The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-14 00:00:00

pat, and they will, doubtless, rise from the perusal
of these eloquent and impressive pages with their
doubts resolved into certainty, and their hesitation
merged in conviction as to the necessity of prompt
and immediate action, not only for the preservation
of the interests of a brave and struggling people,
who have looked to us in vain for the help we were
bound to impart, but also for the maintenance of
our good repute, our self-respect among ourselves,
and our fair fame before the nations of the world.
,Great stress is laid on the importance of fulfilling
the terms of the Treaty of 1852; and it is very truly
stated that we have no right to deny the claims
thus enforced upon us, or to disavow the necessity
of holding to that engagement, because difficulties
have interposed themselves and rendered the case
complicated. Truth and honour do not recognise
such things as capable of sanctioning broken faith
or exculpating false promises and faintheartedness
in the performance of duty. Nothing can be put
in a simpler or more straightforward manner than
this argument. "We have had twelve years to
find out the flaws of this Treaty, and to rescind it,
if need were, in peace and honour; and now when
the time has come to keep it, to keep it with trouble
and cost, we are suddenly to discover that the pro-
test of Schleswig an,:3 Holstein frees us from our
engagement. Truly this would be a most conve-
nient discovery, but it is a new idea of a nation's
honour." This is the only true and fitting way to
look at the question, if we would carry out the
principles of political justice and conform to the
suggestions of honour and rectitude. It is one of
the greatest shams that have ever been palmed
upon the people of this country, this notion that has
gained ground in high places and been taken up by
some of the n2ost influential of our statesmen, that there j
really exists no claim for us to go to war for the
preservation of the rights of others, which rights
are intimately associated with our own integrity
and good faith. Convenience will not do to choose
as the ruling motive of our actions, and if we stoop
to resort to the doctrine of shuffling expediency in '
Cases where bold and decisive action is wanted, we
shall indeed fall from our high estate to draw upon
us the scorn and contempt of the world. Some

very proper warnings are given in this treatise on
the folly of pursuing this timid course that is de-
nounced, and the great danger to which it leads.
" Great nations," it is said, " do not live and grow
a greater age by peace and national prosperity."
For examples, we are shown Imperial Rome, which
fell headlong into ruin when she ceased from action,
and gave herself up to the pursuits of luxury. It
this is put down to " despotism," it is urged that
"democracy" has not been very successful on the
other side of the Atlantic. The decision arrived at
is, that the only sure and safe methou for a state to
pursue is to make the principle of duty its guiding
influence and ruling motive. By this means we
should not rush into war hastily, nor cling to peace
in an ignominious fashion, but calmly and consis-
tently follow in the right path which may lead
through difficulties and danger, but never can con-
duct to dishonour. It is of no avail for us to
be preaching morality to others if lookers-on
perceive that we take care not to put our precepts
into practice when they would result in our loss or
disadvantage. Great stress is here laid on the
marked difference that exists in the estimate put
upon the words uttered by the English or Frenc'a
in periods of emergency. When the French Ear-
PEROR makes a remark on foreign affairs of any
importance, the Funds of Europe fall in conse-
quence, but little heed is given to our Ministers
impressive utterances or striking statements. Now
this is hardly a creditable position for a ration like
ours to assume, and it is indeed a solemn warning
to all those who persist in advocating the doctrines
of upediency, to the detriment of all-important
and primary considerations. The bold principle is
here laid down, and should be followed is our
dealings with foreign nations, that we are to wage
war or not as honour commands, and not to listen
to the plea of the undertaking being too much for
M. If the time comes when a State " does not
because it dares not interfere, it has ceased to be
a great Power." Such words ought to be written
in indelible characters before the eyes of our Tacit-
lating statesmen, and exemplify the doom they are
bringing on their country through their mean and
unworthy actions. We cannot have a right to in-
terfere, end yet have a right to stand still; either
it must be our duty to do so, or else we ought not
to take action. "If war be not our duty, it is a
crime, to which no nation on earth can plead a
right," is very properly enunciated here, and evil
will betide that nation that does not advocate such
doctrines in her councils, and maintain their cheers
vance by all in authority under her rule. The
writer then proceeds to examine into the question
as to whether Denmark has been sufficiently
wronged to justify interference. On this point
there can be no doubt in the minds of those who
have regarded the question at all attentively. An
epitome is given of the leading events of the case,
and the conclusion is, of course, that injuries have
been inflicted upon that nation. Next, the subject
is discussed as to whether there exists any pledge
which calls upon England to interfere: In support
of this many authorities are quoted, and cogent
reasons adduced, to prove the necessity of adhering
to the original intentions that actuated those who
were parties to the Treaty at the outset, and the
words of Earl RUSSELL himself are given, which
allow that the most obligatory inducements exist
for binding us to the fulfilment of the pledges
given at the time of the signing of the treaty
to which so
which involve so many
many nations were parties, and
interests to others,
besides concerning the welfare of Denmark in its
most vital concerns. It is said here that the
got the armistice; we took
Emperor of the Fuller/
dorit.Not till he joined us was
all our fine sounding phrases,
at Jan ey
tchriendgi
ebenet,
ahnedd
fi
and delusive utterances,
nwt enhe took were
t hbeu t tytroeumbpleto notice them. The oon•
eluding remarks on England's honour are very well
•
worthy of notice, and it would be a bright day for
us if more attention was paid to the tr tie meaning
of the term. " Her honour is not in
"ram glory
till less in sh'
and warlike achievement, s 'Pa and

- -
stores and prosperous trade, her honour is to raise
the standard of Europe, and to maintain the prin.

ciple of duty, and to act as GOD'S servant among
the nations in upholding truth and righteousness."
The sooner we address ourselves to the considera-
tion of these first principles of right, the better it
will be for the crodit of our national name, and the
influence we gain over the other nations of the
world. No mistake is so grievous as to listen to
timorous suggestions of peace when there should be
no peace,and to entertain low motives of expediency
when we are called upon to vindicate our character
from reproach, and to render that service to others
which is the proudest privilege of power.

It is not necessary in the present day to dilate
upon the merits of the English navy. They are
too universally admitted, and too cordially recog-
nised, to require any such enforcement. Never-
theless, although the English navy is our boasted
bulwark,' our " wooden wall" of invincible
security, and although the Sailor is especially the
darling of the English people, our nav~i officers have
to endure many hardships beyond these which are
the inevitable results of their condi:on. Among