The Sun.
London, England, 1852-11-12 00:00:00

HOUSE OF COMMONS—Nov. 11.

The SPEAKHR, did not resume the chair till half•pas
Eour o'clock.
THE INQUEST AT SIX-MILE.BRIDGE.

Sir JOHN FITZGERALD gave notice that, on
Tuesday next, he should move fur a copy of the evideuce
taken at the coroner's inquest in the Six-Mile-bridge

affair.

TENANT•RIGHT IN IRELAND.
Mr. Sergeant SHEE gave notice that, on this day
ortnight, he should wove for leave to bring in a Bill for

regulating the custom of Tenant-right in Ulster, and
securing compensation to improving tenants; and also for
limiting the power of evictions in certain cases.

REPUBLIC OF PERU.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER brough

up a report of the treaty with the Republic of Peru.

THE ADDRESS.

The SPEAKER then read the Queen's Speech (for
which see Lord's report), after which,
Lord LOVAINE said, in moving that an humble
Address be presented to her Majesty, in reply to her
moat gracious Speech from the Throne, he con-

fessed he wished the task had fallen into the
hands of some more able, experienced, and
talented member, who would have been enabled to give
due weight to the important topics which it contained.

Ho felt core embarrassed when he saw that th

first subject mentioned in that Speech must call
forth the affections, regard, and regret of every

man who called himself a native of Urea

Britain. (Hear.) He alluded, of course, to that portion
of the speech in which her Majesty, with her usual kino
and affectionate regard for the wishes and feelings of
her people, invited ;heir representatives to join in
a provision for the funeral obsequies of the late
Duke of Wellington (Hear, hear.) The House
would excuse hien if he approached with awe
au event which had cast a shadow of grief and dismay
over this mighty empire—the passing away of that
lite which for marl: half a century had been a bea-
con to guide every Englishman in the path et
honour and of duty. (Cheers.) No obsequies they might
give, no temeral poles they might bestow, would be ade-
quate to the respect, love, and admiration which the
House and the country bore for that immortal man.
(Cheers.) Their love vas not founded on mere evanescent
vulgar admiration of military glory It was not that he
had given to Err;lane the supremacy of the vast empire
oflndia; it was not that he had raised England by his
victories to the highestrarsk amorg the nations of the world;
it was not that he finally became the conqueror of
the conqueror of ths world, that this country loved
him so well, but because ho was not so dazzled
and blinded by the effulgence of the glory he had
earned and rendered deist by the voice of victory,
as to be unable to discern that the true end and
object of ail war was an honourable and lasting peace.
in which any country
(Ctieera.) When he had brought the most tremendous
struggle
ever engaged to a
close, he devoted hicroelf to the establishment of peace
by every means of conciliation and mode; ation that was
consistent with the honour and safety of England. How
he had succeeded, the history of the last 37 years conk
tell. Th -y loved him aesause he had always proved him-
self a most faithful servant of the Crown, and been ever
ready to defend the rights and promote the welfare 01
his fellow-citizens. He (Lord Lovaine) believed that
his political opponents would bear witness that his coun-
sel was ever ready in the darkest hour of dan-
ger and difficulty, an. that they might always rely on hie
honour, sincerity, ant sagacity to point out the path of
safety which seemed to be hidden from less gifted eyes.
1113 name would be sanded down to posterity as an ex-
ample, not only of a great statesman, and of the greaten
warrior, but as a colossal example of unswerving
otediencu to the call of duty, truth, fidelity, ano
honour. (Cheers.) He trusted that the county}
who loved him %mid be warned by his advice
and not be so intoxicated by a feeling of security
and by the peace which had so long subsistad, as tc,
allow the country to bo exposed t,.) danger. The
Noble Lord then alluded to the success which
, had attended the enrolment of the Militia, not-
withstanding the evil auguries which had been offered
respecting it. After a brief reference to the differ-
ences on the American Fishery question, the Noble
Lord went on to observe, that her Majesty entertained
sanguine hopes of the final extinction of the slave
trade, Cuba being the only spot in the world where it
nnw flourished. Ho next adverted to the gratifying in-
telligence that transportation to Van Diemea's Land
would soon cease, esseressing a hope that some other
means would be found for disposing of the criminals to,
the country. He readily admitted that the commercial
policy which had been adopted for the last three years
had contributed to the very great prosperity which
existed in the country, (Loud cheers from the Opposi-
tion benches.) He said so as the representative of
an agricultural county. But he drew a very great
distinction between NThat was called free trad,
and the abolition of the duties upon corn. He believed
that the abolition of prohibitory duties on articles of liv-
ing, having due roof prohibitory
to the revenue to be raised, wa-
judicious and unexceptionable. But the abolition of th,
duty upon corn stood upon another footing. Thep
could be no doubt that the repeal of the corn-laws had
occasioned suffering among a large and important class,
and he was confident that the recommendation in the
Royal speech would no; be overlooked by the House.
After expressing
a 1., -°Pethat all party differences woule
be laid aside, the Noble Lord concluded with moving an
Address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Royal
Speech.
Mr. EGERTON rose 4 second the Address. Thc
Hon. member commend by stating that, on th,
subject of that paragriph in the Royal Speech
which alluded to the death of the late lamented
Duke of Wellington, he is e t s..
quite assured that the
greatest unanimity would 1
Natal!. He would direct th,
attention of the House, in th
„e -se first instance, to that para-
graph in the Speech which l.ltided to the establishmen
of schools for the purpose
ff instruction in mechanics;
art. It herd been a matter a observation which the ex
patience derived from last year's Exhibition had full)
confirmed, that enterprising ticl energetic as our manu-
facturers were, in some brans
~res of art they required a
greater meet apical shill and °ore taste. The English had
been excelled by the artizlnt of other countries, where
greater facilities had been i
nod for the purpose- of in,
He maintained th
struction. -st her Majesty's Govern
ment were entitled to the highstt praise for legislatiot
on this subject. As it had ben the privilege of two
Ministries to confer great bans on the country—the
one by giving it cheap food, the User by giving the bless-
ings of increased light and beaty drainage—so ho hoped
that it would be the privilege of he present Government
to confer on the working or
-4 D Dui
- ion of the country the
education, advantages of social
y means of which the
manufactures of the country wool
,
romoted, and its
be
trade extended. bad to con r
He
a.tdate tphe country on its
great prosperity, and on the
f fact I the greatest activity
existing in every branch o mel
co
--tce, and that, in spite
of the largo reductions of taxation
su=ds considered
was no falling
off in the revenue. This he considered a source
of the greatest satisfaction to all. (,cud cries of "Hear,
hear.") That satisfaction was in is mind very mach
enhanced by the reflection th at th, working classes of
l
the country had bad a very argeshare in that pro-
sperity. (Loud cheers from the o,poaition Benches.)
He would say that any Hon. saw
,-,
'non who had had
the experience of the two last,years,
:and who had seen
the benefit which an unrestricted In
portation of food
(
had conferred on the labouring man.. Cheers from the
Opposition)—must feel that the the had now come
when the question must be finally Bttled. (Renewed
cheers from the Opposit:on.) An apbo having been
made to the constituencies of the co,.tr _y,
the verdict
which had been taken ought to be actuiesced in. and
those divisions which bad so long disracted different
classes of her Majesty's subjects, shook be put an end
to. But, at the same time, while they e,ttled the ques
tion, it was fitting time, and a proper ;
one that other
classes, whose :sufferings had long be, dilated on,
should not be overlooked, and that thir
claims for
redress, if they could be substantiated_
(Hear, hear.
from the Opposition benches)—should n=et with due
consideration from the House. (Hear,
hew, and cheers.)
He thought, however, that the sottlemert of
the ques-
tion also required that the House should ake into con-
sideration the claims which the farming interest had
upon the country. (Ministerial cheers.) There were
other points in the Speech which required tmitm„t; but
he would not detain the House with any t
:hrther obser-
vations; bat, thanking the House for its kin( indulgence,
ho would sit down, expressing a hope that, whatever
legislation they might hereafter adopt, it wield be not
for the benefit of a class, but for the good o, the nation
at large. (Cheers.)
The question having been put from the chair,
Mr. VILLIERS said he hoped the house would not
deem it presumptuous in him that at that early period
of the evening ho rose to address to it a few observations
on the subject of the Address and on what }tad fallen
from the Hon. Gentlemen who moved and seconded it,
He could assure the House that it was with great reluc-
tance he rose to address it on this occasion, because he
entirely egret-d with those who theught that it was de
cable On nil oceUina3 t 4 rt,t.,Piliii; '-_,1,_'61,:-42:,. alti

r. •
; tEja, ta:,; r L t. 3 t
stauuld be uwanittious. Wad cite ieelibg uf the
House generally, and more especially of late years it
seemed to be the practice of Farliameut. But it de-

peuded on the discretion or the decision of Ministers
what tone might bo taken, or what turn might be
given, to the discussi,la on the Address, because Minis-
ters, being responsible for the Speech, having the selec-
tion of the topics coutsined in it, having the choice of
the friends who were to expounki the policy of the Go-
vernment, and knowing the desire of the House to be
.•

.nforrn,cl. of the views- of the Government respecting

he condition of the country, the state of foreign
relations, and the policy to be adopted at home,
there could be no amendment proposed to the ad-
dress, or angry discussion take place, unless there was
some omission of matters on what the House desired to
be intormed, or some statement of policy which it might
be deemed desirable to oppose. It was under these cir-
cumstances that he rose to complain somewhat of the
Address which had been moved that evening. He did

not say that he complained of much that waa contained
in it. There were in it mattera which S poke for them-
selves, facts on which they all agreed, and in which he
rejoiced. First of all he might speak of the reference
made to what he might term the national bereavement;

and he was sure that the House would respond to every-
thing which related to that great man, that great mind,
which had left them, with the greatest cordiality and the
deepest emotion. (Hear, hear.) But there were some
other matters of deep interest to the country at large, and
on which it had been anxiously looking tor some informa-
tion on that occasion. They had met there at a very un-

usual season; and there was not a man assembled there,
and hardly a man in the country, who had not in-
quired wherefore they were assembled. The circum-
stances were so notorious under which the last par-
liament was dissolved, and under which the present
one was assembled, that it was hardly needful

For him to rekr to therc; but in order for him to estab

lisp the ground on which he intended to complain of
what he considered defective information in the speech,
it was necessary just to mention what occurred ; and
this brought him back to the formation of the present
Government. It was well known that when the Go•

vernment acceded to power, there was an crowal on the
part of the new minister that he held opinions which he
was not willing to abandon, and which he admitted were
at variance with those of the majority of the House of
Commons. (Cheers.) That minister—he alluded to the
first minister of the Crown—admitted the justice of the
doctrine, that it was not constitutional for any ministry
to administer the Government of this country whose
opinions did nut coincide with the majority in that
house. (Cheers.) "But," ho said, " without abandon-
ing my opinions, and without doing viclence to the Con-
stitution, I am willing to take a course which I think
will be approved by all men under existing circum-
stances. I will not interfere with the business which is
required to he done in this home ; I will put the coun-
try to es little inconvenience as possible ; but I will
disscdse this Parliament, I will tslte the cpinion of the
country, I will ascertain with the, least possible delay,
whether or not my opinions coincide with those cf the
majority of the electors, and whether or not, therefore,
I am a fit person to govern the country." (Cheers.) Now,
these were the facts, and they were met at that unusual
season in consequence of a declaration of the Minister
that he would leave it to the country whether he was fit
to be at the head of affairs. There were two ways in
which the difficulties admitted and avowed by the Minis-
ter might have been overcome. Oue was that the
majority in that House should coincide with the Minis
the other that the Minister should declare sem,
change of opinion on his own part. They were al
assembled that evening, and the country generally
believed that they were met for the purpose of ascer-
taining whether thet coincidence existed. They had
looked to the Speech, and they bad listened to the move,
and seconder of the Address to ascertain whether there
was a coincidence of opinion as between the majority of
that House and the present Government, and he com-
elained that they had no information on that subject
Deere was a paragraph which referred to the subject on
which a diffsreuce of opinion had existed, namely, the
commercial policy of the country; there was a reference
both to recent legislation and to the present condition of
he people; but ha could not fiud a clear, distinct, intel-
ligible avowal on the part of her Majesty's Government
hat they were reconciled to that policy. (Hear.) Why
had they given no assurance that in no way would the)
attempt to reverse or to modify it, and that the country
might rest assured that it would be permanent? (Hear.)
11l order to relieve himself from any charge of pre-
sumption in intruding himself thus early on the House,
or asking for explanations which were not needed, he
eegged leave to state to the House—a House containing
many Members who were not in the last Parliament=
that, from the strong interest which he had taken for
-natty years in this question, on the first accession of this
Government to power, knowing the opinions which
they had propounded, knowing the active part which
they had taken throughout the country in condemning
the policy which now existed, and the pledgee, he might
itty, which they had also given to reverse that policy—
(Cheers)—he did feel an apprehension that they would,
:ea acceding to power, use the enormous influence which
their position as a Government gave them to carry out
their views, and that they would make some attempt if
not to reverse, at least to modify, their policy. He
therefore put a notice of motion on the paper in the last
Parliament, which bound the Government to a continu-
ance of the existing policy—having been requested to do
so by Members of great influence, because representing
vast numbers of their fellow countrymen in that House;
but at the request of that party who succeeded in chang-
ing the commercial policy of the country, and of the
whole House, he consented to withdraw that notice after
the speech of the First Minister of the Crown, assented to
by the Ministers in that House. That speech was to the
ffect which he had stated. The First Minister avowed that
he was in a minority iu that house, and declared that
ne would take the opinion of the country. On these
grounds he (Mr. Villiers) withdrew the notice. He
anxiously awaited the assembling of a new parliament,
for the purpose of having this matter decided, because
it was the promise, the assurance of the minister at that
time that he would call an early session for the pur-
pose of deciding it. (Hear, hear.) Nobody could doubt
the importance of the subject ; it was appreciated on all
sides, whatever view might otherwise be taken of it.
lion. Gentlemen opposite had said that unless the ex-
isting policy was reversed, or at least modified, inevitable
ruin must follow. 1 They (the Opposition) had declared it
was their opinion that the well-being of the country was
contingent on its continuance. The minister of the crown
said:—" This is a matter of too great importance to be
left unsettled ; it shall be decided, and decided finally;
so that every man in this country, and in the world, may
feel assured as to what the commercial policy of this
country will be." It was for this purpose, as he under-
stood, that they were assembled at this unusual season
of the year ; and ho rose, not to depart from what he
knew to be the custom of that house, and believed to be
he wish of members generally, namely, that of avoiding
in amendment to the address,—that was not his purpose
—but he wished to call attention to the fact, that up to
',hat moment they did not know whether or not the
ministers of the Crown had abandoned their opinions on
the subject of protection. (Hear, hear.) He did assert,
end in doing so he was supported by the opinion of the
irst minister of the Crown, that it was essential that
his matter should be decided. It could not be decided
cy coinciding with the address. The language was
vague. (Cheers.) He would be very sorry to introduce
anything like au angry discussion on that occasion, but
to might almost say it was deceptive. (Hear, hear,)
Chore was an allusion to the great prosperity of the
,ndustrious classes, but there was also an allusion to
tarasuree for the relief of industry. Why, if the Indus-
-ious classes were well off and satisfied, what was the
mewing of a declaration that something should be done
or industry ? (Hear, hear.) It was an opinion en-
'ertained on that side of the house by all who had
advocated the policy of Free Trade that Protection
was an unqualified mischief, that not only was it
an enormous mischief to the community at large,
out that it was even injurious to the interests sup-
posed to be protected. But when the question in-
volved also the protection of what was called the landed
Interest, to talk of protecting the industry of the country
by restoring a monopoly of food, he should hardly like to
lett ywwa
ah teal
mhaes
t thoughtin s hol ft'
thhtea Ipke
ott
ps teh aatf.
this(l I
he
aaaw hat
ry ear.)
to to
talk of any person being injured by the removal of the
grossest of all injuries which had been inflicted upon the
community. (Hear, hear.) But the whole phraseology
of the paragraph was indistinct, vague, and confused;
and it depended on the tone and views of Hon. Gentle-
men on the opposite side of the House what interpreta-
tion was to be put upon it by the House generally.
[here was mention made of recent legislation. Why
not use plain English? Why was not the language in-
telligible? (Hear, hear.) If great advantages had been
reaped by the working classes from the repeal of the
Corn-laws, why not state it?—(Cheers)—and if any in-
jury was done to anybody by repealing the Corn-laws,
let them have that made clear, distinct, and unequivocal.
decision (Hear, h e
oa
fr . )
the ir Opposition)a
twt
eor would havehear the_
and he had only risen now for the purpose of.stating
in this subject, and believing that others, who had.
that he, for one, otathatm
taken a far more effective part, would agree with
having. taken a great interest
him, was dissatisfied with the statement. made as to
the causes of the present condition of the country.
They
ee
(Hear, hear.) They wanted. to know distinctly whatthe
he policy of
great question which had been in
without
distinctlyto give
Here the opinions of her Majesty's Government on.
notice that he should submit the matter. to the House—
(Cheers)—that he should put the question on so clear
and intelligible a footing that their fellow-countrymen
out of the House would afterwards feel no doubt with
regard to the future. He believed that the 22d of the
present month would be about the most convenient day
for taking the opinion of the house on that subject.
(Loud cheers.)
There was here a pause, during which were heard
occasional cries of " Booker," which elicited laughter.
Cho Speaker was about to put the question, when
Mr. HUME rose to address the House. He said he
sad waited with great patience in the hope that, ac-
cording to custom, some lion. Gentleman apposite
would rise to answer the speech of the Hon. Gentle-
man who had just spoken. His Hon. Friend had
given a challenge, but no one seemed to have
spirit to answer. Why did not Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite came forward like men? (Laughter.) How was
it that none of them had the manliness to stand up and
admit that the. acknowledged prosperity of the labouring
:lassos arose from the repeal of the corn-lawn ? (Hear,
hear.) He begged pardon—the seconder of the Address
lid admit that he was a Free-trader. (Laughter.) The
Government .themselves, however, ought to have stated
their views. Having had nine months, which ens a long
eeriod—(Laughter)—to make up their minis, why
did
!ley not admit in intelligible language that they hod
heat)—tivlt they found by 0,1)0117.
oneo thot the existing pf,liey haft boon produelive
Vantage. to 'dill mass 'f the cote leeway
lie confessed that he felt deeply disappointed. Although
&rest difference of opinion had existed, he did belieye

that the Government would have the manliness to avow ;
their error. He liked a fair stand-up battle, and not a
fight from behind hedges, and under equivocal language
r.nd expressions, which nobody could uvelerstand. The
country demanded a decision °l' the question. He had met
with a great many farmers wlio had not only made up
their minds that the change was good for the country, but
who said that they would be sorry to go back to Pro-
tection ; but there were others who looked for some
secret measures by which farmers wore to be benefited;
and for the sake of such persons, it was absolutely
Tecessary the question should be decided. (Hoar, hear.)
While he agreed with his llon. Friend that it was not
,tesirable that there should tie an amendment, the ad-

dress being regarded as a, compliment to her Mijesty,
he had to complain of some omissions in the Royal
Speech. The preceding Parliament declared by a vote
that there were certain taxes in existence which were

most unjustly and anomaloumly levied, and that the time
had arrived when there should be a general revision of

;axstion. That was, he believed, a—wise deelar2.tion ;

but the speech did not contain one word in referenc3 to
the question. Did the Government mean to oppose or
shrink from inquiry with regard to the Income Tax,
which, in the words of the Eight Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Disraeli), amounted in many cases to confiscation of pro-
perty ? Ho hoped the Government would state whether
this omission aroso from accident or from a

determination not to grapple with the ques-
tion. There was another omission. He had
anticipated that the Government would declare them-
selves opposed to any further Parliamentary Reform.
Why had they not taken th a position assumed by L,_lrd
Derby in another place, when he declared it to be his
intentioa to oppose any further extension of what were
termed popular rights, and when he censured the demo-
cratic principles of the Nate Lord (Lord J. Rusted)?
(Hear, hear.) If the Noble ;7_,ord's measures appeared to
the Noble Earl dangerous, and if he still meant to oppose
their enactment, why was not that stated in the Speech
from the Throne? (Hear, hear.) There was another
►mportant omission. What had become of the clamorceis
outcry for the repeal of the malt-tax and other taxes
which were peculiarly odious to farmers? The silence
of the Speech declared that there was no intention to
repeal them. Ho regretted that the question of taxation

was entirely omitted. In conclusion, he wished to t(,11
Lion. Gentlemen opposite, if they were not aware of it,
that there was a strong opinion in the country that eke-
dons could not be conducted in future as they had been
lately. lie wished to see established a regular repre-
sentative Government; he wished to see popular power
exercising that influence which it ought to have in the
proeaediogs of that House, while at the same time the
just privileges of the different classes of society were
properly guarded; and ho regret ted that in a time of
peace and quiet the Government did not seem prepared
to come forward and propose tlosc reforms which the
country required. The question. of Free Trade must
iooti be settled one way or other; and it would then be
time to introduce other questions of national itn-

portance.
Mr. WALPOLE said—l did. not :rise, nor did any
other member of the government rise, after the observa-
tions which were made by the hon. member for Wolver-
hampton (Mr. Villiers), because 4it was our duty to see
whether any amendment to the address was likely to be
:noved before we gave any opieion in reply to the remarks
which fell from him. As, however-, the hon. gentleman
lid not move an amendment, and as no one else has risen
to do so, it uppers at present unlikely that any amend-
ment will be moved; and I have, therefore, risen for the
purpose of replying to the observations which the hon,
gentleman has made. (Hear.) Now, I certainly agree
with him, that we are met tooth er at an unusual season
if the year, and for a special purpose. That purpose
enquestionably is, that the financial and commercial
colicy of this country shall be finally settled and de-
clared. (Cheers from both sides of the house.) The
hon. gentleman complains that in the address there is a
certain passage referring to the subject which is embigu-
eus; and I think he called it evasive and deceptive.
Sir, I can assure the hon. gentleman that no evasion and
no dec-plien was intended by that paragraph; but it has
been worded carefully in that way—which meets tin ob-
servation which the hon. gentleman himself has made—
tt has been worded carefully in that way to prevent at
this moment what might possibty be a warm and heated
iiscussion, and so as to avoid the- neces-ity of any amend-
ment being moved to the address either on this or on that
side of the house. The hon, gentleman says, however, end
so does the hon. gentleman the member for Montrose—
(An inaudible observation was hero made by Mr. Vil-
liess.) Well, it is in conformity with the usual custom
that:you did endeavour to avoid ttn amendment. I think
the Hon. Gentleman himself sail iit was the custom. I
believe it is recognized to be a good custom; and cer-
tainly we wished that as far as possible that custom
should be observed on the present occasion; but we are
prepared, if you wish to move an amendment, to take the
discussion at the present time. (Hear, hear.) Well,
now, the Hon. Gentleman went ou to remark, and so
also did the Hon. Gentlsman who has just sat down,
that we ought to have declared our policy in the speech,
and that we ought also to have been prepared with the
measures which we intend to propose. Now, I tell the
Honourable Gentleman that we are prepared with all
those measures. (Ministerial cheers.) And I tell him
that we intend, and have always intended to take the
earliest opportunity of submitting those measures to the
consideration of the House. But there are circumstances
with reference to our present meeting which have cer-
tainly made it unadvisable that they should be taken in
hand until the funeral of the Duke of Wellington shall
have taken place. (An exclamation of " Oh," followed
by cheers.) As soon as that tribute of the nation is
paid to the greatest of its heroes, my Right Hon. Friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer will rise to bring before
the House and the country the views which the Gevei ',-
meat take of the financial and commercial policy which
ought to be established in the country. But I think there
is sufficient in the speech from the Throne, and in the ad-
dress in answer to it, for everybody to draw this inference
from, that we are not going to propose to reverse the re-
cent legislation which has led to those improvements in
the condition of the industrious; classes of the commu-
nity to which the speech refers. (Loud cheers from the
Opposition benches.) More ti' an this, I think, the
House will hardly expect me to a ay; because it would, in
fact, be expecting me to announce the different measures,
which my Right lion. Friend will announce on a future
occasion, and the views which ho takes in reference to
that subject. (Hear, hear.) But I thought it right to
make that declaration in the first instance; for it is a
declaration which the Government intend to abide by;
and I do say that those measures which the Government
intend to introduce will be brought forward on the ear-
liest occasion. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said—lt is consoling that on this
occasion we have to consider an Address which begins
by condoling with her Majesty on the loss of that great
man the Duke of Wellington; that we are not obliged
to have a long debate upon topics on which the House
might be divided, or to have a division on those topics.
Sir, with respect to the first part of the Address, I cer-
tainly will not attempt to add anything to what has
been said by the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman
who moved and seconded the Address. With regard to
the Duke of Wellington, I feel that while it remains for
the country and for history to do justice to his great
merits, it remains for her Majesty's Ministers, for the
House of Lords and the House of Commons, and for
the country at large, to deplore the loss of those
counsels which always inspired that good subject
and ardent patriot. It remains for us, in confor-
mity with the intention of the Crown, to show that
we are not an ungrateful people, and that we
duly appreciate the services which have been ren-
dered to the country by that illustrious man. (Hear,
hear.) Sir, passing from this subject, lam glad to find
that the Ministers of the Crown can congratulate the
country on the ready coming forward of so many men,
amounting, as the Noble Lord said, to 30,000, to serve
in the militia. I trust that her Majesty's hopes will
not be disappointed, and that these men will prove an
effectual aid to her Majesty's regular forces. With re-
ference to any other measures which may be necessary
for the defence of this country, I feel sure that her Ma-
jesty's Ministers will give them due consideration, and
that they will propose from time to time such measures
as they may think advisable, to which I shall always be
ready to give a favourable hearing. Ido not know that
there is any other topic either in the speech or the ad-
dress to which I need more particularly allude. But I
must say a few words respecting what the country has
so impatiently looked for, namely, some explicit declara-
tion as to our financial and commercial policy. (Hear,
hear.) I must say that on this part of the subject I
participate in the disappointment which my Hon.
Friend the Member for Wolverhampton has so well
expressed. It seems to me that with respect to our
commercial and financial policy, there were two courses
open to the Government, either of which would have
been perfectly plain and clear, for the Noble Earl in
another place and his colleagues in the Government.
The one was, they might have maintained the opinions
which since 1846 down to the present time, or at least
until February, 1852, Lori Derby most loudly and con-
fidently expressed, and from which ho declared with
eloquence and energy that nothing should induce him
to shrink, (Hear.) Another course would have been for
the Government to have stated that they had been mis-
taken in all their views, that the country had prospered,
and that the cause of that prosperity was the operation
of those measures which they had thought would be
nationally ruinous. (Cheers.) They might have ad-
mitted that these beneficial results were recognised
throughout the country, and manfully have declared
that they had changed their opinions, and were
.pre-
pared for the future to act according to the prin
leiples
which they had hitherto opposed: (Cheers.) con-
ceive that they have adopted neither the one nor the
other course, and the House and the country must be
prepared to form a judgment on their declarations.
Instead of. either of the courses I have_ described, we
have a continuance of that perplexity and ambiguity, of
that doubt and hesitation, which for the last nine
months have vexed the country, and made it difficult to
ther what was to be the real policy of Government.
(Hear,g hear.) If one of the Ministers appeared to be in
favour of free trade, we had presently from another a
declaration that protection had
,not been abandoned.
(Hear, hear.) The Secretary of State, although he must
not ray that the principle of protection is a sound one,
yet we find him speaking of the increase of crime and of
the poor rates, and endeavouring to throw some slur
upon the prosperity which tree trade has produced—
trying, if
possible, to, induce
.the country to defeat from
the course It, has bristly udoptutl. (Cheerio
Ana neon now, continuing on the same entree to 1141
cud, we hove in this isoelese seine seeteeces tavuurable
to free trade, and, in another, words intimating an
approval of the principle of protection. (Hear, hear.)

To complete the whole, we have reeving tke aridrese
Noble Lord who is a firm adherent of protection, while Ist'
Hon Member who seconds hire speaks boldly and ee-
eidedly for tree trade. (Cheers end laughter.) If
be the ambiguity practised by the Government and its
adherents, I think it is full time we came to a setzle-
molt, and—in the words of the Hon. Member who
spoke last—that the commercial and financial policy of
this country ;,should be finally settled. ( Hear, a,nd
cheers.) Let us then have some declaration to settle
that policy; let us have some declaration which shall
serve as a point of departure for future Ministers of the
Crown, and enable thew safely to direct their policy.
(fleet% hear, end cheers.) The country has bien ap-
p-aled to, and yea know the result; and it is for you, the
Ministers of the Crown, to declare manfully the feelings
and opinions you entertain on this great subject.
(Hear.) And when I say " This great subject," it re-
minds me that. in the doubtful sentence to which I have

elluded, the importance of that subject has been stu-
diously diminished. To illustrate the greatness of the
subject, let us see what has been done in the way of
commercial and financial reform during the last ten
years. The whole system of corn laws which the
country had endured for so considerable a time, has
been totally repealed. A tariff of exorbitant duties has
been reduced within moderate limits. Our taxes have
undergone an extensive system of revision, and when
lion. Gentlemen opposite talk of revision of taxation 0
a novelty of their introduction, I would remind them
that revision of taxation has been going on since the
time of Sir Robert Peel, and has been carried on ill
such a way, that while the taxes were reduced, theY
—although for a moment leaving a void in the receipts
—soon restored the revenue by the general buoyano9
they communicated to the general interests of the come-
try. (Hear, hear.) Let me add to this, that the diger-
ential duty upon sugar has been equalized, and the people
of England have consumed 300,000 tons of sugar in the
year at a cost of five millions less than they would have
paid had the duty continued as before. (Hear.) I nea9
add that the consumption of sugar has so increased that
the revenue at the reduced rates will in a few years he
double what it was previous to the reduction of the ditty'
Add to this that we have had the navigation laws re-
pealed, and I have enumerated a whole system, I will ear,
not only of great importance, but, taken as a change ct'
policy adopted by a great country, a change than vehicil
nothing since the revolution of 1688 has been more ins"
portant in its effects, not only upon this country, but
upon the commercial policy of all civilized nations.
(Hoar, hear.) Because, although I was not one of those
who were sanguine enough to expect that the moment we
declared for Free Trade, and abjured Protection, all the
nations of the world would follow our example; yet, et'
the other hand, it is my confident belief that, if this
country continues to flourish under the system of Free
Trade—if its Governments declare themselves sates'
fled with the consequences, and that they mean t°
persevere—there is no nation that will not, by W.'
quent discussions, come at last to the conclusioes
to which we have arrived, so that ultimately tber°
will be derived, not only a great increase of the wealth,
but of the peace and harmony of the world. (Cheers')
Well, then, if such be the importance of the sYs'
tern, if such be the gravity of the stake ; and if, 00
the other hand, there are many persons who still main'
tain that the system of free commercial policy is iltl:
jurious, it is not enough to say of it that it is one of tar
causes—putting in a parcel of nameless other causes':
(cheers)—by which the industrious classes of this 00'
try have received great and important benefits, I dale
that her Majesty's Ministers ought not to evade tee
question in this way—(loud cheers)—that however ne-
cessary it may be to avoid division on the present occe;
sion, a night should not pass over without the 1-1011„
of Commons giving its verdict on the question. (11e3:t
hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman who has let",
spoken says that there is no intention on the part of t"
Government to revert to the policy that prevailed Pr,'
vious to 1846. I was very glad to hear that declare
tion; but there aro certain words in the paragraph td
which allusion has been made about artificial props e°
artificial prices, which are only the principle of protee'
tion disguised in another wey. Therefore it is nee!'
sary that we should have something clear and decide";
and that we should not allow ourselves to be envelope"
in one of those mists in which the Chancellor of the ~es'
chequer, like some goddesses we have read of; likes to ";
worshipped. (Laughter.) The Speech and A.ddresie
next speaks of the state of Ireland, and I am glad of
see recommends the adoption of a liberal course, 0
policy towards that country, but in a previous port °lO
of the paragraph there are words to which I am 003, h
to attach a precise meaning. I mean those wlllO%
refer to an unhappy spirit of insubordination ea,
turbulence in that country. There were insuborts'e
nation and turbulence in Ireland during the eleet!,°it
which has just been decided, but that there is any apt ft
or insubordination and turbulence in that country to
present, is a statement to which I am not prepare': j
give my assent. (" Hear" from the Irish Members.) 0.
believe that with a due and proper execution of the ' of
the state of Ireland may be considered to be a stet% j
tranquillity. (Hear, hear.) And I must say thf.'„oos
trust that that country, having suffered so severe "fee,
famine in 1847, is now about iu some measure to recboe
as there are symptoms which encourage us to hoeetiro.
at length the labourers of Ireland will obtain th3beert
ward for their labour of which they have hitherto c the
so sadly deficient. With regard to that portion ° tote
address which refers to the commission to inquire -
the state of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge'
I am rejoiced that those commissions, which were stig:
matised by the noble lord at the head of the Goer";
ment as illegal commissions—(hear, hear)—when Ire,'
vised their issue, are now acknowledged to be product
of good, and, instead of being cast aside as an illegt
body, are to be referred to the universities themselvet;
while we are to be asked to pass laws to enable the 103;f
sae,iti,-,e to ()carry into ciTcot ilia rvocitmcciadations ,e
these very commissions. (Hear, hear.) Whether tot
measures so contemplated will be sufficient I canna':
say, but lam glad that the attention of the ministeros
of the crown have been directed to the subject. I
sot
sure nothing can be more important at this pres_
time than that the whole question of education, begitild
Piss
Cambridge, with that of the higher classes at Oxford Po
Cambridge, thence to the middle classes, e
comprehending also the education of the worked,
classes, should be promptly and fully considers
(Hear, hear.) With respect to this part of the subjec4
am rejoiced to hear thattit is intended to extend tJto
means for instruction in practical science as applied:st
the general business of life. lam also glad to heat tot
some measures on the subject of secondary punisher ~
will bo proposed, so that transportation to Van Dieu:le:6,
Land may at the earliest possible period be abolishoe
There are two circumstances to be considered in re,
treatment of that question—one, that we have gire°ol
presentative institutions to our Australian colonies; of
the other, the recent discoveries of gold in a porde° air'
those colonies. It is quite obvious that these two
coo
cumatances render it necessary that we should rerloete
whole subject, and lam glad that the Right Hoe• the
the Secretary for the Colonies—to whom I toot boo
liberty some time since of speaking on the subjeettioa
come to the wise conclusion of not confining the eila,9. the
to transportation to Van Diemen's Land, but tesiytoies
case as regards the whole of the Australian o°l
ere
should be reconsidered. (Hear, hear.) Ot course, ibioli
are other subjects connected with our penal laws 1.1 and
must be discussed in company with this questioo,oro,
which will no doubt occupy the attention of Go that,
went; but, upon the whole, lam rejoiced to find the
with the exception of the topic of commercial policliro'
question of the great ease between Free Trade an ,dress
tectiou, there is nothing in the Sp( ea'e or the At` have
which calls for more than the few slight remarks I.teot
made. I trust that when the policy of the Goveret"e os
on that subject is declared, it will be to secure:lov
permanently our present universally-admitted ado
tages. (Hear, hear.) I
hie
csir
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER---- If
tt,
not help fancying, Sir, if the only paragraph of - die'
the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London itill
approved in the answer to the Queen's Speech was retedf
so evasive as some Honourable Gentlemen had el'heoe
that an amendment to the Address would have
t't, of
made. Ido not think that the constitutional delieti'iold
my Honourable Friend who has addressed us /,
0 1;0
have deterred him from taking a course for Wilicoee
well-stored memory and ample experience would '", I
furnished him with sufficient precedents. (A laugh--;itee
cannot say that I concur with the Noble Lord the
Member for the city of London, or his friend, 0/licit
version which he has placed upon this paragraph, w 0 to
they have described as so evasive. It appears to Odor
be perfectly well adapted to the circumstances °lithe
which we meet to-day. (Laughter.) I mean hi that
circumstances under which we meet to-dai, both
there are two parties in the House which aredwreoe,
indisposed to come to any collision on the Acitholt
(Hear, hear.) Certainly, with that feeling, 1 'Roe
the paragraph is framed in a manner which can tor
no mistake upon the impartial mind as to the it) for
tions of the Government upon the subject. (ließerg.o)ls r -
the only point which is laid down in this pareg'A.7; cor
specting which there can be no evasion, is the —eseter°
tion of the principles upon which the commercial 4, Go-
of this country is recognized and established by %d 0003-
vernment, and that is the principle of unrestricte io the,
petition. That is the only distinct expressi°tet that
paragraph describing the views of the Govern stem
the legislation which gradually has produced the' %used
of unrestricted competition has in its operatic? icsterialf
injury to certain classes of the country. (&L'lLeitY °,'
cheers). The Noble Lord the Member for the, t"o au'
London says this is Protectionism. But I row:before
dress of the Noble Lord, recently.published, jest
,1 the
oedresst to the
dissolution of the late Parliament,
constituents of the greatest commercial city in t'a" ship"
dons, and there I found that the merchants Boer° sob"
owners of London were reminded that they vi
e Cssinie;
jetted to great burdens and unjust restrictions k 001 D
• •
tonal cheers)—burdens and restrictions whieh 00 /Y wo wO.
be considtied such by the action of recent Ile was 0
Therefore, the noble lord was of opinion, svheta4o quite
candidate for the city of London, that it ate
possible to maintain unimpaired that comMerefctitioe,
founded upon the principle of unrestricted come
turdeeS
and yet to remove those restrictions and tbortwwhieht
which one great interest was suffering from, occasioned
by by his own acknowledgment, were virtuallYtue rote'
by recent legislation. (Cheers.) Was tha!_4ll thee,
tionist declaration of the Noble Lord ? ", 'to roe,.
very recently I have had representations weriegtooo of
by bodies of merchants and shipowners-.g eoooectet
extreme liberal opinions, upon all suite
cctiiithe ePPQSi c:
with commerce, some of them sitting upon T eau n;,ilf,o^i
side of the House, interests °f
their leeliegs, reprceenedutcint'grlaoin"ciSo.t%lfeagr ''11516,,,, and
ff:r,
1 the "entre', they will be extremely diesy.
they 00.
a"nlidtet hurburi di etnhse
1 wrheisethrictthieetyls ekes intor
buoanrd,yrarweht ' wut form her
l by (my body of men who L"'