The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-17 00:00:00

Ca:Leland 241111:

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1852.

sops
Already there have been apparent throughout the
country those electioneering movements which are
always indicative of a speedy dissolution of the
lower branch of the Legislature. The citizens of
London have forwarded to Viscount PALMERSTON a
beseeching him
requisi`ion, to become one of the
metropolitan candidates. The possessors of the ,
elective franchise in Westminster have meditated a
touching and noble tribute to the memory of the
greatest of modern statesmen, that of selecting
his son, Captain W. PEEL, R.N., as _8
one of
their representatives in the Imperial Parlia-
ment. The appearance of Sir Ensassth
BULWER
LYTTON upon the county hustings has
long since
been secured to the men of Hertfordshire. A variety
of other arrangements have, in like manner, been
entered into with reference to men of less note : and
in different boroughs and shires of the United
liingdom persons hitherto unknown to the fre.
quenters of the House of Commons have indicated
their determination to aspire, at the earliest oppor-
tunity, to the most solemn duty and the most
enviable privilege placed within
the reach
of the citizens by the beneficence of the
Constitution. With this ulterior purpose
before
them, the latter aspirants for the dignity have been
recently canvassing their intended constituents, and
otherwise clearing the ground from the rough pre-
liminary work of opposition. Addresses both oral
and written have, moreover, in several instances, '
enabled their proposed supporters to judge with some
degree of accuracy of the principles by which they
are really actuated. Among these, one in particular
has, within the last few days, especially arrested our
attention, bringing under discussion, as it does, the
raajority of those vitally important questions which
before many months have elapsed, must have agitated
the great mass of our population. The document to
-which we would here direct observation is the letter
addressed, in the form of a pamphlet,* to the electors
of Tewkesbury by MY. EDWARD W. Cox,
barrister-at-law, well known as the editor of
the Law Times, and the proprietor of the
Critic, as well as the editor and proprietor of other
legal and literary publications. In this political dis-
quisition the newly-announced candidate for the suf-
frages of that particular constituency in Worcester-
shire, passes rapidly, but comprehensively, under re-
view the tendencies of what is designated the Con-
servative policy, recounting, as he does
so,
the nature
of the so-called Conservative principles. A discus-
sion of that policy and of those principles
could not by possibility be more happily timed,
present, when a transpiring at a moment like the

_ c
* "Cotkt,-rvative Principles and onservatwe Policy:
Letter to the Electors of Tewkesbury." By Edward
W. Cox, Esq. Bvo., p. 16. London; Crockford. 1852,

speedy dissolution has emerged from probability into
certainty by the advent to power of a Protectionist
Government.

Opposed, as our opinions are, upon several most I
remarkable questions--diametrically opposed as our
opinions are to the views entertained by Mr. Cox,
and put forward by him in his present address to the
electors of the borough of Tewkesbury, there are,
however, apparent to ourselves upon other scarcely less
important points a coincidence of ideas, an identity
of feeling, and an union of aspiration, very singular
indeed, as occurring between the upholders respec-
tively of the great antagonistic causes of Conservatism
and Democracy. in appearance no two interests
could be more distinguished by the diversity of their
characteristics ; yet, in truth, there is traceable
to the heart of both, as already intimated, those same
attributes of union, identity, and coincidence. For
the purpose of rendering our meaning upon
this subject visible at once, ,it is only ne-
cessary to particularize a distinction marked
out by Mr. Cox in the very exordium of his ad-
dress. Having ingeniously and rather gracefully
defined the principle of Conservatism as tending
simply " to support existing institutions, to preserve
and stregthen their roots and trunks, but also to
prune and train their branches to the needs of those
who live under their shadow and feed , upon their
fruits," the writer maintains that it (Conservatism)
is consequently opposed, " directly opposed to the prin-
ciple of Radicalism, which," says he, " seeks to tear
them up root and branch and plant new
ones in their place." " Conservative Reform," says
he, in conclusion, " Seeks to preserve—Radical Re-
form to destroy." Enough ! Now let us endeavour
to chalk out the lines of the opposite
distinction. Partizans we never have been.
Partizans we are not. Yet, if there is any
category within the range of which our name could
be inscribed—it would assuredly be upon the list of
Radical Reformers, or, what is still more, among the
number of those who from the depths of their heart
and from the sanctuary of their conscience yearn
for the peaceful advance of the interests of the Demo-
cracy. Actuated by these feelings therefore, inspired
by these convictions, cherishing these supreme and in-
extinguishable aspirations—we must protest that in
the sentences above excerpted Radicalism has been
wrongly coloured, while an erroneous exclusiveness
has been attributed to the more generous hopes of
Conservatism. True, the Conservative reformer is
anxious to preserve—to preserve what ? Every-
thing worthy of preservation ! The Radical Re-
former, and we speak as one ourselves, cherishes—
not a similar, but the same identical soli-
citude. Ile also is desirous of preserving—
everything worthy of preservation. Again, the
Radical Reformer is equally anxious to destroy
—whatever may from its prejudicial qualities,
or its irredeemable worthlessness, call aloud
for the doom of dissipation. So, likewise we presume
is the Conservative Reformer desirous of delivering
up the chips and straws of evil, the political vermin
and the legislative dust accumulated from
the days of antiquity, to the same inexorable
sweepings of the besom of destruction.
Let us not have, therefore, any more perversions
of the real tendency either of Radicalism or Con-
servatism. Let us not define the same ambitions
among our patriotic citizens as though they were
diametrically antagonistic in their very nature. Let
the Radical Reformer be viewed, if you like, as
mistaken in his impressions, but do not, in the
name of justice, attribute to him the villanons
motive -of desiring, with malice aforethought,
to deliver up the nation to the horror of Socialism
or Red Republicanism. Neither let the more bigotted
sticklers for the cause of Liberalism impugn as cri-
minal those Conservative Reformers who are clinging
with mistaken tenacity to the blighting sources
of mischief which are in reality infusing the
virus of discord into the very core of the Constitu-
tion. Calling ideas, as well as things, by their
right names, the bitterness, the heartburnings,
and the misrepresentation arising from parti-
sanship would be happily dissipated throughout
society, without in any manner diminishing the
energies of political agitation. Radicals and Con-
servatives might then contend, without brawling,
for the triumph of principles respectively
deemed by them essential for the national happiness—
acting towards each other as becomes co-patriots,
fellow-subjects, and fellow-citizens, who are striving
by different means, it is true, but with a like loyalty
and a like earnestness, to preserve what is good and
destroy what is bad in the framework and the move-
ments of the Constitution.

We earnestly hope that a stringent and searching
inquiry
may speedily be instituted into all the cir-
cumstances connected with the recent arrangements
for the steam communications with India and Aus-
tralia. Rumours are in circulation ascribing to the
late Board of Admiralty, and to Sir CHARLES WooD,
some participation in what could only be designated
as a gross and utterly unwarrantable job, combined
with a certain degree of duplicity, which would ne-
cessarily be condemned by every honest man, if the
hints and surmises now current were in any degree
well founded. We should totally disregard the
statements above referred to, were it not
for some peculiar matters that appear to lend addi-
tional credibility to the assertions, and to require
some answer on behalf of the parties implicated
thereto. So far as we have been enabled to ascer-
tain, it appears that not only were the urgent re-
commendations of the Select Committee of the House
of Commons totally disregarded and set aside—not
only was the encouragement afforded by the ex-
Chancellor of the Exchequer, while it suited his own
purposes to obtain a strong and powerful competi-
tion forgotten, but a degree of expedition previously
unknown was displayed by all the parties concerned
after they were virtually, if not actually, out of office.
The Lords of the Admiralty reported with such ex-
traordinary and unprecedented dispatch as to prove
that their minds had been made up long before the
tenders had come in while Sir CHARLES WooD
showed that so far as he was concerned the matter
was a foregone conclusion. He must have signed
the Treasury minute either at the time when he was
proceeding to deliver up the seals of office to his
SOVEREIGN, or after he was really out, and his suc-
cessor invested with the insignia of the situation.
It is due, then, especially to Sir CHARLES WOOD,
that a full investigation should take place, and it
would naturally be more satisfactory to all parties,
particularly to the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer,
that the inquiry should be conducted before the high-
est tribunal of the land, where there would be full
authority to examine witnesses on oath, and to require
the sworn testimony of the Right Hon. Baronet him-
self, of Sir CHARLES TREVELTAN, and others who
might bg enabled to throw any degree of light on the
transaction. At present, we shall only allude to do-
cuments long
since published, and which are within
reach of every person in the community desirous of
making himself
acquainted with the subject.
It will not be
forgotten that the Eastern Steam
mNoanytigh sa tn Companysioinee,withthella osbjeccotnsotiftuetnetd aboutcom-
petition
eringintotwelve
and Oriental Company,
made with the Tr
with the Peninsular
the latter held should
when the contract which
expire. Of course it wag essential that communica-
tions on the usury, and although
speak positively
me. bajneyc t
received w e b believe we cannot
should be
Wncor. to the pr •
Sir CHARLES the project This at
that every degree of encouragement was afforded by
that c
least is certain,
and
royal charter of incorporation, that on
18,-) 1, a Select
the 27th day of March,Committee
're into "the existingsteam
communications appointed to inquires
communications with India and the practicability of
therein, and also intothe
best any improvement
communications he.
best mode of establishing steam
tween England, India, China, Australia, New Zea..
land, or -any of them, as well as any points upon the
several routes between them."
Of course the appointment of such a Committee
practically took the subject-matter of their investi-
gation out•of the hands of th,. Government until the
report should be obtained, more particularly as three
Members of the Administration, viz,, Sir CHARLES
WooD himself, the Hon. WILLIAM COWPER, a Lord
of the Admiralty, and Mr. JAMES WiLsoN, Secre-
tary of the Board of Controul, were acting on that
Committee. After a protracted and patient investiga-
tion, two reports were made, with the full assent
and concurrence of the Ministerial Members. We
shat of present only allude to the second, which

was, by a vote of the House of Commons, ordered to
be printed on the 29th of July last.
By that report, after alluding to " certain propo-
sals made by the Eastern Steam Navigation Com-
pany to carry out a communication between England,
India, and China, the express portion of the mails to
be conveyed via the Trieste route, in conjunction
with the Austrian Lloyd's Company," and stating
" that the political advantages of having two lines open
across Europe was considered of some importance,
and that it appeared from the evidence that the Go-
vernments interested in the Trieste line are pre-
pared to enter into the negotiation, and to give
every facility for the transmission of the mails,
the Committee recommended that a communication
twice in the month between England and the
different Presidencies of India should be esta-
blished, and that such communication should be
separated into two distinct services, and put out
to separate tender." They also declared that,
" as it appears from the evidence that any new par-
ties competing will require at least 18 months after
their offer is accepted to prepare for the due perform-
ance of their engagements, it is the opinion of your
Committee that no time should be lost by her MA-
JESTY'S Government in taking all the preliminary
steps which the fair encouragement of an open com-
petition so obviously demands; and they therefore
recommend that tenders may be called for, contem-
plating the arrangements already alluded to. Ample
time will thus be given to enable her MAJESTY'S
Government to decide from the tenders which
may be sent in, whether a bi-monthly com-
munication can be established on the plan
proposed, without any probable increase of
expense to the revenue of this country."
We can scarcely conceive how it was possible for
any person who sat on that Committee, and assented
to the clauses above referred to, to waste unnecessa-
rily any portion of the very limited time remaining,
every moment of which was of such vital conse-
quence, or to consider that the recommendation
"that the communication should be separated into two
distinct services" could be carried out by giving the
contracts to the same company; but, as if to remove
any possible doubt or difficulty on the subject, the
following unequivocal paragraph was inserted :
" Your Committee cannot close this report without
stating their conviction, that any arrangement which
might tend to promote an exclusive traffic on the In-
dian lines in the hands of one company, is open to
serious objection ; and in the recommendations which
they have suggested for the consideration of the Go-
vernment, they wish to lay down the principle, that
the only security to the public for the full advantage
of these communications must consist in open and fair
competition."
Let us now see how Sir CHARLES WOOD acted on
these suggestions. In the first place, although we
believe no fitting opportunity was lost of inviting his at-
tention to the subject, no step was taken for four months,
from the 29th July to 29th November, on which day
advertisements were issued calling for pro-
posals from parties willing to contract for convey-
ing the mails by five different divisions. The
tenders were not, however, to be lodged for
nearly three months, until the 26th of February
following ; thus seven months were lost
out of the seventeen that remained between the re-
port of the Committee and the delivery of the tenders,
or rather more than two-fifths of the entire time, a
formidable disadvantage, which but for the zeal,
energy, and high position of some of the directors of,
the Eastern Steam Navigation Company would have
defeated their chances, and left a monpoly to
their favoured rival. Arrangements were, however,
made at the private expense of some of these gentle-
men, which enabled the company to which they
belonged still to enter into competition.
The tenders were accordingly lodged on the morn-
ing of the 26th of February, and we believe that we
are justified in saying that they were lower than
those put in on behalf of the Peninsular and
Oriental, and subsequently accepted by the
late Government. Now, it cannot be for-
gotten, that on the Friday preceding the
Ministers had been left in a minority of the
House of Commons, which induced Lord Joust

RUSSELL to announce his intended resignation. On
the following day, the 21st inst., that resignation
was placed in the hands of her MAJESTY,
who sent for Lord DERBY, to whom, on the
22d instant, she entrusted the task of forming
an Administration. On Monday it was an-

nounced that the then Ministers only held
office until their successors could assume
their positions. The Admiralty Board, how-
ever, when the tenders of the different
companies were lodged, at once reported in favour of
the highest tender, and Sir CHARLES WOOD, on his
way to the throne of his SOVEREIGN, if not after his

return, signed the Treasury minute, committing the

nation to the payment of 1,592,0001., and in direct
opposition to the recommendations of the Committee,
of which he was himself an assenting party.
W leave these simple facts to speak for them-
selves. 'We offer no comment, use no harsh language ;
but we do say, that they are amply sufficient not only
to warrant, but to demand the closest investigation,
and that it is due to Sir CHARLES WOOD himself
that it should take place at the earliest possible
moment.