The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-04 00:00:00

HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 3.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
shortly before Five o'clock.

There was but a very thin attendance of Peers. The
Early of Derby and Lord Brougham occupied their
usual seats on the Opposition benches. The Duke of
Richmond, the Marquis of Normanby, and Lord Lynd-
hurst were also in their places.
Earl Grey, who was early in attendance, laid some
papers on the table relative to the Cape. Lord Minto,
the Earl of Carlisle, and the Marquis of Clanricarde,
were the only other members of the Government we ob-
served on the Treasury bench.
THE ADDRESS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR having read her Ma-
jesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne, as fol-
lows:

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
The period has arrived when, according to
usage, I can again avail myself of your advice
and assistance in the preparation and adoption of
measures which the welfare of the country may
require.
I continue to maintain the most friendly relations
with Foreign Powers.
The complicated affairs of the Duchies of Hol-
stein and Slesvig have continued to engage my
attention. I have every reason to expect that the
treaty between Germany and Denmark, which was
concluded at Berlin in the year before last,
will, in a short time, be fully and completely exe-
cuted.

I regret that the war which unfortunately
broke out on the eastern frontier of the Cape
of Good Hope, more than a year ago,
still continues. Papers will be laid before
you containing full information as to ',the
progress of the war, and the measures which have
been taken for bringing it to a termination.
W hile I have observed with sincere satisfaction
the tranquillity which has prevailed throughout the
greater portion of Ireland, it is with much regret
that I have to inform you, that certain parts of the
counties of Armagh, Monaghan, and Loutb,
have been marked by the commission
of outrages of the most serious descrip-
tion. The powers of the existing law have
been promptly exerted for the detection of the
offenders, and for the repression of a system of crime
and violence fatal to the best interests of the
country. My attention will continue to be directed
to this important object
GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
I have ordered estimates of the expenses of the
current year to be laid before you.
I rely with confidence on your loyalty and zeal
to make adequate provision for the public service. Where any increase has been made in the esti-
mates of the present over the past year, such expla-
nations will be given, as will, I trust, satisfy you that
such increase is consistent with a steady adherence
to a pacific policy, and with the dictates of a wise
economy.

My LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
The improvement of the Administration of
Justice in its various departments, has continued to
receive my anxious attention, and in furtherance of
that object, I have directed Bills to be prepared,
founded upon the reports made to me by the respec-
tive Commissioners appointed to inquire into the
practice and proceedings of the superior Courts of
Law and Equity.
As nothing tends more to the peace, prosperity
and contentment of a country than the speedy and
impartial administration of justice, I earnestly re-
commend these measures to your deliberate attention.
The Act of 1848, for suspending the operation
of a previous Act conferring representative institu-
tions on New Zealand, will expire early in the next
year. lam happy to believe that there is no neces-
sity for its renewal, and that no obstacle any longer
exists to the enjoyment of representative insti-
tutions by New Zealand. The for of these
institutions will, however, require your con-
sideration, and the additional information which has
been obtained since the passing of the Acts in
question, will, I trust, enable you to arrive at a de-
cision beneficial to that important Colony.
It gives me great satisfaction to be able to
state to you that the large reductions of taxes which
have taken place of late years, have not been attended
with a proportionate diminution of the national
income. The Revenue of the past year has been
fully adequate to the demands of the public serrevaictisey,
While the reduction of taxation has tended g
An the relief and comfort of my subjects. h
; I acknowledge with thankfulness t° Almigey.
Ood, that tranquillity, good order,
willingge obtnerally
Aience to the laws continue to prevail n
tiroughout the country. ad
It appears to me that this is a fitting time for
calmly considering whether it may not be advisable
to make such amendments in the Act of the late reign
relating to the representation of the Commons in
Parliament, as may be deemed calculated to carry
into more complete effect the principles upon which
that law is founded.
I have the fullest confidence that in any such
consideration you will firmly adhere to the acknow-
ledged principles of the Constitution, by which the
prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of both
Houses of Parliament, and the rights and -liberties of
the people, are equally secured.
The Earl of ALBEMARLE rose to move the adop-
tion of the Address in reply to the Speech. The Noble
Earl said it was with much anxiety that he called upon
their Lordships for this
(:I.d expression of their Lordships'
feeling—
au anxiety Which
not arise from his having
now to address their Lordships for the first time, but an
anxiety which resulted from the importance of the task
which he had to perform. Her Majesty told them that she
continued upon amicable terms with every foreign power,
and when he looked at the events which had recently oc-
curred upon the continent he was convinced their Lord-
ships would rejoice at receiving this assurance. The
revolutions which of late years had taken place in Eu-
rope must make them proud of the institutions which
this country enjoyed, because those institutions
had averted horrors which had visited almost every
nation on the other side of the Channel. Still there
were some of their institutions which needed much mo-
dification, and ho was rejoiced to find from the Speech
from the Throne that reforms—useful and wholesome
reforms were anticipated by the Govrnment.
(Hear, hear.) It had been .said that there were
some countries on the other side of the
Channel which were the natural enemies of
England. He denied this, there coald b. no sach thing
as a natural enemy; the Almighty had intended that
men, no matter what nation they belonged to, should re-
main at peace with each other; and if ho wanted any
proof that it was possible for men to do so, he would
point to the results of the Great Exhibition held in the
metropolis last year. These results must have satisfied
their Lordships that I?runce was the brother and not the
enemy of this country, and in passing this Part of her
Majesty's Speech,
he would express a hope that
the country would aver continue at peace with

its European neighbours.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.,' *-
lie deplored the events alluded to in thz Spec-ch, n.
ev..;:
which had recuutly occur-eel Ireland; but Lau app v ,`"fs r.
highly of that part of her Illejesty's Sae
which recommended an increase of the estitia- a k.
not that that be anticipated that any foreign • .77. 777,
could ever successfully invade the island
because it was necessary fur the sake of se r
,ea`
servation that there should be au increaee in the into Jl.'kreso-sav'''
orces of the pountrv.—(Hcar, hear.) He rejoiced t.
find that the subject of law reform was again referred to
in the Speech from the Throne, and he hoped the pro-
posed reform, when it came before them, would
prove of an effective character. The day had gone by
when it could be tolerated that a man, while seeking
justice in our legal tribunals, should be banded about
from court to court. He congratulated their Lordships
upon the fact that her Majesty was ready and willing
to concede representative institutions to several of the
colonies; while the statement that this country bad
flourished under a liberal policy afforded him equal sa-
tisfaction.—(Haar.) In 1848 the exportations of this
country to the European markets fell off very consider-
ably, but in that year there were great social disorders
upon the continent, and if he wanted any proof that the
interest of this country rested upon the world being at
peace, that feet alone was sufficient for him.—(Hear,
hear.) In 1849, when the continent had began
to return to a comparative state of tran-
quillity, trade improved, and relief to the poor
diminished, and that increase and that diminution
continued throughout 1850. Now what better evidence
of the wisdom of the policy which this country had pur-
sued of late years could they have than that? Since the
duties had been reduced the consumption of tea, sugar,
and other articles of domestic use had greatly increased
and he was prepared to prove this by returns which he
held in his hand, and which would show that the cunsump-
tion of sugar had increased 47 per cent. of late years,
while the revenue from that and similar articles, such as tea
and malt, had been augmented in a somewhat equal pro-
portion. It was clear, therefore, that a liberal policy
not only increased the comforts of the people, but added
greatly to the means of the country, which was certainly
a very gratifying circumstance to him, and must be also
gratifying to their Lordships.—(Hear, hear.) Apolo-
gising to the House for having detained them so long,.
he concluded by simply moving the adoption of the
Address, which he read, and which was a mere echo of
the Speech.
Lord LEIGH had very great pleasure in seconding
the Address, and concurred in much of that which had
fallen from his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) He was
satisfied that in expressing his entire concurrence in the
sentiments which the Speech from the Throne con-
tained, he was only expressing the feelings of the
House; and as his Noble Friend bad fully gone into de-
tail on the questions which the Speech adverted to,
he did not feel it necessary to trouble their Lord-
ships with a lengthened speech.—(Hear, hear.)
The comforts of the people were increasing, the revenue
was increasing, and every class, not excepting the agri-
cultural class, was in a state of comparitive prosperity.
—(Hear.) How gratifying must it be to their Lordships
to know that. True, one part of her Majesty's kingdom
had been disturbed with outrages of a shocking charac-
ter, but,he hoped, ere long, even that part of the country
would be restored to prosperity and peace.—(Hear,
hear.) Having rapidly gone over the topics in the
Speech, it remained for him firstly to second the Ad-
dress, and secondly to thank their Lordships for the at-
tention they had paid him.—(Hear, hear.)
The motion having been put,
The Earl of DERBY said he did not think it neces-
sary to move any amendment to the Address; but ne-
vertheless it must not be supposed that he con-
curred in the manner in which the important
topics contained in the Speech were dealt
with.—(Hear.) The arrangement of them was not only
bad, but they were not properly dealt with. For in-
stance, the Speech passed from the expression of thanks
that the country remained at peace with its allies to the
affairs of the Cape, and altogether the order and arrange-
ment of the Speech was most unsatisfactory.—(Hear.)
Last year her Majesty's Speech expressed regret at the
fact that a largo and important body of her subjects,
namely, the agricultural class, were in a state of deep
distress, but the present Speech said nothing whatever
upon that point. The Noble Baron, however, who se-
conded the Address thought it a subject for congratulation
that this previous distress had been removed, but he for
one, and many of his Noble Friends, were at a loss to
perceive where the improvement referred to was to be
found.—(Hear, hear.) True, the price of bar-
ley and oats had of late increased to some
trifling extent, but the price of wheat remained the same
now that it was when it was admitted that the agricul-
tural interest was in the deepest distress. They were told
then that the reduced price was the result of the
transition state in which the law placed the farmer; but
they had got far beyond that transition state, and still
the price remained depressed.—(Hear, hear.) For
his part, his opinion upon this subject re-
mained unchanged. He was still of opinion
that the total and unconditional repeal of the corn-laws
would have the effect of making this country dependent
for its supply of wheat upon foreign nations, and be need
not remind their Lordships that such a state of depen-
dence was highly dangerous to the peace of the
land.—(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, was still
of opinion that both for the purposes of revenue and for
the purposes of averting the danger to which be had
just referred, it was necessary to have some duty
imposed upon the importation of foreign corn.—
(Hear, hear.) Their Lordships would remember that; the
last session of Parliament was taken up with a discus-
sion upon a measure for resisting the Papal aggression,
and their Lordships would t qually remember that Per-
ii,reset established a law upon the subject.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, he should be glad to know what had
done to enforce that law.—(Hear, hear.)
ibtee was either totally inoperative, or it had been openly
n
so a
notee
He rejoiced to ,
and ostentatiously broken. He demanded m
exPls
ofdation about this matter.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
becausesee t
he
he Noblesheu
should
likea rl(
to(l ((Trey)
e yh
oif he could get
h i
up in t
)
taking
andthe part of himself and his col-
leagues state that the effect of that Act had been to remove
caet House, on
that question,
their apprehensions, and to place the Protestant institutions
state 'of perfect security; and that the
of this country in a
obeyed
yihe Government r that
and _
proposed towere satis-
take no
law would be implicitly. Ile should hope to hear
from the Noble Earl either
fied with their leg islatn,
were quite satisfied with
further step...that
had accomplished, or
the achievement
national importance. He
of her Majesty's Speech which
that they were prepawrtehdicythotatkheeyfurther steps to carry out
foreign powers, and he should
referred to our relations with wthat l
d7helwichpatshseeyn considered
that
prhto f
lionen tor In en'
a no ties ofofficial to
speak
his sentiments, beingbound respon-
his
that of a great body of
he was quite a frank expres-
not hesitate frankly to stbayt.e
awarehis opinionthat and
eatndinjuriously affect thepublic
sibility ; and .
cf his °oPuinl'"l't°,nin'a the most friendly relations with fo-
peace.
Government announced that her Majesty
Her Majestycontinued to maintain
hat she continued to
reign no a
maintain as friendly relations with
foreign powers as had
she last addressed their Lordships'
existed when _
was House. He
(the Earl of Derby)
bunwilling to refer to a question of a
expres;ionwirf?..heCTr°ltlvearjesty
mere relations nature, ut the country felt some anxiet to
powers' were quite unal-
tered,most
for what reason her Majesty's -Government had
of
the
c necessaryahi e
efficien
! He had frequently
had occasion to find fault with thepolicy) of the Noble Lord
the late Secretary for Foreign Affair;
snd
had the Noble
itlab:mugbehrtsiot
Lord been still in office he might li'ave had cause to find
fault with him again, as he had occasion to do with reference
to some transactions which had
taken place last session. There
was no doubt that the Noble Viscount acquainted
with the business of his office, anti
s was quitee.
theh hes
t
character and talents, and therefore athere pe!.
sonntust have been
some very serious cause to induce her Majesty's Govern-
ment to dispense with the services of one of its most dis-
tinguished members.—(Hear.) The other House of Par-
liament must and would be satisfied upon the subject. He
would now pass on to consider the real state of our relations
with foreign powers. Her Majesty stated that the treaty
with reference to the Duchies of Holstein and Schleswig,
which had been concluded the year before last, would, in
a short time, be fully and completely executed.
He re-
joiced at the removal of the cause of complaint, because
ho was aware how dangerous it was to
the interest of
liberal parties for any dissension to exist between any
two countries, and also because such a dissension might
kindle a flame of war. He was bound by no ties of office
which made it necessary for him to abstain from speaking
his opinion upon our foreign relations. He entirely agreed
with the Noble Earl who had moved the Address, that the
internal administration and government of eaeh country
was a matter for the consideration of that country alone; it
was a matter:that affected that country only, and whet ver
• ht think or feel, thatparticular coun-
try countries might _
t as it thought fit. For the last 6U
try had a right to act as
Government of France had consisted of a succes-
sionyears the b h a • thought it
of usurpations, ut we a on no occasion
'last the s rem,gaimenced
right to protest - y which cgni 1848,
with a monarchy, and went on until the Republic of
merit
were bound to respect that form of government
which we ern
which France was pleased to call the Republic of 1
n tha 852, On
t of
each' occasions, the :form of government had
beeident and
the people, and we were bound to respect the presr
whether
to abstain. We were, however, bound to cons! e
country
one form of government
sicced a neighbi°7l
influence over
might adopt might exercise goran ev
Beyond that
our international relations with that coantry:.
any
shade or
question we had nothing whatever to do withtr
might
form of government which a foreign coups 3'
republic. It was
select—
from an absolute despotism dowtenton
Franee, or to can-
not for us to criticise the steps t k
aher form of government,
vacs the policy or morality, of
It was not for us to say
or if it was likely to be benee
of government which had
anything against an existing
he state French people, almost unani-
been acquiesced in byl
ut
f Derby) would express his firm
unani-
mously. He (the Earth
the Prince President was disposed to
belief that, personally,relations with us, and to adopt a concilia-
ent entertain friendly
(Hear.) The press affected to in-
fluence policy towsrds
mind
with regard to the state of affairs,
the public
care that when did so to remember that
it was not freetom and it should take corres
pending responsibilities.—(Cheers.)
on the press to mai • ntana a tone of modera-
tion wras incutnbent.
expressing in , an opinion d reserve.n regarding our ra-
tion- an France. his was requiredof
every man who
lations with
the welfare of
ed to have his country at heart, and
prets ind
expected from every man who did not seek to indict
was his countr most seriousjume ry. an act of
upupon• --
and madnesy e,a at one and theni ea timlt e,was to believe in
folly a
hostile intentions on the part of France, and, at
the. same time, to parade the supposed inability of
thi s country to resist aggression, and to magnify the
res ources of our supposed assailants, and to point out how
eas ay this country might be subjugated, and then in the
ver, y same breath to assail with every term of attack and
vita .peration the public character of the man who wields the
pow .er which was deemed irresistible,—so as to tempt
hit s. to wield it for the subjugation of the power
wl xieh was called the weakest.-(Loud cheers.)

hoped that the unfavourable impression made upon the
lic mind in France by the unqualified censures of our
.s might be removed by a faank expression made in that
the other House of Parliament, that the people of this ,
itry wished to maintain friendly relations with the
2ch people. But whilst building, as he did, upon the
tfic policy of the Prince President, and certain as he was
the preservation of peace was not more important to
aace than to England ; certain as he was that all England
would declaim against the man who should be so unjust as
violate the peace, conscious as he was that such viola-
tion of the peace would ultimately recoil on the party
who baoke it ; yet he could not conceal from himself
that the state of France was so unsettled, that
the ruler might not be able on all occasions to direct.
We were bound to take care of ourselves, looking at the pos-
sibility of an attack being made upon us. It might be that
the Government of France might not wish to attack, but that
Government might be borne by irresistible clamour ; and Go-
vernment was bound to see that provision was made for the
defence of the country, so as to render an invasion not only
improbable but absolutely, impossible from the prepared state
that we should be in. With a view to the preservation of
peace, with a view to resist any aggressive intentions, her
Majesty's Government ought, for the purpose of natural pro-
tection, to guard itself against the risk of an invasion and the
horrors attending it. If Government felt that the army ought
to be extended, he (the Earl of Derby) and those who acted
with him, although they might on other questions differ from
the Government, would, when it asked that which might be
required for the safety and well-being of the country, readily
accord it, and nothing would make them flinch from sharing
the responsibility of the act. We might learn from the history
of France and other countries the injury that resulted
when you destroyed the influence of the territorial posses-
sors of land. He did not use the expression with regard to
the Members of their Lordships' House, because they were
possessors of land, bat he spoke of the country gentlemen of
England. They possessed the prestige of an ancient name
and an hereditary descent, and exercised a considerable Con-
servative influence; not Conservative in a party sense, but
Conservative in preserving the great institutions of the
country. If we weakened or destroyed that body we took
away power from a class intimately connected with the
well-being of England, and we might produce the violent
result of oscillating between a state of extreme liberty and
despotism, and destroy the possibility of the existence of a
limited and constitutional power. By destroying this class
we were taking away the only security that existed for
preserving the well-regulated liberties of the subject. In
America, where republican ,institutions existed, the " abso-
lute " majority exercised a greater tyranny than was ever
exercised under despotic rule in a monarchical country. He
would now pass to another topic adverted to in the Royal
Speech—the Kaffir war. It was a matter of serious regret,
and to be made a matter of serious inquiry, why we had been
so long carrying on this war, and that it had not been brought
to an end, and that it had made no progress. This war had
been carried on for a period of two years.
Earl GREY said it had only been carried on for thirteen
months. _ _ _ _ _

The Earl of DERBY resumed. For thirteen months the
war had been carried on, and no one suggested why we had
not carried it on with success ; but a set of mere savages had
been able to carry on the war successfully against all the
force that the Government were either able or willing to
spare to send out against them. It was a matter that re-
quired serions consideration. The Noble Earl, the Secretary
of State for the Colonies, had on former occasions referred to
the difficulties under which woe had laboured, but he must
say that he thought those difficulties had been aggravated
by the impolitic assumption of a nominal sovereignty over a
country where it was impossible to exercise a fixed and
permanent authority, which ought to be inseparable from
sovereignty. Perhaps the Noble Earl, the Secretary for the
Colonies, would tell their Lordships what progress the
war had made. The only progress that he (the Earl of
Derby) knew that it had made was, that he had recently
thought fit to supersede the Governor of the Cape of Good
Hope. That was a stigma upon the military character of Sir
Harry Smith, and it remained to be seen whether that
stigma was thrown upon him by the Noble Earl or by the
Commander-in-Chief of the Forces. Her Majesty in her
Speech alluded to the tranquillity which prevailed through.
oat the greater portion of her dominions. With respect to
Ireland, hundreds and thousands of acres were lying uncul-
tivated, and it was not very extraordinary that tranquillity
should prevail. The ravages of disease had removed many,
and emigration had done a great deal, and relief had been
afforded to the exuberant population—a signal proof of its
prosperity. In Ireland the tide of emigraiion had flowed in
so strong a stream that the emigration had been called the
Exodus of the Irish. It was a singular proof of the pros-
perity of Ireland, because emigration and death had pro-
duced an absence of violence in the south of Ireland. But
with resped to the north of Ireland, it was impossible to
look without feelings of the deepest anxiety. The outrage
and violation of the law was such that he hoped Govern-
ment would take steps not only to prosecute the instruments
of these associations, but were taking steps to get at the
instigators, provokers, and concoctora of the associations.
The Government said that they had exercised the powers
which the law had given them, but within the last 24 hours
notice had been received of the failure of the first prosecution
which the Government had commenced at the special ses-
sions at Monaghan, thereby giving an absolute encourage-
ment to the increase of more atrocities and outrages, thus
making it evident that the process of the law was not the
means of upholding, but of destroying it. Thus had the
object of the Government failed ; and they should not have
had a special commission, unless Government were satisfied
that the evidence was such as would not hazard a failure of
justice. Justice has been defrauded, and the effect of this
immunity had been seen, even while the Commission was
sitting, because two persons had been arrested a short distance
from the Commission, lying in wait to commit another of
those atrocious attempts upon life which had already been
made; and it would appear that they had been commanded
to do it. Her Majesty had said the Government had taken
upon themselves to exercise the powers of the law ; but if
they found the powers of the law were not sufficient, they
should not have hesitated to apply for extraordinary
powers. With regard to that part of the Speech which
referred to the administration of justice, there was
no doubt that it was of the greatest importance
to secure the impartial administration of justice in
the courts of this country. He would only say that he
hoped due attention would be given by Government to this
subject with regard to any Bill they might bring in upon
the matter. He hoped the alteration would not be any
patching up, but he hoped that the measure would be a total
reorganisation of the courts. He hoped the measure would
be entrusted to that member of the Cabinet who presided over
a court; and looking at the various subjects to be brought
under the notice of the other House, this was a measure that
should be brought at an early period before their Lordships'
House, and not first before the other House of Parliament.
Ile expressed his satisfaction that the time had arrived when
New Zealand was to have a representative system. In
1847, the Noble Earl had sent forth a constitution for New
Zealand which, as the people who were to live under it
Protested against it, was in 1848 suspended ; the suspending
order having been removed, it would be supposed that the
constitution of 1847 would now come in force, but their
Lordships would have to consider a new constitution, as the
constitution which had been framed in 1847, and suspended
in 1848, was now, in 1852, condemned as unworthy. Their
Lordships would now have to consider what was the best
constitution applicable to New Zealand. - Their Lordships
had to consider the matter in a deliberate and careful man-
ner with reference to locality and population, and the par-
ticular requirements of the settlers at New Zealand,
and when they had given that country representative insti-
tutions they would then be able to give some time to the
comparative insignificant subject of the representative system
of this country—( A latigh.) Another source of satisfaction
expressed in her Majesty's Speech was, that the large reduc-
tion of taxes which had taken place of late years had not
been attended wkh a diminution of the national income.
lie must remind the Noble Earl who moved the address that
the revenue was chiefly constituted of a tax which wits not
very popular, a tax which, although it might be imposed in
time of war, should not, if possible, be kept up, and with-
out the imposition of that tax it could not be said that the
revenge was adequate to the exigencies of the time. Never
1851, the profits of commercial men lower than in the year
returns withstanding all its boasted prosperity. The
con-
nected to
the propert of ersons, more especially con-
sanglarsvith trades and professions, did not agree with the
• e view taken by the Noble Earl of our commercial
Position.
urn to the he profits realised upon the exports and the
Incomere-
decline H -taxl showed no increase, but a positive
which was t e hrw ewe to the last topic in the Speech,
in the opinion that law of reform. He did not concur
Lion of such a trita this was the fittest time for the introduc-
-500 men who consider°. Hofi not believe that there were
ther the suffrage was ede the slightest importance who-
sire for a new Reform extended, or who had the slightest de-
genious Act on the Part elfith He thought that it was an in-
to be introduced, not be Government, and the Bill was
a fact, but because they fear
theed Government thought it was
House of Commons. He believed certain divisions in the
that
rnent was made not only was the Prime
when the announce-
Mistress, not only were his cong e Minister's Royal
but that the Noble Lord had not athaee slightestßill idea of the
object of the was to excite the
tions of the people, and it had been introducedexpectae
general election was at hand. When the Bill because
came before a
consider it.
them it would be theiraid that dut cal
theinßYlll and d e erately to
iwas to extend
of the law of 1832, which law gave m the
principle ore extension
to democratic power, and removed some of the restriction,
re system. It was then det •
from the representative ermined to do
away with the nominationboroughs, and it was determined
to substitute the inhabitants of cities and - to give
them representation which was monopolised by
small boroughs. For his own part, if he expressed his
opinion on the advantage to
be derived from this new Bill,
it would be more than counterbalanced by the renewal of
agitation, and the progress of continual change would affect
our institutions, The Reform Bill of 1832 gave representa-
tives to towns that had gradually grown up into importance.
They had had from the Noble Lord at the head of the Go-
vernment a declaration that the principles of the measure
had been fully carried out; that he would be the last man
induce any material alterations, and the Noble Lord
Nees even taunted with having used an inadvertent expres-
sion as to the finality of the existing arrangement.—(Hear.)
The Noble Earl appeared to think that though this country
would not bear a revolution once a year or once in five years,
yet an extensive change in the representative system might
be safely introduced once in twenty-one years. In fact, he
appegred to think that the constitution of this country was
something like an agricultural lease, at the expiration of
which, the tenant, after having derived from the land the
fall valve during the term, might start again on a new
basis.—(Laughter.) He thought it would be necessary
for her Majesty's Government to fah
--ow why this
Bill was required.—(Hear, hear.) It would be rather
difficult for them to satisfy the country that any
Bill was required at the present moment, but the Noble Lord
would have to state not only why a change in the existing
systEm was required, but with what view and object this
particular change was proposed; and upon the statement of
her Majesty's Government on that subject would depend the
opposition or otherwise that they would encounter or receive
ltrcrte that great party with which he (the Earl of Derby)
gad the honour to act. He thought it advisable that no bill
_whatever should have been introduced, and that the Govern-
ment ,110111 d have taken upon themselves the responsibility
of eying that they considered the question settled. He did
not say that in itselfthe b f
stituenc • an extension of num erep the con-
y might not
administrafion of be perfectly consistent with the useful
was the rationthe affairs of the country, which, after all,
(Hear, hear.,
_object of all representative institutions.—
) tint though numbers might not materially
affect the question,
iutroduced, tied the Yet the class of new constituents to be
distribution amongst that due ion of influence and power
racter of the must materially affect the cha-
racter
(Hear, hear.) He presu hereafter to be elected.—
vernment were not going
that her Majesty's Go-
the notion that they ought tf, dto lend themselves to
irregularities and anomalies—t, o away with all existing
cut and carve the country into e
districts the were not about to
tation would be exited
y eoinedent in which represen-
populatice. He presumed that non and coequal with the
entered into the heads of the Governe of these phantasies had
convinced, that it was not possible oat. Of this he was
Perfect equality in the representation; for hem to introduce
that perfect equality in the constitalle4 if it were possible,
in itself most discordant with tag nt body would be
escit of the British conati-