The Sun.
London, England, 1852-01-28 00:00:00

JANUARY 28, 1852.

LOSS OF THE AMAZON.

TO TTIE EDITOR OF TIDE SUN.
Sll3,—Fox, Son., 'and Co. present their respects to
the editor of The SUll and as their letter of this date
to Sir John Omunanney throws new light on this
unfortunate affair, they enclose a copy of it.
Plymouth, Jan. 27, 1852.

[Copy.]
Plymouth, Jan. 27, 1852.
our letter of the 19th inst. we stated in ex-
planation that our junior had seen your secretary, and
not yourself, when he applied at your office on the Bth
inst. (the word secretary having been accidentally
omitted in our letter to Captain Chappell). Notwith-
standing this explanation, your letter of the 2,lst inst.,
addressed to Captain Chappell, and published in the
'
Morning Herold, contains expressions most offensive and
unjustifiable; the responsibility now endeavoered to be
thrown by you on your secretary, is of too grave a cha-
racter to be allowed to take place by implication; and we
now call on you to state, whether, before Septimus
Fox called at your office, and saw your secretary on tho
Bth inst., you had not, in a conversation with your secre-
tary, informed him to the effect that you considered all
search for the Amazon was useless"—whether, both be-
fore and after our S. Fox called on you, and saw your
secretary, several persons—and amongst them at least
one naval officer—had not particularly called your atten-
tion to the lamentable circumstances attending the loss
of the Amazon, and produced a statement, afterwards
published in the Shipping Gazette, and also suggested to
you the necessity of a steamer being cent out immedi-
ately; whether your secretary did or did not inform you
of too number of persons who, as ho states in his letter
to you of the 20th inst. in the Globe, were calling and
making inquiry about the Amazon; and if he eitherin-
formed you of it, or if you otherwise knew it, why you,
the head of the naval department here, and so specially
appointed to protect, succour, and aid the merchant
navy, took no steps to alleviate the anxiety so plainly
evinced, either by dispatching a vessel to seek for the
crew or passengers of the Amazon, or by directing in-
quiry to be made. We, the occasional correspondents at
this port for the Royal Mail Steam-packet Company,
sent one of our firm to your office, who saw your secre-
tary, his name was cent in as Mr. Fox, and durinz the
interview he showed your secretary a letter which had
been received that morning from Captain Chappell. '
We now gather from your letters that this application
from us as to whether a steamer had been sent out by
you was never communicated to you by your secretary,
nor was our junior ever asked by your secretary to see
you, but your secretary replied so plainly and positively
that you considered all search useless, that we received
that communication as yours through your official chan-
nel. We further ask you most emphatically, why should
any application to you be necessary to call your atten-
tion to a subject so notorious and heartrending as the
loss of the Amazon; there were our fellow-creatures in
peril on the ocean, and in your power means to search,
perhaps to aid and save—why, we ask, did you delay for
a moment?—We are, Sir, yours, &c.,
(Signed) Fox, SONS, and Co.
To Sir John Ommanney, K.C.8.,
Port Admiral, Devonport.

Ord,

been sent round from Portsmouth amongst other old
stores, Iv; it was intended to place it on a monument
which is to be erected on Southsea beach in commemo-
ration of Nelson, that place being the last ground in
England on whTll Nelson trod previous to his embarka-
tion for the service which ended with his death at the
battle of Trafalgar. Every search has been made for
the anchor referred to, but without suttees, and it is
feared that it must have been sent round to this yard
without any designation or request being attached to
preserve it; and it is probable it may have been looked
upon as old iron, and converted into new material for
some of the vessels that have been constructed at this
port.

THE STRIKE.
TO THE WORKMEN.
FELLOW COUNTRYMEN,—The very act of adclressing
you as such sends through my own frame that which
I doubt not you in reading will patriotically recipro-
cate—a feeling of jealousy for our country, and a
willingness, amounting alrflost to a desire, to
make any personal sacrifice when the fair fame
and welfare and real honour of that country
concerned. If you and I had ought against
each other at such a time as this, my feeling would he
to lay all such differences before the altar of our
fatherland, and so reconcile myself first to my brother.
If the masters have not souls high and holy and pa-
triotic enough for this, set them the example. Let all
domestic discord be hushed ; " Tell not of it in Gath,
publish its not in Askelon," lest ye make the despots
of the earth rejoice and endanger ouryoung and rising
liberties.

I yesterday addressed those masters (through the
medium of The Sun) on what I consider to be their
duty towards you ; allow me now briefly to advise
you what I conceive to be your duty towards them
and to yourselves, dismissing for the present
any further allusions to our country. On
the commercial policy and bearings of your
position, and on the political economy of
the case, I shall say nothing, perceiving
that you have in your Mr. Newton, and other able
intellectual friends, many of the advantages which
knowledge and science can render, and which perhaps
I cannot ; but there is a higher guide even than
knowledge, a truer and a safer guide even than
strength—wisdom and duty. " Wisdom is the prin-
cipal thing, therefore get wisdom," and in the lan-
guage of our great poet, "Do right, leave Heaven
to answer for the rest."

Allow me, then, to say I think you are at present
doing wrong. Ido not mean wrong as tried by com-
mercial principles or civil judges, I do not mean
wrong on any principles by which the masters pre-
tend to act or to justify themselves (for in these you
are quite equal with them), but I mean wrong, be-
cause you are not acting wisely under the circum-
stances, nor consistently with the really high moral
and intellectual bearing in which the poor of this
world are, I hope, about to set an example to the
rich, nor in agreement with the divine teachings of
which a Jesus is so bright an exemplification ; and as
the masters and rulers of this world will have Moses
and not Jesus, I wish to see you shining out in the
light of a brighter and better dispensation.
To simplify your case, let me ask you to look at
your society collectively, as if it were an individual,
for I know of no really high and true (viz., moral)
principle or rule that applies to an individual em-
ployed in the service of another that will not equally
apply and be obligatory on 12,000 collectively.
The difference between twelve and one is only in
strength, is only in the power to do this or do that ;
and such is a principle which you should be among
the first to condemn, and to tell your employers is a
brutish and selfish one, fit only for Egyptian task-
masters or:Continental despots.
I want you, my friends, to rise above your em-
ployers in all that is manly, God-like, glorious, and
divine—if they will not rise with you. I want you to
put aside your strength and array yourselves in
beauty, the beauty of forgiveness and forbearance. I
want you to forego the petty victory of a day, that
history may record the lasting triumph of 12,000
sons a toil, forbearing to enforce their rights by any
other argument than reason ; that 12,000 of the em-
ployed, in duty to their families, submitted to labour
under conditions they did not think reasonable, until
their employers could be led by reason and public
opinion to alter those conditions.
Now, suppose an individual who had been long in
the employment of a master was dissatisfied with his
hours of labour, or with the wages he obtained ; would
he, think you, be acting the part of a wise man, a pru-
dent parent, a kind husband, to quarrel with the master
and to quit his duties, thoughtless or uncertain whether
he could find employment elsewhere, rather than sub-
mit for a time to the supposed injustice ? Yet such, my
friends, is what you are now doing. And let us add
to this case the supposition that this individual had a
friend, who was also a mutual friend with the master
and had great influence with him, but instead of
making use of that friend to effect a reconciliation and
argue his case, should strike and quit, without dis-
cussion or arbitration, do you not :think that such
workman would be acting wrongly, unwisely ?
Wrongly to himself, to his family, and to the neigh-
bourhood who should suffer by the closing of the
master's shop ? Yet such it appears tome to be very
much your own case. Your friend, the free press of
England (I will say nothing of coercive Acts of Par-
liament), is willing and able to unite with you in rea-
soning with, and persuading (if possible), the masters
to " do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly," and I
very much doubt if those masters could long resist
such a legitimate strike—such a stroke on their con-
sciences and their pride.
My readings of your case, I acknowledge, have
been very limited, but from all I have seen it appears
to me that enough weight has not been given to the
fact that the difference which exists between you and
the employers is in a great measure a difference of
opinion. And I ask both you and the masters whe-
ther to take up the weapon of coercion to settle a
difference of opinion is consistent with that glorious
and heaven-born freedom of mind and soul which as
Englishmen we boast of, and which as Christians we
ought to exercise and possess ?

Fellow countrymen, the columns of a newspaper
will not allow me to enlarge ; let me repeat, set the
masters an example. Humble yourselves, and history
will exalt you. Use not your power to do evil.
Your material strength is not half so noble as your
intellectual and moral. You say your cause is just;
be it so, what glory is there when you suffer for evil
doing ? but if ye be buffeted for well doing, and ye
suffer patiently and nobly, the glory is yours, the
shame your oppressors. " Blessed are ye if ye suffer
for righteousness' sake." _

Do not confound my exhortation with cant. Just
the contrary. I want you to exercise the practical
and business-like, and manly duties of a divine and
enlightened morality, in opposition to cant, to mam-
mon, And to " spiritual wickedness in high places."
In short, I want you to be wise men, and if your
masters will be fools, forgive and pity them, but do
not sacrifice yourselves, nor bring dishonour on our
country. Have the courage to throw away all
obstinacy and pride, and tell the masters
plainly and
at once we will comply for a time to your unreason-
able requests. Stoop for once and conquer. A con-
quest over pride is glorious. Your committee have
shown talent enough for the Executive of our Govern
ment—let them also show more wisdom than that
Government can boast of, and then the time may not
be far distant when not the rich and mighty, bat the
" meek shall inherit the earth." Excuse the liberty
I have taken in addressing you thus hastily, but I am,
with best wishes, yours,
Cheltenham, Jan. 26.

DALETIT.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
SIR,—You deserve the thanks of every working man
in the kingdom, for the fearless, fair, and stwightfe_u , E
manner in which you have represented the
case of the
working engineers in this evening's Sun. Moreover
your publication of Daleth's letter is most happily
op-
portune, because it contains truths so strong in justice
and so overwhelming in themselves, that
carry conviction to the mind of every utnbprejutdhiceeyd mmuanst.
Now I beg topropose to all the right-
men in the land, that they subscribe one
working
pport of those engineers
weekly to be applied to the su e one penny each
and labourers who are not members
Society, and who are, therefore, of the Amalgamated
Most unjustly suffering
from the oppression of the masters, and I am sure that
this proposition needs only to be mentioned in your
valuable paper to ensure the most perfect success, leaving
this hasty and imperfect scrawl to your kind considers-
tiOn.—l am, Sir, Yours
Jan. 27, 1852.
Ayours, &c.,
WORKING MAN, not an Engineer.

'rders are said to have been sent oat recalling to
England three of the principal ships composing the squadron
now lying in the Tagus ; and as many of the vessels which
contribute to form our fleet in the Mediterraneae. If this
rumour should give prove authentic, as there is reason for
believing it to be, the first practical concession will have
been made to the force of public opinion on the subject; and
the first step in the direction indicated by common sense in
the management of our naval affairs will have been taken.
W e shall reserve our congratulations until we have the satis-
faction of announcing the arrival of the ships in question at
Portsmouth. Some time must elapse before those which have
to make their homeward voyage from the Levant can drop
their anchors in a native harbour; and there has long been
too much of instability of purpose and indecision of mea-
sures about the administration of these matters to allow us
to feel altogether certain that some foolish countermand may
not be issued which may have the effect of intercepting the
homeward sail of these floating fortresses. We must have,
moreover, the fact explicitly
avowed by a responsible Minis-
ter in his place in Parliament, before we shall feel any
assurance that the good thus done will not speedily be un-
done at the instance of some foreign Court, or for the sake of
some imaginary duty of dignity or dictation, in the per-
formance of which our rulers are usually so much more sen-
sitive than on points relating to popular contentment or
security.—Norning Paper.
A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon
at the Foreign-office, Downing-street. It was attended' by
Lord John Russell, the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of
Lansdowne, Sir George Grey, Earl Granville, Ear
l Grey, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Francis Baring, the Earl of
Carlisle, the Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, the Dlarquis of
Clanricarde, the Right Hon. Fox Mimic, and Lord Seymour.
The Council at two hours and a half.

~,,,
trov to
SPORTING NOTES. yr___,--
No. CLXIX. sal '1
4..?V`5..L.:
--., ... g 6.,,,,v
A FEW HINTS CONCERNING THE COLUM ..'' s=
TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS, AND Qv 6,
THOUSAND GUINEAS SIAKES. 1-rattito
‘ 4e.t Mt, W
',......._____

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sist,—The Column Stakes may be considered the key
to several of the Newmarket ttwee-years old, stakes,
therefore I have thought it sufficiently important to
warrant some slight remarks. This; stake will be
run for at the Newmarket Craven Meeting, over the
Rowley Mile, and is for three-years old; colts, Bst 71b;
fillies, Bst 41b; with allowances, which I shall specify in
connexion with the names of those I think worth com-
mentine on. There aro thirty subscribers to this
stake, seven of the nominations, however, being
dead, and ten out of training; leaving only thirteen
from which the field has to be selected. In all
probability the following will be those most likely to
contest the stake, namely, the colt by Orlando, out of
3Pirbhei,cpeshsy,
saalllios filly,
allowed 5,1 b, Kliadidya (late Abdela), allowed
allowed slbs, Exotic filly, Glonluce,
Lapidist, Languish colt, allowed 3lbs, and perhaps the
Dime colt, and Toga filly, the former with an allowance
of 3lbs. Glancing over the lot, it seems to be a entairity
for Lord Ribblesdale with his Lapidist, although Glen-
luce and the Princess colt (the latter in consequence of
his stiff allowance) must floe be despised. It will be re-
membered that this stake last year was considered a
certainty for Ariosto, who was defeated by Payment; it
may turn out this year, that Glenluce may repeat the
same dose over Lapidist; at.any rate, I consider the race
for this stake a foregone conclusion in favour of Len-
DIST or GLENLUCE, and that nothing stands the remotest
chance of being near to them but; the Princess and Lan-
guish colts.
THE TWO THOUSAND GUINEA STAKES
is the principal attraction of the First Spring Meeting
eit head-quarters. This stake has been considered (why
I know not) the key to the Derby ; for how a race, run
over nearly a flat mile, can be any criterion of one run
over a course like that at Epsom, and an additional half-
mile in length, I cannot for the life of me discover. Since
its establishment, in 1809, it has only been won by a
Derby winner four times—in 1813 by Smolensko, in
1818 by Cadlaad, in 1836 by Bay Middleton, and in 1843
by Cotherstoue—consequently it must be evident to every
one that the race for this stake cannot unlock the
mysteries of the Derby. This stake is for three-years
old colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 41b, over the Rowley Mill,
which, by the bye, I may as well remark, is one mil*
and one yard in length, and that it starts on the fist,
falls gently in the middle, rises five feet in the fifth
furlong, falls at the bushes, and rises ten and a half feet
in the last two hundred and fifty yards. Out of the
thirty-one nominations, a couple—Lord Glasgow's colt by
Slane and Sir J. Hawley's Blackstone—are defunct. Odd
Fellow sold without this engagement, and Canterbury,
Merry-go-round, Dilbar gelding, The Prophet, a.ud St.
Alban are out of training ; this leaves twenty-throe et
work to provide the winner.
John Day has a string of five, namely, Stapleton,
Geleon, Filuis, Vortex, and Father Thames. Father
Thames may be set down as a certain non-starter.
Stapleton and Geleon are both dark, and not reported
flyers, and Vortex, I believe, will be reserved for the
Derby. Sir R. Pigot's Fajta will, in all probability, be
the representative of the stable; but though great
things are expected of him, I doubt his capacity to ac-
complish them.

Of the Newmarket lots Harlock has four in training
engaged in this stake, namely, Stockwell, Ilex, Lens, and
Ambrose; none of them particularly formidable; Am-
brose the best in my opinion.
Fisher has a solitary nomination of General Anaon'e
Greyleg, which might as well be out of training for all
the good he can effect.
Butler has a couple of the Duke of Bedford's—Hugo,
who may be passed over without any consideration, and
Maidstone, whose chance is by no means first class; the
only thing in his favour being that he beat Stockwell,
Ambrose, and Filius in the race for the Prendergast
Stakes; this feat, however, was only accomplished by a
head, with the third beaten only a neck, and rains not
quite " the thing."
Stephenson, jun., has a couple of moderate mile horses
in Magnes and Sachbut, to contest the stake for the
noble owner of Surplice. From present appearances I
feel certainly inclined to give the preference to Alagnes,
who I anticipate will be the starter on this occasion.
Cooper has but one nag in training for this ,take,
Lord Ribblesdale's Lapidist, who is doing first-rate
work considering the time of the season. He looks Nvell
and will be difficult to beat should Robbie Noble be Oa
of the fray.
Turning from the horses trained at Newmarket to tb e
provincial stables, I find that Kent has a couple in train—
ing at Goodwood belonging to the Duke of Richmond,
in Homebrewed and Houlakin. Houlakin will have to
give way to Homebrewed, whose chance for this event,
it is asserted, is much better than for the Derby, he being
considered a fast horse for a mile; he, however, stands
near zero in my estimation, notwithstanding the favour-
able reports I have received concerning him from the
Downs of Sussex.

W. Dilly's solitary nag Wingenund is no 'go!
John Scott has Daniel O'Rourke and Norham ; the
latter, to all intents and purposes, already placed hors
de combat ; the former, as a matter of course, will repre-
sent the stable. His chance I consider is not at all as
inferior one, and that if he does not win he will not be
far from such a consummation of the Trainer's hopes.
Saunders has Mr. Merry's Holobie Noble at work,
which if he starts in anything like form, flyer as he is,
will carry off the guineas from all his competitors ; but
rumours are afloat to the effect, that it is dubious
whether he will start for this event : I am, however, in-
clined to think that, should his winning the Derby look
at all problematical, next April he will start for this race
for a certainty.
Fobert's chance of turning out the winner of the
Guineas, in Lord :Eglieton's Claverhouse, is by AO
means a forlorn one, though at the same time I cannot
consider that it is the best of tho lot, as I Nlve somie
doubts whether he will be sufficiently prepared to con-
test the stake. Should he be up to the mark, or there-
abouts, I fancy he will run home in company witii the
winner, if not that envied animal himself.
Peck has that dark wonder, Mr. Hawke
Womersley.in preparation for this event; whether he will be able
to compete with the leading horses in this race or not is
difficult to determine at the present time, as / have no
line to go by to inform me whether he can do the mile
with tolerable speed or not.
To sum up, I consider that ROBBIE NOBLE can beat
the lot, if in form sad they choose to let him; in his ab-
sence, I should turn to CLATERHOUSE Or LIPIDIVT, add
expect to see the third class formed of Daniel O'Rourke,
Womersley, and Filius.
17
THE ONE THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKE'S,
now in its thirty-ninth year, has been rather
gmore suc-
cessful in furnishing the winner of the O. k
l 8
mare than the
Nevaln
Two
oe
ins ThousandlB,
Zhu!
cs of
in
ItheB 23
Derby. ,
thecelebrated
Cab-
web in 1824, Galata in 1532, that magnificent filly
Crucifix in 1840, and Mendicant in 1846, being those
who have accomplished the double event. There are
Alhambra, Catchem, Macremma,
25 nominations to the Stakes of the present year, of
whom two—Misericorde and Sulky—are
dead ; and
filly, Hirsute, Caloric!, Lady
and
five—Canina,
Wedlock fillies—are out training. Of
eof no account whatever. E cony:
lQlyu,sAdrmomafiliy,
Ratan
filly,
arnedl7.4inading
jHeinialWhrirnteiasee!:,ll4;nlgeioCdPaualsa,arek Physalis filly, The Grand D hu- Yd
Rosary will in all probability contest thestake; b.O I
imagine, gain nothing by their
pmotion, the race iltaelf
ue..e and
FREEDOM, in
iOnllo of Mr,
the absence aorßea''ly Rfiloligeasl—indT..a;
notlfaulcl falling
gaovrti doneonFgtßhEe
of time, must have her for some considerable long th
27, 1852. chance passed by for the present.
I am, Sir &c
THE SPIRIT 45F, THE TURF.
January

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.
BETTING AT MANCHESTER.—TuEsaLT.
LINCOLN TRIAL STAKES.-3 to 1 agst Lady Agnes
(t), 4 to 1 agst lanthe (t), 5 to 1 agst High Sheriff.
LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE.-15 to 1 agst
lri
(t), 15 to 1 sgst La Gazza Ladra (t), 20 to I agt :t
Chief-
tain (t), 20 to 1 agst Hardwick (t).
CHESTER CIIP.-30 to 1 agst Ringleader (t),,, to 1 agst
Goldfinder (t), 35 to 1 agst Black Doctor (t), 35 to 1 s
ctretss
sge
Ariosto (take 40 to 1), 40 to 1 agst Scarecrow (0, 1 (mu
to 20 agst Neasham (t), 1,000 to 20 agst Koh-i-n vor
(t), 3,000 to 45 agst Hothorpo (t).
DERBY.-8 to 1 agst Bobbie Noble, 14 to 1 Cleve /-
house, 15 to 1 agst Augur, IS to 1 agst Kingston, 2, 5
to 1 agst Lapidist, 600 to 20 agst Homebrewed (t).

A DERBY ADMINISTRATION.
It is right the country should be made aware that
not only is the Earl of Derby prepared to take office,
but that he fully expects to be summoned to the pre-
sence of his Sovereign to receive her Majesty's cons-
mands to form a new Cabinet, before the middle of
the next month. So confident, indeed, does the N'oble
Lord feel on this point, that he is understood to beve
already formed his Cabinet, and will be ready to pro-
duce his list of names at a moment's notice.
But while we deem it right to apprise the cow try
of the intentions and expectations of the Consei we-
aves with reference to the future, it is no less right
that we should
express our firm conviction, that the
attempt to form a lasting Tory Government will be
an utter failure. A Cabinet may be constructed, but
it will not last. A month's existence is the utmost
term we would allow it. A Derby Government is a n
impossibility.
Let not, therefore, any one be discouraged wh© n
he hears that the Noble Lord has been sent for ky
the Queen. Who, then, it will be asked, is the mat t
who is destined to form an enduring Government?
We unhesitatingly answer—Lord Palmerston. Bat
before the Noble Lord is sent for, it is not impossible
some one else,
in addition to Lord Derby, may he,
consulted by
her Majesty on the subject. That, how-
ever, will not ultimately make any difference. It can
only defer for a little e formation of a Palmer-
stonian Ministry. It is right that the public should
keep their eyes firmly fixed on that as the issue of all
the intervening changes, in order that they may be
yat a moment's notice to give the Noble Lo rd
ready at
aid he may require from them.—Advertiser.

BRISTOL AND EXETER 12 ,
—,lLwAy.—Yesterclay the
standing orders were declared to be complied with in tb e
case of this company's Bill, to extend the
existing pow!lrs
relating to the Yeovil Branch, and to authorise a deviation
in the line. It appeared that the company have constr lcted
a portion of the Yeovil branch, and that the time to r ttto
completion of it, as enlarged bithe Commissioners et Rail-
ways, has expired, and the Bill, accordingly seeks p0.,7
er to
enlarge the time for purchase of lands and comple In to
July, 1855.

FRANCE.
The following are the salaries of the members of
.) council of State:—

The Vice-President receives a sum of 80,000 f.
1-residents of sections, each 35,000 f.
The Councillors of State, 25,000 f.
Masters of Requests, of the first class, 10,000 f.
Masters of Requests, of the second class, 6,000 f.
.kuditors of the first class, 2,000 f.
The Secretary-General of the Council, 15,000 f.
The Auditors of second class receive no salary.

The following is the letter of resignation addressed
by the Count de Montalembert to M. de Casabianca
" Paris, January 23, 1852.

"M. le Ministre,—ln consequence of the decrees
wh.ch appeared this morning, I consider myself called
on to perform an imperative duty ; and I pray you ac-
cordingly to be good enough to present, for the accept-
Iti,ce of the President of the Republic, my resignation
of the functions of Member of the Consultative Com-
mission, created on the 2d December last, Though that
Commission has not been consulted on any of the acts
o the Executive, there does not the less exist, in the
eri of the public, for those who compose it, a species of
soy darite with the policy of the Government, which it
Ames impossible for me henceforth to accept. I ap-
to your honour, M. le Ministre, and in case of
necessity, to that of Prince Louis Napoleon himself, to
my resignation public through the same channel
as Iny nomination, that is, by its insertion in the
-Vonitcur.

" Accept, M. le Ministre, &c.,
" Cm DE MONTALEMBERT.
To M. de Casabianca, Minister of State."
ale following letter, resigning his office of Pro-
..,:eur of the Court of Cessation, has been addressed
ee M. Dupin to the President of the Republic :
" TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC.
" I regret exceedingly that previous to the publication
of the decree which 1 have read this morning in the
Moniteur, you had not heard my opinion with the same
benevolence you have sometimes manifested towards me.
leould have tried to demonstrate to you, not merely in
the private interest of the children, the greater part
minors, of the late King, of whom I am one of the testa-
mentary executors, but in the interest of your own Go-
7ernment, that those who have suggested that measure
are not acquainted with the facts; and that they have
disregarded all the rules of law and equity. In fact, there
is en extreme exaggeration (at least to the amount of
halt) in the estimate made of the property of the Orleans
family. In law the decree violates in its essence the very
principle of property. The right of property was recog-
nized, after a solemn discussion, in the person of the late
King, by the 22d and 23d clauses of the law of March 2,
1832; and in the person of his children by the very acts
of :he Revolution of February, by the decree of the
Constituent Assembly of the 25th October, 1848, and
by the law of the National Assembly of the 4th Feb-
ruary, 1850, promulgated by your Government, and
authorised the loan of 20,000,000 on that property by
your Minister of Finance. Thus; public right,
will, special laws, contracts, all have recognised in
the hands of the Princes of the House of Orleans
their right to the property which the decree of the 22d
of January deprives them of all at once, and in a
mariner so absolute that the sacred rights of the tomb,
the burial-ground of lireux, is not even excepted. If
the Constitution of the 15th January was in vigour, the
Senate might be appealed to in virtue of the 26th article,
which permits that body ' to make opposition to the
promulgation of laws which are contrary to the invio-
lable oharacter of property.' In the present state of
things, the only resource is to appeal to you, Prince,
and to invoke your wisdom and the magnanimity
of your own feelings when they are again consulted and
more deliberately listened to. But if these rigorous mea-
sures are to be maintained, a great scruple arises from
the depth of my conscience. As Procureur-General to
the Court of Cessation for nearly 22 years; as the prin-
cipal organ of the law in that high branch of jurisdic-
tion; charged as I am by the Government to proclaim
the constant respect to right, and to require the reversal
az I the annulling of the acts which violate the laws,
or which constitute the incompetence or the ex-
12es3es of the Government, how shall I be
able henceforth to exercise the same firmness

if acts are introduced in our legislation which are in
^oatradiction with those principles? I feel myself
und, therefore, to tender you my resignation. But I
ay you, Prince, and in an earnest manner, not to
,Lusunderstand my motives. The resolution I have
adopted has nothing to do with politics. As Presi-
dent of the late Assembly I rigorously kept myself
apart from parties and their fatal divisions, and
limited myself to maintain, as much as I indivi-
dually could, the legal and moral doctrines on which
the essential order of civilized society reposes. After
the coup d'etat of the 2d December, against which it
became my duty to protest, as I have done, I awaited
the judgment of the people appealed to by you. After
that solemn judgment I adhered frankly to the im-
msnse powers which were the result of that appeal,
considering them as the strongest guarantee that could
be presented to preserve or re-establish those prin-
ciples which a wild Socialism had endangered and
maimed; and, as a public functionary, my co-
operation was loyally given to you. But, at the
present moment, and on a question of civil right, and of
private rights, of natural equity, and of all Christian no-
tions of what is just and unjust, and which I have che-
rished in my soul for more than 50 years as jurisconsulte
and as magistrate, I feel myself absolutely called on to
resign my functions as Procureur-General.
" Be pleased, Prince, to accept the expression of my
.endments of respectful consideration.
(Signed)

" DUPIN."

PORTUGAL.
Uelligence has been received from Lisbon to the

'ae Chamber of Deputies was constituted for le.,

•-ttative functions on the 17th inst. Senhor Silva
;ruches was president, and Senhor de Derramado
ice-president.
The Peninsular mail steamer Madrid, which left
:.,.n.thampton on the 7th inst. had not bean heard of
Lisbon up to nightfall of the 17th.

THE FRENCH CHURCH, THE FRENCH
ARMY, AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE.
(From the Times.)
"o an Englishman, English born and English bred,
t: re is nothing more inexplicable than the tact of a
it nation, that has long enjoyed a considerable
degree of freedom, and with it a very high degree of
honour and prosperity, suddenly resigning itself to a
vulgar Eastern despotism. Our wonder is as great as if we
a Are assured that a respectable neighbour had assigned
birisself over, body and soul, to the spirit of darkness,
or that one of our most distinguished statesmen had
taken pay of a foreign Power. What sort of fascination
cue, there possibly be in perjury, violence, and robbery?
What can there be to love in half•a-million bayonets, to
admire in the grossest duplicity, to approve in a rapid
succession of the most arbitrary and cruel decrees, or to
respect in the profanation of religion to give a false
sanction to these deeds? Can selfishness be so attrac-
tive, and cupidity so sublime? We naturally ask what
France can be about to fall down and worship the brazen
image with so much unanimity and zeal? But we are,
grieved to say that our columns this day supply a living
example of the power of tyranny to fascinate a certain
class of minds. The collector of the Faggot of Sticks
from Francs,in the course of his rather unprofitable ex-
plorations, wandered into the Elys4a, and was adroitly
hold of by the embryo despot, went under his wing
to a review, received his hospitalities, and came away
overpowered by the condescension of a man who lived in
a olace, who went about with a splendid staff at his
heels, and who could review a large army whenever he
pleased. Sir Francis was evidently awestruck- by the
near contemplation of semi-imperial majesty, for he
already perceived the whole emperor bursting
out from the presidential sleugh. Thus duly im-
pressed, the worthy Baronet is astonished to find,
on his return to this country, that while he is surveying
the rapid developmentplot with ecstatic
self-abasement, he stands
of
profoundthe
almost
ia ra ti
aloneonand
inthese
dignifying emotions. It is his sole
`'mission" to illustrate in his own person the effect of
brate power on the less masculine hind of nndeertsetraenldly-
hip. In this prostrate mood he is very naturally
astonished to find the press of this country venturing to
speak ant about Louis Napoleon just as it speaks out
about every other person or thing on the face of this
earth; that is, without any reserve. Accordingly he
writes to expostulate:—How can you venture to speak
thus? Are.you not afraid to provoke his Imperial lia-
jeaty and his faithful subjects? You
really had better
be quiet, or you will feel the weight of his displeasure.
Besides, he is the very man for France, and Heaven has
doubtless sent him to restore that unfortunate country.
Such is the homily which our friend with the Faggot is
r:ading to us, and, through us, to the people of this

couo;ry.
With all due respect for imperial
rial hospitalities, for half-a-taillion b'randeur, for impe-
ts for a sham
cr,
bayonets ,
constitution, and an oppressed nation, we beg to reply
that Ne feel a still higher respect for our 9 own position as
the frso press of Europe. Newspapers,•
in our humble opi-
nion, are quite as respectable institutions as emperors,
and much more 90 than a man who, having been elected
to be President of a Republic, and havingand
setupszodrn beforeotism
God to preserve it, crushed it,
may issue decrees, anotethsheper men
in its place. If one man
may put forth opinions, and right opinions are
remaining correctives of wrong decrees. The only
f
ziurepe have their respective positions and influence°
Someath of
them by no means to our taste; we allow it, ors
are ;ill we
cannot help it; but we certainly think that we
i.s.to fully entitled to the free exercise of our own, which
'Teak the truth. The Autocrats of Russia and Ans.
And
have
been very freely spoken of in this country,
_i2 . been
pill in thei,irra obliged to swallow the one bitter
crat: of recent triumphs. Why is the Auto-
society of ;act: to be spared ? Europe is a
mutual relations.'s'p and
in that society we have
ve.gant mood, still ranee, even in its most extra-
this country,
and zsore in its ordinary state, reacts on
Couuntry, as in duty bound, reacts
upon her. Sir Francis
if he thinks the Engii,h"d'' memory has failed him
fol:ies of the Revolution in 1848, bore very gently on the
Government.he
of the Provisional C-; anlfhd thewe eccentricitiesilltefertoour
own columns of that year,
will find that, while depre-
cating actual interference, we immediatelye noticed, with
ot:r usual freedom, the Socialist
scaracter of the Revolu-
tion, and the absurdity cf the hi:ll37les with which it
was associated. But, we repeat,
is Louis Napo-
leon to have tree play for his bayonets 7
and we none for
our pen? Why is he to fill our metropolis with exiles,
dragged from their beds without a crime, and thrown
into dungeons, and thrust at the Point of the bayonet
liz their native shores, and we
to beware lest
the faintest murmur of our reprobation be heard in
the streets of Par •
is? If there are Napoleonist ideas,
there
are also British ideas. LOUIS Napoleon in.

THE SUN,

dustriously and pointedly reverts to the status
quo of 1814, desires France to forget every-
thing that has happened in the interval,
and, his uncle having committed a murder, demands to
rifle the pockets of the slain. That status quo Ass ono
of aggression against the whole world, and it is vAin to
deny—we wish it could be denied—that aggression has
actually begun. These six weeks have already reduced
Belgium to dependence. The Belgian Minister receives
Imperial missives, and French police agents actually
keep watch within sight of the Royal and. Legislative
palaces of Brussels. Why are we to wait till we are
touched ourselves? It is of small avail to do so. Sir
Francis believes in developments; so do we. He says
that self-government invariably leads to despotism. We
say that political despotism invariably leads to inter-
national aggression. No absolute monarch in France
ever was content with France, or even contented him-
self with extra-European conquests. By speaking out
in time, and by showing that the lessons of history are
not thrown away upon us, we may possibly avert the
natural consequences of the French usurpation. By
holding our tongues, we should be both hastening and
deserving those consequences.
We are no great admirers of a Republican Govern-
ment, but, as the example of the United States suffi-
ciently proves, we have more affinity with it than with
despotism. The descendants of Englishmen may be-
come citizens, but they will never become slaves. Self-
government, which Sir Francis considers so fatal to
order, entering largely into our own institutions, we
have every reason to feel more indulgent, or rather to
show more respect for the Government of February,
1848, than for that of December, 1851, for the former,
in fact, with all its faults, was much more like our own.
But, if the Republic has failed, whose fault is it?
Sir Francis says, " Only two months ago there
existed between the French and British people
the most friendly relations." Under what form of
government was that ? He speaks of the miser-
able results of that self-government which,
since 1848, has been afflicting and desolating
"all classes of the community." What consequences
does he speak of? On the whole, France has effected a
considerable improvement on the state into which, in
the first instance, the revolution had plunged her. The
chief disquietudes of the last twelve months, the decline
of public confidence, and the mutual suspicion of classes,
have arisen, not from the Republican part of the Go-
vernment, but from the notorious intrigues of Louis
Napoleon to overthrow that part, and to do, Da tact,
what he has done. To compare the troubles of the
Republic with the tranquillity of the despotism is, in
truth, only to compare Louis Napoleon with himself—
to compare the straggle for power with the acquisition
of power. But the respect with which, as Sir Francis
says, we have ever treated the Republic, shows that we
have no disposition to " insult" the French people. At
this moment we do not believe them to be free agents,
and therefore we put them out of the question alto-
gether. As for our insults to the army, considering
that if one musket is fired in our streets the whole me-
tropolis rings with it for a century after, and it is re-
corded in monuments and stigmatized by anniversaries,
the French army must not take it amiss if we cannot
appreciate the massacres of the Boulevards. In this re-
spect we must own to a natural difference of tastes. As
for our insults to the clergy, considering that the
Church of France claims to be also the Church of Eng-
land, and at least one Parisian journal enters into our
theological controversies with the most delightful free-
dom of remark and the most amiable indifference to
English sympathies, civil as well as spiritual, we really
think that it is no great impertinence on our part to
notice the significant interchange of civilities and pledges
between the high-minded clergy and the pious Prince
President of France.