The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-03 00:00:00

THERIIOIIE'rER.

This day at Two o'clock 74

Barometer-29.39

WlND—Westerly ; moderate f=reeze and very fine.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
rHIS DAT.—Morning, 2h. 40m.—Afternoon, 2h. 53m.
la.tioaaaw.-Morning, 3h. 15r.a.—Afternoon, 31-1. 32m,

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 3, 1861.

The Foreign Policy, respectively, there of France,
here of England, has very recently, has within the
last few days, has. almost we had said within the
last few hours, received a rather startling illustra-
tion. An illustration, in each instance, indicative—
to the comprehension of the whole world—cf the
influence won by that contrasting Foreign Policy
to the two Governments. The influence of France
is thereby demonstrated—again—not for the first,
but yet once more—to be very considerable. The
influence of England is thereby, on the contrary,
shown with frightful vividness— for the first
time—to be infinitessimal, to be invisible, to be
whoiely inappreciable, if not absolutely non-existent.
Of the success of the Foreign Policy of France, of
the brilliant success of that Foreign Policy—it is
Mexico that has afforded this latest illus-
tration. Of the failure of the Foreign
Policy of England, cf the utter and ignominious
failure of that Foreign Policy—it is Denmark that
yields (to a nicety just precisely at the same
moment) this no lees conspicuous illustration.
Mexico, the state of things in Mexico, the progress
of the newly inaugurated Government of Mexico,
the rehabilitation, there, by French influence, upon
an entirely new basis, of the polity, of the com-
merce, of the administrative and legislative institu-
tion of Mexico (no longer as • a chaotic Republic,
but as a well-ordered, or what is evidently feet be-
coming, a well-ordered Empire, under the rule of
the Austrian Archduke recently transformed into
the Emperor MeximinreN)—each and all of these,
tnzil eftor mail, are affording conclusive testimony
of the Triumph Wee by the Foreign
Policy
of
Frenee, on the oppwite shores of the A.tlantic,under
ti.s*uto direction of that Foreign Policy really
by. NAFjLEON 111., ostensibly by his Minis! er o'
state, M. DaotJYN L'Huvs. According to the
last sclviess received from :Mexico, under date the
Sia
ultimo, the new order of things., there, is
that newly reorganised country, that country
cnly jest now recovered from the bonleversement
resulting from a prolonged revolutionary epoch, the
new order of things there, according to these last
accounts, from the actual scene, yonder, of these
Gallic transformations, is in the highest degree
satisfactory—ie satisfactory beyond even the most
sinfPf:ne expectations. From Mexico there re-
turns now not only a large proportion of the French
army of occupation but, simultaneously with the
return of these- victorious soldiers, there wine

back to France 3,000,000 dollars. This illus-
tration, therefore, of the success, the bril-
liant and indubitable EIICCCSS, of the foreign
noliq of France—the illustration just now
drawn from Mexico of the conspicuous triumph
of that policy—is not only complete in its
way, it is twofold. There i❑ Mexico, France
has proved victorious, both in arms and diplo-
macy. Whereas, the illustration derived from
Denmark of the utter failure of the for-
eign policy of England, is an illustration also
of a twofold character, but, alas ! how completely
different. The reE,ult of that Foreign Policy, as
applied to the affairs of Denmark, has been, not as
with the French Foreign Policy in the affairs of
Mozico, a buildiog-up, but on the contrary, in
every conic, a most disesn.-ous pulling down. His-
tory will relate it. History is already relating it.
Whatever the paltering majority of eighteen may
have declared to the contrary in the British House
of Commons—History has already declared, or is
even now at this moment declaring, that the name,
the fame, the reputation, the glory, the influence of
England, as affected for good or for evil by the
issue of her Foreign Policy, have been marred,
flawed, tarnished, degraded, however you may
care to express it, by the lamentable results fast now
of that Foreign Policy of hers as applied within
the last few months to the affairs of Denmark.
Have they not ? Let these results themselves—
as they are now only too well known to us—answer,
and answer conclusively. And those results—What,
in a few miserable words, are they ? They are these
—that, under the benign yogis of the Foreign Policy
of England—Denmark our ally, Denmark who
but little more than a year ago gave her fairest
daughter, in wife, to the young Prince who is heir
to this our ancient sovereignty, that Denmark,
of all the countries of Europe, within the
last very few months, under the benign
yogis of the Foreign Polley of England, has been
invaded by the monstrously superior forces
of Austria and Prussia, has lost largely both in
blood and in treasures, has been cloven down to the
dust under the brutal heels of her German assail-
ants, and has now, as her only escape from total
destruction, had violently torn from her grasp very
considerable portions of her territory, the whole of
Schleswig, of Holstein, of Lauenburg ! England
standing by the while—never once striking a
blow in her behalf—expending only for a time, and
at uncertain intervals, a few big empty words (of
threats to Germany, of encouragement to Den-
mark) but eventually hushing even these
at the last, while meanly looking, on,
"quite chap fallen" during this partial dismem-
berment of the Danish Kingdom ! Such are those
two widely contrasting illustrations—here of the
Foreign Policy of England, there of the Foreign
Policy of France. " Look on this picture, and on
his !"—yonder in Mexico—yonder in Denmark I

England is at the present moment at peace, and
under the role of the Ministers who for the time
hold office every endeavour will be made and every
humiliation submitted to to avoid plunging into a
war. But the very fact that it has been declared
England will not go to war—that her councils are
swayed by a peace-at-any-price party—that her
pledges shall not be maintained, and her allies de-
serted for fear of involving the country in a contest
with some Continental Power—may at any moment
bring about the catastrophe which it is endeavour-
ing to avoid. The belief that England may be
insulted and bullied with impunity may any day
'lead some foreign Power or combination of Powers
to act in such a manner as to leave this country no
alternative but render war inevitable. In such fel
contingency In what state of preparation wr,old
England enter upon the contest ? Our arney is in
a fair condition for service, it is supplied -with field
ammunition second to none, and the yank and file
have been trained to the use of a 'first-class rifle ;
and in the absence of the troops 1;j0,000 disciplined
Volunteers would be ready to &dead our shores and
repel any hostile attack. oar armour-plated Navy
is considered the strongest in the world, and so it is
probably, in so far as its defensive armour is cone
cerned. We grant that it would be difficult for an
enemy to sink and destroy the Warrior, Black
Prince, or Royal Sovemign ; but, on the other hand,
could any of these vessels inflict any serious damage
upon ships armed even as the Gloite. It is admitted
that for penetraf,ng the Navy is not provided with
any guns whie:a aro superior to the old 68-pounder.
It will naturally be asked 'what has been the use of
the five -fears' experiments at Shoeburyness ; and
if this statement be true, why has the public, been
delteaed with the accounts of the wonderful per-
fezmances of the 150 and 300 pounders against all
conceivable kinds of targets, and the answer is that
the Ordnance Committee are endeavouring to ascer-
tain what gun possesses the greatest power of penetra-
tion, the greatest range, and the greatest accuracy.
Their object does not seem to be to provide a useful
gun for the navy, but rather to decide scientifically
between the respective claims for superiority, rival
inventors, any of whose guns are more than equal
to the exigencies of the service. We do not come

plain of the protracted trials at Shoeburyness,
although there can be no doubt that much time and
money are expended too often for inadequate results.
We admit that it i 3 highly necessary to test the
merit of all guns in every possible manner, but we
certainly consider that the requirements of the
moment ebould be attended to before elaborate and
tedious experiments are entered upon. The estab-
lishment at Shoeburyness has become an important

one; it may be considered, says the United Service
3lagazine as a little martinet. There are barracks
fur 700 men, besides cfficers' quarters for the coma

pang-, and staff officers', instructors', sergeants',
married men's quarters, hospital, gun sheds, drill
house, stores, and commissariat, covering many

acres of ground. There is incessant firing of guns
from morning till night. Now it is firing twelve

pounders for ordnance, and seventy pounders and
nine inch guns, and some other kinds of projec-
tiles as fast as they can be loaded, and relays of
men are necessarily required, as it is hard work.
From all this expenditure of time and money no
doubt important results are obtained, at least theo-
retically
speaking, for practically the service has
gained little except the adoption of. the Armstrong
field guns which were recommended for service in
1858 after short but satisfactory experiments. Why
in 1864 should not heavy armour-piercing guns be
recommended for the Navy ? Why, while the
pending controversy between the Armstrong arid
Whitworth guns is dragging slowly along, while
pr trials are being carried on with 93 poem-
proved just heavy enough
k -
de rs, which have been
not to penetrate strong targets, are the 150 and 300
pounders neglected ? We know what guns can
penetrate even six and a-half inches of iron, and
yet we needs must wait until the best of
good gune, all fit for service, has been decided
upon. Why, in the name of common sense,
cannot orders be given for the construction of a
reasonable number of 150 and 300 pounders ?
upon ARMSTRONG or WHITWORTH'S system of
rifling. Both are good, and therefore both might
be adopted. It is not, after all, so much the system
of rifling as the construction of the gun, that is of
real importance, and the Government possess all the
requisite machinery at Woolwich for their construc-
tion, as do iiiiewi.te the Elowick Conakaily, at New-