The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-28 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
NEW YORK, Nov. 11.

The complete returns of the Presidential and
local elections in the States have not yet been re.
ceived, but sufficient is known to make it absolutely
certain that Mr Lincoln has a popular majority of a
quarter of a million, or it may be half a million,
over General M'Clellan, and that his majority in
the Electoral College will be so large as to render it
unnecessary to count the votes of Tennessee, Loui-
siana, or Florida, or any other State where illegal
test oaths have been employed as a means of inti.
midation. In the State elections the Republicans
have been considerable gainers, and the next Con.
gress will contain a fully two-thirds of the mem-
leers of that party► Governor Seymour's re-election
in New York is asserted by his friends and denied
by his opponents, each party making up returns to
prove its point. And yet the returns prove nothing
but that they must be fraudulent on the one side
or the other. The contest all over the country has
been conducted with such good feeling, propriety,
and order, as to be in the highest degree honour-
able to the American people. That frauds have been
committed there is every reason to believe. Frauds
are difficult to detect or prevent under a system of
universal suffrage,:andlthere has never perhaps been
a Presidential or any other election in this country
in which they have not occurred. But the frauds
have usually borne so slight a proportion to the vast
volume of legitimate votes as to have been of no
more account than straws upon a strong current.
Unfair votes may have been cast for Mr Lincoln,
and undue means may have been employed on his
behalf in the army and in districts under military
control, but the results prove that he needed neither
to be successful, and that it was the firm determi•
nation of a decisive though not very large majority
of the Northern people to intrust him for a second
term with the destinies of the Republic.
Bat Mr Lincoln's reelection, especially if it be
accompanied, as there is reason to believe, by the
defeat of Governor Seymour of New York, is some-
thing more than a triumph of the Abolitionists, and
of that extreme section of the war party who will
offer no terms to the South until the last " rebel "
shall have laid down his arms and sued for mercy;
it is a triumph of the national as opposed to the
State rights party—a triumph of the principle of
centralization over the local diffusion of the govern.
ing power—a triumph, in short, of the monarchical
over the Republican system, which was the rule and
the practice in Federal America. Mr. Lincoln is
fully aware of the difference and the difficulty it in-
volves. Ia one of the best speeches he has ever
made, delivered last night to a party of serenaders
at Washington, who came to his windows accom-
panied by an immense crowd to congratulate him
on his reelection, he said—" It has long been a
grave question whether any Government not too
strong for the liberties of the people can be strong
enough to maintain its own existence in great
emergencies." Grave as the question was in his
first term, it must of necessity become graver in the
second. The "great emergencies" of the last four
years cannot but be followed by emergencies still
greater in the years that are to come. He has had
men without stint, money without measure, and the
burden of taxation has been scarcely felt, because
it was not thoroughly enforced, lest it should prove
so oppressive as to convert every taxpayer into a
foe on the day of his anticipated re-election. But
this era closed on Tuesday last. All his bygone
legions and all his expended treasures count for
nothing in the task that has yet to be done. If he
have had many men he must have many more or
fail in the work. If he have lavished in three years
the sums that peacefully might have sufficed for
three centuries, he must continue the outlay, or see
his cause defeated. He must have men by the half
million if the war is to continue six months; he must
have money by the thousand million if it is to last
for a year ; and the tax gatherer must squeeze the
uttermost dollar out of the pockets of the people if
a mountain of debt is not to be piled np larger than
100,000,000 of thriving and industrious people
could pay.

It is in the face of these difficulties that the Demo-
cratic party, signally defeated, but absolved by its
defeat from the conduct of a war which its most
eminent and patriotic members entirely disapprove
—wilt have to reorganise itself, or disappear from
the field of American politics. None can say that
its defeat was not well merited. It meant peace at
Chicago, but it cried war in order to pander to po.
pular passion, and catch the votes it was afraid to
lasikiLit,o4e itaxgal sentiments. Thus led from ,

between whom and that of the zival party there
was no difference on the main, but only on the col-
lateral issues—who agreed with the Republicans,
that the war was to be vigorously prosecuted, and
at all hazards, and disagreed with them only in
imagining that he and his friends could manage the
inevitable business much batter than the actual
President and the people who surrounded him.
Such side issues were scarcely worthy of a contest
in their support, and in the sober moment of their
defeat the Democrats may well confess that, as they
fought for no principle which they dared to avow,
they were rightly served by being left in the mino-
rity. Henceforward the only Democracy in Ame.
rica will be that which shall boldly and with-
out arriere pensee emblazon on its banners the
words "Peace," " State Rights," and " the
", Constitution." The Peace Democracy is the only
possibleDamocracy of the future. Democracy of the
ISl'Clellon fashion is bat a false pretence. A "War
Democrat" is as contradictory an epithet as that of
an infidel Christian or a triangular square. As a
party the " War Democracy" may be considered to
have been driven out of existence by Mr. Lincoln's
re-election, or to have merged into that of the Re-
publicans. But even if it be not dead of corruption of
the blood, it is dying of that malady, and when it
finally disappears from the political arena will
probably be succeeded by a son and heir of purer
principles, robed in the white garments of peace,
and crowned with the cap of liberty. The nucleus
of that party already exists, composed of some of
the ablest, most accomplished, and most respectable
men in America—of men who have hitherto been
hampered by their political affiliation with War
Democracy, but who, in the inevitable reconstruc-
tion of the various elements that may bo combined
in opposition to Mr Lincoln's Government, will
take the leading place that becomes their talent,
their principles, and their social and political influ.
ence. The names of some of these natural leaders
may be seen in the signatures to an eloquent ad.
dress, presented recently to Mr Gunther, the mayor
of this city, approving his conduct in refusing to
order any expenditure of publio money for an illu-
mination in honour of a Federal victory, The do-
cument was first published yesterday, and takes
higher ground in condemnation of the war, and of
the wicked enthusiasm of the unthinking multitude,
when it rejoices over victories purchased by the
blood of tens of thousands of men on either side,
than any political manifesto which has yet been
published. The subscribers to the document look
upon such rejoicing as a virtual admission that
reunion is impossible, and that the South is de facto
a foreign power. "No renown," they say, "can be
acquired in a civil war between the sections of a
Republic, if these sections are to be reunited. In
such an event oblivion must be the highest reward
of heroism. Neither can the civilian who during
the combat hounded on his neighbours to a vigo-
rous shedding of blood exult in the deed and claim
rewards from his country, or applause from his
countrymen. Happy will it be for him if he can
obliterate all memory of his doings.
The capture of the Florida by the \Vachusetts
in the port of Bahia, under the very guns of the
Brazilian fortress, and in defiance of all mari-
time and international law, is not received with
complete satisfaction by the Federal Government,
If the Alabama had been attacked by the Kearsage
in an Englieh or a French port, and not in fair fight
in the open sea beyond local jurisdiction, there can
be no doubt the French ov British Government,
whichever might have been aggrieved, would have
demanded instant apology and reparation for the
outrage, and little doubt that the Federal Govern-
ment, rather than run the risk of a war with either
of those powers, would have tardily and grudgingly
conceded the point. Two questions now arise—

first, whether Brazil will not as jealously guard her
honour in this instance as Great Britain or France
would have done in the supposed case of the Ala■
bama, and whether she will not insist upon the full
apology and redress which the circumstances de-
mand; and secondly, whether the Federal Govern-
ment will refuse to a comparatively weak Power
like Brazil the justice which it would have been
foolhardy to deny to England or France. It is ge-
nerally believed the Government will secretly ex.
press its great obligations to Captain Collins, of the
Wachusetts, for, the illegal act which has had
the effect of temporarily relieving the commerce of
the United States from the depredations of the
Florida ; that in due time he will be rewarded by
promotion ; and that a tedious diplomatic corresponw
deuce between Mr Seward and the Brazilian ambas-
sador and Government will shortly commence, with
a result similar to that which occurred in the affair
of the Trent, but to be postponed Qs long as possible,
or at least until the public shall have pretty well for-
gotten the circumstances and become:absorbed in the
blaze and dazzle of some new excitement. Mean•
while Capt. Collins is the popular favourite, though
doubtless like the popularity of the bad novel
spoken of by Sydney Sarah, ho will soon " blow
over." Captain Wilkes—who did the Government
a similar disservice three years ago—was but the
hero of a minute, and has long since passed both
out of sight and favour, leaving behind him no
record but that of an over zealous servant, who did
wrong with the very best intentions, If Capt. Col-
lins, whatever fuss may for a while be made of him,
escape a similar fate, he will have reason to congra-
tuldte himself on his unmerited good fortune,
The first effect of the re-election of Mr Lincoin
was to advance the premium on gold fully ten per
cent., a rise however which the financial agents of
the Government did their best to counteract by large
sales of the reserves at Mr Fessenden's command.
In this they were so far successful that they re.
duced the premium to the point at which it stood on
the day prior to the election-245, and at which,
with a tendency to advance, it stands this evening.
November 15.
In resigning his commission in the Federal army
on the morning of the Presidential election, Gen.
M'Clellan committed the usual mistake of men of
good intentions and, indecision of character. He
was too late. What he did then he ought to have
done as soon as he had made up his mind to accept
the Chicago nomination. Had he bravely done so,
and as bravely declared at the same time that he
accepted not only the nomination but the platform,
he would, as the results of last Tuesday's voting
abundantly proved, have been defeated in his aspic
rations for the Presidency, but he would not have
descended into private life, or fallen, like Lucifer,
never to rise again. On the contrary, he would
have become the leader of the Peace Democracy,
the only party that a continuation of the war, and
its inevitable concomitants of enormous debt and
taxation and an unpopular conscription, can
strengthen, and which sooner or later must assume
the government of the country, if there be a coun-
try left to govern, at the expiration of Mr Lin-
coln's second term. A little while ago the name of
M'Clellan was a tower of strength. Now it is but
the name of a man who for the third or fourth,
and, in all probability, the last time, threw away
a chance which he had not the genius or the
courage to turn to advantage, and manifested
to all the world, his friends as well as his foes,
that he is not cast in heroic mould, or made of the
stern and durable stuff that be fits a revolutionary
time and a leader of the people. Mr Lincoln, it
appears, hesitates to accept the resignation, and
would fain offer his unsuccessful opponent a post in
the Ministry or a new command in the field, if the
Republican party would waive its objections and a
hostile Senate confirm the appointment. Mr Lin-
coln, being a man, can afford to have a heart ; but
political parties, like other corporations, have no
heart, and are much too vindictive to be generous to
a defeated foe. They are, it is understood, bringing
their whole influence to bear on the President's
mind to induce him to accept the resignation, and
to be thankful that the General, by his own act,
should have spared the Government the unpleasant
duty of dismissal. it remains to be seen whether
the kindly impulses of Mr Lincoln's nature or the
factious promptings of his supporters will prevail.
In any event, generosity and magnanimity vould
be the better as well as the nobler policy, for even
if Mr Lincoln should wish to conciliate the Demo-
cratic party by honouring its candidate, it is by no
' means certain that Gen. M'Clellan could, under any
circumstances, be prevailed upon to withdraw his
resignation. If not, Mr Lincoln would enjoy the

tion of seeing it rejected,
The presence of Mr Seward in the Cabinet con-
tinues to be distasteful to the extreme Republicans,
as well as to that rowdy portion of the American
people who are of opinion that an insolent and
policy is the best, and who anti-
aggressive foreign
cicate, if he remains in office during the diplomatic
correspondence with Brazil which has grown out of
the seizure of the Florida in the port of Bahia. he
will apologise tothe Brazilian Government, and send
back the steamer to the anchorage from which she
was so unjustifiably removed. Mr Lincoln, however,
cannot afford to sacrifice Mr. Seward to the clamour
of any section of a party, without offering him
another position as agreeable to hitrself as that of
the State Department. For this reason it is now
rumoured that the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme
Court, in succession to Mr. Taney, is at his disposal.
But as Mr. Stanton—who is a better lawyer, and
far more likely than Mr. Seward to ba acceptable to
the legal profession—is willing to resign the War
Department for the higher seat in the judiciary, it
is considered most probable that Mr. Seward will
remain where is, and that either General Banks or
General Butler will take Mr. Stanton's place. The
Government by this arrangement would gain a par-
tisan judge and lcso an unpopular Minister.
The more clearly the facts of the seizure of the
Florida became known, the uglier they look for the
• rash captain whose excess of zeal has brought the
country into this dilemma, and for the consular
agent of the Federal Government, who aided and
abetted him in the wrong. The consul, a Mr.
Wilson, was forced to fly from Bahia to escape the
summary judgment of the indignant populace of
that city, and arrived on Saturday last at Fortress
Monroe, where he immediately started for Wash-
ington. If the details published by the Journal do
_Bahia, and reproduced yesterday morning in most
of the newspapers of this city, be correct, it is diffi-
cult to see how the Federal Government can stop
short of the immediate and ignominious dismissal i
both of the captain of the Wachusets and of Consul
Wilson, and the tender to Brazil of the most ample
apology and reparation which it is possible to make.
There are indications in the New York Times, sup.
posed to be in this and other respects the organ of
Mr. Seward, that the Federal Government is really
aware of the enormity of the insult offered to Brazil,
and fully disposed to render justice, in spite of any
popular clamour that may be raised in behalf of the
offending captain and consul. It is to be hoped that
these indications will not prove illusory, or difficul-
ties may arise that a muoh stronger Government than
that of Mr Lincoln might well be anxious to avoid.
Gen. Butler, having served his turn in New York,
takes his departure to-day for his old quarters at
Bermuda Hundred, to complete the Dutch Gap
Canal and co-operate with General Grant in another
attempt, probably the last for this year, to capture
Richuiond or Petersburg. Last night he received
what the Americans delight to call an "ovation,',
which took the double shape of a public reception
in the grand saloon of the Fifty AvenuceHeoitel,anlad
a private dinner, attended by the u creme de
creme" of the loyalty of this city. It is estimated
that about 1,000 persons assembled to hear the
speech that it was pre-arranged Gen. Butler should
make upon the Presidential election, the war, and
the politics of the day. At least one-half of them
were ladies in fall evening costume. An interval of
hand-shaking and introduction to hundreds who
desired to make the General's acquaintance having
elapsed, a Mr -Wadsworth stepped out of the crowd,
and made the little unimportant speech which was
to elicit the great and important reply of the hero,
or in this case it may be said the lion, of the
evening. The General did not disappoint expecta-
tion, and delivered an address which, though it
may not astonish the North, will certainly astonish,