The Sun.
London, England, 1852-01-13 00:00:00

TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY l3, 1852,

i SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS•

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

DAILY NE W S.—lt is now understoodWatlord John
Russell will open the Parliament without enlisting the
Peelites in his ranks. He is—it is said—to make his
explanation on reform, and then to appeal to the country.
Let him well consider his position meanwhile. A close
parish is a fraud upon the neighbourhood; a close bo-
rough is a fraud upon the county in which it lies; but a
close Cabinet is the greatest fraud of all, inasmuch as it
not only engrosses every perquisite and privilege of state,
but usurps the right to express the will and to wield the
power of the nation. We are told upon unerring autho-
rity that it is a blessed thing to see " brothers who dwell
together in unity;" but nothing is said about brothers-
in-law; and as for cousins or more indirect connexions
there is not ono word mentioned concerning them. Lord
John is too wall read in divinity to strain the meaning
of a text; but it might be perhaps as well for his reputa-
tion for worldly wisdom if he would try to stretch his po-
litical confidence bryond the decrees of consanguinizy.
His own position in this respect is indeed peculiar,
for he has only one of his immediate relations in the
Cabinet—a somewhat remarkable, and to uncandid ob-
servers, a quite unaccountable circumstance. Wo read
the fact, however, of Lord Illinto's appointment as Lord
Privy seal, and his continuance in that capacity, in
another light. The thing has an esoteric meaning, and
ought, perhaps, to be judged of in that sense. Lord
John has too much shrewdness and too much of what
Bentham loved to call " enlightened selfishness," to stow
his ship with lua her of his own. A good deal belonging
to other people h might and actually did take on board;
constantlycaptain
but that was obviously a sacrifice made to humour them
—part of the bargain made with the lieutenants, or a
opeecruqru.isißteuetzwachtoedevbeyr. thheeamrdateo.f
anS xpucehtheriniegnace
d
h weasthaetrarwailth
aaffelicetlipolness father-
in-law t foo r sea
COI: ()Xi

the thought, and the Prime Minister, whatever be his
other faults, has never been accused of being deficient
in humanity. After much reflection, we have come to
the conclusion that the circumstance is to be accounted

for in a way not generally thought of, that its conti-
nuance is attributable to similar considerations, and that

the sequel will convince the world that from first to last
it is only to be ascribed to a lofty disinterestedness.
When Lord John found in the original formation of his
Cabinet, in 1845, that one after another two-thirds of the
great offices of state had been appropriated by the fortu-
nate family, ho resolved to fill up what were left forth-
with with persons whom he knew that he could do what
he liked with, and who he knew would readily make
room for competent successors as soon as he desired it.
He know full well that nothing but "adverse possession,"
as the lawyers term it, would save the Privy Seal or
the Admiralty, or even the Foreign Department itself,
from the insatiable connexion; and he hastened accord-
ingly to pre- oecupy those posts with individuals outside
the privileged degrees. Mark how the event has justified
his foresight in two instances already out of the three.
No sooner did Lord Auckland pay the debt of nature,
than the Admiralty was "enclosed," in addition to the
official feofs already held by:the Family from the Crown;
and the brother-in-law of Sir G. Grey was brought into
the Cabinet. And, still more recently, have we not seen
the place so long occupied by the veteran Palmerston
filled up instantly by the cousin of Lord Carlisle? We
are not now considering the personal merits of either Sir
Francis Baring or Earl Granville; or their fitness re-
spectively for the posts with the duties of which they
have thus been entrusted. Wo are wholly occupied
at present with the claims and qualifications of the
rest of her Majesty's subjects, and observing
on the anxiety shown by the Premier, in 1846, to
save for their benefit a few of the crumbs which fall
' from the Fortunates' table. And following out in
logical sequence the view we have just stated, we
have not the slightest doubt that were Lord Minto forced
to resign to-morrow, a great effort would be made to
secure the Privy Seal for an offshoot of either the
Howards or the Greys. And this we surmise is the only
conceivable reason why the septuagenarian Earl is re-
tained as permanent locum ienens. It is simply to pre-
vent scandal; which—such is the perversity of a cavil-
ling world—it unhappily fails to do. But now that the
negotiations with Graham and Cardwell are broken off,
and that it is more than ever necessary to seek strength
from the commonalty of the liberal side, a good oppor-
tunity is afforded for testing the truth of our charitable
theory of patrician motives. We have always believed
that the inarticulate President of the Board of Control
had been placed where he is just for the same reasons
as the Lord Privy Seal. And considering that the
said functionary has now received for his inappre-
ciable services since 1846 upwards of 20,0001. of the
people's momey, and has been further rewarded by the
Sovereign with the Barony of Broughton de Gifford, we
humbly submit, on behalf of the excluded commonalty
of three kingdoms aforesaid, that the gentleman in Can-
non-row has been already amply paid. We frankly ad-
mit, however, that if what he has done during the last
five years is good value for a peerage and 20,0001., it is
quite beyond our vulgar knowledge of political arithmetic
to calculate what his value would be for the rest of the
decade. On the score of economy, however, we should be
inclined to say that a less expensive:description of public
servant might answer as well, and would better suit our
financial condition, with a Kafir war on hand and other
struggles imminent. Again we say, it is a rare opportu-
nity for Lord John to carry out what we are willing
to persuade -ourselves was his primary intention, too
often abandoned or too long postponed, of forming
and leading an Administration which should represent
fairly the talents and attainments of the great Liberal
party in the Legislature and in the n ation. He has
already three minor offices at his disposal, and without
going further, we have named two Cabinet places which
everybody would approve of his declaring vacant. If he
can summarily dispense with the abilities of Lord
Palmerston ho can hardly keep his countenance and
pretend that be cannot do without Lords Minto and
Broughton. Whom he ought to name in their stead it
is not for us to say. All we demand is that we shall
have no more Lords and no more cousins or brothers-
in-law. After five years of wanton and offensive
exclusion from all participation in the executive go-
vernment of their country, it is time that the middle
classes should be re-admitted to their prop ,r privi-
vilegos. But if Lord John Russell will persist in the
fatal system which has well-nigh brought his govern-
ment to utter wreck, and which may thereby give a
transient hope of power to the avowed friends of social
and political re-action, then upon his head and upon
those of his foolhardy associates in a short-sighted mono-
poly of official power, must rest the consequences. They
have kindled a feeling of resentment at this scheme of
exclusion which will yet make itself felt. The narrow
selfishness of bureaucracy in France led to far different
results than the fall of a minister; and though we are in
England happily incapable of the excesses into which
our more excitable neighbours were drawn, we are
firmly persuaded that a further adherence on the part of
the Whigs:to maintain their unconstitutional oligarchy,
will tend to the formation of a spirit of hostility to which
it would be difficult to prescribe bounds.
POST.—From the first entrance of Louis Napoleon
on his present arduous task, it was felt that one of the
great difficulties in his way would be the ultimate treat-
ment of those Parliamentary leaders whose ambition he
had struck down, whose hopes of power be had extin-
guished, and whose very lives were in his hand. There
was no course without danger—no alternative free from
strong objections. If the President had found the free
action of these political chiefs incompatible with a calm
and safe re-construction of Government before the 2d of
December, the results of that day were not calculated to
decrease the difficulty cf the position. The original bos-
tility of unsuccessful and unsatisfied intrigue was aug-
mented by the bitterness of utter defeat in a game
played for a great stake—by the keen sense of personal
degradation, on a great ,stage, with the civilized world
for spectators. The ashes of revolution were yet too fresh,
the political air too heated, not to make it evident
that the liberation of these proved elements of danger
would be a hazardous venture of magnanimity. Till the
new constitution should be promulgated, and in actual
progress, it must clearly have been no less fatal to the
chance of safety of that momentous expedient than un-
just to the declared wishes of the nation, to attempt a
task of such intricacy and weight in the face of an unfet-
tered opposition, which had shown itself so unscrupulous
and so indefatigable. The President had, therefore, to
make his choice between the application to this difficulty
of his sole provisional authority, and its remission to a
judicial tribunal under tho organic laws of the new con-
stitution. The President has chosen the former course.
His motto is evidently " Thorough." He seems resolved
to clear off, as far as possible, every trace of the late
struggle before entering fairly on his course. He is
anxious that no shadow of the revolution
should linger over the dawn of his now era.
This has, doubtless, been the motive of the strong
and uncompromising measures announced in the decrees
of Saturday last. These decrees, it will be remembered,
deal by banishment, permanent or temporary, with two
different classes of ex-representatives, whose presence
in France is pronounced likely to impede the re-estab-
lishment of order; a third set of persons, it is declared
by the Moniteur, will be punished as summarily, but
with yet greater severity—by transportation to Cayenne.
These last are understood to have been taken red-
hand, or at least proved to have been personally en-
gaged in insurrection. The ex-representatives per-
manently banished from 'Ethe French dominions .a
sixty-six in number. Their names are mostly familiar
to us as orators of the Mountain or professors oa
Socialism. Among them are Nadaud, the proposed_aure,
So-
cialist candidate for the Presidency, Victor Hugo, k
Seise:etcher, Do Platte, Raspail, Bac, Mathieu (de
.... la
Drome), Leroux, Muller Montjau, and Esqugsg
been
actual last named, it will be remembered, ha
actual combatants on the barricades. Tho second class
comprises men of a higher order, and ofhem has been,
different ob-
teen,
jects, though the conduct of some among
1en41,, dangerOUS to
in its perpetual spirit of intrigue, not
principle of the
the cause of government than the insane
Generals, Cretan,
Anarchists. Thiers, il
Emile de Girardin, DutveurgiAerfri:eall nsuranne, Jules de
Lasteyrie are among
expelled from France for the
present, with the prospectthose
of return under the autho-
risation of the President,
merely
their removal may be considered
d wt
towards
srtdtoisthuattishoeu:coe aifssoe
formidable
then, the course pursued
opponents of the n
otnof
adopted, with the
a continuation of the.aotonastt
the new
exception that the r d
from their hostility by tem-
rufiertsi
poli-
tical system is secure
exile, instead of imprisonment. As to the
it is said, will be trans-
porary
Id b 3 difficult' to object to
remaining personages:twwhoou,
ported to Cayenne,ethier in its modledor its degree. Three
their punishment,
thanu
actually taken in insurrection co
justice tho peremptory and
hardly expect any
other measure of
sweeping
martial law. which that insurrection made
necessary.
The only part, therefore, of this closing
chapter of the history of the coup detat that may be
expected to excite much discussion, and possibly to
create some uneasiness, is the prolongation, even after
the olection of the 21st and 22d December, of the
utrordiary powers assumccl and sanctioned for an

extraordinary occasion. The course actually taken has,
no doubt, been weighed with all the care and caution
which its powerful author has shown throughout his
task. He has, it may be presumed, fully considered
the apprehension which may arise out of coercive mea-
sures, the justice of which, in whatever strength it may
actually exist, is not apparent by any recorded evidence,
or based on any judicially established grounds. These
objections must have been carefully balanced against the
advantages of settling on ono broad principle, and in-
cluding, in a single strong process, the settlement of the
whole struggle with the late Assembly, the complete
clearing of the ground for that new social edifice with
the construction of which Louis Napoleon has been
charged by the nation. Whatever character may be
attributed to these decrees as political precedents, or
whatever opinion may be formed of their expediency in
the abstract, there can be little doubt that their imme-
diate operation will be of vast benefit to France,
in securing her new form of government in its pre-
sent critical stage from a crowd of mischievous in-
fluences. We published, yesterday, in addition to these
important decrees, the first outlines of a measure which
has been long expected and will, we believe, bo gene-
rally welcomed by all friends of order. We refer to
the breaking up of that wretched and mischievous or-
ganization—that child and instrument of revolutions,
the National Guard. Impotent for good—formidable
by its weight for evil, the weakest hand or slightest
object could turn the wavering and unwieldy force to
mischief, while no man could grasp and use it with cer-
tainty for good. No good man will regret its fall—least
of all, we believe, will the members of the corps. Its
disappearance, with that of all the associations and
types of revolution which Louis Napoleon is boldly and
consistently sweeping from the surface of society, will
be hailed by France as a sign and promise of a new, a
firmer, and a better condition.
HERALD.—The attempt at a coalition between Lord
John Russell and Sir James Graham has failed. Of this
we have been authoritatively informed by the journal
to whom the dominant party in Downing-street com-
municate those secrets with which they desire the
public to bo acquainted. Upon what precise point
the negotiation broke off we are not told—nay, not
even whether the difficulties are of a temporary or a
permanent character—whether they
arose in the
details of the arrangement of offices, or met the high
contracting parties in the very opening of their
treaty. We protest we are not over curious nor over
anxious upon these points. We have long since stated
our belief, that the best thing that could happen for the
national cause would be such a coalition. A junction
with the other is, after all, the only political infamy
which it is in the power of either of the parties to the
proposed coalition to add to the catalogues of their poli-
tical crimes. If the great lesson of these evil days be to
bumble our national pride, by teaching us how low
British statesmanship can fall, a union of the Russell and
Graham parties is the only chapter that can be added to
our teaching. In that direction we have had some little
experience of either party as Cabinet Ministers—if
further humiliation is requisite we can only meet with
it in a Cabinet composed of the refuse of them both—
" The force of nature can no further go,
To make a third she joins the former two."
There would be a dramatic propriety in the contrivance
which would make each of these parties deal the death-
blow to the other. The justice would be almost poetic
that would lock them up in one Cabinet, and doom them
to die of the poison of each other's embrace. We know
of no more fitting end for them than that they should
perish by a coalition, and perish they most unquestion-
ably would. If, then, we have a feeling at all upon the
subject, it is one of regret that Lord John Russell has
failed in " strengthening" his Cabinet by the
addition of the bad character of Sir James
Graham and his friends. Oar regret, perhaps, has in
a political sense, something of the compendious malice
which prompted Nero's celebrated wish, that the Roman
people had but one neck. For the purposes of the coming
vengeance, we protest we think it a pity that the Whigs
and Peelites should have two. It would add a zest to
the enjoyment with which all honest men would now see
Lord John Russell kicked out of office to know that Sir
James Graham was undergoing the comfortable opera-
tion at the same time. Before the ship is scuttled we
would like to see all the traitors on board. Not to men-
tion that there would bo a fitness in keeping up the
" prestige" which unquestionably belongs to Sir James
Graham's ill-omened reputation, and supplying another
example of the " unluckiness" which attends his presence
in a Cabinet or a party. But let it not be forgotten
that the authority which tells us that the attempt has
been unsuccessful, confesses in that very revelation that
the attempt has been made. Lord John Russell has in-
vited Sir James Graham and his party to the councils of
his Sovereign. For the sake of place—we wfll dese-
crate no higher motive by assigning to it the origin
of so vile a transaction—for the sake of place, he has
asked Sir James Graham to sit in the same Cabinet with
himself. He has done this in the face of all that oc-
curred upon the discussion of the Ecclesiastical Titles
Bill, not twelve short months ago! Ile has done this
in the face of the hardly less recent discussions upon the
foreign policy of the Government—when, of the princi-
ples upon which that foreign policy was conducted,
Lord John Russell was, next to Lord Palmerston, the
chief advocate, and Sir James Graham the principal as-
sailant. He who had set himself in unequivocal opposi-
tion to the policy to which Sir James Graham was un-
equivocally pledged—a policy involving all that con-
cerned our dearest interests abroad, our most sacred in-
stitutions at home—this Lord John Rnssell,with a shame-
less abandonment of principle, unparalleled we verily be-
lieve in English history, invites that very man, thus at
issue with him upon every question upon which British
statesmen ought to feel, to form one of the same council with
himself. We need not go beyond the last session to find
the materials that brand this proposition with indelible
disgrace. There was one question—there is still a ques-
tion—upon which Lord John Russell appealed to the
most solemn convictions and to the most sacred feelings
of the nation. Against the Papal aggression he in-
voked the holiest sympathies of the national heart, the
most glorious recollections of the national history, and
the most sacred watchwords of the national faith. Ho
stirred up the Protestant enthusiasm of the country by
words of the most inflammatory character. He followed
up his appeals to the country out of doors by state-
ments in his place in Parliament, the gravity of which
it is impossible to over-estimate. Ile introduced a
measure upon a subject which, if he wore net a hypo-
crite, tampering and playing with all that could stir the
depths of the national heart—he must have believed
involved matters of the very highest moment
to the Sovereign and the country. That mea-
sure was ably but vehemently opposed by the
politician who leads the little faction that choose
to call themselves the Peeltiparty. Principles of the
most sacred character were involved in the issue. Prac-
tical policy, of a nature the most distinct and defined,
was in dispute. And never in the history of the British
Constitution did two men stand in her Senate more
separated by differences of principle, more opposed in
their recommendations of practical policy, than Sir
James Graham, the acknowledged leader of the Popish
party, and Lord John Russell, the author of the Eccle-
siastical Titles Bill. Cardinal Wiseman and the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury could not be more dishonest as
theologians if they joined in their episcopal functions,
than these two men must be, as politicians, it they could
now sit in the same Cabinet. Dut this is not all, Lord
John Russell did not propose the Bill of last session as a
settlement of the question with which it dealt. No, he
distinctly stated that he meant it as but a prudent open-
ing of a contest " for the liberties of England'
these were his words—the moat important that our
history ever witnessed. Sir James Graham and his
friends saw no need of preparation for that contest ; they
denounced his measure as an invasion of religious
liberty ; they pledged themselves to the principle of
" non-interference with the operation of the Popish Ec-
clesiastical system." Do we exaggerate or overstate ?
But interference with that system the Queen's prime
Minister moat solemnly and deliberately declared to be
se
a matter of vital necessity to our very existenee. as
free nation. In words the most weighty he bound
self to his God, his Queen, and his country,
to
direct the
held the reins
policy of the English nation, so long as he , Titles
of Government, in the spirit of the Ecclesiastical
he only valued as
embodying a national protest—a
h
Bill—an enactment which he declared
of groat principles of public policy.l
Yet,tive recognition
these
sentiments hardly cold upon his lips, he proposes to
invite to the Queen's councils the
men who
e
had repudiated—aye, and denounced his protest;
and, for the miserable consideration of a few months
longer in office, deliberately purposes to barter the
honour and the safety of his Sovereign by surrounding
her with a Cabinet, the majority of whom would be
averse to those principles to which he had 30 solemnly
pledged himself. And this is the end of the great Pro-
testant hero—the champion who, twelve months ago, ap-
pealed so prettily to the " great principles of the Refor-
mation,"riwith,n oip we eventureshould
vet or say,take haim mental reservation
from place—who
so glibly, talked of the " immortal memories of Protestant
that no p
martyrs, ' determined that he would only remember their
martyrdom to avoid their example,
and resolutely re-
solved, in the profaned name of all, " n bate •
not to onejot
of hope or confidence" so long asany conceivable
amount of tergiversation • could keep him and
his ravenous pack of •
re ataves in Downing-
street. We write thus strongly because we can conceive
no political act that can
equal the shamelessness of
the unprincipled coalition that has
John Russell may
be the more despicable, but,: he is
not the less guilty because his offer has been refused.
Very probably air James Graham thinks that whenever
he pleases he has the Whig Cabinet at his feet. Aro we
thus to understand the hint that the negotiation is not
in
such a state that it may not possibly be resumed? We
cannot say with Pitt, that, in the name of public
safety, we forbid the banns;" we believe the best thing
that could happen to the public: would be that the mon-
strous alliance should be consummated at once. But
when we see the author of the Durham letter and the
champion of the Popish hierarchy in the same Cabinet,
we shall certainly believe it the most daring experiment
ever made upon the forbearance of a nation which these
conspirators may be assured still retains some respect for
political honesty and some sense of public honour.

The Earl of Derby is amongst the guests who have
been honoured with invitations to Windsor Castle this
week. His Lordship is expected in town on Wednesday.—
Herald.

EMILY HOWARD.--The readers of Burns may
remember that among those who showed the greatest kind-
ness to him was a lady of the name of Dunlop ; and they
will, up doubt, be gratified to learn that a lady of the same
name and family lies just entered the ranks of literature,
though under very different auspices to those which at-
tended the prat publication of the Scottish Bard. Mrs.
Dunlop comes forward as the writer of a novel bearing the
title of 4, Emily Howard," which is attracting considerable
attention—owing as much to the graceful pathos, which is a
marked feature of the story, as the high connexions of the
fair author.—Evening Paper.
The letters from Rouen state that the market for
wanufacturei wae active and that prim were >Tell fillPPQrtecl

•
SPORTING INTELLIGENC T.
TATTERSALL'S—YESTERDAY.
The betting yesterday enables us to give a More
lengthy quotation than we have returned of late, but be-
yond a rather heavy outlay on Clincher for the Ch aster
Cur, and on Kingston for the Derby, was devoid (,f in-
terest. We subjoin the prices at the close of busily
OUNDLE STEEPLECH.ASH.
7 to 2 agst Carrig—taken
5 to 1 agst British Yeoman
6 to 1 agst Verax
6 to 1 agst Maria Monk
10 to 1 agst Miss Mowbray
METROPOLITAN HANDICAP.
20, toto
agstagst
Mr. g
LordseErglel
inals Katetotn'sElthiron—taken
25
25 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklam's Wryneck colt—taken
30 to 1 agst Mr. Morris's Haresfoot—taken
CHESTER CUP.

33 to 1 on the field
4400
tt
oo
agstng s t
The Black Doctor—taken
50 to 1 agst Mr. Martinson's Nancy—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. J. Stanley's Clincher—taken freely
ax. Filling's High Sheriff—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. J. Stanley's Confessor—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Mangan's Russborough—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Morris's llaresfoot—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Scott na Allegro—taken
DERRY.
15 to 1 egst Lord Zetla.nd's Augur—taken
20 to 1 agst Lord Ribblesdale's Kingston—t freely
22 to 1 agst Mr. J. Stanley's Orelio
25 to 1 agst Mr. S. Hawke's Womersley
25 to 1 eget Mr. Stebbing's Alfred the Great
30 to 1 agst Sir R. Pigot's Filius—taken
Offers to lay 8 to 1, or take 9 to 1 about Hobble Noble.
LINCOLN STEEPLECHASE.--The British Yeoman is
scratched.

NorainaYtiOoßnsKfoSr PthßelENlGyinMg EDEuTtclhNmoa,u,sl BHs2a.nd
icap.
—G
lßorayc,k b4it,eyrr,
s _rit
aged—Daniel
81.0 rd sO'Rourke,yrs_chi 3
yrs—Chief
JYruFlriincEees,nsgselyatradYLrssAchyranthes, 5 yrs—Tom Holtby, 4 yrs
—Vivandiere, 4 yrs—Dalton, 3 yrs—Baby, 5 yrs—Va-
tican, 6 yrs—Urbanity, 3 yrs—Prior of Laneroost, 5
yrs—Eardolph, 3 yrs—Don Carlos, 3 yrs—Neasham, 4
yrs—Phantom, 3 yrs—Royalty, 3 yrs—. Mark Tapley, 5
yrs—Goliah, 4 yrs—Ebor, 4 yrs—Paddy Bird, 3 yrs—
Jack Leeming, 4 yrs—b f by Lanercost, out of jemims,
3 yrs—Tested, 3 yrs—Lacio, 3 yrs—Sledmere, 4 yra—
Teddington, 4 yrs—Littlo Fawn, 4 yrs—ltilquada, 4 yrs
—Haresfoot, 4 yrs—Sir Rowland Trenchard, 4 yrs.
Surprise, 3 yrs—Harp, 4 yrs—br c by Melbourne, out
of Sally Warfoot, 3 yrs—Knook Knoll, 4 yrs—Azeth, 4
yrs—Haricot, 5 yrs—Voltigeur, 5 yrs—Calculator, 4
yrs—Lough Bawn, 4 yrs—Cossack, aged—Poetess, 3
yrs—Euphony, 3 yrs—Elthiron, 6 yrs—Pelopidas, 3
yrs—Hothorpe, 4 yrs—Storyteller, 4 yrs—Nancy, 4
yrs—Cyclops, 4 yrs—Sir Charles Napier, 3 yrs—Kath-
leen, 5 yrs—Bird-on-the-Wing, 3 yrs—Landgrave, 6
yrs—Penang, 5 yrs—Corypheo, 4 yrs—b g by Morgan
Rattler, out of Countns, 4 yrs—Tragedian, 4 yrs.
Nominations for tho Champion Handicap.
The Italian, 5 yrs—Lucio, 3 yrs—Clincher, 5 yrs—
Sir Charles Napier, 3 yrs—lris, 4 yrs—bl c by Princo
Careduc, out of Miss Julia Bennett, 4 yrs—Tho Cutler,
4 yrs—Hungcrford, 4 yrs—Oxford Blue, 5 yrs—f by
Trueboy, out of Miss Lydia, 2 yre.

GREAT RUNNING MATCH FOR THE CRAM-
PIONC BELT.

This was the most exciting foot-race ever witnessed.
It came off in Copenhagen-fields yesterday, before at
least 3,000 spectators, although the weather was ex-
ceedingly wet, and the ground heavy. There were
twenty-one competitors.
Tho whole of the pedestrians were on the ground by
half-past two o'clock, but it was fifty minutes past two
before they were off, Frost (the Suffolk Stag) taking the
lead at a frightful and killing pace, so that, before four
miles had been run, Grantham of Eton, Levett of Bat-
tersea, and other cracks, were forced to give in, others
dropping off one by one, till the contest was reduced to
four—viz., Frost, J. Tetlow of Oldham, Pudney of Mile-
end, and Adams of Mitcham—they running throughout
in the most splendid manner, Frost, evidently master
of the other three, going over the ground like a "stag"
—the assumed name.he bears. The ten miles were run
in 54 minutes 32 seconds, Frost coming in at 44
minutes 32 seconds past three, being at least 300 yards
in advance of Tetlow, Pudney 50 yards further behind,
and Adams 30 yards in the rear of Pudney.
Betting before starting was rather in favour of Jack-
son, Lovett, and Grantham, some taking the odds of 3 to
1 against Frost, the winner. Sporting men lost consider-
able sums on this race.