The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 14, 1864,

bringing to the test otherwise. That was a proposition
which required great consideration before being accepted ;
and the difficulty was Increased by the fact that we had not
the ordinary means of access to the Confederate States. We
had not recognised their Government, Her Majesty's Go-
vernment had not the opportunities of interconiele which
recognition would give; and that dificUlty was increased
by access to their porta being refused by the United States.
The ether 'day, her Majesty's Government, wishing to re-
mobstrate with the Confederates, had actually commis-
sioned a diplomatic servant to go to Richmond ; but the
blockading squadron would not allow even one of her Ma%
jesty's ship of war to pass fee that purpose. It
would be found that American authorities by no
means warranted the notion that we ought to act lightly, or
without cogent proof. In the case of the Santissima Trini-
dad, it was said, in reference to the evidence which was
insisted on in America, that they were bound to abstain
from interference unless it could be proved by clear evidence
that there had been a distinct violation of neutrality. This
was a principle of which we were entitled to have the bene-
fit, and which made it a matter of serious difficulty to act
upon a case of mere strong moral suspicion. It was possible
that the Confederate States thought that they had kept
within our law. Again, they must, in any case, act towards
the United States on just the same principle as they acted
towards the Confederates. If they were to proceed on mere
moral belief, it wt s impossible to acquit the agents of the
United States, although they might acquit their Govern-
ment, of acts, on a considerable scale, not consistent with
the lew or with the neutrality of this country. The hon.
and learned gentleman referred to the recent case of the
Kearsage, which while in Coeb Harbour had shipped Irish
seamen. But the matter did not rest there, for it was well
known that agents of the Federal Government enlisted men
in Ireland for the Federal army under pretence of employ-
ing them on railways and public works in America. This
took place also in Canada and New Brunswick. They knew
also that eases had occurred of British subjects being kid-
napped into the service of the United States, and being
treated, when they tried to escape, as deserters, Claims
made by her Majesty's Government in such cases had not
been met in that prompt and satisfactory manner that they
might be expected. (Hear, hear.) Were her Majesty's
Government to exclude all the vessels of the Federal States
because they had taken advantage of the acts of their
agents, which had certainly added largely to their armies,
in violation of our law ? He wished to make one more
observation without offence to the United States Govern-
ment. Her Majesty's Government was not assisted in
these matters by the Government of the United States. The
demands made upon us by that Government were far be-
yond anything to which they would be entitled from any re-
cognised rules and principles of international law. It became
necessary, therefore, for her Majesty's Government to act
with great caution before taking any steps which might
possibly be misunderstood. He referred particularly to
the extraordinary demands which had been made in the
case of the Alabama. He had no hesitation in saying that
the United States Government had advanced such demands
as to seek to make her Majesty's Government pecuniarly
responsible for all the prizes taken by the Alabama,
though they had never been brought into our ports, or in
any way under our control. The United States, in so
seeking, had advanced a demand directly contrary to their
own authorities, and which rendered it infinitely more diffi-
cult than it otherwise would be for her Majesty's Govern-
ment to do anything that was within their discretion.
quite justified in saying that they would adhere
Ttohey weretherule which the United States authorities had laid
down; that they would endeavour fairly to execute English
laws ; that they would give no asylum to prizes and pro-
perty unjustly captured; that if any such were brought
into English ports, and reclamation made, such reclama-
tion would be attended to. But her Majesty's Govern-
ment would not undertake to recognise claims going beyond
those limits ; they would not undertake to interfere between
the belligerents in any other way than the rules of inter-
national law and our obligations as neutrals required.
(Loud cheers.)

Mr. W. E. FORSTER did not wish to treat the matter
as a party question. The Attorney-General had hardly
explained why the Georgia had been allowed to stay, even
upon the ground that she was to be treated as a belligerent.
The instructions of the Admiralty required that v. ssels of
either of the belligerents shoull leave our ports 24 hours
after receiving needful supplies and repairs, unless detained
by stress of weather. Now there was no ground for stating
that she was staying in Liverpool for repairs, because she
had been repaired in Bordeaux, and had come direct from
that port to Liverpool. She had come ostensibly for the pur-
pose of paying off her crew, and he should like to ask her
Majesty's Government whether any Federal ship would
be allowed to pay off her crew in an English port'
The right hon. gentleman the Attorney General said that it
was of no consequence that such a vessel as the Georgia had
never been in a Confederate port. Now he (Mr. Forster)
thought that it did make a difference, combined with the
fact that she had sailed from a British port, and that such a
course would establish a precedent for our future relations
with neutral Powers when we became belligerents. Those
Powers, under this precedent, though possessing no navies
of their own, might harass our commerce. The present
question divided itself into two branches, first, whether in-
ternational law, as tbetween us and other nations, could be
put
slytruupon a better footing ; and, secondly, whether we had
done what °'e could with our present law to make ourselves
12(9.:tral as in future we should wish others to be.
The kitorney-General had given sufficient reasons why he
thought the law ought net to be altered; but that did not
meet the true point of the question, which was that we had
had an opportunity offered by the United States of putting
the international law of the world upon such a footing as
would have been vastly to our advantage in the future, and
at the same time, of advantage to the cause of civilisation.
Was the Attorney-General prepared to say, after the expe-
rience of the last few months, that the law was fully effec-
tive in its present state? Just let them consider what our
position would be if we were to receive from a foreign coun-
try the same treatment which the Americans had received
from us. Suppose, for instance, that we were at war with
Germany, and had sealed every port belonging to that
country, and that a French ship, it
sailed out of Marseilles, and, havingwbeenfurnished by crew,a
French vessel from Brest, proceeded to the Mediterranean,
ha
French
and preyed upon our commerce. Did any one suppose that
we should allow that, unless we were engaged in a death
struggle like that which was now going on in America
Even in the middle of last year, 148 vessels, representing
two millions and a half of property, had been destroyed by
these cruisers, and this was only a portion of the injury
they had inflicted upon American commerce, because im-
mense sums of money had been paid for insuring ships at
very high rates, amounting to five or ten per cent. upon all
imports brought into American ports by American ships,
and the consequence bad been the ruin of the American
carrying trade, and its transference to foreign ports. In-
deed, so completely had the American flag been driven from
the ocean, that the Georgia did not a capture a prize for
six weeks. It had been stated ttat the United States
ought themselves to have prevented vessels intended for
the Confederates from leaving our ports, but that was ob-
viously impossible. Ile trusted that the effect of the ques-
tion which had been asked by his hon. friend, backed as it
was by all the shipowners of Liverpool—who, he might
observe, sympathised more with the South than the North
—would be that the Government would be impressed with
the duty and necessity of not letting the present opportu.
nity pass without putting us in a good position for the
future, in case we should unfortunately become bellige-
rents. (Hear.)

Mr. COBDEN wished to add a word or two with refe-
rence to what had fallen from the Attorney-General. Two
questions had been brought under their notice by the state-
ment of the hon. gentleman who had introduced this sub-
ject. The two suggestions he had made were, that we
should alter our law, and that we should, in the exercise of
the powers which we now possess, and which the hon. and
learned gentleman that we did possess, prevent vessels such
as had been referred to from entering our ports. Now, with
regard to altering the law, the Attorney-General had en-
tered into a long argument to show that it was effective
as it stood at present for the purpose of preventing a breach
of neutrality in this country. But he could not imagine a
more cruel jeke than the speech of the hon. and learned
gentleman would appear when it was read at Washington.
For what were the facts ? That war had been carried on from
these shores against the United States, which had done more
damage to that country than could have been inflicted by
many ordinary wars. The damage done to their ship-
ping alone amounted to fifteen millions of dol-
lars, or nearly three millions sterling. But that
was but a small part of the injury which had been
inflicted upon the American marine, for the rest
of their vast mercantile property had been rendered value-
less, Under the regime of free trade, if )ou raised the rate
of insurance upon the flag of one:maritime people you threw
the trade into the hands of its competitors, because it was
no longer profitable for merchants to employ shipping to
carry freights when that shipping was liable to great war
risks, and consequently to high assurance. He had a fact or
two which he would state to the hon. and learned gentle-
man, and would show him the way in which this had been
operating, and then he would see what a cruel satire it was
to say to the Americans that our law was sufficient to en-
force neutrality. Ho had an account of the foreign trade of
New York for the quarter ending June 30, 1860, and the
quarter ending June 30, 186.5, In the first named quarter
the total amount of the trade of New York was 92 million
dols., and of the trade 62 million dols. was carried in Ame-
rican and 32 million in foreign bottoms. On June 10, 1863,
it stood thus : the total amount of the trade was 88 million
dollars, of which 23 million was carried in American ves-
sels and 65 million in foreign vessels. In other words the
change might be stated thus : in 1860 two-thirds of the
foreign trade of New York was carried in American bot-
toms, while in 1863 three-fourths was carried in foreign
bottoms. One could see, therefore, what a complete revo-
lution had been made in the value of the property. The
Americans had sold many of their ships to English capita-
lists, because it was no longer possible to carry on their
business. Ho considered the depredations committed upon
American commerce by those cruisers, built and equipped
in English ports, to be the gravest part of the question as
affecting the relations of this country with America, and
ho hardly knew whether they could have done more to
excite the rancour of the American people, or injure their
commerce, if they hAd joined the Conlederate Govern-
ment, and burni.tl all the eccessibl.e towns on the Ame-