The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-30 00:00:00

mation the warlike message of General La Hitte was re-
ceived when there appeared to be a prospect of violating
the principle of peace with England. The people of
the country heard of that message for a time, but like all
the other threats that proceeded from the same power, it
evaporated, and ceased to possess any significance. The
best security for the preservation of peace between France
and England was the knowledge that in any such emer-
gency the rest of Europe would, for its own sake, take anus
against France, and revenge the cause of England.—(Hear,
hear.) It was precisely the case of a private individual.
The individual was deterred from the commission of crime
by a fear of the consequences; and so in this case would
France be deterred from commencing a war. But was there
no security whatever in diplomacy? If, in spite of all oar
treaties, we were still required to take such means for re-
pelling sudden aggression, our embassies were maintained at
a great cost and to no purpose, and diplomacy had become
a mockery and a delusion.—(Hear, hear.) But wars very
seldom took place with the suddenness which was now
talked of. Negotiations took place, correspondence was ex-
changed, explanations were offered, recriminations perhaps
followed, and at the end of several months war might take
place ; but in the meantime the several powers had time to look
after their armies. At all events, if a sudden attack were
meditated, the precautions we were taking against it were
quite ineffective to the purpose and disproportionate to tke
danger. If any precautions should be taken, he held that
our navy was amply sufficient to repel all possible aggres-
sion.—(Hear.) He would give the House the same advice
which the Delphic oracle gave to the Athenians, and tell
them to betake themselves to their wooden walls. At all
events, do not try to raise a militia force. It always had been,
and always would be, an unpopular force in this country,
because it might be directed against the liberties of this
country itself. Suppose a sudden attack should be made
upon the country, there was spirit enough in the people, and
strength enough in oar regular force, to keep the French
army from reaching London, and to place it, between our
army and navy, in a very uncomfortable predicament.
He (Mr. Hobhouse) was not disposed to embarrass the
Honourable Gentlemen opposite, but at the same time he
was not disposed to trust them, and he intended therefore
to move the reading of the Bill that day six months. A
danger which we had escaped for so many years could not
now be so imminent that the Hon. Gentlemen opposite
could not delay this measure till July or August. The new
Parliament ought to settle this Bill.—(Hear.) It should be
discussed upon the hustings, for it was a question in which
the people were deeply interested.—(Hear.) The militia
system would be a fertile source of jobbing. The land would
swarm with colonels—(Laughter)—and we should see
nothing but red coats. Men would be distracted alike from
their business and their pleasures, and all upon no earthly
pretence that could be justified by argument. If introduced,
these levies would be utterly useless in a time of war, for a
slight glance at history would show that raw levies had
always Red before the fire of disciplined troops. That being
the case, and a number of his friends agreeing with him
that the measure was an inexpedient, one, he should move
that the Bill be read that day six months.
Mr. NEWDEGATE was proceeding to address the House,
but
- -arr. /1013110 USE rose toorder, and reminded the Speaker
that his amendment had not been put
The SPEAKER said, the motion before the House was,
that the Bill for calling out the militia be introduced by cer-
tain Members, and the only amendment which could be
moved was, either the direct negative to this, or that some
other Members be ordered to bring in the Bill.—(Ministe-
rial cheers.)
Mr. NEWDEGATE was sorry the Hon. Member for Lin-
coln would not find his name entered upon the journals of
the House, for he really believed that could have been his
only motive in bringing forward the amendment.—(A
laugh.) There appeared a great discrepancy between the
statements made by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, for the Hon.
Member for the West Riding advised us to send Commis-
missioners to France and ask that power to burn their fleet,
while the Honourable Member for Lincoln (Mr. Hob-
house) suggested that the force of the navy should be
doubled.—(Hear, hear.) As to the demand that the
Bill should be left unpassed until the constituencies had
pronounced upon it, he supposed Hon. Gentlemen opposite
wanted a cry with which to go to the country, feeling
sure that the measure would be unpopular when viewed in
the light in which they were going to put it at the hustings.
He almost began to regret that the Noble Lord lately
at the head of the Government and Lord Derby had
repressed the warnings which had been addressed by the
press to the people on the possibility of a sudden invasion.
He fully appreciated the motives which had dictated this
course on the part of the late and the present Premier. The
language held by the press must have been irritating to
the people of France, but the Noble Lord, as well as Lerd
Derby, forgot that there was a faction in this country who
would only be controlled by popular clamour • and the
press therefore, perhaps rightly, believed that this House
would not have strength enough to carry any measure for
the protection of our shores unless they excited the alarm
of the people. He feared that the democratic principle was
working so strongly that, without a popular cry, as it was
called, we should scarcely be able to adopt any measure of
defence. He hoped, however, the Government would not
be deterred by any feeling of this sort, and by what had
been said by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, from bringing for-
ward a measure of such importance as that before the House.
Mr. HORSMAN felt strongly the responsibility resting
upon the Right Hon. Gentleman who had brought forward
the present measure, but a great responsibility rested also
upon every Member of that House in regard to it.—(Hear.)
One of the difficulties which presented themselves to his
mind with reference to the scheme was, that he was unaware
of any precedent for demanding so large a military esta-
blishment as was now proposed without some pressing neces-
sity was apparent. He believed that the means of defence
which had failed in the country during the last war, and
which after 40 years of peace had become so unsuited to
the feelings of the people, would, it was not difficult to fore-
see, fail again on any emergency. Our safety should
not rest on the forbearance of an enemy, but on our
own strength—(Hear)—and it was the opinion of military
men that the fate of England would be sealed for ever if
her defence was left to a militia instead of a regular army.
Indeed, it would be a folly and madness no one could be
guilty of to expose a militia to the trained troops of
France. If, then, there was any reason to apprehend an
invasion, suclia force would not constitute an adequate de-
fence, and it would be costly without being efficient. There
was no difficulty in inducing the House to increase our
forces when cause was shown for it. On looking back to
the acts of the late Government, he found that from 1846
there had never been a proposition to increase the estimates
which had not been carried by a majority of 4 to 1, while in
Sir Robert Peel's Government similar motions were carried
by a still larger majority. It was the practice of successive
Administrations to say they were obliged to reduce our
,establishments, while the fact was that this very question of
maintaining or increasing them was one on which every
Administration had maintained the support of Parliament.
If there really was a necessity for this increase to our de-
fences let Government come down to the House and lay the
case before them, and he would venture to say there was no
increase the House of Commons would not sanction.—(Hear,
hear.) For his own part he did not attach much weight to
the rumour of war, but at the same time, whenever the Go-
vernment measure was discussed, it should be approached by
him in no hostile spirit.—(Hear, hear.)
Captain BOLDERO said it was the duty of the Govern-
ment to keep the country in a state of security, and it was
not in that state at present. Though he believed that the
present Prince President of France had no disposition to
attack this country, where he had so long resided, yet who
could foretell what might take place during the next twelve
months? Another dictator might then be placed at the
head of the French army with less amicable feelings. He
referred to the good service which the militia had, in past
days, done the country, and stated that he should have no
objection to place the regular army on the same footing as
in 1848, and have the militia besides. He trusted never to
see the day when a foreign army should be found on the
soil of this country, but, should such an event occur, he
had no fear that that army, however numerous, could
make any impression on so great and powerful a nation as
Great Britain.
Colonel SIBTHORP had the honour of holding an im-
portant commission in that most valuable force, the old re-
gular militia, and he expressed his opinion that there was a
great superiority in the measure of the present Government
as compared with that of the last Government. He placed
confidence in the present Government, and therefore he
should support the introduction of the Bill ; but he would
not be bound by all the details, as he preferred the system
of the old militia without alteration.
The O'GORMAN MAHON, without going into the
details of the proposed measure, desired to express his ex-
treme regret at the speech delivered by the lion. Member
for the West Riding, and, on the part of his countrymen,
he begged to tender to the Secretary at War thanks for the
manner in which he bore testimony to their fidelity and
loyalty, whenever they were called to the defence of their
country, and to the maintenance of the honour and dignity
of the Crown.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
merely rose to express his hope that Hon. Gentlemen
opposite would not call on the House to divide. The
Government were, in fact, only obeying the order of the
House, and all they asked for was permission to lay on
the table of the House that Bill which the majority
of the House had decided should be prepared ; and this was
his answer to the Hon. and Gallant Member for Lincoln;
and he assured that Hon. and Gallant Member that by his
vote that night he was pledged to nothing, but to permit
the Government to comply with the order of the House.—
(Hear, hear.) It was for these reasons that he should, only
for a few moments, trespass on -the attention of the House.
He should not be induced to attempt to answer the Hon.
Member for the West Riding, who had made one of those
able and agreeable speeches which he (the Chancellor of
the Exchequer) always listened tQ with pleasure, though
he: entirely, disagreed with them.—(Hear, and laughter.)
The Hon. Member was not merely against the militia, but
against all defence.—(Hear, hear.) His argument was an
argument against the line, against the household troops,
the artillery, and the cavalry; and it proceeded on the
assumption that, in the present state of the world, no
country need defend itself.—(Renewed laughter.) He (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) could not give his adhesion to
those opinions. He could not agree with the Hon. Gentle-
man that the events of the last few years, to which he had
appealed, had in any way authorised his adopting those
opinions, though he had triumphantlyd..4refeurred tho them)
as authority for what he had state ear, ear
and when he recollected, since the date to which he had
referred, when the convulsions of Europe commenced, that in
the course of eight weeks four pitched battles had been fought,
and that the Baltic and Adriatic had been both blockaded,
he really could not agree with the Hon. Gentleman that
those were the evidences of that halcyon period the approach
of which the Hon. Gentleman seemed to anticipate.—
(Hear, hear.) He had said before, and he must repeat it,
that, totally irrespective of the disturbances we had of late
years unfortunately witnessed, there were features in the
present 'political arrangements of the world, of long en-
durance, which forbade him to believe that we had arrived at
that period of permanent and enduring tranquillity of which
we heard so often.—(Hear, hear.) He must repeat that, so
long as he found the strongest places in the possession of the
weakest powers, so long as he observed that throughout
Europe and Asia the richest countries were under the do-
minion of the poorest sovereigns, he felt that that was a
state of things which would lead no doubt hereafter, he
hoped not in our times, to very great changes, which he
could not believe would be effected by any other agency
than war.—(Hear, hear.) Upon the measure which his
Right Hon. Friend had explained to to the House he would,
as be hoped no division would take place, scarcely touch;
but in answer to the Sight Hon. Gentleman the Alember for
Perth, he must say that from him he collected that his chief
opposition to the measure was the contingent ballot; but he
might remind the Right Hon. Gentleman that in the mea-
sure which he had himself proposed that offensive arrange'
went was introduced absolutely.
Mr. F. MAULE—The Right Hon. Gentleman quite wacieig"
understood me. I maintained that there could be no efnt
militia system without the ballot.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
contihh
--He was glad to perceive that the elements of oppositi ed
on
were already diminishing.—(" Hear, hear,"
4and
" No,
no.") At all events, he would remind the Right waslion. Gen-
tlemana that in this case the question of the ballot
Matter of opinion.. It w for the Bight Hon.as impossible
any data on
Gentleman or for the Government to refer W