The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-22 00:00:00

The Solicitor-General at Plymouth.

On Thursday evening the Solicitor-General, Sir Robt. P.
Collier, M.P., and Walter Morrison, Esq., M.P.,in accord-
' ance with the annual custom, met their constituents at the
Plymouth Mechanics' Institute, for the purpose of rendering
an account of their stewardship during the last session of
Parliament. The attendance was exceedingly large, the
place being literally crammed from floor to ceiling. David
Derry, Esq , a veteran in the Liberal cause, presided.
The SOLICITOR GENERAL, on rising to address the
meeting, was received with tremendous cheating. After
the cheering had subsid fi he said—Mr Chaieman end gen-
tlemen, allow me to thank you once again for reeponding
to my invitation to meet me, gni I may add, &low me to
thank you fn. the eat-tensely khed end fi itte.ieg reesption
you have given me. Gentlernsn, I address yau now, for
the second time, 'i a somewhat now character. Formerly
I addressed you rs you- representative—not indeed 99 your
representative only, but the representative of ell England.—.
(hear)—as every member of Per';ement ought to be—
(heer)—but upon We occasion, re upon a former one, I
adelsess you es hclding a subordinate, but at the se ne time
an imponent and responsible office rnder her Majesty's
Government. (Hear.) Gentlemen, that you do not thank
me wrong in accepting 'hat office, you t-si'fied by unari.
mously re-electing me; and I shall not forget the ex-
tremely kind and flattering ras -nner in which I was received
by ray constitutents, end I shall not forget, not merely the
kindness of my Liends,but the courtesy of my political op-
ponente—(heee, hear)— nd I am induced to hope, gen'le-
men—to hope end believes—that although among my c
stitaeuts end fellow-townsmen I may have political oppo-
nents—as of con 'so I have—yet I have no personal enemies.
Now, gentlemen, I Trust that the manner in which I have
performed the duties of my office hes not been such re to
forfeit your confidence. The present times have been pecu-
liarly trying times for the law efficers of the Crown. A
greater amount of labour, end a greater amount of respon-
sibility, hes been thrown upon us then usual, and that
greater amount of labour end responsibility has chiefly
arisen from the American war. The American war has
given rise to questions of very great impot tance—to inter-
naticnal questions of the highest importance—some of them
indeed governed by authorities, but others for which lawyers
have searched the precedents and searched the books in
vain. A great Lumber of new questions have arisen which
could be determined only by a reference to the general prin-
uipica Uf iiit,.ativival law, and I may add, to the general
principles of common sense and of justice, on which all laws
ought to bo founded. (Applause.) Gentlemen, under these
circumstances we have done one best to give that advice to
the Crown which we deemed consis'ent with law. You are
aware we are not consulted on questions merely of policy—
we are consulted only on questions of law. Now, I believe
the whole country approves of the determination of her
Majesty's Government to maintain a strict neutrality be-
tween the two belligerents. (Cheers ) But, gentlemen, it
is one thing to say that you n:11 be neutral—it is another to
act with perfect neutrality, and in steering a neutral course
you have to navigate between a number of rocks and quick-
sands. (Hear, hear.) There is a third more difficult thing
still, and that is, so to act that you shall not be accused by
either party of a want of neutrality; and that I ventuee to
say is impossible—(hear, hear)—for each belligerent, and
neut.
its more Egger partisans, regard all questions which arise
:rom a totally different point of view; and in fact that ne
trality which each belligerent ropily desires, is partiality to
itself. (Hear, red a laugh) It is t'iat sort of Irisi reci-
procity which is stated to be all on one side. (Laughter.)
Now, I think it is some testimony to the real neutrality of
the Government that we have been complained of by both
sides ; we expected that wou'd be the case, for if we were
really neutral that is almost unavoidable. Now, gentle-
men, you are aware that in most of the great ware which have
eoit becomes us, es a
desolated the world in modern times, England, uefortunately
for herself, has L 'en a belligerent. In tl- is, the greatest end
neourtrale—(heer, lies-)—sad I
ell, we oecupy the com-
parativelyp
thinke
hap
ys the mo
oul all
novelet
agree
gdesolating
positionr
e thatf great nation,
now we ree neutrals, to submit te 'nose .ules which we laid
down when we were belligerent;; for nothing would be
more unwoinly of us—nothing world tend more to the dis-
repute of this nat'on among the nations of the world—if it
could be stated that we laid down different rules and laws,
according to the extent of our position—en one eccaeion
being neutre's, end on another belngerente. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore, to protest our belligerent eight-, we laid down
certain r ulcs, which no doubt to some extent threw a bur den
upon neutrals. That burden which we impose upon others
it is our duty that ourselves should bear—(hear. hear)—end
upon that principle—a principle of fairness and justice which
eve. ybody will achnowledgt—ruy colleague and myself have
given all the advice we have given to her Majesty's Go.
verament ; end I may say this on behalf of my colleague
and myself,—that, although I am not presumptuous
enough to suppose that we have been always in the right,
this I will assert—that we have viewed every question
which came before us in en impartial end judicious spirit,
end determined to do to the best of our judgment—(hear,
hear)—without aliening ourselves to be influenced by um.
pathy for either belligerent, or poet :elite? with the weaker
for feet- of the stronger. (Hear, hear.) But where we
have hed reason to thick that the Federal Government have
violated international law—we have invariably thought it
our duty to remonstrate and to require redress. (Hear.)
Gentlemen. I think it but fair and proper for me to say that
as far as the decisions of the American .terrz3 uours
conce.aed, I think we have no great ground of complaint.
(Hear, hear.) I do not say we have no cause of complaint,
but I will not now dwell upon the subject. I may observe,
perhaps, in parsing, that unquestionably I 'hick we have
a gerund of complaint in this :—that a number of Irishmen
and other persons emigrating from the shores of Ireland
and of England, on their arrival at New York have been en-
trapped intnenlisting in the armies by most unwatrantable
means—those means beheg employed, no doubt, by the
subordinate officers—l do not'say by the responsible officers
—of the Americ to Gove.ament. (Hoar, hear.) But I pass
that by, and I do not mean to dwell upon it, but it gives me
satisfaction, and I think it is fair to state, that the decisions
of their prize cone have been, on the whole, such as we
have no great reason to complain of. The cases have been
fairly argued by counsel on both aides, and the American
judges have paid as much respect to the decisions of our
courts as to the decisions of their owe; and, although I do
not commit myself to agree with every proposition of inter..
national law which has been laid down, or to the view of the
facts always adopted by the courts, I think it fair and right
to say that, upon the whole, the judgments of the American
Prize Courts appear to have been well considered, and de-
livered with a desire to do justice. (Hear, hear, and great
applause.) Gentlemen, I think you will say that wo have
done right in advising her Majesty's Government to enforce
the Foreign Enlistment Act. That is a statute passed, es
the preamble recites, "for the purpose of enabling his Ma-
jesty the better to preserve the peace end tranquillity of this
country," than which what object can be more boaeficial
the whole community ? It is true that that statute is not
very carefully d.awo, It has been somewhere stated that
you may easily sail a fleet of ships through it—(a laugh)—
but it is a staLute passel for the benefit of classes, and
more especisny for the trading classes, and one which it is,
I think, the du. y of the Peverement to enforce. Years
es°, it ha 3 been said :that this is a statute which bears
hardly upon the trading :classes of this country.
1I emphaticeny deny it—(heei—ani I will call ee nay tett-
' ness Mr Bl tinge ono of the leaders of the Conservative
party, end, as you are aware, a men above all others who is
entitled to speak on behalf of the great commercial classes
of this country. Upon its being stated in the Howie of
Commons that the Foreign Enlistment Act was a hard
statute upon tredere—that it was a bad thing for us to seize
the steam ream, and to prevent our ports being made the
arsenals of one of the being-el-ones—Mr Baring got up, end
in the most forcible manner showed that it is the preserve.
tion of peace which is, above ell things, conducive to the
real prosperity of the commercial classes—(applause)—that
it is war which the legitimate trader has to fear—(he;e)._
and ho repudiated with i edignent scorn the pretence that
the trading classes of this country were fairly represented
by a few contraband traders whose interests were directly
opposite to the interests of the great mass of the commu-
nity, and whose gain was in the loss and calamity of another
country. (Applause.) Gentlemen, the Alexandra was seized
before I became a law officer of the Crown, but I altogether
approve of the seizure of that vessel. Unfortunately it has
happened—and I deeply regret it—that the decision in that
case turned entirely upon a technical question, so that the
real construction of that portion of the Foreign Enlistment
Act applicable to the case has not been arrived at. I regret
it; it is a reproach to our law. I cannot help thinking,
gentlemen, that you will think that her Majesty's Govern-
ment were right ,in preventing those steam rams from
issuirg inom the port of Birkenhead. (Hear, hear.) In
that case we have come to a compromise, and probably you
will think that discretion was the better of valour. Know-
ing the difficulties by which one is surrounded in the con-
struing of the Foreign Enlistment Act, and the difficulties
attending a prosecution of this description, we thought it
well to end the matter by buying those vessels. They,
therefore, are now pert of the effective navy of this country,
instead of isso;ug from our Ports to prey on the commute
of a nation with whom we aro at peace, end
possibly to in-
volve U 9 in hostilities. (Hear, and cheers.) I may say that
the object of the Government lare been not to punish or in-
convenience individuals, but to prevent hostile creasers
issuing ;rom our port's. And let us think of it; can any-
thing be more important—can there be a more important
duty, not only to a friendly nation with whom wo are at
peace, but to ourselves? Now adopt the golden tale, and do
as you with to be done by. (Hear, hear.) Supposing we
were at war with any European Power—(confusion in the
gallery, and cries of " Order")—with the Americans if you
please—a consummation which I hope will be averted—
why our great naval superiority' would enable us to close
their ports to prevent privateers issuing from them, and
would destroy their navy and their commerce, but if the
weaker nation were permitted to resort to the ports of a
neutral country, and to use its porta as an arsenal to fit out
fleets against us, what would be the use of our navel
superiority ? Oar naval superiority would be thrown away,
cud therefore it toucans us more than it dues any other
Power in the world to enforce the doctrine that the ports
of a neutral country shall not he made the arsenals of
a foreign nation. (Loud applause.) We have also thought
it our duty to prosecute impartially those who have enlisted
in the service of either belligerent. Now, gentlemen, this
conduct on the part of the GrovtLunvat had Leen wadi) the

subject of one or two party attacks in the last session of
Parliament, and it appeared to me, I must confess, that there
was a small party in the House of Commons who appeared
to desire to drive us by taunts and reproaches into a war
with America, without at the same time committing them-
selves to that policy. (Hear, hear.) We were accused of
sacrificing the honour of this country; we were accused of
acting under the dictation of Mr Adams ; we were accused
of truckling to the American Government,and.every possible
taunt and reproach was used for the purpose of inducing us)
apparently for the purpose of showing our spirit,to go to war.
At the same time, those who uttered these taunts and re-
proaches carefully abstained from pledging themselves to a
warlike policy. What would have been the result ? Why
if those taunts and reproaches had produced the desired
effect, and if we had been weak enough to be goaded into a
war, these very men would have turned round upon us and
denounced us for that very conduct which they themselves
endeavoured to force us into. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen,
we did not fall into that trap, and if we had done so we
should have richly deserved the censure which would have
been bestowed upon us. (Hoar.) Gentlemen, I do not pro-
pose to address you at more length on the subject of the
American war. On that general question I have addressed
you once or twice before. I will not attempt to prophesy.
It is very easy to prophesy ; and impossible to contradict
prophets at the time, but events frequently contradict them
after. But I will do no more than express a hope—a hope
I most fervently entertain—that out of this horrible strug-
gle, out of this evil and this suffering, almost unparalleled
in the history of the world, God in his own time will deduce
this great good—the abolition of slavery. (Hear, hear,
and loud applause.) Sir R. P. Collier then proceeded to
comment on the foreign policy pursued by the Government
during the past session, and defended the course which had
been pursued in regard to the proposition for a European
Congress and the line taken with respect to the Danish
question. He then continued—Well, gentlemen, I have
stated all that I mean to say upon the question of foreign
policy ; and now a few words upon the subject of domestic
legislation. Now I very much regret that the question of
church rates appears to have been in so unsatisfactory a
condition that no honourable member thought it worth
while, or possibly thought it prudent, to challenge the opi-
nion of the House of Commons upon that subject. My
old friend, Sir John Trelawny, who has faithfully served
that cause for a number of years, has finally thrown it up,
I am afraid, in disgust, and nobody appears inclined to take
up his mantle, and certainly it is very much to be regret-
ted, according to my view, that the House of Com-
mons should have—what I cannot help calling it—fallen
back on the subject of church rates—(hear)--for two
sessions ago you will recollect for the first time we were in a
minority on that question, having been accustomed to ma-
jorities ever since I have been in Parliament. (Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, a great many ingenious suggestions have been
made for the purpose of settling this church-rate question
by a eomprenaise. Almost everybody that I have met with
has some pet plan of compromising this question. I must
, say there is one short, simple, and easy way of settling it
and the only way of settling it that I know of is to abolish
them altogether. (Loud and prolonged cheering) Gentle-
men, I will detain you but a very few minutes longer. Some
other questions in which I took a great interest have come
before Parliament this session. I may mention shortly the
question of the ballot, on which my opinions are altogether
unchanged. You know I have always supported the ballot,
and I shall always continue to do so. (Loud cheering.)
I will not now enter into a discussion on that
question, but will merely remark that one argument
in favour of the ballot has not been sufficiently dwelt
upon—namely, that you would not know the state of the
poll until the end of it, and therefore there would be an end
of that hanging back in anticipation of remuneration. I
am not going to discuss the ballot, gentlemen, that is all I
have to say upon it. I would further add, that I thought
it my duty to support Mr Baines's motion for the extension
of the suffrage. (Applause.) I have always been of opinion
that the suffrage may be safely extended, and I have voted
for that measure many years, viz., the £6 household suf-
frage. Gentlemen, the £6 household suffrage will be adopted
when the people of England are determined to have it, and
not before. (Hear.) I may mention that I had great pleasure
in supporting the bill of Mr Bouverie for enabling dissenters
to take degrees and vote at Oxford, tending to liberalise
that University. I will not dwell further upon the various
measures of the last session, but will merely observe this in
conclusion, that notwithstanding the depression of the cotton
trade, the prosperity of the country had been such, that
the Chancellor of the Exchequer Was enabled to take off
£2,000,000 from our taxation, in addition to £10,000,000
which he had previously remitted to the people of this
country. I was about to say in conclusion, that there are
some politicians who may be called habitual detractors of
their country. Such are they who affirm that we have lost
all our prestige in Europe, that we have sunk to the rank of
a seeond or third-rate Power, or that we are become a by-
word and a reproach among nations. Why are these state-
ments made ? Simply because we have not engaged in
unnecessary and Quixotic European wars. (Hear, hear.) I
can remember many other detractors of our country. There
have been those—and I am old enough to recollect them—
who complained that when the Reform Bill was passed the
sun of England's glory had set for ever. (Hear, hear, and
laughter). There were others, who at the passing of any
measures of free trade prophesied the irretrievable ruin of
this country. I maintain that all these detractors have
bee—, i. tree I 6 io Locomen WA have ab-
stained from unnecessary wars, because we have hus-
banded our resources, and applied ourselves to the
extension of our commerce, that we are as strong and power.
ful as we have become. (Cheers.) If any just or necessary
cause of war should arise—and there can be no just or neces-
sary cause of war unless it be the repelling of aggression,
or the vindication of our national honour—l fully believe
that we are able to put forth stronger efforts than we have
hitherto done, and I believe, moreover, that the continent
of Europe know this well. (Cheers.) I further maintain
that there never was a time in the history of this country
when we were more powerful, more prosperous, or more
respected. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have now done. lam
to be followed by my very worthy colleague, Mr Morrison,
and let me bespeak your kind attention for him. (Cheers.)

. ,
Mr Monnlsm also addressed the meeting, and at the
close of his speech a vote of confidence in the two hon.
gentlemen was passed.

STATE OF TRADE.

MANCHESTER, Oct. 21.—The market for shipping
yarns has again been almost a blank. •To do busi-
ness spinners must have accepted much lower prices.
The market for these goods closes very dull, with
less disposition than ever cn the part of buyers to
operate. Home trade yarns have been very quiet,
and spinners anxious to sell. Prices are ld. to 11d.
per lb. lower than on Tuesday. In cloth also prices
have kept tending downwards, and at pretty much
the same rate of decline that has taken place tram
day to day in cotton at Liverpool. Very little
bueiness could be effected to-day, and what sales
have taken place have been made at very irregular
prices, and at a reduction generally from Tuesday's
rates. Ia addition to the failures mentioned in pre-
vious reports, several stoppages of manufacturers
were mentioned en the Exchange, including one
at Manchester, two at Burnley, one at Blackburn
(to the amount of about £3,000), and one at Rad-
cliffe. At a meeting of creditors held this after.
noon of Mr. Arthur Heald, a small manufacturer
at Kelso, ISlessrs. Fitzgerald and Co., accountants,
stated the liabilities at £6,000 and the assets at
£2,539. An offer of 10s. in the pound was made,
but the cvditors thought 15s. might be obtained,
and the meeting was adjourned. A gloomy and
very uneasy feeling appears to prevail generally.
Merchants' letters from Liverpool and London, as
well as foreign correspondence, are said to read
badly and give cause for much apprehension.
Private letters from Rio are said to represent affairs
there as much worse than accounts which have as
yet found their way into the papers. One letter
gives the failnrs at considerably over 100 in
number.

—CARDIFF, 20th—Many of the shippers of steam
coal are unable to get the requisite supply, owing
to the pressing demand from Staffordshire. There
is a fair inquiry on export account, but had not the
present demand from Staffordshire existed, it is
doubtful whether the trade would have been able
to maintain its position as regards prices. The
colliers in the Aberdare and Merthyr valleys are
fully employed, and it is satisfactory to report that
the men continue to work with regularity, and the
attempts made to induce them :to take an active
part on behalf of the Staffordshire miners have
completely failed. In house qualities there is a
good business doing, and, with the approach of
winter, prices are getting firmer. Coke is in average
request. The iron trade retains its vitality, although
the export demand has fallen off to some extent.
Rails are quoted £7 to £7 108 at the works, and
bars, £7 5s to £7 12s 6d. The forest remains at a
standstill, and at Aberaman important extensions
and alterations are about to b 3 carried out,
NOTTIN(3HAM, 21st.—At the Exchange hall 'o-
day the attendance was tolerable, but business was
very flat, Spinners tried hard to support late rates,
but where sales were forced lower rates had to be
' submitted to. The demand for hosiery yarns was
flat, and prices were is per bundle lower than last
week. bilks very firm, and tending upwards.
Brown nets were an exceedingly slow sale, and there
was not sufficient business dune to test prices.

While the steamer Aquila was on her passage
from Jersey to Weymouth, on Tuesday, one of the passen-
gers, a commercial traveller from Bristol, threw himself
overboard. lie was, however, caved by a boat from the
blvmuer,