The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—General M'Clellan's acceptance of the
Chicago nomination completes the preparations for
the Presidents! contest. The lists are now open,

•
.he champions produced, the issue is declared, and
;he battle inevitable. Mr. Lincoln's friends fought

hard against assumptions so unfavourable to their
own prospects. They first argued that there could
be no unanimity at Chicago and, that the strength
of the Democratic party would be destroyed by
division ; but these hopes were dashed to the
ground bya political accord and union unexpected,
probably, by the Democrats themselves. Since
the nomination of General M'Clellan under

circumstances so promising they have specu%
lated anxiously on his refusal of the cfter.

Many of the Republican journals have overwhelmed
him with compliments only to remind him that by
his acceptance of such a proposal he would forfeit
all his claims to popular respect, and ruin himself
in the estimation of the country. But this chance

of escape is now lost also. Gen. M'Clellan accepts
the nomination and consents to stand. Thus the

match is made, and the game must be played out.

Desperate, too, in the extreme will be the grapple
between the combatants, for the champions and the

parties are the most formidable that could be pitted
against each other. Mr Lincoln can no longer hope
to slip into a second term of office, either unopposed
or with only a contemptible opposition. The great
party of the Democrats have coalesced in perfect
unanimity against him, and they have secured as
their willing candidate the very man whose name
would bring the greatest strength to their cause.
From this time, therefore, the prospect is clearly
and sharply defined. The gladiators have stepped
into the political arena, and they must fight ac•
cording to the laws of the strife. They are not ill-
matched. If the Democrats, when fairly united,
are not the more powerful party of the two, Europe
has been greatly misinformed of the state of opinions
in America ; but the Republicans have the advan•
tage of possession, a firmer and less equivocal
policy than their adversaries, and the chances of
support from military success. We have already
been assured that Sherman's victory in Georgia

proved immediately favourable to Mr. Lincoln's
cause, though the measure of that success is now
given in the General's own report. On the day fol..
lowing the battle he advanced with his army only to
find his enemy impregnably posted just six miles off.
So securely was the Confederate General intrenchod
and so strong was his force, that Sherman declined
to attack him and prudently retired. Yet the victory

which pushed a Southern army this short distance
in retreat, but left it still in a plight todefy the
. __ .

conquerors, eufficed for the moment to send Lincoln
up and M'Clellan down, and the not improbable
capture of Mobile may perhaps contribute to the
depression of the Democratic cause. On the other
hand, a great military disaster would assist Mr.
Lincoln's opponents, so that the ordinary political
calculations are liable to incessant disturbance from
the incidents of war. It will be observed that Gen.
M'Clellan, while approving a " pacific" policy in
place of the policy pursued by the present Admi-
nistration, nevertheless declares distinctly for the
re-establishment of the Union "at all hazards,"
This profession of political faith involves a contra-
diction, but it is a contradiction which is accepted
by perhaps the most numerous section of his party.
All the Democrats wish fur peace, but a portion
only of the party is bold enough to own that it
would purchase peace, if necessary, even at the
price of disunion. The rest entertain or effect a
hope that if the Republicans, whose accession to
power was the signal of Secession, could be super-
seded by the Democrats, whose sympathy with the
South are traditional end notorious, the Seceders
would desist from war and parley with their ancient
friends. Such is the slippery and precarious via
media which M'Clellan must at present tread; but
though the obligation exposes him to political sar-
casm, there was probably no escape from it. It ape
pears that a large number of Americans heartily
desire peace, and are yet afraid or unwilling to de-
clare for peace on the only terms which would cer-
tainly produce it. They wish to have done with
fighting, and yet they cannot bring themselves to
condemn the war except on the condition of secur-
ing its object by some better policy. On a pure policy
of peace the Chicago Convention would have been a
failure. It is only by appropriating the best cry of
the Republicans that the Democrats can go to the
country with any hope of success. If logic, how-
ever, conquer, Mr. Seward would win. lie has the
best case, and he knows how to argue it. Moreover,
the Republicans are just as ready to borrow the
colours of their opponents as the Democrats. Just
as M'Clellan flatters one popular sentiment by de-
claring for Union, so Mr. Lincoln conciliates another
by pronouncing for peace. At Auburn, Mr. Seward
asserted, in terms as plain as he could venture to
use, that the President was as ready to make peace
3)euluuratic preter.der
place, and that he would offer the South as easy
and simple conditions of reconciliation. It had been
thrown in his teeth that he was a stickler for
abolition, and that he required the Southerners
to give up slavery as well as re-enter the Union,
whereas the Democrats would promptly embrace
the South on condition of re-union only. But
when, asked Mr Seward, did the President refuse to
do the same, or who could pretend to say that this
condition of simple Union would ever be offered by
the Seceders ? The Confederates mean separation
and nothing less. There can be no peace except on
those terms, and it is mere absurdity to stipulate
for the maintenance of the Union and yet condemn
the war. If the South cannot be coerced into re-
Union, it can never be cajoled. Such, in brief, is
Mr Seward's retort upon his opponents. "We say
that nothing but victory in the field can restore
the Union, and therefore we are for the vigorous
prosecution of the war; but if the Seceders will
come to terms, let us hear what those terms are,
and we can accept them as well as you."
General M'Clellan wishea to consult the suscepti-
bilities of the War Democrats, and to catch the votes
of stray Republicans, and so he professes to uphold
the Union " at all hazards"—that is, even, if neceee
sary, at the cost of continued war. President Lin-
coln wishes to catch the votes of stray Democrats,
and so his Secretary throws over the slavery ques-
tion, and all other questions, save that of Union,
that might stand iu the way of peace. In short, the
ostensible "platforms" of the two candidates are
identical, except that one is turned upside down.
Mr. Lincoln cannot forego the Union, and so must
keep on fighting, bet he will make peace if the Union
is preserved, as conditionally es anybody. General
M.Clellan cannot forego the Union, but instead of
going on with the war, he puts the peace experi-
ment and reserves the fighting for afterwards. We
have repeatedly expressed our opinion that the policy
of the War Democrats is logically untenable, for it
means pacific war or warlike peace. The Republican
policy is more consistent—" peace when you please,
and on the terms you know, but war till then." It
would be hard, however, to say that the inconsistent
policy is not a judicious one. If the Americans
themselves do not know their own minds, or, know-
ing them, dare not speak them, the Democratic
policy is skilfully adapted to their uncertainties or
fears. It bridges the space between them and the
object which they desire. That object is peace, and
the Democrats put peace in the foreground. At
present they couple it with conditions which save
the national pride, but are probably quite incom-
patible with the object itself, A short time hence
the conditions may be dropped while the object is
kept in view, and the nation, after enjoying a re-
spite from the trials of war, and tasting the bless-
ings of peace once more, may gradually resolve on
retaining these blessings, even at the expense of
what would now be thought an impossible sur-
render.

HERALD.—It is wonderful how little one may
know of a country by merely ruling it, more espe-
cially a country like India, where the alien govern-
ing body is a very small minority to the native
population, and the policy of letting things alone as
much as possible has prevailed until the last few
years. It id not very long since the discovery was
made that torture was employed by the native sub.
ordinates of Government for the collection of the
revenue ; and now we find that in a district under
British administration slavery has been openly
practised for many years, and the buying and sell.
ing of men, women, and children publicly registered
in the civil courts. It is to the honourable courage
of Cal. Haughton, commissioner of Cooch Behar, in
Bengal, that we are indebted for this exposure.
That officer, in a report just made to Government,
tells us that his attention was first brought directly
to the subject through an application made to him
for the purchase money of a child sold to a Brahmin
during the funeral ceremonies of the late Rajah,
and for which the Maharanees, then acting as Re-
gents of the kingdom, but whose powers have since
been taken over by the British Government, were
made responsible. Upon being appealed to, the
Maharanees explained the nature of the claim, tell-
ing Col. Haughton that it was customary to give
away slaves to Brahmins on such occasions as the
one in question ; but they admitted the practice to
be an evil one, and promised not to continue it,
Hearing of his interference in the matter, the judge
of the civil court (a native) told Col. Haughton that
he had always been in the habit of registering the
sales of slaves, and desired to know whether he
should do so for the future. Col. Haughton, know-
ing that the late Rajah had issued an order forbid-
ding the traffic altogether—which order, however,
be never had the energy to enforce—directed the
discontinuance of the registry without hesitation.
lie next proceeded to ascertain the extent of the
evil, in order to deal with it generally, and fur this
purpose secured the services of atrustworthy native
official, whose reappcnds to his own communica-
tion. The reporter dwlares that the Vat= of