduct of the
Noble Earl and his party during the last five years ? Would
his supporters in the country he less inclined to complain
now they found the queStion left open? The Noble Earl
and his friends had been severe upon the conduct of the late
Sir Robert Peel. Now,
if Sir Robert Peel was
amenable to any - blame :with -respect to the corn-
laws, it was because .prior to 1846, and during_
the previous discussions, he had withheld his
change of opinion. It might either be said- that the
withholding of an earlier admission of his conviction of the
unsoundness of the corn-law was a want of foresight or a
want of candour. Prior to 1846 that was the only charge
that could be brought against Sir Rcbert Peel. Looking at
the sacrifices•which he made in 1846, at the personal and
private ties which he severed, it could only be held that the
Right Hon. Baronet was actuated by a sincere desire to act
for what he believed to be the good of the country—it might
be added, the safety of the country. No one would now
deny that this was a correct judgment upon the motives and
conduct of Sir Robert Peel. If the Noble Earl (Derby) were
at this moment to abandon protection, if he were to tell the
farmers that they had been all along under a delusion, that
they had better awake from their dream and adopt other
means for ensuring their prosperity—that protection was an
impossibility—did anybody believe that the holding of such
language would be inconsistent with the Noble Earl's real
opinions? By boldly holding such language to the country
the Noble Lord would make the best amends for persistence
in a contrary view. The only reproach to which the Noble
Earl would be obnoxious now—and to a far greater ex-
tent than Sir Robert Peel—would be, that for five years he
had knowingly used protection as a political instrument,
knowing that ultimately the restoration of protection
would be impossible. With regard to the Noble Earl's con-
victions on this subject, he (Earl Grey), looking at his lan-
guage at public meetings, and to the whole course- of his
conduct with regard to his party, thought it would be diffi-
cult to prove a want of foresight. It would be easier to
show a want of candour. The presumption against him was
increased when he said he abandoned the idea of restoring
protection to the farmer, and yet shrunk from adopting the
course taken by Sir Robert Peel. If after five years up-
holding of protection the Noble Earl now left the matter in
doubt he would stand convicted in the estimation of every
man of common sense in the country. He (Earl Grey)
protested against such wanton playing with the dearest in-
terests of the country; and he said further, that by thus
wilfully and deliberately keeping up the quarrel of protec-
tion between different classes of the community, when the
Noble Earl must know in his heart that' the contest was
really at an end, he was incurring
a fearful responsibility;
and &the Noble Earl persisted in such a course he (Earl
Grey) must express his firm belief that the whole Parlia-
mentary and political annals of the country. would not afford
such another instance of public interests being sacrificed to
party feeling.--(Hgar, hear, from the Opposition.)
Lord ABINGER urged that the loss which had accrued
to the landed interests by the financial alterations of late
years had amounted to not less 'than thirty millions a year,
or about three-fifths of the whole • revenue of the country, a
vast sum to abstract from one interest. He had privately
remonstrated with Sir R. Peel against doing such an injury
to so large a body of the people:, It was impossible to
deny that the class of labourers in some districts had
received benefit by the change, but it was not the less a
confiscation because it enabjed the people to - eat cheap
food at the expense of the capitalist. Some evils were so
great that it was impossible to remedy them, and in this
case all that could be hoped for were palliatives. He would
advise the farmers not to promote agitation, but to en-
deavour to lessen their expenses and meet the evil as they
best could.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the remarks
of the Noble Lord who had just sat down had pleased, as
much as the speech of the Noble Earl (Earl of Derby) had
pained him. The Noble Earl must excuse him for saying
that a more =statesmanlike speech had never been de-
livered by any man holding office. The Noble Earl's
advice to the country was to agitate this question to the
full extent on the one side and the other, and then he
promised, no matter what the, result might be, to act
upon the decision to 'which the country might come.
He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) had understood the Noble
Earl to say that unless he had not only a majority in Par-
liament, but a very general concurrence of the country, he
would not attempt a proteetionist policy.
The Earl of DERBY—The Noble Marquis has misunder-
stood me. I said as to the question of a duty on corn I
do not think it a question which the Government ought to
propose, unless satisfied not only that they would be able to
carry it by a large majority, but that they would have the
general concurrence of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) I strictly
confined it to the duty on corn; I did not at all apply the
observation to what the Noble Marquis calls " protectionist
policy ;" or the doing of that which, under any circum-
stances, whether of a majority or a minority, I am bound to
do, to endeavour to mitigate the distress of the agricultural
interest.—(Hear, hear.) ,
- The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, he-considered the
declaration equivalent to an abandonment of protection,
as it was not at all likely that in favour of its restoration
such a general concurrence of opinion would be obtained
in and out of Parliament. For his part he deprecated any
revision of our commercial or financial policy, which, :f
course, could only mean an alteration .and reversal of it,
believing that it had raised the prosperity of the country
to an unprecedented height, the result -of which was
fe
whatet tranquillitythos
those
perilous; and
circumstances that h e
rneo tt
oa t
which
dissolution
understand
rhe Ns tpoaebnrld:
Earl had alluded as a reason for not resorting to a issolution :
of the country.
although, no doubt, Parliament would cordially concur in
any proposition to improve the defences
When, however, the Noble Earl asked where were the pad-
might rest assured he would have plentyort;
tions against protection ?—did he wish for them?
revival of
an agitation which he (the Marquis f Clanricarde) did not
If so, he
desire to see restored. The best pecedents in our constitu-
tional history were in favour of a prompt -dissolution on the
a change of Government, accompanied by a
occasion of
by Mr. Pitt in 1784, by the
great change of policy. Such
buyn
tinLoosrtdionJa.ulhad been the course pursued
unquestionably
opinions
policy
Duke of Portland in 180 Y, and
utterly opposed to those
1835. The present Government
on which the verdict of the count change 01 Government really of their predecaesso ra, that
coauntontour commercial. Ito
the
changes of policy,
compelled
ht to be at once
taken, instead of encouraging agitationo neither credit-
able nor successful, for et country would not bear
playing fast and loose - with great questions of policy,
and the Noble Earl had incurred the responsibility of a
most mischievous course, - and without any chance of suc-
cess, for surely he could - not conceive that the people
would relinquish the benefit they had received from our
present commercial policy. The Noble Earl had ridiculed
an import duty on corn as of comparatively trivial im-
portance. But the Noble Lord (Abinger) , had estimated
its result as no less a loss to the landlords than 30,000,0001.
he to annually, all all of which had gone -into the
:pockets of the
masses of the people,
and
?did t
There Noble .expect could ,be no ratio al
suede them to give it up
Eby a frank abandonment of Protection,
osect of that oli bein overthrown, and the
of a use-
Noblarlp would have doneelt to avoid the rev
welt ivale
redounded as much to his own honour as
havelwehssiobagwitoantliodn
the advantage of the country.
The Earl of HARROWBY expressed his belief that if
the Noble Lord at the head- of the Government attempted in
any, degree to put a duty on foreign corn he would damaghe
e
his Administration. Let the duty be great or smell, t
very fact of imposing a tax on the food of the people would
be ruinous to him. It was utterly impossible, constituted
as this country was, that, for the sake of one clais
enter, all the other classes 'were to suffer the loss and inef*-„
venience of having the price of corn raised again.; If the
vshieh
farmer could be relieved from those burdens in parti-
ho doubt
pressed unfairly on the landed' interest, then let the Noble
Earl turn a. favourable and intell
and the country, which always !Nine to the
ire of not
and fairplay,ig9it eye 'in that direction.
would go along with him, but wuld not
food of the
Ppeoplvleit.ll--thint
people.—(Hear hear.) Let the Noble Earl -speak out.
if he proposed a tax on,
he will lose, nothing by it
he_ placld on no . false
plainly on the question and
et the ihtetesto of the Gcuntry