The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-16 00:00:00

sometime previously been rather disposed to lean to
the other side. He turned the tables on Mr.Bitatem
by reminding I.lle hon. member that the complaints
were not all on one side, for the Federal agents had
given great cause for offence by their practice of
enlisting British subjects into their army, this being
a violation of the law. It would really seem sur-
prising to notice this inconsistency, if by this time
we were not tolerably accustomed to it among these
devotees of the North. Mr. BARING certainly did
not escape unharmed from the contest which he had
so wantonly provoked. His ally, Mr. COBDEN, did
not fare much better either, for Lord R. CECIL'S
speech was a complete exposure of his fallacies, his
prejudices, and his extreme notions. Perhaps the
most effective part of it was the passage in which
he set off one of his adversaries against the other,
and brought home the subject in a manner that
could not fail to be understood. Mr. COBDEN
made en elaborate statement concerning the bitter•
nese of feeling that would be engendered by the
assistance rendered to the Confederates. "But,"
very forcibly urged the noble lord, " has British aid
been given only on one side ? Have there been
losses and suffering only on one side He then
proceeded to stale that, in one year, there had been
exported no less than twelve millions of percussion
caps, and rifles and muskets to the value of five
hundred and fortyesix thousand pounds to the Fede-
ral States. " I cannot pass over the fact," observed
the noble lord, " that the mercantile house which
has been mainly instrumental in conveying this
enormous assistance to the Federals, and effecting
this feirful injury upon the Confederates is the
house of BARING and Co." Thereupon the speaker
very properly said that they had been considering
the feelings of the Federals, but did they think the
Confederates had none also. The fact is, that when
Mr. COBDEN or Mr. BRIGHT get upon the subject
of America it seems impossible for them to preserve
any show of consistency or semblance of modera-
tion. They do not say that we ought to take up
arms to further the interests and assist the progress
of the Federals, but they do imply that we cannot
do toe much for such a purpose. They infer that
all attempts to act with impartiality is unrighteous
in a national sense, and subversive of our best in-
terests in a mercantile capacity. It would be more
straightforward for us to declare war at once in aid
of the North if we think they are so immaculate,
than to go on covertly forming plans and concoct-
ing schemes which are to result in the ruin of those
who may be trusting to our avowed expressions of
neutrality. Such a course as that advo-
cated by Mr. BARING, and vehemently
supported by Mr. COBDEN, is neither honest nor
honourable for our country to pursue, and far dis-
tant be the day when the policy it sets forth be
made the ruling spirit of our statesmen. The prin-
ciples which are laid down by these apologists for
the Federals are fundamentally wrong, and must
prove most mischievous in their tendency and ruin-
ous in their practice. Mr. COBDEN'S great argu-
ment is, that if we do not take heed to our ways we
shall offend this or that Power, and thus our inte-
rests will be affected. We should always be afraid
to do an injury to any State, however weak, but if
we had ever dreaded to offend the most mighty, or
waived our rights to the strongest, England would
never have attained her proud pre-eminence or
gained her mighty influence. It is quite time that
these up-English anti-national doctrines be dis-
avowed in Parliament, and that it should go forth
to the world that they have no root among our race
and are not indigeneons to our soil. Peace at any
price will never be popular among us, and this new
notion of selecting favourites, and naming victims
when wars are going on in other States, will nol
answer in the long run. The American war is a
sad event, and the calamities it has caused will not
be effaced in the time of the present generation,
but there is no need that this untoward circum-
stance should change all cur preconceived ideas of
right and wrong as regards belligerent Powers and
the duties of neutrals. By forfeiting our position
we are disgracing ourselves and injuring others.

The motion for the second reading of Mr. BAINES
Borough Franchise Bill attracted an unusually
large attendance of members to the brief Wednes-
day sitting. A House of 488 members assembled
for the discussion of one of those great questions of
Reform, which have been so long hanging over the
heads of successive statesmen. Although no prac-
tical solution of the difficulty was arrived at, and
such a result could indeed hardly be hoped in the
present state of the House of Commons, yet the
evening was by no means unimportant. The prin-
cipal feature of the debate was, of course, the speech
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and we congra-
tulate Mr. BAINES on having gained so valuable an
auxiliary to the side of Reform. In a calm temperate
and statesmanlike address, adorned with all those
powers of argument and oratory for which he is so
remarkable, Mr. GLADSTONE brought forward his
reasons for supporting the measure, and proved so
powerful an advocate, that all the theories of his
opponent, even supported by the eloquence of Mr.
WHITESIDE, could not supply a satisfactory answer.
It is true the measure was not carried, being quietly
disposed of by a motion fcr the previous question,
neither party liking to commit themselves to open
opposition, but great goad was nevertheless effected
by:the discussion. In the first place, as we have
said, it is a great thing for the Reform cause
to have gained so valuable an adherent, al-
though we can hardly cherish the hope
expressed by Mr. _FORSTER, that the Government
would abandon its present indifferent and hesi-
tating attitude on all questions of Reform after so
open a declaration on the part of one of its most
distinguished members. The members of a Whig
Cabinet, although always unanimous on the subject
of office, are by no means so invariably of one mind
on matters of general policy. But whether we
regard the weight of Mr. GLADSTONE'S position,
or the influence naturally exercised by his personal
abilities, we must regard his accession to the cause
as a great gain. The discussion on the bill, too,
brought up all the old debateable points, on which
it was more difficult than ever for the opponents
to hold their ground. The tone and temper of the
present day, and the prominent part which the
leading Conservatives Lave taken with regard to
the long-delayed Reform Bill, no longer renders it
possible fcr the Opposition members to use the
arguments familiar to their forefathers. No man
of any sense, enlightenment, or experience can
anticipate en overthrow of Church and State, or
the establishment of a Republic in place of a
throne,
from the extension of the franchise ; neither
can he point his
moral or conclude his peroration
with ROBESPIERRE and the Reign of Terror. The
working men of England have fairly earned their-
right to a share in the representative govern-
ment of the country, and have afforded satis-
factory evidence that they will make good
use of the power when once it is put into
their hands. ..They have shown in a
high de-
gree that capacity for self-control and self-
government which are among the distinguishing
characteristics of Englishmen, while their love of
order and fair play are a continual marvel to
foreigners. The wildest and most turbulent spirits
are usually to be found in great cities, and it is
certainly among large masses of townsmen that
mob orators and Ciaartists exercise most power.