The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 18, 1864.

DRAMATIC COLLEGE FETE,

The fete held annually at Sydenham for the
benefit of the Royal Dramatic College has now
become one of the recognised entertainments of the
London summer, and the season would scarcely
reach its normal termination were not two of its
latter days enlivened by the conversion of the grand
transept of the Crystal Palace into the semblance
of a country fair. An imitation of "Richardson's
Show," a conjuror's booth occupied by Messrs. Toole
and Paul Bedford, a circle of stalls, presided over
by ladies of histrionic fame, and an "Aunt Sally,"
under the guardianship of Mr. Buckstone, are
among the established symbols of July.
All the usual ceremonies took place on Saturday
last, when the fete was opened by Mr. Romer, the
permanent Herald of the College, who, shortly after
12 o'clock at noon, opened the fair with mock
solemnity.

No sooner was this concluded than the whole fair
was replete with life and noise, for even at noon the
transept was crowded with an expectant body of
visitors, and the orators on the parades of the
different shows vied with each other in bawling for
patronage.

Most attractive among these temporary places of
amusement were "Richardson's Show," " Womb-
well's Menagerie," and Messrs. J. L. Toole and Paul
Bedford's " Temple of Magio"—which last did not,
hawever, open until 3 o'clock, the conjuror and his
assistants being the principal artists in Richardson's
company during the earlier afternoon. The play,
entitled " Don Sobre Isquierdo (very literal
Spanish for " over the left"), was quite on the prin-
ciple of those once popular tragedies that in a few
years will probably be obliterated from the public
mind, and the audience roared with laughter to
see Mr. Toole attired as a romantic lover sacri-
ficing his life for the sake of a bulky innanzorata,
represented by Mr. Paul Bedford. When relieved
by another company these gentlemen returned
to their own " temple," Mr. Toole went through
a series of legerdemain tricks, while Mr. Bed-
ford waited upon him as a silver-buttoned page.
These tricks, it should be observed, were not, as on
former occasions, a burlesque of the conjuror's art,
but were performed by genuine sleight of hand
and with a neatness which would have done no
discredit to a Frikell or a Hermann, Real feats
were also performed by some unnamed juggler in
a :booth inscribed " Gyngell's Wonderful Exhibi-
tion." Womb well's Menagerie presented a most
strking appearance on the outside, decorated as it
was with a number of extremely well-executed
pictures of animals that covered a large space.
" Parents and guardians" were assured that the
beasts might be visited without the slightest danger,
and the good faith of this assurance was soon made
manifest, to those who entered the booth, for the
cnce savage animals had been stuffed. One cage
alone held living inhabitants—namely, a lion and
some monkeys, personated by human actors, and a
' stalwart Van Amburgh, represented by Mr. J.
Robins. The showman of the menagerie was Mr.
Addison, who performed his duties with a great
deal of humour.

Next in importance to these three principal shows
was Mr J. Clarke'a " Museum of Antiquities."
The antiquities were objects of the commonest kind,
described by tickets attached to them as highly
interesting relics. These inscriptions bad been de-
vised with much ingenuity, and there was an at-
traction of the Lon-deceptive kind in the shape of
Lupini's small horse, exhibited on former occasions.
It is melancholy to itate that shortly after the open-
ing of the show some wounds were discovered in
one of the poor little animal's haunches, and these
were only to be accounted for by the conjecture
that some blackguard, out of wanton cruelty, had
cut the horse with a knife.
There were several other booths of smaller dimen•
sions, and for the amusement of the loungers about
the fair there were, in addition to Mr. Buckstone's
" Aunt Sally," a Jack-in-the Green, attended by
Messrs. C. Smith and R. Romer as "My Lord"
and " My Lady," a Punch and Judy show, and a
wandering acrobat, whose energies were kept down
by the vigilanee of a sham policeman.
The stalls for the sale of fancy articles, &c., were,
as,usual, ranged in a circle encompassing the centre
of the building, the names of the lady -vendors
being inscribed over them in letters composed of
pink rosettes. The circle was, however, inter-
rupted this time by an admirable copy of Shaki-
pere's birthplace, set up on the GCOaDiOn of the Ter-
centenary celebration, and exhibited on Saturday
by Mr. Phillips, of the Adolphi. Mrs. Stirling,
Mrs. A. Mellon, and several others were at their
posts immediately after the opening of the fair,
and attracted a large number of purchasers, bat
some of the ladies did not arrive till late in the
afternoon. Among these was Mademoisella Stella
Colas, who at once became such an object of uni-
versal curiosity that her stall was not even to be
approached without a crush—the throng increas-
ing as the afternoon advanced.

Altogether the fete was admirably conducted and
went off with great spirit. To-day (Monday) the
same entertainment will be given, the price of ad-
mission, 2s. 6d. on Saturday, being reduced to one

o'clock, and then proceeded to the westward, also in search.
Should the Copenhagen or any other merchant vessel re-
quire assistance off the Bay of Biscay, it is possible she may
be relieved by the Encounter, 14, Capt. R. Dew, from
China, which touched at St. Helena on the Ist June, or by
the screw steam frigate Narcissus, 59, Rear Admiral Sir
Baldwin W. Walker, K.C.8., from the Cape of Good Hope.
These ships are expected daily at Plymouth.

Railway and Other Companies,

•
MEDITERRANEAN HOTEL (LIMITED).

An adjourned general meeting of this company was hold
on Friday at the London Tavern, with a view to ascertain
how many share and scrip holders would agree to continue
in the company, and how many would accept a return of
£2 10s. per share ; Dlr E. H. Craufurd, M.P., in the chair.

The CHAIRMAN said that a resolution had been come to
at the last meeting between the directors and the committee
of shareholders to the following effect :
" That with a view to ascertain how many shareholders
and holders of scrip will agree to continue their connection
with the company, and how many will refuse, the com-
mittee and directors be authorised jointly, if they think fit,
to take counsel's opinion as to the legal effect of such an
arrangement, and to communicate jointly with the share-
holders, and to take such other steps as may be necessary;
and this meeting stand adjourned to this place for the :16th
of July, 1864, at three o'clock precisely." _

This had been embodied in a circular to the shareholders
stating that it was extremely desirable that the directors
and committee should be in possession of the views of the
shareholders at least two or three days before the adjourned
meeting. They therefore requested the shareholders to re-
turn an :answer on or before Wednesday, the 13tH inst.,
stating whether they desired to remain in the company or
not, telling them that if no reply were received from them
it would be assumed that they preferred to remain in the
company rather than surrender their shares on receiving
£2 10s. per share. The result of the circular showed that
the holders of 1,245 shares upon which £5 each had been
paid were willing to surrender them on receiving
back £2los. per share. Then there were the shares hold by
the committee who had not replied to the circular, but he
understood they were willing to take the £2 10s. with the
rest—that would add 433 shares more. making 1,675. iThe
scrip holders were also willing to agree to the proposition.
After several propositions were rejected, an amendment
by Mr Harris was carried to the effect that as it appeared
the holders of about 1,700 shares were willing to receive a
return of £2 10s per:share if they could legally do so, and
the directors being of opinion that this agreement could be
carried out, it be resolved that the directors pledge them-
selves to carry out that agreement with the committee,
and that the meeting stand adjourned to the sth a August.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

THE " SPECTATOR" ON THE NEW ERA IN OUR
FOREIGN POLlCY.—Political circumstance and the
mood of the hour are now playing very decidedly
into Mr Cobden's hands. His favourite formula of
" no foreign politics for England" is being practi-
cally adopted by most politicians—by many who
would be scarcely loth even to profess it as a creed ;
and if we should have during the next ten years no
wiser statesman than during the last ten, Mr Cob-
den may yet live to see the time when people will
be as little ashamed of his maxim that our ambas-
sadors should be the commercial travellers of Eng-
land, as they now are of its less vulgar equivalent
—"no foreign polities," Those who discredit and
disgrace a nobler creed are responsible for the reac-
tion which inclines men to follow Mr Cobden into
a theory of international behaviour—we cannot
call it a duty—so mean and selfish that it could not
be disgraced. The fact, however, cannot be denied
that Mr Cobden's principles have gained a great
step in English estimation is consequence of the
suddencloud which has descended on the representa-
tives of a spirited foreign policy. The great register
of English opinion has already openly declared for
them. It has proclaimed in article after article
that a new era has begun, in which England is to
hold her tongue, acquiesce in everything, hoWever
flagrant and shameful, that happens abroad, unless
it touches her own interests, and as a proof of her
sincerity, is not to look on smiling while Denmark
is ground to powder, but openly to proclaim her
intention to withdraw all resistance to the slave
trade, and to tolerate it calmly for the future.
Public opinion, says the limes, has declared
decisively "that we are neither to fight nor
threaten except when our interests are imme-
diately concerned ln this respect
we view the debate of last week as the com-
mencement of a new era. Public opinion has
pronounced itself decisively, and we summon all
statesmen who would hold a permanent place in the
councils of their country to mark and to obey it."
And again within two days the same great inter-
preter of the majority of Englishmen took the
opportunity of the conversation in the House of
Cenainons concerning Brazil, to clinch the general
maxim that we must " reform the policy of the
Foreign Office in accordance with feelings of the
times in which we live," by a forcible practical illus-
tration. The African squadron for putting down the
slave trade, it said, is the greatest possible trans-
gression of the newly-received theory. Counting up,
it remarks, the expense of the squadron to Engtie::
taxpayers, with the fevers and other sufferings of
its crews, and the much greater sensitiveness of the
white race to "sufferings which are the daily lot of
a poor savage, to whom they appear as the ordinary
destiny of humanity," remembering, too, "that we
are not answerable for the negro, while the Govern-
ment is deeply responsible for the fate of every sub-
ject of the Queen entrusted to its charge,"—count-
ing and considering these things, it openly calls
upon the nation to take care " that the question of
the prevention of slavery may not escape notice as a
prominent part of the present system of intermed-
dling in the affairs of foreign nations." When Mr
Cobden reads this noble exposition of the future
English foreign policy, we are sure that he will
begin to take in the Times again. Even he could
not have put the matter more broadly, and we doubt
whether he would have put it so courageously.
That touch of infinite contempt for " the sufferings
which are the daily lot of a poor savage, to whom
they appear as the ordinary destiny of humanity,"
—that significant valuation of a few English
deaths from yellow fever and a few annual pence
out of the taxpayers' pockets as evils so great
as to transcend absolutely and enormously
that of the degradation of a whole race and
the barbarism of a vast continent, are developments
so instructive of the true moral logic of Mr Cobden's
policy, that we feel sure that astute tactician would
never have brought them forward, But the limes,
as usual not caring for the votes of fastidious men,
but wishing to reap the full advantage of appealing
straight to the coarse and selfish English common
sense, has perceived that this is the true moral in.
ference involved. If we are to present an apathetic
front to the sufferings and wrongs of foreign races
and nations, we must accustom ourselves at once to
feel that the suffering of one Englishman will out-
weigh in our moral scales the sufferings of any
number of foreigners. Wo must learn at once to
be wrapped up in ourselves; we must, as Dr. New-
man says, say " what is required by our position ;"
we must learn to disbelieve if we can that " the
very negro whom we tread upon, in corporal an-
guish feels a pang as great as when a Saxon dies ;"
we must, in short, feel and think unselfishly, and be
selfish to our heart's core, if we are to ensure a safe
and consistent policy of selfish isolation and " no
foreign polities." As the man who makes up his
mind to push his own interest in the world is
obliged in self-defence and consistency to believe
from the bottom of his heart that his interests have
an infinitely higher and deeper claim on him than
any other person's in the whole world, so if we are
to inaugurate " the new'era" in earnest, we must
prepare for it by depreciating the sufferings of
others, thinking lightly of their wrongs, and find-
ing out reasons why we should not permit them to
ruffle our enjoyments. Moreover, it is quite consis-
tent with, nay, almost demanded by the same prin-
ciple, that we should be aggressive in the East
while isolating ourselves in the West; and
hero we think the 7 imes is more consistent
than Mr Cobden. Toe same policy which
stands aloof where alliances would involve
something of disinterestedness and sclf-saari-
flee, will properly encroach and threaten where
only weak Japanese or Chinese are concerned.
When we repudiate once for all the maxim parcere
eubjectis debellare superbss, it is likely enough that
we shall adopt in its place the coucsel to be tender
to the haughty, and to press with all our arma-
ments upon the oppressel. The two principles
hang perfectly together. And before long we have
nu doubt that Mr. Cobden will be convinced by his
new allies how right and natural it is that the Eng-
lish selfishness which takes the form of cold indiffe-
rence in three continents should take that of
haughty arrograece in the fourth. The "commer-
cial travellers" will be right in bullying where they
can get a large custom by bullying then by servility.
After we have broken off our international ties with
Europe and America, and spurned contemptuously
the suffering barbarians of Africa, it will be but
natural to recoup ourselves by a showy and dicta-
torial policy in Asia for the humiliations of isola-
tion. In proportion as we shrink in the West, we
shall desire to puff ourselves up in the East. As
we lose deference here among our equals, we shall
swell with ostentation there among our inferiors.
Nor is this the worst. It is quite impossible that a
foreign policy built upon selfishness can help react-
ing On domestic policy. " Am I my brother's
keeper ?" was not originally the language of a wise
foreign policy, but of an unhappy as well as guilty
domestic policy j and those who adopt it in the
former capacity can hardly fail to see it resume
something of its original significance. Who that
has eageify advocated a selfish and self-occupied
policy for England can upbraid a class for stand-
In moo: in ,recisely the "erne manner from the
will consulting for its
life of the nation, ants while
o Wn benefit in m the narrower Aes:, ignorin
f gdn't);
even superciliously discrediting the notion es -
towards other classes V Cannot we see this
leaven already beginning to work on the class which
we should suppose as yet the least likely to be
affected by it, in such letters ce those from Nile It.
Coningsby which have been paraded in the Tints*?
The principle of those letters is, for the working
class, exactly the principle which Mr. Cobden
wishes to see applied to the.international policy of
England, and which Cain wistaet: to see applied
to the fraternal policy of families. Mr. Con-
ingsby put forward att ostentatious desire to
stand aloof from the political privileges Of
the nation as advantages s6attely deserving
to be weiehed in the scale against the acquisition of
private wealth, knowledge, and independence by the
working class—precisely the vie?? of English
I foreign policy,which Mr. Cobden wishes to force on
the nation. And if this disposition should spread
in the working eisss, we believe it will be the most
certain preparation for a vulgar and tyrannical Use
of the political advantage;' of numbers, whenever
the great working class does at last the reins
of power ;—just as Mr. Cobden's selfish " steno
aloof " policy for England in Europe tends more
than any other to foster tke unscrupulousness with
which the commercial classes are disposed to press
the power of England in China and Japan where
the trade feeling is (perhaps prudently, in its own
narrow sense of the word "prudent") as aggressive
as it is meek and abject at home in the presence of
great Powers like Germany or France.
THE SATURDAY REVIEW ON THE FUTURE PROS-
PECTS OP THE NIINISTRY.—Nothing succeeds like
success ; and France, finding that Lord Palmer,-
ston's Government is going to stay in, seems ins
alined to be friendly once more, to forget the affront
of the rejection of the Congress, and to patch up
a new cordial understanding with the Whigs. The
theory of the Standard, we observe, is, that as the
Imperial Government is the most isolated in Europe,
and the present English Government is the moat
despised, they are brought together by misfortune.
They are led, in fact, to cultivate something of that
reckless and hollow cordiality with which plain
women, who are left out, encourage each other while
the pretty ones are dancing. Thus one considerable
difficulty is removed out of Lord Palmerston's way,
and it is no longer possible to say that, if England
is to act cordially with the Emperor, Lord Derby
must take effice. The weakest part of the prospects

of the Ministry is that it cannot carry its domestic ,
measures now, and has no hope of carrying them.
This Session has added nothing of the slightest
importance to the Statute-book, excepting one of
Mr Gladstone's measures of encouragement to the
economical poor. The Government cannot dictate
or even suggest a policy to the House. All it can
do is to make it evident that its opponents are as
powerful as it is itself. If Lord Derby came in he
could not hope to have more of substantial strength
than Lord Palmerston has, although the superior
discipline of the Conservatives might give them a
greater amount of available strength in proportion
to their numbers. But then this powerlessness of
the Government in consequence of the near balance
of parties has been lately shown to be one of the
inherent dangers of Parliamentary Government,
and not peculiar to England. Lord Palmerston has
not any very bright prospect before him. He can
scarcely do more than exist ; but at any rate it has
been shown that the House does not at present
desire another leader, that France, in the long run,
is obliged to consult its permanent interests, and
that, while the country is so slightly stirred by
political feeling as it is now, neither side can hope
to achieve a distinguished success.
THE " LONDON REVIEW" ON OUR SHABBY
DESERTION OF DENMARK.—The war between
Denmark and Germany is virtually over, and
nothing remains but to settle terms of capitulation
more or less disastrous to the beaten party. Re•
duced by successive defeats, and dispirited by
disasters which no heroism could avert, the
Danish army is no longer in a condition to
interpose more than a temporary obstacle
to any extension of their conqaests which
the German Powers may choose to undertake,
It is probable that by this time the whole of Jut.
land is in their possession, nor is there much reason
to doubt that the islands and Copenhagen are
within their power, should they determine to push
matters so far. Lora Palmerston did indeed assure
the House of Commons the other evening that no
attack upon the capital was contemplated ; but we
cannot now place the slightest value upon state-
ments which only echo the faithless professions of
the German Powers. Assuming, as we may no
doubt do with perfect safety, that there is no longer
any prospect of an English fleet intervening, even
so far as to prevent the junction of the German
naval forces in the Baltic, it is clear that the Danes
are nearly as defenceless on sea as on land. Little,
therefore, is left but to wait with patience until the
conquerors make known their pleasure. The King
of Denmark, at all events, appears convinced that
further resistance is fruitless. He has dismissed
the Ministry of Bishop Monrad, and formed an-
other on the basis of peace at any price. What is
the pries which he has offered to pay—what is the
price which Au;;:ria and Prussia may please to de-
mand—we are as yet
norant. Looking at the
antecedents of the new Dania Premier, there
is
v
reason to fear that Christian Ix. D.: not be dis-
inclined to conciliate M. von Bismarck by entering
upon a reactionary course of domestic policy.
it is scarcely likely that he would be permitted by
his subjects to purchase at such a cost more favour•
able terms of peace. With regard to the terms
which Prince John of Glucksburg may have been
commissioned to offer at Berlin, or to the conditions
which Prussia may have prescribed, nothing is at
present known. It is said that the Danish monarch
has offered to surrender Holstein and part of Schles
wig to Prussia, but even if it be true that such
a proposal has been made, and that it is not unac■
ceptable to the Court of Berlin, we can hardly think
that the latter would venture to set their allies at
defiance by appropriating to themselves the whole
gain of the war. Another version of the proposals
of which the Prince is the bearer, is that they are
based upon the personal union of the Duchies with
Denmark, and the entrance of the whole kingdom
into the Germanic Confederation. But although
such a project might not be distasteful either to
Count Moltke or to the King (who is, after all, a
German), we cannot think it would be assented to
by the Danish people. The one point upon which
they have set their minds, is the complete emanci-
pation of their country from German influence, and
we do not think that they would be ready to increase
that influence either for the purpose of retaining a
purely nominal supremacy over the Duchies, or for
that of revenging themselves on the neutral Powers,
who have left them to their fate. Undoubtedly if
such a scheme were carried out, it would bring a
severe, but just, retribution upon Louis Napoleon
for his desertion of an ancient ally. It is indeed
highly improbable that France would regard with
indifferencesuch an ap;grandieement of the Germanic
Confederation. To England, on the other hand, it
would be a matter of comparative indifference ; and
after the Emperor's refusal to join us in maintaining
the independence of Denmark, we should certainly
not be willing to assist hire in averting a contingent
danger from France. It is evident that some un-
easiness is felt at Paris, both with respect to these
negotiations, and to the alleged formation of a new
Holy Alliance. The disavowals of Austria and
Prussia have clearly failed to convince diplomatists
and statesmen—who have probably good reason for
their incredulity—that the despatches published
by the Morning Post are destitute of authenticity.
M. Drouyn de Lhuys has been instructed to inform
the world that his master will be unable to disre-
gard the bearing of events as directly affecting the
interests of all the maritime powers in the north,
and even those of the equilibrium of this part of
Europe ; and to express a hope " that no complica-
tion will arise of so grave a character as to neces-
sitate our embracing a different policy." The semi-
official organs of the French Government have once
more received the cue to speak well of England, and
to dwell with emphasis on the importance and de-
sirableness of an intimate Anglo-French Alliance.
After the experience of the last few years, we know
well what this means. It is impossible that we
should accept it as a mark of sincere affection; but
it is welcome as an indication that the Emperor's
illicit political flirtations in other quarters have met
with a signal repulse.

THE "EXAMINER" ON RAILWAY COMMUNICA-
TION.—On railway carriages should be written,
" He who enters leaves hope of help and protection."
No matter what may happen, the passenger is cut
off from all succour between one stoppage and
another. The carriage may be on fire, or the wheels
broken, and the bottom knocking to pieces against
the road, or some personal outrage may be in pro-
cess of commission—robbery, rape, or murder, And
there are no means of making known the danger,
and stopping the train and obtaining assistance.
All this has long been felt ; but the terrible murder
on the North London line, and some recent out-
rages against woman, have produced a fearful con-
viction that there is no safety in the system of
isolation in the railway carriage, and that there
must be an end of it. The surest and best
method of communication is the Continental,
by a gangway running along the side of the
train, by which the guard visits the carriages, takes
tickets, and performs other services of the road. If
this mode of communication were adopted a signal
of alarm would summons the guard to the spot, and
he would judge whether or not the occasion was one
for communicating with the driver and stopping the
train. The objection that nervous people would
be stopping the train for foolish fancies cannot,
therefore, apply to the arrangement. The check to
outrages and crimes would be most effectual, for
though a ♦illain might hope to so master his victim
by a sudden attack so as to prevent recourse to the

means of alarm, yet he never could feel secure against
guard's visits to the window. At any moment
-night be passing by and hear the sounds
-ies for help. But these visits of
the guara
of a struggle or e._ ' are not pleasant on foreign
the guard, it may be saw,. have the guard pok-
lines, and people will not like is goin on.
ing his head into carriages to see wh.:
Well, but the question is whether a little ih: g
rusicln
(if it amount to that) is not preferable to robber,-;
rape, or murder. The face of the guard appearing
when he is not wanted is not so bad as the face of a
grinaing maniac. And is not improved safety worth
some small inconveniences ? For the last twenty
years the answers to all demands for legislation to
place railway management under three or four broad
and simple rules for the public safety, has been
"Do not diminish their responsibility. Leave them
to their responsibilities." But what has their re-
sponsibility availed ? Simply to make them pay
damages; but not to cause them to correct the im-
prudences through which the mischief has hap 3
pene4. We could name a company which had
to pay matt.; thousands for a disaster attended
of
loss
ful injuries per-
- hie,
wan -and fright
bling severed yersons, all through
Yet a few
tra.llls. on the same line
manently
the practice of runninb
at intervals of three mk..Tute6:^e was resumed,
days after the catastrophe the practL
11
and has been continued. It seems quite ..7 in,f_ataa'
tion of companies to run these risks, for they
have sometimes to pay so dear, and which migi—t
be avoided with so little inconvenience or disturb-
ance of their arratlgements. But they prefer chancing
it, to borrow the phra2,3 of the most impudent of
men, sailors. The responsibility upon which such
reliance has been placed has, after a trial of a quar-
ter of a century, effected nothing for the improve,•
ment of the public safety, removed nk:
moved causes
of danger, and the only remedy lies in i. talation.
be
The interference need not be much, and should
confined to a few rules, which cannot possibly
any harm, though it may be easy to dispute the
advantage of them, such, for example, as a longer
interval between ;,rains, and communication between
passengers and guards, and between guards and
drivers.

A SPLENDID PORTRAIT OF DOMENICO SCAR.
LATTI, the only one in existence, has, we learn from the
Reader, been cli,scoverecl iii Madrid.

Li* INTELLIGENCE. ' 16,

COURT OF DIVORCE.
(Before Sir J. P. Wilde and a Special Jury.)
HOPLEY V. HOPLEY.

At the conclusion of the judge's summing ti p,
The jury retired, and after an absence of about an hour
returned into court and requested that the evidence of Dirs.
Hopley as to her last interview with her husband might be
read to them. This was accordingly done, and at a pater
past five they again returned, and stated that •they were
unanimous upon 0219 issue, but were 7 to 2 upon
and were not likely to agree, [lt will be remembered that
the cause was tried by consent before 9 special jurors, 310
more of the panel answering to their names.]
Sir J. Wilde asked the respondent it' he would take the
verdict of the majority? the offer

Mr Hopley said he would.
Sir J. Wilde then repeated the question to the petitioner's
counsel.
Dr. Wambey, in the absence of his leader (Mr. Karal6l4
and of their client, was not able to do so.
Sir J. Wilde--But would it not be worth while to sea
to Mrs. Hopley ?
Dr. Wambey said ha would do so ; and after a short
delay he stated that though the attorney had not been able
to communicate with the petitioner, her brother and mother
were willing to take the verdict.
The foreman then stated that they found unanimously
that there had been cruelty—but that they found by a
majority of 7 to 2 that it had been condoned.
The petitioner therefore fails in hal' suit.