The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-23 00:00:00

PIMLICO IMPROVEMENT BILL.

On the question that this Bill be read a third time,
Colonel SIBTHORP opposed the third reading of so
important a Bill at that hour of the night—half-past
twelve o'clock, and in so thin a House. All these ma-
provemnts were but so many expedients to expend the
public money, as in the case of the Marble Arch and
the National Gall4-rv.
Lord MANNERS said it was a Bill to carry out an
intention that was entertained ten years ago.
The Bill then passed.
The House went into Committee on the Excise Sum-
mary Proceedings Bill.
The Bill passed through Committee.
The Secretary of Bankrupts Office Abolition Bill
passed through Committee.
The Bishopric of Quebec Bill went through Com-
mittee.
The Colonial Bishops Bill went through Committee.
Tho House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 22.
NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT BILL.
The Earl of DESART rose to move the second read-
ing of this Bill. The Noble Lord said he was called upon
to perform the duty of moving the second reading of
this Bill in the present anomalous session of Parliament,
but he freely acknowledged that few Bills ware of
greater importance than the Bill he had then the honour
of asking their Lordships to approve. The Bill was
important, inasmuch as it concerned the future welfare
of a large and, he was happy to say, a rising colony.
But the Bill also concerned the interests of individuals
who, from their long distance and separation from this
country, it was scarcely possible to realise the opinion
teat they were our fellow-subjects, actuated by the same
feelings and the same anxiety for the prosperity of this
great and extended empire. Ho was sorry that a Bill
of such importance had fallen into the hands of one who
had comparatively bat small experience, and who was
scarcely competent to undertake with advantage a task
of such magnitude. But then he was animated
to his labour by the reflection that the Bill was not
a party measure, and that on a question of this nature
all parties would be actuated but ny one desire, namely,
that of supporting a measure which had for its
object The good our fellow-countrymen. He trusted the
same forbearance would be shown by their Lordships as
had been manifested in another place, and he also trusted
that their Lordships, waiving slight differences of
opinion, would be induced to regard it favourably. The
constitution of 1847 had been suspended for five years,
and therefore it was incumbent on the Government to
legislate afresh for the colony instead of renewing that
. Act. The aboriginal inhabitants were far superior to
most people of their state and condition; they were
anxious for the advantages of civilisation; they under-
stood its power, and they were ambitions of attaining a
higher rank in the scale than that in which they stood
at present. With these facilities, he trusted that the
aborigines by their incorporation with the European
settlers would soon form one grand community in New
Zealand. But a beginning would have to be made, and
this the Bill proposed to do, not by means of one
general council, but by six provincial councils, em-
bracing the nine settlements, each taking that which was
most facile for its operation. The minutes of legislation
for these provincial councils were strictly defined. This
was a change. In the first Bill introduced by the late
Government the superintendent of each council was to
be named by the Crown; it was, however, determined
by the present Government that the superintendent
' should be an elected officer—ell cted by the same ma-
chinery as the council itself. He (Earl of Desert) cons
fessed that in the first instance ho saw several grave
objections to this course; but upon consideration he
felt satisfied that the good to be derived from it out-
weighed the possible evil of the result. There would be
also a Central Legislative Courted, composed of members
elected to serve, and members of the General Assembly.
Tho Legislative Council would be nominated for life,
and would consist of not less than ten persons. The
General Assembly would be elected for five years, by
the same machinery as the Legislative Council. He
would not go further into the details of the Bill, except
to allude to one important circumstance. By its provi-
sions the waste land cf New Zealand was placed under
the control of the local legislature, the Crown reserving
to itself all transactions in connexion with land, as
between the colony and the aborigines. No man
was more averse than he (Earl of Desert) to yield
to the too frequently unreasonable demands of the
colonists respecting self. legislation, because he was satis-
fied that they were only too often as disastrous to the
colonies themselves as they were dangerous to the supre-
macy of the Crown; but these objections did not quite
apply to New Zealand. The aborigines, as he bad
' stated, were of a very different character; they wore
anxious for civilization—they were desirous to amalga-
mate with the European settlers; some of them even had
money invested in English securities, ono as much es
5001., another 3001, according to the statement of Go-
vernor Grey, and in a very few years there was every
reason to hope that a general fusion would take place
between them and the colonists, which would be the
greatest step yet taken for the advancement 'of New
Zsaiand in prosperity. These were the principal
features of the Bill. Suggestions would be made, no
doubt, which would receive due consideration. But
the question was not a party one, and he hoped the
the Bill, as regarded its general principles, would be
adopted without alteration. He was not one of those
that desired to plant constitutions upon the English
model in every colony, however fitted or unfitted for
their growth; but there was always a time when it Wag
for the interest of the parent country as much as for
that of the colonies that all restrictions should be with"
drawn and free institutions granted. The question then
was, whether New Zealand was in that condition, and be
thought it was. Ho dared not speak with certainty;
the whole thing was an experiment; but it was nine
ober
which he saw some future prospect of civilix;utillifng
that country. Moreover, England was
nonlided to her,
that high mission which Providence had cwould bo suc-
and there was every reason to ho
cessful in propagating along withpep 0h5,1.71 libeChristianityrty those
blessings and advantages to a people teu
hisl.satsc,knfoorwtlheedggmoeondt.:
alone could afford.—(Hear.)
Lord LYTTELTON expressed
onGiovernment to the
its defects, it was
onwi
will
his
manifestedow n pa r t and
yida
nht
dhe that t
mos
vfolit.thehset
ti
colony of New Zfiecaial
to that colony, and was in a gene-
Bill highly le tee
nicooloreilojaviemiaatttheers largest instalment of
that had been granted
for 100 years. In pointing
out the d
applied to the old North by the general
efeAcmts,erihceanwcooulold..
principles of the system
them easure
rriagihptoliengtisolfatviloenn
test
of colonisation
LW'S
• of this country; and ho would take the charter ofMaryland as a comparative standard, though as a pro-
prietary colony it was perhaps not the most favourable
he could select for that purpose. The leading features
of that charter, or constitution, were—complete freedom
in regard to their legislation on internal affaire,complete,
possession of the land of the settlement, complete and
perfect freedom of trade with tho mother country. the
nomination of its own officers, unlimited power of self-
defence
complete powers of self-taxation, and, finally,. the
whole expense of government thrown upon the esolehtt9
•
As regarded the first of these points, complete control of
the land was given in this Bill, for the firsCtitno to the
colonists. Complete freedom of trade had only blare
cently conceded to the colonies, to the disgrace
mother country for many years. The power of
i!1
taxation, too, had only been recently granted to
colonies. In this Bill a great advance had certainl3l-he`m-
mado for the control of the land-fund was given
colonies; but still that shadowy absurdity cal 0
l adr.t_!
colonial civil list was retained. In the original e_honiLe7s
of the North American colonies unlimited freed
legislation had been, as he stated, given in internal
does"
i
faire; but it was restrained from legslation in
egoido4
tion of the rights of the Crown or of the Imperial _pou_liscuYl
by these remarkable words—" any way reP
to the laws of England." Tee effect of the latter_A
which were retained in this Bill, wee to °teat: 7