The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-26 00:00:00

more sharp, and its reproof becomes tenfold more
cutting. The war was undertaken ostensibly to
please the Schleswig-Holsteiners, and now they are
held up as objects of pity, because they have not
been allowed to enjoy their rights and share in
their inherent privileges. The inhabitants of the
Duchies will, doubtless, long deplore their infatua-
tion in endeavouring to separate themselves from
Denmark. They have brought their own fate upon
themselves, but this does not justify those who have
been acting under a mask. It must be gall ani worm-
wood to the wily diplomatists and astute statesmen
of Prussia and Austria to find their motives called
into question, and their intentions thus impugned.
They must see the awkward position in which they
are placed, and the disadvantages under which they
labour by the attacks proceeding from such a quar-
ter. These home thrusts are difficult to parry, and
there is little gain and glory in seeking to do so.
The purpose of the committee is se far a worthy
one, that it suggests the carrying out of an un-
deniable claim, and urges the enactment of
measures which are intrinsically just and
straightforward. There is no doubt that unless a
very different leaf is turned over, the Schleswig.
Holsteiners will have very little voice in tha
arrangement of their own affairs, and thus will
henceforth be comparative dummies among States,
instead of, as they fondly hoped, an independent
and unmolested kingdom. It cannot be expected
that much sympathy will be felt for them because
they have played a very insincere part; but jus-
tice is the same in any case, and nothing can possibly
excuse the conduct of Austria and Prussia in deceiv-
ing and imposing upon the credulity of unsuspecting
States, and taking advantage of their dissatisfac-
tion to work oat the selfish ends of their own de-
sires. The committee are not likely to effect much,
however right may be their views or decided their
tone, for this aff•sir is pre-eminently one of those i❑
which might has triumphed over right throughout.
It cannot be that any State which has been insane
enough to trust Prussia with its cause, and suffer
her to be the arbiter of its destiny, can possibly
enjoy rights, privileges, or peace. It seems cer-
tainly unfair that the people of the Duchies should
not settle their own future, but that by no means
makes it certain that such will be their lot. It is
too late now far any attempt to mend matters by
any confederation. But still it is so far satisfactory
to notice that disaffection is rife in the camp, and
that where it was vaunted universal concord pre-
vailed. We witness anything but harmony—in
fact, the germs of discontent that may yet produce
a sad and serious effect on the offending Powers—
a more striking instance of mismanagement has
seldom been witnessed than this Schleswig-Hol.
stein affair—and it will only be a just retribution
that sees all the parties concerned in the transfer
of allegiance, utterly disappointed, and griev-
ously deceived. The frustration of such efforts as
theirs is only what is to be expected in the long.
run from their discordant elements.

The enforced retirement of the popular and ree
spected Earl of CARLISLE from his Viceregal dig-
nity has brought up again a question of consider-
able importance to the sister kingdom. The total
abolition of that costly and profitless office has long
been hinted at, and by degrees the whispers have
grown into open suggestions, Men ask for what
purpose the Lord Lieutenancy is retained, without
obtaining a satisfactory answer. It cannot be said
to fulfil any legislative office which might not be
otherwise provided for, while so far from gratify-
ing the Irish it appears to be looked upon with
suspicion and disfavour by a large body of
,the
people, who oppnly. ..tee-.-• cc _
and fosters those national and sectarian jealousies
which are the bane of the country. If we are to
accept the views of an anonymous Irishman, who
has recently indited a pamphlet* on this subject,
as at all representative of the feelings of his coun-
trymen, the retention of the viceregal establishment
is very little kindness to the people of Dublin, or
indeed any part of Ireland. It is not very likely
that the Whigs, while in office, will see fit to
abolish so convenient a piece of patronage and so
comfortable a sinecure, but in waiting for the days-
when the cold shade of opposition awakes their
dormant energies in favour of reform, it may be
worth while to examine into some of the arguments
of the gentlemen who choose to assume to the extra-
ordinary pseudonym of " Eblanensis." Separating a
great deal of wordy declamation and extravagant
imagery from the more substantial and businesslike
portion of his essay, we find the principal charges
which he brings against the office are its inju-
rious iefluence on the administration of public jus-
tice, its inevitable dragging of the dignity of the
Crown into partisanship, and the unwitting en-
couragement which it gives to the warfare between
rival creeds and factions. These would be very
serious evils could they only be brought forward
against great and commensurate good, but when
there is really nothing to show beyond empty
form, Englishmen and Irishmen alike may well
pause and inquire why there should be a Lord
Lieutenant at all ? The accusation as to the bad
effect of the Viceroyalty upon public justice, the
writer substantiates at some length, maintaining
that from the very constitution of the Irish
system, justice is subject to influences in its dis-
pensation which" necessarily corrupt it, destroy its
oven-handed character, and break the confidence of
the public in its purity." He contrasts the un-
biassed position of the English Home-Secretary
with the situation of the Lord-Lieutenant. The
former, responsible to the Crown and to Parlia.
ment, subject to rigid cross questioning on every
official act, obtains all his information through the
regular channels, and would be insulted were
it proposed to bring him in contact with
irresponsible parties. The latter, from the
very circumstances of his position is easy: of
access to all interested in the furtherance or the
hindrance of a cause. It is difficult for the most
impartial to preserve a strict neutrality, while the
general public preserve no neutrality at all. When
a crime is committed, says the writer of the pam•
phlet before us, the first question asked is, whether
it is an agrarian outrage ? followed by an inquiry as
to the respective religions of the parties coneerned,the
amount of the Government reward, and the degree
of official energy with which the case is taken up.
Upon these facts being ascertained people range
themselves naturally on either side as with us in a
political contest, and " the parties interested on one
or other side of the question throw their force into
the future proceedings, as if it were a game of skill
to be decided, not on the merits of the case, but by
the adroitness, energy, and perseverance of the
backers on either side." In cases of civil right the
same partisan and religious prejudices come into
play, so that instead of all creeds and parties laying
aside their differences to join in the punishment of
the evil-doer, the offence is made an occasion of
displaying those differences to the utmost, and
right and wrong, by one common consent, made
subservient to the great ends of party triumph
and eefeat. It is this unfortunate state of
things which the anomalous position of the
Viceroy fosters instead of discouraging, and
his combination of the duties of bead of
the executive and representative of Royalty