The Sun.
London, England, 1852-07-15 00:00:00

dustry. It follows you must take care that the same 1
justice be done to all her Majesty's subjects.—(Cheers.)
And I am well aware, gentlemen, if the question be
viewed in that light, and if taxation shall certainly be
placed upon a new principle, I am convinced we shall be
able to bring forward measures of relief which will re-
ceive the sympathy and approbation and support of all
the various classes of this country.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, gentlemen, I am sometimes told that we supported
in Opposition what is called the Protectionist policy,
but have abandoned it in the responsible position of the
Ministers of the Crown. Gentlemen, I should like to
hear that accusation made in the House of Commons by
any of my opponents. You know very well, gentle-
men, I never have been one of those who asserted that
any sufficient compensation for the abrogation of a law
of protection could be fairly found in a moderate fixed
duty upon corn. I have all along declared, in my official
position, that I should be extremely glad, as a financial
measure, if a moderate duty were agreed upon. It would
quota to the national revenue, and I
irrenayseery great mistake so far as financial
think.
anit i
considerations are concerned, to suppose that a duty
upon corn is a trifle; but it seems to be determined that
we shall not raise any portion of the revenue from
foreign grain. But suppose, gentlemen, that a measure
were passed, say a 53. or a 43. duty upon the importa-
tion oftbt
acorpnianinetoyothu in iscountry—supposa this; and, I ask,
will
a position equal to that which
you occupied in 1845?—(No, no!) This would be a
relief, gentlemen, I have never supported, and it would
not, by any nne9, greatly contribute to place you in a
just position. The moderate rise in prices that might
Accrue from this to the producer before it fell upon the
consumer would not really remunerate you for the suf-
fering you have encountered,
nor rectify much that un-
just legislation of which you are the victims.—(hear.)But if you could secure this course, if you could manage
to get this done, you would meet with great provocation
from other classes, at the same time that you reaped no
great or particular advantages. I believe if the counsel
I have given he taken, which I hope, as far as I am
concerned, we shall bd ehle to execute—l believe you
will receive an efficient, an effecavc remedy.—(Cheers.)
I do not mean to say,
gentlemen, that a neg-
ligent man without capital—(No, no)—would find
my remedy much to his advantage.—(Latie'hter''
t
a •
That none of you would desire.—(Hear, hear.)
Bat I say the cultivator of the soil, who embarks in his i
undertaking with ardour and with enterprise, with all
the personal conditions requisite to success—who brings
an adequate amount of skill on the one hand, and a fair
share of capital on the other, will then be allowed to
enter on his undertaking with a fair prospect of obtain-
ing that remuneration to which he is entitled.—(Loud
cheers:) Well I say, gentlemen, it is, in my opinion,
the duty of a Government to *eche.. 4n. 5, i,„.„,;:„ un-
der wniet, the agriculturists have unjustly suffered. I
say more, it is their duty to do so if they have the op-
portunity; and I say further, it is their duty to meet
port the
nari toy 0
uorf
prose f fepcet
oi nt
ag,
gt heinstlermederne,ss.o—f ( Cs
uhooe eersss. )i
in
And
the electors of the country, and to ask from them an o
particular? If I thought we could o f
yobtain only
that re-
dress by a continuation of support from the counties of
England, although I might think
the case abstractedly
a just one; although • I might feel that being • t just we
should not refrain from doing that
which is founded in
justice, yet I could only do it • • wi
th regret; under such
circ
=stances I might shrink from attempting
risk of conciliation.—(Hear.) But as far as
a
appeal which my Lord Derby has made to thel ncan view the
no evidence that only one class—the agriculturala ti on
class—is
, e
I s e
about to give its sanction to such views.—(Hear.) I see
sorme of the greatest towns in the country—(A. voice—
Liverpool")—eagerly and zealously advancing to give
ns the opportunity of bringing forward these measures,
and that they believe such remedial measures to be just
and necessary. An Hon. Friend has just mentioned
Liverpool, and Liverpool is the greatest port in England
—(Cheers)—much more extensive than London. But
this decision of Liverpool is not unaccompanied by
others equally startling and satisfactory. The city of
Dablin—(Cheers)—has done the same; and I have
learned within these few hours that the great manufac-
turing town of Belfast—the Manchester of Ireland—has
returned two Members to support the Government.—
(Loud cheers.) And if I take the other great towns of
the country—Dover, Greenwich, and Plymouth—(Cheers)
4 -s-I :find the same result. Well, gentlemen, it is
e unnecessary for me further to vindicate the course which
we took in opposition, and which we mean to preserve in
power. You have only to adhere to that principle, and
make justice to the land the condition of all those you
return to Parliament, and I am certain measures will be
brought forward which will place you in a position
to get a fair return with cheerfulness. I say with cheer-
fulness, for no man can do where there is injustice.
I shall not for the present trouble you with the details
of any measures we may present. We have been some-
times asked. " Why don't you say what you will do?"
Why, gentlemen, we oucht to go to the country upon
principle, and not upon details. We say we think there
should be measures brought forward to place the culti-
vators of the soil in a position to allow him to compete
with foreign industry. That is the principle. Wn are
not going to tell you what these measures of detail are.
Aye or no, do you think it fair that English iadustry
should be burdened?—that is the qnestion.—(Cheers.)
We do not look back, gentlemen, to our opposition to
Sir Robert Peel in 1846 with regret. We think his
measures were conceived in panic and carried in preci-
pitancy—(Cheers)—without any accompaniment of re-
medial plans; we ask England to support us that we
may establish a just policy.—(Cheers.) And, gentle-
men, as far as the measures we propose go, I may say
that I sincerely believe they will receive the general
approbation of all the great classes in the community.—
(Cheers) Mind you, gentlemen, I am not using that lan-
guage now as a condition of office. I am speaking, at least,
with the responsibility of one, however reluctantly to him-
self, who is honoured with the important trust of an ad-
viser to the Crown,—(Cheers.) My Hon. Friend, gen-
men (Mr. Dupro), has referred to the circumstances
under which the present Government acceded to office.
Gentlemen, I would not have touched upon that theme
had it not been brought before me ; and it is only in
justice to myself, as a member of that Government, that
I bring it under your notice. It is only, I think, four
mouths ago, since, at our county town, with I believe
the unanimous feeling. of the county, I was returned to
Parliament as a Minister of the Crown ; and then it was
said that within 14 or 15 days our authority would ter-
minate through our incapacity to maintain the business
of Parliament,—(Laughter.) And, gentlemen, no sooner
had I taken my seat in the House of Commons than I
was subjected to a most extraordinary cross-examine-
lion.—(Laughter.) ' was called upon to announce
when we would appeal to the country, and I suppose
some of them wanted that event to take place within a
week.—(Laughter.)
I suggested that certain great
questions should be sett
led before an appeal was made to
the nation ;
and I specified measures respecting the de-
fences of the country, the reform of Chancery, and some
others. Lord J. Russell hoped that we would not perse-
vere with any measure for the defence of the country,
although he was the author of that project—(Cheers)—
and as a friend his Lordship advised me not to meddle
with the Court of ChanntrY.—(Laughter.) And another
great
statesman, no other than Lord Palmerston, al-
though offering no factious opposition to the Ministry,
said he was very sorry to hear that the House was about
to be put into Chancery—'(Laughter.) Well, we had
all these sneers and jibes to encounter. But, gentlemen,
we carried all the measures we introduced.—(Cheers.)
We carrier: that reform of the Chancery Court which
Sir James Graham at Carlisle has stated to be a matter
with which everybody must be pleased; and I will tell
you a little Parliamentary anecdote. When the report
of the Chancery Commissioners was placed upon the
Itabdle of the
House of Commons, the report upon which
these were
our Bills wero fonn(led, Sir James Graham said
ment to remedy the greatest measures put before Parlia-
ment
,c,cremedy the abuses; but where, asked he, is the
—(Loud 4 air:7-
y them oat? We, gentlemen, found the man
w cheers) —for under the present Lord Chancellor
e Caserled every Gentlemen,
we ithuld thesehave is another subject upon it is expected
absorbing very ,
tepi clear opinions—l mean that all
day. I know, c 4
tha religious feeling of the present
to treat; bat I gentlemen, this is a subject difficult
sense. Gentlensen,e; confidence in your extreme good
cently delivered, herlliV speech from the Throne, re-
uphold the Protestant isjesty expresses her desire to
(Cheers-) Now there was
astitutions of the country.—
engrossed the
People of this subject which very much
met, and that was the endow country before Parliament
and there existed rile" of Maynooth
a very stronCollege,
not limited to any one class; g feeling on the subject,
the height of folly for her Ma'eanta it would have been
treated that feeling with contempt.is ./hoisters to have
sonally occupied a position with respect l eeuld have per-
which would, if acted upon, havedon" that question
controversy; for I was one of those wheo"oaY with all
endowment at first—(Cheers)--thinking itPLosed that
total ignorance of the wants of the age, and that it aYedelea
ultimately bd opposed by those who were obligaWt eld-
well as those who had given it as a concession; but i had
as
to view the question, not in the light of my personal
feeling, and I thought it necessary to support the motion
for inquiry of 2tir. Spooner; for this was an age in which
Roman Catholics themselves should not oppose inquiry.
—(Hear,hear.) But the Government were pressed to
institute a Royal commission of inquiry. Gentlemen, a
Royal commission has not the power of compelling the
attendance of witnesses, and its proceedings would be
liable to all kinds of misrepresentation; but, however in-
decorous may the proceedings of a House of Commons,
the country, et least, has confidence in such a; tribunal,
being composed of men of all parties. But, gentlemen,
there is another point connected with the religious feel-
ing
of the ecemtcrave your atten-
;ch I must
lion a little. Z upon *h.
duty to advise her
Majesty to issue thought it our . _,_,_ the in-
tention of presery gßoyal proclamation, with
doing this ever 1 -
o the peace of society. Bat is
circulated '•
ancripecie,e of misrepresentation has been
do not object to contess that in this free country I
men, we have been unrestrictedtold
d criticism ; but, gentle-
issued to influence the that this proclamation was
statement
made elections. I have seen that
hustine All by rather high
authority upon the
,S. I could wish
such statements in the Housewere, they should make
it might he of Commons, so that
brought t
tribunal whether such sordid moans test
before
that great
Government, moans ever influenced the
Gentleman,
were only ialluoneed b en, in the course we tnatt we
matter was laid before y a great imperial necessity..
The
man-
ner Which
could ore tho Privy Council, and ins
evi-
dence supported b not be mistaken, and with
which we took care tomost hh authorit • evi-
examiney—evidence '
act—evidence that, in before we proceeded to
censequence of certain districts in England, in
Catholic numerouspriesthooda processions
which the Roman
result, in more than tbiinstituted, consequences would
endanger the life of many
places at least, which would
What was our duty undeneyticl)f her Majesty's subjects.
gentlemen, the moment had c ese circumstances? Why,
could not he,itate. We ome for us to interfere. Wo
sh..,a, _
___cham recommended_ that her Majesty ,
l'"4-- itul-1' Pro Usti Which haa recehed 025

approbation of the kingdom. lam told that the riots
at Stockport were caused by that proclamation. Why,
if the proclamation bad not been issued the same dis-
order would have taken place in fifty parts of the king-
dom.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, instead of this measure
tending to excite the Roman Catholic population, it was
the providential cause of maintaining peace and of sav-
ing the country from bloodshed. And our precautions,
gentlemen, were so great, that we previously interfered
with the Orange processions which were understood to
come off in Ireland. This was the course we took, gen-
tlemen, instead of being guided by those sordid and
selfish motives which are the tactics of party.—(Hear.)
We shall, gentlemen, with your permission, carry out
our views of policy on all these matters with more effi-
cency, and, I believe, with more success in the new Par-
iiarn„t,(Cheers.) It is my firm conviction that the
Government of Lord Darby will meet Parliament in the
autumn with an absolute majority.—(Cheers.) To me
that is not a subject of doubt. And the Ministry shall,
therefore, no longer have to meet a hostile Parliament,
or be restrained in its plicy by an overpowering 0 opo-
sition. We shall mee: Parliament prepared to do our
duty, under a firm conviction that the country will
steadily support us. My Honourable Friend (01r.
Dupti) has reFerred to the position in which the
country would be placed if the Government did not suc-
ceed. Gentlemen, I will not conceive the alternative;
but at the same time no one can be blind to the fact
that the Opposition will create its organisation up )n re
volutionary principles.—(Hear, hear.) Happy was the
prescience of Lord Derby when he told the Whig oppo-
sition that the pear was not ripe last year.—(Laughter.)
The Whigs were in office. They have shown us their
character, and their policy has been received with tint-
versal scouting by the country; and they cannot, gentle-
men, attain to popularity again, except by caning to
their councils the Jacobin Clubs of Lancashire.—(Loud
laughter.) But I feel, gentlemen, that the present Go-
vernment is necessary for the preservation of the English
constitution; but the future institution of the Opposition
already peeps from its shell and developes its horns, and
from that shell the Opposition cannot emerge
except
enveloped in the.shrine otsedition.—(Continued laughter.)
chtingo in the institutions of the country will be the
condition of its success; and you must indeed be false to
all your professions—false to that high spirit which
Englishmen have ever shown—false to the traditionary
associations of your country, if you suffer an Opposition
founded upon such principles to govern this nation. Well,
then, gentlemen, when we meet in the county ball on
Friday, I want to know if you will support the princi-
plea and practices which I have so feebly detailed?
(Loud cries of "Yes, yes.") Will you be prepare Yes,
say, "We shall have justice done to the soil—(
yes)—we shall have our 1e6:31
in the
spirit of the age—(Yes, yes)—which is the spin t of
justice."—(Cheers.) Will you be prepared to say,o country
will have the Protestant constitution of
ibis
butc with
preserved, not with the sectarianism of bigots,safe-
guard atiou oonooived
those who believe that Protestantism is the
_o,helyse
of English liberty."—(Loud cheers.) Üb,
ea to fight
tletnen, are the issues before you. Be prep
against those difficulties and compunctions
and in the
un-
wise and eccentric opposition may create,
which
ancient spirit of the men of Buckinghamshire, now, I
has conquered in. times that are past, and which
which
believe, will carry us on to that higher triumph._
yet awaits us.—(Loud and repeated cheer]. )
ntieeting was
whichar an
Toasts followed, and the spirit of the
and Mr.
maintained for some time, when Mr. Pup"
Disraeli returned to town.

SUFFOLK (EAST).
The nomination and election of two
division of
shire, to serve Parliament for the eastern
Wednes-
the county of Suffolk, took place yesterday
( wich, in
the presence of Mr. Anatruther,
day) on hustings erected on the Combine,
h nlhPesriff of the
Te
county, and a great concourse of per
candidates being
no contest on the occasion, the only h miniate.
Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir E. S. Gooch, hot
of the
rialists, who represented the division at the close
last Parliament.
C Lain F. Coll-
Mr. W. C. FONNEREA.IT proposed, and
ap Fitzroy
Kelly teconded, Sir E. S. Gooch; and Sir
respectively, by
Kelly was nominated and eteconded, re
Colonel BENCE and Mr. N. BesereithaPP'
if any other elector
The HIGH SHERIFF then asked
had a candidate to nominate, and no reply being made,
he declared Sir E. S. Gooch and Sir Fitzroy Kelly to
have been duly elected. for the honour
Sir E. S. Gwen said, he was grateful
they had done him, which was one of the greatest that
could be bestowed on an English commoner in his native
county. For the future he would sedulously attend to
their local interests, and to those of the country at large.
This was the third time they had elected him to repre-
sent them in Parliament, and they might rely on it that
the confidence they had again reposed in him shouldof
never be abused. He should be a humble supporter
nobleman
the Government of Lord Derby, for to that
and his Administration alone they must look now for
the good of the country.—(Cheers and derisive laugh-
ter.) On the subject of Protection, he was afraid they
should not have a re-imposition of the duty on foreign
corn—(A laugh)—but under the auspices of the present
good Government he hoped that taxes would be removed
and the saddle put upon the right horse.—(Cheers.)
Although John Bull was a good horse, he was at
present over-weighted, and all he (Sir E. S. Gooch)
wanted to see was his carrying no more than his fair
weight in a fair race —(Cheers.)
Sir FrTZEtoY KELLY, who was received with cheers,
mingled with partial disapprobation, said—lt now be-
comes my pleasing and welcome duty to return you my
sincere and heartfelt thanks for the distinguished honour
which you have just conferred on me, an honour which
I assure you no man in England more highly appre-
ciates than myself,—(Cheers.) This is not the first
time on which I have had to thank you for having eon.
!erred that distinction upon me; but when I came be-
fore you on the last occasion, it was under circumstances
the aig_k_nigThhtse of
wasthe
very different from those under which I now have the
satisfaction of presenting myself to your notice. Upon
that occasion i was comparatively unknown, and alto-
gether untried (Ohl oh! laughter, and counter
cheers)—but I had something to point at in my earlier
and public life which I ventured to hope would entitle
p,reatnednstihoonts
I werew
a
s
me to your confidence, and I did not entertain that hope
in vain. Some of you who are now listening to me, and
who may think I had not the confidence of this county,
l!
fromd I any
hopemerits
you did not
rememberbet2ore
tbe tehnattirfeorbsoedvyeraolf weeksthe o l
erny e
tors
anmy
own,
unanimously elected then, as I have the gratification and
the honour of being unanimously elected now,—(Cheers.)
i believeout
because you b
thatlwascheesiei
believed—and
believe without just grounds—that I was attached to the
same principles, identified with the same views and in-
terests as yourselves, and that it was not my custom to'
depart from those principles which I had professed when
asking the suffrages of aey constituency, should they
place me in the proud 'position of advocating their in-
terests in the Commons House of Parliament. I believe
also I came before you with confidence in the support I
should receive, not only on the grounds I have stated,
but because I was known to be a member of that Go
vernmont which stands between this people and demo-
cracy—(Lotal cheers and uoroar)—which:stands between
our constitution and revolution—which stands between
the prosperity and the destruction of the agricultural
interest of this country.—(Renewed cheers and confusion.)
I ought no longer to detain you without coming at
once to the great question which agitates the country,
which you are assembled here to lend your aid in de-
termining, and on which our institutions, our constitu-
tion, the monarchy, and the church, depend for their
existence or their destruction.—(Cheers,) The ques•
tion is, whetber you will, by your representatives in
Parliament, and by the power with which the constitu-
tion has invested you, support and advance what is called
the doctrine of free trade in this country, or whether
you are satisfied that it has already done enough of
evil, and are ready to withstand its further progress, or
at least its progress in the same direction, with all the
power which the constitution has enabled you to confer
on your representatives in Parliament.—(Cheers and
disapprobation.) I desire especially, while addressing
the assembled body of those whom I am proud and
happy to call my constituents—(lronical laughter)—not '
to be misunderstood on this all-important occasion. It
is easy, indeed, for those who speak in the absence of
others of whom they speak—it is easy for certain
newspaper writers, to whom most public men have as
little leisure as inclination to reply in print in their
own colurns—it is easy, I say, for persons-on such
occasions to misrepresent the sentiments, the, principles,
and the language of any public man.—(Dear, hear.) I
have—but I do not complain of it—come in for my full
share of such misrepresentation, not only for the few
weeks which preceded the last election, when you were
pleased to return me to Parliament, but during every
month and week and day, I had almost said every hour,
which has elapsed from that time to the present. It
has been supposed that I denied the beneficial conse-
quences to the country of .all the measures brought for-
ward in Parliament by the late Sir Robert Peel. Let
me set myself right on this. matter, and if I only have
the honour of your attention I will endeavour to make
clearly intelligible to theenderstanding of every man
who hears me the extent to which I supported and do
now approve of those measures, and the dividing line
beyond which I held, and still hold, that they were
productive of nothing but evil and injustice to many of
the more important class of the community. I was of
opinion that those measures under which import duties
were repealed On a great number of articles of constant
and daily Cc'ostimption by all classes of the people were
calculated greatly to benefit the great mass of the
community, and that they had that effect throughout
the whole realm of England. But when I come to
the last, and I lament to say the crowning act of
the Government of Sir Robert Peel—when I. come
to the repeal of the corn-laws, which took place
in 1846—it is there that 1 stop—it is there that ,I
protest—it is there that I deny any substantial good;
and I affirm that that measure was followed by un-
mitigated evil.—(Cheers and disapprobation.) Does it
require the aid of argument or of eloquence to prove to
you practical men—the most of you engaged in the pur-
suit of egriueure—the mischievousresults of a mea-
sure•t •
which, w'nile it lef. every burden untouched and
uadiminished. tshials pressed upon the productive in-
tercets of the country, had the inevitable effect—by in-
troducing conapelition with untaxed foreigners over, 1
the entire surface of
had almost said, the globe—of
rendering it impossible for the
those
cultivators of the soil in
this country to realise prices for their produce
which would remunerate them for the expense of raising
9 such was the effect of the repeal of
it from the earth .
the corn laars in 1816, which rendered it impossible for
the cultivator Of thesoil in
this country to carry on with
competition t
effect the fearful compet o which he was exposed,
while rates and taxes end tithes,
and every burden
' to
which presses on the land and tends embarrass hie
aily unrelaxed and operations remained elite; t
undi-
minished,' The result bee been, what all of you know
and feels it ass not boon confined to any partieular,
branch or class of the seTieultural community, but ex-
lenls fl.nl the landlord tlitilenent farmer, and from tt.