The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—General M'Clellan's aceept.3;nce of the
Chicago nomination comp!etes the preparations for
the Presidental contest. The lists are now open,
the champions produced, the issue is declared, and
the battle inevitable. Mr. Lincoln's friends fought

hard against assumptions so unfavourable to their
own prospects. They first argued that there could
be no unanimity at Chicago and that the strength
of the Democratic party would be destroyed by
division ; but these hopes were dashed to the
ground bya political accord and union unexpected,
probably, by the Democrats themselves. Since
the nomination of General M'Clellan under

circumstances so promising they have specu•
lated anxiously on his refusal of the cite:.

Many of the Republican journals have overwhelmed
him with complimetits only to remind him that by
his acceptance of such a proposal he would forfeit
all his claims to popular respect, and ruin himself
in the estimation of the country. But this chance
of escape is now lost also. Gen. M'Cleilan accepts
the nomination and consents to stand. Thus the

match is made, and the game must be played out.
Desperate, too, in the extreme will be the gropple
between the combatants, for the champions and the

parties are the most formidable that could be pitted
against each other. Mr Lincoln can no longer hope
to slip into a secoLd term of office, either unopposed
or with only a contemptible opposition. The great
party of the Democrats have coalesced in perfect
unanimity against him, and they have secured as
their willing candidate the very man whose name
would bring the greatest strength to their cause.
From this time, therefore, the prospect is clearly
and sharply defined. The gladiators have stepped
into the political arena, and they must fight ac-
cording to the laws of the strife. They are not ill-
matched. If the Democrats, when fairly united,

are not the more powerful party of the two, Europe
has been greatly misinformed of the state of opinions
in America ; but the Republicans have the advan•
tage of possession, a firmer and less equivocal
policy than their adversaries, and the chances of
support from military success. We have already
been assured that Sherman's victory in Georgia
proved immediately favourable to Mr. Lincoln's
cause, though the measure of that success is now
given in the General's own report. On the day fol.,
lowing the battle he advanced with his army only to
find his enemy impregnably posted just six miles off.
So securely was the Confederate General intrenched
and so strong was his force, that Sherman declined
to attack him and prudently retired. Yet the victory
which pushed a Southern army this short distance
in retreat, but left it still in a plight to defy the
conquerors, sufficed for the moment to send Lincoln
up and M'Clellan down, and the not improbable
capture of Mobile may perhaps contribute to the
depression of the Democratic cause. On the other
hand, a great military disaster would assist Mr.
Lincoln's opponents, so that the ordinary political
calculations are liable to incessant disturbance from
the incidents of war. It will be observed that Gen.

Mielellan, while approving a "pacific" policy in
place of the policy pursued by the preaent Admi-
nistration, nevertheless declares distinctly for the
re-establishment of the Union "at all hazards."

This profession of political faith involves a contra-
diction,
but it is a contradiction which is accepted
by perhaps the most numerous section of his party.
All the Democrats wish for peace, but a portion
only of the party is bold enough to own that it
would purchase peace, if necessary, even at the
price of disunion. The rest entertain or effect a
hope that if the Republicans, whose accession to
power was the signal of Secession, could be super.
ceded by the Democrats, whose sympathy with the
South are traditional end notorious, the Seceders
would desist from war and parley with their ancient
friends. Such is the slippery and precarious via
media which M'Clellan must at present tread; but
though the obligation exposes him to political sar-
casm, there was probably no escape from it. It ap.
pears that a large number of Americans heartily
desire peace, and are yet afraid or unwilling to de-
clare for peace on the only terms which would cer-
tainly prod UC3 it. They wish to have done with
fighting, and yet they cannot bring themselves to
condemn the war except on the condition of secur-
ing its object by some better policy. On a pure policy
of peace the Chicago Convention would have been a
failure. It is only by appropriating the best cry of
the Republicans that the Democrats can go to the
country with any hope of success. If logic, how-
ever, conquer, Mr. Seward would win. He has the
best case, and he knows how to argue it. Moreover,
the Republicans arc just as ready to borrow the
colours of their opponents as the Democrats. Just
as M'Clellan flatters one popular sentiment by de-
claring for Union, so Mr. Lincoln conciliates another
by pronouncing for peace. At Auburn, Mr. Seward
asserted, in terms as plain as he could venture to
use, that the President was as ready to make peace
with the 6otith as the Democratic pretenuer to his
place, and that lie would offer the South as easy
and simple conditions of reconciliation. It had been
thrown in his teeth that he was a stickler for
abolition, and that he required the Southerners
to give up slavery as well as re-enter the Union,
whereas the Democrats would promptly embrace
the South on condition of re•unio❑ only. But
when, asked Mr Seward, did the President refuse to
do the same, or who could pretend to say that this
condition of simple Union would ever be offered by
the Seceders P The Confederates mean separation
and nothing less. There can be no peace except on
those terms, and it is mere absurdity to stipulate
for the maintenance of the Union and yet condemn
the war. If the South cannot be coerced into re-
Union, it ca❑ never be cajoled. Such, in brief, is
Mr Seward's retort upon his opponents. "We say
that. nothing but victory in the field can restore
the Union, and therefore we are for the vigorous
prosecution of the war; but if the Seceders will
come to terms, let us hear what those terms arc,
and we can accept them as well as you."
General M'Clellan wishes to consult the suscepti-
bilities of the War Democrats, and to catch the votes
of stray Republicans, and so he professes to uphold
the Union "at all hazards"—that is, even, if necesa
sary, at the cost of continued war. President Lin-
coln wishes to catch the votes of stray Democrats,
and so his Secretary throws over the slavery ques-
tion, and all other questions, save that of Union,
that might stand in the way of peace. In short, the
ostensible " platforms" of the two candidates are
identical, except that one is turned upside down.
Mr. Lincoln cannot forego the Union, and so must
keep on fighting, but he will make peace if the Union
is preserved, as conditionally es anybody. General
M.Clellan cannot forego the Union, but instead of
going on with the war, he puts the peace experi-
ment and reserves the fighting for afterwards. We
have repeatedly expressed our opinion that the policy
of the War Democrats is logically untenable, for it
means pacific war or warlike peace. The Republican
policy is more consistent—" peace when you please,
and on the terms you know, but war till then." It
would be hard, however, to say that the inconsistent
policy is not a judicious one. If toe Americans
themselves do not know their own minds, or, know-
ing them, dare not speak them, the Democratic
policy is skilfully adapted to their uncertainties or
fears. It bridges the space between them and the
object which they desire. That object is peace, and
the Democrats put peace in the foreground. At
present they couple it with conditions which save
the national pride, but are probably quite incom-
patible with the object itself, A short time hence
the conditions may be dropped while the object is
kept in view, and the nation, after enjoying a re-
spite from the trials of war, and tasting the bless-
ings of peace once more, may gradually resolve on
retaining these blessings, even at the expense of
what would now bo thought an impossible sur-
render.

HERALD.—It is wonderful how little one may
know of a country by merely ruling it, more espe-
cially a country like India, where the alien govern-
ing body is a very small minority to the native
population, and the policy of letting things alone as
much as possible has prevailed until the last few
years. It la not very long since the discovery was
made that torture was employed by the native subs
ordinates of Government for the collection of the
revenue ; and now we rind that in a district under
British administration slavery has been openly
practised for many years, and the buying and sells
ing of men, women, and children publicly registered
in the civil courts. It is to the honourable courage
of Col. Haughton, commissioner of Cooch Behar, in
Bengal, that we are indebted for this exposure,
That officer, in a report just made to Government,
tells us that his attention was first brought directly
to the subject through an application made to him
for the purchase money of a child sold to a Brahmin
during the funeral ceremonies of the late Rajah,
and for which the Maharanees, then acting as Re-
gents of the kingdom, but whose powers have since
been taken over by the British Government, wore
made responsible. Upon being appealed to, the
Maharanees explained the nature of the claim, tell-
ing Col. Haughton that it was customary to give
away slaves to Brahmins on such occasions as the
one in question ; but they admitted the practice to
be an evil one, and promised not to continue it.
Hearing of his interference in the matter, the judge
of the civil court (a native) told Col. Haughton that
he had always been in the habit of registering the
sales of slaves, and desired to know whether he
should do so for the future. Col. Houghton, know.
ing that the late Rajah had issued an order forbid-
ding the traffic altogether—which order, however,
he never had the energy to enforce—directed the
discontinuance of the registry without hesitation.
lie next proceeded to ascertain the extent of the
evil, in order to deal with it generally, and fur this
purpose secured the services of a trustworthy native
official, whose reappends to his own communica.
lion. The reporter declares that the custom of

buying and selling human kind has existed for 0,
very long time in Cooch Behar. It is usual among
four classes of persons—viz.. fathers and mothers
who sell their daughters; husbands who sell their
wives ; priests and their disciples who sell the slaves,
male and female, whom they have acquired; and
other persons who sell their relatives when fallen
into pecuniary distress. This manner of getting rid
of poor relations is, it seems, very prevalent, and
when a man quarrels with his wife one of his
favourite threats is to sell her to the Bhooteas, who,
it seems, are eager purchasers, and have agents Oh
the border ready to negotiate any number of trans'
actions of the kind. That the practice is carried oh
purely for profit is evident from the fact that Han'
dotes sell their children to Mahomedans and Mahn'
medans to Hindoos, without any scruples as to reli-
gion, and as frequently as not for the purpose of
prostitution. The evil, Col. Haughton tells us, is
long standing, but probably attained its height
during the period of misrule of the Itajah Narindero
from 1800 to 1839, His son, Seebinder Naraine
suffered for his father's conduct, and became a better
man. His education had taught him to look with
disgust at the practice, and the colonel has no doubt
that but for the imbecile state to which he was Wely
reduced by debauchery he would have put a stop th
it. The cause of his order not being carried into
execution is believed to have been the outcry raised
by the Itanees and females of the palace, who were
apprehensive that they would be unable to obtain
voluntary service. In the appendix to the report
there are some curious illustrations of the working
of the system. The manner in which poor men go 6
"sold up," in a literal sense of the term, is very often
as follows :—There are various dues and exactions,
under different forms, which ate levied upon the
cultivators of the soil, amounting in general t°
three times the sum which they are bound by
their agreements to pay for the use of their
land, A ryot, say, has £2 per annum to Pair
for rent, and hopes by his labour to make
the produce of his land bang in another £2 for the
support of his wife and family. All would go well,
probably, but there comes in a claim of £6 for
taxes levied by the native government. This h°
cannot hope to meet by labour; so "he sells hi'
children, and probably prostitutes his wife by difr
posing of her in mortgage"—we quote the official
language in which these horrors are described;
Even then the oppressor may not be satisfied; and
having having lost wife, family, and everything h°
possessed, the unhappy victim saves himself if he
can by flying the country. One of the appended
documents is the petition of a public woman to the
commissioner for the recovery of a girl, whom she
had purchased when very young, " instructed,' s°
she significantly informs us, and brought up to pros
stitution, which girl had been detained by a res°'
to whom she had let her out at so much a mouth*
She describes the transaction in the plainest pos;
Bible language, treating it as a regular matter 0;
business. It is this aspect of the system, indeed,
which is most repulsive; and it must, as Colonel.
Haughton remarks, have a demoralising effect upon
the whole people; parents being tempted to door,
gard the duties they owe to their children, 80°
other relatives impelled to look with a covetous eV)
upon widows and orphans whom the ordinary ill'
sancta of savages would lead them to pity and SUP!
port. This miserable state of things does not exist
exactly under British rule, but most certainly under
British protection and administration. Colonel
Haughton is, however, taking decisive steps t°
bring it to an end, though he does not hope to Per"
form the task entirely at once. lie has on his oeil
responsibility refused to recognise the legality °
sales, and has suggested a series of rules for the
suppression of the traffic which we can scarcelf
doubt will be confirmed by Government. It wor,
be expected, moreover, that the revelations
which have been made, and followed up bfi
the action of authority, will lead to the diele
closure of similar practices which are known to
exist more or less in most parts of India, not ea`
cepting British territory. Slavery is an old custom
of the country, and though there is a great deal (3'
uncertainty as to its extent, there is every reason t°
suppose that it is far from having died out. 1118
sale of female children is scarcely a marvel in is
land where a girl is an incumbrance to the pore'
and the power of the law is necessary to save her
from being put out of the world altogether; s",`
we believe there is no part of India where a person 2
be he European or native, who wanted to make 012°.,."
a purchase, could not be accommodated. Even lu
Calcutta it is probable that sales of young girls are
frequently effected; and it is believed by those who
have excellent means of judging that there are many
wealthy men in that city who have slaves in Wl_
zenanas. That the prectice has not before be!,uo
formally exposed is due to the old /aisseefaa,,
policy, which it may be hoped his come to an en".
The European and native communities, since 01
very early days when our countrymen adc pted 100
al
great dent too much, have become nor°,
end more estranged, and it is only under the preeeT
healthy system, which has given the country int%
ligible laws and really opened it up to the "Wester'
world, that we are beginning to know the peopiel
In a further state of development, one of these doll'
we shall probably see an end to slavery.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

••1, - ---.•-•

HULL—TUESDAY.
At our market to-day there was a good supply of En g;
lish wheat, and a fair business was done; new sorts at
decline of is to 2s per qr, and about is for old. Fora;
wheat at barely the quotations of last week. Barleys, b 0
malting and grinding, neglected. Oats rather cheaper.arlo
in better supply. Beans and peas sold in retail at previo
rates.

LYNN—TUESDAY.
At to•day's market the supply of wheat was moderat,f;
with a good attendance of growers. New samples is to I
and old is per qr cheaper. Barley in large supply, 613 d,
the best malting maintained late rates; common and grin
ing sorts is lower. Beans and oats is cheaper.
White wheat 44s to 46s f Barley
Red.. ..408 to 42s I grinding ,..2396 s 0 tot ° 311 3
O
Beans .4os to 42s I Oats .22s to 'A
Old ... 36s to 37s I Peas "0 ...4
Averages Wheats, 40$ 7d—barley, 31s . Id—besl3s
40$ Od.

MARKET HARBOROUGH—TUESDAY. e
—White wheat, 44s to 48s ; red, 39s to 43s per 36 silo,
Malting barley at 31s to 34s per qr. ; grinding, 26s to 31
per 30 st. Oats, old, 255, to 275; new, 20s to 25s per
at. ; beans, 36s to 42s per qr.

NEWCASTLE- ON-TYNE—TUESDAY.
At our corn market to-lay the supply of wheat 1/.!
VI
moderate, and sold at no advance on former rates. DI;
ley and oats were a slow sale at a slight decline. There
little doing in beans, peas, or malt.

MELTON MOWBRAY—TuEsDAY.
nd
This morning at our market wheat cam& well to hs
and was disposed of at rather lower rates There was
improved show of barley, and prices ruled slightly lovie,
The following were the currencies :—New white whet
42s Od to 46s Od ; new red, 38a Od to 44s per 36 WI!"
beans, 38s to 42s for old; new sorts, 35a to 37s per 38 I%
barley, —s to —s for malting, and 27s to 29s per qr. 01
grinding; now oats, 20s to 25s Od per 24 stone; old,
to 295.