The Sun.
London, England, 1852-02-20 00:00:00

cretary, received communications from Governenent,
and was supported by the secret service money of
the State—(Hear, hear)—and not, as in the present
case, the pocket of a nobleman who disinterestedly
came forward in the support of order.—(Heata bear.)
It seemed, therefore, that the opinions of gentlemen
opposite had changed a little since the days of Lord
Eliot. At that time, becaute the Weill ham cued to
be supporting their own opinions, it was a very respect-
able newspaper; but now the Hon. Member far Buck-
inghamshire trampled up en a fallen may, and, it we
were to believe him, the World was the Satirist of the
press. With regard to the Dublin Times, he was in-
formed that two of its writers were placed by the then
Government in high official appointments, for having
espoused and promoted the doctrines of their party; and
even the judicial station wag,
he believed, conferred
upon one of them.—(tlear. hear.) He askod whether
this was true or not? If it was not true, let it be denied;
but it it were true, do not let Hon. Gentlemen come for-
ward with trivial and trumpery charges against Lard
Clarendon for doing what they themselves had sot the
example or. But then it was said that the charge
brought against Lord Clarendon was not for having
connected himself with the press, but for having con-
nected himself with .an unprincipled end profligate
journal. Now he (Mr. eleeaeuse) wa's not going to
say a word inteitist the press; whether Le admired it or
not, as the Hon. Member for Buckineleamahire said he
did, was beside the present question, cud his opinion
on the subject would probably have itene weight; but
he conceived what had happened in this
particular in-
stance was the consequence of the system of anonymous
writing—of that system by which public writers refused
to affix their names to their contributions, and by which
unprincipled and vicious men came sometimes to write
us turthereece of doctrines which he had rather teen
supported by men of better character.—(Hear, hear.)
No doubt there were certain truths which would be ad-
mitted equally as well when stated by persons of bad
character as by men of the purest morals. The fact
that three angles were equal to two right angles was
equally indisputable from whosever pen it was stated,
and so with general doctrines of morality. But there
were certain doubtful truths and
disputed doctrines,
especially in the regions of politics, the advocacy of
which by a bal man no doubt brought dis-
credit on the cause with which he was connected. He did
not see, however, why
War his
eindt-°-u-easas and
wr i ter— (a 1 a n g h)—
himself of the services of Mr. Birch, Hon. Gentlemen
Was
wrongi
availingn of
hs
himself
beena c adue sneo,uLn
denouncing'
thii
unfortunate
and holding him up to the contempt of this !louse, but
he shoal i take the liberty, in addition to the letter of
Lout Eliot, of quoting the opinion of the Standard as
to the character of this paper in former years. The
Standard did justice and homage
to an opponent, and
its opinion was all the more worthy of
their attention
because it confessed in bestowing an ,
eulogy on the
World, that it did so on an opponent. (The Hon. Gen-
tleman hewraes rsetaatdedattiliat extract from
Worldnewspaper was con-
duc•ed with great ability and independence of spirit, and
the Standard, in
that it had been eminently useful to the peace of the
cuoieunetornyd;uactndof Lthiosrwa d
it thus appeared, then, thought well of the World, and
if so, why should Lard Clarendon not have availed him-
self of the services of that very paper?—(Hear, hear.)
Eliot). The
followed
rrh beygreat Protestant party a passage vindicating
. The Hon. Member fir Buckinghamshire stated that
this was a question of duty; and he seemed to insinuate,
though he end not openly assert, that the House had no
alternative bat to say " Aye " or " No " ee the motion
before them. Ho (Hr. Hobhouse) begged distinctly to
deny that principle, so far as he understood the course
of procenure in constitutional assemblies. They were
to take into account the whole conduct, the whole
character and policy, of a person standing in
Lord Clarendon's position. They were to sur-
vey the entire case from first to last, and were not bound
to give a distinct affirmative or negative to the ques.
tion.—(Hear, hear.) They were not there as a jury, to
say " Ay" or " No" to a particular issue; they might
object to the issue, and he, for one, did object to the one
brought before ahem on that occasion.--(gear, hear.)
Lord Clarendon had held the scales between parties in
Ireland with moderation and justice, and had discharged
his duty with ability, skill, and judgment. —(gean)
The Noble Lord had come in contact with the old ultra-
Protestant leaven of bigotry; and he showed, in his
treatment of the Orangemen, that he was not disposed to
see the Irish Government treated with disrepect or in a
manner unworthy of its dignity. He would not say
whether that was the cause of the present motion or not,
but he believed that if the Noble Lord (Clarendon) had
played a little more into the hands of that party, the
House would have heard less of the present vote of cen-
aure.—(Hear, hear.) He thought Lord Clarendon had
deserved well of his country, and was entitled to the, ap-
probation of that House and the country; and had the
Noble Lurd at the head of the Government met the mo•
tion with a direct negative, he would have been disp-
posed to bring forward an amendment, calling for in-
quiry into the whole character, principles, and conduct
of the Noble Lord's goveinment in Ireland. Under the
most trying prove caucus he had succeeded in repressing
rebellion, and throughout he bad done all that lay in his
power to promote the welfare of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
It might be all very well for the Noble Lord who intro-
duced the motion to cast .ridicule now on the danger
that was then treated as so very serious, but the House
was not likely to forget what the circumstances really
were.—(Hear, hear.) At that time the ultra-Protes-
tents and the Conservatives came forward with addresse-
of congratulation to Lord Clarendon, and he thought is
was a little inconsistent on their part now to come for-
ward with the language of censure.—(Hear, hear.) For
these reasons he should deem it his duty to vote against
the motion of the Noble L,rd.
Mr. S. CRA.WFORD considered the question before
the House to be, whether the Government was justified
in subsidizing or bribing the press. He had great re-
spect for Lord Chirendon, and on many points he agreed
with him. He had been most useful in advancing the
linen trade in Ireland, and, on a late occasion, he (Mr.
Crawford) had been a party to presenting him with a
testimonial for his exertions in that matter.—(Hear,
hear.) As one sent there to protect the rights of the
people, he regarded a free press as the great palladium
and security of liberty; and he blieves that if they
permitted Government to tamper with the press, they
would destroy the . confidence of the public in that great engine.--(gear, hear.) Tampering with the
press was defended on the ground that it had been the
custom of all Governments in Ireland to do so. That
was the very reason why he now took his stand on this
question. He believed this' had been the custom of all
Governments, and he feared that on a very important
question the press was at present subsidized.—(flear'
hear.) He deprecated all such practicee, and hoped they
would receive the most positive censure- of that House.
Suppose ' the Noble Lord was to be charged with subsi-
dizing the
press of this country, would the people of
England for
8 moment bear suck a thing? Certainly
not. Then, why should it be tolerated in Ireland?—
(Hear, hear.) He much regretted the course he felt
pound to take on
the present occasion • but no considera-
tion would prevent him from
motion.—(Cries of " Divide 2) giving
Mr. G. H. 'MOORE ob h bad the
served, that since e
honour of a scat in that House, he never had more
anxiety as to its decision than
at that moment. That
question was, whether any amount of misconduct which
would b
ttee considered 'objectionable in England should be
commid in Ireland with impunit El hear.) It
y ( Qar,
ought not to be allowed te
-- besaid.--swhile in every
that
other assembly in the country auch an act would be re-
pudiated, that in that House it would be palliated and
overlooked. The people of P.
—agland and of Ireland did
not, perhape, agree in all att
111 ere; but he did not doubt
that they were as one in this, that they would not allow
a public violation of decency and decorum,- especially
if such was practised in high 1 unpunished.
P aces, to go
If that House allowed an tict of that description, such as
had been that night dataned red they
would to pass uncensu , ,
would not be raising themselves in the estimation of the
country. What were the facts.—..the lain, palpable facts
simply of the case? Why, this, that Lord Clarendon
did not scruple to corrupt and pay a man to use his
paper as en organ of the Irish Government—which
of
the most disreputable paper was character. He would
nut even put it is comparison With the Satirist; and if
a similar case had occurred in
Lord Ee i d 2 what would
have been thought of the Noble an
at the head of the
Government to support what he was leased to call law
and order, and to blacken and
defame his opponents.
Even on the trial respecting this ease, which took place
realit Lord Clarendon
iu Dublin last autumn, s
Mr. Brewster, who was in
y 'cousel on that occasiela,
stated that the proprietor of ta
--e World, Mr. Birch,
had done as much as man ever
did topoison the
public mind. The Noble Lord at the head Pof th© Go-
vernment had read quotations from several Irish rapers,
and he had got quotations innumerable from le' one, t
show that it was of a bad and malicious character, ties wile
it had in fact beer expelled from every ciaucb -room in
Dublin ; and whet, then, .were they to think of -the Earl
or Clarendon taking such a paper into hi ' .
maintain the cause of law and order. It
hadn servicebns ,
do
that Lord Clarendon had great difficulties to eceonteenid
with—that that there was a deep and ta
w•-e-spread con-
spiracy throughout Ireland for having Ireland disse-
vered from this country—that the Irish press was for
the most part leagued with the instigators of that con-
spiracy, and that therefore he Was obliged to have re-
course to Mr. Birch, and his paper, to support the cause
of law and order. But was such the fact? Was there a
sane men in Ireland, who believed that there way any_
the like au insurrectionary spirit abroad? Why, ya-t
the time the Irish people were utterly prostrate ; they
were more incompetent to aid or take part in
any such
insurrectionary movements than they had been for ages
before—the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland were well
known to have been as much opposed to the Young
Ireland party of that day as they were to the Red Re-
publicans of Italy of the present day; and
what then
was this terrible power, and this deep laid
and wide-
spread conspiracy which Lord Clarendon had to contend
with? Why, a small knot of individuals,th
who did not
possess a trifle of influence over e Irish people, and
whose doctrines were so opposed, that on going into a
certain to propagate
town in Ireland, , them, they were
mobbed and
beaten by that very democracy, of whose
cause they were said to be the champions.—(Hear,
hear) into this ear,
hear) But to look a little conspiracy,
re-
and the conduct of Lord ClarendonaMitehell 6...eptecting it. It
was about October, 1848,
that
te
informed theut a journal
in Dublin. In that journal Lord-Lieu-
tenant, was his intention
tenant, that on an early
Castle,
"and drive him
frto takeh.
poisession of Dublin
was no doubt about the omi'
"mm" Now
there was
treason, and admitted h point
there, for it was downright y the
writer to be se, for he went on to tell the Lord-Lieu-
tenant that " either I will put you down, or you will
put me. language
- " But after all that strong and after
11 calculated to excite had been
the feelings it was Tve
with a magistrate's
well roused, two policemen, t
down the United Irish-
' were found quite sufficient to pil
.man. _([lsar, hear.)
articles
These ,however, were al-
lowed; ulate throughout Ireland,
for a lung time to env
and Government taking no steps to repress them, men

FRIDAY EVENING-,

FEBRUARY, 20, 1852.

and harassing circumstances of the case, was it just or
generous to seek to slander a man's character because,
for the interests of peace and good order, he applied
to a public journal to counteract the -poison of
Socialism with which the general press of Ireland
was for Rich a long period teeming? That
was the head and front of Lord Clarendon's offending.
If the Noble Lord opposite, instead of bringing forward
.this resolution, introduced a motion Lir the appointment
of a Select Committee to inquire into all circumstances
connected with the employment by former Governments
of such agents and spies as were deemed requisite, he
would find that they were not very particular as to the
characters or morality of the parties they employed.
For his part he could not bring himself to vote in favoui
of that motion. He could not forget that Lard Claren-
don wee one of the best Viceroys that ever ruled in that
unhappy country—that he lost no opportunity of pro
moting in every way its best interests, whether in agri-
culture, manufactures, education, or the general deve-
lopment of its resources.—(dear.) But there was one
thing above all others for which the Noble Earl was
entitled to most conspicuous credit,. and that was the
&cited manner in which he had chained down the
monster of Ovangeisin.—(" Hear, hear," from the Radical
benches.) The Noble Lord opposite and the Hon.
Member for Bucks might perhaps come into office, as the
result of the division upon that motion; but ho would
warn the Noble Lord and Hon. Members that a great
many of his present supporters would soon expect them
to repeal the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, give tenant-right,
arrange the revenues of the Established Church, and do
other things which they might not find so convenient.—
(Hear.) All he could say was, that if Hon. Gentlemm
Opposite made these concessions, they would have no
more strenuous supporter than himself (Dr. Power).
Under all the present circumstances, however, he could
not give his sanction to any measure which might tend
to the removal of the best Lord-Lieutenant whom Ire-
land had ever seen.—(Hear.)
Mr. NEWDEGATE was not surprised at the political
morality of the two Hon. Members for Cork. who said
they would vote against the motion before the House,
because if it was- successful it would place the party to
which he had the honour to belong in power. But that
party would not accept power on such terms.—(Minis-
tenet ek,eerli.) While he admitted the eloquence and
statesmanlike qualities of the Noble Lord (Lord John
Russell), he must say that his powers as a partisan were
equal to his other qualities—(A laugh)—and these
powers were displayed effctively that evening. What
was the real state of the case? Why, that the Irish
Government were reduced to the necessity of employing
a convicted libeller—Mr. Birch and the limes news-
paper—(Laughter)—the World newspaper, to support
it. If the House, carried away by the eloquent address
from the Noble Lord at the bead cf the Governmen

successfully oppoied tho motion before it, the people
of Englund would, notwithstanding, remember the
facts of the case must always be prejudicial to the Go-
vernment.

Colonel THOMPSON said, that in listening to the
speeches on the other side of the House, he had come to
the conclusion that the Hon. Counsel laboured under
the disadvantage of having had the wrong briefs deli-
vered to them, for the main portion of their eloquence
had been applied to blacken with intensity of ingra-
titude the character of their worthy client, Mr. Birch.
—(A laugh.) For himself, the only question he had
conscientiously to decide way. whether he should
take side with this convicted libeller,—he borrowed the
term from the gentleman's own advocates,—with the
man who was stated to be notorious as practising the art
of wielding threats of the betrayal of public and private
confidence as a means of making money, or with this
man's victim.—(Hear, hear.) That Lord Clarendon
had been imprudent no man more clearly saw and ad-
initttzi than Lord Clarendon himself; and Lord Claren-
don, were he present, would probably apologize for his
imprudence, in much the same terms that had been used
the other night in the House by an Hort. Gentleman
who admitted that he had been guilty of one fault in re-
lation to a certain borough, which fault was that of hav-
ing ever gone near the borough—(A laugh)—there could
be no doubt that Lord Clarendon quite as clearly recog-
nized his mistake in having ever gone near Mr. Birch.
The short statement of the case was, that Lord Claren-
don had made a false step, and fallen into a quagmire
—(Hear, hear)—Hon.Gentlemen opposite scarcely meant
to propound that public men were to be debarred from
all communication with the press; nor would they pro-
bably affirm that when they or theirs had been hereto-
fore in office, they had never had recourse to the aid of
the press; though, of course, they had always taken the
utmost care to secure the perfect purity of their press
agents.—(A laugh.)
Lord C. HAMILTON said it was because Lord Cla-
rendon had fallen into a quagmire, that he supported the
motion before the House. In doing,so he violated his
own private feelings, to carry out what he believed to be
his public duty; for knowing Lord Clarendon well,
and enjoying the privilege of being upon intimate terms
with him, he knew that Nobleman was most anxious to
promote the welfare of Ireland, and history would hand
down to posterity with honour and credit the name of
Lord Clarendon.—(Hear, hear.) Such then being his
feelings, he could only give his support to this motion
with a feeling of regret. Ile had heard nothing from
the Noble Lord to induce him to suppose that Lord Cla-
rendon had relied upon any extraneous assistance than
that of that despicable paper the World. He had
altogether overlooked the loyalty of the Irish people,
and had attributed everything to the effect of those
articles. Voting, as he intended to vote under those
circumstances, in favour of the resolution, he hoped he
should not be told that he was giving a party vote. As
an Irish Member, he felt that he owed a deep debt of
gratitude to Lord Clarendon, bat at the same time he
felt that he should be placing a stigma on the whole
course of his public career, were he to mix up this affair
with it. He was convinced, too, that that high-minded
nobleman deeply regretted the whole circumstance.
There was a remarkable fact, and one which the press
especially—the mighty organ of the public—should keep
in view. The Noble Lord at the bead of the Govern-

meat, and another Noble Lord ilgitii;office:lil loudly
inveighed against the independence of the press, which
had since won much praise in asserting it nobly, repu-
diating the charges brought against it, and criticising
the language in which those charges were conveyed.
The Noble Lord was pleased to censure the way in
which the unbought press of this country had criticised
the acts of foreign Governments, and it was a corollary
of that censure, that on the first occasion on which, in
the present session, the forces of parties were marshalled,
the Government should endeavour to obtain a majority
directly in the support of the principle of buying and
rendering venal the public press of England.—(Hear.)
Sir D. NORREYS observed that the opponents of
Lord Clarendon praised him to the skies, and his friends
supported him, though not with respect to the intrinsic
merits of the question under discussion. God bless
Lord Clarendon. (Cries of " Hear, hear," and
laughter.) Never was a man so singularly defended
as Lord Clarendon. The Noble Lord was attacked for
having recourse to the public press. Many an honest
man had sought the aid of the press, but Lord Clarendon
it was said, forsooth, had had recourse to a convicted
libeller. The Noble Lord who brought forward the re-
solution, when he described the paper as libellous and
scurrilous, did not show, as he ought to have shown, that
the political talent of its articles was 'extraordinary.
What else did Lord Clarendon want?—(bear, hear.)
Only look at the press of this country. Did not 999
out of every 1;000 of the people delight in the press as
the speaking and thinking machine of the nation? Did
men in general think for themselves?—(Cheers and
laughter.) Was it not a fact that 999 out of 1,000 were
guided by the press, and was a public man to be blamed
because he thought to gain the assistance of such impor-
tant means of securing the approval of the public? Oa
that ground he had taken his stand there, and de-
clared that Lord Clarendon had acted rightly. He
would not stand forward as the apologist of Lord Cla-
rendon, and acknowledge that there was a blot upon his
character. He repudiated such an argument. Any
public man who felt confidence in his opinions, was
Jus-
tified in having recourse to the means which he thoughto
best suited to give effect to them, and Lord Clarendon
had taken the right course, for he had availed himself
of the assistance of a journal circulating amongst the
t
very classes of the people who it was m
should be brought to acquiesce in his Government. But
what opinion did they entertain of the press in this
country ? Did they consider it to be like a virtuous wo-
man, whose morals it was unpardonable to corrupt, and
with whose fame it was horrible to tamper ?—(Great
laughter.) No such thing. Stich an idea was not to be
realized, and he repeated that he could see nothing dis-
honourable in the offer or acceptance of literary services
under the circumstances. He thought that Lord Claren-
don had done nothing more than any statesman was
justified in doing. Ho had bsen unfortunate, certainly,
in having had to do do with Mr. Birch, who appeared
th 4 red to,
have no honourable feali.l4 whatev-r, but L.,
.:
not the smallest moral C,ELEUTO attached to hr
Lord PALMERSTON (who was greeted with almost
ciaryears had
universal cheers) said—Sir,—Having for
many
the advantage and the honour of Lord
endon's pri-
vate friendship, and having been closely and directly
connected with him by official relations I cannot
recon-
cile it to my feelings to
give a silent 'negative to the
motion of the Noble Lord.—(Cheers.) I feel bound, Sir,
to bear my testimony to the
uprivaie worth, and to the
public personal honour, and to the
value of Lord Claren-
don as a servant of the pCrows—(Cheers)—and to ex-
press my deep regret that ho should upon this occasion
have been selected as the .
(Cheers, and d No, n object of a personal attack.—
o," from the Opposition.) Sir, the
Noble Lord who made this motion disclaimed its being a
personal question. Sir, if this be not a personal ques-
tion, lam utterly a loss to understand what a personal
question is.—(Cheers.) This is not an attack upon a
measure of the Government or the Administration,
but the Noble Lord brings under he decision of the
House, and he calls upon the House to censure, a
strictly personal act of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
"(Haar, hear.) Now, Sir, I hate personal attacks.—
(Cheers.) I think it is au unworthy mode of political
warfare—(Cheers)—but, at all events, if any Hon. Mam_
laer considers it his duty to bring forward a personal
attack upon a public man, I think ho is bound to sec
that the grounds on which his attack is founded are
broad, clear, and substantial.—(Cheers.) Now, Sir, I
appeal to those who have heard what has passed this
evening, to say whether tho Noble Lord has succeeded
iu laying any such grounds before you?—(Cheers.) I
confess, Sir, that it bas never been my lot to see so un-
substantial grounds laid for so grave and serious an ac-
cusation.—(Cheers.) What is it that the Noble Lord
has established? On his own showing, what is the
charge which he brings against my
Noblo Friend? It is
this:—ln a moment of
great public peril, when danger
of the greatest magnitude threatened that part of the
empire of which he was the responsible governor, a
newspaper editor comes to him and says, "I agree in
the policy which you are carrying on—l wish to support
the cause of monarchy, the cause of loyalty and
•

order,. which you arc charged to m
have II paper which :has but, a e 43.411
I am willing, if you von ir,,sist sus
it a greater circulation, to endeftrour to
tensively the opinions which 1 conseicritioil
and which are favourable to the system of
that you are desirous of carrying out."
Sir, that if my Noble Friend had shrunk
the editor that support he would have-been
to blame than he is for having afforded

Ricans of rendering the public a service.
It may be that the editor was in so]
unworthy of the confidence which my Noble
posed in him. Sir, it is the misfortune of generous
minds frequently to fall into the error of trusting -too
implicitly those who afterwards prove themselves un-
worthy of the confidence placed in them.—(Cheers.)
But, Sir, I must sat r that for my part, I should not
think that I was doints myself credit or honour by taking
advantage of information given me by a man who had
proved himself so undeceiving of confidence; and it
must be recollected that those who endeavour to throw
dirt upon others may sometimes soil their own hands.—
(Cheers.) I confess that part of the pain which the de-
bate of this evening has occasioned me arises from seeing
the Noble Lord, fur whom I entertain personally great
respect, become the insfrument of so unworthy an at-
tack.—(Ckeere.) Sir, I shall ray no more. I see, from
the tone and temper of the House, that this unjust and
unworthy attempt at censuring my Noble Friend will
utterly fail--(Cheers)— and I am persuaded that the de-
bate which has taken
Noble Lord, will leave my
place, and the sense and opinion
which this House will pronounce upon the motion of the
most
renderedrservantceies o f
andth
performed Noble Friend standing in the
high position
distinguishedgsea trvchick he has hitherto maintained, its
hasoalagdr eaa mant
ben ess
fi l
e
for his country.—(Loud cheers.)
Lord NAAS replied. He did not intend at that hoar,
and after the lenEthened debate which had taken place,
to trespass for any time on the attention a the Heine,
but he stood there to repel- with indignation the asser-
dtioon(Cheers, n._ and " Oh, oh!") Ho quite agreed personalwitthat this was a attack upon LordClaren-
h
the Noble Lord who bad just sat down that, if he had
made a personal attack upon Lord Clarendon he should
be unworthy to hold a seat in that House; bat he con-
tended that he was justified in bringing under the notice
of the House the public, act of a public individual, par-
ticularly when that act was justified by himself upon
public grounds.—(Hear' hear.) It was not the act of
Lord Clarendon, but the act of the Lord-Lieutenant and
the whole of the Executive Government of Ireland that
he impugned. He thought, then, that no one could for
a moment maintain that this was a personal attack. If
he had been so unfortunate as to give it that colour—
which, however, he did not believe—all he could say
war, that such a thing he bad never intended.—
(Hear, hear.) He appealed to the fairness of the House
whether, in the speech of the Noble Lord the First
Minister of the Crown, able and eloquent as it was,
he hod controverted one fact of the case. He (Lord
Naas) had maintained that the act of the Irish Go-
vernment in this case was reprehensible and dis-
graceful. His resolution had been opposed by all the
ability and talent of the other side of the House; but all
had tailed in disproving any of his facts, or in vindicating
the act which they were about to sanction by their
vote. He left the issue calmly and with perfect fearless-
ness in the hands of the House; but he must remicd
them that the vote they were about to give was one
which might hereafter be turned against them.—(Heev,
hear.) They were going to establish this dangerous
precedent—that the House of Commons approved of the
abstraction of public money from the public purse for the
purpose of subsidizing a venal press.—(" Hear, hear,"
and " No, no.") Turn it as they would, that was the
question they were about to vote upon; and he was cer-
tain that if they came to that decision they would soon
have occasion to repent it.—(flear, hear.)
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the motion ... . . 137
Against it ... ••• ••• 229
Majority against the motion ... —92
- The announcement of the numbers was received- with
loud cheers.

Various other motions on the paper were then de-
ferred. The second reading of the Improvement of
Towns (Ireland) Bill was postponed till Monday next,
The House adjourned at Half-past Ten o'clock.

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