The Sun.
London, England, 1852-01-06 00:00:00

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
ADVERTISER.—It is as we ex?ected. The
despotic Courts on the Continent cannot restrain,
within the limits of decency, their exultation at the
downfal of Lord Palmerston. They revel in delight
at the thought of his dismissal from offie. No one
can be surprised at this. The wonder would have
been if it had been otherwise. They have, indeed,
cause for joy, if it shall turn out that the Noble Lord's
exit from Downing-street is to be perpetual. But it
may be well to remind continental despots, that on the
point whether Lord Palmerston's exclusion from office
is to be for ever, or only for a time, there are at least
two opinions. The knowledge of this fact may go
some way to moderate the exultation of the abettors of
absolutism on the Continent. It would, too, be quite
as well for themselves, if in resigning themselves to
the impulses of an exceeding joy, they would instruct
their organs to assume the virtue of decorum, if they
have it not. The:Court of Vienna, for instance, need
not encourage or directly inspire its acknowledged
organ, the Lloyd, to speak of Lord Palmerston as a
man who " should have been born in Italy at the time
that Cw ;ar Borgia was in power," and as " a single
man whose demoniacal nature tore England
from its natural alliances." Bu let this
language pass. Before long th Austrian
Government will, perchance be compelled to
express itself in terms less insulting, and more nearly
allied to the truth. We beg to remind the continen-
tal despots that Lord Palmerston is not even politi-
cally dead. He but sleeps for a brief piriod. And
even that is only a seeming sleep. He is broad awake
at this moment. His eyes are on the various.move-
ments of the Russian and Austrian absClutists. Of
that they may be assured.: They will, some day or
other, find that it is so to their cost. England can-
na do without her Palmerston. The Liberalised por-
tion of the people of Europe cannot yet afford to dis-
pense with his services. He has done much for the
cause of Continental Liberalism—much more than
any other man alive. But he has not done all which
requires to be done. His mission is not yet fulfilled ;
his task is not yet completed. And the present
the execution
ghe Noble Lord,
olittlee w interregnum,ork
which in of adde
voofl
vde es l aoyhi nt
will only accelerate it progress. From his tem-
porary retirement, from his seeming political
sleep, the Noble Lord will rise up as a giant re-
freshed. He will re-appear with renewed vigour.
As yet we have not received intelligence from St.
LPeotredrsburgha the news of
tehveicmtioannnferroimn which
the Foreign-office
has been received. But we may very confidently
Palmerston'sst
conjecture is what way the intelligence will be re-
garded at the Court of the Czar. There will not
be a person in Burope, crowned or uncrowned, who
will hail the Noble Lord's dismissal with greater
exultation than Nicholas himself. The memorable
words of the despot who sits on his icy throne in the
north, will at once occur to every mind acquainted
with them :—" The repose of Europe," said the Celr
on a recent occasion, " will never be assured until that
revolutionary Palmerston is got rid of." " The
repose of Europe !" We all know what that means
in the vocabulary of St. Petersburg'', The repose of
Europe means, in those northern latitude; the sleep of
political death. It means the entire annihilation of
freedom, and the universal prevalence throughout
Europe of unmitigated despotism. It means that
sort of repose which the bullet and bayonet can
create, and which is to be preserved by the sabre and
the cannon's mouth. We have had some very fine,
specimens of this repose within the last few years,
and we are not without samples of it now. We have
only to look across the water and see this sort of
European repose, in the case of France, where the
press is muzzled, and the musket is regarded as the
best means of governing nations. And here let us
tell Louis Napoleon, by way of parenthesis, that if
this is the sort of repose which he means to give
to France, he will, to use a favourite expression of
our Transatlantic friends, "find out his mistake"
before long. We have been willing to give him a
fair trial ; we have asked others to do the same ; but
if the principles on which he is at present conduct-
ing the affairs of his government, be those on which
he means to conduct them permanently, he will
speedily wish that he had not exchanged his old oc-
cupations and favourite haunts in the Haymarket,
for the possession of supreme power in France. But
this is a matter to which we shall have ample oppor-
tunities of adverting hereafter. It is not with the
President of France, but with the Courts of St. Pe-
tersburgh and Vienna, that we have just now to do.
Possibly they may learn, before long, from bitter
experience, not only that they have been exces-
sive, but premature in their joy. Before hallooing
so lustily, it might be just as wise and
well for them to make sure that they are out of
the wood. It would only indicate the existence
of habits of forethought, where they to contemplate
the return of Lord Palmerston to power, as at least
a possible contingency. And of this, we presume,
they are just as much convinced as ourselves, that if
he does return to Downing-street, it will be to oc-
cupy a much higher place in the political world than
he ever did before. He will be brought back to
Downing-street on the joint invitation of his Sove-
reign and his fellow-subjects. And re-instated in this
way in Downing-street, be will become a greater
thorn in the sides of the despotic Courts of the Con-
tinent than ever. Everything seems to indicate the
speedy advent of Lord Palmerston to office as Prime
Minister of the country. The Whig Cabinet, with-
out him, is no better than a burlesque. It is a thing
of which the country is heartily asnamed. It would
not surprise us much, were some of our metropolitan
theatres to make it the subject of an afterpiece. It is
feebleness itself. To apply to it the term, "strong
Government" would be felt by all its members, from
the Premier downwards, to be the most bitter satire
which could be directed against it. Nor does it
admit of being strengthened. Any additions which
may be made to it would only have the effect, were
that possible, of rendering it feebler still. No man
who has the slightest respect for himself would
listen for a moment to any proposal which might be
made to him to identify his political fortunes with
those of the emasculated Whig Ministry. If any
person can at all be prevailed on to give in their ad-
hesion, as it is called, to the Russell Administration,
it can only be such ardent longers after office as the
Grahams and Cardwells, and others of the same poli-
tical party. But even were there no other objections
to these men, their semi-Popish predilections would
render it impossible that they should be tolerated in
this country. They have excluded themselves effec-
tually from office, so long as England remains a Pro-
testant power. They did their best, by an unholy
alliance with 'the Members for Rome in the House of
Commons, to defeat a measure which had for its
object at once to uphold the prerogatives of the
Crown, and to protect the interests of the Protestant
religion. If Sir James Graham, Mr. Cardwell,
and the other Parliamentary patrons of Popery,
accede to the solicitations of Lord John Russell to
join his rickety Cabinet, we should then have an
essentially Popish Government, for they could only,
after the course they pursued last session, agree to
join the Whig Cabinet on the express understanding,
that their semi-Romish principles should be embodied
in the policy of the Administration. Lord John
Russell would not, we believe, have any great objection
to this. Protestantism is, in his view, only as dust
in the balance, compared with h;
—•8 own continuance
in power. But fortunately the country will have its
Lord or L
way in the matter. Though John Russell
may
take these pro-Popish politicians into a Cabinet
partnership with him, he will not be able to preserve
the relationship. The Russell and Graham Ministerial
firm, even should it fairly commence business, will
not have a protracted existence. Four or five weeks
will be the utmost extent of its term of life.
Parliament, expressing the voice of the country,
would, before a fortnight had passed away, strike a
docquet against it, and cause its name to appear in
the Gazette, under the head of official bankrupts.
DAILY NEWS.—It is a long time since we
espied anything interesting in German politics, much
less anything partaking of the comic. The affairs of
Ultra-Rhine are in general of the solemn and lugu-
brious nature, and events as t hey occur are certainly
no laughing matter. By way of exception, however,
or perhaps by way of enliv enin g. a very despondent
country during Christmas, the diploroatists at Frank-
fort have got up a dispute which burlesque writers
Would turn to wonderful account. The poor Germans
are, however, no more allowed to laugh than to talk.
Wit is forbidden on both banks of the Rhine, and
to laugh at Schwarzenberg, twig MallteUffel, or to
smile at those convenient moustaches from between
which came Louis Napoleon's oaths, and comes his
constitution, would be visited forthwith by military
arrest, execution, or castigation. If the Germans
must not laugh, let us at least laugh for them.
Austria and Prussia are quarrelling, What think
you about? About German unity, or a customs
league, or the presidency of the Diet, or the pa-
tronage of the lesser states ? None of these things
occasion any strife. But Austria and Prussia are
quarrelling as to which of them shall have the
command of the German fleet! It will be said
that the German fleet does not exist, that its
vessels have been paid off and sold, its one only cap-
ture restored, its admiral sent about his business, and
the very cause for which it was raised betrayed and

forgotten. It matters not.
ectAhot
hcemuoespr
nft
betterlur
aminiandi ttsatsenoedpf
oao Prussia are
theot
rfpart of
charged
hGeae
noaevwhichrptit..angleigen
d:gn,
doubtrt
puhos doesestsshuimostpossession
s sasids affairsuonso nbeol
sortctroirooefi
aunbxuseti
dshdt
quarrelling which of them shall command that Ger-
man fleet which never existed but in embryo, and
let
tehveemn
openi n that
the s
pt ar
ut e
ps
alnf
Gazette, and they will find there an article, or articles,
og
tAohGufe
es
rtt
Die
i oiaase'
nest
hfunds," pleads the Prussian Gazette, " whilst now
those funds are to be disposed of by Austria, Bavaria,
and Saxony, powers which never gave one single
dollar ,to the purchase and support of the German
fleet !" This is certainly very insolent on the part
of Austria and of the Kings who do her bidding,
and very hard upon Prussia. But as no one in
all Germany pities Prussia, and as no one in that
country is of any other opinion than that Prussia
richly deserves the daily and hourly humiliation
she receives, it is quite idle to complain. Austria
and her allies have the majority of the Diet. And
Prussia, since it rejoined the Diet, has been in such
a contemptible minority, and been treated with
such marked contumely, that in truth the position
of a galley slave at 'Toulon is tolerable and honour-
able, compared with that of Prussia at Frankfort. In
every standing committee of the Diet, laments the
weeping Prussian Gazette, our representative is
either left out or left alone. Prussia, from being the
first, has been thrust down to the last, power in
Germany. One of these standing committees has for
its task to form a German Zollverein, to take Ba-
varia, Wurtemburg, Saxony, and Hanover from the
Prussian league, and form with them an Austrian one,
which Prussia would be compelled to enter. Yet
even this committee has been put together with the
usual partiality ; and Prussia is made no more ac-
count of even in the commercial re-organization of
Germany than if she were Mecklenburg. Strelitz or
Waldeck. We do not mention these facts in order
to excite any sympathy for Prussia. No wretched
poltroon ever more richly deserved the daily kicks
which are his appanage. And it is not unfitting
retribution that the money which the Hamburghers
and Stettiners, the dwellers on the Oder, the Weser,
and the Elbe subscribed for the German fleet, should
be spent by Austrian clerks and Bavarian profes-
sors. This is not a time for even a Mephistopheles
to enjoy the castigation and humiliation inflicted by
a descendant of Maria Theresa upon the representa-
tive of the great Frederick. The old cauldron of
French mischief has been once more set upon the fire.

Whatever efforts may be made to moderate its heat,
that it will boil over upon Europe in some shape or
other is too natural to expect. Even were the
French inclined to be quiet and to remain at home,
the situation and the feelings of the German countries
and population on and beyond the Rhine, were alone
sufficient to tempt the invader. It is not one but all
German Governments that are not merely disliked,
but abhorred. And could Louis Napoleon but put a
liberal mask over a proclamation to the Germans, he
would be received with open arms, aye, and elected
there too by universal suffrage, as the best instrument
of vengeance, and the most promising besom of de-
struction. With such sentiments in the people, such
contingencies in the future, the Austrian Court con-
tinues
to humiliate Prussia, and to keep the old jealousy
rankling wide. We have people amongst us repeating
the old cant of the Congress of Vienna, and insisting
on the necessity of the great Powers remaining united.
But how can there be union where there is oppression?
Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, hold their feet
on the neck of Prussia at this moment, and are abso-
lutely strangling her, to deprive her of her old lead in
the Zollverein. Who can consider Prussia a sincere
ally of the present state of things in Germany ?
Who is there but must see that the first prince or man
of spirit in Prussia who gets the opportunity of a
French alliance, or any alliance, will rush eagerly to
retribution and vengeance, and to the necessity of re-
placing his country in that honour, greatness, and
respect, which the Great Frederick won for it. What
King of Prussia would care for territories on the left
bank of the Rhine, if he could secure Hanover and
Saxony in lieu of them ? And Hanover and Saxony
—by allowing themselves to be the instruments of
Austrian vengeance and spite against Prussia, have
certainly earned and may expect from Prussia in re-
turn that she should take advantage of the first good
opportunity to annihilate them.

THE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE MASTER
ENGINEERS AND THE AMALGAMATED
SOCIETY.
Nothing transpired yesterday calculated to awaken
the hope that a friendly termination of the questions
at issue between the operative mechanics of the
Amalgamated Society and their employers can be
hastily looked for. On the one hand, the masters ad-
here to their resolution to close their factories on the
10th ; and, as far as we can perceive, everything on
their part is tending to that end. At the same time,
the men with equal pertinacity cling to their deter-
mination with regard to piecework and overtime.
Both are preparing to meet the disastrous conse-
quences which may be in store for them, should no
amicable settlement be arrived at.
In a dispute of this nature, where the movement on
either side has been characterized by so much mode-
ration of tone and language, and where so little
matter of a personal or a bitter sort has been dragged
into the discussion, and where, too, a friendly adjust-
ment would be so very desirable, it is a great pity
that neither party will so far make a concession as to
communicate officially to the other that they are
ready to receive overtures of a pacific character, with
a view to the satisfactory termination of the dispute.
The men have already made overtures at their pub-
lic meetings, but as they have not been brought spe-
cially before the masters, they refuse to recognise
them.
Last night a crowded meeting of the men was held
at their central club in Stepney.
An ENGINEE3, having been called to the chair,
briefly stated that they had met for the purpose of
ascertaining the position of affairs in the different
localities of London, so far as they had yet come to
their knowledge; he would call therefore upon their
zealous and indefatigable friend Newion to give them
a sketch of the present aspect of matters.—(Hear.)
Mr. NEWTON, who was warmly cheered, proceeded
to detail the progress of the movement, many particu-
lars of which have already been detailed in these co-
lumns. He stated that on Sunday afternoon there
had been a meeting of the executive council, at which
many excellent and practical suggestions had been
thrown out, and he was happy to inform them that,
after much anxious consideration, the council, feeling
the necessity of not trenching upon the funds of the
society, had devised means whereby employment
would be secured to them.-e-(Cheers.) On Saturday
night he had attended a meeting at Greenwich, which
had been called in consequence of Mr. Penn, the
great employer there, having stated that the exe-
cutive committee of the Employer's Association were
desirous to receive a deputation from the executive o f
the Amalgamated Society. He was happy to tell
them that at that meeting Mr. Penn was eulogized as
one of the most liberal of their employers—(Hear)—
and it was out of deference to him, and out of the
respect which they entertained for him, that the men
had taken the earliest opportunity of calling a meet-
ing, in order to consider how far they could go in
adopting the suggestions which that gentleman had
made to them. The feeling of the meeting was una-
nimous that if the employers wished to receive a de-
putation a deputation should attend them, but that
the men should not take the iniative.—(Cheers.)
At that meeting there also had occurred what he an-
cipated would be general. A number of persons who
were not connected with the Amalgamated Society
and who had continued to work overtime, attended
society, co-operate in the movement—if their
and inquired if they could not, as non-members
eanto.f
attnhh dee
as-
sistance should be acceted th would thence-
forward
str:n igatushi
theten
hqouuirt s their
This
labour
propositiona t theon termination
theirpart
readily acceded to ; and the fact we?' works on
determination of the masters to close the.aet
were Maudglav
theired tb
thea nd non-society
n 0 uthm ,
baen
numbers.—(Cheers.)
ton
,(t
Chmrhuoeswetr
sog.u)rteuatHlliykee
addbwoat
was not
to society
oc ti
loyere who had
state that, among the London e Pt
0 b or who had
given personal notices to their
Wier and ict • -
and Field, Rennie, Penn,
received `information of
give them any very detailed infornimation, but he might
posted the notice to close on theeye,
ten and Amos, Seaward
11,
Swayne and Bovi,
Robinsonßlyth, a masters. Messrs.
not yet posted a notice,
but no doubt'
would do so that day. From
Bellhonse, and
Manchester he had
but he believed they
oniy
say that every report they received
three firnmds
Wren. He
Those three were Messrs.
there were others.
andahga ovßiondugsms epalolnEtheadOasdf
t thee
notice,small
l
Curtis and Madeley,
encouraging nature, and that there
was every probability of the resolution which the
speedily carried into
come to relative to self-employment
effect.—(Loud cheers.)
Advertisements bad been prepared for insertion in
the newspapers, and efficient measures had been
being
taken to enable them to execute a large amount of
behalf in the weekly press, he regretted that the
wwcwoaaousarnkcho.ifal pthphyaed 1 moat
In the midst of the many kind articles on
abtch, an organ so largely supported by the
classes, had taken a different view. It was
their.working
sr pk
Dg