The Sun.
London, England, 1864-07-09 00:00:00

LP&PERIAL PARIIAIdNT

`HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening,
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at the usual hour.

There was a very largo attendance of ladies proscnt thin
evening in the galleries around the hewn and the space
before the throne was well fined. All the iilinistera were
in ',their seats, but that usually occupied by the earl of
Derby on the opposite aide of the house was vzscant, oxitg
to the indisposition of the noble earl.

Just as the Earl of MalmesburYoonumenccd his speech
the Prince and Princess of Wales entered the house. The
Prince took his accustomed sat on the cross bench, and the
Princess occupied a place in the gallery on the left of tho
throne.

THIRD READINGS,
The following bills were read a third time and passed
Wensuna Valley Railway—Pembroke and Tenby Railway
—Belfast Improvement—Somerset and Dorset Railway—
London and Blackwall Railway—Llanelly Railway and
Docks (No. 2)—Tottenham and Hampstead Junction Rail-
way—Aylesbury and BuCkingham Railway.
BARBARITIES BY THE PRUSSIANS.
Earl RUSSELL, in reference to a question put to him
the other evening by the Earl of Shaftesbury, relative to
the alleged bayonetting of 400 wounded Swedish volunteers
by the Prussians, said he had received a telegram from her
Majesty's Minister at Copenhagen and another from her
Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin, and the effect of those
communications was that there was no truth whatever in
the reports circulated.
THE VOTE OF CENSURE—DENMARK AND
GERMANY.

The Earl of MALMESBURY moved with reference to
he Conference, that it is the opinion of this house that
while the course pursued by her Majesty's Government
has failed to maintain their avowed policy of upholding
the integrity and independence of Denmark, it has lowered
the just influence of this country in the councils of Europe,
and thereby diminished the securities for peace. Ho
regretted the absence of a most distinguished member
of their lordships' house, because by that circumstance it
became his duty to move the resolution new before their
lordships, which he felt certain would have been done with
greater effect by his noble friend. He would commence
his observations with taking notice of a circumstance which
had occurred in another place, viz., that it had been stated
that the noble earl (Russell) had only carried on the
negotiations on the subject of Schleswig-Holstein in con-
currence with the opinions contained in a number of
despatches written by him (Earl Malmesbury) when he hall
the honour to hold the seals of the Foreign Office. All he
could say was that if that correspondence was in existence
he thought it nothing but right that Parliament should be
made acquainted with it, and that copies of it should be laid
upon the table of their lordships' house. (Hear, hear,
from the Opposition.) The subject he was about to bring
under the attention of their lordships was one cf the greatest
importance, and he had to ask their forbearance while he
addressed them, but he would endeavour to compress his
observations into the narrowest limits. Referring to the
question as to what was the Conservative policy, he said it
was difficult for them to define what they would
do, when it was impossible to esy in what air-
cutnetances they would be placed. He might with
just as much fairness ask another question, end that was,
%inlet would the present Government do if they were in
opposition ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It would be quite
as fair. (Laughter.) He would tell what they would do—
they would endeavour to turn their opponents out as soon
as possible. (Laughter.) He did not say that it would be
wise now to go to war ; but he was prepared to say that there
was a moment when, if the Government had taken a strong
tone and made a strong stand war would have been avoided.
(Hear, hear.) That was not his opinion alone, He had
heard such opinions by Germans, and they, it would at
once be admitted, were competent judges; and he trusted
before ha sat down he should be able to prove that such
was the case. He was prepared to show that the Govern-
ment had brought about this state of things by their own
faults. (Hear.) All municipal differences in Schleswig
and Holstein were totally and distinctly marked off from
international questions. With the municipal questions
foreign Governments had nothing to do. It Ras with the
international questions that interference should be justified.
That distinction the Government had failed to keep in
view. All through the question the noble earl (Russell)
acted too much as a partizan; he had failed to keep himself
independent, and thus he had cut the ground from under
his feet—(Hear, hear)—all the ground that would have
enabled him to be looked upon as a fit statesman
to arbitrate upon the difference between the parties.
One instance of his conduct was shown on the 29th of
April, 1861, when the noble lord proposed to Denmark a
new constitution for itself in connection with the Duchies.
The next point he touched upon was the statement male
by Lord Palmerston, when ho said that if certain events
came to pass Denmark should not stand alone. There was
only one interpretation to be put upon that. It meant that
it Denmark wet° molested, England would stand at her
side—(hear, hear)—and, of course, defend her. (Hear,
hear.) There could be no other construction put upon
such a declaration. He believed he should be asked, what
policy the Opposition were prepared to adopt—but that
question was both monstrous and unfair. The Opposition
had no access to information with regard to the means
which had been at the disposal of .the Government for.
carrying on a war, the state of the relations of the country
with other powers, and other matters which were ,exclu-
sively in the cognisance of Ministers, who were responsible
for the conduct and policy they had pursued. There had
been two courses open to the Government. Whilst tho
Danish army was still unbroken they ought dither to have
joined with Sweden and assisted in placing 100,000 men on
the Eider, in which case not a German soldier would have
attempted to cross that river—or ;they might have frankly
warned Denmark that whatever was the result of their
diplomatic efforts they could not give her material aid—but
it was clear that up to a very recent period Ministers
could not make up their minds whether they would assist
Denmark or not, and to that uncertainty and hesitation was
to be attributed the failure of their diplomacy, the downtal
of their influence, and the undignified position in which
they now found themselves. Vigorous action in the first
instance might have averted the war; but so indecisive
had been the policy of the Government that :they had
not only not displayed vigour, but had so involved
the country that it could only avoid war by
a tardy and an unworthy retreat. Reviewing
the correspondence of the Foreign Office, and the oral de
clarations of Lord Palmerston, the noble earl contended
that they had encouraged Denmark with hopes which were
doomed to disappointment, and irritated the German Powers
ewmi tbha r
re ma ps
at
eyd tphorseiat
os
n. Hod
Fe
rca
no nccel uadnedd
Rb yu
scsoi
an t
irna s trienfge r tehnec
en n-
t to
both belligerents with the baffled policy of the Cabinet, and
the undignified situation in which the country had in con-
sequence been placed.
The motion was opposed by the Duke of ARGYLL, who
spoke at considerable length in defence of the Ministerial
policy,

- Lord BROUGHAM said that he had attentively studied
the correspondence, and had come to the conclusion that the
Government had not menaced Germany. He felt that they
could not have stood silently by and seen the Danes over-
whelmed without remonstrance and protest. At the same
time it could not be expected that England should take up
their cause single-handed against one •third of continental
Europe.

The Marquis of CLANRICA.RDE agreed with the Earl
of Malmesbury that it was the weakness and vacillation of the
policy pursued by the Government that had brought on the
war, placed this country in its present unpleasant position,
and almost swept Denmark from the map of Europe.
Whilst, however, he was of opinion that the Government
had deplorably mismanaged affairs, he could not concur in
the terms of the motion, which not only did not set forth the
real facts of the case, but pronounced an opinion which the
house ought not to place on its journals. He did not believe
that the influence of England had been lowered. For that
influence rested upon her power, and her power was never
greater than at this moment. He moved as an amendment,
to omit the latter proposition in the motion and insert in lieu
thereof the words--" That this house regrets
that Denmark
was allowed to expect from the English Government mate-
rial,o
aid in support of the objects of the treaty
of i
The Earl of CLARENDON had not shared the respon—
sibility of the Government during the most active part of
the negociations, but in his opinion fromdappreciation of the
the outset ,
eters had exhibited both foresight an
gravity of affairs. They had shown a sincere desire to bring
r
about an amicable settlement, and in this they would'. have
tshueccpcaerdteieds orhmadte iut
heyin been
ed met in a corresponding spirit by
iately
interested, as well as the other
Powersositnwho
of the re sigaitares to the treaty of 1852. The
e Government
all along teen a most dif-
ficult one, net only as regarded the intricate questions in
dispute between Denmark and Germany, but in decid-
ing
bow to deal with those questions after Francs and
Russia had declared their unconcern and indifference. The
course recommended by the proposer of the motion would
have
awaybeen equally
thela s h
wltmuisnt pro-
vokedhaialye
ahno eod n
fc Germany,ff ct
u'l
. and
proba-
bility led to the realisation of the phenomenon of German
unity. A war between England and Germany would have
extended to Italy and the Danubian Principalities, to
Pk land and Turkey. No wise statesman would have in-
cured the responsibility of kindling a European conflagra •
tion for the sake of Denmark, with France and Russia not
indifferent, but waiting on the course of events. After
France and Russia had slunk away from their engagements
no impartial Englishmen could blame the Government
because their honest efforts had failed, and that not through
any fault of their own. Much as he loved peace he loved
honour more, and if he did not believe that peace was con-
sistent with the honour as well as the interest of the country,
he would have been the first to counsel war, although he
had far less means of interfering with effect than the powers
who had declined to do so. He insisted that not only Lad
Ministers warned Denmark that they wculd not give her
material aid, but they had done their utmost to convince
her that she was labouring under a delusion in tupposing
that the sympathies of the English people would compel
them to go to her rescue. Although the Government had
failed in their chief object in the conference, they had re-
duced the question in dispute to one of frontier, in which a
few leagues of territory only was concerned; and they had