The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-08 00:00:00

The Slaves of the South.

The following article appeared receWly in the
Richmond Enquirer :

" CONSCRIPTING THE SLAVES.
" The proposition to extend the Conscript Law to

.he slaves of the States was first formally advanced

by the Enquirer in the issue of the 6th inst. Since
that time we have received many assurances of its

popular favour, and none whatever of opposition to
it. We learn that the planters in the extreme
Southern Stites favour the proposition, and some
have signified their readiness to free five, 10, or 15
_ _ _

of their slaves if they will enter the army. The
near approach of the time when the Congress meets
again requires that expression be given to the sen.
timents of the country upon this important measure.
'We therefore earnestly invite its discussion, and

open our columns to opponents as well as friends of
the proposition. The result of the late elections is

still in doubt, and whether Lincoln or 111‘Clellan

vill be elected it is yet impossible to determine, but
here is no uncertainty as to the question of carry 4

ng on the war. Whether Lincoln or M'Clellan be
:he next President, the voice, the almost unanimous

voiee, of that people is for a vigorous prosecution
of the war. The duty of preparing to meet that
issue will be before the approaching Session of the

Confederate Congress. That body will have before
it for consideration the ways and means, as well as
of men as of money, for carrying on the war on our
part. The war cries of the enemy, 'No parley
with rebellion in the field—no compromise with

sl,,very in the readjustment fully inform our people

hat in plain vernacular the whites of these States

are to be subjugated to slavery, and their slaves
reduced to the miserable condition of Yankee free

negroes. This is the view of the people among

our enemies, and this will be the result of the
war, whether ended by Lincoln or M'Clellan,
if the people of these States permit them+
selves to be conquered. The conscription of
negrces should be accompanied with freedom and
the privilege cf remaining in the States; this is no
part of abolitionism, it is the exercise by the master
of the unquestionable right of manumission ; it is
remunerating those who defend our cause with the
privilege of freedom. Nor should this important

subject be prejudiced with questions about putting
the negro on an equality with our friends, brothers,
and fathers. Many of the soldiers in their child•
hood were fondled and nursed by faithful negro
nurses, and yet no question of equality was ever

raised. Many a man has manumitted slaves with.

out ever being subjected to.the suspicion of being

an abolitionist. The issues involved in this war
are too exalted in their importance and character
for us to permit them to be compromised by being
degraded to a question of property. The liberty and
freedom of ourselves and of our children, the na•
tiohality of our country, the right of enjoying any
kind of property, the houses over our heads, and
the very graves of our children and friends, are
involved in the struggle. Failure makes slaves of
all, white and black ; robs all of property, real
and personal ; divides cur land among our con-
querors, who will plough up the very graves of our
dead as fertilised ground for making money. WO
have in our midst a half million of fighting mate-
rial which is property—shall we use that property
for the common cause ? Justice and sound policy
demand that we make freemen of those who fight
for freedom. We conscript the master and we im-
press his horses, cattle, wheat, and every other
property except slaves. This very exception is an
imputation that this war is for slavery and not for
freedom. By conscripting the negroes we show to
the world the earnestness that it is in our people ;
we prove to our enemies that at the moment of our
supposed exhaustion, in the fifth year of the war,
we shall meet them with larger armies than we
have before raised; and we explode the false accu-
sation that we are fighting for slavery, or a slaves
holder's confederacy. There are those who doubt
whether sound policy would trust negroes with
arms. Wo are not of those who entertain any fears
upon that subject. Drill and discipline make value
able soldiers of Russian serfs, and no negroes in these
States are so ignorant and brutal as those serfs. Be•
tween service with the Confederacy and with the

Yankees, between living among ns,with their strong
local attachments, and going among strangers, who

are now openly buying and selling them to recruit-
ing officers, our slaves will find no difficulty in
choosing. And when once it is understood that free•
dom and a home in the South are the privileges
offered by the Confederate authorities, while the
enemy extend the beggarly hospitalities of Yankee
philanthropy, not only will desertion from our ranks
be unfrequent, but the draughted negroes of the
Yankee armies will exchange services. This subject
addresses itself to the consideration of our people at
this particular time with great force. The prospect
of four move years of war are before our people; the
enemy will not even parley with us without uncoils
ditional surrender, the fruits of which would be con-
fiscation of all property, the deportation of whole
communities, the degradation of the people, and the
domination and tyranny of Yankee masters. There
can be no reoonstruction which does not embrace
a surrender first, which will not permit confiscation
afterwards, which does not insure enslaving the
whites without freeing the blacks. If there are
any weak-kneed people who imagine they can save
their property by reconstruction, et them study the
shibboleth of all parties in the United States
No parley with rebellion in the field ; no comproe
mise with slavery in the adjustment.' Uncondi.
tional surrender is first demanded before even a
parley. We are to lay down our arms and submit
to the kindness of the Butlers, Grants, Shermans,
and Sheridans ; to the fate of New Orleans, the
condition of the valley, the misery of Atlanta, and,
after all that degradation, to give up all our slaves
in the adjustment. If there are any reasons against
extending the conscription to slaves, we should like
to have.them stated, but we are decidedly of opinion.
that the whole country will agree to the proposi-
tion, and that at an early day the next Congress
wilibefoclallolwng
called upon to provide for it by law."
The
is an extract from a despatch from
Henry W. Allen, Confederate Governor of Louis.
iana, to the Secretary of War :
Executive.office, Shreveport, Louisiana,
Sept. 26.
My dear Sir,—The time has come for us to put
into the army every able-bodied man as a soldier.
This should be done immediately, Congress should,
at the coming season, take action on this most im-
portant question. The negro knows that he can+
not escape conscription if he goes to the enemy.
He must play an important part in the war. He
caused the fight, and he will have his portion of the
burden to bear. We have learnt from dear.bought
experience that negroes can be taught to fight, and
that all who leave us are made to fight against us.
I would free all able to bear arms, and put them inf o
the field at once. They will make much better sole
diers with us than against us, and swell the now
depleted ranks of our armies. I beg you to give this
your earnest attention. With assurances of my
friendly regards and very high esteem, I remain,
very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" HENRY W. ALLEN, Governor of Louisiana.
" To the Hon, James A. Seddon, Secretary of War,
Richmond, Virginia."

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:'Ef. 45.,r. orptt.A. and,

LONDON, TUESDAY, NOV. 8, 1864

Allied Powers have positively agreed to leave the
Island of Aroe, and some portions of the territory
of Schleswig which serve as connecting links be-
tween Kiel and Jutland, in the possession of Deno
mark ; only, to facilitate the settlemeat of the fron-
tiers of the province, Denmark is required to cede
all the Jutland dependencies south of the district of
Ribe ; and it is also to be borne in mind that the
cession of Schleswig is held to comprise all the
islands belonging to the Duchy. Denmark re-
nounces all right to the Duchies in favour of Austria
and Prussia, and recognises the right of those
Powers to dispose of them further. This is a sin•
gular condition, when it has been so often loudly
proclaimed that the sole object of the war was to
enfranchise the Duchies, and to connect " Schleswig
Holstein, sea surrounded," into an independent
State. " A compensation," conveniently vague de•
finition, will be paid to Denmark for those forced
levies on the peaceful inhabitants of Jutland, which
awoke the indignation of civilised Europe, while
the Duchies are to reimburse the allies their war
expenses. We apprehend that the one account
will be much more quickly squared than the
other. The vessels and cargoes " captured on either
side" are to be restored or the owners indemnified.
A most equitable arrangement seeing how the case
actually stands. When Prussia comes to have a
navy, and possesses the power to damage an enemy's
shipping, she will not be quite so ready to make
conditions concerning the surrender or indemnifi•
cation of prizes captured "on either side." Bat it
is useless to weigh too closely the terms of the final
settlement. What better could be hoped for when
might was all on one side, and when it had been
abundantly proved that neither the justice of the
case, the courage of the sufferer, the greed of the
aggressor, nor the close alliance of the Danish royal
family with our throne, could serve to call forth from
the British Cabinet anything but an uncertain
sound. Denmark, indeed, was at first misled. She
relied too credulously upon those offers of help,
those promises of support which were not alone
whispered in the privacy of diplomatic confidence,
but openly enunciated within the walls of the
British Parliament. Perhaps, too, she reckoned
a little too confidently on that near alliance so
recently contracted with the English Sovereign, and
on the interest which might naturally be supposed
to be felt for the father of the young and
popular Princess. She may have thought that
as a kindred people, kindred in race, in
character, in patriotism, English hearts
would have been quickly stirred at the story of the
gallant little kingdom struggling for its rights.
Ia any case she has been painfully undeceived.
The sympathy if felt has been profitless, the assis-
ance worse than useless. Had she not been misled
by assurances of English aid, Denmark would
scarcely have confronted the allied armies of Ansa
tria and Prussia, wasting her blood and her trea-
sure when the end was inevitable. LEONIDAS him-
self, though a moral victor, was forced to succumb
t 3 numbers, and though many a happier story from
Marathon to Morgarten has proved that right is
sometimes victorious against dedly odds, yet Den-
mark would never have been likely to have added
to the list. Meanwhile the Danish Chambers are
met in mournful conclave to discuss this humiliat-
ing treaty, and the best that can be said of it in
the Royal speech is a hope that the Rigsraad will
resign itself to the national misfortunes. What
more can be said ? Any attempt to deny or
to palliate the evil would be insulting the feeling
of the country, and King CHRISTIAN knows better
than needlessly to divert to himself any part of that
just and natural indignation now so warmly felt
by the injured Dines egainst their enemies—and
heir friends !