The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-25 00:00:00

Speech of Edwin James—His Advocacy of
Democracy and Freedom.
The Net; York Sunday Mercury remarks that
at a large and enthusiastic gathering of the Demo-
cracy held at Cooper Institute, Edwin James, the
well known lawyer, delivered an able and eloquent
address, embracing many paints not treated by orb
dinary political speakers.
Mr James commenced by observing that he should prefer
to have remained a silent though not inattentive observer of
the great events now passing before them—events which
involved the destiny of this country for weal or woe for
countless ages. Under a most critical corjuncture of r, ffairs,
Mr Lincoln was elected President--a title and a position far
higher than the diadem which the factitious accident of birth
placed upon the brow of a European monarch. (Applause.)
That lofty trust emanates from the people and reverts to
them. And wa have to consider how that trust has been
used, and whether for another terra it is to be confided to
the same hands. I read in England that the State of Illinois
in the year 1860 packed 1,781,000 bogs for human consump-
tion, and furnished the President of the United States.
(Laughter.) Upon what policy did Mr Lincoln then assume
the responsible and high position conferred by the people ?
The seceding States had met. On the 4th Feb., 1861, at
Montgomery, they had avowed the Secession doctrine. Mr
Lincoln knew the question which they had made a vital
one, and in the inaugural address delivered by him on the
steps of the Capitol—and one whose name is, I believe,
venerated and beloved by many of the American people,
who had opposed him in his candidature, stood by his side
and heard those words uttered by Mr Lincoln—l mean
Stephen Douglas. (Loud cheers.) Mr Lincoln stated that the
accession of a RepublicanAd ministration afforded no ground
to the Southern States for apprehending any invasion of
their rights. " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where
it exits, I believe that I have no lawful right to do so, and
I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated
and elected me know this. I have made many similar
declarations, and I will never recant them I" (Sensation.)
That declaration was made in the face of the country
and the whole civilised world. It was made with the know-
lo Igo of the principle which the Confederate and seceding
States had avowed to be their policy and the basis upon
which they grounded their right—erroneously and I think
wickedly-- to shatter into fragments this glorious Union.
(Cheers.) Has this solemn avowal which Mr Lincoln then
deemed to be the great and constitutional policy of this
country been adhered to. (Cries of "No," and cheers.)
Why the echo of his words had scarcely died away upon
the breeze before he violated it. (Loud cheers.) Now, as
this is the first time I have had the honour of stating my
political opinions in this country, I wish to be distinctly
understood upon the question of slavery. Every
instinct of my nature, and in every position thet it
has been my lot to occupy, and every aspiration that
I have, have led me to advocate the social, the political, and
the religious freedom of my fellow man I I know the diffi-
culties of this question. I have carefully studied its history.
have read of the efforts of statesmen of this country for
conciliation and compromise. One man, whose name should
be venerated in every assemblage of American gentlemen,
and received with the honour due to it, an orator, a patriot,
and a statesman, by the side of whose giant intellect the
pretended statesmen who now "strut and fret their hour
upon the stage" are dwarfs and pigmies—Henry Clay—
(tremendous cheering)—had denounced the agitation upon
this question, and told the Abolitionists, upon the
floor of the Senate, that their infatuated policy, if
pursued, would inevitably destroy the Union. (Cheering.)
And it is fast doing so. (Cheers.) I am, said the speaker,
for the emancipation of the slave. It is a deep stain upon
the escutcheon of this great country that a man, woman,
or child, should be sold like a chattel to the highest bidder.
(Cheers.) lam for gradual emancipation—but not for
prostituting a war commenced for a just and righteous
cause to the mere purposes of immediate and violent abo-
lition. (Cheers.) Why, slavery is a legacy that England
left you, (Cheers.) When many of the then colonies o
this country were struggling to annihilate the system, the
Lord Chancellor of England supported it as legal and just,
and opposed the emancipation of the negro as a dangerous
constitutional innovation. Mt narchs of England were at
the head of companies for importing slaves into America,
and England stipulated by treaties for the same privilege.
As an institution,slavery is guaranteed by your constitution.
The right is further confirmed by the Constitution, because
the electoral qualification of voting for three-fifths of the
slaves is given. I do nut justify this, but I find it so.
Slavery is not merely, therefore, a domestic institution
of the South; but a right of property exists by reason of
the possession of and property in slaves. In the North the
franchise is only a personal right—in the South a pro-
perty qualification is expressly created, (Cheers.) I have
seldom seen this argument alluded to, but upon the proper
construction of the Constitution, it seems to me incon-
trovertible that, without a violation of the Constitution, it
cannot be abolished by force of war. (Cheering.) Amend
the Constitution in this respect—and I hope and believe
that public opinion would justify such an amendment as
would lead to the gradual emancipation of the slave; but,
as the question now stands, Massachusetts has no more
right to prosecute the war for the abolition of slivery than
she would have to invade a State and propound to such
State some dogma of controversial theology. (Loud cheers.)
What said another of your statesmen upon this question—
an accomplished scholar, and one of the greatest parliamen-
tary debaters in the annals of any country's history—one
who knew all the bearings of this question, who appre-
ciated the dangerous results of its agitation—the Senator
of Massachusetts, Daniel Webster. (Loud cheers.) On the
s:h of October, 1840, ha thus declared :
"I repeat it—proclaim it on the wings or all the winds—
tell it to ail your friends—tell it, I say— that standing here
in the Capitol of Virginia, beneath an October sun, in the
midst of this asse:nblage, before the entire country, and
upon all the responsibility which belongs to me—l say that
there is no power, direct or indirect, in Congress or the ge-
neral Government, to interfere in the slightest degree with
the institutions of the South."
Mr James, after some further argument upon this topic,
and after showing that this war to crush a rebellion had
been degraded into a crusade for abolition, and was now to
be inaugurated as the blood-stained carnival of fanaticism,
that its policy destroyed all hope of reconciliation, then
resumed upon the question of extermination and subjuga•
tion. Subjugation ! Those who use the word do not know its
import. Subjugate millions of American people I men with
the same impulses, the same courage as ourselves I Is
Poland subjugated ? The despot of Russia has annihilated
their language, made war upon the intellect of Poland,
devastated their country, but can never subjugate the
spirit of that people I Is Ireland subjugated ? No I—
(Loud cheers.) "E'en in her ashes live her wonted fires."
Is Venetia subjugated ? Nu! She lies weeping and pros-
trate at the feet of the Austrian despot, but her spirit is
not subjugated. (Cheers.) His rickety throne slumbers upon
the embers of a volcano. Mr James then alluded to the
various acts of the violation of the written Constitution
by Mr Lincoln, and in powerful language described them.
The bell of Mr Seward tolled the knell of American liberty.
(Loud cheering.) What, then, is the alternative? The
banner of Mr Lincoln bears aloft " Abolition at all
hazards I" The banner of George Brinton M'Clellan has
inscribed upon it," The Union at all hazards''—(tremendous
cheering)—and 1 would follow that. The one party desires
to destroy the Republic, in order to bury slavery beneath its
ruins ; the other party desires to erect that hideous institu-
tion upon its ruins. (Cheering.) I oppose both as equally
destructive to the Union. (Cheers.) lam fur peace, but
not for peace at the price of national dishonour. Mr
James then alluded to the past history of the country,
and concluded : Are there no historic associations to
bind these warring elements in some bonds of unity and
friendship ? Can Massachusetts forgot how the princely
colony of Virginia stood by her side in the great
struggle of resisting the tyranny of England ? (Cheers.)
Can she forget the hour when a rude, uncouth lad, whose
appearance forbade his being listened to, by his wonderful
eloquence roused the slumbering energies of Virginia and
enlisted that colony to her aid. (Cheers.) When that
great patriot, Patrick Henry—(loud cheering) thundered
out the words, " There is no retreat for us; it is slavery or
resistance," words which vibrated through every American
heart, and struck terror at the Court of St. James'?
(Cheers.) Is all hope of conciliation gone? Is the war to
be conducted with a hatred and insensate bitterness that is
a disgrace to civilisation 111 I trust not. I hope for some ray
Of returning reason, but I can see it only by the election of
Gen. M'Clellan. (Cheers.) The future is dark indeed, but
let us fervently hope that a different policy may effect dif
ferent results, and bring back to this great country substan-
tial peace, happiness, and prosperity, and to her statesmen
who accomplished its imperishable renown. (Cheers.)
The audience rose and gave three rounds of cheers for
Edwin James.

MR NEWDEGATE AT RUGBY.—The annual dinner
of the Rugby and Dunchurch Conservative Associa-
tion took place yesterday, and was presided over by the Bail
of Dalkeith. Among the guests were Mr Newdegate, M.P.,
and Mr Bromley. the Conservative candidate to supply the
place of the late Mr Spooner. In reply to the toast of the
" Members for North Warwickshire," Mr Newdegate spoke
at some length concerning his course of par iamentary action
during the session, the condition of parties in the house of
Commons, and general political topics, concluding with the
expression of a hope that, at the next election, the country
would ratify the trust which the electors had now given him
during 20 years, in which case he should consider it a
privilege still to exert himself independently in defence of
the great principles of the constitution.

THE NEW RIDE IN ST. JAM ES'S-PARK--The
new ride, some time since planned by the Right Hon. w.
Cowper, M.P., the First Commissioner ofWorks, is rapidly
approaching completion, and will be ready for use by the
commencement of the London season. It extends the whole
length of birdcage walk, from Storey's-gate at the eastern
end to Buckingham-gate at the western end. The railings
of the enclosure have been placed several feet back, and
sufficient space taken from the enclosed ground without at
all interfering with the width of the carriage road in Bird-
cage-walk. In order that the new ride may be entirely
tree from interruptions, the unsightly lodge opposite
Queen's-square gate has been removed. The now marble
fountain will stand by the side of the ride.