The Sun.
London, England, 1864-02-05 00:00:00

open 0 ae finge rat a time. The Ereperor of the French
treats his people in m nch the same way—he opens one finger
at a ti me, but in doing so it is for the benefit of his people,
and I h ape his Government will be maintained, and that,
with hit 4 sagacity and his skill, it will be found possible
without a revolution , to give the French people greater
liberty and more in accordance with that which other coun-
tries enjoy . Theses re, however, difficult and great problems,
We in this country are free from them. We have long set-
tled our constitution, but I believe there will be serious and
great conflicts i a Europe. lam happy to say that in France,
in Russia, and in this country, there is the greatest desire
to maintain pence, and if three such powers are disposed to
maintain peace, I cannot believe that any long war is likely
to occur in Europe. It will be the object of the Govern-
ment not rashly to commit themselves to any policy which
may entail evils upon this country. But at the same time I
must, accepting what the noble earl said, state that it is
the duty of the Government not to look to Parliament
for suggestions or, seek advice from parliament, but to look
seriously at the situation of the country, and to avail them-
selves of all the light which they can obtain; but having
so availed themselves, and then made up their minds to state
to parlian lent what is their policy, and to stand or fall by
the result,—that is their duty. (Hear, and cheers.)
Earl GREY said the question for the Government to de-
cide was whether they would protect Denmark or abandon
her. Ware we to permit a gross act of injustice to be done ?
After wh at had fallen from the noble earl he (Earl Grey)
could not help entertaining a suspicion that it might be the
opinion •of her Majesty's Government that Denmark was
oppressed unjustly. If so, the oppression ought to be re-
sisted. It was a most serious thing on the part of Govern •
Intent to determine that they would look on quietly while an
tuijust act was being perpetrated. (Hear, hear.) He thought
the Powers of the civilised world had a clear interest in pre-
.7-tinting injustice being inflicted upon any of their number,
arid the best security for the peace of liurope was the un-
derstanding amongst the great nations that if any one of
them were treated unjustly the other nations would stand
forward in its defence. lie feared that the Government had
too long deferred coming to a definite conclusion on this
subject, and that the advice we had given Denmark had
created an impression that when the time arrived our aid
would not be wanting. If we had intended to withhold our
assistance we should have made that determination known
to Denmark at an early period. If the Government had
intended to interfere in the matter they ought to have
called Parliament together at an earlier time—(hear,
hear)—and asked for its support. That might have been
followed up by the despatch to Denmark of a British
force. Such a course would have had an enormous effect.
As it was her 31ajesty's Government had either done too
much or too little. With regard to America, he acquitted
the Government of all blame whatever, and he thought also
that the arguments for not engaging in a war on behalf of
Poland were perfectly conclusive. France naturally felt
that we had lett her in the lurch, and was offended accord-
ingly. He thought the Government were right in rejecting
the Emperor Napoleon's plan of a corigress,:but that the
manner in which they did so was needlessly offensive to
that sovereign. The premature publication of the despatch
in which they announced their intention was also calculated
to wound his Majesty's susceptibidties. It was a matter of
the highest importance that our relations with foreign coun-
tries should be conducted in such a manner as would, while
maintaining our own dignity and honour, conciliate those
Powers, and prevent the country from falling into the state
of isolation in which she was now placed. Nor is it imma-
Crial to observe upon the drain upon the resources of the
empire which was going on in distant dependencies at a
time when, looking to the critical state of Europe, a demand
might be made upon our energies nearer home. Having
expressed his deep regret at the war in New Zealand, the
noble earl complained of the terms in which the Queen's
Speech referred to the operations in Japan. Contrary to
practice, it expressed a decided opinion that the Japanese
were to blame, and that we were not responsible for what
happened. Now, he for one looked with the utmost horror
upon the destruction of Kagosima. The cruelty of the
proceedings of the Federals of Charleston were as nothing
to the burning of an enormous town, the inhabitants cf
which were innocent of all offence against us. He felt
sure, moreover, that unless there was a change in our
polies, in Japan, a costly and bloody war with that coun-
try would soon commence. In China, also, there was a
state of things entirely unsatisfactory. So far as her
Majesty's Government were concerned, it was a mere
matter of accident that we had not been involved in the
greatest responsibility in regard to the Government of
China. Was it wise to involve ourselves in so many of
these affairs in different parts of the world, while Europe
was in its present critical state ? He knew he should be told
that it is not our fault. Ent that is not so. No doubt the
barbarous people to whom we were opposed had become like
barbarians ; but we had in the first instance placed our-
selves in a position in which we were certain to receive
treatment which we should then be called upon to resent.
Oar whole course of action with regard to these distant na-
tions had been marked with complete want of foresight.
Earl 'GRANVILLE did not intend to prolong the debate,
which had been very satisfactory to her itLijesty '3 Govern-
ment, as it had, he thought, shown that the house generally
approved their policy. lie wished, however, to refer to one
or two principles laid down by the noble earl who had just
concluded. One of the principles to which Earl Grey always
appeared most attached was a love of peace, and that he
frequently carried to an injudicious extent. But he (Earl
Granville) must protest against the doctrine which he now
appeared to lay down, that because we had large armaments
we were bound to redress all injustice, without regard to our
own interests or treaty obligations. The noble earl's speech
showed that he did not himself regard this principle as
sound, for as soon as he came to New Zealand or Japan,
when operations were necessary for the protection of the
lives and property of curfeilow subjects, he protested against
war. Eut with regard to Schieswig•lielstein he said that if
the representations of his noble friend in regard to the con-
duct of Germany were correct, the Government should have
called Parliament together in December, and told both
parties to the dispute what they meant to do. But he (Earl
Granville) thought that we should never threaten what we
could not carry out. Now, from December three months
must have elapsed before we could have been of any use to
the belligerents whose cause we espoused. And it was not
prudent, therefore, to announce our intentions then, when
we could not know what might be the position of the belli-
gerents, or the intentions of other Powers, at the time
when the opportunity for action arrived. The noble earl
had accused the Foreign Secretary of acting discourteously
towards the Emperor of France in the publication of his de-
spatch declining to attend the Congress before it was actually
delivered to the Emperor. No discourtesy was intended,
nor did it ever enter the head of his noble friend to publish
it before its delivery. But it was at that time very desir-
able that it should be published as early as possible, in con-
sequence of the anxiety that was felt as to the course that
England would take. And its delivery to the Eniperor hav-
ing been accidentally delayed for two days in consequence of
some misunderstanding with Earl Cowley, it happened that
it was published before the Emperor formally received it.
No discourtesy was, however, intended, and at the earliest

possible period an apology was made to the Emperor for the
apparent, but quite unintentional, discourtesy which had
occurred. He hoped, he would say in conclusion, that it
was quite understood that the Government took on them-
selves the full responsibility of the affairs now in hand.
'What they requested was that, if the house had not confi-
dence in them, let them say so, and dismiss them; but if
not, let them not bind the hands of the Government, but
leave them that freedom of action without which they could
not satisfactorily conduct the affairs of the country.

Earl GREY, in explanation, remarked that what he in-
tended to say was, that if this country was going to inter-
fere, the sooner the decision was made known the better,
The Address was then agreed to, and the house adjourned
at twenty-five minutes to ten o'clock,

HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening,
The house assembled shortly before four o'clock.
NEW MEMBERS.

The following new members took the oaths and their
seats
Sir ROtNDELL PALMER (Attorney-General), on his re-
election for the borough of Richmond, Yorkshire.
Sir R. P. COLLIER (Solicitor-General), on his re-election
for the borough of Plymouth.
Mr. R. BoTzsoN HonvEY, for Buckinghamshire, in the
room of the Hon. W. G. Cavendish, now Baron Chesham,
in the House of Peers.
The Hon. F. LYGON, for the western division of Worces-
tershire, in the place of Viscount Elmley, now the Earl
Beauchamp, in the House of Peers.
Major WATERHOUSE, for the borough of Pontefract, in
the room of Mr. R. Monckton Milner, now Baron
Houghton, in the House of Peers.
Sir COLEMAN O'LOGHLEN, in the room of Mr. F. M.
Calcutt, deceased.
The Hon.
.C, D. for the TRAcY, lontgomery_
shire burghs, in the room of Captain W. Johnson, de-
ceased.
Sir Wm. FRASER, Bert., for the borough of Ludlow, in
the room of Mr. Beriah Botfield, deceased.
Mr. J. PEEL, for the borough of Tamworth, in the room
of Viscount Royalism, now the Marquis Townshend, in
the House of Peers.
Mr. MORGAN TRXRERNE, for the borough of Coventry,
in the room of the Right Hon. Edward Ellice, deceased.
Mr. LLOYD, for the borough of Barnstaple, in the room
of Mr. George Potts, deceased.
Mr. G. S. LEIFEVRE, for the borough of Reading, in the
room of Mr. Sergeant Pigott, now one of the Barons of her
Majesty's Court of Exchequer.
Colonel WYsn, for the borough of Windsor, in the room
of Mr. G. W. Hope, deceased.
Mr. C. NEATE, for the city of Oxford, in the room of Mr.
J. H. Langston, deceased.
Mr. 'W. HUMPRP.EY, for the borough of Andover, in the
room of Mr. William Cubitt, deceased.
NEW WRITS.

On the motion of Mr. BRAND a writ was ordered to issue
for the election of a member to serve for the city of Lur-
ham, in the room of Sir W, Atherton, deceased.
On the motion of Colonel TAYLOR, a writ was ordered
to issue for the election of a member for Tewkesbury, in the
room of the Hon. Frederick Lygon, who had accepted the
Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds.
On, the motion of Lord HoTHA3t, a writ was ordered to
issue for the election of a member for Winchester, in the