The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-04 00:00:00

THE ADDRESS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR having read her Ma•
esty's most gracious Speech from the Throne, as fol
OW6 :-

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
The period has arrived when, according to
usage, I can again avail myself of your advice
and assistance in the preparation and adoption of
measures which the welfare of the country may
require.

I continue to maintain the most friendly relations
with Foreign Powers.
The complicated affairs of the Duchies of Hol-
stein and Slesvig have continued to engage my
attention. I have every reason to expect that the
treaty between Germany and Denmark, which was
concluded at Berlin in the year before last,
will, in a short time, be fully and completely exe-
cuted.

I regret that the war which unfortunately
broke out on the eastern frontier of the Cape
of Good Hope, more than a year ago,
still continues. Papers will be laid before
you containing full information as to 'the
progress of the war, and the measures which have
been taken for bringing it to a termination.
While I have observed with sincere satisfaction
the tranquillity which has prevailed throughout the
greater portion of Ireland, it is with much regret
that I have to inform you, that certain parts of the
counties of Armagh, Monaghan, and Louth,
have been marked by the commission
of outrages of the most serious descrip-
tion. The powers of the existing law have
been promptly exerted for the detection of the
offenders, and for the repression of a system of crime
and violence fatal to the best interests of the
country. My attention will continue to be directed
to this important object
GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE. OF COMMONS,
I have ordered estimates of the expenses of the
current year to be laid before you.
I rely with confidence on your loyalty and zeal
to make adequate provision for the public service.
Where any increase has been made in the esti-
mates of the present over the past year, such expla-
nations will be given, as will, I trust, satisfy you that
such increase is consistent with a steady adherence
to a pacific policy, and with the dictates of a wise
economy.

MY Loans AND GENTLEMEN,
The improvement of the Administration of
Justice in its various departments, has continued to
receive my anxious attention, and in furtherance of
that object, I have directed Bills to be prepared,
founded upon the reports made to me by the respec-
tive Commissioners appointed to inquire into the
practice and proceedings of the superior Courts of
Law and Equity.
As nothing tends more to the peace, prosperity
and contentment of a country than the speedy and
impartial administration of justice, I earnestly re-
commend these measures to your deliberate attention.

The Act of 1848, for suspending the operation
of a previous Act conferring representative institu-
tions on New Zealand, will expire early in the next
year. I am happy to believe that there is no neces-
sity fur its renewal, and that no obstacle any longer
exists to the enjoyment of representative insti•
tutions by New Zealand. The fore of these
institutions will, however, require your con-
sideration, and the additional information which has
been obtained since the passing of the Acts in
question, will, I trust, enable you to arrive at a de-
cision beneficial to that important Colony.
It gives me great satisfaction to be able to
state to you that the large reductions of taxes which
have taken place of late years, have not been attended
with a proportionate diminution of the national
been
fully The Revenue of the past year has
fully adequate to the demands of the public service,
while the reduction of taxation has tended greatly
to the relief and comfort of my subjects.
I acknowledge with thankfulness t 0 Almighty
God, that tranquillity, good order, and willing obe-
dience to the laws continue to prevail generally
throughout the country.
It appears to me that this is a fitting time for
calmly considering whether it maynot be advisable
to make such amendments in the Act of the late reign
relating to the representation of the Commons in
Parliament, as may be deemed calculated to carry
into more complete effect the principles Upon
which
that law is founded.
I have the fullest
confidence t
to the h that in any such
consideration you will firmlyadhere
acknow-
ledged principles of the Constitution, by
prerogatives
of the Crown, the authority of both
' Houses of Parliament, and the rights
and liberties of
the people, are equally secured.
The Earl of ALBEMARLE rose to move the adop-
tion of the Address in reply to the Speech. The Noble
Earl said it was with much anxiety
that ho called upon
their Lordships for this expressio
feeling—an anxiety which notno f their Lordships'
arise from his having
now to address their Lordships for the first time, but an
anxiety which resulted from the importance
which ho had to perform. her Majesty told
a of th
them theat task
she
continued upon amicable terms with every
foreign p
Ower,
and when he looked at the events which had recently oc-
curred
upon the continent he was convinced their Lord-
ships would rejoice at receiving this assurance. The
revolutions which of late years had taken place in Eu-
rope must make them proud of the institutions which
this country enjoyed, because those institutions
had averted horrors which bad visited almost every
nation on the other side of the Channel. Still there
were some of their institutions which needed much mo-
dification, and ho was rejoiced to find from the Speech
from the Throne that reforms—useful and wholesome
reforms were anticipated by the G ovrnment.
(Hear, hear.) It had been said that there were
some countries on the other side of the
Channel which were the natural enemies of
England. He denied this, thero coild be no such thing
as a natural enemy; the Almighty had intended that
men, no matter what nation they belonged to, should re-
main at peace with each other; and if he wanted any
proof that it was possible for men to do so, he would 1
point to the results of the Great Exhibition held in the
metropolis last year. These results must have satisfied
their Lordships that France was the brother and not the
enemy of this country, and in passing this part of her
Majesty's Speech, he would express a hope that
the country would ever continua at peace with

its European neighbours.—(Cries of " Hoar, hear.')
He deplored the events alluded to in the Speech, and
which had recently occurred in Ireland; but he approved
highly of that part of her letejesty's Speech
which recommended an increase of the estimates
not that be anticipated that any foreign power
could ever successfully invade the island, but
because it was necessary for the sake of self-pre-
servation that there should be an increase in the internal
orces of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He rejoiced to
find that the subject of law reform was again referred to
in the Speech from the Throne, and he hoped the pro-
posed reform, when it came before them, would
prove of an effective character. The day had gone by
when it could be tolerated that a man, while seeking
justice in our legal tribunals, should be banded about
from court to court. He congratulated their Lordships
upon the fact that her Majesty was ready and willing
to concede representative institutions to several of the
colonies; while the statement that this country had
flourished under a liberal policy afforded him equal sa-
tisfaction.—(Hear.) In 1848 the exportations of this
country to the European markets fell off very consider-
ably, but in that year there were great social disorders
upon the continent, and if he wanted any proof that the
interest of this country rested upon the world being at
peace, that fact alone was sufficient for him.—(hear,
hear.) In 1849, when the continent had began
to return to a comparative state of tran-
quillity, trade improved, and relief to the poor
diminished, and that increase and that diminution
continued throughout 1850. Now what better evidence)
of the wisdom of the policy which this country had pur-
sued of late years could they have than that? Since the
duties had been reduced the consumption of tea, sugar,
and other articles of domestic use had greatly increased
and he was prepared to prove this by returns which ho
held in his hand, and which would show that the consump-
tion of sugar had increased 47 per cent. of late years,
while the revenue from that and similar articles, such as tea
and malt, had been augmented in a somewhat equal pro-
portion. It was clear, therefore, that a liberal policy
trot only increased the somforts of the people, but added
greatly to the means of the country, which was certainly
a very gratifying circumstance to him, and must be also
gratifying to their Lordships.—(Hear, hear.) Apolo-
gising to the House for having detained them so long,
he concluded by simply moving the adoption of the
Address, which he read, and which was a mere echo of
the Speech.
Lord LEIGH had very great pleasure in seconding
the Address, and concurred in much of that which had
fallen from his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) Ho was
satisfied that in expressing his entire concurrence in the
sentiments which the Speech from the Throne con-
tained, he vas only expressing the feelings of the
House; and as his Noble Friend had fully gone into de-
tail on the questions which the Speech adverted to,
he did not feel it necessary to trouble their Lord-
ships with a lengthened speech.—(Hear, hear.)
The comforts of the people were increasing, the revenue
was increasing, and every class, not excepting the agri-
cultural class, was iu a state of comparitive prosperity.
—(Hear.) How gratifying must it be to their Lordships
to know that. True, one part of her Majesty's kingdom
had been disturbed with outrages of a shocking charac-
ter, but,he. hoped, ere long, even that part of the country
would be restored to prosperity and peace.—(Hear,
hear.) Having rapidly gone over the topics in the
Speech, it remained for him firstly to second the Ad-
dress, and secondly to thank their Lordships for the at-
tention they had paid him.—(Hear, hear.)
The motion having been put,
The Earl of DERBY said he did not think it neces-
sary to move any amendment to the Address; but ne-
vertheless it must not be supposed that he con-
curred in the manner in which the important
topics contained in the Speech were dealt
with.—(Hear.) The arrangement of them was not only
bad, but they were not properly dealt with. For in-
stance, the Speech passed from the expression of thanks
that the country remained at pettee evith its allies to the
affairs of the Cape, and altogether the order and arrange-
ment of the Speech was most unsatisfactory.—(Hear.)
Last year her Majesty's Speech expressed regret at the
fact that a large and important body of her subjects,
namely, the agricultural class, were in a state of deep
distress, but the present Speech said nothing whatever
upon that point. The Noble Baron, however, who se-
conded the Address thought it a subject for congratulation
that this previous distress had been removed, but ho for
one, and many of his Noble Friends, were at a loss to
perceive where the improvement referred to was to be
found.—(Hear, hear.) True, the price of bar-
ley and oats had of late increased to some
trifling extent, but the price of wheat remained the same
now that it was when it was admitted that the agricul-
tural interest was in the deepest distress. They were told
then that the reduced price was the result of tho
transition state in which the law placed the farmer; but
they had got far beyond that transition state, and still
the price remained depressed.—(Hear, hear.) For
his part, his opinion upon this subject re-
mained unchanged. He was still of opinion
that the total and unconditional repeal of the corn-laws
would have the effect of making this country dependent
for its supply of wheat upon foreign nations, and be need
not remind their Lordships that such a state of depen-
dence was highly dangerous to the peace of the
land.—(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, was still
of opinion that both for the purposes of revenue and for
the purposes of everting the danger to which ho had
just referred, it was necessary to have some duty
imposed upon tho importation of foreign corn.—
(Hear, hear.) Their Lordships would remember that the
test session of Parliament was taken up with a discus-
sion upon a measure for resisting the Papal aggression,
and their Lordships would i (pally remember that Par-
liament established a law upon the subject.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, he should be glad to know what had
been done to enforce that law.---(Hear, hoar.)
It was either totally inoperative, or it had been openly
e
and ostentatiously
this
m broken.att
er.
—Hole
edaerm. ahnedaerd,
andsom e c
xePris .a 3
dation about
He rejoiced to see theNsohboleuldElairkle(tGorkeyn)owtaikf ihnegcoa
unlodtegeotf
becausethatup haquthesattiouan,eeeh
, te he
and on the part of himself and his cal_
leagues state that effect of that Act had been to remove
pt
looi
cfpi
tlfyect.rehf
eetchtes ProtestantuGovernment
;a institutionsd t
aie_
He should hope to hear
ethfetihriaapeopurenhterynsiioanas,
satna.cit e
were satis-
fiedfl ra from wt
with their legislation,
estate
that
and proposed to take no
hat they were quite satisfied with
ohueldicbeheleobEeaytel
further step—that
the achievement which they had accomplished, or
that they were prepared to take further steps to carry out
.
d of national Importance. that which they considers
... He
to that part ot her Majesty s speech which
would now pass on
with foreign' powers
referred to our relations and he should
to state his •
not hesitate hesitate franklyh opinion and to speak
und by no t.
his sentiments, being
.ties of official respon-
sibility; he was quite aware that a frank expres-
sion and n and that of a
of his opinion, great body of his
I not injuriously
countryinee,
,couGovernnient arm affect the public peace.
Her Majesty s announced that her Majesty
continued to maintain the . most friendly relations with fo-
• powers. eps it would have been
reign .
f her Majesty had a more correct
expression .
relations said that she Continued to
maintain as friendly with foreign powers had
existed when she last addressed their Lordship;,' House.as
He
(the Earl of Derby) was unwilling to refer
mere personal natur
was
out the country to a question of a
felt some anxiety to
know, if our relations with foreign
tered, for what reason her a powers_ were quite unal-
jesty's Government had
thought it necessary to part with
members of the Cabinet.—( He hear.)one of the most efficien
art, He had frequently
had occasion to find fault with
the late Secretary fort ie policy of the Noble Lord
Foreign Affairs, and had the Noble
Lord been still in office
had
have had cause to find
to some transactions whichas
haaddoccasion to do with referencere
taken place last session. There
was no doubt that the Noble Viscount acquaintedhe
with the business of his office atuw was suite
the hest
character and talents, and therefore there atilieerresomnust have been
some very serious cause to induce her Majesty's Govern-
ment to dispense with the services of one
of its most dis-
tinguished members.---(Hear.) The other House of Par-
liament must and would be satisfied upon the subject. He
would now pass on to consider the real state of our relations
with foreign powers. Her Majesty stated that the treaty
with reference to the Duchies of Holstein and Schleswig,
which had been concluded the year before last, would, in
a short time, be fully and completely executed. He re-
joiced at the removal of the cause of complaint, because
he was aware how dangerous it was to the interest of
liberal parties for any dissension to exist between any
two countries, and also because such a dissension might
kindle a flame of war. He was bound by no ties of office
which made it necessary for him to abstain from speaking
his opinion upon our foreign relations. He entirely agreed
with the Noble Earl who had moved the Address, that the
internal administration and government of eaeh country
was a matter for the consideration of that country alone ; it
was a matter:that affected that country only, and vrhst.ver
foreign countries might think or feel, that particular coun-
try had a right to act as it thought fit. For the last 60
years the Government of France had consisted of a succes-
sion of usurpations, but we had, on no occasion, thoughtq
right to protest against the system, which com'r Ace.lB
with a monarchy, and went on until the Republic of .
and we were bound to respect that form of
g°v n menoat
which France was pleased to call the Republic of 182.
that
of
will occasions, the :form of government bad beeli
the people, and we were bound to respect the President and
to abstain. We were, however, bound to consider whether
one form of government which a neighbouring country
•tiuence over
might adopt might exercise a good or an evil
our international relations with that
"e
ntry. Beyond thatwith any shade
question we had nothing whatever to do
might selector form of government which a foreign countryse republic.
c. It was
from are absolute despotism down toinar p
France, or to not for us to criticise the steps takenaf her form of can-
vass
the policy or morality
fi
ia_
It was not for us to government,
say
or if it was likely to be
beenge teate.of government • which had
anything against an state
people, almost
been acquiesced in by
ofhe
Derby) Derby) would express hisunani-
firm
mously. He (the Earlthe 3
riuce President was disposed to
belief that, personally,
entertain friendly relation s w'tl
us, and to adopt a concilia-
tory policy towards as.—(Hear.) The press affected to in-
fluence the public mind with regard to the state of affairs,
and it should take care that when it did so to remember that
it was not free kern corresponding responsibilities.— (Cheers.)
on the press to maintain
It was incumbent a tone of modera-
tions
and reserve in expressing an opinion regarding our re-
lations
with France. This was required of every man who
pretended to have the welfare of his country at heart, and
was expected from every man who did not seek to inflict
upon his country a most serious injury. It was an act of
folly and madness, at one and the same time, to believe in
the hostile intentions on the part of France, and, at
the same time, to parade the supposed inability of
this country to resist aggression, and to magnify the
resources of our supposed assailants, and to point out how
easily this country might be subjugated, and then in the
very same breath to assail with every term of attack and
vituperation the public character of the man who wields the
power which 'was deemed irresistible,—so as to tempt
hith to wield it for the subjugation of the power
which was Oiled the weakeet.—(Leud cheers.)

He hoped that the unfavourable impression made upon the
public mind in France by the unqualified censures of our
press might be removed by a frank expression made in that
and the other House of Parliament, that the people of this
country wished to maintain friendly relations with the
French people. But whilst building, as he did, upon the
pacific policy of the Prince President, and certain as he was
that the preservation of peace was not more important to
Trance than to England ; certain as he was that all England
would declaim against the man who should be so unjust as
violate the peace, conscious as he • was that such viola-
tion of the peace would ultimately recoil oa the party
who broke it; yet he could not conceal from himself
that the state of France was so unsettled, that
the ruler might not be able on all occasions to direct.
We, were bound to take care of ourselves, looking at the pos-
sibility of an attack being made upon us. It might be that
the Government of France might not wish to attack, but that
Government might be borne by irresistible clamour ; and Go-
vernment was bound to see that provision was made for the
defence of the country, so as to render an invasion not only
improbable but absolutely impossible from the prepared state
that we should be in. With a view to the preservation of
peace, with a view to resist any aggressive intentions, her
Maj-sty's Government ught, for the purpose of natural pro-
tection, to guard itself against the risk of an invasion and the
horrors attending it. It Government felt that the army ought
to be extended, he (the Earl of Derby) and those who acted
with him, although they might on other questions differ from
the Government, would, vi hen it asked that which might be
required for the safety and well. being of the country. readily
accord it, and nothing would make them flinch from sharing
the responsibility of the act. We might learn from the history
of France and other countries the injury that resulted
when you destroyed the influence of the territorial posses-
sors of land. He did not use the expression with regard to
the Members of their Lordships' House, because they were
possessors of land, but he spoke of the country gentlemen of
England. They possessed the prestige of an ancient name
and an hereditary descent, and exercised a considerable Con-
servative influence; not Conservative in a party sense, but
Conservative in preserving the great institutions of the
country., If we weakened or destroyed that body we took
away power from a class intimately connected with the
well-beng of England, and we might produce the violent
result of oscillatzeg between a state of extreme liberty and
despotism, and destroy the possibility of the existence of a
limited and constitutional power. By destroying this class
we were taking away the only security that existed for
preserving the well-regulated liberties of the subject. In
America, whet e republican institutions existed, the " abso-
lute " majority exercised a greater tyranny than was ever
exercised under despotic rule in a monarchical country. He
would now pass to another topic adverted to in the Royal
Speech—the Kaffir war. It was a matter of serious regret,
and to be made a matter of serious inquiry, why we had been
so long carrying on this war, and that it had not been brought
to an end, and that it had made no pcogreas. This war had
been carried on for a period cf two years.
Earl GREY said it had only been carried on for thirteen
months.
The Earl of DERBY resumed. For thirteen months the
war had been earned on, and no one suggested why we had
not carried it on with success; but a set of mere savages had
been able to carry on the war successfully against all the
forte that the Government were either able or willing to
spare to send out against them. It: was a matter that re-
quired serious consideratii.n. Ike Noble Earl, the Secretary
of State for the Colonies, had on former eccasions referred to
the difficulties under which woe had leboured, but he must
say that he thought these difficulties had been aggravated
by the impolitic assumption of a nominal sovereignty over a
country where it was impossible to exercise a fixed and
permanent authority, which ought to be inseparable from
sovereignty. Perhaps the Noble Earl, the Secretary for the
Colonies, would tell their Lordships what progress the
war had made. The only progress that he (the Earl of
Derby) knew that it had made was, that he had recently
thought tit to supersede the Governor of the Cape of Good
Hope. That was a stigma upon the military character of Sir
Harry Smith, and it remained to lie seen whether that
stigma was thrown upon him by the Noble Earl or by the
Commander-in-Chief of the Forces. Her Majesty in her
Speech alluded to the tranquillity which prevailed through-
out
the greater portion of her dominions. With respect to
Ireland, hundreds and thousands of acres were lying uncul-
tivated, and it was not very extraordinary that tranquillity
should prevail. The ravages of disease had removed many.
and emigration had done a great deal, and relief had been
afforded to the exuberant population—a signal proof of its
prosperity. In Ireland the tide of emigraiion had flowed in
so strong a stream that the emigration had been called the
Exodus of the Irish. It was a singular proof of the pros-
perity of Ireland, because emigration and death had pro-
duced an absence of violence in the south of Ireland. But
with respeei to the north of Ireland, it was impossible to
look without feelings of the deepest anxiety. The outrage
and violation of the law was such that he hoped Govern-
ment would take steps not only to prosecute the instruments
of these aseociations, but were taking steps to get at the
icatigators, provokers, and concoctors of the associations.
The Government said that they had exercised the powers
which the law had given them, but within the last 24 hours
notice had been received of the failure of the first prosecution
which the Government had commenced at the special ses-
sions at Monaghan, thereby giving an absolute encourage-
ment to the increase of more atrocities and outrages, thus
making it evident that the process of the law was not the
means of upholding, but of destroying it. Thus ha] the
object of the Government failed ; and they should not have
had a special commission, unless Government were satisfied
that the evidence was such as would not hazard a failure of
justice. Justice has been defrauded, and the effect of this
immunity had been seen, even while the Commission was
sitting, because two persons had been arrested a short distance
from the Commission, lying in wait to commit another of
those atrocious attempts upon life which had already been
made; and it would appear that they had been commanded
to do it. Her Majesty had said the Government had taken
upon %themselves to exercise the powers of the law ; but if
they found the powers of the law were not sufficient, they
should not have hesitated to apply for extraordinary
powers. With regard to that part of the Speech which
referred to the administration of justice, there was
no doubt that it was of the greatest importance
to secure the impartial administration of justice in
the courts of this country. He would only say that he
hoped due attention would be given by Government to this
subject with regard to any Bill they might bring in upon
the matter. He hoped the alteration would not be any
patching up, but he ho ed that the measure would be a total
reorganisation of the courts. He hoped the measure would
be entrusted to that member of e Cabinet who presided over
a court ; and looking at the various subjects to be brought
under the notice of the other House, this etas a measure that
should be brought at an early period before their Lerdighipe'
House, and not first before the other House of Parliament.
He expressed his satisfaction that the time had arrived when
New Zealand was to have a representative system. In
1847, the Noble Earl had sent forth a constitution for New
Zealand which, as the people who were to live under it
protested against it, was in 1848 suspended; the suspending
order having been removed, it would be supposed that the
constitution of 1847 would now come in force, but their
Lordships would have to consider a new constitution, as the
constitution which had been framed in 1847, and suspended
in 1848, was now, in 1852, condemned as unworthy. Their
Lordships world now have to consider what was the best
constitution applicable to New Zealand. Their Lordships
had to consider the matter in a deliberate and careful man-
ner with reference to locality and population, and the par-
ticular requirements of the settlers at New Zealand,
and when they had given that country representative insti-
tutions they would then be able to give some time to the
comparative i ,significant subjec, of the representative system
of this country.—(A laugh.) Another source of satisfaction
expressed in her Majesty's Speech was, that the large reduc-
tion of taxes which had taken place of late years had not
been attended with a diminution of the national income.
lie must remind the Noble Earl who moved the address that
the revenue was chiefly constituted of a tax which was not
very Popular, a tax which, although it might be imposed in
time of war, should not, if possible, be kept up, and with-
out the impesition of that tan it could not be said that the
revenuewas adequate to the exigencies of the time. Never
were
. the pr fits of commercial men lower than in the year
returnsllsinotwithstauding all its boasted prosperity. The
to the property of persons, more especially con-
meted with tra-es ant
sanguine vie professions, did not agree with the
-w taken by the Noble Earl of our commercial
position. The profits realised upon the exports and the re-
turn to the income tax showed
no increase, but a positive
decline, He no,
v
which was the project
to the last topic in the Speech,
id the opinion thatj thised law of reform. He did not concur
tion of such a measure. was the fittest time for the introduc-
-600 men who coesid red- it of He
edid not believe that there were
was extended
dhe slightest importance wile-
r the suffrage
He thought
who had the slightest de-
sire for a new Reform Bill.
Government,
that it was an in-
genious Act on the part of the yernment, and the Bill was
to he introduced, not because theGovernmentcertain thought it was
a fact but because they feare tdivisions in the
House of Commons. He bweleisevV:hptinowehen the announce-
colleaguessli
ment was made not only
unprepared for it,
not only were his Minister's Royal
exciteg te slightest
the
th
Niistress,
but that the Noble Lord had nut the
caise a
object of the Bill. This Bi.l was to
expecta-
tions of the people, and it had been introduced be
general election was at hand. When the came
them it would be their duty calmly and deliberately before
consider it. It VMS that the Bill was to extendttsee
principle of the law of 1832, which law gave more extension
to democratia power, and removed some of the restrictions
from the representative system. It was then determined to do
and •
away with the nomination boroughs,
to substitute the inhabitants of cities and to give
them representation which was
ifmonopolised by
small boroughs. For his own part, he expressed his
opinion on the advantage to be derived from this new Bill,
it would be more than counterbalanced by the renewal of
agitation, and the progress of continual change would affect
our institutions. The Reform Bill of 1832 gave representa-
tives to towns that had gradually grown up into importance.
They had had from the Noble Lord at the head of the Go-
vernment a declaration that the principles of the measure
bad been fully carried out; that he would be the last man
to introduce any material alterations, and the Noble Lord
was even taunted with having used an inadvertent expres-
sion as to the finality of the existing arrangement.—(Hear.)
The Noble Earl appeared to think that though this country
would not bear a revolution once a year or once in five years,
yet an extensive change in the representative system might
be safely introduced once in twenty-one years. In fact, he
appeared to think that the constitution of this country was
something like an agricultural lease, at the expiration of
which, the tenant, after having derived from the land the
full valve during the term, might start again on anew
basis.—(Laughter.) *He thought it would be necessary
for her Majesty's Government to show why this
Bill was required.—(Hear, hear.) It would be rather
difficult for them to
satisfy the country that any
Bill was required at the present moment, but the Noble Lord
woula have to state not only why a change in the existing
syse m was required, but with what view and object this
particular change was proposed; and upon the statement of
her Majesty's Government on that subject would depend the
7
,13Pesitien or otherwise that they would encounter or receive
that great party with which he (the Earl of Derby)
thebd honour to act. He thought it advisable that whateverrte bill
should have been introduced, and that the Govern-
mentotsaying . should have taken upon themselves the responsibility
not env that i
nittat
they considered the question settled. He did
n itself au extension of the numbers'of the con-
stituency
might not be ' p.ertectly consistent
administration of the with the useful
affairs of the country, which, after all,
was the great object. of all representative institutions.—
( Hear,
he hear.) But, though numbers might not materially
effect t question, yet the
distrit) class
introduced, and the of new constituents in be
amongst that clasir
must materially
of influence and power
racter of the bod materially affect the cha-
( Hear, hear.) He Hereafterpeaue to be elected.—
vernment were not goingd that her Majesty's Go-
the notion that they ought to doto lend themselves to
irregularities and anomallee—that at7ay with all existing
cut and carve the country into district"' were not about to
tation would be exactly coincident in which represen-
population. He presumed that none of these coequal with the
entered into the heads of the Governnsh phantaaies had
convinced, that it was not possible for them to this
he
was
perfect equality in the representation; and if . to introduce
that perfect equality in the constituent it were possible,
i itself most discordant with the spirit body would be
of the
British cortsti,-

THE SUN,

tution, and most fatal to the character of the Douse of Com-
mons.—(Hear.) He was satisfied that the very essence of
the utility of the House of Commons as a representative body
was that it represented all classes and all denominations.
And he trusted that in the Bill a ifich they were about to
introduce her Majesty's Government did not intend to dis-
turb the existing balance between the different classes of the
community, or to give to the population of the large towns
—already powerful, and exerting a powerful democratic in-
fluence—a still larger influence over the legislation of this
country than they now possessed, swamping the distinction
between the county and the borough voters, and overwhelm-
ing that which it had always been his conviction afforded
the best security for the liberties of the people, the influence
of the land. With himself the extent would not be so much
the question as the principles involved in the Bill, and the
object which the Government proposed to accomplish by its
introduction. If the party with which he acted concurred
in the object, and believed that the remedy proposed was
well calculated to meet existing abuses, not to do away with
hereditary irregularities and anomalies, but to correct sub-
stantial injustice, then her Majesty's Government need ap-
prehend from them no factious opposition to the introduc-
tion of such a measure. But if the object of the Govern-
ment was to extend still further the democratic power
in this country, at the expense of those more conserva-
tive influences vehicle might tend permanently to support
the institutions of the country, then, he cared not what step
was proposed, it would be a step in a dangerous direction ;
and so regarding it he should be compelled to give it such
opposition as might be in his power to offer.— (Cheers.) He
h-d now gone through most of the topics introduced in her
Majesty's Speech. They would have an opportunity of
dealing with many of those topics separately and individually ;
and he should therefore conclude by repeating what he had
stated at the outset, that neither in the speech itself nor in
the language of the Noble Lords who had addressed their
Lordships did he see any necessity for doing what, without
a necessity, he always considered unwise and impolitic,
namely, to impede on the first day of the session the presen-
tation of an unanimous address to her Majesty.—(Cheers.)
Earl GREY said he rejoiced that in the speech of the
Noble Earl he found so much in which he could express
his entire and cordial concurrence. The Noble Earl
began with a very good humoured and amusing criticism,
on the order in which the various topics in
the Royal Speech were introduced. Now he thought
he could supply the Noble Earl with a key to that order.
His Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) whose duty it was to
draw up the draft of that Speech, said he considered that the
right principle was, in the first place, to mention the events
of moss importance which had occurred since the proroga-
tion of Parliament, and accordingly the early part of the
Speech contained an allusion to those events. Then followed
a reference in due course to the financial measures of the
year; after that came the various measures which had been
adverted to, and lastly, there was introduced what was likely
to engross the largest share of attention in Parliament. This
was the key to the order which had been observed. The
Noble Earl then found fault with his Noble Friend for the
sanguine expectations which he had expressed with regard to
an improvement in the state of agriculture. Now, though
he was sorry to incur the Noble Lord's reprehension, he felt
bound to say that in his judgment his Noble Friend's ex-
pression of hope for the futnre was not in the least degree ex-
aggerated or unwarranted by the present state of things.—
( Hear.) For what was the present state of things? In the
first place, the British farmer, in the greater part of the
kingdom, had had the advantage of a very excellent ,crop.
In the next place it was perfectly notorious that prices had
for the most part been highly remunerative oats, barley,
wool, and cattle, had all sold latterly at good prices.—( Hear,
hear.) Even with regard to wheat, though no doubt the
price had been low, they had witnessed a very remarkable
circumstance. A few years ago no Noble Lord would have
been prepared to see this country exporting wheat to supply
the exigencies of other countries; but, through advantages
which he had acquired of late years, the British farmer had
been so enabled to reduce the cost of production as to have
become an exporter of wheat. The Noble Earl had re-
served his opinion as to whether it might not be nece.sary
at some future period to impose a revenue duty on wheat,
observing that he feared the effect of the present system
would be, that they would be left to a greater and greater
extent dependent on foreign nations for their supply of the
most necessary article of food. Now, he saw around him
many Noble Lords who had a practical and personal know-
ledge of the state of agriculture, and he would appeal to
them whether, from one end of the country to the other,
the progress of improvement and the increase of cultiva-
tion were not beyond what any of them had anticipated?
—( Hear, hear.) On the previous day he spoke to a
Noble Friend of hie who came from that great agricul-
tural county (Lincolnshire), and his Noble Friend told
him that in that county he had never seen draining—that
great foundation of agricultural improvement—going on
with so much spirit and eagerness. He had heard the same
as to Devonshire, he knew the same in reference to Northum-
berland. Instead of hied going out of cultivation he heard,
the other day, that it was the complaint of persons residing
near the Downs, in the south of England, that they had
reason to fear that in a few years their deligntful rides over
the Downs would be destroyed by the encroachments of the
plough. He believed that improvement had never made
more rapid progress in agriculture than it was doing at that
moment. He could not help saying that he had heard with
deep regret what fell from the Noble Lord with regard to the
imposition of a duty for revenue. This was really a question
on which it was of the deepest importance both to the agri-
culturist and to the country at large that they should know
where they stood, and that the determination of Parliament
should be fixed at once and for ever. If they were to have
duties on corn, let those who advocated them come forward
and state their case, and let the matter be fairly argued.
—(Hear, hear.) He must remind their Lordships that when
those who were opposed to the old system desirei a change,
they did not wait till they had a majority ; they did not say
that they had no chance in the present House of Com-
mons, and must wait until there was one more favourably
inclined to their views. They were constantly stating their
case. The first minority in which he (Earl Grey) voted
upon the question was a minority, he believed, of twelve
against five or six hundred ; but from that day till the
day of final triumph they never hesitated or shrunk from
discussion. Now he contended that those who thought that
the present policy was wrong and ought to be altered were
bound, in fairness to the country, and in fairness to those
who differed from them, to bring their views clearly
and distinctly before Parliament and before the
country, and to let them stand or fall by the result.
He challenged them to do so.—(Hear, hear.) And
when they talked to him of a duty on wheat for revenue.
he would ask them to settle that question with some of
their supporters; for he saw a Noble Earl opposite (the Earl
of Winchilsea, as was understood) who had formerly de-
nounc'd, its most emphatic language, the principle of rais-
ing revenue from a tax on the food of the people. Let
them declare fairly whether revenue or protection were their
object. He would tell them, too, that if the object were re-
venue they were bound to impose a duty, not merely on
wheat imported, but also on wheat grown at home.—(Hear,
hear.) The next subject to which the Noble Earl referred
was Papal aggression. The Noble Earl asked him whether
he was prepared to say that the measure introduced last.
year had given security to the Protestant faith. That ques
Lion implied that the Bill was designed to do what he had
never expected it to do. He had never looked to an Act of
Parliament to give security to their Protestant faith.
The Earl of DERBY—Protestant institutions.
Earl GREY—WeII, upon what did those institutions
rest for their security? Why, upon the condition of the
great body of the people of this country, of the truth of the
religion they professed—a conviction which could
neither be takeu away nor strengthened by an
Act of Parliament. - (Hear, hear,) Such perfect confidence
had he in the triumph of truth—so certain was he that
discussion must tend to give additional stability and strength
to that which was founded in truth, that he had never
looked to Acts of Parliament for protection against what was
termed Papal aggression. If the real power of the Papacy
was its influence over the minds of the people, that power
could not be taken away by Act of Parliament. But the
object of the Act of last year was, in his opinion, very dif-
ferent. He must say that be thought a most wanton insult
had been offered to the people of the s country, and to feelings
deeply cherished by the great majority of the people, and it
appeared to him wise and fitting that Parliament should, by
a solemn legislative act, protest against that insult. Ile
believed there was a natural tendency on the part of all
priesthoods unduly to encroach, unless kept in check by the
laity; and against such tyranny he considered it the duty
of every man of independent mind to array himself. He
could not agree with the Noble Earl that the Act was a
dead letter. The dignitaries of the Roman Catholic Church
had practically submitted to it, by taking the greatest pos-
sible pains to avoid committing themselves by an open
violation, and he thought it very important that the ob-
ject had been so far attained. The Noble Earl had
adverted to the changes which had recently taken place in
one of the principal departments of the Government, to the
retirement of the Noble Lord, the late head of the Foreign
Office. Now, upon that subject, he thought their Lordships
would agree with him in thinking that, at this moment it
would be the height of indiscretion and impropriety cn his
part to make any other remark than this, that he cordially
concurred in the tribute which the Noble Earl had paid to
the talents, the ability, and the character of his Noble
Friend who had ceased to be Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs.—(Hear.) And he would also add the expression of
his siecere and deep regret that circumstances should have
arisen which had deprived his colleagues of the assistance
and advantage of that Noble Lord's co-operation in the coun-
cils of their Sovereign.—(Cheers.) The Noble Earl next
proceeded to make some remarks on the state of France ; and
here, again, he had the pleasure of being able to express his
unqualified concurrence in every word, he believed, that fell
from him. He had, like the Noble Lord, observed with
the deepest concern, and, he must say, with the
indignation also which the Noble Earl had expressed,
thet tone which had been assumed bee a large portion of
the more mproessre thanOf ' this country.—(Hear.) He thought that the
st eh ne denunciationsthate iognh st fn theootof the
person at the head of the Government
of France, coupled, as the Noble Earl had remarked, with
exaggerated—heo
would say the
defencelessuntrue—repre-
o,d condition of this country, were
occupying the.ra
worse than i
In
emphatic words imprudence, but of something far
Perosil:dtfonnrenwf.hich he did, had come forward, and,
He rejoiced thathe Noble Earl,
—a repudiatn
had hiree employee;
an assurance of the full
and he
repudiated the language which
he trusted that after he had given
concurrence of his colleagues in that
n.which he thought every one
repudiation
of their Lordship Would
hear)—he did be-
lieve and hope that the in
th wise have resulted from e lan used by a great part
wdould to a great ex-
le evils which might other-
of the newspaper press of this lgolluart
sued might
did not express
tent be neutralised ; that it would beyu
great and -
eurserstood in foreign
might express.t he
countries,.santdhafet,elihonwgsevoefrththeiersewnrietweres
°Nanroyble Earl next adverted'
0101013
gear,
this fe ec loi
hear.)un country,
st r
yiohf e
of the Houses
to the defences of the country; and on that suljectthetoofa,lieshet
great power
and in
could hardly fail
hPftuhaaiderlieaplllaPrpeit!ist°:l?snd( views perfectly just in themselves,
which their Lordships could
like the Noble Eac'ele4nctirs He
(Earl Grey) entertain
sdu rtaon ce s
receive f fr iend lya
Ifeelingsfrom
which the
Government eon
confidence in thtiehukbe
s
in the world. He believed there existed no serious inten-
tion,
or he should rather say
disturbingn the peace intention,
t the slightest ntention, of
attacking this country er
• hof the
the
world. Bat at the same time, he concurred
wit Noble
Earl be the e
Earl in thinking that, however pacific might inten-
tions of our neighbours tin it was not g that the security
of this country should rest entirely on the permanence of
amicable relations.— (Hear, hear.) This nation occupied too
high a position in the world to base its security on such a
foundation.— (Hear, hear.) They were bound always to
take care that they had the means of protecting themselves
against any aggression which might be attempted,
however unlikely ultimate success might appear.
He could not forget that every country in the world had done
more than our own to guard against sudden aggression.
Even in the United States, which by their position were
almost exempt from the possibility of invasion, in addition
to their standing army,
which, though not large, was like
the navy, very efficient, there was an organised militia
amounting in numbers more nearly to two millions than one
million of men. (Hear, hear.) If the United States
thought it necessary that some precautions of that kind
should be taken, it would hardly be considered unreasonable
that this country, so much exposed by its position to at-
tack, in the event of a misunderstanding with foreign
P9ITKOr 01191114 11419 W Prlinggl for t1404P4 J, ‘139 pro-
_

LONDON,

sent state of the world, the gteat increase in the armies of
foreign powers, together with those improvements in the
art of war which rendered that increase so much more
formidable than it would otherwise be, dictated to
them the propriety of directing their attention to
this important subject, and not neglecting to pro-
v;de the necessary means of defence. He con •
curred with the Noble Lord that any measure which
might be proposed should, as far as possible, be consistent
with an adherence to the pacific policy which had hitherto
prevailed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl next adverted to
that most distressing subject, the war now raging on the
eastern frontier of the Cape colony. He had already that
evening laid on the table papers which contained the fullest
information up to the latest date, including dispatches re-
ceived on Saturday last, and as those papers would soon be
in their Lordships' hands, probably within twenty-four hours,
it appeared desirable to abstain at present from any discus-
sion of the subjeet to which they related. There was only
one point to which he would invite attention. The Noble
Earl said that the difficulties of the case were greatly in-
creased by the extension of territory, particularly beyond
the Orange River, and he expressed his regret at such exten-
sion. The Noble Earl did not regret that extension cf terri-
tory more than he (Earl Grey) did. In the papers which
were already laid before Parliament it was stated that this
was done without any possibility of obtaining the assent of
her Majesty's Government; and it having been once
made, the Government had to decide upon a
balance of consideration on both sides whe-
ther they would disavow the act of the governor or whether
they would sanction it. The Government, after duly consi-
dering both sides of the question, decided that it was better
on the whole to retain the territory. The only observation
which he wished to make on this subject was that Sir H.
Smith, in one of his dispatches, said his opinion was the
same as his (Earl Grey's), that he considered it a great mis-
fortune to be compelled to extend the territory over the
district, but that he had been obliged to do so in conse-
quence of the measures which had been adopted by Sir Pe-
regrine Maitland, one of the predecessors of Sir H. Smith,
and who was governor of the colony when the Noble Earl
was Secretary of State. The Noble Earl might deny or ad-
mit the accuracy of that statement, but the defence made by
Sir H. Smith in his dispatch, received on Saturday, was
that he was compelled to extend the territory in conse-
quence of the measures adopted in 1844 and 1845 by Sir
Peregrine Maitland when the Noble Earl was Secretary
of State. Whether he was right or not, that at all
events was his opinion. The next matter adverted to by
the Noble Earl was the state of Ireland. The Noble Earl said
that the peace and order which prevailed in Ireland was
owing to the emigration and famine, and that what he called
the Irish Exodus was a singular proof of the prosperity
which was said to exist in that country. On the subject of
emigration he might be allowed to say, that during the five
years which he had been in his present office, one of the
greatest difficulties he encountered was in resisting the
strong pressure made upon him, by Noble Lords connected
with Ireland, to encourage and promote a larger emigra-
tion from that country.—(Hear, hear.) But be
always held the opinion that any interference of the
kind was unnecessary, and would be unsafe; that pro-
cesses were in operation which would force emigration to
the full extent to which it ought to be carried, and that
if a vote of money was made for the purpose it would
only check voluntary efforts, impose, withouf necessity, a
heavy expense on the country, and run the risk of not
carrying it to the same extent.—(Hear, hear.) All these
anticipations were entirely verified by the result. (Hear,
hear.) It was a curious circumstance, and worthy of obser-
vation, that this enormous emigration, which is unpa-
ralleled in the history of the human race, was carried en
not only without expense to this country, but was supported
from funds contributed by former emigrants to their friends
and relatives in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) This was a cir-
cumstance most honourable to the national character of Ire-
land, and he doubted if any other country in the world
could exhibit a similar regard of relatives; and; friends.—
(Hear, hear.) He did not believe that this emigration, ex-
tensive as it was, was more than was desirable for the coun-
try— (Hear, hear)—and in his opinion Ireland was im-
proving under the process.—(Hear, hear.) He was con-
vinced that nothing but an emigration of this description
would break down the inveterate system of competing for
land, and the bad mode of employing labour which had
been the growth of centuries. But under the emi-
gration this system was rapidly going down, and it
was impossible that the disparity of wages which
existed between the two countries could much
longer exist under it. He was informed that this
curious circumstance was already taking place,
namely, that some of the people who had gone to America had
returned home under the feeling that if; they worked as hardly
in Ireland as they were obliged to do in America they would
be as well off in their own country as in America.— (Hear,
hear.) This discovery had been to a certain extent made,
and he hoped that it would still further be verified. Finding
that these things were taking place, he hoped to see that re-
generation of Ireland which lad been the ardent object of so
many successive Governments !for several years.—(Hear,
hear.) He entirely agreed with the Noble Earl that no im-
provement of Ireland could be expected unless the atrocious
system of outrage which existed in some parts of it was put
down.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the Noble Earl that
nothing which depended on the Government would be omitted
in order to put down a system of outrage which was entirely
inconsistent With that security to life anddpornoeperttoy
which was the foundation of all prosperity and
wealth.—( Hear, hear.) Everything would b
give security to life and property, and if the existing
law was not sufficient for that purpose it would be the
duty of her Majesty's Government to apply to Par-
liament for further powers, and it would be the duty of Par-
liament to sanction measures, however rigorous, which would
prevent the continuance f such a system of outrage.—
((.'heers.) The next point referred to by the Noble Earl
related to the constitution of New Zealand. The Noble
Earl made a slight error in his observations on this matter,
which be (Earl Grey) begged leave to correct. The Noble
Earl said that in 1846 his (Earl Grey's) opinion was that
the time had then come when the inhabitants of New Zealand
should be entrusted with representative government; so
far as the settlers were concerned, that was undoubtedly
true. But a difficulty arose from the non-termination
of the war, and the large proportion of the native inha-
bitants over the European settlers ; and when he was in-
formed by the governor of the probable effect which it would
have, he should be ashamed of himself if he did not
confess that he he had made a mistake, or if he hesitated to
ask Parliament to reconsider the step it had taken, and to re-
commend that the granting of representative institutions to
that colony ought to be deferred. He took this step on the
representation of a governor who had been appointed by the
Noble Eari, and for selecting whom the Noble Earl deserved
thanks. The services of Governor Sir G. Grey were of ines-
timable value to the country ; and his firm and able adminis-
tration of the affairs of the colony was productive of as much
benefit as could be expected during the comparatively short
time that he was governor. The Noble Lord said that they
did not apply the Bill as it originally passed. But was it unna-
tural that some modification should be made in the Bill after
further information had been obtained ? The Act passed in
1846 required considerable modifications it was true, but the
principles on which the measure was founded were sound in
themselves, and if it came into operation at the time
it was passed, it was probable that by this time it
would have received those various improvements and modifica-
tions, which would leave it very much in the condition in
which they now proposed to pass it.—( Hear, hear.) The
next topic adverted to by the Noble Earl was that portion of
her Majesty's Speech which referred to the state of the revenue.
He did not understand the Noble Earl to find any great fault
with that passage. He did not understand him to contest its
correctness. But he said that a large portion of the revenue
depended on the income-tax. That undoubtedly was the
case, and the income-tax must either be renewed or some sub-
stitute found for it. The great change in their taxation dated
from 1831—that was twenty-one years ago. In that year there
was a great reduction of taxation, and since then the process
of reducing taxes went on, and the alteration of the incidence
of taxation, so as to give relief to industry to the utmost
extent possible, was carried into operation by successive
Governments. A return had been moved for in the other
House of Parliament by one of the Members for Liverpool,
which showed the total amount of the taxation which had been
remitted between 1831 and 1850. It appeared from this
paper that the taxes remitted in this period amounted to not
less than 19,190,000/., and that the imposition of new taxes
in the same period amounted to .8,820,0001., so that the
balance on the side of the remission of taxation was not less
than 10,500,000/.—( Hear, hear.) If he added the remission
of 1850, which was 1,920,0001., the balance in favour of re-
duction since 1831 was not less than 12,49 nOOO/., and with
tole remission of taxation their Lordships would find that the
ordinary revenue of the country, instead of falling off, had in•
creased from 56,000,0001 in le 31, to 52,000,0001. at the pre-
sent time.—( Cheers.) No increase of the population would
account for this remission of nearly one-quarter of the whole
yearly national revenue, coincident with an increase in the
actual receipt* of the Exchequer.—(Hear, hear.) This was
the most clear and complete demonstration which he could
conceive of the soundness of the policy, which, to a great and
greater extent, had been gradually adopted by Parliament,
with regard to the finances and the emancipation of trade.—
( Hear, hear,) In the history of the world there was
not so remarkable a spectacle of improvement in the
resources and condition of a nation effected by the simple
receipt of emancipating industry and relieving trade from op-
pressive and injudicious restrictions..—(Cheers.) It was a
result so complete and so unanswerable in favour of the policy
adopted, that he never could believe that either Parliament or
the country would consent to give up one iota of the system
which had been adopted, or retrace by one hair's breadth the
policy which had been pursued.—(Hear, hear.) The last
subject adverted to by the Noble Earl related to ,the contem-
plated amendment of the Reform Act of 1832. Much had
been said en this point by the Noble Earl, which he heard with
pleasure ; but he must protest against the remarks made by
the Noble Earl upon his Noble Friend at the head of the
Government. The Noble Earl had recourse to the taunt—
which he would have called a vulgar taunt if it had been made
by any other than the Noble Earl—that some measure of this
kind was promised by his Noble Friend as a lure to obtain the
continuance of support to his Government, and as a means of
propping up his falling power. He (Earl Grey,) would state
the real circumstances of the case.— ( Hear.) Three years ago
various motions were made in the other House of Parliament
for Parliamentary reform, which obtained considerable sup-
port, not only from those who voted for the motions, but
also support in the expression of opinion on the part of gentle-
men of great weight and influence, who declared that there
were defects in the present system, which experience pointed
out, and which called for some remedy. His Noble Friend,
seeing the force of these remarks, and the tendency of public
Opinion declared that the time might come when it would be
right and proper to make some alteration in the existing law
which regulated the franchise.—( Hear, hear.) His Noble
Friend expressed this opinion also in consequence of the proof
whist. had been given by the country of the loyal feeling exhi-
bited by the people towards the Crown, at that period when
all Europe was in a state of convulsion.—(Hear, hear.) Since
that period he had to combat more than one of the various pro-
posals made in the other House of Parliament for altering the
Reform Act. It was the opinion of his Noble Friend that if he
continued to combat these different proposals, if he said that he
never would consent to alter the Reform Act, and would not
listen to any arguments on the subject, a shock would be given
to the foundation on which the great settlement of 1832 was
based. He therefore thought it judicious and right to say
that he would not be unfavourable to a well-considered
athmaeandthmeenptreosfentht:t measure
w when the proper time came. It
atispeaosrieodkteo.hfim to be impossible to take this line in combating
aiEhiletv...,:rqoup,ossti,toionn?s, without contracting some pledge. And
what time could be more proper for considering the subject
time,
defects, however glaring, was
so
as a season for calmly and deliberately consider..
Was it not better to discuss it at such a
in the midst of that excitement which would exist if
off— if it had been said that no
other House of Parliament,-bculiottthw,
got rid of.—(gear, hear'.
thanof
Improver: not that " apathy". which the Noble
)
the nature of the But as,lloiofdtehvbeeercours
in
auwl dehei be
measure would be made known wereenl in the
to say anything further at
measure to be proposed.
that he fully concurred with wasthis,
would say now
All phresent on the nature re of the
his Noble Friend in saying
that there ought to be no distarba"
of
h
ment of the Act of 1832.—(.. Hear, hear," from the Earl
of Derby.) If that was contemplated,i hte
party e general
could
nnldto theassure
tttl
the
e
Noble Earl that he at least would be no
intro-
duction of such a measure, and he believed he mg
gat t' lit say the
fl for all laia cawilal!T(lie4P) I)4mi iri
- -

measure of 1832 was eminently successful—that it was an
immense benefit to this country to the greatest possible degree,
and that it fully realised the anticipations of those who pro-
posed it.—(Hear, hear.) He considered that it was, in the
true sense, and not in the party sense, of the word a Conser-
vative measure, because by its means the people of this country
were placed in a situation of g!ving, effect to their real wishes,
and a deliberate and well-considered public opinion was made
all-powerful in the nation ; because by its means measures
would be carried one by one, slowly it might be, but not the
less surely because slowly,. and because it afforded the means
by which the deliberate judgment of the people was ascer-
tained and such improvements effected as the system of
the law and administration required.—(Hear, hear.) They
had seen this in the certain but gradual progress of im-
provement for the last twenty years, during which period
many measures had been carried for inereasing the welfare
and happiness of the. people.—( Hear, hear.) He agreed
with the Noble Earl in the opinion that no other country did
enjoy the same amount of liberty—of liberty of opinion,
liberty of speech, and liberty of conduct—that they enjoyed in
this country.—( Hear, hear.) He believed the people of this
country enjoyed more of true liberty than the people of the
United States, and there was nothing in the institutions of
that country to envy.—( Hear, hear.) He therefore concurred
1 with the Noble Earl in thinking that it was the duty of
every man to cling to the institutions of the country as they
now stood, and to retain them on their existing foundation*,
and such he believed was the almost unanimous feeling of the
people of this country.—(hear, hear.) He heard with great
satisfaction the expression of the opinion of the Noble Earl
with regard to the contemplated measure, and he therefore
hoped that his support, and that of those who acted with him,
might be obtained for the measure.—(Cheers.)
The Duke of RICHMOND said that the farmers would
hail with delight the speech of his Noble Friend, for it showed
that he still held to the opinion that a revenue duty ought to
be laid en corn for the purposes of protection.
Lord BROUGHANI referred to the revolution in France
in France in 1848, and said that the proceedings in connexion
with the event were of a more abominable character than any
which had taken place since 1792. It was most desirable
that the parties engaged in those lawless proceedings should
not be led to the conclusion that the Legislature of this
country regarded all the Governments of France for the
last sixty years as a series of usurpations—an opinion which
was favoured by what had fallen from the Noble Earl near him
.1-le (Lord Brougham) could never consent to call
( Derby).
the restoration of 1814, or the Government of Louis Philippe,
a usurpation, any. more than he could call the restoration of
Charles 11. in th. country, or the revolution of 1688 a usur-
pation. He entirely agreed in reprobating the incessant at-
tacks that were made by parties in this couatry on the existing
French Government.
Earl GREY wished it to be observed that, whilst disap-
proving of these. attacks, he had cautiously abstained from ex-
pressing any opinion on the internal policy of the President
of France.
Lord BROUGHAM said he entirely concurred in the pro-
priety of this course. Even if he had agreed in the condem-
nation that had been expressed of the French Government,
he should have strongly disapproved of the mode in which
that opinion had been uttered. Deeply deploring the condi-
tion of Ireland, he felt confident that the necessary powers
for restoring tranquillity would be conceded to the Govern-
ment if they did not already possess them. Ireland must be
made a country in which people could live and be happy as
well as in other places. Alen must not be in perpetual ap-
prehension of being shot from behind a hedge, or barbarously
murdered. It was this dread feeling of insecurity which had
led in a neighbouring country to the prevailing submission.
Secret societies existed in Ireland as well as in France,
These must be suppressed ; and if the proclamation of the
disturbed districts were not sufficient, they must have recourse
to what were called the court-martial clauses of the Act of 1833.
The Earl of DERBY said that, with the exception of the
restoration of 1814 in France, every revolution or change of
dynasty which had taken place there had been more or less a
usurpation, using the term in a qualified sense. If the revo-
lution of 1688 in this country was not a usurpation, it was
undoubtedly a putting aside of the reigning family.
The Earl of WINCHILSEA censured the Government for
not. carrying out the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill of last session.
Within twenty-four hours of its passing, the Romish ecclesi-
astics had met, and purposely and most flagrantly violated the
law. He had foretold that the Act would be nugatory, and
events had proved he was right. An effort was now making
to drive from the north of Ireland the few Protestant
landlords there remaining ; and nothing could prevent
this attempt being successful but the enforcement of the
courts-martial clauses of the Act of 1833. Along with this,
he would re-impose a duty on foreign corn.
The Earl of YARBOROUGH implored Noble Lords op-
posite not to allow the farmers longer to remain in uncertainty
as to their intentions. He hoped either the Noble Earl
(Derby), or the Noble Duke (Richmond), would state
whether they sought to re-impose a duty on foreign grain for
revenue or for protection.— (Hear, hear.) He could state
from personal observation, that the condition of the farmers
was greatly improving ; during .the present winter her had
heard of them executing large drainage and other works. He
was satisfied that so small a duty as 3s. or 45., there being
a duty of ls. now, would not be considered sufficient by the
farmers, so long as they were led away by the hope of regain-
ing what they called protection.
The Earl of DERBY said be should answer the Noble
Lord's question by another, and ask him what was the point
where he supposed that a duty ceased to be a duty for the
purpose of revenue and became one of protection?—( Hear. )
He was quiet e a loss to know how the Noble Lord drew the
distinction between the two. His opinion was that any duty
to be imposed, either for the purposes of revenue or for pro-
tection, must to a certain extent act as a protective duty; and
that the amount of protection afforded was to be measured
only by the amount of the duty. The principle was the
same ; the detail might be different. .He was desirous of
levying duties upon the import of foreign produce, not for
the purpose of revenue alone, but
.for the purpose of revenue
combined with the collateral object of affording due pro-
tection.—( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of HARROWBY agreed in the importance of
the public press of this country, while discussing foreign
affairs freely, discussing them calmly and moderately. We
had been accustomed to hear the acts of foreign Govern.
ments discussed in that and the other House, and it would
be exceedingly unwise now to lay down a rule that such
matters should not be alluded to either in the Legislature or
by the press. Ile believed the press of this country very
fairly to represent public opinion. He should think himself
unworthy of the position he occupied as a British senator, did
he not protest against its being gagged on
i any question what-
ever, and against any restriction being imposed on the full
freedom of debate which the Legislature of this country Rad
always exercised.— ( Hear, hear. )
Earl GREY said he quite agreed with the Noble Earl who
had last spoken in thinking that neither the press of this
country, nor the members of the Legislature, ought to be in-
terdicted from expressing freely and fully their opinions of
any foreign Government; and he never meant to object to any
such expression.
The Earl of AIALAI.ESBURY raid that he felt as much as
the Noble Lord opposite (Grey) the value of a free press ;
and on that ground he regretted the intemperate language
which had been used by the press, as it must tend to weaken
the salutary influence of that organ. It was not only the
abuse which had been poured upon the chief officer of a
county at peace with us, sending an Ambassador to our
Court,y and receiving our Ambassador there; but it was the
strange manner in which certain newspapers had placed side
by side, inparallel columns—first of ail, vituperation and
abuse of a country notorious for somewhat of vanity and sus-
ceptibility, and of its President, and then, in an adjoining
column, a statement of the weakness of this country ; in-
viting them, as it were, to revenge on this people the insults
thus offered. No Noble Lord would object to the freedom of
; its personalities were what they
the press in its widest sense
condemned.
The question was then put from the Woolsack, and the
Address was agree COUNTY COURTS.
Lord BROSS GIIAAI laid on the table a Bill, which he said
was the same as the measure relating to county courts which
he had brought forward last session, and been compelled to
withdraw.
The Bill was read a first time.
On the motion of the Earl cf MINTO, Lord Redetdale was
re •appointed Chairman of Committees of the House.
Their Lordships then adjourned at a few minutes after Nine
o'clock until Thursday.

R"" MARIONETTE THEATRE,
ADELAIDE-STREET, WEST STRAND.
Continuous Novelties—Continuous Success—Continuous Applause—
and Overflowing Audiences.
Great llit of the Bottle Imp.
The performances TWA EVENING and during the week will
commence with a new GEATuLATORY ADDRESS, written and
delivered by Mr. Albany Brown.
After which, a new scene of Apropos, entitled the MANAGER'S
ROOK, with Signor Bari Tone's new Scena, The French Commenta-
tor on Shakspere.
The grand romantic Spectacle of THE BOTTLE IMP.
Ta be followed bv
a- new, Neapolitan grotesque Divertissement,
entitled ARLECH IN 0 1 01t1UNAT0, with the new Italian Mimes.
To conclude with the Me'leal Burlesque of BOMBASTES t' LT-
RIOS°.
A Mornlrg Juvenile Performance To-Morrow and Saturday
next, at Three o'elock. Doors Open at Half-past Two.
Doors open at Ilalf-p
, , est Seven, and commence at Eight o'clock.
1,
Private Boxes, . Is.; Balcony Stalls, 35.; Lower Stalls, 2s. ;
Balcony, 25.; Amphitheatre, Is.
Private flexes and Stalls Ina,
--/ be obtained at Mr. Mitchell's Royal
Library, 33, Old Bond-street;,,, 31r. Sam's Royal Library, St.
n
James's-street ; Mr. C. `-uvler, New Bond-street ; at all the prin-
eipal libraries; and at the n
—ox-ofllee of the Theatre, Adelaide-
street, West Strand.
_____—...................___ ____.--.....................

-----
THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
MIS EVENING,
Will be performed Meyerbews
DEVIL. Robert, It. grand Opera of ROBERT THE
3-r• -'edor ; Bertram, Mr. Drayton; Raimbaut,
Mr. Manvers ; Alberti, 31,
Garcia.
; the Princess, Miss Crichton ;
Alice, Madlle. Evelina
To conclude with a New Grand Christmas Pantomime, called
11
The 110 GARTH ;
mi. ihe Two London 'Prentic,es.
Bax-office open daily from 10 to 4.
--------_

TILEATRE ROYAL HAYMARKET.
MI. B. Webster, Sole Lessee and Manager, Old Brompton.
THIS II7ENINti
Will be performed an
entirely new comic Opera, entitled AMINTA
THE D
COQUETTE. Weiss ; Fernandez, Mr. w.
Don Tenorio Mr.
Harrison ; Garcias, H. Cord • Dir.
Miss Louisa Pyne.
To be followed by a DUEL IA" TIIE DARK., in which Mr. Buck-
stone and Mrs. Fitzwiniam will
To conclude with
DIANP AM) TIT,
a Fairy Burlesque,appe Called THE PRINCESS RA.
STORY OF MAYFLOWER. Characters. by
Messrs. Buckstone, Bedford J. gland, Caulfield, Clark, Planraeri,
Mrs. FitzwilllaM, Mrs. and Miss Collins.
Buckinghain,

THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI.
Lessee, Mr. B. Webster ; Directress, Madame Celeste.
Enormous success of the Yankee Comedian, Mr. Josh Silsbee.
Tiffs EVEN 'NO,
Will be performed the Farce of THE MOTHER AND CHILD
ARE DOING WELL. Lieutenant O'Scupper, Mr. Paul Bedford ;
Mr. Felix Fluffy, Mr. Wright Maxwell, Mr. Worrell ; Emily, Miss
Emma Harding. '
To be followed by a characteristic sketch, called THE YANKEE
PEDLAR ; or, Old
Times in Virginia. Hiram Dodge, Mr. Silsbee ;
Morland, Mr. Worrell ; Miss Nancy Bantam, Miss Emma Harding.
After which MY
PRECIOUS BETSY. Mr. Bobtail, Mr. Wright.
To conclude with a new and
original Christmas Tale, called LIT-
TLE RED ItIDINCI HOOD. Wolfram, Baron of Burliburg (bur-
named the Wolf of Biberlch), Mr. Paul Bedford; Seraggenheim, Mr.
Butler; Trudchen (commonly called Little Red Riding Hood), Miss
Kathleen Vitzwilliam.

ROYAL pkrp.,
- —.....,CE55,s Til_EA V.KB, U.Xn.inu.). 6Tit ..61 z
under the
Management° I Mr. C. Kama,
THIS EVEN LNG.
Will be performed Shake * Tragedy of HAMLET. The
principal characters b spcare 6
yydcr, J. Yining, Messrs C. Kean, A. Wigan, Thrley, Addison
Meadows, C. Fisher, Graham ; Miss Phillips, Miss
Murray, and Mrs. C. Kean *
After which, the Operetta
Windsor Guile b of the .
• SWISS COTTAGE (as acted at
by Royal Command), in which Mr• and Mrs. Keeley
•
and Mr. A. WI
gra will appear.
With a new
Christmas Pantomime, entitled HARLEQUIN
BILLY TAYLOR; or,
ritongo. harlequin, 1111hcorlyacing ;Putchrnan and the King of Ha-
k Clown, Mr. Fleamore; Panta-
loon, Mr. Paulo; and Cotumbine, bliss Carlotta Lec_____22.--•—'cq.

kLOyAL LyeLujn rtihATlth.
Under the Management of Madame Yestria.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed
TTIE GAME OF SPECULATION'. Principal characters by
Messrs. C. Mathews, F. Matthews, R. Roxby, B. Baker ;hire. C.
Horn, and 'Miss 31. Oliver.
To conclude with
A new and original Fairy Extravaganza, by J. R. Flanch
Fawne, Esq.,
entitled THE PRINCE OF- HAPPY LAND ; J.
The in she
Forest. Characters by Madame Vestris, Miss St. George, Miss
Lanza, Alias Martindale, Miss Grove, bliss Ellis, Miss Rosina Wright,
Messrs. F. AtattlieWs 'l3. Baker Suter, U011104314C, Blitler, and
Vernon,

ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE.
Lessee and Manager, Mr. W. Farren.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed A CONSPIRATOR IN SPITE OF HIMSELF.
Mr. Inigo Inkhorn, Mr. Farren Tiffin, Mr. Compton ; Hastings,
Mr. W. Farrell, jun., Bertha, Miss L. Howard ; Margaret, Mrs.
Bartlett.

After which AN ORGANIC AFFECTION.
To conclude with RED RUFUS ; or, Harlequin Fact, Fiction, and
Fancy. Red Rufus, Mr. Shalders ; Clown, Mr. Edwards; Harlequin,
Mr. Forrest; Pantaloon, Mr. Tanner; Columbine, Miss Lees.

PUSCIPS 'PLAYHOUSE AND STRAND THEATRE
Lessee, Mr. W. R. COPELAND, Liverpool.
The Warmest Theatre In London.
Ftl- EVENING
will he performed THE TWELVE L ABOURS OF HERCULES.
After which, The JUVENILE PARTY.
To be followed by a new Chinese burlesque, called THE MANDA-
RIN'S DAUGHTER , or, Willow Pattern Plate. Characters by
Messrs. J. Reeve, Rogers, Romer, Attwood, Hudspeth ; Mesdames
Marshall, Sanders, Bell, Eglinton, and Maskell.
To conclude with MY SISTER FROM INDIA.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITUBATRE.
Under the Patronage of her Majesty and his
_Royal Highnetui
Majesty
and
Proprietor and Manager, Mr. W. Batty.
The most successful and popular Theatre in London.

Mr. Batty bogs to inform his patrons that he has entered into an
engagement with Mons. FRANTZ 13ENS00, the great Rope
Dancer, from Vienna, who will make his appearance every evening.

THlh EVE.,NING,

Will be performed a Magnificent Spectacle, entitled BLUE
BEARD ; or, Female Curiosity, in which will be introduced a pair of
highly-trained Elephants, male and female, allowed to be the most
docile pair ever brought into Europe.
With tatty's Inimitable Scenes of the Arena, combining talent
of the highest er,:er, both Native and Foreign.
With the m, ,st popular and onlc Equestrian Pantomime in Landon,
entitled MR. and MRS. BRIGGS ; or, Punch's Festival—Mirth,
Wit, and Jollity. Harlequin, Mr. Harvey ; Columbine, Misq Avery ;
Pantaloon, Mr. Ruckman ; Clown, Arthur Nelson, who will in the
muse of each evening play a number of favourite airs on the
Rack Harmonicon. _ _ _

itt Jureaile Fete on Friday, Feb. 6.
Ttakete to be had at tba isoz,otlice from Eleven till Four daily.
-1t."0 Manager, Mr. T. Thompson.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
TICS DAT —Morning 3G min. after 12 I Evening 2 min after 1
fo- viosaow—Morning 26 min. after 1 I Evening 52 min atter 1

THE WEATHEIL—Sum OFFICE" FEBRUARY 4.
IHERMOKETKR, DI THE SHADE.
46—highest since noon yesterday.
34—lowest this morning and during the night.
45—this day, at noon.
BAROMETER, 30.05.
WIND S.W. to P.S.W.—variable, with rain all the morning,
and likely to continue.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT

THE THIRD EDITION OF
"THE SUN"

will be found highly interesting during the preseu
extraordinary Session of Parliament.

The THIRD EDITION will contain the
DEBATES of the SAME EVENING up to the
HOUR of POST ; also, SPORTING of every
description, with TATTERSALL'S on Monday
and Thursday Evenings in time for Post ; with
the GAZETTES of Tuesday and Friday, contain-
ing Army and Navy Promotions, Bankrupts, &c.,
and ALL NEWS arriving in London up to the
Hour of Post.

EXPRESS EDITIONS
ON ALL IMPORTANT OCCASIONS.

Orders received by all News-agents, and at the
Sun-Office, 112, Strand.
Sun Office, 112, Strand.
FEBRUARY, 1852.