The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JCLY 9, 1864.

of the treaty went, remain united under the Danish sceptre.
And it was thought that arrallieebent was secured by the
change in the law ettc (‘`'sirsion in Denmark, and the re-
nunciation of the ;Juke of Augustenburg's rights to the
succession of lio!eiein. Well, sir, we know that the reason
why tha,
e, arrangement failed, was that on the one part the
vanish Government did not treat the German subjects of
Schleswig with that adMiiiist-atiVe system to which they
were entitled, and that the late king committed the same
errors which the King of Holland did with regard to Bel-
gium, namely, interfering with their language, laws, and
religion, and all that was dear to man. That has been the
constant source of expostulation on the part of Germany,
and those expostalationt were not attended to in the way in
which they ought to have been. Ihe result of that was,
that when the late king died, those discontents which had
been smothered daring his reign burst forth as to the dis-
puted succession to Holstein ; and then came the execution
in Holstein, for the purpose of compelling the king-duke to
revoke his patent ; and that brings me to the point to which
I have often been referred—the answer I made to the hon.
member for Horsham (Mr S. Fitzgerald), at the end of
last session. Well, it is raid that we began at that time to
threaten war in Germany. I deny that what I said was a
threat of war on the part of England. The words which
lam going to read I think will prove it. What I said
in answer to the hon. member was, " I have said we
entirely concur with him, and with every reasonable man
in Europe, including those in France and Russia, in de-
siring that the independence, and the integrity, and the
rights of Denmark may be maintained. We are can-
vinced—l am convinced at least—that if any violent
attempt were made to overthrow those rights, and to in-
interfere with that independence, those who made the
attempt would find in the result that it will
not be Denmark alone with whom they will have to con-
tend." (Cheers and counter cheers.) But the contest shows
that when I talked of every man in Europe, it is quite evi-
dent I did not confine myself to this country. (Cheers and
Opposition cries of "No, no.") And what was the passage
which preceded that ? I had just said before, " It is impos •
sible for any man who looks at the map of Europe, and who
knows the great interest which the Powers of Europe feel
in the independence of the Danish monarchy, to shut his
eyes to the fact that war begun about a petty dispute con-
cerning the constitution of Holstein would, in all probabi-
lity, not end where it began, and might draw after it conse-
quences which all the parties who began it would exceed-
inglyregret to have caused." (Hear, hear.) What I was
pointing to was a European war, and not simply a war be-
tween this country and Germany. But then, what was it
which the hon. gentleman, who is so much against all in-
terference and anything that militates against the rights of
Germany—what was it he said that called forth what I am
quoting? When the hon. gentleman stated that he appre-
hended danger from the execution in Holstein, he said that
the entrance of the Federal troop 3 into Holstein might in-
volve consequences fatal to the independence and integrity
of Denmark. And he continued, " If the Government would
say that, under pretence of Federal rights, the Confederation
were not to interfere with the rights of the Danish Crown,
and if France and Russia would hold similar language, the
danger to which he had adverted might be diverted." The
hon. gentleman therefore wanted the English Government
to say to the Diet, You shall not go into Holstein for the pur-
pose of executing Federal law; and he said if England could
persuade France and Russia to say the same thing, the dan-
ger which he apprehended would be averted. Well then, I
say it is not for the hen. gentleman to tax us, and say that
our representations and expostulations with Prussia, Aus-
tria, and the Diet against the course they were pursuing,
were justifiable, since he would have had us take a higher
measure, viz., tell the Diet that they were not to do that
which by the law of Germany and the law of Europe they
had a perfect right to do. (Ministerial cheers.) But we did
not do that ; our representations were of a different charac-
ter. When that occupation took place the Danish Govern-
ment was recommended, not by England alone, but by Eng-
land and other Powers, not -to resist. They did not resist;
and when the farther invasion of Schleswig was threatened
we endeavoured to persuade the King of Denmark to take
steps to revoke that constitution which was made the
ground of that occupation of Schleswig as a guarantee of
the revocation, The King promised to do all that he could
and as early as ho could for the purpose. Well, what Was
the time when, according to gentlemen opposite, who com-
plain so much, and at the bottom of whose thoughts lies the
notion that we ought to interfere by force—(cries of No, no,
from the Opposition benches, and cheers from the Minis-
terial benches)—what was the time when that interference
ought to have taken place ? The German troops entered
Schleswig about the middle of winter. Well that was not a
time when any naval or military operations could have been
undertaken. What did we do ? From the beginning we en-
deavoured to persuade France and Russia to concur with us
in every step we took. (Hear, hear.) But menacing lan-
guage is said to have been used. (Hear.) Why, the me-
nacing language was warning the German Powers of the
danger to Europe and themselves which might arise from the
extension of the war beyond the quarter where it had arisen.
The right iron. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) in his speech ap-
proved of our conduct up to Saptember. He said it was wise
and judicious, because was France was with us. He went on
to say, however, that after September a change took place,
and then you disgusted France. How was that ? It was on
account of Poland and the Congress—that we abondoned
France abont Poland. 'What was our course about Poland?
Were we not told in this house over and over again that we
ought to interfere diplomatically in favour of the Poles.
(fleer.) Did not the hon. member for King's county (Mr
Hennessy) repeatedly urge us in that direction, and was
not hit urging backed and supported by hon. members op-
posite ? Even the mode of representation was pointed out.
We were told, "Do not content yourselves with simple
remonstrances on the part of England, but get France,
Austria, Prussia, and all the Powers of Europe, to concur
in representing to Russia the expediency of dealing leniently
with Poland, and of acting in accordance with her engage-
ments." 'Well, we did not do that which we never under.
took—to make war for that purpose. My noble friend and
myself avowed that was not intended, but the right hon.
gentleman acknowledged the perfect justice of our course
upon that occasion ; for he said some little time ago to have
made war for Poland would have been an act of insanity.
Could, therefore, the French Emperor have found fault
with the English Government for not committing an act of
insanity Tben, again, as to the Congress, the right hon.
gentleman said we were qaite right in declining the Con-
gress. No man with to common understanding could imagine
that a Congress could, under such circumstances, have been
attended with beneficial results, The right hon. gentleman
said that a Congress ought to follow action, not precede it,
which is a very great distinction, 'Well, then, to say that
France was influenced by such considerations in her conduct
towards Denmark was to impute conduct' to the French
Government perfectly inconsistent with what ought to be
expected from a Government acting upon great and gentrote
principles. (Hear.) France was actuated by quite different
motives, and she never
thear froth us About
that time we were led to expect that France and Russia
powere the would join it; in pressing strongly upon the German
impropriety of their conduct towards Denmark.
-,ut France very fairly told ue, "War for you on behalf of
Denmark would be a naval war, for us it would be a land
war ; we have Germany upon our frontier, and war, there-
fore, would bee great undertaking, costly both in men
and treasure. We are not disposed to undertake it,
especially for an object which is not a French
object—an object which interests neither the dignity, inde-
pendence, nor welfare of France." I think then we had no
right to press upon the French Government the adoption of
the course which we most approved. eve. therefore, lost
the rapport of France, except morally and diplomatically.
Well, Russia was applied to ; but Russia gave us an answer
comes to consider the union which exists between Russia,
Prussia, and Austria with regard to the Polish question,
one cannot be surprised at Russia not being willing to take
also declining any co-operation with us. And when one
up arms against her neighbours. Well, I say, step by step
up to September, the right hem gentleman admits our po-
licy was wise and judicious, And I contend that from that
time our policy was likewise wise and judicious, and ho-
We laboured to per.
timetable to the country,
suede the parties to come to an agreement ; we remonstrated
aciuestiotno
oabrotaseinsvahnetithriner aist(inihn,ereg
with the German Powers on their honduct towards Den-
mark; but at last a Conference was proposed, The pro-
posal came from Prussia first. We agreed. Some time,
however, elapsed before the Conference could assemble. and
Conferenee. '%e shotild hasee erefertecl an armistice before
the conference, but failin in that we stipulated that it
Ice should precede the
should be the first subjectgof discussion, We found it im-
possibleand then vresaid let us have
a Conferehte as soon as possible. Well, sir, out influence
was lowered—we had no influence in Europe. (Opposition
cheers.) Why,
first of all we were
bring the Conference together, and iinvited to take steps to
n that Conference step
by step every proposal
made by England was supported by
France, Russia, and Sweden. Nothing was done or pro-
posed by England
which was not previously agreed upon
and previously concerted with these Powers, and therefore
1: am at a loss to Understand what you mean when you
say that England is a degraded Power—(cheers)—and that
you have no confidence in the Government. We are
accused in that Conference of
baying departed from the
provisions of the treaty of 1852. Those provisions
have certainly been departed from, but it was necessity tha t
compelled us to depart from them. 'When the Conference
assembled all the Powers bound themselves to abide by the
provisions of the treaty. That was the starting-point; but
wo did not make it the basis of the Conference, because we
knew that there was an objection to it on the part of Austria
and Prussia, and the German Confederation. But the real
basis was for the puenose of arriving at a peaceful solution
of the q"es'iqn, anj of restoring peace to Europe. Was that
an unworthy object, (Chb.lrEo If it was obtained, was it not
a basis for the Conference the t might lead to satisfactory
results ? The parties Were askec.
to state what the terms
to complete peace. They
proposed terms of a personal union,
were upon whic4 they were willing
scepte They made
Danish Government were willing to a,
with details which the
another proposal, which was to separate njoistein from Den-
mark and the whole of Schleswig. That wa. 9 objectionable.
They were induced to relax from that pretension, and at last
the proposal made to them, on the part of Gertnany, that
t
the parties were brought to this, that the Danes consented
question should be settled by the separation of Holshsetetiu from
eswi
.the
Denmark, together with the German portion of g.
Well, no doubt that was a devarture from the treaty 185 2;