The Sun.
London, England, 1864-12-03 00:00:00

coast. That would have been a declaration of war

against China, and if the English had a right to

take those islands, France and Russia would have

had an equal right to take ours. Such a course of
proceeding must have created general confusion.
The only alternative policy was that which the

British Government actually pursued. By the re-

turns of the Board of Trade for 1862 and 1863 it

appeared that the total estimated value of the
foreign trade in China amounted to £104,208,892,

of which trade a portion amounting to no less than
£41,936,797 was carried on in Shanghai, and he
believed that the English trade with China was in
the course of gradual development, and would still

become greater. (Hear, hear.) Now, with respect
to Japan, the Government had been denounced for
making a wanton attack upon the town of Kago-

sima, and some people were always too ready to
accept as facts accusations against the British
officers. Now, he was one of those who did not
believe that the British officers would wantonly
sacrifice the lives of any population. (" Hear,
hear," and a cry of "Oh !") He would go further,
and say that no Englishman would recklessly sacriM
five the lives of human beings. (Cheers.) And it
was afterwards proved that these accusations against
British officers at Kagosima were unfounded, (Hear,
hear.) True, a great part of the town was burnt
down, but there was the evidence of Satsuma that
the whole population was previously removed. The
town rose again speedily, for the houses, instead of
being built of lath and plaster, were only built of
lath and paper. (Hear, and a laugh.) Still, there
was no doubt that the destruction of the place was
an unfortunate event, and no one regretted it more
than he did. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the
Japanese, the British Government had no other wish
than to cultivate the most friendly relations with

them, conferring benefits on Japan, while England

at the same time derived advantage from extended
trade. Difficulties might arise, not so much from
the Government of Japan, but from some sort of
independent Daimio taking on himself to erect a

number of batteries and block up the entrance to the
Inland Sea. If this had been submitted to it would
have been an encouragement to other Daimios, and
perhaps to the Japanese Government, to have acted
in the same way, and would have led to a serious
state of things, and perhaps to war. Consequently,
England, France, Holland, and the United States
determined to_destroy those batteries; and it ap-
peared that the Japanese were a most singular
people, for when, after the destruction of the bats
teries, men were sent from the fleet to remove the
guns, Prince Nagato sent a number of men to assist
in removing them, and gave presents of fruit and
flowers to the crews of the ships which had been
engaged in knocking the batteries about his ears.
(Laughter.) Admiral Kuper during that transac-
tion forbade any attack on the city, and not a single
house was destroyed. (Cheers.) The result was
remarkable. Probably the Japanese Government
waited to see the result. The silk trade of Yoko•
hama had been excluded from the upper harbour,
where the British merchants resided, but in 1861.
1862 it amounted to 2,593 bales, in 1862.1863 to
5,283 bales, and in 1863.1864 to 5,436 bales ; but
during the silk season in 1864 it amounted to only
706 bales. But after the affair at Nagato, when
the trade was opened, 3,000 bales were immediately
sent. (Hear, hear.) He regretted the existence of a
state of war, and he did not think that any one
would wantonly enter upon it, but still there were
occasions on which war could not be entirely prey
vented. (Hear.) With respect to European politics
he had little to say. He had seen Italy, and was
aware of the marvellous progress made in that coun-
try, and of the moderation, good sense, and abnega-
tion shown by the Italian Parliament under difficult
circumstances. (Cheers.) He looked with great
pride on that the only Parliament on the Continent
of Europe similar to the British Parliament, and
upon a country where the people enjoyed liberty of
speech, and where, he trusted, the liberty of the
people would be guarded and carried out. Amid
the general peace which now prevailed there was
one black spot, and that was in America ; and there
was no one, whatever la'_s opinions might be with
reference to the dispute, but devoutly prayed that
the war might cease. (Cheers.) He stated this be-
cause he regretted to say that there were persons in
this country who wished it to be believed that Eng-
lish sympathies were not with the misfortunes of
the American people, but were in favour of the war
and its being carried on to extermination. He did
not believe that that was the feeling of any large
body of Englishmen. (Cheers.) He believed that
Englishmen wished to see an end to this horrible
warfare, than which history did not record anything
more terrible. The general state of peace in other
parts of the world had led to an extreme develop.
ment of British resources, and particularly of com-
mercial intercourse with the civilised globe, The
wealth and prosperity of this country during the last
few years had made enormous progress, springing out
of the principles of free trade. One of the first
foreign Powers to reduce duties on imports and
exports was Turkey, and no country had more
readily responded to the invitation to engage in
free trade than Turkey. The Government of that
country had been accused of a want of toleration,
but he believed the Government of that country to
be eminently tolerant as compared with other Go-
vernments in Europe. He trusted that the Turkish
Government would continue in that path of wisdom,
and be tolerant to all sects, and particularly to the
Christians, who formed so large a portion of the
population of Turkey. (A cry of " Anything about
Poland ?" followed by cheers.) The increase of
this country's commercial relations with Europe,
and the increase of its commercial prosperity, were
no doubt due to the great free-trade movement, and
he felt that such men as Cobden, Bright, and Chas.
Villiers were entitled to all the credit owing to
those who conferred a great benefit on their coun-
try. Some persons had complained that there had
been almost a standstill in the extension of free
trade on the continent for some time ; and that the
Government did not enter into treaties with other
Powers similar to the Treaty with France ; but the
fact was that the advantage of adopting a system
of commercial freedom was not so well understood
on the continent as in this country. The Emperor
of the French perceived it, and he bestowed great
benefits on this country by the courage ho displayed
by entering into the Treaty with England. With
reference to free trade the English Government
thought that policy good in itself, and were willing
to give all the advantages it had obtained from
France to other countries, but France was in a dife
ferent position, and as soon as she concluded a treaty
with England she went to Italy and said,
" Make a treaty with me, and I will give you so
and so." However, every treaty which France made
was to the advantage of this country, for as
soon as concessions were made to France by other
Powers this country had a right to claim the same
from them. Consequently England had obtained
similar advantages, and had now a treaty with Italy
like the treaty between France and Italy, and
would soon have a treaty with Prussia, the Zoll.
verein States, and with Switzerland. So little by
little the free trade system would be extended over
Europe. There was a movement taking place even
in Austria, emanating from the action of common,
cial men there. He did not like to detain the
meeting by reading a most extraordinary libt of
figures he had in his possession, and which afforded
the most convincing proof of the success of the free
trade system. The result of our commercial inter-
course with Europe was highly satisfactory. It led
to the wealth and prosperity of the country, and to
a great improvement in the condition of the people.
This had, no doubt, given f ise to a great deeire fur
peace. That might he a very creditable feeling,
lent it must not be carried too far, for the greater
t
in wealth of this country the more was a temple,.
Lion held out for other countries. If the time had
fo: the lamb tgohltieadoowtmh'inethreoixutth
fleetst e oonr, t
armies,
e i a ,i n
compdee d ,
England
and. without incurringthGeU Eamies, that limo Pelit-:0 to maintain
however had not yet

arrived. States merely represented the aggregate
passions of men, and so long as men were wicked
and unjust so long also would there be found Go•

vernments who were unjust. During the last few
months nations were seen combined together to
despoil the weak, and the same might happen again.
To prevent this state of things the balance of
power was devised. Some persons spoke of that
doctrine as exploded, but that was not a statesman
like way of treating the question. The balance of
power was one of the wisest things ever devised by
statesmen, and it meant that the different States of
Europe,when they saw one nation sufficiently strong
to despoil another, and attempting to do so, should
combine together to prevent that unjust attack. Sir
James Mackintosh, in one of his speeches, said—
The system of preserving some equilibrium of power—of
preventing any State from becoming too great for her neigh-
bours, is a system purely defensive, and directed towards the
object of universal preservation. It is a system which pro-
vides for the security of all States by balancing the force
and opposing the interests of great ones. The independence
of nations is the end, the balance of power is only the means
Nations powerful enough to defend themselves may subsist
securely in most tolerable conditions of society; but States
too small to be safe by their strength can exist only where
they ate guarded by the equilibrium of force, and the vigi-
lance which watches over its preservation. The system of
the balance of power is that system of which indeed great
empires were the guardians, but of which the perfect action
was indicated by the security of feebler commonwealths.
Under this system no great violation of national independ-
ence had occurred from the first civilisation of the European
States till the partition of Poland. The safety of the feeblest
States, under the authority of justice, was so great that there
seemed little exaggeration in calling such a society the
" commonwealth" of Europe. Principles which stood in
the stead of laws and magistrates provided for the security
of defenceless communities as perfectly as the safety of the
humblest individual is maintained in a well •ordered com-
monwealth. Europe can no longer be called a common-
wealth when her members have no safety but in their
strength.

Those sentences were uttered in 1815, when the
smaller States of Europe were being destroyed and
handed over to other stronger States, and what Sir
James Mackintosh said was perfectly true, as
every student of history knew. They were
proud in the present day, and fancied that
greater liberty existed, and that there was
greater progress in human thought than ever be-
fore; but he doubted whether human thought was
now more developed than between the 14th and
15th centuries. Then took place the Reformation,
the invention of printing, and a great advance in
civilisation ; and almost always were they indebted
to the smaller States for that progress. The smaller
States supported Luther, and encouraged great in-
ventions in those days, but when the smaller States
succumbed then liberty perished, though this
country, being removed from the Continent, was
able to preserve its liberty. (Hear.) This led him
to say a word or two about non-intervention. It
had been said that the debate of last session
altered the foreign relations of this co'intry, but he
did not believe a word of that. -What was non-
intervention ? If it meant abstaining from inter
fering in other people's affairs, from forcing on
other people princes or laws they do not want, or
inconvenient dynastic alliances, then, he said, let
that principle be laid down as the founlation of
foreign policy. (Cheers.) Nor did he believe that
any statesman, Conservative or Liberal, would ven-
ture, in spite of public opinion, to act otherwise.
He did not believe that any statesman now would
enter again into those dynastic alliances, or impose,
as this country did, certain lases and Princes on
France. Such a thing was impossibb. (Hear, hear.)
But if by non-intervention was meant holding per•
fectly aloof and abstaining from mediation when
mediation might adjust disputes, he believed that
the people of Eog land did not wish fur such non-
intervention, which would be most dangerous to
this country. (Hear.) Still, this right of interven-
tion must be exercised with caution, and with a due
consideration both to other people and to this
country. -When people can be by mediation pre-
vented from carrying on terrible wars, then it was
the duty of the country to exert that mediation
when it was asked for, and when it was acceptable to
both parties. During the debate of last session the
opponents of the Government stated that there was
a great Conservative reaction in this country ; but
they found out their mistako when the division took
placc,for there was a great rnqjority of Scotch, Eng.
lish, and Welsh representatives. So that this Con-
servative reaction only existed in the imagination of
some of the Conservatives. The real question was
whether this country was not bound to act up to her

treaty engagements, and if it could have found out
any means to prevent the war it would have done
good service to I),,,nmark. The next question was
whether the British Government were right in en-
deavouring to prevent the dismemberment of Den-
mark. He said they were, because Denmark was a
free country, and had great influence on the polities
of Europe. Bat if be were asked whether the Go-
vernment were bound to go to war for Denmark, he
replied in the negative. The hon. gentleman pro-
ceeded to say that it was the parties who accused Go-
vernment of wishing to go to war that tried to force
them to do so. It was not the Government that
were warlike, for the Government were obliged to
a certain extent to restrain the people, not only on
the Danish but the Polish question ; and though he
deeply. sympathised with the feeling for the Poles
and the Danes, still he maintained that it was the
duty of the Government not to be carried away by
such sympathy. He thought the Government
deserved credit for preserving the country fromwar
but at the same time he believed that every Enge
lishman, whether a nobleman or a working man,
was equally determined that England should pre.
serve her position in the council of nations as here-
tofore. (Cheers.) Turning from foroign politics
to home subjects, ho observed that some years ago
the most eloquent advocates of free trade declared
that if the principle of free trade were
accepted and the markets of England were
thrown open to the world, political discontent
would cease. He ventured to say that that pro-
phecy had become true, and the very fact of the
great wealth and prosperity of this land had caused
forgetfulness to a certain extent of home politics.
He, however, repeated what he had said on former

occasions—that, so far from the present condition of
the country being an argument to the effect that
political liberty was sufficiently extended and that
no more reform was needed, he contended that it
was the strongest argument in favour of progres-
sive reform. (Laud cheers.) The very fact that
the working men were daily increasing in intern.
gence, wealth, and comfort was a proof that they
were entitled to the suffrage, and the position of the
working men ought to be recognised by extending
to them the suffrage. (Loud cheers.) But let them
not throw on the Government the blame of not
extending the suffrage to them. The present Par-
liament was u reactionary Parliament beyond all
previous Parliaments. Some time ago measures of
' civil reform and religious toleration were carried by
a small majority, but now they were defeated by
majorities. The House of Commons, however, had
only another year to live, and on the electors de-
pended what should be the character of the next
House, and if they wanted the extension of the
suffrage they must give their pledge to the candi-
date on the hustings. (Loud cheers.) If his
constituents could address a reproach to him that
he had voted against those measures he had always
advocated, then let them turn their backs on ,
him ; bat he declared that no pledge he
had given had not been carried out. After
some further remarks ho concluded by express-
ing his conviction that when the appeal was
again made to the people the Government would
receive the nation's support, for he was convinced
the people of this natio❑ would not wish to deprive
of power those who had done so much for the pro-
sperity of the country :and for the happiness and
comfort of the people. The hen. member then sat
down amid lcud cheers,
Mr FIELD asked Mr Layard why he was not pre-
sent in the House of Commons when the motion
for the abolition of flogging in the army and navy
was brought on ?
A working man referred to Mr Peabody's gift
for the poor of Landon, and wished to know whether
the hon. member could tell him where the money
was, and why it had not been made use of.
Mr LAYARD said it was perfectly true he was
absent from the vote on the question of flogging in
the army and navy, but the opinions he expressed
when elected he still maintained. The question of