The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-04 00:00:00

EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1852.

-
dispute whether that was a fit thing to be done; that was - (Cheers. ) I trust that we shall never see this boast falsi- was not the nature of the opinion, for the Noble Lord
entirely a question for the French people to decide.- fled ; that while we disapprove of any attempt made in this distinctly told me, " You mistake the question between us ;
(Hear, hear.) The French people might say that their country to change the established Governments of other it is not whether the President was justified or not, but
history entitled them to say, that what we call in Eng- countries, so long as those exiles conduct themselves peace- whether you were justified in expressing an opinion on the
land Parliamentary government has produced such evils , ably we shall considerin it the honour and distinction of this matter at all."-(Hear, hear.) I believe that the Nob 1
in France, it has so frequently led to convulsions in the country. to receive diseeiniinately all. thos who are the Lord the Secretary of State for the Colonies did also in those
State, and is so incompatible with the peace of society in victims of
fmisfortune. Withand as
opinions, therefore, with few days express an opinion on those events, and I have been
their country, that it ought at once to be abolished, and a respect to foreign affairs, anhe obligations
the advantages that informed also that the then Vice-President of the Board of
different system established in its place. If the French we derive
sml them, to the
whenigatiolns which they im- Trade, and now the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
nation choose to say that, who has the right or the, least pose upon u ,say to the ouse, also expressed his opinion.-(Cheers and laughter.) Then it
pretence to contradict it? (Hear, hear.) But it is another that, not wishing. in any degree to eter on the topics which follows that every Member of the Cabinet, whatever his
have been introduced, is has been necessary that at the political avocations may have been-however much his atten-
question to give the moral approbation of England, to place
the broad seal of England upon that doctrine with respect request of my Honourable Friend I should give the ex- tion may have been devoted to other matters-is at liberty to
to so great a question- If France has so resolved, let us planation of the conduct I have pursued with respect to express an opinion on passing events abroad, but the
acquiesce in that decision. I shall do nothing to prevent it. my Noble Friend, and that it has
been impossible to do Secretary of State for the Foreign Affairs, whose peculiar
I may lament that those great qualities of human nature so without at the same time recurring to what took place in duty it is to watch those events, who is unfit for
which are brought out by Parliamentary government, by free a neighbouring country ; but I must again repeat that in his office if he has not an opinion on them, is the
discussion, and a free press-that those great qualities could any measures which we have to take--that in any mea- only man not permitted to express an opinion-
not henceforth have full development and display. But with sures which we may have to submit to this House, it shall (Hear, and laughter); and when a foreign Minister comes
respect to our position, it was to be remembered that during be our object not to increase that unreasonable panic, but and tells him that he has news, he is to remain silent, like a
the existence of the present Administration, with my Noble to alleviate it .-(Cheers,) i._ (Cheers,) It is my persuasion that it is wise speechless dolt, or the mute of some Eastern Pasha.-(Cheers
Friend as its organ, we have given the moral support and at all times to take precautions against contingent and and laughter.) Now lam told, "It is not your converse-
the moral sympathy of England to constitutional govern- possible danger; but at the same time I say there is no tion with M. Walewski that is complained of, but your dis-
ments. We have done so in Spain, we have done so in Per- reason to suppose that any danger threatens us, that there patch to the Marquis of Normanby." What had I stated in
tugal, we have done so in Piedmont; and none was more ist in fact, no dispute between us and any other Power.- that dispatch, in reference to which a great parade was made,
ready than my Noble Friend to impart that moral influence. (Ii
ear,hear.) I have the happiness to say that the relations as if I had been guilty of breach of duty to the Crown and of
But if we were at once to side with a deviation from con- of peace exist between this country and foreign nations in my obligations to the Prime Minister, in sending it without
stitutional government, and to give our sanction to the act the fullest degree. I trust they may continue to do so; and previously communicating with the Noble Lord ?- (Hear.)
rf the President of France, how can we tell any other country while I deplore events which have passed on the continent No man can lay down the matter more strongly than I have
that we advise them to continue Parliamentary government ? of Europe-events which I fear were but the too certain in reference to the obligations of the Secretary of State for
It therefore appeared I. me a departure, a signal and wide de- consequences othe revolution of 1848-I do trust that Foreign Affairs. I have always admitted that if the Secre-
parture, from that policy which the Governmennt had sup- by peace and civilization,by the intelligence which is tary of State for Foreign Affairs sends a dispatch of import-
ported and pursued, and which my Noble Friend had esPe' daily pouring in on us, by the made to
length intro-
anniocne
otfotahne Apmrimbaessmadinoirstaebrrooarderwowitnh,ouhte aisacgeurtdatiynionfgathhereoapc.ih-
cially advocated. But when this took place-when, as 1 the condition of mankind, liberty shall be at
. of the Queen had been set aside, it duced and established, and that, with religion, it shall go- of duty. But there are many cases in which it is perfectly
conceived, the authority
appeared to me that I had no other course than to inform vern the hearts of men and produce happier days to man-
well known that he is only expressing the opinion of the
my Noble Friend that he, while I held office, could no longer kind.-(Loud cheering.) Government, and inconvenience might arise from delay.
hold the seals as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Lord PALMERSTON rose from his place on the front There are many cases in which a sedulous and careful ob-
Later in the day, and after I had formed that resolution,hle bench below the gangway, on the Ministerial side, and said, servance of the strict rule is attended with inconvenience
receivedla long letter from my Noble Friend, stating t
of
-Sir, to the public service, and has exposed me to imputations
I am sure the House will feel that after what has of neglect and delay in answering the dispatches I received.
reasons why he approved of the set .of the President
France. But it appeared to me that those reasons no longer passed on the part of my Hon. Friend behind me (Sir B. But what was the dispatch from the Marquis of
touched the case; because the real question now was, Hall) and the Noble Lord who has just sat down, it is abso-
Normanby, and what was my answer? Lord Nor-
whether the Secretary of State was entitled, of his own au- lutely incumbent on me to make some observations to the mangy, in his dispatch of the 6th. had said that the French
thority, to write a dispatch as the organ of the Queen's House. I should be sorry indeed, Sir, that this House and Minister had reported that I used certain expressions which •
Government, in which his colleagues had never concurred, the country should run away with the impression which the Lord Normanby represents as inconsistent with the instruc-
tions not to interfere in the internal affairs of France. Now,
and to which the Queen had never given er Royal
speech of the Noble Lord has been too well calculated to if those expressions had been used, Ido not see that they
sanction ? It appeared to me that, without deg her Rsyal speech of the Noble Lord has been too well calculated to if those expressions had been used, Ido not see that they
sanction? It appeared to tue that, without degrading the make, that I have abandoned the principles I have ever en- are inconsistent with the instructions, not to make any al- --3
Crown, I could not advise her Majesty to retain that Minis- tertained-that I have changed the opinions I have expressed, teration in our relations with the French Government. But s
ter in the Foreign Department of her. Government. lat and which I will never alter - that I have been the advocate what does Lord Normanby proceed to state? He says, that
the same time informed her Majesty that a correspondence of absolute power, and that I have been in favour of the after making that communication to M. Turgot to which ,
had gone on between Lord Palmerston and myself with re- abolition of constitutional Governments. The Noble Lord the Noble Lord has alluded, to do nothing which should have
spect to her Majesty. That was on the Wednesday, I began the remarks he made to the House by stating his opt- the appearance of interferiug in any way in the internal
think, and I waited till Saturday in order to consider and nion of the relations which ought to subsist between the affairs of France, he added that he was quite sure that if the
to reconsider the matter before I fairly submitted the cor- Foreign Secretary and the Crown on the one hand, and the Government had known the events of Paris on the Thursday
respondence to the Crown. I think on Thursday I informed
Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister on the other.
my Noble Friend I would be at home (as we understood), In that definition I most entirely concur, and I flatter and Friday they would have joined their congratulations to
his. That was a greater apparent interference in the internal
thinking he might propose some course by which a separa- myself I have done nothing which is inconsistent with
affairs of the French nation than any conversation of mine
tion could be avoided, but nothing of that kind took place, either of those relations. Sir, the practice that pre
with M. Walewaki. However, Lord Normanby having re-
and I, being fully as convinced then as I had been of what I veiled in the Foreign-office was that which the Noble
should do, wrote on Saturday, the 20th, to her Majesty, Lord has described as laid down in the memorandum ported the expressions of the French Minister to me, I did
sub-
conveying the correspondence which had passed between of 1850, but the practice did not begin at that time, not think it necessary to go into any argument on the
ject, but ten days afterwards, on the 15th of December, the
my Noble Friend and myself, and shortly intimating my ad- but was in existence before-namely, that no important
Ambassador at Paris,
vice to her Majesty that Lord Palmerston should be re- political instruction vests ever sent to any foreign minister rather inverting, I think, the positions
_of Ambassador and Secretary of State - (Hear, and a laugh)
quired to give up the seals of the Foreign-office. Sir, in abroad, and no statement addressed to any diplomatic agent,
coming to a decision so painful-in coming to the decision without the draught being first submitted to the Noble Lord calls on the Secretary of State to give him an explanation
that I must separate from a colleague with whom I had at the head of the Government, that he might take the as to the language the Secretary of State was supposed to
re-
acted so long, whose abilities I had admired, and in whose pleasure of the Crown upon it, and if he, either himself, or have used to M. Walewski. In my dispatch in answer I
policy I had agreed- I felt, whether rightly or wrongly it is from high authority, suggested alterations, those alterations peated that neither the Secretary of State nor the Ambassador
not for me now to say, I was bound to take that decision were made, and if he objected to the dispatch, then the dis- at Paris was entitled to pronounce judgment on the affairs of
France; but I stated the nature of the opinions I expressed
alone-to consult none of my colleagues, to avoid anything patch was modified. It is, at the same time, said that on the 3d of Dember. Therefore it is a misrepresentation of
which might hereafter have the appearance of a cabal, but to thoughi the general tenor of the policy pursued by me had the facts of the case to say that, in answering Lord Nor-
assume the sole and entire responsibility on myself.- met with the approval of her Majesty's Government and was manby's letter, I was giving instructions inconsistent with s
(Cheers.) With respect, therefore, to the stories which my right, yet there was, notwithstandiug, something in the the relation of our general intercourse with' the French Go-
Honourable Friend has quoted from a Breslau paper, manner of conducting it calculated to excite irritation on the vernment. It was no instruction. I did not give the 01A-.NI,
as regards a letter written in Vienna, I can assure him part of foreign Governments. Now, the manner of conduct- nion of the Government of England. It was my own opinion S• .'
that, however curious the coincidence of that letter ing it consisted in the formation of dispatches or notes, and
may be, there is no truth whatever in the stories that I have stated that they were never sent, unless they had and, whether right or wrong, it was shared by numbers in f
jksihs`e.arl
tsafßh.nneacoesAse.
foundation
ulT)n hd eharateisot onrh eri
no theujgush
justice
i ce chargeagainst
ori
nw fact.-(Hear,
ceeth:
-ftohiiniNde
founded on
loehnel saaor
dr.
)di a
p(
aLTtobc (Lord
there was an attempt to establish fairer terms and obtained the previous sanction of the Noble Lord at the
more intimate relations with the Court of Austria, and head of the Government. The Noble Lord had com-
satfeorafthtehleetctuesreor
tbheetwNeoehnlethLeorNd,oghilveiLhoorrdeaaanodnin7,o;
that the affair was entirely founded on the correspondence I mented upon an incident which I am ready to admit ex-
have stated and on the motives I have laid before the House.
advising
loQw.nauaisvessaeianpgni
done
perfectly
ct appointly competent
successor
for the Noble
tha that wasord :01
-(Hear, hear.) In two days after the Cabinet met I read cited some degree of regret on my part-namely, the in _
terview which took place between me and a certain de-
ait
ichtnroheuia:ta
to them the correspondence-both official correspondence and putation from Finsbury and Islington on the subject
private correspondence-which had taken place between my of the efforts made by her Majesty's Government
that
anyit ,
treasonh raeta s owwnhati
aco,hmthheaa.
that
nlßdduitdo,ht
iheneccrhodonsi
vve
eetrro;
Noble Friend and myself, and I stated to them that I was, of to obtain the release of the Hungarian iefugees
ssarvmr
Li aatseeoesketi
trgprii
cationmhnegundni
mnwbnwphekhewwi members of
ti
that
cohdayf
done
whomtt
nhh Cabineteeemaaheneiem paey person.-(Hear.)
justiceappearato3nin.b_k:by saying
( alsoill t e
abetterrt. o) •
that h l
tvdoeo
ther donenemotcourse
odv iui
remove
r psctueoht naoe
fvn fe
theo 0-
course, responsible for what had passed; but if they disap- detained in the Turkish dominions. I was asked by letter
proved of my conduct, then of course I must quit office; and to receive a deputation, instructed to express the
righttheackfnovt-
r eta
in o fi then
theoccof Nobleuwarbhsi i
iceLontfo.
Irf do
wrlevati
sogi t
foreign
empr
eoionslyipsceteyre
instrument
nn
atesonmmtt ehhmeas
dbep
self,
:cot
proper
received
voh
esnedl
4,3:bi
hoo: a-e,
I left it to them to form their judgment. They decided, Goer of a certain meeting to me, as a member of
f
without any difference of opinion, that they thought I could nment and the organ of its foreign policy, for t e e-I
Go-
take no other course than that I had taken.-(Hear, hear.) forts made to obtain the liberation of these refugees.
I know not that I neer state anything further with regard
to this transaction, but I immediately proceeded to Windsor thought it was my duty, being thus applied to Byer respeoctahbeler
persons, to receive this deputation from a meing
.f
and advised her Majesty to make choice of a successor to Majesty's subjects. I certainly did not expect, not beiNngohsloe
my Noble Friend. Now, Sir, with whatever pain that much in the habit of receiving deputations as my a constant support and approval of the rest of the Government'
separation was made, I was convinced at the time - I am
convinced still- that, considering what was due toteh Friend probably is-I did not expect hots what . d news
in conversation with those persons was t ppe ar in antia; this country to pursue.- (Hear.) I always thought it was
honour of the Crown, and what was due to the character paper paragraph next day as an important declarationeaaon _ a the duty of the Government of this country to make the in;
of the country, I could take no other course. But let me say, part of her Majesty's Government. --( II
a arj h
the d(1
terests of England the polar star to guide our course-ann
because some part of my statement may have led to a sepa- laugh.) But there was nothinV which I aid
tod l t
hepu- `hat it was my duty to be-as the Noble Lord described me
rate impression, . that I em far from accusing ray Noble tenon which I have not stated in this House an e sewl ere, in 1850, neither the Minister of Austria, of Russia, nor of
Friend of any intentional disrespect f:, the Crown.-( Hear, and which has not been publicly known.-(Hear.). cer- Prussia, but the Minister of England.- (Cheers.) I hays
hear.) My belief is that having been long conversant with tainly regret that the meeting should haee mixed up with telt it my duty to maintain the interests of England, to af-
the affairs of the Foreign-office and with foreign affairs, and their acknowledgments to her Majesty's Government expres- lord protection to British subjects abroad in all parts of the
having great confidence in his own judgment and in his own sions with respect to foreign Sovereigns which it was en- world, to protect their commerce, their persons, and their
mode of carrying on the business of the Country, he forgot tirely unfitting that a person in my situation should have property.-(Hear, hear.) It is not to be expected that, in
what was due to the Crown, and what was due to his own presented to him.-(Hear.) If I had taken the precaution, pursuing that course, in giving that encouragement which
colleagues, without any intention of personal disrespect to which I certainly might, to see the address previously, I our own disposition and wishes stimulated us to give to the
the Crown. But it is impossible for me to make the present might have objected to such parts, and they might have progressive diffusion of constitutional government 111,
statement without also referring in some degree to the been expunged ; but, being taken by surprise, and the ad- other countries, it is not to be expected. I repeat,
state of affairs which now exists on the continent of Europe. press being read on the spot, all I could do was to repudiate that such a course could be pursued without meeting,. _
with opposition from persons and Governments which
-(Hear, hear.) I think it necessary to make this statement
because I have been necessarily led into an avowal those expressions, and to declare. that I had not any partici-
pation in them. Ido not think that what passed on that oc- entertained opposite opinions, or who have happened to be
of my opinions that we could not properly or fairly express casion was reasonably calculated to impair the friendly re-
Iwaromnghdaopeprys,tofraoamy,
awnhdommyarteadtreemssenmight
onbfiermdeeind
an opinion here favourable to the conduct of the President
of France on the 2d of December.- (Hear, hear.) I fattens between her Majesty's Government and any conti-
nental Power. I will now come to the particular trarsac- just fallen from the Noble Lord, that after having for a co.'s*
thought it was not our part to do what we heard the Lions to which my Noble Friend-(after a pause)-the Noble siderable time had the good fortune and honour to be the 111;
Russian and Austrian Ministers had done-to go at once Lord, has referred as the groundwork of my removal from etrument to guide the foreign relations of this country a
and congratulate the President on what he had done- office. The event which is commonly called the coup dYtat
question,
uiaffevesetr
ieloennfi the
oeet countrysveen political
th
(Hear, hear)-but then lam bound to say that the Presi- happened in Paris on the 2d of December. On the 3d the French with respect to every part of Europe, and that there is no
dent of France, having all the means of information he has Ambassador, with whom I was in the habit of almost dail)
not always that that could have been saiYcip..o-rtr(raCnhilce
had, no doubt has taken that course from a consideration of communication, called on me at my house to inform me of
yunitmr
icisiuneasnatdiosnatnaoytfeacnoof most friendly relations
the state of France, and that the course he has taken is what he had received, and to talk over the events of the pre-
hest fitted to insure the welfare of the country over which ceding day, and I' stated conversationally the opinion I en- periods when unfortunately differences have existed-but. at
he rules.-(Murmurs and laughter.) Let me state that tertained of the events which had 'taken place. That opt- all events that " firebrand," as I have been called that Inn
demanded. dh. a t Burhaii
,
over again-(Hear, bear),-that while I do not concur in nion was exactly the opinion expressed in the latter part of dividual who embroiled the relations of Er land with
.a,,,Li
the approbation of my Noble Friend, I have no reason to the dispatch which the Noble Lord-bas read,'and the French other countries, as it has also been said of me, after hall
doubt, and everything I have heard confirms that opinion, Ambassador, as lam informed, in a private letter commu- found the country involved in difficulties, has left 1)&6 °but
that in the opinion of the Presidentthe putting an end to the nicated the result of that conversation to his Minister. On no question of difference between this and other riationS,
constitution, the anticipating the election of 1852, and the that day, the 3d of December, her Majesty's Ambassador at with amity subsisting between this and all other collatr, iellhl
abolition of the Parliamentary constitution, were all tend- Paris wrote a dispatch to ask what instructions he should (Cheers.) For instance, there are our relations with Russ's' •th
tog to the happiness and essential to the welfare of France. receive for his guidance in France during the interval before time has been when we have had serious differences wi s,
(Cheers and laughter.) But I have certainly to state fur- the vote of the French on the question that was to be pro- that Power. But between England and Russia there 13'9"
ther, because I confess I have seen with very great regret posed to them, and whether in that interval he should infuse exists the most cordial understanding upon the very quer
the language which has bean used by a portion of the press in the relations with the French Government any greater lions on which formerly differences prevailed-name Yor
of this country-(Loud cheers from both aides of the House) degree of reserve than usual. I took the opinion of the with regard to Persia and Turkey. A short time lig.,
erg 'ee -(Cheers.)
haves.) creating!
beenltl
-with respect to the President of France. 1 remember some- Cabinet on that question, and a draught of that opinion was questions arose in which Prussia was concerned, which !I
thing as a boy, and I have read more, of that which occurred prepared and sent for her Majesty's approbation. The riously affected the peace of the north of Germany, and whit?:
during the Peace of Amiens to render that peace of short answer could only be one, in consistence with the course we we succeeded in arranging; and it was some satisfaction. to
duration, and to, involve these two great countries in the s
had pursued since the beginning of the events alluded to, her Majesty's Government that, b our conduct in seconding
most bloody hostilities that ever mangled the face of Europe. and was such as the Noble Lord had read. Her Majesty's the proper, and just pretensions of Denmark, we succeeded
I believe that ter ^te discucess- etia- sador wee 'sha

:(lear.) J m per ate discussion and negot-
tion between the two countries might have prevented the
calamity of war, but that the language of the press at that
time was such that it embittered all negotiation and pre-
vented the continuance of that peace.—(Loud cheers.) Sir,
I should deeply regret if the press of this country, at the pre-
sent time, were to take a similar course.—(Cheers.) We
have obtained one advantage over that time—that the First
Consul, great as were his abilities, was totally ignorant of
the manners-and constitution of this country. The present
President of France has this advantage over his uncle, that
he is perfectly aware how much liberty we enjoy, how much
license of discussion prevails, and that the most unmeasured
invective of the press does not imply any feeling of hostility
either on the part of the Government or on the part of the
nation. I am convinced of this, that there never was a time
in which it was more essential that these two countries should
preserve the relations of peace and amity. I am convinced
that there never. was a time when the peace of Europe would
contribute more to the course of civilization and happiness.
I am convinced, likewise, from every source of information I
have had, that the ruler of France, the present President of
France, is desirous of keeping on those terms of amity—
(Hear, hear)—and it shall not be any fault of ours—it shall
not be any fault of the Government of this country, if these
terms of peace and amity are not continued.—(Cheers.) I
have said this more especially because it certainly will be our
duty, as her Majesty has intimated in her speech, to propose
i some increase of our estimates. When the proper time
comes, and when the measures for that purpose are produced,
it wilt be shown to you—l trust to the satisfaction of the
House—that those measures are not for an increase to our
armaments, and that they propose no more precautions than
what every country, and even the United States, thinks it
necessary to take for national defence.—(Hear, hear.) It is
impossible not to see that in the'great changes which have
taken place in the world within these few years, among
other arts the art of war has been improved, and that it is
necessary when there is—as there always is—a possibility of
war, to be prepared for our defence. But really to see some
of the letters which have been published, and to hear some
of the language that has been used, it would seem that these
1 two great nations, so wealthy, so civilized, so enlightened,
were going to butcher one another, merely to see what would
be the effect of percussion shells and needle guns!—(Cheers
and laughter.) I trust those fears are only temporary—l
am convinced the solid and deliberate opinion of this coun-
try and of this House is for peace—(Loud cheers)—for the
continuance of the most permanent and solid peace, and I
own I think it the greatest blessing the nations of Europe
can enjoy.—(Hear, hear.) But there is something more
which, if I may be permitted, I shall point out to the atten-
tion of the House. Four years ago we were astonished with
accounts of insurrections in various capitals of Europe; day
after day we heard of revolts and outbreaks, and were made
acquainted with the intelligence of the establishment of the
most democratic constitutions. I heard opinions of some in
this House expressing their great joy at the establishment of
those constitutions; but I could not participate in their joy
or in their grief. I looked, I said, on those events with
mixed feelings. I was glad of whatever would promote the
prosperity of the nations of Europe, but I was by no means
havemns
confident those changes would have that result. W
seen four years go over, and
those countries that those democratic constitutionsbeen
put in
we have seen
been destroyed, and that absolute powers have
country of
their place. For instance, there is that little almostn have
rule of, a mild and enlightened governor.
and the Grand
Tus-
cany, where I lived for several months under the indulgent
Government overturned by a democracy, and
which seeks
Duke driven from his dominions by the partybave seen that demo-
craticwhat is called Italian unity; W e iinav ese n that
to power by a foreign force occupying
cfthe diminishing means
Government suppressed, .and dwtehe GhrisanednDieufkt
which has its subsistence provide by progress
e constitution which had
than before. In Austria, again, the eewrebsoarnedd
of the State, while the Italians hav
• to the people has been _ _n Hem°.
likewise,
been given
n end to the constitution which
madesiae nostrrnanogreled in its
put ahe influence of popular excite-
fbeirrethe,haaandhecanbusosleudtetn power restored. I
had been introduced under t
avails.
Now, Sir, is there no
ment, and absolute powert this?
Sot 1 lt
freedom itoe Does it not show, in the first
h-s?judge hastily or rashly of events
tries ? Does it not show, likewise,
occurring in foreign
moral to be drawn
ourselves, though it was thought we
place, that we should not
that, with respect to
frocnioun
had the same degree of liberty as some of those
not
have done wisely to adhere to our ancient insti-
tutions, that freedom of the press and liberty of
speech—quid velis exponere, quid sentias dicere—the essence
are here more fully enjoyed than where popular I
liberty prevails to the utmost?—(Hear, hear.) trust,
therefore, that we shall, with regard to our own country,
continue in the path of peaceable and safe reform rather than
by the hasty adoption of anything different from our insti-
tutions run the risk of losing the very liberty for which we
make the change. But as to foreign countries there is this
to be said, that while we do not interfere with their domestic
concerns—while we abstain from any intemperate judgment
on their internal affairs, yet there is one result which comes
home to us, and which imposes on us a duty from which
we cannot flinch. All these various Governments of
foreign States, as each gets uppermost, send their enemies
and opponents out of the country, and the consequence is
that we have many who are seeking refuge in England. . I:
giving them hospitality we are but pursuing the ancient
and known policy of this country; we are but doingthat
which was celebrated two centuries ago, when Waller said—
"
Whether this portion of the world were rent
By the rude ocean from the continent,
Or thus created, it was sure designed
To be the accred refuge of mankind."

Ambassador was instructed to make no change in his re'.
tions with the French Government, and to do nothing that
should wear the appearance of any interference in the inter-
nal affairs of France.—(Hear, hear.) There was no instruc-
tion to communicate that document to the French Govern-
ment ; it simply contained instructions, not, in fact, whatthe
English Ambassador was to do, but what he was to abstain
from doing. The Noble Lord, however (the Marquis of
Normanby), thought it right to communicate to the French
Minister for Foreign Affairs the substance of that document,
accompanying his communication with certain ex-
cuses for the delay, which however did not rest
with that Noble Marquis, as his dispatch to the
English Government was dated the 5d of December. The
French Minister stated that he had nothing to do with re-
spect to the delay, and the less, indeed, because two days
before he had received from the French Ambassador in Lon-
don a statement which the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) has
read, viz., that I had entirely approved of what had been
done, and thought the President of the French fully justi-
fied. That was a somewhat highly-coloured explanation of
the result of the long conversation we held together.
Those particular words I never used, and probably the
French Ambassador never would have conceived it con-
sistent with the dignity due to his country to ask the
approval of a Foreign Secretary of State. Consequently,
the approval was not given, and was not asked. When the
Marquis of Normanby's dispatch reached my Noble Friend
(Lord J. Russell), he wrote to say he trusted that I could
contradict that report. There was, as he has stated, an
interval between the receipt of the Noble Lord's letter and
my , answer. The Noble Lord's was dated the 14th, and
my answer the 16th. I was at the time labouring under
a heavy pressure of business, and, wishing fully to
explain the opinion I expressed, it was not until
the evening of the 16th that I was able to write my
answer. The Noble Lord got it early next morning, on the
17th. My answer was, that the words quoted by Lord Nor-
manby gave a high colouring to anything I could have said
in the conversation with the French Ambassador, but that
my opinion was, and that opinion, no doubt. I expressed,
that such was the antagonism arising from time to time be-
tween the French Assembly and the President, that their
long co-existence became impossible, and that it was my
opinion that if one or other were to prevail, it would be
France,
better for France, and, through the interests of_
sould
better for the interests of Europe, that the President
that
the
prevail than the Assembly, and my reason w
• was,
sion of the
Assembly had nothing to offer for the substit%
c.v.,
war
President but an alternative ending obviously
i i i
other hand, bad
or anarchy ; whereas the President, on thtebority,
and that
to offer unity of purpose and unity
of
aguive to France in-
if he were inclined to do so, he might
manent Government.
ternal tranquillity with good and p
uments in m
I will not trouble the House with all the arg y
contained. My Noble
letter, or with all the illustrations ith
had come to the re-
letter that e
Friend replied to that
would not be consistent with the
luctant conclusion that it
to allow the management of the
interests of the country
to remain any longer in my
foreign affairs of the country
estion bet -
ween us was not
hands. He said that the qu
whether the President was justified or not but whether I
was justified or not in having expressed any opinion on the
subject. To that I replied that there was in diplomatic in-
tercourse a well known and perfectly understood distinction
between conversations official, by which Governments were
boUnd, and which represented the opinions of Governments,
and those unofficial conversations by which Governments'
were not bound, and in which the speakers did not express
the opinion of Governments, but the opinions
they
might
themselves for the moment entertain.
I said that, in my
conversation with M. Walewski nothing •
Iliad passed which
could in the aligntest degree fetter the ac,ion of the Govern-
ment, and that if the doctrines of the Noble Lord were
established, and if the Foreign Secretary
were to be precluded
any opinion to
from expressing on passing eventsa Foreign
Minister, except in the capacity
of an organ of the Cabinet,
and after having previously consulted the Cabinet, there would
be an end that freedom of intercourse which tended so much to
good understanding and to the facility of public business.
To this my Noble Friend answered that my letter left him no
other course than to ask her Majesty ' to appoint a successor
is
to me. Now, it is my humble opinion that my doctrinetfsright, and that my Noble Friend is wrong; berncaAusfesi
f irs were
ob-
vious that if the Secretary of State forveFrosaret
Foreign
with foreign
never allowed in easy and familiar
ncou
foreign events, whether
Ministers to express an
opinion
on
of the Government, but
important or not, not as h
the organ
himself at the moment,
an opinion which he had
then such a restriction on the intercourse with foreign Minis-
ters
would be extremely injurious and prejudicial to the
public N
service.—( Hear, hear.)
opinion to which the Noble Lord has referred to the French
Ambassador on the 3d of December; but was I the only
thus -
of the Cabinet who did express an opinion on
Member
passing evenha (Hear, hear.) I am informed that on the
evening of that very day, and under the same roof as I ex-
pressed my
opinion, the Noble Lord at the head of the Go-
vernment,
in conversation with the same Ambassador, ex-
pressed
his oninion.—(llear, hear, and laughter.) I cannot
jell what that opinion was, but from what has just now fallen
from the Noble Lord this evening, it may be assumed
) that that opinion was not very different even from
the reported opinion which I.am supposed to have expressed.
--(Cheers.) Was that all? On the Friday, and in the
Noble Lord's own house, I have been informed that the
French Ambassador met the Noble Lord the President of the
' Council and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.—(Lould cries
of " Hear.") The Noble Lord again expressed an opinion
--(Hear, hear)—and the President of the Council and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer also expressed an opinion—
, (Cheer& and laughter) i and be it realeruhered, that the charge

in wiping out the recollections of former events which
embittered the relations of these two countries, and that
~.k
were enabled to establish between England and Dean'',
relations of the most friendly and confidential nature..,.
(Hear.) Sir, no one will be prepared to underrate ,
importance of this consideration, that whatever may ha
been the nature of the Government in France of late Yes_ed
the nations of France and Greet Britain have renlaurood
upon terms of the most complete friendship and go a
understanding.—(Hear, hear.) During all the changer
which took place in France during the year 1848, Nelwevof
was at the head of the Government, and whatever form.,
a
government was adopted by the French nation, we of
stained from all interference with the internal affairs ef
France. Our principle has been to treat the. uthorities...4
the moment as the Government of the French nation,,s:o,
with those authorities our relations have always been tr'the
of cordial amity.- (Hear, hear.) Then, with regard to
United States. The United States constitute a power se,
tween which and this country in former years the Inesu'rt
rious difficulties existed. But these countries are now no
Gls
a more cordial footing, and a better understanding Pre.,,oso
between them than has ever before prevailed between of
two great and kindred powers.—(Hear.) This is a tlities
things which, I must say, is very much owing to the ~ed
and conciliatory manners of our late Minister to thee Linan"iy,
States, Sir Henry Bulwer, and ver much also
oistinguished person who representvsitt
straightforward, frank, and conciliatoryfie cubnarittaoccdttesr
taotfesthsett
h the Spanish States
this Court.—(Cheers.) Sir, N
for injuries done to British
been that of demanding
redof dispute are now either settled
of America our normal condrietsison, I may almost say, heti
subjects. But these points
adjustment
and our relations with those
as they- ever have been, or as tact
are Hear, hear.) I now come to Braz
are likely to t.
t object
oSitaintesa atrrehindowdf as
geed
With Brazil we areenfothweco_-opera co-operating, with the great
slave trade. That object has bees
of the suppression
be
attained with such success that whereas in former years the
number of slaves imported into Brazil had heen 15,02;
6
and 17,000, the number of slaves brought during the
last year was less than 3,000, of which a certain nuulbet
were seized by the Government for the purposes of etnenc.ll;
pation.—(Hear, hear.) And, Sir, if the measures now
co-operation between England and Brazil, and the measurer
tematically followed our the people country
now loing taken upon the coast of Africa, are well and BY
st
short time have the satisfactionofoactcolaas accomplishing the the g will
eets
rel
has
the aim at which they
I do not think and noble object which for so rat a length of time
have gilnierkected their efforts.— gold
and cheers.)
desire the suppression of thetheslapveedp
they believe they will gain thereby in reputation And
renown, because it is not • 'and renown tu''
to gain reputation
'as bay.
these sacrifices have been made and those exertions
ction
been continued.—(Cheers.) They have desired the extio
of the slave traffi - • t better en ,t
t
c not for fame, bui for vir ue s
obi° and the people of this country, whenever that great _es
is accomplished, will look for their reward, not to the tontr.,B
people of
becauns:l
of men, but to the dispensing award of a just and.retrib
re
Providence.—(Cheers.) I now come to Spain. Our ,`„ve
tioes with Spain are now more cordial than they ever LZitt
been, notwithstanding our recent differences with sue
Power. With the States of Italy we have had que Lye
relative to losses sustained by individuals, but these lei
been settled in the most satisfactory manner. With Turner•
our relations have been perfectly amicable. Austria 15,14,e0
haps, the only power with which our relations have not ors.
quite so cordial as in come former periods of our b 1,1,1-
But with Austria, so far as outward appearances and 4"e;010.
matic relations are concerned, we are upon friendlY ',rest
With regard to Austria I must observe, however, tbsit,';,eets
differences of opinion and principle have existed be Dal
the English and Austrian Governments. Englandroots
supported the diffusion of constitutional goverrrtrory,
while the Austrian Government, on the
have preferred the despotic system. In x;"0-,ierti"
Sicily, and the north of Italy the two Nilo their
nsents were at variance in their opinions, and also jthe
views upon some difficult internal questions, and uPefogees
action of Turkey with regard to the treatment of the r_. cow
from the Hungarian territory. But these differenefraeote
stitute no reason why the British and Austrian Govern
atter °/1
should not co-operaie with each other upon any rn
which our opinions and our interests may agree: .40309
hear.) Why, Sir, England and Austria had (1.1,1a,7_ wit!!
with each other in the years 1834, 1835,
regard to the affairs of Portugal and Spain, but that whet:
1836, and. tao:' 'do riot
prevent our co-operating with Austria in 1840 or i"• ' our
we with °
we found that their objects and views were identical boo
own.—(Hear, hear.) And whatever irritation maY
been introduced, and whatever differences of policy m_f•itbere•
.-
existed, that irritation was sure to subside, and 1 10.0
fore justified in including Austria among the counAtriirr,,terilvt.:
whom we have satisfactory relations of friendship and ,broub,'
Sir, having conducted the affairs of this country "
ewL
.•utte
hoc
periods of considerable difficulty, it was my good lOr,",tb t,
ther,
be the instrument of peace, and to combine
of Eng,
o•
ce
not unsuccessful assertion of the interests„,ing to
(Hear, hear.) And I think I may say that in an""uotry
I have handed over the foreign relations of 91,.,e_c„%wd
un-
my successor with the honour and dignity of nuni3,..o(louP
ebeers'i ore
high among the nations of the world. (Loud
_nufactu
sullied, and leaving her character and reputatio
Mr. MUNTZ denied the assertion that the nr!a.,l3 be w_il
had entertained Kossuth with distinction beertfoseutb,.%
a republican. As one of the entertainers
,ioufr'ght to ra
could say for himself that he never gave a acig' or
question whether that individual was a lona expres'w
republican. His conetituenta and hiniselt D.,
their sympathy with Kossuth because they bell."- "