The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-30 00:00:00

llind Into

,5v
LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 30, 1852.

Yesterday Louis NAroLEos formally resigned his
Dictatorship. After wielding the sword of despotism
with a resolute hand during a period of three months,
the PRINCE PRESIDENT sheathed it, as had been done
by his predecessor, General CATAIGNAC, in the pre-
sence of the assembled Legislature. His individual
responsibilities have in this manner, to a considerable
extent, terminated, and France may now breathe some-
what more freely than it has been possible for her to
do ever since the memorable coup d'itet of the 2d of
December.. A Constitution based upon the prin-
ciples asserted by that of the Year VIII., or, in other
words, of the Consulate, has consequently in this
manner been inaugurated. All those arbitrary pro-
ceedings which were found to be necessary after the
Socialist rising of June, as well as after the anarchical
intrigues of November, are now declared by Louis
NAPOLEON to be henceforth uncalled-for, and there-
fore henceforth illegal. So far from assuming to
himself any power to act in the summary manner he
has of late deemed most advisable, the Panics pro-
claims that his tyrannical authority ceased with the
pageant of yesterday. All the extraordinary privi-
lege reserved to himself personally is the right of ap-
pealing again to the nation at any moment of really
remarkable emergency. Everything, indeed, tes-
tifies that the liberties of the French people
are in a fair way of being secured to them
now more advantageously than ever, seeing that the
Republic has at length been consolidated upon a
broader basis than was hitherto practicable.

Without any question, the most remarkable feature
in the events of yesterday was the speech delivered
by the PRINCE PRESIDENT from the dais erected at
the extremity of the Salle des Mareschaux, in the
ancient Palace of the Tuileries. The importance of
that address, the nobility of the sentiments it expresses,
its:candour, its simplicity, its evidences of complete and
unaffected self-abnegation—reduce to insignificance
all the other and subordinate incidents of the cere-
monial. Louis NAPOLEON must have felt assured that
he was pronouncing his views upon that occasion not
merely in the presence of the Senate, of the Council
of State, and of the Corps Diplomatique, but in that
of all his fellow-countrymen and of the great bulk of
his contemporaries. He must have been perfectly
aware that every syllable then falling from his lips
would be beard by the people of France and by the
nations of Europe. He spoke not only before
them, but before history and before posterity ;
and that his views were consonant with the
of his position, that they were compatible
with the requirements of the age, that they were in
accordance with the aspirations of democracy—let
justice pronounce. Having referred to the almost be-
wildering difficulty of his situation prior to the 2d of
December—a situation so embarrassing and anoma-
lous in its character that, says he, " I confess I
often bad the idea of abandoning a power so dis-
puted"—having alluded, moreover, to the manner in
which France had been saved from the interminable
perils of anarchy by the dissipation of the intrigues
of the conspirators, and by his direct demand of new
institutions from the hands of the population—Lours
Nan:Adios remarked, " For too long a time society
bad resembled a pyramid turned upside down, and I
have replaced it on its basis." Thereupon he conti-
nued, " Universal suffrage, the only source of right
in such conjunctures, was restored," and " authority
gained the ascendant." Order being thus evoked
from confusion, the people readily accepted their
new political institutions—the more readily because
they were such as alone possess the attributes
of durability, " fixing in an equitable manner
the limits to which each power ought to be con-
fined." In illustration of the accuracy of that defi-
nition the PRINCE inquired, "Why in 1814, despite
our reverses, was the inauguration of the Parlia-
tentary system seen with satisfaction ?" His
answer to this inquiry demonstrates that his judg-
mentis not altogether warped by the influence of
imperial souvenirs, that he is not wholly infatuated
by his devotion to
was," says:,ome beuchcharu:s::. EMPEROR—Iet rkeleirttan
tlheet
subject not
the memory of NAPOLEON. "It
fear to make the "ow
had been led on account
of the war into too
asabAsenouletrynetieepe:Rotlahnanct
eander exercisezzsm E
NoTf
to the popular
power."
explicit in his declaration of
tpo allegiance
11,
bition
the
In the
dowifai ms insomuchaimn urtoe robed edaamswith
spontaneously declared
national representatives, dof the foreign am-
bassadors—the folly Of those who reported him
to be thus demented with imperial aspira-
tions. "It has been frequently repeated," Rata he,
" that I desire to re-establish the. Empire. If such
present© w iotfh yesterdaytthhee
had been my constant pre-occupation, that transfoe.
mation would have been accomplished long since
there were wanting to me neither means nor oppor-
tunities." He then reminds the nation that among
those opportunities were the 10th of December,
1848, followed by the 13th of June, 1849,fand that fol-
lowed again by the 2d of December, 1851—asserting
that, in 1849, it would have been as easy for him
to have changed the form of government, as it

would have been easy, in 1848, to have
secured a throne, by refusing, on the strength
of 6,000,000 of suffrages, to acquiesce in the
Constitution, or in 1851 to have demanded a "pom-
pous title" from the people who accorded him
7,500,000 votes under the shadow of the ballot. In-
stead, therefore, of aspiring to the baubles of the
crown and the sceptre, LOUIE' liArousozi avowed

himself to be as determined to-day as he was before
to do everything for France and nothing for himelf
—asseverating that he will accept no modification of the
present state of things unless he be obliged to do so by
evident necessity. "Whence," he asked, "'can this pro-
ceed ? Solely from the conduct of the Parties ; if they
submit, nothing will be altered ; but if, by their secret
proceedings, they would strive to undermine the
basis of my government, then, but only then, it might
be reasonable to demand from the people, in the name
of the peace of France, a new title that would irre-
vocably fix on my bead the power which it has in-
vested in me." That memorable declaration in which
the PRINCE PRESIDENT holds out to the political dis-
turbers of France the threat of appealing to the nation
to proclaim him the " Emperor NAPOLEON if
driven to that step by the sinister machinations of the
anarchists we regard as, perhaps, of all, practically
speaking, the most salutary avowal in the address. It
contains within it the strongest security France has
long enjoyed of the maintenance of the general
tranquillity. It does this by announcing that the
restoration of the Empire will be the inevitable result
of the renewal of conspiracies—whether on the part
of the Bourbons or of the Socialists. But, no ! ex-
claimed the PRINCE PRESIDENT, in conclusion

—" LET U 3 MAINTAIN THE REPUBLIC : IT
MENACES NOBODY, BUT RE-ASSURES EVERT ONE !"
Having by that noble and patriotic evidence of his
allegiance to the democratic principles animating the
mass of the French multitude, the PRINCE -observed

that in consequence of the friendly relations estab-

lished between his own and the rest of the Govern-
ments of Christendom, the energies of the Republic
might be exclusively directed to the labours of in-
ternal amelioration. Such were the sentiments with
which Louts NAroLuou opened the Legislative
Chambers under the new Constitution—sentiments
remarkable in one whose very name seems
to be the blending of the monarchical
and imperial powers under the shadow of purely de-
mocratic institutions sentiments every way
honourable to the man who is immeasureably more
than the heir of an Emperor, being the elected first
of 6,000,000, and afterwards of 7,500,000 of free
citizens voting through the ballot and by universal
suffrage. Happily, the chief among the insignia of
his office is no longer the sword of a Dictator, but
the fasces of a Republican Magistrate.

The new Militia Bill was last night brought for-
ward by the Secretary of State for the Home De-
partment, in a clear and well-considered speech, and
it was received with as much favour by all parties as
could reasonably be anticipated for any measure of
the kind. Oz course the Hon. Gentleman the Mem-
ber for the West Riding put forward some of the
fallacies of the Peace Society, and there were others
ready and willing to support his views. There was
no person who for a moment conceived that any
proposition, however judicious, would be carried una-
nimously. It is a topic on which there must neces-
sarily be conflicting opinions. Some appear to think
that there should be an universal disarmament ; that
the time is rapidly approaching when " the lion shall
lie down with the lamb," " and brethren dwell toge-
ther is unity." Others are convinced that there
is a irm determination on the part of some
one or more of the continental powers to
invade Great Britain, and to crush our national
institutions. Every grade and variety of opinion
between these extremes has its representative or re-
presentatives, and it is only strange that on such a
subject, that led to the recent change of Mi-
nistry, there should have been so very little contro-
versy or discussion, and that the motion of the Right
Honourable Gentleman should have been carried even
without a division.

Much care appears to have been taken with the
details of the present Bill, so as to avoid the objections
to which its predecessor was justly liable. Although
the ballot or conscription is not expressly abolished,
yet it is virtually set aside, so far as practicable, by
the introduction of a system of enlistment with rea-
sonable bounties, pay, &c., which will in all human
probability procure the attendance of a sufficient
number of volunteers to completely obviate the ne-
cessity for " pressed men," or, what is almost equally
objectionable, of substitutes, procured at the private
cost of the parties whose names might be drawn
from the urn. The true principle in every
such case is that the nation should pay
for the services that may be required, and
do so with sufficient liberality to obtain suitable per-
sons, willing to undertake:the necessary duties, and
that is kept in view in the present measure.
The number of persons to be embodied i s 80,000,
of whom it is intended that 50,000 should be raised
during the present year, and 30,000 in the course of
next year, the period of service for each being
five years. This division will have the double advan-
tage, first, of not causing too great an outlay in
a single year, and, secondly, that all the trained
men will not be discharged at the same
time, but that there will be some remaining qualified
to assist in drilling the raw recruits. Bounties will
be offered to men voluntarily enlisting of from 31. to
41. each, or from 23. to 25.6 d. per month, at the option
of the party coming forward. Inducements would,
of course, be offered to those willing to accept pay-
ment by instalments, which might, probably, tempt
many of the agricultural labourers, the class whence
volunteers might chiefly be looked for. These
parties would derive much benefit from a permanent
addition to their net receipts, and, as the periods
of service might be so arranged as to fall within the
times when they are usually out of employment,
the occupation would be hailed as a boon rather than
complained of as a grievance. The number of days'
training in the year is fixed at twenty-one, power
being reserved to the Executive, however, to extend
the period to seven weeks, in case or cases of emer-
gency, or to diminish it to three days. The
men are to be embodied or called out for
further services according to the provisions of
the existing law, viz., in case of actual in-
vasion or imminent danger. These are the chief
enactments relating to the men. With regard to the
officers, the various qualifications required by the
26th George 111. are to be dispensed with for all
beneath the rank of major, and former service in the
regular army is, in every case, and for every grade,
to be considered sufficient qualification.
These are the chief points of the present Bill ; and
they appear to be as free from objection as any framed
for a similar purpose could possibly be. We
have never joined in the ridiculous panic excited,
we have never for a moment supposed
that there was greater danger of invasion at this time
than at any period during the preceding thirty-five
years, and we earnestly protest against the insult
necessarily offered to other European powers by such
an idea. But at all times we recognise the propriety
of perfect preparation, not for purposes of aggressions
not with the intent or object of exciting the jealousy
of continental nations, but strictly for self-defence.
The truth of the adage, "Si teis pacem, para bellum,"
has long been recognised, and although, as we have
repeatedly stated, Old England should rest her chief
dependence on her wooden walls and gallant seamen,
who have never been found wanting in the hour of
emergency, there can be no harm, nay, there
must be a very decided advantage, in having a certain
number of the adult male population accustomed to
the use of arms, and ready to act efficiently in the
hour of danger. When we consider that of the re-
gular standing army not more than 25,000 could be
rendered available at any point, we must admit that
the addition of 80,000 men, well drilled and fully
exercised, will afford a moat valuable auxiliary force,
sufficient to remove any possible danger.
The expense for this efficient guarantee for our
lives, liberties, and properties, will be about
1,200,000/. for five years, or about 240,0001. per
annum, if spread over the entire period. This is not
a very large premium of insurance for such a country
aov sna
e:trheiartd
individuals Britain
what tf oio
sr paypai
d for
duties s
into eo nc
tuhfirei
fire
eEy
e b Ie t is le
Exchequer
insurances—and
rbs ys thanp
r .
interestinh on
will now stand over tiEnxtei
un-
necessary to throw as a sop to capitalists as - more than Sir CHARLES WOOD
Was Willing
wt
until
e I
after
rr
The matter
second reading moved for. In the 'meantime, the
voice of public opinion will be heard on the subject.
When we recollect, however, that t l'' the
er, a., Lord ... ALmEn-
STON has unequivocally pronounced in its favour,
declaring that he will give it all the support in his
power, that even Lord Joan RUSSELL said that it
would not he justifiable to offer any opposition to its

introduction, we must acknowledge that the first
great attempt at legislation by Ministers has been
more successful than could hare been anticipated, and
that if other propositions be as equitable and well
devised, the nation will have cause to bless the se-
cession of the GsHt•RussELL Ministry.

A brief but interesting discussion took place last
night on the subject of the renewal of certain Ex-
chequer-bills, and the rate of interest that should be
payable thereon. It was a subject, however, in
which the late Government, or rather the late
Chancsllor:of the Exchequer, were more interested
than the present. It was cne of those gross
and palpable jobs for the benefit of the moneyocracy,
respecting which so many loud and well-founded
complaints have from time to time been preferred.
The question was, whether there was any necessity
for paying far more interest than would willingly
be aceepted by a certain class of the public
creditors, whether the nation should insist on paying
a higher rate of interest than would freely and wil-
lingly be accepted. Money can now be freely obtained
in the City at two per cent. on first-class securities.
Why should a higher rate be paid on Government
paper, the best of any ? if. Sir WILLIAM BLACKSTONE
be considered as an authority. But the prices which
these bills command in the market afford the most
conclusive evidence of their universal acceptation.
The quotation of yesterday shows that they sell at
from 68s. to 71s. premium, or rather more than
year and a half's interest. These premiums are
quietly transferred from the public purse to the
pockets of private individuals without any
adequate object. Sir CHARLES WOOD might
if he pleased have reduced the rate of interest by id.
or ;d. per diem, by which he would have effected
a saving of from 150,0001. to 225,0001. per annum.
But the Right Hon. Baronet was not the man to
reduce the profits of capitalists, or to save the pockets
of the poor, at the expense of the wealthy. He, ac-
cordingly, notwithstanding the unprecedented amount
of bullion in the vaults, and of unemployed
notes in the banking department of the Bank of
England, renewed the bills at the old rate, and thus
did all in his power to keep up the burden on the
people at the highest rate. Fortunately, however,
his successor will be enabled in June to settle
a rate of interest more suitable to the condition
of affairs at the present moment, and we confess that
we do not anticipate the same truckling or subser-
viency to the Plutocrats froia Mr. DISRAELI for
which Sir CHARLES WOOD was so painfully con-
spicuous. The matter, although of comparatively
trivial importance to the great questions of public
policy, is yet one that should not be lost sight
of by the several constituencies at the general
election. Financial reformers should bear these
points in mind, and make economy and retrench-
ment one of the chief topics on which aspirants for
senatorial fame should be most closely interrogated
on the hustings.