The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-26 00:00:00

THE SVN, LONDON, SATURDAY.EVENN

tr Disraeli and Mr Cardwell on Church

Matters,

OXFORD, Friday.

A meeting of the Association for Augmenting
Toor Benefices in the Diocese of Oxford was held
this afternoon in the Sheldonian Theatre—the
Bishop of Oxford in the chair. The attendance,
which was very large, included the Right Hon. E.
Cardwell, M.P, ; the Right Hon. B. Disraeli, M.P. ;
r W. Walter, M.P. ; Mr Hubbard, M.P.; Colonel
North, M.P.; Mr Beresford Hope, the Vice.Chan-
cello; and several other leading members of the
university.
The Right Rev. CHAIRMAN, in opening the pro.
ceedinge, said that the object of the meeting was to
move the diocese and the friends of the Church gene-
rally to assist in amending the small endowments in
the diocese. His lordship entered into a variety of
statistics for the purpose of showing that, mu if
all the livings were lumped together, and then die
Tided, they would not produce more than £270
a-year to each. It could not be expected that a
clergyman of the Church of England, educated as a
gentleman, with gentlemanly feelings, could main-
tain his position, educate his family, and perform
the functions appertaining to his office with the
small amount which he received for his labours, and
he trusted that such an effort would now be made as
would place him in a much better position. (Cheers.)
Mr WALTER, M.P., moved the first resolution—
" That the very small endowment of so many small
livings throughout the country is injurious to the
best interests of the Church, and a reproach to the
Wealth and civilisation of the age."
Mr H. BARRETT seconded the motion, which was
approved of.
Mr CARDWELL, who was most cordially received,
said—My Lord Bishop and gentlemen, 1 have very
great pleasure in moving the resolution which
has been placed in my hand, for I think that no
object of public benevolence for which you
could have assembled the clergy and laity of this
diocese could possibly be higher in its character or
more practical in its scope and object than that
for which we are met together this day. (Cheers.)
The position of the parochial clergy must
ever be an object of primary interest to a Chris-
tian land. (Hear, hear.) It would not become me
as a layman to speak of that which is their highest
attribute, their special character, their sacred calls
leg. As a layman, I would rather speak of those
great services to the moral and social welfare of the
monarchy in which it is permitted to us, the laity,
to participate with them. We know them as the
friends and companions of the rich, but to the
poor they are the guides and the advisers in every
season of adversity. (Cheers.) They are the link
which unites the different classes of society together
and they are the welcome channel through which
flows the stream of kindliness to the poor which
mitigates their privations, and which ensures their
comforts. Nor are these, the humblest duties of
their calling, any part of their high religions voca-
tion. In the eloquent work which one of the most
eloquent of Frenchmen, M. Guizot, wrote on the
characteristics of the present age, when speaking
of the unceasing efforts of the rich to promote the
welfare of the poor, and the confidence of
the poor in the kindliness and benevolence
of the rich, he wound up with the eloquent words,
" These aro the virtues of Christianity, faith, and
charity and hope." And now I appeal to my brother
laymen whether, in undertaking any case of social
improvement they do not feel that their success de-
pends in a very great degree upon their enlisting
the aid and assistance of the clergy. Take, for in•
stance, the building of a school. The landlord may
raise the material edifice. He may pay the stipend
of the master, he may invite the scholars to attend,
but in 99 cases out of every 100 the teaching is
superintended by the clergyman. It is ho who gives
to the establishment its vitality and its animating
power. (Cheers.) And so, if you pursue him through
every work of real usefulness—it you examine the
attempt to build dwellings for the labourers, or to
raise societies for the promotion of their temporal
or their future welfare, in every one of these
cases we may labour as wo will, but we always rely
in a very great degree upon the support and
assistance of the clergy. (Cheers.) I do not think
it would be too much to say that, in the warfare
which we are now actually waging against all those
evils that oppress the lower classes of society, we,
the laity, are the volunteers, but the clergy deserve
to be considered as the regular army. (Cheers.) It
has been said that within the last 50 years the
greatest improvement has taken place in the ma-
terial prosperity of the country. When the
sovereigne of Europe visited this country,and were
received with a magnificent demonstration in the
hall in which we are now assembled, one of them
made a remark which is very agreeable to the na-
tional vanity—so much so that it has been remem-
bered ever since. He said, "England is a country
in which I could see no poor." Now, if that same
observer could have stood here to-day, he would
have learnt that although in England there are
poor, yet such has been the change during 50 years
that have passed that the England of this day is as
superior to that of 1814 as the England of 1814 was
superior to the country with which he compared it.
(Cheers.) There has been an increase of material
prosperity with respect to which no country can be
compared with our own. It has been widely dis-
tributed—it has been spread over all classes. The
rich have become richer—the poor have become
Ices poor. But I am afraid there is one class of the
community who have not participated and taken
their fair share in the great increase of material
prosperity. Greatly as the parochial clergy contri-
bute to the distribution of these blessings, I am
afraid their participation in them has not been re-
latively what it ought to have been. (Hear, hear.)
Thirty years ago much was said about building
churches, and large sums of money were expended
for that purpose. Very recently much was said
about the churches of parishes, Sir Rnbert Peel
and the noble duke whose absence we regret to-
day, passed useful measures for the division of
parishes. In church building and the division
of parishes much has been done. Lord Derby,
I should think at a great sacrifice to himself, divided
the richest living in the country—the most valuable
piece of ecclesiastical patronage of that description.
What remains to be done is to increase the endow.
meats. Much has been done in that direction, but
still more remains to be done. Allusion has been
made to gentlemen who have contributed large sums
towards the increase of those endowments. Refer-
ence has been made to the measure which passed in
the last session, on the motion of the Lord Chan-
cellor, for the improvement of the poor livings of
the Crown. Bat, a hilst exigency on the one hand
increases, and the material wealth and prosperity
of the country increases on the other, these two
should be brought together, and the contributions
from assemblies like this should be poured in to
meet the wants of the times in which we live.
It was an old remark and a very true one, that a
house going clergy makes a church-going people.
Bat if you are to have a house-going clergy, it is
not the clergyman alone whose visits are beneficial
and acceptable to the people. The visits of the ladies
of his family are most highly appreciated, and are
still more advantageous and beneficial than his own.
But if you are to enable him to make these visits,
you must enable him to maintain a family, and to
obtain for the sons and daughters of that family an
education which is worthy of the children of a scho-
lar and a gentleman. (Loud cheers.) Reference has
been made to another topic on which I will very
lightly touch. We cannot safely afford to have the
education of our clergy and the mental power of
our clergy reduced. I am not alarmed at what I
see around me in the temper of the present age. I
teliee ethers is a deeper and more sincere convic-
tion abroad in this age than in former ages, but I
am sure of this, that we do not live in times when
the citadel of truth should be defended by feeble
hands ; and if arms of precision are brought to bear
upon the fortress, we should have a garrison within
not untrained in the art of defence. (Cams.) Over
the surface of the globe, wherever British enter.
prise can penetrate—and that means wherever the
sun shines, wherever land exists and waters roll,
the British name is spread—and wherever the Bri•
tish name is found the English Church is domiciled.
(Cheers.) But I wish to ask you whether, when
great sums of money are wisely and worthily ex.

pended in sending bishops and missionaries to the
remotest corners of the globe, it is honourable that
here in Oxford—in the very centre of the English
Church—there should any longer be such a want to
supply as that which now exists P And lam sure
this great meeting will not separate without doing
something effectual to meet the exigenc'.es which
have been placed befora them. (Cheers.) I will now
move—" That this meeting trusts that the diocese
of Oxford will not be behindhand in remedying this
evil, and pledges itself to the endeavour." (The
right hon. gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud
cheering.)

Mr DISRAELI then rose to second the motion,
and was received with several rounds of enthusi'
astio cheering. The right hon. gentleman
said—My Lord Bishop, I can heartily second the
motion that has been made by my right hon.
friend, because it expresses only a feeling and a re•
solution which in that part of the diocese with which
I am more immediately connected, and which, in a
certain sense, I may say I represent to.day, I have
exerted myself to the utmost in order to find there
a response which should carry into effect the reso-
lution which my right hon. friend has moved. I
must say, however, that though some degree of
sympathy has been found among some individuals,
and sympathy has been expressed in a manner most
energetic, the general result has not been in my
opinion adequate to the greatness of the cause and
to the character of those institutions which have
been established in this diocese. It is a very diffi-
cult—perhaps I may say a more delicate than diffi-
cult—subject to touch upon; but it appears to me
that it is necessary that upon this matter we should
have very clear ideas. Those diocesan institutions
which are established in the diocese of Oxford, and
not so fully and completely, but in some degree are
also established in, I believe, all the dioceses of
England, in fact sustain, or rather would sustain
and complete the parochial system of this country;
and their object is to adapt the machinery of the
Church to the ever fluctuating circumstances in the
condition of the nation. There are two reasons why
I think these institutions have not yet received in
this country that support which sometimes I flatter
myself I foresee they will acquire. In the first place
it mast be remembered that those institutions are of
a novel character. They have, conparatively speak•
ing, only been recently established in this country;
and in the next place—and that is a much more
important consideration—it is a matter on which it
is very requisite that we should have a clear con.
ception. Those diocesan institutions have been
established in England during a periud in which the
Church has been, with reference to the State, in a
condition of transition. Now, some 40 years ago
or less a very great change took place in the consti-
tution of this country ; it was, in fact, a revolu-
tion. But when the principle of religions liberty
was adopted as a principle of the political consti.
tution of the country, an effect was produced im-
mediately upon the position of the Church. That
party who are opposed to the Church in this
country—and we cannot flatter ourselves that there
ever will be a period in a country like England
when there will not be an anti-Church party—that
party, very naturally and very reasonably, of
course for the object of advancing their views,
called public attention to the anomaly which the
Church in this country presented the moment the
political constitution had adopted the principle of
religious liberty. Until that ....bulge the Parliament
of England had been a lay synod, and they
naturally said, "If you have a Legislature composed
of those who are not in the communion of the
Church your boasted union between Church and
State must, of course, expire, and the fall of the
Church is at hand." Now if, under these circum-
stances, we had only to meet the natural oppo-
nents of the Church, I think the position of the
Church would not have been one of difficulty ; but
unfortunately some of the best friends of the
Church,--men who for their elevated character, their
sincere principles, and their learning and devotion,
could not for a moment be looked upon with an
eye other than friendly by the Church and by
Churchmen—were so alarmed by what they con-
sidered must be the logical consequences of that
revolution, that, although for a perfectly distinct
object and for a contrary purpose, they counselled
the same policy as the anti-Church party itself and
the dissolution of Church and State. An alarming
opinion was promulgated and looked upon with
favour by those whom Churchmen knew sympa-
thised with them entirely in all the great objects
for which a Church is instituted. The consequence
of this state of afflirs was a condition of great
perplexity among Churchmen—great timidity,
great apparent inconsistency of conduct, sometimes
apathy, because tilts, did not know to what object
to devote their energies; sometimes perhaps a
fantastic though natural action ; but the practical
result was that there was no long er a cordial
co-operation among all chines of Churchmen
for those objects in which the interests of the
Church were concerned ; and all those diocesan
societies so admirably adap'ed to the wants of
the Church, and which would in their practice, as
well as in their theory, have completed the parochial
system of this country, were launched at a time
when cordial cooperation between Churchmen, for
the reason I have alleged, was really impossible;
and that is one of the main reasons why that support
has not been received by thosa institutions which
they might have counted upon. But during this
period, and especially during the last 30 years, when
this principle of religions liberty which was adopted
some time before—a principle which I am sure no
Churchman now wishes to disturb or distrust—dur•
ing this period, when this principle was developed
and carried to its completeness, a paralysis was
thrown upon the mild action of Churchmen. But
then this remarkable circumstance happened, which
indeed has happened before in this country, that
the question of Church and State had been so dis-
cussed by the nation generally, had been so de-
liberated upon, had been so considered and pondered
over, that the nation arrived at a result which may
not have been as logical as the result of the anti.
Church party, or of our alarmed friends, but which
was a solution, like all solutions of great questions
in England, not perhaps logical bat essentially
practical—the country came to the determination
that the union of Church and State is perfectly con-
sistent with the existence and complete development
of the principle of religious liberty. (Cheers.) Now
all the points that were urged then during the period
of transition to which I have referred have been
considered and solved by the country. Men who
are of very temperate opinions, representing, I
believe, the general opinion of this country, have
considered that if you logically terminated the con-
nection between Church and State, it was not pro.
bable, for example, that in this age and in this coun-
try an imporium in imperio could be tolerated by the
State. They saw it was most improbable that the
Church, if the alliance were terminated, would be
allowed to remain in the possession of its consider-
able property and great privileges. They knew
very well that the Government of this country,
knowing the importance of the religious principle
as one of the elements of governing mankind,
would never allow it to run waste and wild in
society. They foresaw that that would happen in
this country which had happened in other countries
where the alliance between Church and State has
been terminated, or churches have been confiscated
or plundered, namely, that the process of ministers
of all religions being salaried by the State would
take place; and there was a general feeling in this
country that if that did occur, there would be some-
thing besides religious truth that might be endan-
gered, and that political liberty itself would be im-
perilled. (Loud cheers.) The country, therefore,
after well discussing the question for years, arrived
at that practical conclxsion. Well, there was
another point. It had been held that it was im-
possible that the Church could longer exist in this
country in consequence of the
dis-
sent. But during
upon a statistical age.great spread of
by the nation, and it
this period of transition we fell
discovered Statistics
thwaetr ethesrteudhiaedd
dissent
not been a Spread of
dissent had diminished—tree ; that, on the contrary,
speaking of—that the —true religious dissent I am
Puri-
tan families, of whom I descendantsshll of the old
the respect which their higha ail.ways speak with
qua tties and historical
character deserve,were almost merged in the Church,
and that on the plea of a spread of dissent there

was in fact no reason for supposing that the Church
should not be maintained in its original constitu-
tional position. (Hear, hear.) There was another
very important point which occupied the attention
of the country, that being the question which was
placed so prominently by the anti-Church party
before the country generally, namely, the contrast
of the ChurCh with those millions of the population
who had either escaped its influence or certainly
were not in communion with it. But the reault of
deliberating over that startling condition of affairs
was this—the country come to a conclusion exactly
the reverse of that which the opponents of the Church
wished to instil into the public mind. For, knowing
the religions character of the people of England, it
was argued that if there are millions who are not
in communion with the National Church, because
they never had the opportunity of being connected
with it; if that is the case, it is our duty to provide
and support a machinery which, when the oppor-
tunity offers, will be able to deal with this popula-
tion, and, in fact, instruct them in those great truths
in respect of which their tuition has been neglected.
It so happened, therefore, that the country itself
solved the question in a manner which may not
' have been logical, but was essentially practical.
(Cheers.) And while the anti-Church party and a
considerable and most respectable section of Church-
men were discussing whether it was not prudent to
terminate the alliance between Church and State,
the period of transition passed, because the nation
itself had come to the determination that the union
between Church and State should be supported. I
may take this to be the truth, that it arrived at that
result some three years ago, after many years' dis-
cussion, as is the custom in England when great
principles of policy are at stake, and I believe that
that is the secret reason and the real cause of the
' change which has taken place in Parliament upon
the subject of church rates. (Hear.) That subject
of church rates is a matter no doubt of great im-
portance ; when we consider that in the Parliament
which voted their abolition by a large majority, in
the course of a very few years there was a majority
in their favour, it can only be accounted for by this
cause, that the country having determined to cup-
port the union between Church and State, having
determined that the constitution should not be
changed, and that practically its establishment was
consistent with the full development of religious
liberty, the country seized upon that question by
which to impress upon Parliament that it had re-
solved that that change should not take place. The
consequence of this state of affairs was very im•
portant, because 30 or 40 years ago there was an
alternative for the Church, and it might have been
open to the Church to abdicate its nationality
or to assert it, bat there was no middle course.
(Blear, hear.) The country has resolved that its
nationality shall not be abdicated, and the con-
sequence is that the Church must assert that
nationality. (Loud cheers.) And, my lord, I re-
member, I think some three years ago, at a meeting
of one of the diocesan societies where I had the
honour of addressing you—l am not sure that it
was not this very society—l ventured very briefly
to point out the measures by which t thought that
nationality of the Church might be asserted, prac-
tically asserted—and although I would not now
enter into any details on that subject, I will notice
them briefly, because it will complete the position
from which I wish to draw some inference to affect
the opinion of the meeting of to-day. I said then
I thought there were five modes by which the na-
tionality of our Church should be asserted, and it
being not only a duty but a necessity that that
nationality should be asserted. Can it be asserted
i❑ a practical manner ? That is the question. I
said then that there were five measures by which I
thought that practically that nationality could
be asserted. I said, in the first place, with regard
to the question of education. 1 hold that it is of the
utmost importance that the Church should not in
any way compromise that legitimate position which
it occupies now with reference to the question of
education—a position which the Church has ob-
tained by national circumstances, and which is
sanctioned by law. (Loud cheers.) Secondly, I
thought another practical measure for asserting its
nationality was to support, not a wild and extrava-
gant plan, but a temperate and moderate plan for
the extension of tl'e episcopate. (Renewed ap-
plause.) The third measure was, that in all eccle-
siastical matters which were not of a strictly
spiritual nature the assistance of the laity ehou]d
be called into co operation with the clergy—(hear,
hear)—in order that we should erase from the public
mind that vulgar, but pernicious error that the
Church is an ecc'esiastical corporation. (Cheers) The
fourth measure which I then ventured to say should
be adopted was to assert the rights and the duties of
Churchmen as they exist in our parochial constitu-
tion, and which are secured to them by law. And the
fifth measure which I then impressed upon the as-
sembled diocese was to support and uphold those
diocesan institutions to support one of which we are
met this day. Now, in my opinion, these were
measures temperate in conception, practical in exe-
cution, and if they were carried—and I believe
they might be carried—for they are thoroughly
adapted to the temper of the times, would add
amazingly to the efficiency of the Church. As I am
upon that subject I will venture to say also that
there are three other measures which I think ought
now to engage the attention of Churchmen. The
first is, that we should in every possible manner
favour the formation of Convocation on a broader
basis, and with a fuller representation of the paro-
chial clergy. (Loud cheers.) It is not necessary
nor convenient to enter into details on such a
subject now; but I would just intimate that if the
two provinces were united the basis would be much
broader, and that at this moment in the province
of York the parochial clergy are more fully repre-
sented than they are in the province of Canterbury,
I think there is something ridiculous in the fact
that in the bishopric of London, for example,
where there are a thousand clergy, they are re•
presented in Convocation by two parochial clergy-
men only, (Hear, hear,) The meet measure is
one which I may induce my right hon. friend (elr
Cardwell) to undertake—and that is to place the
relations of our Colonial Church, which remember
is not an established Church, in a more satisfactory
condition than they are at present. (Hear, hear.)
And the last measure—in my mind a paramount
one—is the formation of some tribunal of last appeal
in spiritual matters. (Loud and continued plau-
dits.) It appears to me that the circumstances of
the day imperatively demand this. I know the
difficulty—l know the delicacy of the question.
Still, after giving it that consideration which its
importance deserves, I am apt to believe that diffi-
culties may be overcome, and the most delicate cir-
cumstances connected with it may be treated in a
happy manner. I do believe that, with that due
and necessary full consideration of the principle of
the royal supremacy, which I trust may never be
lost sight of for an instant, it is possible to re■
concile the requirements of the State with the
conscience of the Church. (Cheers.) Now allow
me to repeat what en a previous occasion,
some years ago, I had the honour of mentioning to
you that the object of this measure is to restore the
Church to its natural and, I may say, original effi-
ciency, by means which I think aro essentially
practical, and which are in tone and in harmony
with the spirit of the age in which we live.; and I
cannot but believe that, with cordial co-operation—
or rather, I would say I could not but believe, that
with cordial cooperation among Churchmen—these
eight measures might be carried. My lord, they
form a Church policy perfectly complete, perfectly
practical, and perfectly efficient. I see no argument
that can fairly be urged against them, and it ap•
pears to me that if these eight objects were attained
the Church in this country wo•ild occupy a position
of great influence and salutary power which it has
not for a long period fulfilled and occupied.
(Cheers.) Well, my lord, I had hoped that when I
should have the honour of addressing you again on
matters connected with these societies I might have
been able to congratulate you that the inconsistency,
and timidity, and perplexity which have paralysed
the fortunes of Churchmen for so many years would
have entirely disappeared. I did think that cordial
so-operation might have been expected from all
classes of Churchmen after the significant manner
in which the country decided that no disunion be-
tween the Church and State should take place, but

that the old constitution of the country was con.
nected with the fulfilment of the principle of civil
and religious liberty. I thought that we might
then have forgotten all our differences, and that
with open heart and united spirit we might have
laboured with perseverance, with temper, with
no expectation of precipitate success, but with
the determination of men who really see a
practical object before them; that we might have
worked for the attainment of the measures which I
have noticed to day, and which in my mind
form a complete Church policy. But I am sorry
to say that on the part of the diocese with which
I am connected I still find that difficulties are in
existence ; and although they are different
from those which we have encountered before,
they ate of a nature which paralyse in a great degree the
efforts which would be made for The support of diocesan so-
cieties, and especially of this which we are gathered toge-
ther to support. My right hon. friend has himself touched
with delicacy, but with clearness, upon the nature of those
difficulties. We are now told that the Church is in a very
difficult position, and that its condition is not satisfactory;
and these pleas are made the argument, and I have no doubt
in many cases the conscientious ground, for not joining to-
gether and supporting associations like the present. But
this I observe, in contrast with the difficulties that we had
to encounter three or four years ago, that the nature of the
difficulty is of a perfectly different character. In old days,
during the period of transition which I have sketched, the
Church was accused of apathy, having no hold on the feel-
ings of the great mass of the population, of exercising little
influence, and its fall was prophesied in consequence of those
circumstances. But the tone has now changed. No one ace
cuses the church of not possessing influence. No one accuses
the Church of,wanting power or intelligence. But they say
it is still doomed, the Church must still fall, it is still in
greater danger than ever, and that danger comes not from
an anti-Church party, but from its own intestine dissensions
and from the differences that exist in its own bosom, lam
not here to deny, or, what is more, to regret the existence of
parties in the Church. Parties in the Church have always
existed. They existed in the Church at Jerusalem. They
existed in the Church at Ephesus. They existed always in
the Church at Rome. And it would be wonderful indeed, in
a country like England, where party has always been recog-
nised as the most efficient and satisfactory way of regulating
opinion and conducting public affairs, if party should not be
found in the Church alone. My lord, what is party P Party
is organised opinion; and as long as the nature of man is of
that various and varying character which we all know it is,
so long will there be various and varying modes by which
it will express itself,or by which it may be counsel led upon
religious matters. There are some who are sustained by
symbolical ceremonies, and feel that their soul is only ado-
quately satisfied by ecclesiastical arrangements of that cha-
racter. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) There are others wbo
can only be sustained by the ecstacy of spiritual enthusiasm
but as long as they who counsel or pursue these modes meet
on the common platform of the true, sound Church prin-
ciples—and I hold that the acknowledgment of the Church
as the sacred depository of divine truth is a true Church
principle-1 do not think that such a course of conduct is
to be regretted ; but on the whole I have no doubt that it
has been extremely advantageous to the country and to the
Church. And I believe that the two great parties in the
Church have effected as great advantages in the Church as
the two great parties in the constitution have achieved for
public liberty and the good government of the country.
(Hear, hear.) But there is yet another party to which I
must for a moment refer, because, no doubt, the influence
of that party upon that cordial co-operation of Churchmen
by which alone these societies can be effectively supported is
very great, and I cannot say that it is advantageous. Now,
that is a party which is described by an epithet which I have
observed that a distinguished prelate of the Church has
used in a recent address to his clergy, but which appears to
me to be en epithet that I should not use within these classic
walls, for it has hardly as yet entered into the category of
classical expressions. (Laughter.) It is an epithet, my lord,
that would imply a particular degree of comprehension.
(Hear, and another laugh) But, whilst fully acknowledging
the great abilities, Ihe great eloquence, and the great know-
ledge of the new Church party to which I am alluding,l must
say that there is this peculiarity about the comprehension
which they attempt to accomplish. Hitherto there has been
nothing new in a Church party aiming at the comprehensive
—but then this has always happened, that the comprehension
which they have aimed at has been possible. (Hear, and a
laugh.) They have always wished to include those who be-
lieved anything ; but the remarkable peculiarity of the com-
prehension of the party to which I now refer is this, that
they seem to wish to include everybody who believes no-
thing. (Laughter,) Now, there is no doubt that the influ-
ence of the new party is very injurious to the society whose
interests have called us together to-day—and if we attempt
to get rid of the difficulty by avoiding to speak out, we in
fact do not remedy our position, but the deleterious process
from which we are suffering goes on without any effort on
the part of our friends to oppose its evil consequences. The
chairman having, as I think, successfully encountered the
unsatisfactory condition of mind among Churchmen which
was the consequence, and the long consequence, of the
change in our constitution—having overcome that difficulty,
and Churchmen having it in their power, by the measures
to which I have referred, to place by their cordial co-ope-
ration the Church in its proper position in this country,
and establish these diocesan societies in full work and in-
fluence, I want, if my friends will permit me, or care to hear
my observations,to make a few remarks upon the new diffi-
culty with which we have to devil, for it would be unwise to
treat the existence and influence of this new party with con-
tempt, and consider whether the difficulties which no doubt
exist are insuperable—whether we must yield to them, or
whether we have a prospect of overcoming them. Now,
this party is not founded upon the principle of authority—
on which all Church parties hitherto in this country, an d
in all countries to some degree, have been founded. But it
is founded upon a very singular principle. It is founded
upon the principle of criticism. Now, doubt is an clement
:act
.dh tendency
is
quite a philosophical
possible,
fo
ra and
example,not
Y of criticism is necessarily
in
of
that popularea
;lt
rt
aii ct
partyacli.s criticism,
ri
woau:hlsideiocuthhtshie2seefentinded upon the principle of criti-
cism may arrive at conclusions which may be monstrous.
They may, for example, reject inspiration as a principle,
and miracles as a practice. That is possible. And I
fithrlie; logical that, having arrived at that
should repudiate creeds and reject arti-
tchoinnekluistionis,
cles of faith, because creeds and articles of faith
cannot exist or be
i sustained without acknow-
ledging the principle of inspiration and the practice of mi-
racles. (Hear, hear.) All that I admit ; but what Ido not
understand, and what I wish to draw the attention of this
assembly and of the country to is this—that having arrived
at this conclusion—having arrived conscientiously at the
conclusion that with these opinions such a party must re-
pudiate creeds and reject articles, that they should not carry
their principles to their legitimate conclusion ; but that, re-
pudiating creeds and rejecting articles, they are still the
supporters of the ecclesiastical establishments—(loud cheers)
—fervent upholders of the dignitaries of the Church—even
of the rectors, vicars, and curates. (Laughter.) Now, this
is a matter of enact
consider as Churchmen, but for the country generally to
consider, whatever may be its opinion on forms of faith—
for the position may be very critical. If it were true, as I
am told it is, that the age of faith has passed, then the posi-
tion of having a hierarchy) a vast hierarchy, apparently
supported by men of high cultivation, brilliant talents and
eloquence, and perhaps some ambition, with no distinctive
opinion, might be a very harmless state of affairs, but it
would not certainly be a very permanent one. But, then,
my lord, instead of believing that the age of faith has passed,
when I observe what is passing around me—what is taking
place in this country, and not only in this country, but in
other countries and hemispheres—instead of believing that
the age of faith has passed, I hold that the characteristic of
the present age is a craving credulity. (Laughter.) Why,
i
my lord, man is a being born to believe. (Cheers.) And t
you do not come forward—if no Church comes forward with
its title deeds of truth, sustained by the traditions of seve•
ral ages, and by the conviction of countless generations to
guide him, he will form altars and idols in his own heart
and his own imagination, (Cheers.) But observe this.
What must be the relations of a powerful Church, without
distinctive creeds, with a being of that nature ? Why,
of course, the great principle of political economy will
be observed. Where there is a great demand there will be
a proportionate supply ; and commencing, as the new
school may, by rejecting the principle of inspiration, it will
end by every priest being a prophet—and beginning as they
do by repudiating the practice of miracles before long, rest
assured, we shall bo living in a flattering scene of spiritual
phantasmagoria. (Cheers and laughter.) There are no
tenets, howeverrextravagant, and no practices, however
objectionable, which will not in time develop, under such a
state of affairs—opinions the most absurd, and ceremonies
the most revolting.

" Qualls, demoud
Zgyptus portcnta solar,"
Perhaps to be followed by the incantation of Canidia and
the Corpbanthian howl, (Great cheering and laughter.)
But consider the country in which all this may take place.
Dangerous in all countries, it would be yet more dangerous
in England. Our empire is now unrivalled for its extent—
but the base, the material base, of that empire is by means
equal to- the colossal superstructure. It is not our iron ships.
It is not our celebrated regiments. It is not these things
which have created, or indeed really maintain our empire.
It is the character of the people. (Much applause,) And I
want to know where that famous character of the English
people will be if they are to be influenced and guided by a
Church of immense talent and great wealth and power with-
out any distinctive creed. (Hear; hear.) You have in this
country accumulated wealth that probably never has been
equalled, and probably it will still increase. You have a
luxury that will come day probably rival even your wealth;
and the union of such circumstances with a Church with-
out a distinctive creed will, lead, I believe, to a dissoluteness
of manners and of morals that has been seldom equalled in
the history of man, but which furnishes the tombs of em-
pires. (Cheers.) There is another point in connection with
this subject which I cannot help noticing on the present oc-
casion. It is the common blunder—the common cry—that ar-
ticles of faith and religious creeds are the arms of the clergy,
and are used to tyrannise over the land. They are exactly