The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-26 00:00:00

52.

jesty's Ministers were fully warranted in advising the
allusion in the Speech to the subject, And he would
now say, that the expressions given utterance to by the
First Minister of the Crown, if there had been a doubt

on the minds of any party as to the meaning of the
Government—and there could not be, he thought, a
doubt in any one's mind—ought to have removed that
doubt. (Hear, hear.) It had been objected to him
that he was not more explicit on the subject of the
financial statement which he had intended to lay before
the house ; but he thought it better to reserve the few ob-
servations which he had to make to the house until the
day of such a statement had been fixed. There had
been a misconception, at least there was a feeling in the
house that there should be a declaration on the part of
the house that the verdict of the country had been un-
favourable to a protective policy ; but he thought that,
as a general rule, such declarations upon the national
policy were not extremely expedient—(hear, hear)—be-
cause after all, they were not decisive, and they did not
bind any question. (Hear, hear.) He did himself
most sincerely wish that the principle of inquiry into the
question of compensation should not be disturbed by
any hasty vote of the new Parliament. (Hear, hear.)
The Government were of opinion that no opposition
should be made if a resolution had been brought forward
in its character declaratory that the country had decided
in favour of commercial freedom. To him, indi-
vidually, it could, of course, be no object, because
if in the measures he should have to recommend
for adoption to the house, he meant to show

one thing more than' another it was a recognition

of the principle of unrestricted competition ; and if the
policy which he intended to recommend should not ap-
.

pear a fit one, the house would not support it. He
would not now be led into any discussion of the charac-
ter of his intended measures, and he was quite sure that

the house would think it unfair that he should. His
noble friend (the Marquis of Granby) referred to the

, .
generous support that the Government had met with
from the party to which he belonged ; and he (the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer) trusted that the measures which
the Government contemplated to submit to the house
would be found just and deserving of support. His
noble friend had communicated to him frequently, that

if a resolution was brought forward expressing the ver-
dict of the country in an unequivocal manner, that unre-
stricted competition would be necessary, it would be
most unwise to keep alive the controversy. (Hear,
hear.) An appeal had been made to the opinion of the
country, and he might say that their resolution was a
most unequivocal one, deciding that the principle of free
trade should be the principle of their commercial policy.
There was nothing to that extent, in the resolutions sub-
mitted to the house, that the house might not accept.
There was no secret in the advice which his noble friend

had given ; but in the motion of the honourable and
learned gentleman the member for Wolverhampton, there
were three odious epithets. (Hear, hear.) Now, that
was nqt the way in which a question of this kind ought
to be treated. It was unnecessary to put offensive ex-
pressions into that resolution—(hear, hear)—and thus
make it a resolution not only offensive, but positively
injurious, to the feelings of gentlemen. Epithets of
the kind, he affirmed, ought not to be put into the reso-
lution. He had not the resolution by him, but he
_ _

- -
thought that he could recollect that it was very objec-
tionable in stating that the welfare of the community
was mainly attributable to the operation of recent legis-
lation. The Government did not mean to deny that the
_ .

operation of commercial freedom had the effect of im-
proving the condition of the working classes ; but they
thought that they had laid down in language not to be
mistaken what their opinion was on the subject, in lan-
guage, he might add, so decisive, that hon. members had
admitted that it could not go farther. (Hear, hear.)
Yet the three odious epithets to which he had referred,
had been introduced into the honourable gentleman's
resolution, since the meeting held at Lord Derby's.
They had, since that resolution was submitted, an amend-
ment contingent on the amendment of the noble Lord
the member for Tiverton ; so that there appeared four
amendments on the resolution before the house. First,

with regard to the amendment of the right honourable
baronet the member for Carlisle, it was difficult for him
to offer any personal opposition to it, or to enter into
discussion on an amendment which was not printed.
But if her Majesty's Ministers should bring forward cer-
tain measures, showing that certain classes in the country
had beeni njured by recent legislation, to say that those
classes had no claim to consideration would be most
unjust. He understood it to be the effect of the motion,
that no compensation was to be made to injured parties.
Now, if that be the language of the amendments, he
should not be very captious in expressing himself upon
it. But they had now to decide what they should do ;
and if the lion, and learned member for Wolverhampton
should persist in the course which he had entered upon,
he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) should certainly
resist that course—(hear, hear)—and on the ground that
it was most unjust and unwise, and he thought the
house would make a great mistake if they adopted that
resolution. (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial side of the
house.) With regard to the two amendments before the
house, he thought that, after all, they were merely fight-
ing about words. (Hear, hear.) There was no differ-
ence of opinion between the noble lord the member for
Tiverton and the Government, that the country, in a
most unmistakeable manner, had adopted the question of
free trade. It seemed, then, that the country had adopted
the principle, and that it did not longer remain to be de-
cided by the house. (Hear, hear.) He confessed, then,
that he should not, there being no longer any difference
of opinion between them on the question, divide the
house on his own amendment, in opposition to those
amendments ; but the real question was, whether the
hon. and learned member for Wolverhampton, and those
who were acting with him, were resolved to persevere
with their motion—a motion which, coming from that
side of the house, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer),
without any disrespect to those gentlemen, must consider
it his duty to give his most earnest opposition. (Cheers.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, notwithstanding some
parts of the speech of the right hon. gentlemen. that the
house may yet be able to arrive at a decision on this
great question, they would at least include the great ma-
jority of the house, that it was most desirable that a
question which had been so long in dispute, should be
set at rest. (Hear, hear.) He should not now enter
into the early part of the speech of the right hon. gentle-
man respecting the character of his Government—whe-
ther it was to be called " a Protectionist Government."
Another day might arrive in which he might have
an opportunity to express his opinion on that subject.
He thought that it was most reasonable that when Par-
liament was assembled some decision should be come to
upon the great question of free trade, ppon which the
country had been so long divided, and in the abstract it
appeared desirable that the party who made themselves
the peculiar advocates, and styled themselves the de-
fenders of the interests that had been affected, as alleged,
by recent legislation, should have a full opportunity of
laying before the country these measures which were in-
tended to deal with the evil, and at the same time con-
duce to the general welfare. (Hear, hear.) The house
had now before them two principles, and with respect
to the first, he owned that it appeared to him that a
great mistake had been made by her Majesty's Minis-
ters, in not advising her Majesty to make an express de-
claration on the question of free trade. He quite
agreed with the Secretary of State for the Home De-
partment, in the statement, that it would be neither
prudent nor desirable on all occasions to place in the
Speech from the Throne matters that might excite the
public mind ; but the occasion in question was no ordi-
nary occasion, but rather a great and extraordinary oc-
casion ; and whatever might have been the views of her
Majesty's Ministers, he (Lord J. Russell) thought it
was a duty that her Majesty's Ministers owed to the
people of this country, to have placed on record in the
Speech, whether or no the commercial policy that had
been instituted was to be continued, or whether it was to
be reserved. He was confirmed in this view by the
statement of the right hon. gentleman, who had himself
proposed a resolution with regard to their commercial
legislation. He had introduced a sort of supplementary
passage in the Queen's Speech, which was intended to
supply something that was omitted. He (Lord J. Rus-
sell) maintained that all those who had an interest in the
question of free trade, had shown great forbearance in
not moving an amendment to the Address, He could
not but refer to the first paragraph in the Speech, and
would not have been surprised if some member had
risen to move an amendment on the subject. He main-
tained that the industry of this country was fully able,
and was never more so than at present, to meet oppo-
sition, and if not able, he would say further with respect
to the working classes, that if the industry of the country
could not meet competition, it would be imperative on
them to enable it do so • so that it should not be said
that Parliament in its folly had entered on a course of
legislation that proved most injurious to the country.
He thought, then, that Ole house had exercised great
forbearance in not moving an amendment on the address
to the Speech, and no member would have been so fit to
do so as his hon. friend the member for Wolverhampton.
(Hear, hear.) His hon. friend had given notice of a mo-
tiont on the subject, and he (Lord John Russell) must
state a fact—and it was a fact from his own :cn,.?Viedion.
—that the very first suggestion that he madentaoined the
friend on the subject of his resolution,
words "wise, just, and beneficent"—
he (Lord Joh Russell) himself (hc7crtoholsieeawto had
:the words "wise,
advised his friend that he oughtwtaostpounnt
and he had done
just, and beneficent," in the rest
cite d competition had
so on the principle that as unrestricted
been established, the measureps iorulilaidribeen
sustained.
Well,
he said that it was by Act of
otpoi ndi
iosnt
u,
rtbo
itdeclare
e
the present Parliament oughdt,uinan
jluiisst
that it would be unwise an
never could consent to any course calculated
t. and toh
ed i stu
rejoicedr b it.
He maintained that it was a wise ac ,
that some tribute of acknowledgment was offered to the
memory of that illustrious statesman (Sir Robert Peel)
who carried the measure. (Hear.) The result consti-
tuted a justification of the act. (Hear.) He repeated,
that the odious epithets complained of had been most
wisely inserted in the resolution. He thought that the
question was one for the house to determine, and that the
right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer) ought to be most explicit in his resolutions. The
question was still one of free trade or protection (Hear,
hear.) The right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor
of the Exchequer) had charged him (Lord John
Russell) with " audacity" in the course he had taken on
a former occasion ; but he must notwithstanding say,
that the question ought to be now settled by the house
as to whether free trade was to be maintained. If the
right honourable gentleman should still call him auda-
cious for saying that this was a question of free trade or
protection, he (Lord John Russell) must say, that that
was the question, and that that question the representa•