The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 28, 1864.

were right, for they gave the vessel back to its
original owners, and then summarily dispossessed
them of it. The real secret of all this confusion
worse confounded was distinctly given by the noble
and learned lord in this short but sharp summary.
The fact was, her MAJESTY'S Government did
not like to admit they were wrong, and could not
assert that they were right." Matters have truly
come to a pretty pass when this is the record fur-
nished of an official transaction in which our
Ministers have been concerned for many months.
It needs no political opponent to teach the adhe-
rents of the Government that a change is impera-
tively necessary when such tactics rule the hour,
and such policy obtains favour in high places. The
sooner the debateable point is settled, and the re-
sponsibility left to the discretion of Ministers
taken from those so manifestly incapable of exer-
cising it, the better. Rules and regulations had
better hedge in the conduct of officials i❑ all these
perplexing situations, and the law of "neutrals"
be too firmly fixed and clearly defined for the
veriest partisan to alter it, or the most reckless and
prejudiced chief to depart from it. It was a piece
of arrogant assumption and gross impertinence to
send out such a series of instructions as those
which emanated from our Cabinent. Oa this occa-
sion, as Lord CHELMSFORD very properly put it,
there was no authority for the proposition that was
laid down concerning the right of neutrals to deal
with prizes after the fashion pursued by her
MAJESTY'S Government respecting the Tuscaloosa,
Earl RUSSELL'S remarks were very much what
might have been expected from the noble lord, full
of grandiloquent asseverations and indignant re-
monstrances that really signified nothing,
and would not bear investigation, either
as to the validity of his arguments or the
consistency of his statements. For the noble lord
to have uttered this last sentence, however, was a
piece of astounding assurance, of which few could
have believed even him to be capable. After
descanting upon the several points of the affair, he
thus wound up—" It appears to me that in all these
cases the right course to pursue is that of perfect
neutrality, and that we ought not to show ourselves
to be animated by a feeling of partiality either on
one side or the other." This is excellent in theory,
but who can honestly aver that such principles are
put in practice at our Foreign Office ? Have not
our Ministers time after time exposed themselves
to the ridicule, the contempt, and the indignation
of all honest and independent men by their deter-
mined advocacy of the Federals in every especial
particular, and by their unjust and unprejudiced
conduct towards the Confederates. The best proof
of their very inconsistent policy is afforded by the
fact that over and over again they have compromised
themselves in going too far to please the Govern-
ment at Washington, while in no single instance has
there been any need to draw back in their friendly
movements towards the South, nor in aggressive
actions to its opponents. When a Minister gets up
in the House and enunciates a principle or lays
down a scheme of policy which sounds very well
end promises very fairly, and the❑ goes back to his
department and directly contradicts by his deeds
what he has eagerly and earnestly advocated by
his words, a very sad state of things occurs. Such
a grievance is now felt by those who seek for public
truth and political morality, and beyond the in-
jurious and injudicious workings of our foreign
regulations at present, we have to lament a decad-
ence in the tone and a deterioration in the character
of our authorities at home. It is all a system of
shuffling that prevails, and a regular course of
action is laid out consisting of bullying the weak
and cringing to the strong, so that the old prestige
of our national spirit is fast vanishing awap. Those
who pursue a devious course cannot possibly be
clear in their accounts of themselves or over scrupu-
lous in their dealings with each other, and one of
the consequences of all this double-dealing in foreign
affairs has been, that we never get a bona MK
statement from Min:stcrs about anything that
touches on awkward subjects.

One of the most difficult q".cstions connected
with our colonial administro on came up for dis-
cussion in the House of (commons en Tuesday even-
ing. On that occaei'en Mr. MILLS moved for copies
of any correspon:deacc which may have taken place
between the Colonial Secretary and Sir GEORGE
GREY, rrs'netive to tee proposed policy of confisca-
tion. The hon, member, in a speech of some
I.ength, called the attention of the House to
the condition of affairs in that country. He
deplored the continuance of the war, and
regretted that the local Government should
have proposed measures which could only tend to
L prolong it: he expressed his belief that the actual
' expenses of the war would not fall far short of
' £1,000,000 sterling, and entreated the House to
consider calmly which course it was the duty of
this country to pursue, and act upon it without
I delay or vacillation. The acts which the hon. mem-
ber brought under the notice of the House must
certainly be regarded as harsh and exceptional
measures. Those on the spot can probably best
judge of the necessity and desirability of such ex-
' treme proceedings, but they certainly seem to be
opposed to the usual principles of English
legislation. A military dictatorship may be
advisable just now, but the existence of
such an exigency is always much to be de-
plored, and we shall hope that within a very short
period Governor and governed may alike decide
upon withdrawing ono at least of these arbitrary
measures, whose extreme severity can only be
justified by the common peril of the settlement.
The first of these acts confiscates 5,000,000 acres of
native land, although a favourable clause is added,
giving to innocent persons a right to compensation
on establishing their innocence. The other act
suspends the operation of the ordirary courts of
law, and to hang, imprison, or otherwise punish
persons suspected of treason, who were to be tried
by a combined court of regular and militia officers.
The passing of such an act by the Colonial Legisla-
ture puts the Home Government in an awkward
position. They are loth to countenance such ex-
treme measures, and yet, as Mr. CARDWELL very
j'istly pointed out in his clear and temperate reply,
it might create serious difficulties were the Colonial
Office to disallow the act in question. Mr. CARD-
WELL went on to say that such a course would, in
his opinion, be neither " wise, politic, nor even
possible," and in this view we fully coincide. It is
difficult for us rightly to appreciate the perplexities
and embarrassments of the loci' Government, placed
es they are in the midst of treacherous and disaf-
fected natives ; but of late years they have more
frequently been censured for an excess of leniency
than for unnecessary harshness. If, therefore, they
have been driven to pass such measures, we may feel
confident that they had some plausible reason for
adopting a course so foreign to their usual policy,
and it would be highly indiscreet on the part of the
Colonial Office to lessen their authority, to suggest
injustice and disunion in our councils to the
'natives, and to irritate the already agi-
tated and incensed colonists by so abrupt
an interference with that privilege of self-govern-
ment which we long ago bestowed upon them.
Under these circumstances Mr. CARDWELL has foie
lowed a wise and prudent course, avoiding alike
iejudioious interference, on the one hand, and a too