The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-19 00:00:00

No . 18,745.] LONDON, TUESDAY SUN OCTOBER 19, 1852.
7

ROYAL SWEDISH RAILWAY COMPANY.
No Applications for Shares can be received after Tuesday,
19th instant.

By order of the Directors,
E. C. NICLIOLLS, Secretary (pro tem.)

28, Poultry.

ROYAL SWEDISH RAILWAY COMPANY.
KOPING to lIULT, forming the First Section of a Trunk
Little from Stockholm to Gottenburg.
Established pursuant to Royal Charter of Sweden, with the State
Guarantee of 5 per cent.
Capital, 5,000,040 rix d. 1. bane, (416,6701.), in 83,334 shares of GO
dollars each, or 5/. sterling.
Deposit 2/. per share, on payment of which certificates will be issued
to bearer.
The shareholders' liability is, by the law of Sweden, limited to their

amount of shares.

PATRON-111s Royal Iligh—n-e-s7iile Crowu Prince of Sweden and

Norway.
BOARD OF DIRECTORS.
Anders Magnus Brink, Esq., merchant, M.P. for Stockhohn,

K. lt
Robert Gillman, Esq., Bucklersbury
P. M. Loven, Esq., merchant, Stockholm
John Masterman, jun., Esq , Nicholas-lane
James Rhodes, Esq., banker, Lombard-street
Count Adolphe Eugene Von Rosen, Lieutenant-Colonel K.R.0.5.,

Stockholm
John Sadleir, Esq., M.P., Chairman of the London and County Bank,

Lombard-street
Charles Frederich Warn, Esq., merchant, M.P. for Gottenburg.

BANKERS,

Stockholm—Bank of Sweden.
Gottenburg—Join-Stock Bank of Gottenburg.
Orebro—Joint-Stock Bank of Orebro.
Paris—Messrs. Fould, Fould, Oppenheim, and Co.
London—Messrs. Masterman and Co., London and County Bank,
Brokers—Messrs. R. and T. Sutton, 22, Royal Exchan&e.
Engineer-in-Chief—Sir John Rennie, F.R.S.
Resident Engineer—Carl Tottie, Esq.

. _
Souarrois—Charles Henry Edmunds, Esq., Eldon-chambers,
Devereux-court, Temple.
Offices, 28, Poultry.

The extension of the railway system on the continent, its introduc-
tion into Denmark, Norway, and. Russia, countries immediately
surrounding Sweden, has rendered it indispensable, in a national
point of view, that the latter should no longer be isolated from the
grand chain of European communication.
To meet this necessity the Government of Sweden has granted a
concession for the construction of a series of trunk and branch lines,
adequate to the internal necessities of the kingdom, and to its foreign
traffic.

The eellatrUdion olvs,Grand Trunk Line between Stoitirlm and
clottenburg has been, in the first instance, determined en,. COmPrier
log an extent of 350 miles, by which messes- the great design of
tilting the Baltic and the North Seas will be accomplished, and, in
connexion with the line about to be established across Denmark, the
Journey from St. Petersburgh to London will be accomplished in half
the time occupied_ at present ; the navigation of the Sound will
be avoided ; and consequently the payment of Sound dues,
together with a saving of freight, insurance, and the delay of a long
voyage up the Baltic. The port of Gottenburg, on the North Sea,
being accessible during a greater portion of the year than the Baltic
ports, the navigation to the north of Europe will be continued until a
much later period in the year than at present ; the Russian traffic
from Western Europe and America would, in summer from choice,
and in winter from necessity, add largely to the traffic of this Line.
The object of the present Company, is the construction of the first
section of this Grand Trunk line, to the extent of about 88 English
miles, between Koping and Hult, which will connect the two prin-
cipal lakes of Sweden, Wenern, and Malarn ; the remainder of the
route, between Stockholm and Gottenburg, will be accomplished for
the present by the steam-boats through the lakes.
The concession for the first section has been obtained front the
Government of Sweden, for a term of 40 years, with a guarantee of
5 per cent., on a capital of 416,6791., thus offering to the capitalist
a highly profitable investment secured on the faith of one of the
most responsible Governments in Europe, without any public debt
whatever, and with an annual surplus revenue.
From the annual sum of 20,8331. thus guaranteed by the Go-
vernment, 4 per cent. per annum will be paid tothe shareholders,
and the remainder will be applied to create a sinking Lund to re-
deem the entire capital at the expiration of forty years.
It is important to observe that the shareholders will be entitled to
the entire profits of the railway, which, it is confidently expected,
will realize from 8 to 10 per cent. per annum.
Contracts have been entered into with a responsible English con-
tractor, from whom security has been taken for the execution of the
entire works of the line, and to provide all the rolling stock, plant,
and workshops necessary for the efficient working of the railway, on
such terms as will secure the execution of the whole, the payment
of all preliminary expenses, cost of management until the opening
of the line, and 4 per cent. interest to the shareholders during the
period of construction, for the amount of the capital of 416,6701.
Full powers are granted to the Company of establishing an electric
telegraph, with the usual privileges attached thereto.
Four per cent. interest will be allowed to the Shareholders on
their cane, from the day of payment, during the period of con-
struction.
The payment of interest and dividend will take place at Stockholm,
Gottenburg, Paris, and London, at a fixed rate of exchange of twelve
rix-dolars banco to the 11. sterling.
Applications for shares, is th. accompanying form, to be made
to Messrs. R. and J. Sutton, 22. Royal Exchange, London.

Form of Application for Shares.
To the Directors of the Royal Swedish Railway Company.
Gentlemen,—l request you will slot to me shares of 51. each
in the above undertaking ; the whole of which, or any less number
that may be allotted to me, I agree to accept and pay the sum 01
ti. per share thereon when requested so to do, and to abide by the
statutes of the Company.
1 am, Gentlemen, your obedient servant,

Signature at full length • • ....
Occupation
Residence in full .... •• .• ...... •
Reference. • • • .. • • • ... • • ......

ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF MARRIAGE, AND THE SECRET
INFIRMITIES OF YOUTH AND MATURITY.
WITH FIFTY COLOURED ENGRAVINGS ON STEEL.

In French, English, German, Dutch, Spanish, and Italian, in a
Sealed Envelope, 21. 6d., or post-free, for Forty-two Stamps,

SELF-PRESERVATION; an
Analytical Investigation of the Physiology and Functions of
Marriage, in all the bearings in which that important subject affects
the health and happiness of Man,with its Disqualifications and Impe-
diments, tracing their origin to the effects of juvenile solitary habits,
youthml excess, tropical climates, or close study ; followed by prac-
tical remarks, founded on twenty years' experience in the treatment
of Impuissance, Nervous Debility, Local Weakness, Spermatorrhcea,
Syphilis, and all diseases of the Urinary and Generative System. Il-
lustrated by 50 coloured Eneravings, on the Anatomy of the Repro-
ductive Organs and their relative conditions in Health and Disease.

By SAMUEL LA'MERT, M.D.,
37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON,
Doctor of Medicine, Matriculated Member of the University of Edin-
burgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society,
Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, &C., &C.

The essential object of this treatise is to point out the fearful
consequences resulting from irregularities and excesses, which
have produced more misery in Youth, degradation in Man-
hood, and premature decay at all stages of life, than, perhaps, any
other class of disease known to modern pOthologists. The treatment
adopted is founded on experience gained in the most celebrated
schools of medicine both in this country and in continental Europe.
The results of the knowledge thus acquired are here condensed under
the personal supervision of Dr. La'Mert, himself ono of the few
legally qualified physicians who have devoted their whole and un-
divided studies to this important branch of medical science. In short,
every peculiarity relating to the treatment of the diseases incidental
to the generative system, and the means of immediate relief and
ultimate cure are described in detail. The professional reputation
of Dr. La'Mert, who has taken the most distinguished medical
and academic honours at home and abroad, is in itself a sufficient
guarantee that those who may place themselves under his care
will, in every instance, meet with that delicate consideration and
nviolable secrecy which are so requisite in the treatment of these
eases.
Published by the Author, and may be had of 3. Gilbert, 49, Pater-
noster-row; Hannay, 63, Oxford-street ; Starts, Titchborne-street,
Haymarket ; Mann, 23, Cornhill ; or tree by host for forty-two
stamps, from the author, who may be consulted persoually, or by
etter. daily, from Tan till Two. and from Six till Eight_

DR. CIILVERWELL'S NEW WORKS.
To be had of Sherwood, 23, Paternoster-row ; Carvalbo,
47, Fleet-street; Mann, 39, Cornhlll ; or direct from the author ;
nice One Shilling each; by post, 13. '6(l.

ENJOYMENT OF LIFE.
"Health, Recreation, and Rational Use of Time."
CONTEN re :—Early Rising—Spring and Summer Aornings—Ex-
cursions about the Environs of London—The rams, Lanes, Hills,
Forests, Fields, High-roads, and other pleasant places—Country
Trips and Rambles—The Sea—London at Night—Evenings at Home
—Music—The Drama—On Eating, Drinking, Sleeping, Bathing,
Air, Rest, Ease, Occupation, &c.,
II
-

TO ARTISTS, INVENTORS, Etc., icc.
The Directors of the
ROYAL POLYTECHNIC) INSTITUTION,
PATRON—H. R. H. PRINCE ALBERT,
respectfully give notice that Deposits of General Interest are received
and ably described to the public, free of expense.
The Exhibition, and all the popular Lectures as usual.
Last Week of Mr. Buckland's Lecture on Music, in which he will
sing the National Song on the Death of Wellington.
Admission, Is. ; stenools and Children under lon years of age,
qalf-price. For Hours, see Programme.

E. 3103 ES AND SON.

THEIR FRIENDS, TIIE PUBLIC, AND TINE SEASONS.

MOSES and SON, gratified by the patronage
.-t4i• and encouragement bestowed on their Establishment and

its Branches, express their gratitude to their friends and the public,
assuring them that their magnificent arrangements for AUTUMN
and WINTER are in every sense complete, and embrace every article
worthy of being called a NOVELTY, in the departments of DRESS,
HOSIERY, FURS, &c.. &c. EASE, associated with FASHION and
ELEGANCE, arc the summits to which they aspire in the TAILOR-
ING Alt I, s-nd their patrons will have ample opportunity of testing
the very flattering degrees of success which have attended their un-
paralleled exertions in preparations for the Autumn and Winter
Season. To specify the character of each novel introduction they
hare the pleasure of presenting is impossible; but in the labyrinth of
new styles stands in just prominence the BELGIUM WRAPPER,
designed and made only by E. MOSES and SON. This ingenious
and artistic contrivance serves the threefold purpose of COAT,
CLOAK, and TRAVELLING CAPE.
The OVERCOAT season having commenced. E. MOSES and
SON invite public attention to the laNest and most novel stock of
OVERCOATS, PALETOTS, &c., in the Kingdom, and they unhesi-
tatingly affirm that the price of each article will be found better, and
considerably lower in price, than at any other House in the World.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

-

FROM THE MORNING PIPERS OF THIS DAN.

TIMES.—The Popish agitators of Ireland have
positively adopted what Americans would call the
" platform " of Religious Equality for the approach-
ing season. These sworn and devoted followers of
the M'Hales, the Slatteries, and the Cullens—these
men wbo prescribe seminaries of education in their
own country, and whose fellow-religionists in Rolm
and Florence consign all Dissenters to the dungeon
or the galleys—these very people, known and
branded for intolerant bigots, beyond even the cur-
rent wilfulness of bigotry—are meeting together and
resolving that " religious freedom, equal, impartial,
and universal, shall be extended to all, of whatever
religious denomination, and that all shall share
equally in the ecclesiastical resources of the State,
according to the religion in which they were born, or
which their consciences may lead them to profess ! "
These doctrines, thus laid down and proclaimed, are
really and actually the production of pure and tho-
rough-going Papists-3f men who remit to perdition
all congregations but their own, who defend interdicts
against Protestant worship in foreign countries, and
who represented the Queen's University in Ireland as
an institution conducting directly—qte use their own
language—" to hell fire and damnation." We are
persuaded, as we remarked before, that Irishmen, and
Irishmen alone, could have ventured oa such an au-
dacity of self-contradiction. Even Jeauitism could
never have done as much without a' smack of the true
Hibernian element. By and by we shall probably
see " Conservative committees ' sittitig in Dublin and
publishing strong resolutions against all kinds of agi
tation, disturbance, or intrigue. ~,
We have no intention of institttipg any argument
with the Sackville-street conspirat&i. ~,10,,pq_ single
respect do their proceedings deserve any serious at-
tention on the part of the British public. The com-
mittee's advertisement is contemptible as a political
symptom, and even as a bull it will only bear laugh-
ing at once. We know perfectly well, indeed, that
the conspirators themselves attach no real importance
to their project. In the desire to get hold of the
property of others, if such felony could be contrived,
they are no doubt very earnest, but they are not in-
considerate enough, even as Irishmen, to believe that
a Dublin club will be indulged with the harrying of
an ecclesiastical establishment, or that a period when
Papists in Ireland are diminishing, and Protestants
multiplied by hundreds daily, is the most fitting
moment for the abolition of the Irish Church. They
have no expectation of being listened to; but a fresh
subject of agitation was wanted, and this looked the
best. Twelve months ego it was the " Defence As-
sociation ;" but the Defence Association was crushed
out with a tread, and now it is the ilstruction of a
Protestant establishment, under the pretext of a
" Religious Equality Conference." The new idea,
it was thought, might frighten the Government,
excite the Papist population, and attract some
sympathizers among English Nonconformists ; and,
though it would some to nothing, that was no great
drawback on an Irish experiment.
We are not going to exalt this piece of impudent
folly to the character of a political project by discuss-
ing its justice or propriety. There ip no need to ex-
pose a thing which will die fast enotigla without any
exposure. We offer merely a few plain remarks to these
organized agitators on the subject of their agitations
generally. They seem to have, been terribly affronted
with what we said the other day, but they may assure
themselves that it was nothing but the truth. We do
not wish to bluster or threaten. It is not the way of
Enournot in
lawst he
puthab iitao
force,
proclaimingor that
w
aloud
will keep the peace of the kingdom. But, for the
laset five-and-twenty years, Irishmen have been habi-
tuated to productive agitation and to the attainment of
their ends by the threat of making themselves ungo-
glistraten we.
We
will seer e
ungo-
vernable if they were refused. The time for this work
is past. Englishmen have acquired two pieces of know-
ledge; first, that these menaces mean nothing at all; and
next, that the concessions they provoke are unscrupu-
lously abused. We granted emancipation for fear of civil
war, and in deference to the maxims of theoretical
wisdom. We now know that " civil war means a'
row in a cabbage garden, and that the conclusions of

liberal theories are convicted by the wilfulness of
emancipated Papists. Nothing has followed from
Roman Catholic Emancipation which its advocates
predicted, except the satisfaction produoecp-
rightly, while everything that Lord Winchoo— pro-
phesied has been more than confirmed—we are
driven to confess it—by the madness of the liberated
crew.
These facts have now furnished teaditions of Go-
vernment. We now see our way, ind we are not
going to be bullied again. It would be exceedingly
disagreeable to the people of this country to be
forced into any extremities with the Papists of
Ireland, but it would be worse still to permit these
Papists to give the people of England the law. We
should take the less of two evils, nst only because
it is the less, but because it would infallibly, when
closely encountered, prove a great deal less still.
If Dr. lal‘llale will compose himself to philoso-
phical serenity as he reads these remarks, he will
see that the policy thus approved is not the result
of anger or indignation, or the symbol of de-
liberate oppression, but the conclusion of com-
mon prudence only. As Papists cannot be satisfied
without an absolute totality of licence, we must go-
vern unsatisfied Papists as well as we can. If Irish-
men, as is very possible, must needs ixaite themselves
in associations and committees for the public prosecu-
tion of some extravagant folly, they will be indulged
in their fancies up to the furthest limit consistent
with the good order of the State, but toe attention or
respect of the Legislature will be beyoad their reach.
There was a time when it was penal in various de-
grees to profess the doctrines or celebrate the rites of
Popery. We trust these times may never return,
though the M`Hales and Cullens are taking every
step to recal them. But Englishmen can very well
distinguish between those attributes of the Romish
religion which it suits the genius of Popery 80 con-
veniently to confound. They can imagine that Po-
pish congregations want Popish masshcuses, and that
Popish clergy want Popish orders, but they are not
to be persuaded that Popish sacraments cannot be
administered unless the bishops enjoy the titles
of a territorial peerage. Undoubted IT it has al-
ways " been the practice " of the Papal See to
insist upon these designations, because it has
always been the practice of the said see to claim
in every country a dominion introduced as spiri-
tual authority, but convertible at the first op-
portunity into temporal power. We can separate
those accidents which Rome adroitly assimilates to
each other, and neither in this country nor in Ire-
land will anything be permitted to Papists which
raises their profession above that of any private or
independent congregation. We shell not stone
them as idolaters, though they want but the power
to burn us as heretics. We shall confine them to
a sphere where their doings will affect none but
themselves, and, if Dr. M'liale will but look atten-
tively at the signs cf the times, he will discover
that the true friends of " religious liberty" may have
enough to do in preserving even this result of their
past and ill-requited labours.

the consideration of each matters as may be thereby
submitted to them."

If the Times continues seriously to writs and pub-
lish such fictions as this, can it retain, however bril-
liantly conducted, its influence with so truth-loving a
nation as the English ? or, will not all men when ad-
dressing another from whom they have heard some
eitravagant story, say—" You must have read that
in the Times

(From the Daily News.)

The Times announces a bel:ef in what has been for
some time feared and apprehended, but what is,
nevertheless, still almost incredible—that Lord Derby
and his colleagues have advised the Queen to grant to
Convocation her Royal licence, to proceed at its next
meeting to business. We would repeat that such a story
would be quite incredible were it not for the general
character of the present Government—the peculiar
rashness and precipitency of the Premier,—and the
High Church and Tractarian obligations he and his
colleagues have imposed on themselves. If, however,
it be true, then the weakest and most incompetent
Ministry England has had since the Hanovarian suc-
cession, will have dared to do an act more audacious
and mischi 3VOUS than the strongest Ministry since that
period ever dreamt of. Since 1719, such a thing as
restoring or reviving convocations never entered the
head of a responsible adviser of the English Crown,
until, in an evil moment for the country, Lord Derby
became the Minister of Queen Victoria. And if he
has really given any such advice to Her Majesty, he
will have done so in the presence of two recent facts
—one, that the very advocates of such a policy two
years ago withdrew their own motion on the subject
in the House of Lords ; the other, that they have
never dared even to moot the proposition in the House
of Commons.
True; the revival of Convocation for business pur-
poses is within the traditionary scope of the Royal pre-
rogative. But we live under a Parliamentary Govern-
ment; in England we have a Parliamentary Church ;
and the policy of our Ministers must in all respects
and all subjects be a Parliamentary policy. Now, even
for the Sovereign to revive Convocation after more than
a: century's silence a silence in favour of which
there always has been, and is still, an unanimity of
all rational opinion—will substantially be to take the
Church of England out.of the sphere of Parliamentary
j urisdiction—a step which the people of England
never will submit to. That, however, is the end and
aim of the schemers and plotters, lay and ecclesias-

tical, who have been urging this step on Lord Derby
and his colleagues. They seek to render the Church
an institution separate from, and independent of, the
Legislature ; with powers, privileges, and authority,
which Parliament cannot interfere with or eontrol.
They wish to make a twofold division of royalty ;
one, as head of the Church with its spiritual council,
Convocation; the other, as head of the State, with its
temporal council, Parliament. Once tolerate Convo-
cation, and we shall have to embark in a struggle
that must end either in a complete revolution of the
constitution of this country, or in the destruction of
its Church.
Were it possible simply to revive the Convocation
as it was situate in 1719, a greater nuisance could not
be restored. There are no such scenes and succession
of discords, wranglings, disputes, and literary war-
fares in the world's history as those which Convoca-
tion from the period of the Revolution of 1688 to
1719 produced. The two houses quarrelled and
fought about privileges and forms; the lower house
of clergy abused the upper house of bishops ; Mae upper
house of bishops censured and rebuked the lower house
of clergy; the writings and sentiments of the most
eminent men of the day were tortured and ransacked
by eager, furious polemics to afford means of prosecution
and persecution ; episcopacy was accused of all manner
of treasons and misfeasances to the Church because of
its moderation towards the State ; pretensions were
raised far the Church incompatible with order and
civil government; the toleration of dissent and of free
opinion was endangered ; the country was flooded
and teased, and tormented with pamphlets, and works
and publications on the most perplexing (and happily
the most useless) of all subjects; theories the most
preposterous were started; and the comprehension of
the Church was in imminent danger, when the Pri-
mate advised the Sovereign to silence Convocation,
and to give peace to the land. After a few years the
Royal licence to proceed to business was again issued;
with, however, the •melancholy consequences—
" envy, hatred, and all uncharitableness ;"
and once more, with the full approbation of the
Archbishop of Canterbury and amidst the applause
of the nation, Convocation was closed in 1719, it was
hoped, for ever.
And what a century of repose followed ! A century,
too, of more than repose—of gradual improvement in
all ecclesiastical, and at last in all religiou., concerns
—a century in which Parliament did more for the
Church than it did between the Reformation and the
silencing of Convocation—a century free from the
agitation of organic and revolutionary discussions ;
a century marked by wiser and better and holier
feelings on the part of all sociey. And this we are to
risk by again plunging into all the depths of ecclesi-
astical polemies ; in the name, and under the pretence
of religious liberty, we are again to risk disturbing
society in its most susceptible feelings and in its pro-
foundest recesses ; for the sake of a little popularity
to a bad Administration, we are again to be exposed to
all the dangers of that most dangerous of all human
assemblies—an Assembly of Priests.
But it is impossible now simply to revive the Con-
vocation that was silenced in 1719. To all the evils
of the past (modified a little perhaps by the refine-
ments of modern manners) we should to have to add
the worst evils of the present; we should have to add
conflicts of our own, theories of our own, designs of
our own times; worse than all, the jesuitry of our
clergy. To restore Convocation now is to provide a
battle-field for the two armed and exasperated parties
that as yet strive and struggle for mastery apart in
the Church of England—an arena round which the
anxious hopes and the fears of thousands would assem-
ble and crowd—an amphitheatre whereon to hold an
ecclesiastical bull fight. And when victory shall have
declared for one side, where then would be the Church
of England ? Rent, torn, and divided, a separation
and secession would be inevitable. Out would march

the worsted and the defeated party, leaving the spoils
to the conquerors, but carrying away with them that
spirit of comprehension which was the glory and the
strength of the Church.
To suppose that talking in Convocation can heal
the sores of the Church is to set at naught all expe-
rience, and to overlook all present occurrences. Men's
minds are now embittered and exasperated after a
decade of ecclesiastical polemics ; parties are more
distinctly formed and organised than ever; discussion
and controversy, instead of reconciling and nearing
their views, and opinions, and designs, have widened
and deepened and made them irreconcileable ; the
Church is now occupied by the claims of authority
and the principle of religious freedom; and their
contention could not for an hour be restrained in Con-
vocation. Now, this conflict is, to all human ap-
pearances, quite endless; and it is at the bottom of all
ecclesiastical disputes. It may occasionally flag ;
but only to burst out unexpectedly with greater
vehemence than ever. Confined to discussion it is
harmful enough; but provided with opportunity for
practical measures, as it would be by Convocation, it
would be more than harmful—it would become dan-
gerous to the peace of the community. When eccle-
siastical authority becomes, as it soon would, predo-
minant therein, it would again, as it always has, get
into a conflict with the State or the civil power. If

the State succumbed, we should have a new power in
England ; if Convocation gave way the Church would
suffer by the failure of its supposed organ.
Convocation is unnecessary, for Parliament is now
the only council from which the people of England
will accept legislation of any kind; it is unsought
fur by the great bulk of the clergy and the Christian
laity, for they recognize the subordination of the
Church to Parliament; and it is dangerous, because
it is demanded only by those who seek to elevate the
Church at the expense of the State, and who place the
claims of unmeaning authority and tradition above
the rights of reason, the light of Revelation, and the
obligations of civil obedience. To the subjects of
this realm it would be mischievous, to the Crown
hurtful as allying it with ecclesiastical ambition, and
to the Church ruinous as connecting it with prin-
ciples incompatible with the general welfare.
If, then, the Earl of Derby has given any such
advice to Queen Victoria, a responsibility far heavier
than that of party will be upon him.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
It is now exactly twelve days since we announced,
in the most prominent manner, and the most em-
phatic term!, that Lord Derby had agreed, on the
urgent solicitations of the Tractarian party, to advise
Her Majesty to give her sanction to the restoration
of Convocation. The opening of the article in which
we made this announcement was as follows :—" We
know not that we have made for a long time past a
more important announcement than that which we
are now about to make. We are assured, from a
source in which we repose every reliance, that Lord
Derby has actually so far listened to the earnest and
persevering solicitations of the Tractarians, as to give
A promise that he will advise Her Majesty to sanction
the restoration
.of Convocation. We should have
thopght the otAtement unworthy of credit had it come

[PRICE SD.

to us from an ordinary quarter; but knowing whence
it reaches us, we repose implicit faith in it. Whether
the Noble Lord may yet be driven from his purpose,
and feel compelled, from the pressure which we know
is in store for him, to recal his word, is another mat-
ter. We should not think it likely that he will. We
have said from the first, that he is fairly in the hands
of the Roinanishing party in the Anglican Church, and
once completely in their meshes, he will find it no easy
matter to extricate himself, even were he so disposed:"
There was something so startling, so astounding in
the idea, that after the lapse of nearly a century and
a half; any Minister could be found to counsel the
Sovereign to give her sanction to the revival of a
body which had, in the seventeenth century, acted
in the manner in which the Convocation of that Pe •
lied did, that our announcement was everywhere
received with incredulity. On the very day of the
appearance of our article, a weekly journal of high
character, and which devotes much of its space to ec-
clesiastical matters, ventured to express its utter dis-
belief in our statement. Afterwards came the Morn-
ing Herald, treating the idea as absurd, and denying
by implication that Lord Derby had ever enter-
tained the notion, even for a moment. As the latter
journal is understood to be the morning organ of the
Ministry, it was presumed to speak with the voice of
authority. It was consequently assumed by those
who were not, like ourselves, behind the ecclesiastical
scenes, that we must have been misinformed in what
we communicated respecting the meeting of Convo-
cation.

That conviction will prevail no longer. The article
in yesterday's Times, which we transfer to our
columns to-day, sets the matter at rest. Convoca-
tion is to be restored, and the information which we
gave so specifically, and so explicitly, twelve days before
any of our contemporaries had a word on the subject,
is now confirmed to the letter.
We might here, with much propriety, pause for a
moment for the purpose of stating parenthetically,
that the same matinal organ of the Derby Govern-
ment thought proper the other day to throw dis-
credit on another statement which we made,—namely,
that Mr. Disraeli himself had, a few days previously,
admitted to a friend, that he had great doubts whe
ther the Ministry, of which he is so prominent a
member, will be in existence four weeks after the
meeting of Parliament. We repeat, that the source
whence we derived our information leaves us no
room to doubt that the Right Honourable Gentleman
did make such admission. What is more, Mr. Dis-
raeli's anticipations of the early dissolution of the
Derby Cabinet, are in a fair way of being realized.
But this much by the way. With regard to the
revival of Convocation, it is precisely the course
which the enemies of the Anglican Church would
like to see pursued. A more effectual expedient for
precipitating the destruction of that Church could
not be devised. We have always said that the
greatest enemies of the Episcopal Establishment
were to be found within its own pale. We are
about to witness such a verification of our words
as will leave no doubt of the advised manner in which
we spoke. The Dissenters have laboured zealously
and unceasingly for a long series of years to under-
mine the foundations of the great ecclesiastical fabric
but their success has by no means corresponded with
the earnestness and assiduity of their efforts. They
will now get the work done to their hands. And we
need not add, that they will not concern themselves
as to the particular instrumentality by which the
event is brought about, provided they only see the
wished-for consummation effected.

We need not repeat that the movement in favour
of restoring what is oalled the Church's Synodical
action, originated with the Puseyite party alone,
and that it has been supported solely by the semi-
Popish section of the clergy. One of the first acts of
the Convocation will be to reverse the decision of
the law courts in the memorable Gorham case, and
to adopt resolutions which will compel every honest,
conscientious clergyman and layman of the Evan-
gelical school to secede from the Church. This is
no mere conjecture of ours as to the course which
the Tractarian party will pursue in Convocation.
From the same source whence we derived our infor-
mation of the momentous fact that Lord Derby had
acquiesced in the wishes of the Puseyites, that he
should advise her Mjesty to give her consent to the
restoration of Convocation, we received no less
specific and credible information as to the line of
action which that body, consisting, as it will do,
exclusively of the Tractarian party, will adopt.
What the effect on the Church will be, of all the
evangelical clergy being compelled to secede, or, in
other words, being ejected, will be comprehended,
when we mention that the evangelical, or low Church
clergy, number from 3,000 to 4,000. With them,
we need not add, some myriads of the laity will go
out, and these consisting of the most pious and zaal-
ous men within the pale of the Establishment.
What the Church will be after a change of this
nature, we leave our readers to imagine. If the
Church has been for some time past in a most criti-
cal condition, in consequence of the prevalence of
Popery, under the name of Pueeyism, in her pulpits,
it will indeed be passing strange should she survive
the loss of those laborious, pious, and faithful men
who have hitherto been regarded as the life and soul
of the Anglican Establishment.
But though Lord Derby has determined, acting,
as we know he does, under the inspiration of Samuel
of Oxford, to accede to the wishes of the semi-Popish
party in the Church for the revival of Convocation,
we are not to forget that the measure has still to be
carried. Before it has become law there will, we
presume, be something to say on the subject in the
House of Commons. If the Legislature allow Lord
Derby to advise the Queen to give her sanction to
the revival of Convocation for the transaction of
business, it will betray the trust which the country
reposes in it. We could not conceive of anything
more damaging to the character of the new House
of Commons, than its silence and inaction when so
important a step is about to be taken on his own re-
ponsibility. But that cannot be. The new House
of Commons will not thus, in the very infancy of its
existence, forfeit the confidence of the country. Par-
liament will speak. It will interpose, and say, in
peremptory terms, that such things shall not be. If
such a measure were to be sanctioned, and the Church
were to re-acquire the power which she possessed a
century and a half ago, the country may depend on
it that ere long the Church will domineer with e
high hand over the State—in which case the people
of these realms will, before many years have elapsed,
be subject to the most intolerable priestly despotism
which ever cursed a civilized country.

( From the Chronicle,)
The two events which most concern the Church a
the present moment are—the promised, or threatened,
Royal Commission for inquiring into the Cathedral
Chapters, and the ensuing meeting of Convocation.
The Royal Commission we have treated in a spirit of
fairness. We have acknowledged the neglects and
defects of the Capitular establishments. We have
exposed individual abuses and misappropriations of
funds ; and we have not denied the right of the
Crown to interfere in this as in all other breaches of
corporate trust. The supreme authority, even in
heathen countries, is bound to see that right and jus-
tice is done—i. e., to compel official persons to dis-
charge their Ministry. It is in this sense, and
in this only, that we have accepted the Commis-
sion ; but we have accepted it with a very
material reservation. We view the Commission
as an instrument and means for taking evidence,
but as little more. We have never said one word as
to the fitness of such a body to act in any higher capa-
city ; and a distinction ought always to be bornei
in
mind between evidence taken before commissioners,
and the recommendations which they may offer.
The former can scarcely fail of having some value ;
but the latter depend on the
qualifications,temzi.r,
experience, knowledge, and principles
vidual commissioners. As to this particular of therticular ICom-
mission, we have already said that its especial field
of inquiry is already tolerably exhausted. We know
as much about the origin of Chapters, their original
purpose, and their capacities for reconstruction as
most commissioners do. The public has little on
these heads to learn. It was not., therefore, from
any expectation of remarkable results from their
labours that we acquiesced in the issuing of the
Commission. Its intrinsic value was as a formal,
distinct recognition on the part of the State, as the
impersonation of law, that there was a wrong. Its
practical value we detected in the circumstance
that its proceedings would be a solemn and elaborate
mode of taking arid collecting evidence. But at
the same time, we have always contended that
its recommendations could not be final, and pos.
sibly mightbe very objectionable. We have argued
that the Much ought to be consulted, in its corpo•
rate capacity, upon the reconstruction of Chapters.
The Church might accept the evidence taken by the
Royal Commission, as the groundwork of future le-
gislation, but the Church cannot longer submit to
any merely extrinsic remodelling. The value of the
Commission is its ministerial functions. 'We never
accepted it as a legislative organ. Parallel to our
adhesion to the Commission was our claim for the
co-ordinate action of Cony
convenient mode of taking
evidence,ocation But, even as a
it is obvious that
the value of a Commission must mainly depend upon
its COUStitUti°ll. It is possible, therefore, that, after

all, we must be prepared to withdraw our adhe-
sion, for the constitution of that which is about
to issue may inske it antecedently untrust-
/ worthy. We have no objection to the
.Commis-
Sion because it is to be a mixed one, in equal
proportions of clergy and laity. Far from it. But
the clergy and laity may be so selected as to make
confidence impossible. We do not mean that indi-
viduals of a single party are at all likely to be nomi-
nated; but there may be a preliminary blunder in
fixing upon the classes from which Commissioners
are to be selected, which may make the whole thing
powerless for good. Unless we are seriously misin-
formed, the clerical members of the Commission
are to consist exclusively of dignitaries—of bishops
and members of Chapters. Now we are not de-
sirous to say an offensive thing, but these are the
very parties now inculpated at the bar of public
opinion. To issue a Commission, addressed only
ntoitadrliesgn,itaries, to inquire into the doings of dig.-
is just as wise as to set the Court of Al-
dermen inquiring into the abuses of the corpo-
ration of London. The charge, more or less,
!tgaiust the bishops, is that of nepotism in bestow-
ing capitular appointments—the charge against the
Chapters is idleness and abuse of trust. The vice
detected in the whole thing is, that bishops, and
deans, and canons are appointed from secular' and
political motives—the abuse complained of is that
the wrong men get the places of honour, dignity,
profit, and what ought to be usefulness. Now, is it
very likely that bishops, deans, and canons will pro•
test very energetically against the system which has
made them bishops, deans, and canons ? or that they
will suggest practical reforms, the very ventilation of
which will be the strongest censure on themselves ?
A Cathedral Commission—as far as its clerical ele-
ments go, to consist exclusively of cathedral men_
is, we must say, little short of a mockery. No com-
mission will attract or receive the confidence of the
Church from which what are superciliously termed
the inferior clergy are excluded. A Cathedral Chapter
is the common property of the whole collective dio-
cese; and every parish, therefore, and every parochial
minister, is interested in its efficiency. Of the pos-
sible utility of a Chapter the non-capitular clergy are
infinitely the better judges than bishops and deans.
Of what a diocese wants, of what it consists, and
of its ugly places, bishops are probably more
ignorant than most clergy in the diocese. A
bishop is so surrounded by chaplains and adu-
lation, and by clergy who find it their in-
terest only to proclaim their successes, that he is
absolutely incapacitated—though perhaps possessed
of the best intentions—from knowing the real state of
Christianity among his people. And, as to the canons
—even giving them credit for better intentions than
they possess—their position must bias their judgment
when they come to sit in judgment on themselves,
and on the system which has installed them. Still,
we do not make it a charge of wilful bad faith against
the Government that they have made so serious a
blunder in the constitution of this Commission.
If, however, from the clerical half all the inferior
clergy are to be excluded, and if the laymen are
to be of the Goulburn and Inglis school, then
we must say that this Cathedral Commission, whether
intentionally or not, will be a mere delusion. Yet,
the blame of its ill-judged composition is not, per-
haps, to be attributed entirely to the Government.
Lord Derby, on such a matter, is reasonably governed
by episcopal advice; and we can well understand how
the late Cathedral Commissioners have such confi-
dence in the remarkable success which attended their
last R-port as to endure no inffusion of fresh blood
into their dignified conclave. We say that we relieve
the Government from at least some portion of this
responsibility, because in the matter of Convocation
they have, according to report, certainly shown a just
appreciation of their own duty, and of the state of
public feeling. In well-informed quarters, it has, for
some little time, been tolerably well understood, and
it is now asserted by hostile authorities, that Lord
Derby is prepared to advise, or has already advised,
the Crown to issue its licence to the new Convocation
to resume its synodical functions. For ourselves,
without arguing too much or too little for the practi-
cal results of this single concession, and without
pledging ourselves yet to the truth of the report, we
can well afford to be thankful that the great principle
for which, through so much obloquy and difficulty,
we have contended, is, so we are told, at length sur-
rendered—or rather, we will say, admitted—in a
quarter so influential. Be the report premature or
not, its announcement in this way is a gain not a little
substantial.

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