The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-19 00:00:00

METROPOLITAN FIRE BRIGADE.

Mr lIANKEY asked the Secretary of State for the
Home Department whether he had abandoned the idea of
bringing in a bill this session relating to a new Fire Brigade
and if so, what course he proposed to
for the metropolis;
follow respecting the better security of the metropolis
against
s by fire, in accordance with the recommendation
of the committee on that subject.
Sir G. GREY said that he had no hops of carrying any
such bill this session, but he would introduce a bill on the
subject next session.
THE TREATY OF 1.852,

In reply to Sir J. PANINGTON,
Lord PALMERSTON said that all the parties who
mere contracting, to this treaty had been in communication
in reference to the provisions of that treaty, and it was per_
ketlY cm—Fete/it for them to modify the terms of that
treaty. That subject had formed the material of the Con-
ference that had been held in London.

BRAZIL.
Mr B. OSBORNE
rose, pursuant to notice, to call atten-
tion to the state of our political relations with Brazil. He
said he felt that Borne apology was due, not only to the
house, but also to the holders of Brazilian stock, and to all
those who were engaged in the immense commercial trans
actions with that empire, for bringing on this question at
the present hour of fatigue, when the house was exhausted
with the labours of the session. But if the house was ex-
hausted with these labours, he thought they were bound
to remember the great issue that was at stake in this
tion of Brazil, and the relations which had existed nog:ef:-
a considerable period with that empire. What was ther
cause of this Brazilian question ? It was a cause so impor-
tant, that he thought it would be well, at any rate, for the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to interrupt the private con-
versation in which he was then engaged and listen to the
question now before the house, because it was a question
which most assuredly affected her Majesty's Government,
as he would show. Ile believed the empire of Brazil was
the one solitary example in the world of a state with which
wo had many esramercial transactions of various kinds, and
with whom we had not a single treaty of any kind, except
tho convention of 1826 between that country and England.
The commerce carried on between that country and Eng-
land was not less than £12,000,000 a year—the Brazilian
dealings in this country were £9,000,000—and there were
no fewer than three English companies making railways in
Brazil. Besides these, there wore various companieswhich
had undertaken to light Brazilian towns and to drain their
lands, Was it not strange that we had no sort of treaty

with that country ? That was a state of things so unsatis-
factory that we were entitled to ask what was the present
policy of her Majesty's Government towards Bai 1. The
case rested, he was obliged to say, on that m,l ling and
_mischievous policy—(hear, hear, from the Ct nservatives)
—which was never content except , a L interfering
with small States to subject them to trou le and injustice.
This was not only tyrannical to Be zil, but was
injurious to England. From 1822 to 1844 Brazil
was in such a state, from the disorder of its finances
and the weakness of the executive, that the slave trade
was carried on to a considerable extent; but he was pre-
pared to show that since that period the policy of Brazil
vras essentially anti-slavery, By the convention of 1826 the
T.erazilian Government agreed that any slaver found in their
waters should be deemed guilty of piracy. This provision
remained in force until 1845, when such was the repugnance
of the Brazilian Government to the right of search that it
was resolved that this rule should cease and terminate, and
to this the British Government agreed. The first act of
the convention of 1826 still remained. At this time the
Aberdaen Act was framed, authorising British cruisers to
seize Brazilian ships on suspicion of their being engaged in
the slave trade, and to carry them before a British Admiralty
rJourt for condemnation. This was extensively put in prac-
tice, and several ships were carried into the Admiralty courts,
producing extreme bad feeling in Brazil towards this coun-
try. The act was condemned by Sir Thomas Wilde, the
Lord High Chancellor of England, who said that so mon-
strous was that act that it was impossible to enforce it
against any power except one that was unable to resist.
Another ornament of a Whig Government, his lion friend
the member for Ashton-under-Lyne (Mr M. Gibson) had
also resisted that act. Would that he would do so now, and
use his influence on the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) to
bring about amicable relations between this country and
Brazil. If he raised his voice against that act when the
slave trade was carried on to a considerable extent in Brazil,
how could he reconcile himself now to sit cheek by jowl
with the noble lord? (A laugh.) Some time after this
Lord Aberdeen, recognising the steps taken by the Brazilian
Government against the slave trade, said the English Go-
vernment, as soon as they were able to do so, would recom-
mend to Parliament the repeal of that act, The Brazilians
were in a weak state, they had no navy, and all they could
do was to protest against this act as a violation of the law
of nations. Well, what did the noble lord (Lord Palmer-
ston) do when he came into office ? Not content with
what existed, the noble lord in 1850 ordered our cruisers
to do an act which had never been done before—actually
to invade Brazilian ports and waters. They did so,
and for two years did this system continue. The British
cruisers went into Brazilian ports, and taking out ships
from there sent them to St. Helena to be adjudicated upon,
creating the greatest ill feeling against England. Now the
slave trade was not carried on by the Brazilian Government
themselves, who were greatly opposed to it, but by Ameri-
cans, Spaniards, Portuguese, and he believed by some Eng-
lish—because it had been whispered that Liverpool Baer -
chants, at least, were engaged in it—while the Brazilian
Government, disgusted with their experience of the Eng-
lish Government, probably winked at it, An effort was
afterwards made by the Brazilian Government to put down
the slave trade. and so much was this so, that the noble
lord at the head of the Government complimented the
Brazilian Government upon it, and said there could be no
doubt that in another twelvemonths the slave trade with
Brazil would be entirely extinguished. That was in 1851,
and so far were the efforts of the Brazilian Government
successful, that in 1852 Lord Malmesbury withdrew the
order authorising British ships to enter Brazilian waters,
and he must say the whole conduct of Lord Malmesbury in
this Brazilian business had been immervely to his credit.
The Brazilian Government continued to put down the slave
trade, and since the year 1856 he (Mr Osborne) was pre-
pared to prove, on undoubted authority which could not be
disputed, that no slaver had been run on the coast of Brazil,
and that the slave there was entirely extinct, (Hear.)
Nearly 200 miles of railway had been made by English
companies in Brazil, and no such thing as a single slave had
been employed on those railways. The slave trade there
had received a blow which it never could recover. It was
thought, therefore, that this house would repeal the act of
1845. But the house did nothing of the sort. The house
had been content to wait year after year, to leave the enor-
mous trade of England with Brazil without any protection,
and they never took any steps to repeal' the act of 1845.
They all knew the case of the British frigate which made
severe reprisals on the Brazils, the question arising from
which was referred to the King of the Belgians, who decided
that the British officers were altogether in the wrong. (Lord
Palmerston intimated that the hon. member was mistaken.]
Did the noble lord contradict that? He had the face to
contradict anything. He (Mr Osborne) had not provided
himself with the despatch, and this showed how careful
one ought to be. (A laugh.) At any rate the decision was
not in our favour. The noble lord would not say that. He
might get off in some quibble of words; but the decision
was not in our favour ; and in 1862 the British Charge
d'Affaires was empowered to apologise, that being the first
apology he believed the noble lord had ever made. They
had had debates on the subject; but why or wherefore,
after the question of mediation had been referred to the
Portuguese Government, irritating and offensive language
should be used, passed his comprehension to understand.
(Hear, hear.) He should like to ask the noble lord whether
he thought the Portuguese Government would eontinue
their mediation in the face of such language. (Hear, hear.)
He held in his hand a document which he should quote
for the information of the Foreign Office, which was at once
ignorant and insolent. (Laughter.) By a decree of Decem-
ber, 1858, the Brazilian Government forbade altogether that
any emancipated negro should be apprenticed to private
individuals. That was a most material step ; and it further
appeared, from the report of the Brazilian Minister of
Justice, that in 1860-61, 201 "cmancipadoes" were set free ;
in 1862-63, 147; and down to May, 1864, 71—upwards of
400 altogether since 1860. It was stated by the noble lord
at the head of the Government that there were twenty re-
quirements which the Brazilian negro should satisfy before
he could obtain his freedom ; but what would the house
think, when he told them that those requirements were
taken from an opposition paper, which was a sort of half
Ote/, half Puneh---(laughter)—and that they were written
to ridicule the delays of the law in Brazil ? (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) What would the noble lord say if the Brazilian
Government quoted in their house " Punch's Essence of
Parliament ?" (Laughter.) And yet, if they did so, they
would simply parody the proceedings of the noble lord him-
self. (Hear, hear.) But what was the policy of the noble
lord with regard to Brazil ? Was it a hostile policy ? Let
him tell the noble lord that so great was the feeling in this
country at the irritating and mischievous policy which was
pursued towards Brazil, that it had only, to resist to upset
his Ministry and to repeal the act cf 184:5. Language of
menace and irritation was not the way to treat a country ,
like Brazil, which was no longer in its infancy, but which
ought to be treated on terms of perfect equality—(hear,
hear)—and if we wished to get on, not only with Brazil,
but with any other country, we should employ terms of
conciliation, and not terms of irritation, (Hear, hear.) In
conclusion, the hon. member declared that if the act of 1845
had been repealed, Brazil would have at once entered into
a consular and postal convention ; and that so long as the
present policy of irritation was continued the result would
be injurious to the commerce of this country. (Hear, hear.)
Loa! PALMERSTON—The hon. gentleman recom-
mends mildness of language. Sir, he is not himself a great
master that way—(laughter)--and it is my intention rather
to follow his precept than imitate his example. (Hear,
hear, and laughter.) The hon. gentleman says that lam a
great hand at denying. If I may be allowed to return the
compliment, I would say that he is a very great hand at
asserting, He knows.—everybody knows—the source from
which the hon, gentleman draws his information—
Mr OSBORNE—I do not. Name, name. ___ __

adjourned.

Lord PALMERSTON—He knows whom I ratan.
Mr OSBORNE—I deny that; name, name, (Cries of
" Order, order.")

Lord PALMERSTON—Everybody knows that there is
an active Brazilian agent ready to supply information to
those who are anxious to undertake the cause of Brazil. I
do not blame him; but I wish that those who adopt his
statements would, in their duty as members of Parliament,
be quite sure that the facts which they repeat are correct.
There was much in the speech of the hon. gentleman that
would provoke me to go into an angry discussion. .
Mr OSBOItNE—Be provoked. (Laughter, and loud
cries of " Order.")

Lord PALMERSTON—Never mind—l will not be pro-
yoked. (Laughf'::r.) Her Majesty's Government are now
engaged, thrjugh the Portuguese, in negotiations, the ob-
ject of -,.vhich is to re-establish diplomatic relations between
tkis country and Brazil. Now, I don't think the hon.
gentlemah has shown great julgrnent—(hear, hear)—in
endeavouring to bring on a controversial discussion upon
such a matter at such a moment. The necessary conse-
quence would be if I were to go through his statements,
that I might be led to say things which he would again
condemn—(laughter)—as being unfavourable to the success
of the negotiation. Therefore I trust the house will think
I am better performing my duty in abstaining from going
into his statements. (Hear, hear.) In reference, however,
to the commercial disadv,ntages which he says not only
our paesent relations with Brazil, but also those which
have existed for some time, impose upon our merchants,
I will take our exports from, and imports to, Brazil for a
certain period of time, and see how that matter stands.
From 1850 to 1852 the imports from Brazil varied from two
millions to two millions some hundred thousands, and the
exports front two millions to three millions. But from
1860 to the present present time our, imports from Brazil
have been • in 1860, S 2,200,000; 1861, £2,600,000 ; 1862,
£1,400,000• and 1863, £1,500, 0- - (I°
• That is not a state of
things which shows that our commerce has suffered. Our
exports have been : i n 1360, £4,000,000 ; 1861, £4,500,600 ;
and in 1862-
63, £3,700,000. So far, therefore, as our com-
merpial interests go, I do not think that they have suffered
in consequence of this matter. It is quite true that the Bra •
zilian slave trade ceased in 1852, and that the Btazilian
Government have since that time passed laws and estab-
lished regulations which have, I believe, Prevented any
material importation of slaves into Brazil—(hear)—but still
it must be remembered that out of her populazion,seven and
a half millions, there are three million of slaves, only one
million short of the number in the Southern States of Ame-
rica. Of these 10,000 have been emancipated.
Mr OSBORNE—Moue
Lord PALMERSTON—That makes rather against the

hon. gentleman. He has told us that 3 years 400 have
been set free ; but if so it will be a long time before the
10,000 are fully emancipated. I must decline going into
any controversy with the hon. gentleman. I am anxious
that the negociations going on should succeed—and I think
the house would do better to drop the discussion than to
allow things to be stated which might revive angry feeling
and embarrass the negotiations which the Portuguese Go-
vernment have, with the best motives and in the beet pos-
sible spirit, undertaken to carry on. (Hear, hear.)
Mr S. FITZGERALD congratulated Lord Palmerston
on the moderate tone of his language as contrasted with
that of last week, in which he spoke of the conduct of the
Brazilian Government as flagitious and disgraceful. He
believed that that Government was using every effort in its
power to carry into effect the treaty stipulations for the
liberation of the emancipados.
Sir H, CAIRNS said that the impression on the part of
English capitalists and merchants having an interest in
Brazil were almost universally opposed to the policy of her
Majesty's Government. With regard to the Aberdeen Act,
as a question of international law, he had never looked upon
it with any other feeling than that of amazement.
Mr NE WDEGATE complained that the Brazilian Go-
vernment were endeavouring to coerce the house into the
repeal of the Aberdeen Act by persecuting English resi-
dents in Brazil, and he mentioned in particular the case of
Mr Christie, our late Minister at Rio, and of a Mr Reeves.
He also denounced the corruption of the legal tribunals of
the country, and described the internal slave trade as of a
most iniquitous and inhuman character.
Mr T. BARING having described the policy of the Go-
vernment towards Brazil as taunting, irritating, and unfor-
tunate, the subject dropped.
Mr PACKE brought under notice the report of the in-
spector of reformatories on the state of the St. Bernard's
Reformatory at Whitwick, in Leicestershire, and to the
recent outbreak among the inmates of that establishment,
which he described as a nuisance to the neighbourhood.
Sir G. GREY described the precautions that had been
taken by the Government to prevent the recurrence of
similar outbreaks.

Lord J. MANNERS and Mr NEWDECATE expressed their
hope that the institution would be removed from the county
altogether.
Mr EEYGATE eaw no necessity for so extreme a
Course.

The house then went into committee on the remaining
civil service estimates. The vote for the packet service
estimate and a vote to pay off Exchequer Bills were
agreed to,
The vote of £14,355 on account of civil establishments on
the West Coast of Africa led to some discussion on the
Ashantee expedition, and Sir JOHN HAY moved the reduc-
tion of the vote by £2,500.
Mr ADDERLEY gave notice that, early next session he
would move that the whole subject be referred to a select
committee.

Ultimately the amendment was withdrawn, and the
vote was agreed to.
On the motion of Lord C. PAGET, a supplementary navy
estimate, amounting to £220,000, was agreed to for the
purchase of the steam rams now lying at Birkenhead.
The whole of the supplies having thus been voted, the
chairman quitted the chair amid faint cheers from the 50
or 60 hon. gentlemen who formed the committee.
On the motion for going into committee on the New Zea-
land (Guarantee of Loan) Bill,
Sir J. TRELAWNY moved, as an amendment, that a
select committee be appointed to inquire into the relative
financial position of Great Britain and the colony, with a
view to adjusting any outstanding balances and other mat-
ters connected therewith.

On a division, the amendment was negatived by 79 to 32,
and the bill went through committee, after an ineffectual
attempt of Mr Morrison to reduce the amount of the gua-
rantee from £1,000,000 to £500,000.
The Fortifications (Provision for Expenses) Bill was read
a second time.

The Bleaching and Dyeing Works Act Extensicn Bill,
the Turnpike Acts Continuance, &c., Bill, the Portsmouth
Dockyard (Acquisition of Lands) Bill, the Militia Pay Bill,
the Sheriffs' Sutstitute (Scotland) Bill, and the Bank Notes,
&c., Signature Bill were severally read a third time and
passed.

Several other bills were advanced a stage, and the house

AMERICA.

by al e n of all parties—by the large number of those
who disapprove Mr Chase's financial policy, as well
as by the smaller number of those who believe that
if he has not done well no other man in America
under the same circumstances could have done much
better—that Mr Chase's resignation was not accepted
because Mr Lincoln was dissatisfied with the finan.
cial results attained by, with, or in spite of Mr
Chase's management, but because Mr Lincoln and
a section of the Cabinet were eager to punish him
for having dared to aspire to the Presidency, or for
having publicly and privately expressed his con.
tempt for the whole body of his colleagues.
Mr Fessenden, who has not yet accepted the
perilous honour that the President and the Senate
have conferred upon him, and who is reported to
hesitate very greatly whether he shall do so, is not
known very extensively as a financier. He is chair-
man of the Finance Committee of the Senate, in
which capacity he has almost invariably lent his
support to the financial policy of Mr Chase. He is
is believed, however, to share the views of Mr.
Thaddeus Stevens, the chairman of the Committee
of Ways and Means in the House of Representa-
tives, on the impolicy of paying the interest of the
pablic debt in gold. Should he be really infected
with this idea, and attempt to carry it into prac-
tice, it is not difficult to foresee that his financial
career will be even more calamitous than that of
his predecessor. In any case he will be a brave
man if he accept the office, and a fortunate ono if
he make bad no worse in conducting it.
In addition to the disquietude caused by the mili•
tart' situation and the aspect of affairs in the Cabi-
net, the rapid depletion of the army makes wise
men, as well as timid ones, shake their heads. It is
confessed in both Houses of Congress that the con-
scription of last year is a failure, which has pro-
duced more exempts who have paid commutation
money than soldiers who have dune service in the
field. After many debates, during which several
contradictory resolutions have been affirmed, first in
the one house and then in the other, a final decision
has been made, by which a new and, as it is sup•
posed, a better system of forced recruitment has
become law. Mr Lincoln is authorised to call for a
quarter or half a million of volunteers, to serve for
one year, and deal to the rebellion the finishing blow.
If within 60 (some friends of the Government prefer
40) days the volunteers do not present themselves
a draught will take place, in which every man
draughted, whatever his business or profession,
must personally serve or find a substitute; in other
words, the Government will refuse to receive com-
mutation money, and will cease to charge itself with
the trouble of finding substitutes for those to whom
fighting is either disagreeable or inconvenient. The
draughted man must find another man willing to
take his place; and if he has to pay 1,000 dols. or
10,000 dols. to the newly arrived emigrant, the
native-born rowdy, or any other person willing to
take the risks of a soldier's life, it will be a matter
wholly between himself and the substitute. The
price of the raw material of soldiership will rise
and fall according to circumstances, and no longer
be regulated by a Governmental tariff. The unlucky
conscript will pay as little as he can. The intend-
ing substitute will extort as much as he can get.
" Food for powder" will have to be purchased on
free trade principles, and the owners of the commo-
dity will virtually rule the market. Under these
circumstances it will not be improbable if the
Government, which so particularly dreads a popular
outbreak in New York, should take measures
quietly, but effectually, to draught a much larger
number of rich men than of poor, and so keep the
poor in comparative good humour with a system
which nothing can render popular.
Yet in view of the urgent need of the Government
for men to deal " the finishing blow" which it ex-
pects to be struck within a year, it becomes interest-
ing to know whether it actually raised since October
last the 700,000 men it called out during that in-
terval ; and if not, what chance there is of its raising
500,000 at this time. If Mr. Wilson, Chairman of
the Military Committee of the Senate, be accurately
informed, the 700,000 men were positively enrolled
and paid for, at a coat of no less than 125 millions
of dollars. There exists no such force now, or Mr.
Lincoln would not need half a million of now recruits.
Grant's army does not number 200,000, whatever
it might have numbered when he crossed the Rapi-
dan, and it is difficult to see where an addi-
tional 200,000 are to be found if all the forces of
Sherman in Georgia, of Canby, the successor of
Banks in Louisiana, of Wallace in Maryland, of Dix
in New York, and of every other army of occupa-
tion in every part of the States be taken into the
account. If in October last the Federal Govern-
ment had not s single soldier in its service, it would
seem from Mr Wilson's figures, corrected by those
of the existing armies in field or garrison, that in the
short space of nine months the Federal Government
had lost in killed, wounded, and disabled, as well as
in prisoners and deserters, fully 300,000 men. But
as, prior to the levy of this particular 700,000, the
Government had on its own showing fully 500,000
in the field, it will follow, if it have no more than
400,000 at this moment, that it must during these
nine months have lost the services of at least 800,000
men—killed, wounded, disabled, prisoners, deserters,
and soldiers whose term of enlistment had expired,
and who have not been induced by bounty money,
or patriotism, or any other consideration to revolun-
teer into the service. If this be a true computation,
it will abundantly account for the necessity of Mr
Lincoln's new levy. But will the men answer to
the call 14 And Neill Money, in default of patriotism,
secure them ? These questions must either be an-
swered in the affirmative by facts, or it will not be
the " rebellion,"
but the Northern Government,
which will receive the finishin-
g blow, and drift
away into financial collapse and political ruin.

(From the Times Gorresponlent.)
NEW YORK, JULY 1.

A sensation-loving public has been gratified with
a sensation that might have been and was antici-
pated, but which, nevertheless, possesses all the
charms of novelty. Mr. Chase has either resigned
the office of Secretary of the Treasury, or been dis-
missed by the President. There is a Ministerial
crisis which threatens to involve the whole Cabi-
net—if such a word can be applied to eight gentle-
men who never meet for the transaction of business,
who manage their own departments without re-
sponsibility to each other, to Congress, or to the
people; who own no allegiance to anybody but the
President, whom they severally despise, and who
agree in nothing but in their hatred or distrust of
each other. The commercial and banking interests
of this metropolis experienced a sensation of relief
when the announcement was made. But it was a
moment only. They were informed in the same
paragraph which told of Mr. Chase's disappearance
from office that his successor had been appointed in
the person of Mr. David Todd, ex-Minister to
Brazil, ex-Member of Congress, and ex-Governor of
Ohio, and that Mr. Lincoln had sent his name to
the Senate for confirmation. The transitory feeling
of satisfaction was succeeded by incredulity, and,
when incredulity was no longer possible, by dis-
gust. Mr. Tod's antecedents were known. He had
no experience, was neither statesman nor financier,
was once of opinion that it would be better for the
Northern States to become colonies of Great Bri-
tain than to suffer the South to be independent, and
was generally in favour of a war of extermination.
Nor were his personal and social qualities found to
be of a higher grade than his public qualifications.
He was, it is true, a particular favourite of the Pre-
sident. A congeniality of humour had made them
friends. Next to himself, Mr. Lincoln admitted
Mr. Tod to be the best teller of a story in all the
West, an estimate which most people who were
acquainted with both admitted to be correct,
the only difference being that while Mr. Tod was
Mr. Lincoln's equal in the pruriency, dirtiness, and
broad vernacularity of his jokes and anecdotes, he
was somewhat his inferior in the copious fertility of
the fountains whence he drew them, So great was
the alarm created by the announcement that it was
calculated gold would rise 50 per cent, if Mr. Tod
accepted and the Senate confirmed the appointment.
But Mr. Tod proved to be wiser than the President,
and telegraphed from Ohio that he declined the
honour, Once more commercial men felt relieved,
ttough many who while Mr. Chase was in power
considered him a dangerous Minister would have
been glad in view of the worse dangers that might
have resulted if Mr, Lincoln's next choice should
have been as absurd as that of Mr. Tod, to hear that
the difficulty had been arranged, and that Mr. Chase
had consented to resume his portfolio. But of this
there was no chance. The fend between Mr. Lincoln
and Mr. Chase was final, and both parties intended
it to be so. Mr. Lincoln did not hesitate long, bat
appointed Mr. William Pitt Fessenden, the senator
for Maine, to the dangerous post. The Senate seeing
no objection, personal or political, hastened to con-
firm the nomination, and took only two minutes
about it. Gold, which had risen to 282 on the resig-
nation of Mr. Chase, fell to 260, and when, at a
later hour in the afternoon, it was announced in
Wall-street that the Senate had repealed the stupid
Gold Bill it fell to 225, showing a fluctuation of 67
per cent. in a few hours,

Railway and Other Companies,

RAILWAY BILLS.

Yesterday four comm,ttees of the House of Lords as-
sembled to consider the various bills transmitted from the
House of Commons. The first consisted of Earl Devon
(chairman) and Lords Hawarden, Monson, Abinger, and
Congleton, the bills being those for the London and
Brighton Company's additional powers—Portpatriek Rail.
way, for new works and steamboats—Dublin Trunk Con-
necting Railway, and Manchester, Sheffield, and
Lincoln-
shire Steamboats. Having approved the London and
Brighton Bill, Mr Calvert and Mr Rodwell were heard for
the Portpatrick Railway, and the evidence for the promo-
ters occupied all the sitting, The bill for the Scottish Cen-
tral Railway Company's stations was considered and passed
in a committee of Lords Egerton (chairman)
Methuen, De
Manley, Mostyn, and Stewart. The Launceston, Bodmin,
and W adebridge wfts also passed, and that for the Toign
Valley subsequently considered. Another committee, con-
sisting of Lords Silchester, chairman, Melville, Seymour,
inehequin, and Overstone,
had before them the bills for the
Drayton Junction, St. Helen's North Staffordshire (New
Works), and Silerdale, Madeley, and Drayton, Cannock
Chase, and Wolverhampton. Mr Denison and Mr
Round having been heard for the promoters of
the Drayton Junction,
and Mr Merewether against, for
the London and North-Western, the committee passed
the bill. Mr Cripps and Mr Bidder were heard for the
Gloucester and Ledbury in Lord Eversley's Com-
mittee, the 'evidence occupying all day. The Worcester
and Dean Forest, and the New Brunswick and Canada Land
were passed in Lord Redesdale's, and the Much
Wel/leek
and Severn Valley in Mr Massey's Committee.

It is asserted by Mr. Chase's friends that he
resigned, and was not dismissed ; that he long
meditated withdrawal from an Administration with
which he could not agree, and from the service of
a President whose incapacity he could not but de-
plore, and whose place he considered himself infi-
nitely better qualified to fill; that he would have
resigned some months ago if it had not been that
charges of corruption in his office had been publicly
brought against him by Gen. Blair, a person high
in the confidence and friendship of Mr Lincoln
that an investigation into these charges had been
ordered by Congress, and that, pending the Inquiry,
his resignation might have appeared to his enemies,
if not to his friends, as a tacit admission that the
charges were true. The investigation having closed
end the insinuations against Mr Chase having been
dismissed, as without warrant or excuse, he deter-
mined to carry out his previous purpose and place
his resignation in Mr Lincoln's hands. It is
asserted by others, who claim to be in Mr Chase's
ghmnterhte
he
oesteffif
:dcohseeaesploi
agwofs
nfssaatassthbue
e;currphrt
Sub-Treasurer
asesssi rutdurceriicennmergtepdtei
noenlAtalN
.ieprsdepywcost
Cisco
York,
therhokiinfs,
atceeulconfidence,
personrfiiosmdefepbcawoyirhentt'o,
taxation as would meet the interest of the public
debt, and pay at least some portion of the current
expenses of the war, Furthermore, it is believed

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 19, 1864.

farmers and others; else to persons on the coast for the con-
veyance of fish and other produce to excellent markets.
Resolutions were unanimously passed in favour of the
proposed line, which was to be constructed at an estimated
cost of £5,600 per mile ; and owing, it was believed, to the
great advantages the line would confer on the districts
through which it was intended to pass, it could not fail to
be remunerative to the proprietors. Local committees were
then formed with a view to obtain the necessary subscrip-
tions for shares and otherwise to promote the success of the
undertaking,