The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-26 00:00:00

PIPIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF TIT I S DAY.
HE RALD.:••-,:-In the observations 'i, felt ourselves
constrained to make yesterday, tOnehi' i g the principal
members of the new Adminietration, vs-a said not one
word of the Noble Chief. Nor was ir t tecessary. For
it seems on every side to be admit ,ted that the cha-
racter of Eerie Derby is without stein and without
reproach; and who shall deny his s-arpas.eing ability—
his chivalrous courage—his strai ghtforwardeess and
eminently 13ritish feeling. The Earl of Derby has
betrayed or dealVed no party. When he could not
a Ca)airiet; like a man 61
cihnootnnocoutuhrreairnnadntikhneat engfproipltiyrciyvhaeot
private
r' el
is
fi
eg,te e dAhgiaacp en sst t ,'s:annedh entered
no ill word
fd.nolle.ec.slces
'To
rrnb, e uttered by his most determined
mighteet'hr iete
nheoewws praisesm i
gh
appearof t i
nss
nuc t
eyrl;e
sautsenallov.bn man Even
ptwho
eel
ri teci cniai
erl
eo
an-
swered to the panegyrist of Hercules,-Qui, vitupera-
vit ? It cannot be urged that the Earl of Derby is un-
used to sublic life. From almost the period of his ma-
jority
he 'was a member of the House of Commons, and;
after having visited the United States and Canada,
was early initiated into public bizsinese. As Chief
Secretary for Ireland, end as Colonial Secretary, he
showed himself as capable in the transaction of public
business and in affairs of administration as he was
ready, effective,' and eloquent in debate. The Noble
Earl has had carte blanche to form as administration
—offices were at hand which be might bestow on this
relative and on that other private friend and con-
nexioc, and yet, in five-and-twenty or thirty nomi-
nations,' aro human being can find-a trace of nepotism.
There is no nice family party or interest for whom
the Noblo Earl has taken care to provide. He has
not taken pity on his father-in-law—or chosen his
brotherein-law for colleague, or his kinsmen to fill
the vacant plaece in his Cabinet. Thank God, there
is no brood of incapable hungry Minto-Elliots
or greedy Greys clinging round the skirts of
the Earl of Derby. We have had, for six long
years, enough and too much of this. The country
was indignant and nauseated at such fla-
gran,t • jobbery, and at the shameless sang froid
with which it was avowed. Of all the narrow and
nasty cliques which ever disgraced a faction that
Minto-and-Grey clique was the narrowest and the
most unbearable. The gorge of the nation had risen
at it long ago. There was no public service—there
was no country which these miraculous Greys and
these stupendous Minto•Elliots were not quartered
on. The country had, Heaven knows, a dear and a
heavy bargain of their emptiness, their arrogance,
theite superciliousness, and their sordid thirst for
priblic money. Let it not be said our censure is in-
discriminate, or that we run down a great party.
We deny it. The concentrated essence of Whiggery
is not contained in the Greys and Elliots. They
loved the name for what it produced to their kith and
kin, and cared not a dolt for the mere doctrines
which were unprofitable without office. Contrast
the public and official lives of these men with the
graceful. departure, the blameless, unspotted, and un-
selfish career of Lord Lansdowne, and they stand
rebuked by the contrast of a', Whig who unites
the qualities and attributes of a nobleman and gen-
tleman. We have said there is no nepotism in the
appointments of the Earl of Derby. In all that long
list of officials which the Morning Herald has for
the three last days contained, there is but one name
connected with his Lordship's own family, and that
is the name of. Lord Stanley, who is appointed to
the Under-Secretaryship for Foreign Affairs. For
this office no man brie fitted himself more by laborious
preparation and long travel than the Noble Member
for pig's Lynn. Had Lord Stanley been one of the
Greys in the Ministry of Lord John Russell, or one
of the Elliot?, think you the "governing families"
would not have provided something better than an
under-secretaryship for a young nobleman who not
merely obtained the first place in classics at Trinity
College, Cambridge, but who also took mathematical
honours, and gained the declamation and other
prizes. The Secretary of the Admiralty, at all times
an important place, is just now peculiarly so. It has
been conferred on Mr. Stafford, a gentleman of un-
questioned ability and readiness, and great personal
popularity. The Secretaries of the Board of Con-
trol are Lord Desert, a nobleman of confessed
ability, and Mr. 11. Billie, who has devoted much
attention to colonial questions, and who on more oc-
casions than one has distinguished himself in debate.
There is not a better informed man in the House,
nor a better man of business of his standing, than
Mr. G. A. Hamilton, and his colleague, Mr. Forbes
Mackenzie, is not only an excellent man of business,
but deservedly popular with men of all parties. The
Marquis of Chandos is not merely a most exemplary
member of society, but has already shown himself
an excellent and a prudent man of business. It is
true, none of ,these noblemen and gentlemen are as
old, as hacknied, and as experienced as some of
the Whig red-tapists. But of all the cants
in this canting world the cant of expe-
rience is the most unmeaning. Do not we see men
of fifty, sixty, and seventy every day, who have
had abundant experience, and whom nobody thinks
the better or the wiser for it? Official life must have
a beginning, and it were better it began early than
late. Some of our greatest and best public servants
had responsibility cast on them at a very early age.
We need but mention the Pitts, the Nelsons, the
Wellingtons, the Cannings, the Peels, and the Stan-
lays. No one can say, however, that the head of the
Government—that the head of the law, in England
or Ireland—that the first law officers of the Crown,
either in England or Ireland—that the Commander-
in-Chief, or the Master-General of the Ordnance, or
the President of the Council, lack experience and
for the rest, the mere routine of office will be soon
learned by those unused to official life. 'We have
seen so many unworthy,' uncandid, and, we regret to
say, unprincipled things practised by men seasoned
to, and hacknied in, official life,
that we rejoice now
to have to deal with some officials who come not to
the work with tainted, damaged, or equivocal charac-
ters from their last places.
DAILY NEWS.—To-day the New Ministry are
to " kiss hands ;" and to-day the Old Palace of St.
James's will exhibit the well-known features of a
levee. Carriages will throng Pall-mall, and St.
James's-street will be all animation. Soldiers drawn
out and busy policemen will keep back the curious
throng of the oi polloi, who gaze with greedy wonder
,supon the jostle of vehicles filled with wonderful
leople, all crimson and gold, and feathers, and swords,
send all framed and glazed in carriages of every ima-
ginable sort and size, from the dignified yellow cha-
riot with marvellous hammer-cloth of the Peer, to the
dingy hired brougham of the lieutenant of marines.
With 'a real loyalty—now almost singular in Europe
_crowds of dignitaries, ministerial and non-ministe-
ri4l, naval, military, legal, clerical, will, to-day, flock
about the Queen to pay to her position and her dig-
nity that homage which her virtues render so pleasant
a duty. In the midst of this curious crowd will be
one man to whom the situation may be novel, but
the triumph great. The day will lift him to the
crowning point of a long-wrought ambition—will re-
ward a fierce struggle unceasingly kept up for years
with the steadiness of purpose that can alone secure
the realization of any lofty effort. The Lords whose
boast is a wealthy pedigree may frown, and the
hangers-on of the State may titter; the old aristocra-
tic Tories may flatter themselves they are using him ;
whilst he knows he is using them ; they may doubt, or
deny, or repudiate as they will, but this one plebeian
of the throng to-day it is who has created the Minis-.
try about to " kiss hands" on taking their places. lie
alone saw the way of linking together the elements
of a once powerful but disorganized party; he it was
who " felt his way" towards healing prejudices in one
direction and widening them in another; insinuating
a doubt here and administering a compliment there ;
taking up the cudgels of debate when hereditary dul-
ness was suffering from the onslaught of economic
truth, oryielding hisrapier for defence when theyouth-
ful cleverness of modern England fleshed its keen blade
in the slothful stupidity of those who think mildewed
prejudices sufficient to satisfy the needs of our time.
Beady,
witty,
fluent, dexterous—and with steady
and adherentt,
ypurpose—he has at last achieved the
e.
point he has striven for. To-day he must remember
the Parliamentary scorn that, years ago, saluted his
first Parliamentary effort ; to-day going on his knee
to the Queen as one of her appointed Ministers, me-
mory can scarcely fail to recal his bitter reply,
come when you shall be glad to hear me." And it
hurled as the return for that scorn—" The day will
has come. And Lord Derby may flout, and his
friends may scoff if they will, but the men who
" kiss hands" to-day are and can only bega
regarded
The son of the scholar
as Mr. Disraeli's Ministry.
and author—himself a novelist and a writer for the
press—a wit and an adventurer—has banded together,
and in reality leads the lords and lordlings who go with
him through the court pageant of to-day. The hope and
Itn c
reached
d'
is,
:Gear
sweets"—and
etaewtx:rll3: rcaiatnladeidn.
the anticipation of years has been realised, and—Mr.
as
he
13,njarain Disraeli, jun., is Chancellor of the
heAtanhde_eigwliethe
pinnacle, and become " right honourable " He tastes
thhhte,a tnext
mastered?
will useful salary
—of office. lle haveil patronage—that will
worry him.; colleagues— will use and scoff at
him. lie is tot, quick notwto°
e too sensitive not to
feel, too clever nut to appreciatese, all this. But the
malice of the vain and envious may
not surprise, the
animosity of the Malicious can only a
bitterness of the showy cup will cove
him. The
quarter. The glitter of the levee will not
from another
no
will the jingle of " right honourable"" hide it, nor
voice. Tile, talent that has lifted .the drown its
plebeian
into
the gaudy unrealities of modern aristocratic
will, also; show its owner the falsity of his position,
lle is a genius amongst dullards ; an emanation of
.the present amongst those who believe only in the
past; a flatterer' of prejudices he knows to be
hollow ; and a preacher of the wisdom of theories
1:odg since: exploded. He takes his place amongst
these noblemen of the Cabinet because they have been

persuaded the magic of his "genius can put new lire
into their defunct political shams, and that his dee •
terity will enable them to juggle and cajolesatd mis-
lead a straightforward working-day nation who have
thriven by their adhesion to political common sense.
The ceremonial of to-day must, alas, be followed by
the work of te-morrow. Even new-born Ministers
cannot al ways be going to palaces kissing the Queen's
bands. The people who only hear of these grand
things—and pay for them—will look for results.
They must know upon what terms this Tory Ministry,
reared by an architect from their own ranks, intends
to ask for national support. The men whotattOrlOtirl
the men who think—the men whose boy itatis-trY
gives power to the state and riches to the realm—
whose ingenuity
asks a fair field, whose labour re-
quires frefreedom, and whose children want cheap
bread—all these will wait to know what the Disraeli-
Derby Ministry intend to do. With the prover
bial generosity of their race, they may say " Give
-
the Ministers time ;" with the honourable spirit which
every true Englishman in his heart loves, they may.
cry, "Let them have fair plav;" but tho time and
the law cannot be expected to lust long. Mr'. Dis-
raeli must pronounce. With all his power for appre-
ciating the realities of a question he may pretend to
belie in its
,shadows ; in place of economical truths,
he may offer 11s political chains"; and whereeve ask
for prompt statesmanship,
may propose procrastina-
tion
and
official
juggle' ll° may do all this in a
very atmosphere of eloquence, sparkling with jokes
and pungent with repartee. Buy it Mill never do.
In the broad clear light of the common sense of
England in 1852, to bring forward the old political
stage tricks of the last century would be an insult ;
in the presence of the free industry that, despite re-
ductions of taxation, offers at this hour a national
treasury containing a surplus of three millions ster-
ling—to propose a rent-raising bread-tax would be
sheer selfish mania. To offer legislative leading
strings to a nation long since able to run alone would
be insolence. The new Chancellor of the Exchequer is
far too clever not to know all
this. Let us hope
he is far too sensible to take any
step be believes
to be absurd. With a hostile Parliamentary majority;
with an expiring income-tax; with blatant bigotry
asking impossibilities; with an undefended coast in
very presence of an armed despotism ; with an army
and navy acattered over the extremities of an empire
whose heart, is left exposed, whilst its coffers are
a Popular demand for
colleagues think
adgenisatno oligarchic service—
asduyff rtaagae;
lavwehmiitho
te r
ah
ti
si c
; and with loud
gePxraotrealninasiminogenn of
f i ttahhl re repletione
free-trade principles
pleclg oe
pledged t
-0 protection; with
requirements
whilst
his
colleagues for tin extension
are
pride of a realised
°I" genius towards
the
r tinnatey, an aspirationshisofficial
l ofpl e
~kissPmabt
hands"
nn,
dam:: ntheeedbe
sprung from
mtwhieetrhpc
ieafolulpl
It
and.ehe s
ae
pi difficultiestahtcieangth in
towardsitnhe hisftuh full
ambition he this day g
for-
mation of his new obstructive Tory 'Ministry. Ile
has reached the top round of the ladder. With an
overload of promises it is impossible to fulfil, and of
goes to
pledges no man could keep, how can he avoid top-
pling over ?
TlMES.—There is no appointment in Lord
Derby's Cabinet which has given occasion to more
unfavourable criticism than that strange caprice of
fate which has intrusted to a gentlenaan, hitherto
principally known at quarter sessions, the sovereignty
over the forty-four co:onies of Great Britain. The
transition from discussing public-house licenses and
punishing poachers to the obscure and stormy politics
of so many remote and discontented communities 'is
certainly rather violent, besides that there are not
wanting those who assert that the appointment of
Sir John Pakington is a pledge to the West Indian
interest that the Ministry are prepared to prevent
that decrease in the protection of sugar which is
about to come into operation. • Adhering to the
rule we have laid down for ourselves of prejudg-
ing nothing, and estimating impartially the
merits of the Ministry by their acts rather than
by their antecedents, we deprecate any attempt to
prejudice the public mind unduly against the new
Colonial Secretary. Certainly we have no reason to
suppose that he has ever devoted much attention to
the complicated duties which he has undertaken, and
we have no difficulty in assuming that he is utterly
unequal to the discharge of one-twentieth part of
those claims which so many and such varying inte-
rests make upon the time of the Colonial Minister.
But have we ever had, or are we ever likely to have,
a Secretary of State for the Colonies of whom the
same thing cannot with truth be said? Has any one
ever yet held the seals who was not to a considerable
degree wanting, not only in that local knowledge of
our colonies which nothing but a personal visit can
impart, but also even in that less accurate and satis-
factory information which is derived from Parlia-
mentary blue books and the accounts of travellers ?
So long as we choose to govern our colonies by a
centralised despotism, exercised by persons who
have never set foot on the shore of any of
them, and who are not brought up to the business,
ignorance in the governing person must be unavoid-
able, and the question can only be one of amount and
degree. Every Colonial Minister under our present
system is necessarily unfit for and unequal to the
office he undertakes. It is the fault of the system
more than the individual that we choose to take upon
ourselves the government of people who know their
own interests much better than we can teach them,
end that, being resolved on this first folly, we follow
it up by the second absurdity of requiring from a
single person duties which, divided among several,
would still be inadequately performed. A Colonial
Minister may know more and be able to discourse
more plausibly about colonies than the gentlemen
whom be encounters either in society or in Parlia-
ment ; but this would avail him little—nay, would be
a positive disadvantage--if it induced him to
rely on his own
Judgment, and believe that-
he is, therefore, able to intermeddle successfully,
in their affairs. No knowledge lees than that
possessed by the colonists themselves will do this, and
that knowledge it is quite certain no Colonial Minis-
ter can or ever will possess. Placed at such un-
avoidable disadvantage in the execution of his office,
the Colonial Minister has three courses of action
open for his adoption. Ile may either follow his own
judgment t be may attend to that of the clerks of the
Colonial-office ; or, lastly, he the wishes
may consult _
of the colonists themselves, we apprehend
The first
to have been the course pursued by Lord Grey, who,
with very considerable knowledge of colonial affairs,
and great confidence in his own judgment, has left
behind him a reputation which the least skilful of his
successors has no occasion to env We cannot sup-
posey. that our new Colonial Secretary, who can scarcely
have acquired even a rudimentary knowledge of the
subject, is likely to full into the first of these errors.
His choice will lie between suffering himself
to be guided implicitly by the bureaucracy, of which
he is the nominal head, or by the opinions of the colo-
nists themselves. The' first of these courses is the
easiest and most natural ; the second has little to re-
commend it beyond its justice and expediency. The
permanent officials of the Colonial-office find their in-
terest—nay, their very
"istence—involved in per-
petuating the present system of centralised despotism,
in
in withholding that self-government often promised,
often nominally bestowed, but, except in the case of
Americo, never really given.
Able and well informed,
useful and dexterous, as these gentlemen are, the pre-
valence of their influence over the Colonial Minister
bodes little good to the consolidation of our empire or
the extension of our commerce. The Colonial-office
point of view is neither imperial nor colonial, it is
bureaucratic, and requires the continuance of our
present i h m_sc ievous system of
e meddling, not for the
sake of the colonies, nor of the mother country, but
for the sake of those into whose hands the manage-
ment of that system almost necessarily devolves. Sir
John Pakington must, we ,
ssiould think, enter office
with one great advantage over his predecessors—a
thorough consciousness of his
"4 ignorance. If it
be wise, be will make this consciousness his guiding
principle, and seek information, not from the subor-
dinates of his office, whose interest it is to keep
him in a state of perpetual minority and tutelage,
but from the data which will be furnished him by
the numerous remonstrances
and addresses -lof
the colonists themselves. From these he will learn'
that however excellent may be the arguments
by which the Home Government has sought .to
justify its interference with the domestic concerns sef
the colonies, that interference has been uniformly
regarded by those best informed and most •
interested
as a source of unmixed evil. He cannot possibly
hope to carry on this system with better success than
men who, like Lord Grey, or his (Alicia chief, Lord
Derby, have been for years at the head colonial
affairs f
affairs ; but he can, if he will, do better
than they,
for he can remit the decision to the colonist ----------------
have been,
s them- iform
selves, and thus, while disembarrassing himself at RiFLE CLUBS.—Sam lea Of
uniform
the practical sug-
tain credit by placing power in the hands
best able carefully prepared, in accordance
'tiro' Messrs. Nicoll, Army
to wield it. Thus, our new Colonial estiOns made from thee tootire
tip Beat and 22, Corn-
Secretarywill g
find that for the last ten years the policy of the Clothiers, of 114, 116, 11:i,g
wished officers..b`liehewictioilosuurrs
Home Government and the opinions
of tbe Aus- bill, London, by vtoariaosus%ii
ate
as near
as
sf
possible
would-
tralian colonists have been running in precisely raoruemcitg oljects, so that the weater
as coil P
id possibly be offered for
opposite directions, the one tending. to
a hih, the present as indistinct a mark
les may be seen ofl complete
other to a low price of colonial land-
s ; and be will all enemy's . .
fire. Here Win)
• us hues of the neutral grar,, the
additionally dresses made in the yam
brown mixture, the colour
also find the question
ldwhich complicated by mixed colours of heath, and also a
it
is universally admitted,
the recent discoveries of go , reeder prompt .fthe ground;. at the satdutebteilnee
amples, that the shape of
resolutions, taken on the spot, absolutely necessary. by all who have inspected to please any gentleman
Under these circumstances he will not, if he be wise, each is of a character
to wear it.
upon
embarrass himself with the
.complicated
questions who may be called
SOUTII-WFSTERN RAILIVAT.---kt
relating to Australian lands, whichit would require 'aLASGO
ti ff t‘'rthAelbidDirectors of the Glasgow and South-W es-
months to master and deal with, but will decide at a meet ° u Tuesday', it was resolved. to recommend to
whole decision of the . • tern Hallway, tau Tuesday,
the general meeting to be held next week
once to remit the
. on this side of the globe the prop
dividend at the rate of two per cent, per annum,
.with which no authority
to declare LI stock of the compan • and
to the governors and councilsthe consolidated 3, to carry over
is competent to deal, . ou
of 3,8091. to the credit of the current half • '
So, also, • • -e ear s
of the respective colonies. with regard the balance
to New Zealand, he will be content to delegate to revenue.
MOVEMENTS OF OCEAN STEAMERS.—The
by representativesof the Ts' Ean assembly formed.
of
legislation
IT 'ted States mail steamer Arctic, Luce commander, sailed
several colonies that powei
Lord Grey has already exercised and been obliged nineteen passengers, a full cargo, and the usual mails. Th©
to recal. ILI the Cape the application of the prin- British and North American mail steamer Europa, Lott cora-
lt ; but as itto ander, which would leave Boston on the 16th, may, be ex-
seeciple may be more difficult . , . is easy in
en in let ping thC defence pected
that the struggle must Q 1 t... '.:l 0.1 ali.vai ciiiir

of the colony to the colonists themselvos, it is right
that their opinions should be as speedily expressed and
treated with as much deference as poKibio. Where
he feels himself ignorant, a man of sense Would seek
the advice of those best able to counsel and least dis-
posed to deceive him, and would throw upon them
those responsibilities for which he ought to feel utterly
unprepared. If Sir John Pakington adopt this course
his very ignorance will have reads him a valuable
servant of his country ; if he shrink from its adoption,
he has no choice but to surrender himself into the
hands of subordinate officials, who will lead him,
h byLeague
nomeans
through -a
course discreditable to himself, to conclu-
sions injurious to the welfare of the colonies and the
ton
stability of the empire.
Coolronu•al a‘ir CIIRONICLE.—The threatened revival of the
A
i sn
one of
o fe
tlf) e
the nl o s tmuons
most
a tui snfeaxc
ry ti:
pected, results of Lord Derby's accessionoffice.
to
Although we regard with little complacency thein-
flaence of political clubs and unions on the adininis-
, tratiou Of public aft"
urs, we, nevertheless cannot
rye:ct sur prise at
pil the readiness with which the leaders
of the energetic and earnest manufacturing classes
relur to their, familiar machinery of agitation. Still
new to th? possession of political power ,they are as
"yet scarcely trained to exercise it within the old con-
stitutional limits. Their undisputed sway on platforms
and in League Council-rooms is alternately a source
of strength and of weakness. So long as they had
a great object in view, and a Parliamentary majority
opposed to them, the "Manchester leaders exercised a
formidable power. But many subsequent occasions
haVe proved that the strength which they possessed
up to 1846 lay, not in their organization, but in their
cause ; and they would have formed a far more
powerful section of the House of Commons if they
had, since that time, cultivated their Parliamentary
influence with more exclusive care. If, un-
der present circumstances, they should deter-
mine to revive their extra-constitutional agi-
tation, we doubt whether they will consult
either their own eventual interest, or even the
immediate good of the country ; but we shall not
think it necessary to waste our time in unavailing re-
monstrances, and we shall neither declaim against
the weakness of yielding to club dictation, nor exag-
gerate the danger of resisting it. The true mode of
dealing with any political association which becomes
seriously formidable is to discover and appropriate the
just claims in which its real force consists, by giving
them utterance according to regular constitutional
forms. The League which is talked of will never
become dangerous to the country, if a powerful Par-
liamentary Opposition, with the support of the press,
discharge its functions more naturally and efficiently
than any voluntary association.

isv‘ sossorhhenlrescyt
itselffelt.
FOREIGN REFUGEES AND ENGLISH
TRAVELLERS.
The following is the text of the dispatch addressed
by Prince Schwarzenburg to Count Buol-Schauen-
stein, Austrian Minister Plenipotentiary in England,
to which reference was made in the House of Corn•
mons on Monday evening:-
- - " Vienna, Feb. •t, 1852.
" Lord Granville has had the goodness to communi-
cate to your Excellency the dispatch which he addressed
to the Earl cf Westmoreland, under date of the 13th of
January last, in answer to the protests (reclamations)
which you, M. to Comte, were charged to present to the
Government of her Britannic Majesty against the
tolerance accordedin England to the revolutionary pro•
ceedings (mendes revolutionaires) of the political refugees
'who have found an asylum in that country.
" The first part of this. document (Lord Granville's
dispatch) turns on the high value which the English
people attach to the right of asylum, and on the motives
which binder the British Government from thinking of
(songer a) restraining that right, by presenting an alien
Bill to Parliament.
We do not feel ourselves called upon to enter upon
a'controversy on the arguments employed in this part of
the' dispatch of Lord Granville, since we have never
denied to England the exercise of the right of asylum in
Itself, any more than we have pretended to dictate to
the British Government, which itself is the most com-
petent judge, the means which it should employ to ob-
viate the flagrant abuse of this right.
"All that we have demanded of the British Govern-
ment (and we shall not cease to demand it) is, that it
shall so manage (faire en sorte) that the political refu-
gees to whom it accords an asylum shall not be allowed
to pursue, under the shadow of the hospitality which
they enjoy, machinations openly hostile to the states of
the continent, and especially to Austria.
"Lord Granville has been so good (a. Lien voulu) as to
offer us, on this subject, an assurance that the British
Government would not only regret, but would loudly
condemn, all attempts on the part of the refugees to ex-
cite insurrection in their original country; that it would
continue to watch (sur•veiller) the conduct of suspected
refugees, and would seek, by all legal means, to hinder
them from abusing—to the detriment of Governments
in friendly alliance with Great Britain—the hospitality
which the English laws so generously accord to them•
" The Emperor, in noting down (en prenant acted
these assurances has pleasure in thence deriving a hope
(aims a y puiser l'espoir) that the British Government
will henceforth know how to make more ample and
rigorous use than it has hitherto done of the legal means
at its disposal, and which it appears to judge sufficient
to enable it to fulfil its international duties with regard
to the proceedings of the refugees,
"At any rate (toutejois), while waiting till these dis-
positions of the British Government are followed by
deeds (soient suivies (refire°, the almost unlimited liberty
of action which the refugees have hitherto enjoyed in
England, with regard to the revolutionary plots that a
great number of them does not cease hatching against
the repose of the States of the Continent, imposes upon
(pu
ccooainiuvteio,oluinr,
precaution, tending
ndtghdeatnodgugetruysaorodff
uwtaking some measures of
undere
imtruhepged rufr,
from
the
passportsoablml
t authorities thnhpegoii
lrrr
England,
vigilancentt
oi
def
e,soatsehnhxiade• ciigrl
shtl;winntrheigsicixettauhnetirtecuhuuerlselifetteobegaasernantrserhtnttdeyroosi ry:tielsuita6c,ltuhyethteiirhacvi:h
source.
n
fe
orrvßn
luoceerl,
rrasldtl:am:e;etertrilyer becomerie
a habit to make frequent exceptions in favour of
subjects. The Imperial Government,
comic;
to itself' the faculty of taking into consideration
measures, if unhappily the need of them stilt
our Excellency is charged to read and give a cop
of this dispatch to Lord Granville.

" Receive, &c."

IRELAND.
DUBLIN, WEDNESDAY.--His Excellency the Lord.
Lieutenant, the Countess of Clarendon, and their
suite ,will take their departure from this country on
Saturday next. It is stated that it is the intention
of their Excellencies to hold an undress levee at
Dublin Castle on that day.
Yesterday the grand jury of Louth found true
bills for a seditious libel against Mr, Cartan, pro-
prietor of the Dundalk Democrat. On the motion
of counsel for the Crown, the trial was fixed to take
place in the Queen's Bench next term.
It has been asserted that some of the parties min..
dared in Louth had been denounced in the Democrat.
Mr. Cartan denies this allegation, and maintains that
not one of the several disturbed districts was ever
named or alluded to in his paper.
OFFICIAL APPOINTMENTS.—The following is
list of the recent appointments as Crown proseou
tors :—Wicklow—Charles Coates, Esq. Wexford
William Ryan, Esq. *Waterford—James Lawson,
Esq. Tipperary, South—John rennefather, Esq.
Tipperary, North—David Lynch, Esq., Q.C.
Kill
kenny—Henry O'Hara, Esq.
The Lord Lieutenant has directed James Little,
Esq., R.M., to take charge of the county of Wick-
low, as resident magistrate, in the room of Bartholo-
mew Warburton, lEsq., 'appointed to the district of
Ballybot, in the county of Armagh.
SERIOUS ILLNESS OF ARCIIIIISHOF MURRAY.--We
regret to announce that the Venerable Dr. Murray,
Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, was yester-
day morning struck with paralysiF, and, up to five
o'clock this morning, remained in a state of unconT
sciousness. There was then no hope of his recovery.
SALE OF ENCUMBERED ESTATES.—Yesterday the
extensive estates of the Earl of Carrick, in Tipperary
tkae.nstnryee,
tweLreotsolld,
cboynstihsetinCgomomf isss,io2netrisc,reast,
Ha nedu rii(eitl
producing a net rental of 4341. fetched 3,5501.; lot 2,
brought 3,300/. ; lot 3, containing 2,077 acres sold
for 9,6501. The chief lot was the demesne and lands
of Ballylinch, situate in the county Kilkenny,
taining 818 a. 2r. Op., statute measure, subject to a
proportion of tithe rent-charge amounting to about
531. ss. 85. yearly, subject to a fee-farm ren
set
atof
61. 6s. sterling. Mr. Fitzgerald was the purchar,
8,6001. The several lots produced 40,200/.
During the progress of the proceedings. it
wag
stated that for some years back the tenants o
estate had been paying rents, less by 33 to 35 per
Tinted-
cent. than the sums set out in the p rental.