The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-16 00:00:00

same question that was put last year by the Right Hon.
Member tor Oxford University was put this year by the
Noble Viscount the Member for Tiverton, and the same an-
swer was given with the same results. It was impossible for
the Exe to go backwards. The corn-laws must not be re-
stored, and the Noble Lord would not be a party to any
attempt in that direction. I think I have now gone
far enough to show the intention of the Government, for
the House may rely implicitly on the honour of the Earl of
Derby when once he has a enounced any intention. He gave
a practical proof of it last year by his speech on the first
day of the session ; and this year he again gave a frank ex-
planation
in the conference with the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for Tiverton. Even within the last fortnight he has
given the most direct and practical proof of his firm and
unaltered intention to review our commercial policy, espe-
cially
that which relates to the corn-laws. But I can have
recourse to other evidence. There is no man' of stricter ho-
nour than the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the
Duchy of Lancaster, a man who would not palter with any I
question for a moment. In his speech to his constituents
he said that he stood firm to the doctrines of protection,
and that he gave his support to Lord Derby, because
he relied on the assurances of his chief. But then let
us go to Lincolnshire, and we shall find that the truth
is not hidden there, but that the most explicit ex-
planations have been given. Now, I, who have for a long
time been relegated to the back benches, need not say that
I am rejoiced when I see country gentlemen of my own sta-
tion and standing coming into official life. lam sure that
whatever they say may be relied on, and therefore quote
them confidently. The Hon. Baronet, the President of the
Poor-law Board said at his election, " I repeat to you the
words of Lord Derby, and what his future policy will be you
may gather from them. The question does not rest with
him, or with the Administration, we can do nothing
unless backed by the constituencies."—(Hear.) Certainly,
so say I. Let the case be fairly put before the country. Let
the country know what it has to decide on. lam then
ready to go to trial, and then God defend the right. The
Hon. Baronet continues, Having recited the speech of the
Noble Earl, " Lord Derby refers the matter to the electors
of the empire, and it must be determined by them." When ?
I say speedily—without a moment's delay. (Cheers.) The
Hon. Baronet says—" It is evident the present Parlia-
ment cannot last long, and I think you will agree with me
that the sooner it is dispersed the better." There was no
proposition for these measures there.—(A laugh.) No
Militia Bill, no Disfranchisement of St. Albans, no four seats
to be given away in a manner that has not yet been ex-
plained. That would not be dissolving Paliament rapidly.
" It is evident that the question must be solved, and 1 trust
it will be set at rest for ever." So say I. "We cannot
afford to be always in collision with our fellow subjects."—
(Cheers.) Then comes a most useful and salutary piece of
advice to the owners of the soil. The Hon. Baronet tells his
constituents," You must either have protection or learn to
live without it."— (Loud laughter.) I would say to Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, altering a little word of the President
of the Poor-law Board, " You can't have protection, and
you must learn to live without it."—(Continued cheering.)
Then the Hon. Gentleman goes on to show how they " may
live without it." I know that we shall have to turn our
attention to the improvement of our estates, for where is
the landlord who could say that more might not be done
with his property. Here is no artifice, no guile, I had
almost said here are Disraelites in whom there is no guile.
s—(Loud cheers, and laughter.) There is another point
to which I must call the attention of the House. The Noble
Earl at the head of the Government has admitted that he
was in a minority in the House of Commons.—(Mr. Dis-
raeli—No, no.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor
of the Exchequer denied this, but I had the advantage of
hearing my Noble Friend's speech; and he said, I know I
am in an undoubted minority in the House of Com-
mons and I appeal—to what ?—to the forbearance of the
country.— (Laughter.) Now, Sir, I deny absolutely that in
the Parliamentary history of the country, such an admission
was ever made by a Minister, or that such an appeal was
ever made to the forbearance of the country.—(Cheers.) I
s ill challenge any gentleman who may do me the honour to
follow me in this debate, to point out in our Parliamentary
history when there was such an admission, or any such re-
quest.—(Hear, hear.) I say that homage to the represen-
tative system is at variance with any such request. I say
that our representative system would be brought into disre-
pute if we prolong this state of things an hour more than is
necessary to provide for the safety of the State and for its
defences. Take the case of Mr. Pitt in the great struggle of
1784 between him and his great rival. Mr. Pitt only asked
the House to pass the Mutiny Bill, and the struggle
was whether even the Mutiny Bill should be passed.—
(Cheers.) He said only give me that and I will at once
dissolve, for the confidence of the House of Commons is
indispensable for my Administration.—(Hear, hear.) What
was the course pursued still more recently? In 1831, my
Noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) was in office, and I had then
the honour of being his colleague. The Reform Bid was
under discussion and the point in dispute was an exceed-
ingly unimportant one, but General Gascoigne beat us.
Eight-and-forty hours did not elapse before our resignation
was placed in the hands of the King unless power was given
us instantly to dissolve. (Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord
(Lord J. Russell) will pardon me, I will give another
instance where I was unfortunately opposed to him. In
1841, a vote of want of confidence proposed by my late
Right Honourable Friend (Sir Robert Peel) was carried.
That was on a Friday night, and my Noble Friend asked
till Monday to consider. He came down to the House and
moved the estimates. The army, navy, and ordnance es-
timates had indeed been passed, and so had the Mutiny
Bill; but the commissariat, the civil contingencies, and the
miscellaneous estimates had yet to be voted. lily Noble
Friend proposed to take a vote for six months, but Sir
Robert Peel went through all the similar cases which had
arisen in the history of this House. He said the proposal
to take a vote for six months is too long ; you will by that
course bring the session to its usual termination, and 1 have
no security that you will call a new Parliament imme-
diately. Sir Robert Peel, who we all know had the most
scrupulous regard to constitutional authority, made a long
speech in which he distinctly said, unless you pledge your-
selves with the least possible delay to dissolve this Parlia-
ment, and also in the shortest possible time to call the new
Parliament together, I shall propose that the vote shall be
taken only for three months.—(Cheers.) Now, what is the
course proposed to be adopted ? And this brings me to the
speech of the Right llon. the President of the Board of
Control, who has promised to propose a committee of in-
quiry into Indian affairs, and to renew the East India Com-
pany's charter,—(A laugh.) What a melancholy state of
things.—(Hear, hear). There is the Right Honourable
Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies, who tells us
that he has the strongest possible fears unless the
whole policy of the sugar duties is changed. There is
a descending scale of prices, and on the sth of July there
is another downward' step ; and we have the evidence of the
Right lion. Gentleman's colleague that when once such
a step is taken it cannot be retraced.—(Hear, hear.) Yet he
is contented to remain in office without making one effort
to counteract the evil which he says exists.—(Cheers.) Let
us mark their arguments as they have been advanced. The
President of, the Board of Control has gone into the navi-
gation-laws, and lam prepared to follow him at a proper
time; but the Hon. Gentleman knows that the tonnage both
inward and outward has increased greatly upon that of
the two antecedent years ; and that with the exception of
one year, which was the largest ever known, the tonnage
has been larger than it has ever been before.—(Hear.)
The Right Hon. Gentleman seems to burn with jealousy that
while our own tonnage has increased, that of other coun-
tries has also been augmented. Why, when we opened
our imports, and consequently our exports, we expected
that the tonnage both of our own and other nations would
be affected.— (Hear, hear.) Here is a Minister of great
experience, who talks of appealing to the forbearance of the
country. When lie says that these measures are erroneous,
let him and his colleagues take at once the bold step of
in the measures they consider right; and if the
Ibiringoinugeethink differently, then let them give advice to her
Majesty to dissolve Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) I stated
that there was a discussion in 1841 upon a constitutional
question, and that the Government, being in a minority,
hesitated not to dissolve or resign. Now I have here a
speech which was made on this occasion, which you will
allow me to read. The Noble Lord (Lord John Russell),
speaking of the financial measures of the Government, said
—"I admit that we do not sufficiently possess the confidence
of the House to enable us to carry our measures." Was
there ever such an admission made by a Government before?
—(Hear, hear.) Suppose that at any other time my Right
Hon. Friend had brought forward this proposition, and this
alone—the first branch, observe, of his present motion—that
the Government do not sufficiently possess the confidence of
the House of Commons to enable them to carry their mea-
sures through the House just pause for a moment and con-
sider what must be the position of a Government who to that
single proposition is bound to reply,," We admit your allega-
tion; we are unable to dispute it." Why, in aoy other time,
would not such an admission have been regarded as a con-
clusive proof that the Government was unworthy to conduct
the affairs of the county?—(Hear, hear, and cheer.)
But that it was necessary the Minister says, "Although
we have not the confidence of the House, it is not
incumbent upon us to retire. 'We have yet some
s
chances to try—we have yet some turns to take. It
d
wenot
mneocsetssaairsioly
bfoellowwit„hoboetcaouffisecew,Laare
oNoVdithlOsUutopteeWr.ery I'llo The
et
ti
speaker goes on and says—" It is not for the House
)to tttalessoluon, for as
of a dissolution or of abstaining from di
House of Commons
(Cheers.)
he
erswT eh e haves p
speaker
a kt
ehre
uenca of all this
Earl of Derby.—(Loud cheers.) The conseeq)
dissolved the
moped, and,
whom
House of Commons, a new Parham
t omeans withinlrefeoruris otsvhne
Hear.)
was, that the Noble Lord (Lord. Meelobtionwutroensposuwmer._(
I am very unwilling, singe
ate in a direct motion which
absit omen, a new Gove.fnmenthterceaims
House that is likely to terenne
sue, I think it is unnecessary
can be brought to a practical
bathels formed. But there are two
came
question before the
dtihtiaotn landownerotfhteheagrieuitur
a
to vindicate the 0
andpore
permission,
ihors; f
hopnootsi e
connected iohnoo
uepebireferencecoliawkL
0i t htr:detriypTi sem: aeboneyncd,
h,
ttoo wl
oh
dice h. , s
Nv
ot hw yisouitr
is greatly diminished 2—( Hear. )
but I will just
I will not weary y
recal to your mind the circumstance, ou with many statistics; • .
that, since 1846,
pet hr,
o2e0(10118,c0ce0t0o/fa.3otfh teh statedce
opuunbtylriy; money has been borrowed by the
landed interests for the purpose of draining. Every farthing
of that money has been expended, and much more than
that has also been laid out. An admirable Bill has been
passed by the Duke of Richmond to enable tenants in tail to
borrowedtborrowion to mal
lobtiyey,
this,
ti e
oaaincod I k
company
epranntohywe
that immense sums have beets
powerswasestabolif atshtehdiaAstcty. In
earbyadtdhie-
authority of Parliament for a similar purpose. Now, Ido not
believe that, in the present state of agricultural knowledge
and practice—which is rapidly gaining ground under the
pressure of this very system—l will not believe that these
sums have been expended in vain.—(Hear.) If the House
will appeal to any gentleman acquainted with arable land, he
will at once reply that, upon the same surface, an increase. of
produce must have taken place which it is very diffihcautltailel
deed to estimate.—(Cheers.) Well, but now,
You have drained your land, but has ties demainiLdsaf.tor alytioflu-
cial and stimulating manures increased 2 I
—the'Ceeaa;rmthorgteudanillo
)
hlBa4v9e, importede—ruthisdruminoesdt ldainsadnetd
pinartetsreosft
oeumi tonopootr twe da's a
nearly
to the extent of 85,000t0
114,000 tons; and Inelaearlsyt
doubled—in 1851 you imparted 214,0000 tous.—. (Cheers.)
Well, but you sae', 1851 n tons.
thatbilmlmBseon immense
this is land perhapsh f. a superior quality,
I would point, in answer to the re-
which has been draißnoedt,liaasndbteoenws.hicohw.sntifnoiruliantelinogszawisuar.sitse
had been applied.
markable desire which .
not touched •
uuder the comparative
lands, which were never inclosed during the high prices of
the war, and which was
monopoly s
of the sliding scale.—(Loud cheers.) The report
e lnclosure Commissioners shows that 355,000 acres
ofh the
been inclosed in England alone; and in the year lesl
no less than 50,000 acres were inclosed.—(Loud cheers.)
There is another important fact which I cannot afford to pass
by, although I need not dwell upon it. Since 1846 you have
remitted 4,200,0001. of taxation upon food, and upon articles
connected directly with the consumption and comforts of
the people, and you have received into your Exchequer, not-
withstanding, the sum of nearly 4,800,0001. over and above
the whole amount of the taxes.—( Hear, hear.) This speaks
volumes.—(Load cheers.) It had been stated that, in 1845,
Lord Derby stood alone in the Cabinet in resisting the repeal
of the corn-laws. That is not correct. The Duke of Bac-
eleuch supported the Noble Earl, and they both refused to
consent to the suspension of the corn-laws, unless a pledge