The Sun.
London, England, 1863-03-27 00:00:00

TEETH.-By MR. ESKELL'S INVENTION
(Royal Seal granted 17th •July, 1860), Sets or partial
Sets of Teeth, exquisitely enamelled to nature, are made and
fitted in a few hours by means of his patented soft elastic and
imperishable base of the colour of the gum, to which it ad-
heres with wonderful tenacity, dispensing with springs or
unsightly fastenings, and defying detection by toe closest
observer. The peculiar attribute of Mr. Eskell's invention
is, the readiness with which these teeth can be re-adapted to
any change of the mouth (even by the wearer); and as they
act independently of all disturbing causes which affect teeth
of ordinary construction, they are guaranteed tt, last a life
time, as well as for mastication and articulation. Mr.
ESKELL'S TREATISE, which fully explains his invention,
post free for seven stamps.—lnspection of specimens and Con-
sultations free. Terms strictly moderate.-8, Grosvenor-
street, Bond-street, London ; and 39, Bennett's-hill, Bir-
mingham.

O ST E 0 EID ON:
Patent, March 1, 18112, No. 580.
GABRIEL'S Self-adhesive Patent Indestructible MINE-
RAL TEETH and FLEXIBLE GUMS, without palates,
springs, or wires, and without operation. One set lasts a
lifetime, and WARRANTED FOR MASTICATION and
ARTICULATION, even when all others fail. Purest ma-
terials only, at half the usual ,ost.
Messrs. GABRIEL, the old-established Delitists,
27, HARLEY-STREET, CAVENDISH-SQUARE;
34, LUDGATE-HILL, LONDON;
85, NEW-STREET, BIRMINGHAM; and
134, DUKE-STREET, LIVERPOOL.
Complete Sets, 4 to 7 and 10 to 15 guineas.
One visit only required from country patients, Gabriel's
Practical Treatise gratis.
Consultations free.

TRULY EFFICACIOUS AND MILD.--
Dr. SCOTT'S BILIOUS and LIVER PILLS, pre-
ared without any mercurial ingredient, from the recipe of Dr.
,cott, of Bromley, Kent, will be found invaluable to all who
uffer from bilious and liver complaints, indigestion, wind.
-pasms, giddiness, z ziness of the eyes, dm. For habitual
ostiveness, as a family aperient medicine, and as a purifier
of the blood, they ,re truly excellent; mild in their opera-
'ion and grateful to he stomach, they create appe ite, pro-
mote digestion, and strengthen the whole nervous system.
Sold by W. Lambert, 8, King William-street, Charing-cross.
London, and by most druggists, in boxes,lB. Ifcl., and three
times the quantity in one, 2s. 9d. Be sure to ask for Dr.
Scott's Bilious and Liver Pills. The genuine are a square
green package, with " William Lambert," engraved on the
stamp.

ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Gray's-inn•road,
in the immediate vicinity of the Great Northern Rail-
way Terminus, at King's-cross.

Patron—The QUEEN.
President—The Duke of BUCCLEUCH, K.G.
Treasurer—Edward Masterman, Esq.

This was the first hospital to introduce the principle of free
and instant admission to the destitute sick, without the for-
mality of governors' let rers. It is entirely devoted to desti-
tution in its most pitiable form—viz., that which is accom-
panied by sickness and disease, and is now of sufficient
magnitude that, with adequate support, it may be rendered
capable of admitting into its wards a very large proportion of
the casual sick of this great metropolis. It requires but the
funds in order to have 500 beds available for the reception of
these the most wretched of our fellow-creatures. Moreover,
it gratuitously affords medical advice and medicine to more,
on the average, than 3,000 out-patients a week.
The Weekly Board feel it their imperative duty to make an
EARNEST APPEAL to the public for continued suppqrt,
to enable them to admit and relieve the distressing cases that
daily present themselves.
Contributions are received by the Treasurer, Edward
Masterman, Esq.' Nicholas-lane; also by Messrs. Coutts and
Co. ; Drummond and Co. ; Herries and Co. ; Ransom and
Co. ; Prescott, Grote, and Co. ; Smith, Payne, Glyn
and Co. ;Jones Loyd and Co. ; Barclay and Co. ; Denison
and Co. ; IV liiams, Deacon, and Co. ; Overend, Gurney, and
Co. ; Nisbet and Co. ; Messrs. J. Barned and Co., Liverpool
L
and at the Hospital
STANFORD:S. SMITH, Secretary.

Mr. Bright, M.P., on the American Question.

A meeting of the Trades Unions was held last
evening in St. James's-hall, Piccadily, in favour of
the Northern States of America and of Negio

Emancipation. Mr. John Bright, M.P., president.
The greet hall was densely crowded long before
the proceedings commenced. Among those present

on the plattorm were Mr. Stansfeld, M.P Mr. 'Aviv-
son, Mr. John Stuart Mill, Mr. P. A. Taylor, M.P.,
Mr. Newman Hall, Professor Brzley, &c.
Mr. BRIGHT, on rising to open the proceedings of
the meeting, was received with great cheering. The
hon. gentlema❑ said,— When the committee did me
the honour to ask me to attend this meeting to-night

to take the chair, I felt that I was not at liberty to
refuse, for I considered there was something re-
markable in the character of this meeting, and I

need not tell y ou that the cause which we are assem-

bled to discuss is one that excites my warmest sym•

pathy. (Cheers.) This meeting is remarkable, in-

asmuch as it is not what is commonly called a public

meeting, but it is a meeting, as you have seen by
_ . _ . _

the advertisement by which it has been called, of the
members of the Trades' Unions and trades socie-
ties in London. The members of these societies

have not usually stepped out from their ordinary
business to take part in questions of this kind,
or in any great public questions. But the sub-
ject which you are now met to discuss is one
of surpassing interest, which excites at this mo-
ment, and has excited for two years past,

the attention and astonishment of the civilized

world. We see that country which for many years

during the lifetime of the oldest among us has been
the most peaceful, the most prosperous, and the

most free among the great nations of the earth—
we see it plunged at once into the midst of a

sanguinary revolution the proportions of which are
so gigantic as to dwarf all other revolutionary re-
cords and events of which we have any knowledge.

But I don't wonder at this revolution. No man

can read the history of the United States from the
time when they ceased to be colones of England
without discovering at the very birth of that great
republic that there were sown the seeds, if not of
its dissolution, at least of its extreme peril. The
infant giant in ita cradle may be said to have been
rocked under the shade of the tomb. Colonial

weakness when face to face with British strength
made it impossible to put an end to slavery or to
establish a republic free from slavery. To meet
England it was necessary to tolerate slavery, and
from that hour to this—at least to within two or
three years of the present period—the love of union,
—the patriotism of the American people, has in-
duced them constantly to make concessions to
slavery, becluse they knew that when they ceased
to make these concessions they ran the peril of that
disruption which has now arrived, and they dreaded

the destruction of their country even more than they
hated the evil of slavery. But those concessions,—
as concessions to evil I believe always do fail,—

have failed to secure safety to the Union. There
were principles at war which were wholly irrecon-

cileable. The South, as you know, for the last 50
years have been engaged in building up fresh ram-
parts by which to defend their institutions, while
the North have been growing yearly greater in
freedom. A contest, therefore, could not be distant ;
it was obviously inevitable. In our day, then, that

which the statesmen of America hoped permanently
to postpone has arrived. The great trial is going
on in sight of the world, and the verdict on this
great question must at last be rendered ? But

how much is at stake ? Some men in this coun

try, some writers, talk of it as if, after all, it was no
great matter that had caused this contest in the
United States. I say that a whole continent is at
stake. (Cheers.) It is net a question of boundary, it
is not a question of tariff, it is not a question of su-
premacy, or of party, it is not a question even of

the condition of 4,000,000 of negroes. It is more
than that; it is a question of a whole continent with
its teeming millions, and what shall be their pre-

sent and future fate. It is for those millions, and
among them, a question of freedom or slavery, edu-
cation or ignorance, light or darkness, Christian mo-
rality, ever widening and all-blessing in its influ-
ence, or an overshadowing and all-blasting guilt.
(Cheers.) There are men, good men, who say that
we in England who are opposed to war should take

no public part in this great question ; and only yes-
terd, y I received from a friend of mine, whose
fidelity I honour, a letter in which he asked me
whether I thought, with the views which he sup-
posed I entertained on the question of war, it was
fitting that I should appear at such a meeting as
this. It is not our war. (Cheers.) We did not make
it. (Cheers.) We deeply lament it. It is not in our
power to bring it to a close; but I know not that
we are called upon to shut our eyes, and to close
our hearts to the great issues that are depending
upon it. (Cheers.) Now, we are met to ask one an-
other some questions. Has England any opinion with
regard to this great American question ? Has Eng-
land any sympathy on one side or the other with
either party engaged in this great struggle ? But,
to come nearer, I would ask whether this meeting
has any opinion upon it, and whether our sympa-
thies have been stirred in relation to it ? It is true
to this meeting not many noble, not many rich have
been called. It is a meeting composed of artisans,
working men of the City of London, men whose la-
bour, in combination with capital and directing skill
have built this great city, and have made England
great. I address myself to these men; I ask them,
I ask you, have you any special interest in this con-
test P (Cheers.) Privilege thinks it has a great
interest in it ; and every morning with blatant
voice it comes into your street and curses the Ame-
rican Repub'ic. Privilege has beheld an aftletiog
spectacle for many years past. It has beheld
30,000,000 of men, happy and prosperous, without
Emperor (cheers)— without King (cheers)—
without the surroundings of a Court—(cheers)—
without nobles, except such as are made by emi-
nence in intellect and virtue—(cheers)—without
State bishops and State priests, the sole vendors of
a law which works salvation ; without great armies
and great navies, without great debt, and without
great taxes. (sheers.) Privilege has shuddered
at what might happen to old Europe if this grand
I experiment should succeed. (Cheers.) But you,
the workers—you striving after a better time—you,
struggling upwards towards the light with slow
and painful steps—you have no cause to look with
jealousy upon a country which, among the nations
of the globe, is that one where labour has met with
the highest honour, and where it has reaped its
greatest reward. (Cheers.) Are you aware of the
great fact that in 15 years, which is but as yester..
day when it is past, two millions and a half of your
countrymen have found a home in the United States
—that a population equal nearly to the population
of this great city, equal no mean kingdom, has in
that space of time emigrated from these shores ?
In the United States there has been an open door
for every man, and millions have entered into it and
have found rest. Let us take the two sections of
the country which are now engaged in this fearful
struggle. In the one, labour is honoured more
than elsewhere in the world ; there, more than in
any other country, men rise to competence and in-
dependence, and no honest pursuit is thwarted by the
law. In the other sei...tion, labour is not only not
honoured, but it is degraded ; there the labourer
is made a chattel; he is no more his own master
than the horse that drags the omnibus through
cyrnhosiuyl d
the next street, nor is his wife nor his
havebe nor
w e
11 not heardtht
oi
the
hgi
et
foraathat
:to refernny nmdiosimngehnisstt—atoetwhmanet.nitt,
is
not the black man only who should
be a slave. I
heard it stated only to-day that slavery in Jewish
times was not confined to negroes. Therefore, if
you lose your hold on negro slavery, you lose your
sheet-anchor for the cause of the slave. (Cheers.)
in your trade societies you help each other, and

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