The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TI➢IES.—The reports of the victory gained by
General Sheridan at Winchester on the 19th of
September are confirmed by the last intelligence,
with an important addition. The Federal Com-
mander was able to follow up his advantage, pur-
sue the retreating Confederates, and renew the
attack. It is one of the very few instances that
have occurred during the war of success imme-
diately turned to such account. We might almost
say it is the only example. The first battle of the
War—Bull Run—gave the Confederates an advan.
tage they could not, at least did not press, and they
thereby missed a lhance of taking Washington,
much as the Allies missed an opportunity of a si-
milar kind after the battle of the Alma. Antietam

was claimed by the Federals as a vi story, but it left
them unable to molest the well-conducted retreat
of the Confederates. M'Clellan's movement on
Richmond was baffled, but he saved his army.
Hooker was signally defeated at Fredericksburg,
but notwithstanding his heavy losses withdrew his
troops during the night unpursued. Grant's battles
in his circuit of Richmond in this summer's cam-
paign wasted his forces, but each repulse left him
able to form a new plan of operations. Of so many
engagements the resuit has been doubtful or inde-
cisive, so that the details of the battle of Winchester
ere likely to be more distinctly remembered than
those of greater conflicts. We learn nothing of the
first action in addition to the particulars received
by the first report, except an estimate of the Fede-
ral losses, now said to have amounted to 4,500
in killed and wounded. The number appears pro-
bable from the desperate character of the fighting
towards the close of the day, when for a short time
the Confederates had the advantage. The Federals
were twice broken by the fire of the masked batte-
ries, which an eye-witness states " mowed them
down" by hundreds. Tao battle seems to have been
won by superior generalship. Sheridan selected the
moment for attack with great judgment. The Con-
federate forces were extended from Martinsburg,
southward to Winchester, a line more than 20 miles
in length. After the attack it was too late to bring
the scattered divisions together. One corps was
able to arrive on the field, in consequence of the
advance of several Federal regiments having been
" accidentally delayed," but Gen. Early could not
collect all his strength for effectual resistance. The
very large number of prisoners taken by the Fede-
rals proves the want of combination and support on
the Confederate side, while the feet that eight of
the Southern Generals were killed and wounded
speaks to the severity of the fight. Gen. Early re-
treated through the town of 'Winchester during the
night of the 19th and the following day. That his
enemy should have been capable of following him
so closely is what distinguishes this engagement
from so many others. On the 21st the Confederates
made a stand at a point named Fisher's-hill, about
three miles south of Strasburg, on a branch of the
Shenandoah River. The official reports state that
this point is thirty miles south of the field of bat-
tle, but this must be its extreme distance. It is
also described as a strongly intrenched position,
though, unless previously strengthened, the Con-
federates after such a retreat must have worked
with incredible activity to have constricted any de-
fences worth naming. Here Gen. Early was ats
tacked by the Federals in the afternoon of the 21st.
The first assault was repulsed, but finally the posi-
tion was turned, and the Confederates were again
compelled to retreat, leaving sixteen cannon behind
them. The Federal Commander could not say how
many prisoners he had captured, nor the amount of
loss on either side. But at the latest date ho was
continuing the pursuit southwards down the valley
of the Shenandoah. We have yet heard nothing of
the battle from any Southern authority. Baton the
other hand the reports are given as from the Federal
officers in command, and state the time and place of
every incident very circumstantially. If the details
of the second action of the 21st are canfirmed, the
Confederates have suffered a decided check in
Northern Virginia. They have lost from 50 to 79
miles of the ground they held on the 19th. But
here the eternal difficulty of war on the American
Continent arises to perplex any one who attempts
to calculate the cons( quences of victory or defeat in
the, field. The extent of territory is so vast that
tracts equal to two or three English counties may be
given up by a retreating force, without any very
perceptible material advantage to those who occupy
them, Of course, the moral effect of a victory is not
determined by this question of space. But in other
respects it has a very important bearing on the
value of what is won and lost. On the northern
border of Virginia the Confederates were rather in
an aggressive than a defensive position; and their
inroads into Maryland and Pennsylvania have not
on the whole been fortunate, except as a mode of
obtaining supplies. They had retreated success-
fully after the last incursion, but had not entirely
quitted what must be considered Northern ground.
Even after the defeat at Winchester and the retreat
of thirty miles southward to Strasburg, the Con-
federates, on the ground of the second battle, were
actually to the north of Washington, and only
seventy miles west of it. In their retreat they
skirted the westera edge of half the old battle-
grounds of the war—Buil Run, Manassas, Front
Royal, Gainsville, Fairfax, Culpepper, and several
other points on which Washington has been de-
fended. Except for attacking the seat of the Fede-
ral Government, or making another inroad into
Maryland, it is difficult to perceive a military reason
for retaining an army on the ground which the Con-
federate General has been compelled to abandon. It
is doubtful which was the main object of General
Early—to keep Sheridan's army detached from
Grant's force at Petersburg, or hold a position from
which an attempt to invade Maryland might be re-
newed. Possibly both purposes might have been
combined, and the defeat at Winchester is a con-
sequence of attempting too much in presence of a
vigilant enemy. But, whatever the effect of these
defeats to the South, they have occurred at a time
that trebles their importance to the Federal Go-
vernment. Sherman, in Georgia, and Sheridan
have rescued the official party from the chance of
defeat in the Presidential election. We do the
Washington Cabinet no injustice in assuming that
it values these military successes more for their
effect on the election than on the war. They
.have broken up the Democratic Opposition and
united the Republicans. General Fremont finds
his nomination useless, and has declined the contest.
'Fne extreme or Abolitionist section of the Repub-
licans, that was ready to combine with the war
democrats, is again absorbed in the main body of
the party. They still believe, as General Fremont
states, that " Mr. Lincoln's Administration has been
politically, militarily, and financially a failure."
They regret that it must be prolonged, but they are
compelled to recognise him as a necessity, And
indeed, Mr. Lincoln, or his most dexterous sup-
porters, have left so few points of difference between
him and the Democratic candidate that there is
scarcely a question of principle to be tried by the

contest. Both declare themselves for a continuance
of the war until it effects the restoration of the
Union, and both let it appear they are not wholly
unwilling to consider the possibility of peace. The
chance of the Democrats managing any future
campaigns more skilfully or with better luck is
scarcely worth dividing upon. With these Elles
ceases in the field, Mr. Lincoln can afford to drop
the fanatics of his party, and rely on the moderate
men, who may possibly be joined by considerable
numbers of the Democrats, who, like General Fre-
mont, admit the unwelcome necessity of the time.
The second defeat of the Confederate army of
Virginia will incalculably strengthen Mr. Lincoln's
political position, though it may by no means fol-
low that the check wilt be disastrous to the Southern
cause in the same proportion.

POST.—If Baron Bunsen defends his country with
more zeal than discretion, still his patriotism does
him honour, and while the confidence he exhibits is
refreshing, the sentiments he expresses are—from
a Prussian point of view—in the main unobjection-
able. Englishmen like to see a man who stands
up for his fatherland. They can comprehend his
inspirations, and enter into his feelings. But,
) when he endeavours to impress upon their minds
the convictions he himself entertains, that is quite
another affair. We must decline to follow the
Baron into a discussion of the causes which led to
the SchleswigeHolstein quarrel. It is too late to
examine the merits of the case. The German
Powers have solved the question by an argument
which has simply established their might, and the
less that is said about right and justice the better.
When, however, he tells us that it is matter for re-
gret that Prussia and Austria assumed the exclusive
conduct of the war, we are, we confess, somewhat at
a loss to comprehend the drift and consistency of his
argument. These Powers, he affirms, as we appre-
hend him, have acted in defiance of the interests of
the Schleswig.Holsteiners, who ought to have been
left to fight their own battles, or at all events to
choose their own destiny; and yet, condemning the
means, he rejoices at the result—a result, be it re-
membered, which has been arrived at by means that
ignored the interests of the parties most interested.
After this it was altogether unnecessary for Baron
Bunsen to add that he was a member of the " loyal"
Prussian Opposition. Whether the interests that
were defied in the war have been met and satisfied
in its conclusion, we are not distinctly informed.
On that head the Baron seems disposed to content
himself with the hope that, in a few months at
least his friend the Prince of Augustenburg will
publish a second edition of the English constitu-
tion in the Duchies. He does not, however, state
that Count Bismark, who is, we suppose, revising
the forthcoming work, has authorised this prelimie
nary advertisement, and it may therefore turn out
to be a premature, if not an exceedingly sanguine
speculation. The Berlin, edition, to which Baron
Bunsen contributed, has we presume been confis-
cated. The Baron states three objections to the
Prussian policy which represent, as he assumes,
the prevailing feeling in this country. First, the
result is said to have been obtained by sheer
numbers, and not by the bravery of the troops em-
ployed; and the numerical superiority being hulls.
putable, it is conveniently skipped over, and we
are told what the Prussians think of their army.
They are proud of their soldiers, which is very natu-
ral and proper, and they believe they are a match
for the French, which, seeing that the Austrians,
who hold themselves to be more than a match for
their German allies, were defeated at Magenta and
Solferino, is, to say the least of it, a rather arrogant
assumption. The indiscretion comprised in the
remark is obvious, and Baron Bunsen need not have
explained that he was no diplomatist. But the
reference to the " breech-loaders and rifled cannon
which were the astonishment of the world" was
alone sufficient to prove all that had ever been ob-
jected to the magniloquent Prussian proclamations.
The truth is, Prussia has economically revived her
military reputation, and the transaction, like cheap
bargains generally, will wear well enough in time
of peace. It is something to talk about, and that is
all. The meat boasted exploits have, we know,
been lampooned in Vienna, but in Paris they have
really attracted no notice. Next, in answer to the
objection that the Prussians have behaved merci-
lessly, we have, not a denial of the fact, but a to
quoque which, if it applied, would not even ex-
tenuate the conduct which has been reprobated.
But it does not apply at all, for the wanton cruelty
which is charged against Prussia was committed
not in war, but during an armistice, and to crush a
Power that was suing for peace. It was not that
Duppel was bombarded, but that the vanquished
were ruthlessly trampled upon, and that, while
Denmark was negotiating in good faith, measures
of military extortion were directed avowedly to
drive her to accept any terms that Prussia might
impose. Baron Bunsen should know that the
Ministerial journals in Berlin are now actually con-
gratulating their Government on the success which
has, they assert, attended these esecrable proceeds
in gs. As to the money levied being spent for the
most part in the country, that is merely begging
the question. It is, in effect, confessing and excusing
a crime which can neither be denied nor justified.
Then, with respect to the idea that Prussia has con-
templated the annexation of the Duchies, Baron
Bunsen, it is true, contradicts the suspicion with
remarkable emphasis. He states, not indeed in the
name of the King, but as being able to speak with
certainty as to his intentions, , that anything so
"shameful and abominable" wa's never conceived,
and will never be carried out. It is not usual for a
member of the Opposition to be so well informed
of the policy of the Government; but we accept
the declaration without regard to its inspiration.
There can be no doubt that Baron Bunsen honestly
believes that the King of Prussia is incapable of
the action he denounces, and happily his anticipa-
tions accord with indications which possess more
significance than any affirmation emanating from
the Cabinet of Berlin. Baron Bunsen is a foreigner,
but not a sts anger in England, and though we can
understand that he, and many Germans who think
as ho does, desire an intimate alliance with this
country, it should be evident to one who is ac-
quainted with English public opinion that the two
nations are not at all agreed upon the principles to
be obeyed for the promotion of civilisation and pro-
gress, There can be no feeling in common between
the people of England and the people of Germany,
as the latter are represented by the Prussian Go-
vernment. Baron Bunsen is certainly, as be says,
attached to the Upposition, but as far as we can
see his party have not merely supported, but in-
cited and urged on, a war unnecessary to begin
with—for any legitimate object it had in view
could have been otherwise attained—and which
very nearly disturbed, and has materially endan-
gered, the peace of all Europe. We can have no
sympathy with aspirations which are so expressed-
Our associations, more than our interests, induce us
to wish to keep on friendly terms with Germany ;
bat the alliance must, to be permanent, have a more
solid basis than at present subsists. Baron Bunsen
is in many respects almost an Englishman, but the
sentiments he entertains and avows are not, as we
have reason to believe, the sentiments of the great
tody of his nation. Moreover, the very policy he
has come forward to defend compels us to seek for
alliances that offer the best securities against its
repetition. International law has been set aside
and repudiated to subserve the ambition of Prussia,
to exhibit her breech-loaders and rifled cannon, and
to exercise her troops, as it would now appear, in
the face of France. England can take no part in
such action. We can perceive what it is tending
to, we can estimate its consequences, and in the
aggression upon Denmark, as in the manner in
which it is being consummated, we plainly recog-
nise the approach of events that are big with cala-
mities for Europe, as well as retribution for Prussia.
In the apportionment of the responsibility that will
hereafter have to be made we are ready to take our
own share, and we know what that is; but for the
policy we have protested against we will not be
held answerable. Prussia has disregarded our ad•
vice and abused our forbearance, and we can only
hope that she may discover the error of her ways
while there is yet time to turn from them.

The Union announces of the death of Mme. the
Dowager do Corday, at her residence the Chateau du Ite-
nouard, near Vimoutiers (Orne), in her 89th year, having
been burn on the 30th November, 1775. The deceased was
of the same family as Charlotte Corday, the Norman heroine,
being a distant cousin. Though ten years younger than
Charlotte, she knew her well, and always spoke of her "as
a young person usually serious and reserved, having the
manners of a well-bred lady, according to the usages and
traditions of the Corday family, but who could laugh on
occasion, was very fond of children, and loved to share
their amusement.

SINGULAR CIRCUMSTANCE.—On Monday, ag Mr
Stuart, banker, was driving from ewiney to %Vick,
the sudden brushing past of a bird attracted his attention,
and he observed a large hawk closely following his vehicle,
and eagerly watching the movements of a lark that had fled
to the earth, hotly pursued by its enemy. The hawk did
not venture to approach the vehicle so as to endanger its
own safety, but the poor lark crouched near the wheel, and
on Mr Archibald Meccalister, who was with Mr Stuart, dis-
mounting, the lark quietly allowed him to lay hold of it,
preferring, we presume, the tender mercies of man to those
of the hawk —Northern Ensign.
[AnvEßTisEmENT]—Holloway's Ointment and Pills.--
These direct curatives act on the human body as mighty
purifiers and healers, which slowly, gradually, and safely'
work a change for the better throughout the whole system.
The ointment has almost miraculous powers of cleaning and
healing old sores and ulcers which had defied the highest
surgical skill ; but perseverance is necessary to attain• this
end, as it would bo unreasonable to expect that any ulcer
or skin disease which had been firmly rooted in the body
for years could bo cured in a few days. It cannot be too
much to ask a week's trial of these novel remedies in any
chronic ulceration or other foul wouud—in that short time
they will prow their Virtues,