The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-03 00:00:00

An Interview with President :Davis.

The Atlantic Monthly, in an article in the September
number, gives a narrative of Col. Jaques's jute.: view with
President Davis, which took place some time ago, exciting
a good deal of curiosity at the time. The narrativ.) is from
the pen of J. R. Gilmore, a companion of Colonel ,Taques.
The substance of the communications between the Presi-
dent and the two negotiators was made public at the time,
but the following extract will give a better idea of the pro•
pose's discussed :
" Suppose," said Col. Jacques, " the two Governments
agree to something like this :—To go to the people with t wo
propositions—say peace, with disunion and Southern ind e-
pendence, as your proposition, and peace, with union',
emancipation, no confiscation, and universal amnesty, as
ours. Let the citizens of all the United States (as they
existed before the war) vote `Yes' or No' on these two
propositions at a special electi ,n, within GO days. If a
majority votes disunion, our Government to be bound by it,
and to let you go in peace ; if a majority votes union, yours
to be bound by it, and to stay in peace. The two Govern-
ments can contract in this way, and the people, though
constitutionally unable to decide on peace or war, can elect
which of the two propositions shall govern their rulers.
Let Lee and Grant meanwhile agree to an armistice. This
would sheath the sword ; and if once sheathed would never
again be drawn by thip generation."
" The plan is altogether impracticable. If the South were
only one State it might work ; but, as it is, if one Southern
State objected to emancipation, it would nullify the whole
thing, for you are aware the people of Virginia cannot vote
slavery out cf South Carolina, nor the people of South
Carolina vote it Out of Virginia."
" But three-fourths of the States can amend the consti-
tution. Let it be done in that way, in any way, so that it
he done by the people. I am not a statesman or a poli-
tician, and I do not know just now how such a plan could
be carried out; but you get the idea—that the people shall
' decide the question."
" That the majority shall decide it, you mean. We se-
ceded to rid ourselves of the rule of the majority, and this
would subject us to it again."
" But the majority must rule finally, either with bullets
or ballots."

"I am not so sure of that. Neither current events nor
history show that the majority rules, or ever did rule.
The contrary, I think, is true. Why, sir, the man who
should go before the Southern people with such a proposi-
tion, with any proposition which implied that the North
was to have a voice in determining the domestic relations
of the South, could not live here a day. lie would be
hanged to the first tree, withont judge or jury."
" Allow me to doubt that. I think it more likely he
would be hanged if he let the Southern people know the
majority couldn't rule," I replied, smiling.
"I have no fear of that," rejoined Mr. Davis, also smiling
good humouredly. "I give you leave to proclaim it from
every housetop in the South."

" But, seriously, sir, you let the mnjority rule in a single
State, why.not let it rule in the whole country ?"
" Because tho States are independent and sovereign,
the country is not. It is only a Confederation of States,
or rather it was; it is now two confederations."
"Then we are not a people—we are only a political part-
nership ?"
"That is all." _ . _

" Your very name, sir, United States,' implies that,"
said Mr Benjamin. "But tell me, are the terms you have
named—emancipation, no confiscation, and universal am-
nesty—the terms which Mr Lincoln authorised you to offer
us 2'l

"No, sir; IVIr Lincoln did not authorise me to offer you
any terms. But I think both he and the Northern people,
for the sake of peace, would assent to some such conditions."
" They are very generous," replied Mr Davis, for the first
time during the interview showing some angry feeling, " but
amnesty applies to criminals. We have committed no crime.
Confiscation is of no account unless you can enforce it,
And emancipation I You have already emancipated nearly
2,000,000 of our slaves, and if you will take care of them
you may emancipate the rest. I had a few when the war
began. I was of some use to them ; they never were of
any to me. Against their will you emancipated' them,
and you may ' emancipate' every negro in the Confederacy,
but it will be free. We will govern ourselves. We will
do it ;if we have to see every Southern plantation sacked,
and every Southern city in flames."
"I see, Mr Davis, it is useless to continue this conver-
sation," I replied, and you will pardon us if we have
seemed to press our views with too much pertinacity. We
love the old flag, and that must be our apology for intruding
upon you at all,"
As we were leaving the room Mr. Davis said, "Say to
Mr. Lincoln from me that I shall at any time be pleased to
receive proposals for peace cn the basis of our independence
It will be useless to approach me with any other."
When we went out Mr. Benjamin called Judge Ould,
who had been waiting during the whole interview—two
hours at the other end of the hall, and we passed down
the stairway together, as I put my arm within that of the
judge, he said to me," Well, what is the result ? " "No-
thing but war—war to the knife." "Ephraim is joined to
his idols—let him alone," added the colonel, solemnly.