The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-20 00:00:00

Constituents,

KING'S LYNN, OCt. 19.
After another prolonged silence—at any rate as
between himself and his constituents—Lord Stan.
ley, M.P., met the electors and non-electors of this
borough to-day, in the Townhall, and addressed
them at length upon public affairs. The Mayor (Mr.
W. Burkitt) presided, and introduced the noble lord
to the meeting which was, at first, thinly attended.
Lord STANLEY, M.P., who was received with
cheers, said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, I have
come here for the purpose of addressing to you a
few words on the present state of public affairs, in
accordance with a promise made long ago, and at
the request of many here present, whom I may
reckon among my friends. I say this that
I may not seem to occupy your time unneces.
sarily, and I suppose I need offer no excuse for
not having stood before you in this room either last
autumn or the autumn before. One reason and jus-
tification of my not doing so is that the last three
years, however dreadful in the history of Europe
and America, have been years of singular peace and
calm as regards the people of these islands. It is
not difficult to see to what peace has been owing.
Great commercial prosperity, the general absence
of distress among the people, with one notable ex.
ception, while in that case the distress had been re.
lieved and alleviated with a care and success never
witnessed before on so large a scale—the well.
founded belief that any measure really called for by
public opinion will be passed, and that so far our
constitution answers the purpose for which it was
framed; the removal in the last 30 years of nearly
all the grievances which in the days of the old
Reform Bill stirred men's minds; stirring events
abroad, drawing off attention from home a ffairs,
and, perhaps, also a kind of political seep.
ticism, encouraged, if not created, by a Govern-
ment which is practically absolute in France, and
by the crisis through which the great Western Re-
public is passing, are the causes of the state of
things which exists now; which has greatly per-
plexed politicians of the old school, and which has
disgusted those who confound agitation with pro.
gress. Some of these causes no doubt are temporary,
and others are permanent in their character. Ido
not expect the absolute calm of the last four or five
years to continue ; neither do I believe we shall re.
turn to the somewhat feverish and excited condition
of the public mind which prevailed, with few inter-
missions, from 1830 to the time of the Crimean war.
Now, I do not regret this. It isequite right to ascer-
tain from time to time that your house is in good order,
the foundation safe, and the roof watertight; but a
man may do that without passing his life in examin-
ing every crack in the plaster, or testing the sound.
nese of every plank and beam; or, to put it in an-
other way, those are healthiest men who are
always thinking about their health ; and as it
is with individuals, so it is with States. Political
institutions are a means, not an end; and if peace
is kept, if life and property are protected at home,
if the revenue is fairly collected and economically
spent, and if individual freedom is left to every man,
as far as is consistent with the rights of others, to
do the bast he can for himself and his enterprises, I
believe the State has discharged the principal
functions which it can with advantage undertake.
I think in our time it is one of the duties of a man
of sense, whether he calls himself a Liberal or a
Conservative. to watch that the State does not, as
all Continental Governments, without an exception,
do, extend its control far beyond these which are
its legitimate and natural occupations. Now,
let me say, after this preface, that I do not
mean to ask you to follow me in what is called
a review of the session. What is done is done,
and neither praise nor fault-finding can mend it.
We may, then, leave the past alone ; our busi-
ness is with the present and the future. There is
only one past debate to which I shall refer, and I
notice it because it seems likely, in a great degree,
to influence the present policy of the Government,
We had a discussion last July on the conduct of
foreign affairs. Tne ostensible object of that debate
was to take the sense of the house as to whether the
Danish negociatioßs had been mismanaged, and the
object with which many members—l among the
rest—went into it was, to obtain from Parliament
a distinct and decided expression of opinion in favour
of a policy of non-intervention in Continental dis-
putes. In that we perfectly succeeded. The feeling
upon that point came nearer to unanimity than I
ever recollect to have been the case in Parliament
upon any occasion equally important. I believe
the feeling of the country went the same way,
and unless I greatly mistake it, the debate 011864
will mark the beginning of a new era in the his.
tory of Briti6h diplomacy. Only do not let us feel
two confident that the victory is gained. Welcome
everybody's reason, with very few exceptions, in
favour of a policy of peace. But cases are likely to
arise which the feelings and political passions of
many men will be on the other side, and caution
and care will still be necessary lest what has been
gained in 1864 should be lost in future years. Now,
perhaps I ought to correct myself in speaking of a
policy of nonintervention. Ido not mean that
England should not have given advice nor express
an opinion upon questions not affec'.ing her own in-
terests, but I say that that should be done without
menace, or the semblance of menace; it should be done
in such a way as not to hold out hopes or threats that
force is intended to be used. (Cheers.) Inasmuch,
too, as advice tendered under such circumstances
is unfortunately apt to be received with no great
respect, I think it ought only to ba given on rare and
important occasions, when there is a reasonable
hope that the parties concerned will be willing to ac-
cept it, and when the national conscience and feeling
require protest on the part of our Government. Now,
there are at this time four leading questions in fo-
reign affairs which are likely to occupy attention for
some time to come. First, there is the American war,
as to which I think the duty of absolute neutrality
is plain, so much so that for my part I do not wish
to violate that neutrality even to the extent of ex-
pressing sympathy with one side or the other. I
speak of it simply as an observer, and if I were to
venture a prediction, which is always hazardous, I
should say that I see no prospect of its early close.
When two nations are worked up to a pitch of
mutual hatred, in which their own losses cease to
affect them if they only can inflict a greater loss upon
the enemy, nothing will separate them except the
utter exhaustion of one or the other. The time for
that has not yet come. Neither party, as I believe,
is half-beaten yet, and considering the determine.
tion which the North has shown, I think it likely,
as I did three years ago, that with its enormous su-
periority of force it will occupy and overrun in the
end the whole territory of the South. The North may
succeed so far as to gratify its feeling of revenge
and its desire for supremacy ; but when it has done
that its political difficulties will begin. I cannot
realise the manner in which a republican commu-
nity of 20,000,000 is to hold, consistently with its
own principles of government, or indeed with any
principles of government, another community of
6,000,000 or 7,000,000 utterly disaffected to its own
rule, (Hear, hear.) That is the real perplexity of
the America future, As to the drain of men and
money, Ido not attach much weight to that. The
overflow of Europe will fill up all gaps in the
population, and although I should be myself equally
sorry to be a creditor either of the North or of the
South, yet a country with the gigantic natural re-
sources of America cannot be permanently ruined.
All we can do—all we ought to do, is to let them
fight it out. We are not in any way responsible
for the war ; we did not make it or advise it ; and
we know for certain that any offer of English
mediation would be repelled as an insult, and would
probably be ascribed to interested motives, although
oar concern in the question, as the thing has turned
rest. is really more one of humanity than self-inte-
I
the cottdoubt, if we take into account the state of
on markets in 1860 and set against the cot-
ton famine
the °Penin,ofnew markets elsewhere
and the gain to
whether we have been on the
whole serious losers by the war. (Hear.) There is,
next, the question of Italy. and as to that I think
we see our way more clearly than we did two or
three years since. The Italian people have e
under
ne
de-
niably shown moderation and good 92.-liee
d
thata s
teornoe t, h: rr
slderable difficulties, and they have their rewarcd
for I thinkn; it is impossible to doubtili
e
at least the Roman territory, will

hands at no very distant date, The whole arrange-
ment with France comes to this—that the Pope
may hold his own if be can, his debts
being paid for him, and time being given
him to orfonise an army of his own. Now,
even if the Italian Government were inclined
to observe that treaty strictly—and probably they
will observe it only in the letter—they cannot pre-
vent a rising in Rome itself, and they cannot pre-
vent the pouring in over the extended frontier of
money, arms, and volunteers; and then the question
remains, whether any army which the Pope can
maintain on his own account, supported as he may
be indirectly by Austria and Spain, but not assisted
by any European State, will suffice to put down a
rising. I do not think that we in England can
easily understand the extrema importance which
the Italians attach to the possession of what is an
unhealthy and decaying town, possessing no pecu•
liar military and commercial advantages, and with
nothing to recommend it except its historical name.
Bat if they think it worth while on that account to
quarrel with the bulk of their clergy (who form in
Italy a powerful class), and their adherents, and to
incur the of the Catholic Powere,l think the
choice will be in their own hands; at all events they
will not have to wait a considerably long time.
It is impossible that they can long maintain an army
upon its present footing; they are at this moment
spending 50 per cent, above their income, and the
alternative before them is plain—either to disarm
in part, and to adopt permanently a policy of peace,
or to involve themselves in a fresh war with Austria,
the issue of which would be exceedingly doubtful.
For my own part, accepting Italy as a fact, and
wishing well to its people and Government, I hope
they will adopt the former and not the latter course,
Most States desire to extend their frontiers, but it
is a bad bargain to do that at the cost of national
bankruptcy; and if to accomplish this object, they
have to call in foreign aid, they might be expected
to pay for it as they did before, and that would, I
think, be a transaction not very edifying on the
score of political morality, and not very conducive
to the maintenance of political tranquillity in Eu-
rope. (Hear, hear.) There is another part of Europe
in which we shall probably see great changes before
long—l mean Germany. It is clear that the clumsy
scheme of a German confederation has in practice
broken down, and it is equally clear that the mutual
rivalry of Austria and Prussia, to say nothing of
the jealousy of foreign States, will make it impos-
sible for all Germany to be united for any purpose
or in any manner as a single community. The only
remaining alternative is that the smaller States
should unite among themselves for mutual protec-
tion, in which case they would be dependent upon
France to a great extent ; or that, according to
their geographical position and their political ten-
dencies, they should connect themselves, some with
Austria and some with Prussia, so as to be, for
diplomatic and military purposes, practically an-
nexed to those countries. The latter alternative, is,
in my opinion, the more likely to be the result wit-
nessed, and in that case I sincerely hope England
will not interfere, even by her voice, to prevent it.
The existence of these petty German sovereignties
is useless ; they multiply, as we have seen, the risks
of war ; they serve, as far as I can see, no politi-
cal purpose, and the sooner they disappear from
the map of Europe the better, in my judg-
ment. (Hear, hear.) The fourth question of which
I spoke is that of the East. It does not press at
this moment, so I shall only touch it in passing. I
believe the breaking up of the Turkish empire to be
only a question of time, and probably not a very
long time. The Turks have played their part in
history; they have had their day, and that day is
over ; and I confess I do not understand, excepi it
be from the influence of old diplomatic traditions,
the determination of our older statesmen to stand
by the Turkish rule, whether right or wrong. I
think we are making for ourselves enemies of races
which will very soon become in Eastern countries
dominant races, and I think we are keeping back
countries by whose improvement we, as the great
traders of the world, shall be the great gainers, and
that we are doing this for no earthly advantage,
either present or prospective. I admit that Env
land has an interest, and a very strong one, in the
neutrality of Egypt, and some interest also, although
to a less extent, in Constantinople not falling into
the hands of a great European Power ; but tht se
two points set aside, I can conceive no injury arising
to Great Britain from any transfer of power which
might affect the Turkish Empire, and although this
is not a practical question at the present moin,nt, 1
have a very strong idea that, before long, it will
become so. Now, in regard to Colonial matters,
apart from the question of the African settlement,
and that of defence, which I shall deal wiAl as
matters of finance, there is only one subject which
need interest us greatly at home—l mean the rela-
tions amongst themselves of the colonies composing
the two great groups, Australian and American. In
British North America there is a strong movement
in progress in favour of federation, or rather of
union, in some shape. In Australia I believe
the same feeling exists, but not so deeply, and
though it has not assumed a practical form, I think
that tendency ought to be encouraged in both one
and the other case. (Hear, hear.) We know that
those countries must before long be independent
States. We have no interest except in their strength
and wellbeing, We see in America the peril of
a Federal Union hastily and loosely arranged
between States, each jealous of its separate
and sovereign power. We have settled the relations
of the colonies to the mother country, it is now our
work to help them to settle their relations with one
another; by so doing we shall strengthen the Bri-
tish Empire whilst they remain with us, and obtain
more willing and more powerful allies when they
cease to be in a position of dependence. Now Ido
not know if it is worth while to mention that un-
lucky quarrel which has sprung up between the
home and colonial authorities of Australia on the
subject of transportation. (Hear, hear.) The case is
this, we continue to send a certain number of con-
victs to Western Australia, as we have an undoubted
right to do, and the West Australians themselves
do not complain. But when the sentences of the
convicts are expired, they migrate to the other
colonies, and introduce there a dangerous and de-
praved population. Against this the Australians
complain, and say, as I think with perfect truth,
that if you turn these men loose upon any part of
the Continent they are sure to find their way to
every other. Now there is some irritation, I am
afraid I must say a great deal of irritation, upon the
subjeot, and I think not unreasonably, I mention
it because I think it is a matter in wuteu la is mete,
folly for England to stand upon her legal rights.
We know that before long the Western Australians
themselves will object, as the other colonists have
done, to receive our felons, and when that happens
we must discontinue to send them. It is only,
therefore, a question of sending them for a few
years. Under these circumstances I think it would
be wise for the English Uovernment to yield at
once and declare that transportation to Western
Australia shall cease. (Hear.) They will have to
make that concession before long, and it is surely
wiser and better to do so when they can do it freely
and whilst we can de so with a good grace. (Cheers.)
And now, gentlemen, coming nearer home, let me
say a few words upon matters which touch us
more closely. In days of external and internal
peace financial questions are naturally those which
take the lead. And in respect to finance, our posi-
tion is so thoroughly sound and satisfactory
that our only fear is that it may be too good
to last. (Cheers.) We have tided over the great
cotton famine without loss or injury, and i❑ a way
which no one could have expected. We ilave a

trade increasing more rapidly than that of any
European country. We are, as a Government,
living within our income, which is more than can
be said of any Continental State at the present time.
(Hear.) In finance nothing succeeds like success—
every surplus that you have given you is an oppor.,
tunity of creating a surplus for future years by the
removal of inconvenient and obnoxious taxes ; and

I do not see anything, short of a foreign war or of
some great national disaster at home, why the pro•
gress which we are now making should not con.
tinue. (Hear, hear.) I find no fault with the ge.
neral course of our fiscal policy of the last few years.
At the same time that it is easy to be liberal when
there is plenty to give away, it is not difficult to

reduce burthens when the country is growing in
wealth every day. I think also, though this is
rather a matter of speculative criticism than of pre,
sent importance, that in discussing these questions
we are very apt to make the mistake of attributing
too much to legislation and too little to the natural
progress of the country. (Hear.) Thirty millions
of the moat hardworking people in the world, and
in a country where the leading idea of 99 men out
of a 100 is to increase their fortune and improve
their position, enjoying the advantage of a general
peace in Europe, and with vast colonies extending
and increasing every year—such a population can
hardly help growing richer under any system of
finance that is not absolutely bad. What, however,
is by the way our business, is to consider, not the
past, but our present and future position. First,
let us look to the side of expenditure. Have we
any prospect of being able to return to the figures
of that golden age of economists, the years from
1835 to 1840 ? I fear we must dismiss that as an
idle hope. Everything is more costly now than it
was then. We see it and we feel it in private life.
Europe is more heavily armed ; parts of it are
more disposed for war, and however little we
may be inclined to meddle, still a certain amount
of defensive preparation is a matter not of choice
but of necessity. (Hear, hear.) You will never
again, I think, see the national accounts showing
a figure on either side of less than sixty millions;
but there are certain items in which I believe re-
ductions, and not inconsiderable reductions, can be
made. (Applause.) Ido not pretend to minute
acquaintance with the working of the dockyards ;
but there is an extraordinary concurrence of testi-
mony on the part of every person to whom I have
spoken (and I have discussed the matter with en-
gineers and sailors, and with others who ought to
be acquainted with the subject, again and again)—
there is, I say, an almost unanimity of testimony
that the work there done, though it is good work
when it is done, is costly in a very extraordinary
degree—(hear, hear)—and that, I think, is only,
what might be expected. In establishmenttof such
vast magnitude you cannot have the master's eye
everywhere. You have nobody personally inte-
rested in forcing a strict and minute economy.
Dockyard men Wive votes—(laughter)—and I am
afraid there is a good deal of political jobbery re-
maining; and, apart from that, nothing leads to
waste, even among perfectly honest men, more than
the knowledge that your employers' purse is one
that you cannot exhaust. Now, I fear our enor-
mous wealth is making us rather too careless in
these matters. I think, also, it is a question
whether, in the utter uncertainty which at present
exists as to the best ship and the best gun, we
ought to go on building iron clads at the present
rate. On the whole, though I speak with diffidence,
yet I believe in a year or two we ought to be able
to knock off from the navy estimates from a million
to a million and a half, and that without doing any
injury to the service. (Applause.) As to the mili-
tary services, the case is somewhat different. I
believe that, upon the whole, we get money's worth
for our money; and I do not grudge any expendi-
ture which may be found necessary in providing
improved barracks, or in providing more efficient
arms. But there is the question to consider whether
we are not making a mistake, in scattering our mili-
tary forces too much over the world,and keeping up
garrisons at various points which are at once burden-
some in peace and too small to ba effective in war.
(Hear.) I say nothing as to Malta or Gibraltar; those
are great Imperial fortresses, and must be held in
strength. So, again, such places as Hong Kong, or
Bermuda, or Aden, cannot be left without defence.
Australia is virtually self-protected ; India pays its
own troops ; but Ceylon and Mauritius might be
made, I think, to do the same; and at the Cape,
where till lately we kept up an army rather than a
garrison, the settlers are now, or ought to be,
strong enough and numerous enough to hold their
own against any ordinary native attack. So again
in New Zealand—where we must all be glad to see
that that most costly and annoying Maori war is
over—l think it is time to tell the colonists from
henceforth, " Yuu are now stronger than the native
tribes; you are stronger in numbers ; you have the
advantage of wealth, of discipline, of civilisation ;
they have had a lesson ; if you do not meddle with
them they are not likely to disturb you again ; and,
therefore, take notice, from this time we shall leave
you to fight your own battlee." (Hear, hear.) I
think in such a colonial policy as I suggest there
is groundwork laid for a saving of expense which
would not be inconsiderable. There is another
matter which Parliament must shortly deal with—
our relations with the African coast. There has
been a waste of money in that, the most pestilen-
tial climate which exists, of which, 1 believe, few
persons are fully aware, and the risk is even greater
than the loss. Take the thing called the Cape Coast
protectorate. That may at any time involve you
in war—it last year actually did involve you in war
—with some barbarous chief like the King of
Ashantee, in a country where men die like rotten
sheep, and never see the face of an enemy. And
what is the return for all that ? I suspect income
monly little. The whole subject of these African
settlements and of the African squadron wants in-
quiry, and I am glad to learn that it is about to be
taken up in the course of next session by an inde-
pendent member. My own idea is, hold on to
places where you either have, or where you can
develops an important traffic, if, by abandoning
there you would sacrifice that traffic; but do not
go inland, hold nothing except where you can
reach by water; keep clear of protectorates and
alliances, and -recollect that though civilised
Africa may be a very noble idea with those who are
willing to undertake it, still England ought to be
just before she is generous, and we have plenty of
that work to do nearer home. (Applause.) There is
one colony with regard to which we are in a posi-
tion of great perplexity. I mean Canada. In the
event of a rupture with the United States—l hope
is impossible—Canada is our vulnerable
it is most improbable, but in their present temper
nothing
a
point. It is the most indefensible country in the
world—a long narrow strip, with no depth of coun-
stpryartshe atis
habitable
hfallehadback n
upon,
experience of
ex d with a
population
have who
war. And yet the case is not one in which we can
honourably say to the Canadians—" Defend your-
selves—it is not our affair." If they were to be
brought into a war in consequence of a quarrel be-
tween England and the United States—a war which
they had done nothing to bring about, and as to
which they had not even a voice—we could not in
honour or duty abandon them. All we can do is to
can on trivai, SU lin% GC Limy £e1,4111 WWI" CUULICULIULI
with us, to do more towards their own defence than
they have as yet done, and to make our assistance
conditional upon their doing that. That we can do,
and we can avoid sending troops into the interior,
where they are neither numerous enough to be of
use, nor in a position where, if attacked, they could
retire with honour. Canada I look upon as an ex-
ceptional case. With regard to the other colonial
garrisons, I think they will bear a considerable re-
duction, although no doubt that must be gradually
and cautiously done. As to the civil expenditaire I
have nothing to say—or rather, I must frankly tell
you, I do not look for ward in regard of that to any
saving of importance. The days of sinecures and
jobs are very nearly over; there are very few offices
which, even by the strictest revision, you could do
away with, and there are many heads of expense
which we must expect, as population grows, to be-
come heavier rather than lighter. I hold it, there.
fore, as certain that any economical reform of im-
portance must take place in the military and naval '
departments. I think we are as a nation—we have
been of late—somewhat too apathetic in these
matters ; but some movement has been made
in that direction, and, taking into contempla-
tion our prospects for the next three or four
years, I see on the whole nothing extravagantly
sanguine in looking forward to a reduction of at
least two millions, and possibly of more. Now to
that we have to add the natural increase of the re.
venue to an extent, including recovery from duties
reduced, of about a million and a quarter yearly.
lam taking a very moderate estimate. It has been
more than that—it has been more than a million
and a half during the last three years; and when
one remembers that those years, however prosperous
in other respects, have been the years of the cotton
famine, I think it is not unreasonable to suppose

that a similar increase will continue. (Hear, hear.)
Of course I am arguing on the assumption that our
course of prosperity is not interrupted by any great
European war in which we should be involved;
but that, I think, is the only thing seriously to
fear, and, if I am right, we may with reasonable
economy look forward to a relief from taxation in
the next four years to the extent of six or seven
millions. (Applause.) Now that anticipation
makes it clear to my mind that, whatever else we
may find to fight about in the House of Commons,
financial questions will not lead to any very serious
Parliamentary struggles. Of course some may
think that one tax should have precedence, and
some may prefer another; but with reasonable
patience, every strong claim may be satisfied. Of
course it would be idle to attempt to frame budgets
for future years ; but I may indicate briefly a few
of what I consider to be leading principles. The
worst tax, beyond exception, that we have, is that
on fire insurances. (Applause.) It yields altogether
about a million and a half, and I doubt if there is
any other part of our taxation of equal amount that
is liable to equally grave objections. You, by your
Town Council, have petitioned against it ; and I
think you have done wisely. It is a discouragement
to prudence ; it is an encouragement to gambling
speculation—for a man who prefers betting on his
luck rather than insuring is in effect a gambler; it
cripples a great and profitable business which, if
not taxed, would rise to dimensions far exceeding
the present ; and if it is—what persons speaking
in its defence have called it—a tax upon property,
it is a tax imposed upon property in the most capri-
cious and arbitrary way. It spares the great pro-
prietor who can afford to be his own insurer; it
spares the man who has his property scattered
over a great multitude of different investments;
it falls heaviest upon those who are not rich enough
to meet the loss—who cannot afford to be their own
insurers. (Hear, hear.) At the same time, I do
not say that it is necessary to sweep away that
tax altogether. It is the excessive amount that
makes the hardship. A tax of 3s. is injurious
where a tax of 6d. would be harmless. If it were
reduced to that amount the exemption accorded
long ago to agricultural stock might in that case,
I think, fairly be done away with, and that very
small charge be imposed upon all alike. At that
rate, which would be only one-sixth of the pre-
sent, you would still retain a quarter of a million
from the tax ; and, in a few years, from the in-
crease of the practice of insurance, I believe it
would yield three times as much, (Hear, hear.)
Now, next in order, I think, is the income tax
—(hear, hear)—and with regard to that I think
we.ought to consider our position carefully. The
popular thing, of course, is to say, " Sweep it off
altogether." (Laughter.) I should like to think
that fairly possible; but I doubt whether it could
be done consistently with justice. (Hear, hear.)
I think, if you were to do so, the effect would
be, unless many other taxes were removed at the
same time, to destroy the balance between direct
and indirect taxation, and therefore to throw a
heavier proportion of the burden upon those classes
who do not at present contribute to the income
tax. I think that 31., or even 4d. in the pound
—that is 11 to nearly 11 per cent—is not a very
heavy burden, and that where the total propor-
tion of the tax to income is so small, those in-
equalities which, as I believe, are inherent and
inevitable in any income tax, will cease to be prac-
tically felt. I think, also, there is an advantage
in having the machinery ready at hand, and not
having to create it afresh, in the event of any
national exigency. I think, therefore, if we
could get down that tax to half of its present
rate, we might fairly be content, and we ought not
for the present to attempt to go further. In cus-
toms duties the reductions of the last few years have left
very little that is urgent to do. Tea, sugar, wino, all have
been dealt with. The duty on spirits, I suppose, iu the
interest of niorality,no one would be very anxious to reduce,
unless it could be shown that it was evaded by smuggling.
All the remaining. duties are unimportant, except that on
tobacco. That is a duty which I think may wait for a
while. No doubt it is excessive in amount, and so it en-
courages fraud. No doubt also it falls in a heavier propor-
tion on the poorer than on the richer consumer. And it is
a duty which, by means of in'reased consumption, would
recwer itself very rapidly if reduced. At the same time the
article is not one of necessity—it is not one of which it is
desirable to stimulate the consumption indefinitely; and I
think, on the whole, it need not be considered, at least until
the two questions of income tax and insurance are dealt
with. (Hear, hear.) As to the duties on corn, on fruit, on
timber, and one or two more, yielding altogether something
over a million, they are in general too small a percentage
up en the coat of the articles to be very injurious to trade, at
the same time the am, 'ant raised by them is not very large.
The policy of late years has been that of simplifying our
tariff, and I think at no very distant date you will see those
duties disappear. (Applause.) Now allow me to say one
word as to a tax which has been very much discussed of late
—I mean the excise on malt. I have requests from some of
you, though not very many, to support the total abolition
of that tax, and throughout the eastern counties there has
been, I know, a considerable movement in that direction. I
must tell you frankly I think that is a thing which Parlia-
ment will not do, and which in my judgment it is very
doubtful whether it ought to do. (Applause.) Consider how
the question stands. You would lose by a total repeal of
the malt tax six millions, or nearly so, at one blow
and if my estimate of our present and future financial con-
dition is correct, you would thereby cut yourselves off
from the possibility of dealing with any other tax, or of
relieving any other interest for several years to come.
(Hear, hear.) But there is more than that; the loss does
not end with that one tax. You would be obviously dimie
nishing to a great extent the return from spirits. Probably,
also, cheap beer would do something to lessen the consump-
tion of tea. It is a very moderate estimate to allow for a
loss in this indirect way of two or three millions more; and
I do not see, looking at it from another point of view, how
the duty on tea is to be permanently retained if beer is to be
wholly exempt. One is as much a poor man's luxury as
the other, and certainly tea is, on the whcle, the more
harmless of the two. (Laughter and applause.) I hold,
therefore, that the country gentlemen will act with less
than their usual prudence and good sense if they commit
themselves to a movement for a total repeal. Reduction is
hwe may sea in the course of
m
oso 0 taken off that duty; but in
tainoet
ze 1
1.,0 matter,oo,ooo andor
£ I
2, dareooo,a ta
that case, as in that of the tobacco duties, I do not think
the claim for remission is very urgent, and certainly I do
not think it ought to cone before the income tax and the
fire insurance duty. On these questions of finance the
general principle which we have to follow I think is clear.
I think we ought to divide such surpluses as we may have
as fairly as may be between remissions of direct and indi-
rect taxation. If we hold to that rule Ido not apprehend
any very serious differences of opinion. There is, I know,
a school of financiers who desire to sweep away all indirect
taxation whatever, making up the deficiency by direct taxes
on property. Now, my objection to that doctrine is, that
in the first place it is utterly impracticable—the public will
not have it ; and in the next place, it is utterly unjust. You
would be exempting in practice three-fourths of the nation
from all taxes, and throwing the whole of the burden upon
the remaining fourth_ If these ideas alinuld snake any
progress in the public mind, I might have a great deal
more to say about them, but at present they are in the
nature of speculation only, and I think they will long
remain so. (Hear, hear.) Now there is one question of
great importance at all times, but on which you
will hardly expect me to enter into details to-day---I
mean that which relates to the extension of the
franchise. It is useless to discuss that matter until we
know whether anything is likely to be done or attempted in
that direction by the present Cabinet. How that may be I
do not know, and possibly they themselves do not. But I do
know this, that while a small measure would not satisfy that
party from whom the demand for action proceeds, a large
measure cannot be carried out except with a state of popular
feeling very different from that which exists at present. It
is quite idle to think that where the whole question in dis-
pute is the transfer of power from one class to another, you
can settle the matter, after a little friendly discussion, in a
way which will satisfy everybody. Any man who expects
that will be disappointed. There are many persons here who
remember 1832. At that time the whole middle and lower
classes, with the exception of a small minority, were on one
side, and on the other there were only a few hundred per-
sons interested in the maintenance of the rotten boroughs,
Yet you all remember that the bill of 1832 was not carried
without a struggle which agitated the country from one end
to the other. It is not now the upper, it is the middle class
—the owners of the greater part of the property of the coun-
try, and by far the most powerful class in it, which exercises
political supremacy at the present day. They are not likely
to part with it of their own free will, at least, if they do, it
will be a new fact in the history of the country, and I see
no such movement on the part of the working classes which
would be likely to overbear the resistance which might bo
expected. I do not think the Conservative party have any-
thing to reproach themselves with on that subject. They
were expected by Parliament and the public to make, in
1858-9, some proposal which should bo in the nature of a
compromise. They made it,
failed, and withdrew from
power. Their successors made a similar attempt—they
failed also, and they have stayed where they were. (Cheers
and laughter.) Now my opinions on this question are those
which I held in 1859, but if it is to be dealt with at all, it
cannot be settled without a dissolution of Parliament ; and
therefore any persons who wish to have from me a detailed

explanation of what I should or what 1 should not support
will bs perfectly sure to have his opportunity. (Hear, hear.)
But it does not follow, even if the whole question be left un-
touched, that Parliament need be idle. We have a vast
mass of miscellaneous work on hand, quite sufficient to oc-
cupy our attention for many years to come. Our law—after
modern reforms perhaps the most cumbrous and complicated
in Europe—requires to be consolidated and simplified. That
is a process involving, no doubt, labour at the hands of per-
sons to whom Parliament may entrust it ; but otherwise
the task is not especially difficult. We have that extra-
ordinary system of purchased commissions in the army
which I firmly expect to see done away with, at least so far
as regards the higher grades. (Hear, hear.) We have the
question of parish or union rating for poor law purposes,
and connected with it is that intricate problem, the law of
settlement. We know that the administration of our public
charities is faulty, and I cannot conceive a better investment
of time and labour than would be a Parliamentary inquiry
into at least the chief of them, with a view to utilise the
vast funds at their disposal. (Hear, hear.) We have a
licensing system which satisfies nobody, and the reform of
which was: recommended by a committee of the House
of Commons ten years since. In Ireland and Scotland the
laws which regulate marriage are in a state only fit for a
barbarous country. (Hear, hear.) It cannot be said that
what is called the private legislation of Parliament is in a
condition altogether satisfactory, although, as I frankly ad-
mit, it is easier to say that then suggest a remedy. (Hear.)
Then, our patent laws want amending, if the privilege of
granting patents is to be retained—and that itself is a ques-
tion for very serious discussion. A commission has been
issued—upon which I have the honour to sit—to inquire intu
the laws relating to capital punishment; and, whatever
opinions may exist as to the limits within which such pun-.
ishment shall be inflicted, I think almost every one agrees as
to the inconvenience of having cases tried over again in pri-
vate at the Home•office after they have been publicly tried
by a judge and jury. (Hear.) Well, I might go on almost
indefinitely with a list of questions which require to be dealt
with or discussed; but those I have mentioned are enough
as a sample. You see there is plenty of work which you
may put upon us, and I only wish that you (the constituen-
cies) would look a little more sharply after us, and make sure
that we do it. (Laughter and cheers.) Idleness is not
Conservatism. (Hear, hear.) Economy and administrative
improvement are quite as much the interests of those classes
whose principles and associations make them conservative
as of any other; and if, as I believe, the country does not
desire organic change, it little 'wishes for a state of utter
lethargy and stagnation. Regulated activity disarms agi-
tation ; apathy and neglect create it, (Cheers.) Now, gen-
tlemen, you will be glad to hear that I am drawing to a close
of what has necessarily been a very long survey. (Cheers.)
I am not fond of long speeches; my only excuse must be
that the ground to be gone over is extensive, and that in
view of an election, and probably of a contest, I did not wish
any voter in this town to say that he had been deluded or
left in the dark as to the opinions of his representative.
(Cheers.) There are two classes of subjects which I have
left untouche a— those relating to India, which I fear I
could hardly make interesting, and perhaps not intelligible
to gentlemen who only near of them for the first time; and
questions of an ecclesiastical character, with regard to
which, although there may be a good deal of talk, it does
not seem to me that Parliament is disposed to take any acs
tive step, But on these, as, indeed, any other matter within
my power, I shall be glad to answer any questions that may
be put to rne. (Hear, hear.) Party politics, as you know,
I do not deal in upon these occasions. (Cheers.) In the
House of Commons, if a man wishes to do anything, it is
almost inevitable that he must act with a political party, but
there has never been a time in my memory when party spirit
had so little life in it. The reason I believe is, that between
moderate Conservatives and moderate Liberals the differences
are slight, and those who represent extreme opinions on
either side were never fewer, and never exercised less in-
fluence than at present. (Hear.) There may be an extreme
Tory party, though I never saw one, nor do I know what its
views are. There is, no doubt, a democratic party, but it
numbers but a small minority of the House of Commons.
All between represent shades of opinion which impercepti-
bly merge into one another, the most reasonable one in' my
opinion being generally found near the middle. (Hear,
hear, and laughter.) That is a state of things which is em-
barassing to many people ; but as far as I can see, it is not
injurious to the country. It may be that those who are now
in what is called Opposition may be called upon to take
their turn of power. If they are, I hope and believe that
they will use it wisely. But one advantage I am afraid they
will not have. I greatly doubt whether they will be treated
with as much patience and as much forbearance as during
the last five years has been exhibited by them to their
' rivals. (Cheers.) But whoever may administer affairs, it is
opinion which governs. Opinion is the stream, and politi-
cians, with all respect to them, are the straws which float
upon it. It is opinion which governs, and I believe that
opinion in England was never more moderate than now in
regard to home affairs, and never more resolute as to the
maintenance of peace abroad, never more willing to deal
with practical and proved abuses, but never less inclined to
undervalue the merits of the system under which we live.
(Cheers.) And now once more let me apologise for this long
address—let me thank you for the kindness of your recep-
tion, and let me express a hope that the political tie which
now connects us way long remain unbroken. (Cheers.)
Broken by my fault I hopo it may not be—broken by my
choice I assure you it never shall be. (Loud cheers.)
Thanks to the Mayor, and three cheers for the noble lord
closed the meeting.
Naval and Military Intelligence.

Field Marshal the Duke of Cambridge, having concluded
his annual visit of inspection of the garrison and defences of
Portsmouth for the present year, embarked on board her
Majesty's steamer Sprightly, Commander G. Allen, at the
Sallyport stairs of the garrison yesterday morning, under a
Royal salute from the guns on the King's Bastion of the
town fortifications, the Royal standard being at the same
time lowered from the garrison flagstaff, and hois'ed at the
maintoptuast head of the Sprightly. Major-Gen. Lord W.
Paulet, C. 8,, commanding Portsmouth and the South-
West Military District—Lieut.-Gen. Sir Richard Airey,
Quartermaster-Gen.—Col. Clifton, Aide-de• Camp to the
Duke—Col. Gambier, RA., Deputy-Adjt.-Gen. of Artil-
lery--Col. Gordon, R.E., commanding Royal Engineers
in the South-West District—and Capt. St. John M.Paulet,
Aide-de-Camp to Majors Gen. Lord W. Paulet, accom-
panied his Royal Highness on board the. Sprightly, which
immediately afterwards left for Ryde, Isle of Wight, and
Southampton Water, it being the duke's intention on leav-
ing Portsmouth to land in the first instance at Ryde and
take carriage across the island to Sandown and inspect the
several forts which have been recently erected there along
the sho”es of the bay, On returning from Sandown his
Royal Highness and the officers with him re-embarked on
board the Sprightly, which proceeded to Southampton
Water, where they disembarked at the landing place of the
Royal Victoria Military Hospital at Netley, and proceeded
to inspect that establishment. From Netley his Royal
Highness returned via Southampton to London. In the
course of the inspection at Portsmouth on Tuesday after-
noon,the Duke of Cambridge lunched with Col. Benn and
the officers of the Royal Artillery at Fort Brockhurst,which,
with Forts Eisen, Rowner, Grange, Gomer, Brown-down
Monckton, and Blockhouse, form the eight detached
forts in front of the Gosport lines, and are the most im-
portant works of the kind yet completed in the kingdom.
From Fort Brockhurst, the Duke proceeded with Colonel
Mackirdy, the senior officer of the Gosport District, to the
new barracks, occupied by the 69th Regiment, which was
drawn up in line, and inspected by the Field-Marshal, who
was highly pleased with the regiment. He afterwards visited
the recreation rooms now building for the troops, and the
canteen, which has lately been opened under the new regu-
lations, and is found to answer well. On the same evening
his Royal Highness was entertained at dinner by the Lieut.
Governor of Portsmouth, Major-General Lord William
Paulet, C. 8,, at Government-house, to which the following
gentlemen were invited :—The Mayor of Portsmouth;
Lieut—Gen. Sir Richard Airey, K.C.8., Quartermaster-
Gen. ; Rear-Admiral George Elliot; Col. Mackirdy, corn-
69th Regiment; Col. Gordon, C. 8.. commanding
R.E. ; Col. Gambier, C. 8., ; Col. Stuart,
C. 8., commanding 21st Fusiliers ; Col. Elliot, commanding
RSA.; Col, Benn, HA.; Col. Murray, commanding 87th
Fusiliers; Col. Ayles, Commandant R.M.L.I. ; Cal. Tato
Commandant R.h.l.A. ; Col. Clifton, A.D.°. ; Lieut.-Col.
Carey, commanding 26th Cameronians ; Lieut. Col. Shute,
commanding 64th Regiment; Capt. Scott, R.N., Victory.
The Imperial Russian screw corvette Rynda, 11 guns,
Capt. Basargine, anchored at the Motherbank, off Ryde,
Isle of Wight, yesterday morning from Pernambuco, bound
for the Baltic.

Yesterday morning her Majesty's steamship Achilles left
Sheerness harbour for Portsmouth. While the vessel was
preparing for sea, a hawser broke and struck a man named
John Dorgin on the head, and seriously wounded James
Barling, leading man of riggers in Sheerness dockyard ; and
John Callan, also a rigger. The men were taken to the
surgery in the dockyard, where Dorgin expired almost im-
mediately. The other two men had their wounds dressed
by Assist.-Surg. Skene, and afterwards were well enough to
walk to their own homes. The unfortunate man Dorgin
has left a wife and six children, one child now lying deed.
Vice-Admiral Henry Francis Greville, 1).B., died on
Tuesday last, after a long illness, at his country seat in
Berkshire, aged 70. Ho was the second son of Lieut. Col,
Henry F. Greville. He entered the navy in 180 G on board
the Renown, Capt. Durham, and next joined the Arethusa.
In this ship, as midshipman, he took part in the active ope-
ratwns on the north coast of Spain, wlacre in a boat affair
he was shot through the leg. He afterwards joined the
Volage, Capt. P. Hornby, and he subsequently saw service
on the Boulogne and North American stations. In 1817 he
held the office of private secretary to Lord Combermere.
After holding various employments and commands he was
in 1851 appointed to the command of the Trafalgar, 120, on
the Mediterranean station, in ithich ship he served during
the war with Russia. For his gallant services during the
war in the East he was made a Companion of the Bath, and
an officer of the Legion of Honour by Napoleon III.; he
was also decorated by the Sultan with the Medjidie of the
3d class, The deceased officer's commissions bore date as
follows Jan, 4, 1814—commander, July 19, 1822
—capt., Aug. 27, 1832—rest-admiral, May 19, 1856—vice-
admiral, April 1, 1863,
Lieut, D. M‘Mahon, Ist battalion Military Train, has in-