The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

Lord Fermoy and Mr. Harvey Lewis.',

Yesterday evening Lord Fermoy, M.P., and Mr. Har-
vey Lewis, M.P., met a large number of their constituents
at the Vestry-hall, St. Pancras, to deliver addresses having
reference to the measures of the last and approaching ses-
sions. The chair was taken by Mr. W. Douglas, who, in a
brief introductory speech, referred to the question of metro-
politan railway schemes as one in which the borough of
Marylebone is most deeply interested, and on which it re-
quired the best assistance of its representatives in Parlia-
ment.

Lord FERMO Y, who was received with cheers, after observ-
ing that he and his cDlleague addressed their constituents
at the end of last session, and then met with an approval of
their conduct, said they were now on the eve of a session
which was doubtless fraught with events of the greatest
importance, both in a political and in a metropolitan point
of view, As regarded political matters, the question which
pressed most on the public mind at present was the state of
the foreign relations of this country. (Hear, hear.) They
all knew how serious a step it was for a country to embark
in war; and suffering as they were from the folly of their
ancestors in that respect, the English people would wisely
hesitate to urge the Government to take any step tending in
that direction. (Cheers.) He had himself always been im-
pressed with the importance of the principle of neutrality or
non-intervention, and he believed that a more prudent po-
licy was never adopted by any ministry than that of Lord
Palmerston and his colleagues in relation to the American
question. (Cheers,) Every day showed the wisdom of that
policy. It was now manifest that by interfering in any
way in the disturbed affairs of America, this country, in-
stead of making things better, would have made them
worse. (Hear, hear.) Moreover, how different would
have been its position, if now that it was obliged to pre-
pare for war in the East, it had been carrying on war in
the West. He had therefore felt it his duty to support
the Government in resisting the pressure to interfere in
American affairs. He also thought they were right in carry-
ing out in its integrity tke Foreign Enlistment Act, and
preventing the steam rams from leaving Liverpool. (Cheers.)
It would, indeed, have been a mock neutrality, a sham non-
intervention to allow any nation to fit oat vessels of war to
be used against another nation with which this country
professed to bo on terms of amity. Whilst he would apply
the principle of neutrality and non-intervention to the East
as well as the West, he could not look at the present state
of affairs in Europe without great doubt and apprehension.
It was the fashion nowadays, in speaking of the Sleswig-
Holstein question, to say that there was something difficult
and mysterious about it. He was-mot going to inflict a lec-
ture upon them, but the question seemed to him a very
simple one. In 1852 Russia, Prussia, Austria, France, and
England, and, as far as their opinions could be ascertained,
all the other pos%ers of Europe, thought it for the interest
of Europe and of the world that Denmark should hold a
thoroughly independent position, and, acting on that prin-
ciple, those countries agreed to a treaty guaranteeing to
Denmark a free and independent position. In the course of
events parties interested in the Germanic Confederation had
thought fit to take advantage of opportunity for endeavour-
ing to impair the independence of Denmark. He did not
want to go into the question of morganatic marriages, or
any of those questions which lawyers were so agreeable to
discuss, especially when paid for doing it. (Laughter.) The
question, as between nation and nation, was whether it was
for the safety and advantage of Europe that Denmark
should be free and independent. (Hear.) It appeared that
some of the contracting parties to the treaty had changed
their minds—that Austria and Prussia (he put aside the
small German principalities) were now impressed with the
value and importance of what they termed the principle of
nationality. If either of those Powers saw so much value
in the principle of nationality they might apply it at
home. (Cheers.) If Austria believed in its value, what
was she going to do for Venetia? (Hear.) What was
she going to do for Hungary, or for Galicia ? (Hear, hear.)
If Prussia believed in it what would she do with Posen, or
would she drop from her iron claw that portion of Poland
which she now gripes ? (Hoar, hear.) What, moreover,
had she to say with regard to her Rhenish provinces ? If
the principle was to be applied to Denmark, why should it
not be to the other nations who were so anxious to apply it
to her ? (Hear, hear.) With regard to their interest in
this question, he was not, as they saw by his opening sen-

tence on this subject, one of those who were anxious to
meddle in other people's business ; but Denmark had claims
upon them for sympathy, at all events, and for advocacy.
Denmark was an ancient ally of England ; she was, like this
country, a maritime State, more powerful by Boa than by
land, and she was in proportion to her means a good cus••
tomer for British manufactures ; and England being a party
to the treaty of 1852 was bound, in his opinion, to do what
she could—he meant diplomatically—to see faithfully ful-
filled the treaty to which she had placed her signature. As
regarded the other States who were contracting parties to
the treaty, he thought the majority of them would see fit to
unite with England in remonstrating with the Germanic
Confederation as to their present conduct : and he trusted
that the matter would end in that way, without war. But
upon Austria and Prussia now lay a heavy responsibility
for the step which they were taking. (Hear, hear.) They
were intervening ; the tramp of armed men was now re-
sounding over Europe at their dictation, and by their com-
mand; and upon them, he repeated, rested the responsi-
bility of such conduct. Let a shot once be fired in anger,
whether on one side of the river or the other, let the sword
bo once drawn in the present quarrel, and no man present
could forsee the end of the war which would thus have
been commenced. (Hear.) At all events they might rest
assured that the two States whose coaduct led to it would
be, as they ought to be, the first to suffer for the step which
they had taken. (Loud chters.) If Denmark were dis-
membered, he would not give a fig for the chance of the
Austrian empire holding together ; and less still would he
give for the present position of the King of Prussia,
who, having a quarrel on constitutional grounds to settle
with his own people, wou'al probably rather enter on a foreign
war than yield what was justly due to his own subjects.
(Cheers.) In the present serious aspect of European politics
it was most gratifying to him, as he thought it must be
also to the nation, that there was at the head of aff ars a
statesman of such great experience, particularly in foreign
affairs—one who united with the wisdom of years the vigour
of youth in his heart—(cheers)—and who had never been
accused by his bitterest enemy of forgetting for one moment
the interests of his country. (Renewed cheers.) He would
now proceed to say a few words with regard to affairs at
home. With respect to the invasion of the metropolis by
railway companies, the noble lord observed that there were
about 32 schemes to be brought before Parliament. It would
puzzle even the wisdom of Parliament to make a proper se-
lection, and in his opinion the best course which the Go •
vernment could pursue was to appoint a royal commission