The Sun.
London, England, 1852-08-28 00:00:00

THE

SPAIN have either of them been elevated to their
august position, firstly, by nearly 6,000,000, and
secondly, by nearly 8,000,000 of free citizens, speaking
by the ballot and universal suffrage—as has been the
case with the French PRESIDENT•

No. If Loins NAPOLEON has committed errors
—reprobate them. If he has been guilty of
faults—denounce them. If he has perpetrated
any heinous crime against the law of nations or
against the liberties of France—proclaim their atro-
city upon every possible occasion, and do so (in
GOD'S name) in language of the most bitter and the
most profound indignation. But don't twaddle
everlastingly about " Monsieur BONAPARTE "
as though the mere name (surely, a glorious
name enough in the world's history !) were a brand
and an accusation !

It is the sad old story over again. It is the same
ignorant spirit of intolerance that set the world in
flames at the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury. At that period a portion of the London
newspapers were raving against the " Corsican
Usurper." Another portion is now with the same
dogged pertinacity reving:agsinst " Monsieur BONA-
PARTE." To talk thus violently and: intem-
perately, and yet to babble about the main-
tenance of peace between the two coun-
tries, is the sheerest farce imaginable. Why,
these opprobrious assailants themselves are the real
engenderers of that very ill-feeling against which they
pretend to declaim with so much solicitude. To
dream of preserving amicable relations with LOUIS
NAPOLEON'S Government, and yet at the same time
to be always abusing the PRINCE PRESIDENT by the
most coarse invectives, and the most scurrilous per-
sonalities, is about as rational as to expect to re-
tain the friendship of a man at the very
moment you are pelting him with mud
and treating him with the most studied indignities.
No. Again we say—Whatever Louis NAPOLEON
has done deserving reprobation, reprobate—but do
not disgrace the English Press by these mean
and paltry gibes against " Monsieur BONA•
rARTE." The " great people of England "—as
Mr. MACAULAY has termed them more than once
—are surely not such poor little children CS to be
carried away in feeling by these paltry and disgrace-
ful violations of the commonest rules of decorum.
France has of her own free will selected the Prince
Louis NAPOLEON as the chief magistrate of her Re-
publican
Institutions. She has done this through the
Ballot.
She has done this through Universal
Suffrage. She has done this by nearly 6,000,000,
and afterwards by nearly 8,000,000 of the
votes of free citizens. It is absurd therefore,
in an English newspaper, to talk of the Potentate thus
invested with the dignity of the popular franchise—
es absurd as it would be (we repeat) for a
Portuguese newspaper to talk of the Emperor
of RUSSIA as Mr. NICHOLAS ! England pos-
sesses already the disgrace of having insulted the
great NAPOLEON by recognising him as simply
" General BosierAßTE" during the period of his cap-
tivity in St. Helena. Now-a-days—we believe—the
conqueror of continental Europe is acknow-
ledged as both " EMPEROR and KING" by
the Governments of all the countries of
Christendom. Let not the odium of these paltry ani-
mosities infect our contemporaries, in these latter
days, in reference to the descendant of the Emperor
and King NAPOLEON. France hrs surely as much
right to create for herself a President, as Prussia
a King, as Turkey a Sultan, as Austria an Em-
peror, as Persia a Schab, as Tartary a Khan, or as
Montenegro a Vladika.

A snow-ball increases as it rolls along, and so does
our Indian Empire. During the last century our
territory there has been gradually in course of aug-
mentation. Lord CLIVE, in self-defence, was com-
pelled to commence the system of annexation. The
native Princes were angry, and not without cause, at
the encroachments of the British, and had recourse to
arms to resist them. Vain efforts of native
nationality, and numbers over European civili-
zation and discipline. lkingdom after kingdom suc-
cumbed, and became a British province. Where we
did not conquer by actual force of arms, we pre-
vailed by policy. Some Asiatic rulers, seeing how
resistless was the might of British arms and wisdom,
sought safety by placing themselves end their terri-
tories under British protection. They 'speedily lost-
even the shadow of independence. Gradually they
became insignificant—having the trappings without
the actual power of Royalty. Their Ministers
rarely proved faithful. Iheir subjects soon
saw that the name of dominion was all
that remained with them. The once. dreaded
Satraps dwindled down into British pen-
sionaries. At last, descending lower in the scale,
they lost even their nominal dignities—sometimes
selling them for an annual income, sometimes com-
pelled to abandon them, to secure personal safety.
Whoever the Viceroy—whether CLIVE, or -WARREN
HASTINGS, or CORNITALLIS, or WELLESLEY, or
AMHERST, Or ELLENDOROUGII, or HARDINGE, or
DALHOUSIE—it appears as if it were inevitable that
the British empire in India must be increased. Per-
petual attacks against it have led to constant aug-
mentation of our possesions. The most pacific Go-
vernor-General was compelled to take the field when
attacked, and victory rendered it necessary to confis-
cate the possessions of the insurgent enemy. In India,
if we would, we could not remain without constantly
becoming more and more powerful.
The Burmese war will eventuate, sooner or later,
in the annexation of another kingdom to an already
extraordinary empire in India. This may take place
almost immediately, or it may be retarded for some
years. But, sooner or later, the Burman Empire will
become a portion of British India. The war which is
now raging is wholly defensive on our part—we did
not provoke it; but, being wronged, we were com-
pelled to have resort to arms. We cannot anticipate
any other result than the subjugation of the Burmese.
We beat them once before, some four-and-twenty
years ago, and dealt leniently with them. Now, to
secure ourselves, we must reduce the Burman Empire
to a mere province. If we do not, we shall have an-
other war, in all likelihood, in another ten or twenty
years, and shall have to beat them again.
With all this increase of territory, the finances of
British India are in a state of confusion and difficulty,
while the condition of the natives is anything but
prosperous They are poor, over-taxed, miser-
able
~.people, and the British power has
not
brought ha •
exhibits happiness to them.. .On the
other band
The
an
an, the income of British India
pnrual.deficit of about 1,500,0001. ster-
ling.market price of which is
of Fast India Stock (the
at
ts about 2751. for every 1001.
they receive a rate of interestmayFunds,
more than double what
they can gain from the
million
we assure them
a half sterling,
is.s_a thing of very
that an annual deficit of a
with an annual increase in the Dnebatn(-1
serious moment. Nor is the income' likely to be in-
creased, nor the Debt diminished, by
eany further ex-
tension of our Indian empire. New x Pen2es are the
n
inevitable result of such extension,
for what has been
won by the
swordmururastabhammaayinstoaud well in a rheto-
rical by the sword
" raeteor ay
-flag of England" w' •
To have the waving in the
capitals of Ave or B
d well in a flashy pamphlet, but this
rical speech, or read
country will gain
H.lsave unsubstantial glory from
•
such a result. There is such a thing as an empire's be-
coming unwieldy, and breaking up from its own
weight, ax id it is to be feared that our Indian terri-
tory may be subjected to this catastrophe before
and
long. It cannot remain as it is, growing larger
more unt nanageable, unless its system of Govern-
ment be greatly changed and improved.
To m she British India a help to, instead of a dead
weight upon, this country—to improve,the condition
of the n atives—to extend its trade, commerce, and
m m
anufact ;ores—to put the expenditure on a level with
its corn free it from the burden of debt—toe
onsolidat a it properly, the anomaly of its Govern-
ment shot dd be reformed. At t p.resen that Govern-
ment is cc rnpound—the
eEast India Directors share it
With the Executive of Whitehall. It should b.)
7,e forme, holly tie
Lu
nsf erred to the latter, or confided wholly to
British II i'd• Another half-century, we fear, will find
Indian so` -
eui. broken up into half-a-dozen Anglo-
as Vicerol rrienignties. We should not object to seeing,
properly ti .ajne India, a member of the Royal Family,
responsible dignity.
dnitand educated for such a.grave and
five population, yv;il It would much gratify the na
and spier]: dour. hitherto
greatly attracted by pomp
Lutiaerto whenever any eminent
nobler:l4a `," has ran
out at the elbows," be is

LONDON,

sent to India, to save money out of his salary end
appointments. We have lately had a few brilliant
general practice, from WEL-
LexEc:LpEton yitos, Etts thilaouGg, has hen as we state.
Evsm a 3 we write our attention las been drawn to
a letter from SADUT KHAN, the chief of the Momund
chiefs (on the north-west frontier) to the Commis-
sioners at Peshawer, which energetically embodies
the causes of complaint by the natives against the
British rulers of India. It says—" You have de-
prived us of those lands in the Disco ba which we
looked upon as our life—the sinews by which we are
enabled to exist; these you have wantonly taken from
us, neither can you plead aught in justification of
your conduct. You know that we have held these
grants rent free from time immemorial, and that in
gratitude for the privileges we enjoyed, we lived in
perfect amity with our more potent neighbours, the
former rulers of this country. You were the first to
burden us with heavy fixes, and when we found our-
selves unable to pay these, you attacked and expelled
us from our very birthright 1 Was this consistent
with the justice end liberality of that glorious Go-
vernment of which you boast being a member ? Was
it in keepfng
with the honour and dignity of so great
and powerful a nation as you are You are a great
and mighty people—we a b•nd of poor hill people.
By placing yourselves on a level with us, you lcse
much of that lustre which adorns your name. As
for ourselves, since you ara determined to force us to
die of starvation, we have adopted the more
manly method of dying with our swords
in our hands." There is true eloquence
as well as deep pathos in thin, and the aggravation is
that it is true. It is such a declaration as an antique
Roman might have made in like circumstances—
bold yet sad, complaining 'yet dignified, resigned
yet heroic. Whatever changes may be made on the
renewal of the Charter, or in the Government of
India, nobody can doubt the propriety—the necessity
of admitting well-qualified natives into the public
offices there. If well qualified, by education, there
is no reeson why a well-educated native, with good
character, should not La admitted into situations, in
India, now filled by British subjects. There is no
reason why such a mark of inferiority, as exclusion
from employment, should ha branded upon the na-
fives. They ire not inferior in capacity, fidelity,
and conduct to the most trusted and trustwor-
thy Briton. Too long has India been exclusively
governed by the Saxons. There are persons in that
country even better qualified than Englishmen for
situations end appointments now exclusively;,bestowed
by Leadenhall-street patronage upon young English-
men. The natives of India, however, do not want
spirit, and ere not crinhed by neglect. They are
determined to have their claims, their wants, their
deprivations fairly and fully brought before the Bri-
tish people and the British Legislature;
and they
can make out a very strong case, indeed, against the
present system of mal-government in Hindostan.

THE PORTUGUESE MINISTRY.—We mentioned,
some days ago, that Vilcount A LMEYDA, the Foreign
Minister in the Portuguese Government—Nyb 0 was
strongly impressed with a regard for England and a
i
desire to preserve free and liberal principles n
Portugal—had resigned office. The morn-
ing papers of to-day snake the same an-
nouncement, is from Paris, " by electric tele-
graph," adding that Don JERVIS D'ATONQUIA, late
Minister of Marine, succeeds him. It certainly is
very " late news" to tell the public on Saturday
what The Sun had announced on the previous
Thursday.
---....mmEM........1

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
Nine more votes of the Councils-General appear in
the Moniteur. They differ in the form of expression,
but the same thought pervcies them all, and four are
conceived in the strongest terms. These are the de-
partments of the Aisne, Lot-et-Garonne, Tarn-et-
Garonne, and Hauta-Vienne.
The superior importance attaching to the Councils-
General has directed attention more especially upon
them ; nevertheless every day brings in its quota of
the votes adopted hp the Cauncils of Arrondissement
before the close of weir short session. The arrondisse-
ment of Blaye, which appears in the illoniteur of yes-
terday morning, says—" Oar concurrence and devo-
tion will not fail you, in commitaug to your hands,
in en irrevocable form, the temporary power which
the nation has confi,.l€3 to you."
_ _

The Assemblie Nationale has the following on the
resolutions come to by the Councils-General :
" We at present r"o acqua;nted by the Moniteur with
the result of the de' berat•ons of fifty-two councils-
general on what may b 3 called without fear the ques-
tion on the order of *Lie day. Tne wishes which they
express, if' they differ in form, are at bottom the same.
We have no desire to conceal it; and if we have hitherto
confined ourselves to a summ-17 mention of those deli•
beiationi, it is not that which efiliel or astonishes us,
as the elect'on of the Ist and Bth of August had pre-
pared us for them. Inn", some of them, and that the
greatest number, ask for stability to be given to onr in-
stitutions, and the government to be consolidated and
perpetua' -!d; others pronounce formally in favour of
the re-establishment of the Empire, and for the defini-
C.ve corlolida!los of the power in the hands of the
heir of the Eml3ror;. others, again, without asking di-
rc:rly for any modification in the present regime, ex-
press their gratitude for the past, and their devoted-
ness for the iuture, m which leave no doubt as to
their disposition. Once more, we say that there aro but
shzies of d;ffere nce, the groundwork t Aug the same."
The Pays, in its anxiety to eulogize the Govern-
ment for the concession of the Bordeaux to Cette
Railway, has discovered that it will shorten by three
months the journey to Ind'a; end the Univers, in an
irlicle on the effect that Aar would probably produce
on the relations between France and Belgium, has a
still more important announcement—viz,, that, by
sounding the bank at the mouth of the Thames,
the longitude may be discovered ! The
writer has only to put in his claim upon the Engliqh
Government for the d'scovery of the longitude to be
well rewarded for the pains that he has taken to arrive
at this knowledge. The Bard of Admiralty will
readily forgive the alarm that he must have excited in
it by the picture that he draws of the facilities for
putting an end to the naval supremacy of England,
n i4s appreciation of "re value to the world at large
of the simple means of a-cer;.r.ning the longitude, in
dropping a line with a lead attached to it, on the bank
at the mouth of the Thames.

The following are 41-ie remarks of the Moniteur on
the leading article of the Times in its number of
Saturday last :
" We have had several times occasion to remark the
malevolence towards the French Government of certain
articles in the English journals. We remained silent as
long as they only attacked persons, but at present the
entire nation is attacked, and it becomes a duty to reply.
the Times has devot )d a long article in one of its lest
numbers to accumu'ate insult upon France. It compares
it to the Bes-Empire, and condemns it to eternal infamy.
If the Times was the organ of a nal:on, ours might be
affected by its attacks, but that paper, the pu:sionate
interpreter of hos`Ue parries since the 2d of December,
merely represents an interes 3cl opp)sition; what credi`
consequently, is to be given to i's opinions? What
right is there to endure teem? Who, in fact, could be-
lieve, as the Times dares to pre` nd, that we ere disin-
heiited of all our lights, and that political life exists no
longer for us? Universal suffrage in France is the meat
unlimited exercise of the power of election for a nation.
Wo have said that the Times, in our eyes, is not
the organ of tho nation in the name of which it would
pretend to speak, Fer from us, therefore, to re-
criminate against the English institutions; but could
not others, less well disposed. do so ? Could
not they ask the Times whether England can oppoee
to the tranquillity and good order of our universal
suffrage its iimited suffrage and its elections accom-
plished in the midst of all 'se scandals of disgraceful
jobbery? Could it not L 3 sail to the Times that in Eng-
land seats in Parliament belong almost always to the
richest—that in France they are free to all without dis-
tinction ; that there fortune decides—that here the
people choose; that with us everything is the expression
of be national will; that the Chief of the State, the
Ceepe.Lc, • / . .
Council fi, attf; the Councils-General of Departments,
elected Councils of Municipal Councils, all are
other sidye ofeuliniversality of the ci-z:ns—that on the
savours of the i e Channel, on the contrary, everything
of rightquality of fortunes as well as the re-
strictionfirst essay of here. The Times may, if it please, call this
most unbounded liberty infamy ; but
does it select a happyctuc es moment to draw vanity from a
system which con
t the apprehension of public
voting and to the demand
place of public eleotf' the substitution of secret
voting in
the days of July under the ecileion? The Times applauded
the Republican ovations after nireeehy oftB3o. It approved
eeth of Febi um y. Was
that because of the conquests made by the people? No ;
it was on account of the blood which was shed. • Its
glorifications then were as suspicious as
ssptreeseitt t dis-
paragement is °dim u
e The eeasrniegaint h
Augst was consequently the natural effect of aniiPstahthof
"
andcalculeroe . Vainly were propositions made
to they
Chief of the State to celebrate the anniversaries of the
1848, the 2d and anniversaries
of Dec b
10th of December,
em er,
1851. Lle would not celebtato the one, because it re-
garded himself alone aid h.is triu.mph! nor the other,
because it was connected with a painful feeling and be-
cause he wished, above a11,._ to..bsucroyro,inio.bhieivion'even the
last last recollection of our civil d
, of the 15th of August has been alone consecrated, and it
happened by a fortunate coincidence. that the festival of
the Virgin, the patroness of F ..:.- nee, is celebrated the
nv
same day as that of the Eerol-. The notion com -
bonded that noble idea, and c eiociated itself
withpro it
• tlirc4lgll9Ut tli C9l3l2tri WWI enthusiasm. Illiti is the