The Sun.
London, England, 1852-09-30 00:00:00

R - _ -
SEPT EMBE
N°.18,729.] lAONDON THURSDAY
. •
•
7 30 1852.

M...m...

CHIRIQUI ROAD C-OMPANY.
NOM O.
The Directors of the Chiriqui Road Company have the satisfaction
to state to their shareholders and the public, that in reference to the
right and title of territory throu,gh which the road is to run, and of
which they never had and never could have the slightest doubt, a
tile of the Official Gazette of New Granada, extending from the Ist
of January to the 3d of August last, has c nne to this country by the
last West Indian Mail (these Gazettes rsay be seen at Lloyd's Mer-
chants' Room), which sets the disputed point completely at rest.
These Gazettes, throughout the period mentioned, abound with
official orders and decrees, civil, military, financial, and commercial,
in reference to that portion of New Granada is which the Veraguas,
Chiriqui. and Rocas del Toro are situated. In these we find returns
of all descriptions : local and customs revenues and expenditure, or-
dered by the Supreme Government, and furnished by the local au-
thorities and proper officers of these provinces and districts, advert-
ing to many years that are past. Especially we find the returns
from the Custom-house of Bocas del Toro (see Gazette, July 17th)
for 1840-1841, the year wherein the Costa Rica advocates have told
us that the New Granadian Government had no establishments or
authority of any kind there.
But still more decisive are the contents of the Gazette of April
6th, which in a Supplement gives us the Official Census of the Popu-
lation of the Republic of New Granada for 1851. It is dated Bogota,
January 20th, 1852, In this census, which shows the total popula-
tion to be 2,243,733, we find discriminated every province, canton,
district, parish, and hamlet, with the populations of each, the number
of electors, and the number and the names of the Senators and Re-
presentatives appropriated for each Province, and now representing
• these in the Legislature assembled at, and which holds its sittings in
Bogota. From this curious and important document the Ditectors
place before their Shareholders and the public the following account
of thQpopulation, &c., of Veraguas and of the Province of Chiriqui,
foimerly part of Veraguas, and the western portion thereof

_
Population. Senator. Representative. Electors,
Province Chiriqui.. 17,279 1 I l6
Designated and divided thus—
.

CANTON OF ALONJE.

District.—David
Alanjo
Bocachica A
Boqueron
Bugaba A
Caldera A ..
Dolega
Gualaca
Remedios ..
San Felix
San Lorenzo
San Pablo ..

.. 4,625
.. 3,149
.. 104
845
.. 331
.. 137
.. 1,506
.. 1,351
.. 1,564
.. 515
.. 1,777
.. 730

16,654

Bocas del Toro .. .. M 7
r Boca del Draoo_ - •c"-
‘ San 3ne;do _

Total ..

17,279

The name of the Senator is Antonio Vißives ; the Representative,
Nicolas Lopez. The number of Deputies sent to the Provincial Le-
gislature is eleven.
resides this, the Directors can state from official authority that the
Vice-President of the Republic of New Granada has large estates in
the Bocas del Toro ; that his wife is a native of that district, and
their family and connexions highly respectable. When not on duty
elsewhere the Vice-President and his family reside at David. Next,
let us look at the Province of Veragnas : . .

_..
Population. Senator. Representative. Electors.
Veraguas... ..... 33,864 1 1 30
Designatee and divided thus :
CANTON SANTIAGO.

Santiago .. • .
Atalaya
Culebra
Canazas
Mesa ..
Mineral
Montejo
Palmas
Ponuga A ..
Rio de Jesus
San Francisco
St. Juan de Costa ..
Santafe A ..
Sena ..
Tole
Tranquillas A

.. 6,121
.. 1,059
.. 2,111
.. 4,245
.. 2,542

.. 282
.. 2,009
.. 3,004

.. 694
.. 1,615
.. 4,685

.. 1,076
.. 2,652
.. 1,138
.. 368

Total .. .. 33,864
Principal Senator, Jose de Fabrega ; Representative, Jose Antonio
Chunez. _ _ . .

Besides these particulars, they have (see Gazettes) mentioned, the
enumeration of the quotas of men that these Provinces are bound to
furnish for the defence of the country, thus :—Chirilui, for internal
disturbances, 194, foreign invasion, 771 ; and Vcraguas, for internal
disturbances, 380, and for foreign invasion, 1,520. The Gazette of
January 3d contains, moreover, an official and important Decree
from the Supreme Government regarding Grants and Privileges to
Emigrants settling in the Province of Cniriqui and Bocas del Toro.
To add one word more on the subject would be to insult common
sense and the understanding of the public.
By order of the Court of Directors,
JAMES MACQUEEN, Secretary.
London, September 29, 1852.

THE BANK OF INDIA.
Capital 100 Lacs of Rupees, or 1,000,0001. sterling, in 50,000
Shares of 200 Rupees, or 201. sterling each (with power to increase
the Capital to 2,000,0001. sterling). Deposit 51. sterling per share.
Application will be made to her Majesty's Government and the
Government of India for Charters of Incorporation, to limit the
lia-
bility of shareholders.
SoLictToas,—Messrs. Hughes, Ti.earsey, and Masterman, London.

. THE NEW .NOVEL.
XA NN Y D. E.. N.NIS 0 N,
IS NOW READY AT ALL THE LIBRARIES,. in 3 Vols.
Also. Just Published,.in 3 Vols.,
HELEN TALBOT, A NOIEL.
By Miss PENNEFATIIER.
" llelen Talbot is a beautiful incarnation of womanly feeling,
dignity, and o'ace. The fashionable circle in which the principal
personage of the story moves, is drawn with a bold and graphic
pencil, and we have no doubt that in many of the leading figures,
those conversant with Irish fashionable life will recognise living ac-
quaintances."—Globe.
Colburn and Co., 13, Great Marlborough-street, London.

rEIHE BITTER BEER CONTROVERSY.
1_ For a full account of this gigantic BEER PUFF, see the next.,
Number of the MEDICAL CIRCULAR, with Critical Remarks by
the Editor on the conduct of Mr. Allsopp and Baron Liebig.
Pithlislied on Wednesday next, price 3d. ; by post, 4d.
Advertisements received, at the Office, 4, Adani-street, Adelphi, up
to Tuesday, Twelve o'clock.
The trade supplied by Gilbert and Co., Paternoster-row.

CREMORN-E GARDENS.
On the Banks of the Thames, King's-road, Chelsea.
Waterside Entrance close to Battersea-bridge Pier.
Fare by Steam-boat from London-bridge or any of the interme-
diate Bridges or Wharf Piers, 3d. Strangers should request to be
landed at Battersea bridge for Cremorne. Fare by Omnibus from
Charing-cross, 3d,; from the City and remotest parts of the East-
,-.•nd, 6d.
Proprietor. Mr. T. B. SIMPSON..
• Last Week of the Season.
The Italian Brother, oh 'the Trapeze, daily.
Grand Globe Asc.*, b:s• Mr. James Pascal.
TIT'S DAY,- a grand Balloon Ascent, with the Italian Brothers on
their Double Trapeze, under the management of Stephen Cham-
bers, R.N.
Tne Pyrotechnic Displays by the Chevalier Mortram.
A new Grand Spanish Comic Ballet, entitled Le Barbier de Cadiz,
every Evening, at Half-past Seven o'clock.
An uninterrupted succession of Entertainments from Three o'clock
until near Midnight.
Open at Three o'clock.
Admission, Is.; Children, Half-price.
On Sundays, after Four o'clock, by Refreshment Card, price 6d.
Table d'Hote at Six o'clock, 2s. 6d.
Private Room for Dinners and Coffee.

pußLic 0 PINION.
Conspiracy against it would be malignity, and argument
insult, recoiling vituperation on the assailant. To public opinion,
as an impartial judge, E. MOSES and SON have always appealed,
and have received its caresses. They again invite public inspection
to a magnificent stock of Overcoats, Paletots, and new designs in
every description of Dress for Autumn and Winter. E. MOSES
and SON can justly calculate on the manner in which their splendid
preparations for the ensuing seas,n will be regarded by public
opinion ; and they have the greatest satisfaction in stating that
their superlative stock of new materials, and the triumphant display
of talent in the cut and workmanship of every article of Dress, and
the great reduction in price, will still further confirm them in favour
and public opinion.
The inimitable style of Sporting Dress is that of E. NOSES and
SON.

The unrivalled Designs for Juvenile Clothing are those of E.
MOSES and SON. .

EMIGRANTS.—The change in the season requires a change in
the management of your outfit ; the articles suitable for s our pas-
sage a few months back will not be so now; and possibly inex-
perienced Outfitters and minor houses may conceal from you this
fact. Application to E. MOSES and SON secures to you everything
appropriate for your jourmy and your future occupation—not only
better in quality and more suitable for your purposes, but at con-
siderably lower charges than at any other house in the world.
Your voyage may be rendered comfortable by procuring the warm
and substantial Clothing, hosiery, Ste., &c., prepared with the most
exact acquaintance with the passage at this time of the year. Your
convenience is every way considered by E. MOSES and SON, and
a separate department is kept for Outfitting.
Fall Lists of Outfits, and all information relative to sailing of
vessels and cost of passage may be had on application, or post free
to any part of the kingdom.
The Establishments will be closed on TUESDAY and WED-
NESDAY next, September 25 and 29, re-opening on THURSDAY
morning, September 30, at Seven o'clock.
CAUTION.—E. MOSES and SON regret having to guard the
public against imposition, having learned that the untradesmanlike
falsehood of " Being conflated with their Establishment," or " It's
the same concern," has been resorted to in many instances, and for
obvious reasons. They beg to state that they have

No CONNEXION WITH ANY OTHER HOUSE IN OR OUT OF LONDON,
except their own Establishments, as follows :

London City Establishment, 154, 155, 156, ana 157, Minories, 83,
34, 85, and 86, Aidgate, opposite the Church, all communicating.
London West-end Branch, 506, 503, 508, New Oxford-Street, 1,2,
and 3, Hart-street, all communicating.
Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19, Bridge-Etrect.
Sae°ld Branch, 36, Margate.

Merchant Tailors,Clothiers, Hatters, Hosiers Furriers, Bout
and Shoemakers, and General Outfitters for Lathes and Gentlemen.
The Establishments are closed from sunset Friday to sunset on
Saturdays, whoa business is resumed till Twelve o'clock.

A new Book, entitled " The Library of Elegance," containing a
Lill list of prices, and directions for self-measurement, can be had,
gratis, on application, or forwarded, post-free, to any part of the
aingdom.
A handsome Almanac for the year ending 1852 can be had, gratis,
on application.

Id ion parie Francais. I Qui si parla Italians.
Ilier spricht man Deutsch. I Aqua se habia Espanol.

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.
NEWMARKET.

A special meeting of this company was held yea-
terday at the London Tavern to consider the pro-
priety of confirming the forfeiture of certain shares
in the Bury St. Eimund's Extension line, and autho-
rizing them to be sold or otherwise disposed of; Mr.
C. Fine in the chair.

The CHAIRMAN stated that the directors had been
obliged to call the proprietors together to confirm the
forfeiture of certain shares. The shares were held by
persons who had every opportunity given them of
paying the call made in December 1851, and he
believed that two notices since that period had been
issued to the shareholders in arrear, and the direc-
tors had no alternative but to declare the shares for-
feited.

Mr. BROWNE, the secretary, read the resolution
confirming the forfeiture of certain shares, which were
specified, and authorizing the directors to sell or
otherwise dispose of them, in such way and at such
times as they may deem expedient.
Mr. FRITLI wished to know how many shares were
forfeited, and the amount of them.

The CiIAIRMAN said the number of shares for-
feited was between 5.000 and 6,000. Some of the
shares had 3/. paid on them, and others had nothing
paid, having, it appeared,
.been subscribed for no-
minally.
A PROMETOR wished to know whether the hol-
ders could not be proceeded against for the recovery of
the calls due.

The CHAIRMAN explained that the directors had
done the best they could to cover the arrears, and they
had no doubt they would be able to dispose. of the
whole of them at par.
The resolution confirming the forfeiture of the
shares was then carried unanimously, as was also one
forfeiting and merging certain shares in the capital of
the corepany.
In reply to a question, it was stated that there were
27,000, shares in the company, and that the company
had power to issue other shares, in lieu of the merged
shares, at par.
The proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks
to the chairman.

WATERFORD AND TRAMORE.—It appears that
the works on this line are progressing under Mr.
Dargan, the contractor, and that he has engaged to
open it for traffic on the Ist of May, 1850.
LONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN AND CHESTER
AND BIRKENHEAD.—The terms upon which the
Chester and Birkenhead line is—Parliament assenting
thereto—to pass into the possession of the London
and North-Western Company have been finally set-
tled. It is stated that the guarantee is to be four per

RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.
THE GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY.— ( Miles in work, 2851)
—Return of Traffic for the Week ending Sept. 19, 1852:
Passengers, parcels, carriages,
hOrses, dogs, and mails ...£10,666 2 5
Merchandise and minerals ... 4,951 5 5
Cattle ... 445 13 8

Total ....£16,063 g
Corresponding week, 1851 (2411 miles) :
Passengers, parcels, &c. £lO,OOO 2 10
Merchandise, Cattle,&c. ... 4,260 14 7

Total ... ...£14,260 17 5
LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY. (260 tails
open.)—Traffic for week ending Sept. 26, £18,223 8 0
Corresponding week in last year (260
miles open) .. ...X1.7,380 0 0
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY.—Traffic for the
week ending Sept. 26:

RAILWAY.
Passengers, parcels, &c. ... £3,218 0 8
Goods ... 867 18 7

Total £4,085 19 8
STEAM-BOATS.

Passengers ...

... £474 8 8

TOTAL.
Passengers, parcels, &c. £3,692 9 4
Goods ... ... 867 13 7

Total £4,560 7 11
Corresponding week last year ... 4,157 6 6

BOILER EXPLOSION.—On Tuesday morning a
violent boiler explosion took place at Walker-mill, by the
side of the Newcastle an I Shields Railway, and about three
miles from the former town. The mill was working double
shifts, and at six o'clock on Tuesday morning the engine
was stopped to allow the lire to be cleared. The fireman,
James Robinson, had cleared out the " scarles," and the
miller was just about setting the engine away again, when
the boiler exploded with great violence. The boiler-house,
warehouse, and engine-house are totally destroyed; the fire-
man and one-half of the boiler were thrown over a hedge
into an adjjoi❑ing meadow, and three otter men were more
or less injured. The fireman was much scalded, and, was
removed to Newcastle infirmary, wbere he lies in a precari-
ous state, and the destruction of property is considerable. The
boiler was an old one, but there is nothing to indicate how
the explosion originated.

.SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE BIOHNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—It is somewhat remarkable that the
first attexnot to renew and to improve our diplomatic
relations with Rome al 1-1 )m the very
men whose injudicious Bill for that
purpose converted it -block and a
nullity; and we learn v 3 that a Mi-
nistry which lays claim int principles
and character should hs
.asure which
is so liable to be miscor Papal Court.
Without pretending to f Sir Henry
Bulwer's late excursion season when
nobody who can help that city, and
even the Pope retires tc we suspect
that the account of this has appeared
in some foreign journals of the truth,
and that an attempt has order of the
British Government, to 35 with the
Roinish See on a be i attempt in
which even Sir Ho well-known
abilities have not been :. tight to have
would only regard this conciliatory step
been foreseen that the Calomel, of the Vatican
as a sign of
weakness or a recantation of those sentiments which
strongly animate the great majority of the British
nation. It is strange that within two years of the
appearance of the Papal bull dividing England into
new dioceses by foreign authority, and appointing
the delegates of a foreign power
to the government
of these ecclesiastical divisions, an English Minister
should have made his appearance at Rome unsolicited,
uninvited, and with no previous explanation or with-
draWill of a measure which had been universally re-
garded and denounced in this country as an outrage
on the Sovereign and the nation Which that Minister
yepeesents. Whet cen be thought by
the Cardinal
a:
Secretary of Stafe of
the reel
e.sposition of the
British Government towards tee
1'e,,...a.
I see, when he
finds that for the first time since the mission
of Lord Castlemaine under James 11, he has
a British Envoy Plenipotentiary to
a neighbour-
ing Court waiting for an audience in his ante-
chamber ? Instead of the dignified
coolness and
unbending demeanour which the late acts of
the Papal Government towards this country ought to
have imposed on our Ministers, they aear in an
pp
attitude which the arrogance of Rome
will readily
convert into that of a courtier And a suppliant. The
Court of Rome resembles nothng so much as one of
those Asiatic durbars with whhh we are accustomed
to deal in a very different mmner in
possessions. It is inflated with an extravagant con-
ception of its own dignity, surrounded by monuments
of former grandeur, and deceived by its own impene-
trable ignorance. While it owes its our Eastern
miserable and
dependent existence to the presence of a foreign army,
it expects all mankind to approach the
e seat of its
mysterious power in a posture of humility; and it
mistakes the common language of courtesy and re-
spect for an expression of awe and obedience. The
only art practised in it with success is that of inces-
sant intrigue; the only power before which it quails
is that of vigorous action, stern independence,
and- a
manly contempt of its own art fees; and if the Mi-
nister of a Protestant Crown e to appear in Rome at
all, we are satisfied that be wil hardly obtain the re-
cognition of his just rights unese he be instructed to
speak in the tone of a Government prepared to enforce
them. The time is, as we well remember, not very
far
distant when we saw reason to hope, in common with
more conciliatory policy towards the
the Ministers and Legislature of this country, that a
Romish See
would not be without a beneficial effect on our rela-
tions with the Papal States, sod with the Roman
Catholic subjects of the Crown. We still think that
if at that time—namely, in 1846 and 1847—this
policy had been judiciously sited upon,
and if the
Diplomatic Relations Bill hid not been rendered
abortive by Lord Eglintou's Absurd and mischievous
amendment, it would have been possible to avoid
much of the evil which has since occurred. The policy
of the British Government towards the Irish people,
and in the matter of Irish education, would have been
less misrepresented ; the influence of fanatics and
rebels world not have been left uncontroverted ;
Lord Minto's roving mission would not have been
associated with the revolutionary outbreak that fol-
lowed it; and the Pope would have been told at a
proper time that Dr. Wiseman and John of Tram
were blowing the embers of a deadly quarrel to
gratify their passions and their ambition at the cost
of religion and tolerance. Such hopes might be
entertained—such results might perhaps have been
secured at the commencement of the reign of
Pius IX., or at least it seemed to be so ; but, in com-
mon with many other aspirations of that sanguine
period, they have now utterly vanished. In place of
a wise and tolerant Pontiff, we have to deal with a
bigot, bewildered by the dangers he has encountered,
and circumscribed by the humiliating position in
which he is placed. We find at Rome a Government
not only not prepared to meet us half way in the
measures which a more enlightened and liberal policy
would suggest, but closely allied to the most arbi-
trary Powers, favouring the most odious forms of su-
perstition, encouraging the revival of persecution
itself, and raising its pretensions to spiritual omnipo-
tence in proportion to the depth of its temporal
abasement. From such a Power we are satisfied
that nothing is to be obtained for the cause of
justice, freedom, or humanity ; and we serve those
sacred objects far more by standing aloof alto-
gether in the light of our independence than by
attempting to throw a beam across that abyss of
oppression and corraption. It is not the fault of
Protestant Powers, or of the policy of any Protes-
tant State, if those pacific and harmonious rela-
tions which seemed at one time possible between
the two great divisions of the Christian Church
have given way to more unfriendly and acrimonious
sentiments. But in every part of Europe Catholics
,
have turned the liberty they enjoyed into a weapon
of offence against their neighbours and of attack on
the civil power to which they owed allegiance. In
every part of Europe pretensions have been revived
on the part of the Romish Church which were sup.
posed to have been finally annihilated two centuries
ago; and, although these ultramontane principles
have manifested themselves in Ireland, and even in
England, in the forms which the free institutions of
this country tolerate—that is, with more uncontrolled
violence than elsewhere—yet the same movement may
be traced in every part of the world with the same
revolting consequences. To treat with Rome under
such circumsrances and conditions is
what she will regard as homage to the as
repudiate are' deny. If we have reason to complain
of her interference with the political and social state
of the Queen's dominions by the agencyocennlydan tou pay
of her inde-
fatigable priesthood, it is to our own
our own law's, to our power, and to our faith that
we must alone look for redress. Against our
church, our liberties, and our independence the
Church of Rome will probably not cease to do its
worst, as it has done in former ages, institutions, to
with unremit-
ting hostility, though, thank God! with indifferent
success, But to treat with such a power at this very
time, when she has thrown aside disguise and openly
preaches treason under every form, setting up the
spurioas allegiance of the conscience to her mandates
against the allegiance due to the law and to public
duty, is a blunder and a weakness which we should
hardly have supposed that even Lord Derby's Foreign
Secretary would have committed. The result of such
a mission appears to have been commensurate to the
sagacity of the conception. A few civil speeches
wore exchanged between Sir Henry Bulwer and Car-
dinal Antonelli, and the British Envoy probably
brought away with him nothing but the conviction
that in the present state of the Papal Government it
is idle to sacrifice the dignity of this country by an
attempt to conciliate a Power irreconcileably hostile
to our dearest rights and our most sacred institutions.
It would have been more creditable to the British
Government if no such overture had been made.
HERALD.—There are some occasions when a
retreat is best effected in silence, and in the dead of
night. There are others, however, in which the
general prefers to cover a retrograde movement by a
great show of fight. Trumpets are sounded, drums
heat to arms, and the troops march hither and thither;
but just when you expect that the battle is about to
begin, you discover that the whole was a feint, and
that the bird is flown. The only Whig journal that
is now left, of all the daily press, conceived it to be a
plain duty to make the best it could of Lord John
Russell's late display at Perth. But we humbly sug-
gest that it was a great mistake to turn the public
attention on the weakest point of the whole case—
namely, what is described as Lord John Russell's
courage. For if ever there was an instance in which
" the better part of valour" was declared to be " dis-
cretion" it is this. The meeting of Parliament is now
rapidly drawing near, and the leader of the Opposition
appears at a public dinner, and delivers himself of a
great speech. This is the usual plan when a battle is
approaching. We can all remember the proceed-
ings of this kind which took place just before the
meeting of Sir R. Peel's House of Commons in
1835, and how Lord John Russell then reviewed
his troops, and declared the plan of the compaign.
Mr. Roebuck has already given us some notice before-
hand. He told us at Sheffield in July, that within
a week after the meeting of Parliament the Ministry
would be expelled by a vote of want of confidence.
We only wanted, now, to hear the same prediction
repeated by Lord John Russell, and we should have
had, in a moment, the whole Am of the tilikupaigu

before us. But Lord John Russell does not repeat it.
Nay, he rather negatives the whole proposal. And
his own journalist makes no secret of the reason why.
It is frankly confessed that "any such opposition as
was waged against Sir Robert Peel in 1835,"
" would involve a certainty of failure." And the
reason assigned is, "the rivalries of various Liberal
leaders." Now this is a signal confession of failure.
In 1835 Lord John could unite " the Liberal party,"
and could dislodge even the great Sir Robert Peel.
In 1852 Lord John, it is confessed, cannot dislodge
even "the incapables who infest Downing-street,"
under Lord Derby ; and this, because " the Liberal
party" will no longer unite under his banner. A
plainer confession of failure in a Prime Minister
could hardly be made. And what, then, is the re-
sult ? What is the valorous resolve of this (confess-
edly) disunited "Liberal party ?" It is called " the
wiser course—the course reccmmended by Lord J.
Russell at Perth—the course of giving Mr. Disraeli
rope enough, and trusting that the discussion of his
measures will allow every Opposition chief abundant
opportunity of evincing his own claims." This is
capital. And yet we cannot help thinking that Shaks-
pere has phrased it better. In his racy style it runs
thus :
" Why, since he has some evil practices, if thou
couldst find them out, thou hadst better let him con-
tinue, till thou discoverest what they are."
" There ! thou naughty varlet, thou hearest what
is come upon thee ! Thou art to continue ! thou
naughty varlet, thou art to continue!"
So much for the general prospects of the session. The
Peelite organ of yesterday entirely agrees with the
Whig journal, that the present Ministry must be left
where it is, for the best of all possible reasons—that
it cannot be turned out. We happen also to know,
that two well-known Whig Baronets, representing
metropolitan constituencies, have expressed the same
conviction within the last two or three days. On a
single point, however, mischief is threatened. An
idea is openly mooted, of a revival of " the Lichfield
House compact." The first leader in the Whig jour-
nal of last evening commenced with these ominous
words—" Don't be so sure that you have heard the
last of the appropriation clause." And then follows
this candid confession of the lengths to which the
political morality of Whigs and Liberals may be
stretched :
"It is not likely that more than an insignificant mi-
nority could be mustered in favour of even the most
modest application of national property for the purposes
of the Roman priesthood; and it is quite certain that
no Minister in his senses would throw such a firebrand
among the constituencies. But we cannot doubt that a
large number of Liberals will willingly co-operate in
any attack upon the Irish Church, on the speculation—
whatever we may think of its prudence—that their sub-
sequent defection will be sufficient to arrest the move-
ment before it passes from the stage of demolition to that
of reconstruction."
In a word,—in order to annoy and perhaps defeat the
Ministry,—a large number of Whigs, Radicals, and
Peelites would unite,—so says the Whig journalist,
—with the Irish Brigade in an attack on the Irish
Church. And they would do this, it is confessed,
without meaning to carry the measure which they
would thus support. They would do it on " the
speculation, that their subsequent defection would
suffice to arrest the movement.' We are not alarmed
at such threats as these ; nor do we at all mean that
any serious consequences would follow from such a
manceuvre. But while we feel no fear, we may not
ards_thaet
first, the less freely advert to the well-known fact, that it
was
way—byarrheesltpainftgerwa movementthat
French Liberals in 1789, and various other Liberals
in other places, brought on results of a kind which
they were the first to lament, when it was too late to
undo them.
We have already CHRONICE.—y called attention
justw le which h in
they this
meant
to Lord Hardinge's more eminent qualifications for
the distinguished and highly responsible post of
Commander-in-Chief. His well-won honours in the
field, his services in India as well as in Europe, his
tried abilities as an administrator, and, above all, the
proud place which he held in the affection and esteem
of the Duke of Wellington, combine to constitute a
claim which it was impossible to deny. But there
are less obvious considerations which render his
appointment peculiarly judicious, or singularly fortu-
nate, at the present period. We allude to the imper-
fect state of our national defences, and to the growirg
spirit of hostility which " looms" in the distance, in
the direction of our nearest and most formidable
neighbour. The founders and oracles of the Universal
Peace Association may be right when they point to the
commercial ties which now connect the lending com-
munities of both hemispheres, as imposing a strong
curb on the ambition of rulers and on the restlessness
of glory-loving nations. No doubt, the consciousness
of the serious losses to be incurred, and of the
galling privations to be endured, by the most indus-
trious portion of the people which rashly provokes or
is suddenly hurried into war, will form a strong
check on the most bellicose rulers, wherever reason
and justice can make themselves heard, or wherever
some representative form of government faithfully
reflects the intelligence and well-understood interests
of the country. In France, for example, any vigilant
observer may have remarked from time to time, idu-
ring the past twenty years, an occasional outburst of
the same feeling of towards England, to which
two or three of the leading Paris journals have given
renewed and bitter expression within the last fort-
night. But whilst the Chamber of Deputies or the
National Assembly was in existence, and in the
enjoyment of its lawful privileges, we felt safe; be-
cause we knew that the whole influence of the trad-
ing classes would be thrown into the scale of good
sense and humanity, and because the limited powers
and strict responsibility of the Executive offered
insuperable obstacles to a sudden disruption of
amicable relations, with the view to a coup de
main. The important change which has taken place
in this respect appears to have altogether escaped the
notice of those members of the British Legislature,
who, " greatly daring," dined at the Elysee, and
danced at the Tuileries, to celebrate the Prince Pre-
sident's temporary triumph over the institutions
which he had solemnly sworn to maintain. It has
obviously never occurred to them that those noisy
and disorderly sittings of the National Assembly
which are foolishly cited as decisive against Parlia-
mentary Government, wereeiot only the safety-valves
of French turbulence, but the guarantees of Euro-
pean tranquillity. Threats, mutterings, and other
indications of peril, on which we laid little stress
so long as France enjoyed a constitution, have pos-
sessed far more significance since her army, her fleet,
and her revenues have been placed at the disposal
of one man, who may at no very distant period
conceive an English raid or invasion to be the best
mode of confirming and consolidating his authority.
It is notorious that the expediency of inaugu-
rating the new Empire by a military exploit of more
than ordinary daring is the constant topic of dis-
cussion amongst Louis Napoleon's partisans, and
that London, with its untold treasures in bullion
and merchandise, or one of our most valuable naval
arsenals, is familiarly proposed as the ready and
appropriate mark and reward of Gallic valour and
vindictiveness. All the workmen that can he use-
fully congregated have been set to work, night and
day, to complete the railway at Cherbourg; and the
President will soon be able, at a few hours' notice,
to embark a number of troops sufficient, if once
landed on the coast of Devonshire, Hampshire, or
Sussex, to inflict a vast amount of injury, if not
exactly to imperil our national existence. More-
over, it is confidently believed, in quarters not likely
to be misinformed on such a subject, that the
French navy list has been purposely falsified, so as
would o t
notpersonally
be
hazarded,
zr
d iel ld- i
es pxoeseepdt
to render it a most inadequate index to the actual
maritime force available on a sudden emergency.
Let us not be misunderstood. It may he probable
h Napuosleon
is
n
ttowards the English people, and that an unpro-
voakted Louis
attack on
as the last throw of the dice. Nor have -
we the
slightest doubt that any expedition which he
could
lead or direct against the British isles would
meet
with the most signal discomfiture, and would •
end by precipitating his fall. But the consequences,simply
to a commercial country like England,fan
even o
unsuccessful attempt at invasion, would_
be gravely, i
f
not permanently, injurious. The French boaster
who recently spoke of a new war-steamer as an arch
of a projected bridge over the Channel, forgot that,
for every ten steamers which could be collected at
Cherbourg, twenty might easily he concentrated
at Plymouth or S pithead, and that to be
independent of the winds is at least as
great an advantage to a watching squadron as to an
attacking one. Nothing short of the grossest and
most criminal neglect on the part of the British
Government for the time being, could give the
semblance of feasibility to a scheme of invasion on
a large scale. But there exists a general, and,
we fear, a well-founded suspicion, that we are by
no means so secure as we might and ought to be
against that description of warfare which was espe-
cially recommended by the Prince de Joinville in his
famous pamphlet. Many worthy people, whom it
would be inaccurate to class with " old women," are
haunted by visions of a French Paul Jones oft Brigh-
ton, Weymouth, or Torquay ; and they already see,
in their mind's eye, a compact body of ten or fifteen
thousand French troops quietly landed somewhere on
4. the west or south-wetht coast, and advancing into the

[PRICE SD.

. heart of the country—destroying, burning, and levy-
ing contributions on the way. Admitting such fears
to be exaggerated, it is not the less true that they
derive strength from the incomplete state of our naval
and military preparations; and the rank and influence
of a nation are invariably lowered and impaired by
the consciousness of its liability to insult. It
is notorious that the numerical inferiority of
our land armaments and the deserted condition
of our ports, in December and January last, had
a Food deal to do with the unworthy tone in
which Lord John Russell and his colleagues defended
Louis Napoleon against the well-founded censures of
the press. It is because Lord Hardinge possesses re-
markable qualifications for preventing the recurrence
of such a state of things, so far as the Horse Guards
are concerned, that we rejoice at his appointment. No
mere soldier would be equal to the task, for within
living memory the art of war has been revolutionised
by scientific invention. But the new Commander-in-
Chief is very far indeed from being a mere soldier.
He has filled a variety of civil offices with high credit.
He has been successively Secretary for Ireland,
Secretary at War, Governor-General of India, and
Master- General of the Ordnance. He was also, as a
correspondent has reminded us, specially charged with
the defence of Ireland in the memorable spring of 1848
—so that, in one capacity or another, he has had the
benefit of a larger amount of instructive and available
experience than perhaps ever fell to the lot of any one
of his predecessors, with the single exception of the
illustrious captain whom he immediately succeeds.
No man living is more impressed with the paramount
importance of placing the British army in a condition
to uphold its well-earned reputation under all
imaginable circumstances, whether as regards arms,
equipment, discipline, numbers,
or general efficiency ;
and we hope that no 111-timed diffidence, nor any un-
due wish to save the Premier frotrz_ernbarrussinotP,
to spare the Chancellor of the Exchequer's surplus,
will prevent Lord Hardinge from doing all that in
him lies to carry out his carefully matured schemes
of military improvement. It were a libel on the
nation to suppose that, becauseit very properly insists
on having money's worth for its money, it would
shrink from any amount of strictly needful expen-
diture, when its honour or its safetyis at stake ; and
if mistaken notions of economy him left our national
defences disgracefully incomplete, this is mainly
owing to short-sighted or selfish politicians who have
been over-anxious to curry popular favour.

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