The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

Timms,—The wearisome but inevitable prelimin-
aries being at an end, the Conference has at last
entered on the business of pacification. Whether its
success will be equal to its good will remains to be
seen. This depends almost wholly on the spirit
in which the German Powers receive the compro-
mise which the neutral States have submitted to
the belligerents. It is proposed that Holstein and
that part of Schles wig which contains a German
population should be definitely arinexed to the Ger-
man Confederation. What is to be the extent of
this State, who is to be its Governor, what relation,
if any,it is to bear to the Danish Motearchy, are
questions on which opinions may be diV2tledi and
which, at any rate, have not yet been formally ex-
amined, for the bare proposal so to divide one of the
Duchies was sufficient fora single meeting of au
assembly of which promptitude is neetainly not a
conspicuous quality. It can hardly be said that
the scheme of a personal union finds much favour
with any party. The Danes are against it ; the
inhabitants of the Duchies look upon it as likely to
lead to a revival of the alleged oppressions exercised
during the late King's reign; and Europe generally
judges that to create a still larger Holstein, with a
divided allegiance and antagonistic authorities,
would be only to sow the seeds of future disquiet.
We may then presume teat the meaning of the neu-
trals, or of this country, at least, was that the Ger-
man population of the Duchies should be severed
from Denmark by being placed under an indepen-
dent Sovereign chosen by themselves, or succeeding
according to hereditary right. Whether the Prince
of Augustenberg or any other scion of German
Royalty shall be the chosen of the Conference or of
the Schleswig-Holsteiners is a matter of indifference
as soon as it is admitted that a part of the disputed
territory is to be finally separated from Denmark.
Nor can we suppose that the precise limits of the new
German State have been fixed upon by any of the
representatives. If the Duchy be divided according
to race and language, it is easy enough to point out
a portion which must be German and a portion
which ought certainly to be left Danish; but between
these two there is the much-contested district which
has been the cause of most of the bad blood between
German and Dane. In all but the most northern
region of the Duchy there are Germans to be found,
and even in parts where the Danes are the majority
there are not only Germans scattered about the
country, but congregated around little centres so as
to form communities having a public opinion and
capable of taking part in public life. To draw the
line, therefore, between the hostile races will be a
matter of no little difficulty. While a mere cutting
off of the southern districts of Schleswig ,and an
annexation of theta to Holstein would leave thou-
sands of German families shut out from their cher-
Weed nationality, a line drawn much north of
Flensburg would undoubtedly include a great num-
ber of thorough Danes, and make them follow most
unwillingly the fortunes of the new Duchy. The
reception, however, of this proposal by the repre-
sentatives of the belligerents was such as scarcely to
encourage the neutrals to enlarge on details. We
are afraid that neither Austria and Prussia on the
one side, nor Denmark on the other, gave reason to
hope that the well-meant proposition which received
the sanction of this country was looked upon with
favour by them. It may be that the Germans heard
with suspicion the desire expressed that they should
abandon their scheme of a fortress on the Eider and
should not consent not to fortify Kiel. These pro-
positions were made on Saturday, and formed part
of the plan for dividing the Duchy of Schleswig.
What may be the purpose of the neutrals in urging
this we are unable to say. It seems to us that it
Southern Schleswig be made German the Eider will
be a purely German river, and the right of the
Confederation to place a fortress on it can hardly be
contested by any foreign States. As little does the
fortification of Kiel seem a scheme which should
excite any suspicion on the part of foreigners, or
justify their demanding of Germany that the project
should be abandoned. Kiel is the best harbour
which Germany would possess in the Baltic. It is
the harbour which would be the headquarters of a
national fleet, if ever one should come into exise
tence. For years it has been coveted by Germany
for this one purpose, and if it passed into their pos-
session, and became a station for any frigates or
steamers of the future, the Germans would natu-
rally be as anxious to place it in security as we
ourselves are with respect to Portsmouth. They
might fancy that on their fleet depended their
whole power in the Baltic, and this fleet would not
be safe unless they had the means of making their
_ _

chief harbour secure against an attack from the
navies of England or Russia. But whether these
matters influenced the belligerent representatives,
or whether the preject of allowing Denmark to re-
tain au part of Schleswig was in itself inadmis-
sible, the Prussian and Austrian plenipotentiaries
merely undertook to refer it to their respective Go-
vernments. Then came on their part the counter-
proposition which has been for some time expected.
A few weeks since something like jealousy reigned
between the two allies. Austria, which had never
entered into the war so enthusiastically as her
neighbour, began to conceive that she had been led
on by the wily Bisrnark in order to aggrandise
her hereditary rival. The Prussians, who had been
eclipsed by toe Austrians during the early part of
the campaign, no sooner captured the position of
Dy hhol then they were suspected of forming de-
signs unworthy of the disinterested spirit in which
they professed to have begun the war. To extend
the Prussian States into the Danish peninsula,
and to occupy by right of conquest the territory
from which they had forced the Danes, was the pro
jeer attributed to them ; and this belief was so ge-
neral as to force us to the conclusion that it was not
altogether unfounded. We cannot but think that
there were persons at Berlin who were disap-
pointed to find how much such a scheme received
the oppositicn of Aus`ria and excited the ill-willof
the smaller States. But if the project was seriously
entertained it has now been completely abandoned.
The King of Prussia seems to have found that if he
wishes for the " hegemony" of Germany he must
not begin by seizing for his own use conquests
made in the name of the Fatherland. The two
allies have been recaociled, and have returned to
their old affection for legitimate right. The gainer
by this renewed unity of view is the Prince or Au-
gust enburg. This Prince has played a part suffi-
ciently politic since the Danish quarrel became
serious. At first he entered Holstein with the
occupying army, and received the homage of his
woule-be subjects. But when the allied armies
began the campaign, and he received a significant
hint to desist from pressing his pretensions, he re-
turned to comparative retirement, and thus avoided
acquiring the of those who were able to make
or mar his fortunes. The Prince is now reaping the
fruits of his prudence. To his hereditary claims
to the favour of the inhabitants is now added the
support of the two victorious antagonists of Dan-
mark. After considerable discussions, both Prussia
and Austria have agreed in urging his claims to the
three Duchies of Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauen-
burg, on the ground that the Treaty of 1852 has
been set aside, and that the Prince is the legitimate
heir to the throne of all three. A proposition to
this effect was made on Saturday at the Conference,
and formed the coußter-proposition to that which
found favour with the neutrals. Of course, the Danes
were instant in their rejection, but they, too, have
referred home, and the Conference meets again on
Thursday for them to bring forward their own pro-
posal. Thus there is at least this gained, that each
party has made, or is about to make, its proposal,
the belligerents being likely on each side to ask
more than they expect or will be content to take.
For our own part, we cannot see anything better
than some such compromise as has been suggested
by the British Government. To divide the people
of the Duchies according to their race and language
is the best way of composing disputes which arise
from the administration of a people's affairs by
officials who are strangers in speech and manners.
There can be no disgrace to the Danish Court if it
accepts this ; nor, on the other hand, can the Ger-
man part of the Duchy complain if a certain num•
ber of Danes are allowed to remain in the Monar-
chy in which they have been born and bred. Pro-
bably, if Prussia and Austria agree to this project,
the resistance of Denmark may be overcome; but
should they persevere and demand the Danish por-
tion of Schleswig for the Prince of Augustenburg
in the name of hereditary right, a contest may re•
commence likely soon to grow dangerous to the
peace of Europe.
POST.—The causes of the frequent rebellions of
the natives of New Zealand against English rule
are by no means so recondite as the speeches of some
of those who joined in the debate in the House of
Lords last evening would lead us to believe.
Scarcely any nation ever yet ousted another—
whether by fair means or foul—from its territorial
possessions without from time to time being obliged
to employ violence to secure the fruits of its pos-
sibly easy and peaceful conquests. The tale of our
New Zealand colonisation is one with which in all its
essential particulars we have been long since made
familiar. It is the old struggle for supremacy
between a civilised and a savage race which in our
own persons we have waged before in every quarter
of the globe, The Anglo-Saxon is driving out the
barbarian, and, however the process may be effected,
however various the means which are employed, the
result must always be one and the same. Some
races gradually vanish, and are silently absorbed,
without making an effort to avert their inevitable
fate; whilst others, either more conscious of the
dangers to which they are exposed, or more ener-
getic, make spasmodic but vain attempts to preserve
toeir existence. Of too twu eleeees, examples are
furnished in the Australian continent and its ad-
;" 'h' cT•tno. +h.