The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-01 00:00:00

thought it would be allowed that to put forth statements of
this nature would only have the effect of rousing an un-
founded spirit of bitterness, and retard the ultimate settle-
ment of this great question.—(Hear.) He objected to the
section of the Bill which related to the power of
dispossession, because he thought it confounded
good and bad landlords together, and mixed
them all up in ono universal measure of com-
puleion. Whatever measure might be adopted on
this subject ought to be based on the great principles of
property, which all were equally interested in maintain-
ing, and which were the right of the poor as well as of
the rich. They were about now to a certain extent to
provide for the wants of the future, and they ought to
do that in a spirit of justice and fairness to
all parties. How was it likely that they would encou-
rage persons from this country to lend money in Ire-
land, for the purpose of cultivating the soil, if there was
to be a continual change of legislation on this sub-
ject? In his opinion the famed principles of pro-
perty must be the same in every part of the United
Kingdom, although he did not deny that there
might be certain special cases in the circumstances of
Ireland which would require special arrangements. He
quite agreed with the Hon. Gentleman opposite, that
they ought to provide just compensation to the tenant in
all cases of unexhausted improvement, and that when a
tenant did make improvements he should have a full
and fair enjoyment of them, but to effect this benefit
for the occupier of the land he was not ready to go out
of the fixed limits of the rights of property.
They had now an opportunity to effect for Ireland a
great and permanent good, sad he believed that all Hon.
Members were sincerely actuated by that desire; but
the subject was a difficult one, and though he believed
that with the assistance and co-operation of his friends
he had arrived at a safe and satisfactory conclusion on
the subject, he was placed at the present moment in a
very peculiar position. At the beginning of the session,
and after ascertaining the intention of the then Govern-
ment not to propose any legislation on the subject, he
had prepared the outline of the measure which ho in-
tended to lay on the table of the House, and as an in-
dependent Member of the House to ask their co-opera-
tion in passing it into a law. Being now, however, a
member of the Government, he thought that any mea-
sure which was introduced ought to be under the
responsibility of the Government. It was but right that
the Government should have an opportunity of consi-
dering such a measure, and he could assure the House
that the measure which he had prepared should be sub-
mitted to the Government at the earliest period. He had
shadowed forth the principal points of this measure,
and talked with his colleagues on the subject, though he
had not yet submitted his plan to them in a formal
way. The first was a Bill by which no less
than sixty Acts of Parliament relating to the subjects
of landlord and tenant would be consolidated.—(Hear.)
Secondly, there would be a complete investigation of
all the remedies cf landlord and tenant on both sides,
and the third would be a measure having regard to those
cases in which no agreement had been come to between
landlord and tenant; for though it would be better in all
instances to have an agreement concluded sponta-
neously, yet where such was not the case, it was
but right that the law should step in, and say what
would be a fair and reasonable arrangement. At
present he had consolidated and amended no less
than 104 statutes. He should be able to reduce the
complicated law of landlord and tenant to three statutes.
—(Hear, hear.) The first would be for the con-
solidation of existing laws ; the second would
provide for a ready means of investigation and
appeal, for the purpose of defining agreements, and the
third would give compensation for improvement
where no agreement existed. These were the great
outlines of the measure, which, if passed, he believed
would go as far as legislation could go to benefit the
tenantry of Ireland. There was no exertion, no in-
dustry, no means of information which he would not
use diligently, and without any unnecessary delay,
in: order to bring this question to a complete and
satisfactory conclusion. In regard to agrarian dis-
turbances in Ireland, the Learned Gentleman stated
there was no power he could wield in his office
which he would not wield fearlessly, to put
down all criminal confederacy with a high
hand and a strong arm.—(Hear.) He concluded
by expressing a hope that, with the aid of the measures
he proposed, and the blessing of God, the condition of
Ireland might be greatly improved, and a better feeling
promoted between all classes of the people.—(Cheers.)
Mr. E. B. ROCHE agreed in saying that, in the name of
justice, mercy, and f air play, let the law be the terror of evil-
doers; but ail the evils of Ireland were not confined to
the Ribbon lodges. The Learned Gentleman said they
could not make a good landlord by an Act of Parliament,
but they might prevent a bad landlord from being
mischievous by it.—(Hear, hear.) Though he listened
with great, attention and pleasure to the first part of
the Learned Gentleman's speech, he was sadly
disappointed at its conclusion, for if he ever heard good
and sound reasons alleged for going into Committee
upon a Bill, they were those mentioned by the Learned
Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) In the present unhappy
state of Ireland it was of the utmost importance that
the principles enunciated by the Secretary for Ireland
(Lord Naas) at Coleraine, repeated by the Learned
Gentleman in his speech, and contained in the Bill
of Mr. Sharman Crawford, should be embraced in an
Act of Parliament,—(Hear, bear.) Tho mainspring of
all the evils in Ireland was to be traced to the unsatis-
factory state of the land question. These evils might bo
divided into three classes—first the frightful decrease
of the population; secondly, the agrarian disturbance,
out of which arose the insecurity for life and pro-
perty; and thirdly, the vast accumulation of local taxa-
tion. The great increase of emigration and the dimi-
nution in the number of houses in Ireland clearly proved
the decrease of population. In regard to agrarian
crimes, he denied that the people did not respect
life, for why did tenants not shoot labourers,
or labourers shoot tenants? Though ho denounced
the perpetrators of agrarian crime as rank and
base murderers, he thought instead of strengthening the
law they ought to try and remedy the evils which gave
rise b these proceedings. He was one who be-
lieved that the increase of local taxation would
never be stopped unless the Legislature inter-
fered. Tenant farmers were the only class of
people in Ireland who had capital to lay out on improve-
ments, though he admitted they did not possess it in
sufficient abundance. There was, however, an immense
amount of property in the savings banks; but this would
never be applied to land except some security were given
to tenants for the (inlay of the capital. No measure
would, therefore, be satisfactory which did not give
ample compensation fcr all improvements on land. The
Government took no objection to the principle of the
Bill, but only to some of the details, and if they refused
to go into Committee upon it, the people of Ireland
would say that all their declarations and professions as
to the settler of the question were mere sham.
Lord CASTLEREAGH said it appeared to him that
if any difficulty more than another had arisen on that
side of the House, it was that the Government had not
solved the dilemma in which the country was placed in
reference to this question by positively bringing in a
Bill at once on the subject.—(Hear.) A popular journal
had termed the Bill of thelHon. Member an annual claim
for the purpose of obtaining a false popularity, and act
with the view of benefiting the tenant farmers, bat it
was his earnest conviction that the calamities of Ire-
land were mainly to be attributed to the unsettled state
of the question. It was the duty of the Government
to allow the Bill to go into Committee unless they pro-
posed to do more than simply delay the question, and cast
it into the dim future. He would not bind himself to the
details of the measure, because he thought some parts of
it were objectionable. Ho scorned the idea of cozening
the tenant farmers by false promises, and of obtaining
from them a support which he did not deserve. It was
was not his wish to treat the question as a tenant's one
simply for the settlement of it, he thought it was neces-
sary for the
good of the landlord as well as the tenant.—
(Hear.) There was now a ray of sunshine and hope
for Ireland which he had not seen for a length of time;
and he trusted that the Members around him who were
anxious to settle the question would not adopt any ex-
treme
howevveire,whse upon it, nor be too severe in finding fault,
or criticising the measure which the Government pro-
posedsllow to
hebrßinilgl into
gwoheinnwitccaommembitetfeoerte them. At present,
earnestly askedmight not end waitdhout something being done for Ireland.
He owed it as
second reading.
of having the
Mr. House the necessity
Mr. V. SCULL yv
people
edo :hoe
GREENEuty to his constituents to vote for the
laid upon the table and
referred to the considruerleia
Government
upon the
t Billselect Committee.
im-
portance which the
question, and the disappointment would feel
the same relation to Ireland thereoluaatnnftdryomof
if this Bill was defeated. The
e which they
Cork stood in
England, and he knew for a fee
farateetialony to the
atilt Yorkshire di
Coleraine down
to the city of Cork the peopleof the
he believed they were all agreed'
Bill. No doubt there were defec were in favour
and he therefore insisted that the asla its details,
dfor discussion
read a second time, and its clauses 1
and amendment. He was at a loss to understand rstand from
attached
dto towardst
hi
s
e ltlo itsg
hp
tr top Lee,
the speech of the Attornoy-General for Ireland,
read whetherreading
Government supported or opposed the
of the Bill, and he hoped the Member who addressedennd
from the Ministerial bench would tell the House c- them
what course they intended to pursue with regard to
the Bill itself. At all events, whether they
it or not, he insisted that the promised Bill of supported
vernment ought to be introduced at once or immediately-
after Easter. A judicial move might deprive the Hous
of the services of the Learned Attorney-General, and
then what would become of the pledges and declarations
with regard to his proposed Bill. Why the Government
would treat them as mere moonshine; and again
he urged the House to press for the immediate
production of tho Bill. He admitted the difficulty of
legislation upon this subject, but it was by no means im-
practicable or impossible, and it was therefore the duty
of the House to attempt it if the Government was not
disposed to do so.—(Hear, hear.) As he understood
this Bill its principle was plain and simple; it provided
indeed for no more and no less than this, that when a
tenant wished to terminate his tenancy on account of
the extravagance of the rent which he paid,
his landlord should compensate him for the
improvements he had made iu the land, or continue his
tenancy at an equalized rent.—(Hear.) That was what
the Bill provided, and seeing much of the distress and
crime which prevailed in Ireland was attributable to
there being no law in existence of this nature, he was at
a loss to understand how the House could refuse to read
the Bill a second time.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir EMERSON TENNENT bore his willing testi-
mony to the perseverance and ability with which the
Member for Rochdale had from time to time
iHntorno.clu
ced this subject to the House, and he regretted
that his efforts would have to be followed up by a Bill
of other partiee.—(floari hear.) He at once admitted
that the principle of compensating the meritorious te-
nant was sound and just, but the Bill, in attempting to