The Sun.
London, England, 1852-12-27 00:00:00

£382 4 8

Future subscriptions will be announced in The Times and other
papers. Every subscriber's name will appear in Eliza Cook's Jour-
nal. JOHN WATKINS, Hon. Sec.

SURE AS CHRISTMAS COMES, it will be
attended with Tradesmen's Bills, which fall like vinegar
on the sweet moments of annual relaxation ; but what a change
has been produced in thousands of instances by the system so suc-
cessfully carried out by E. MOSES & SON. The Ready Cash Sys-
tem was never applied on so large a scale, but its success shows the
smallest profits remunerative, through a vast amount of business,
and universal satisfaction given by punctuality, economy, and dis-
patch.
• •

E. MOsES & SON'S DRESS for the season proves in the most
triumphant manlier the superiority of their Business. It is con
ducted with energy, founded on equitable principles, and furnishes
the Newest Styles of Dress for every season. On this account it is
available for all classes, their commands being immediately, effec-
tively, add economically executed.
The JUVENILE DRESS made by E. Moses and Son is the best
" New Year's Gilt" which* parents and guardians can present to
young gentlemen, It is cut andkmade by a class of first-rate artist's
and workmen, whose entire attention is devoted to the cultivation of
the newest and most comfortable styles.
- - •

AT TIRE for WINTER in magnificent and novel devices, compre.
bending every style and variety suited to every taste, and comfort.
able in any kind of weather. . _ _

Rich and elegq.nt Dress for Balls and Parties is presented better
nd cheaper at the Establishment of E. Moses and Son than at any
[ouse in the trade.

TO EMIORA.NTS.

OUTFITS to any part of the world, a complete and suitable equip-
ment for any voyage, and all Goods and Clothing suitable for Emi-
grants of every class, for every profession or occupation, furnished
better, more expeditious, and cheaper, at E. Moses and Son's Estab-
lishment, than at any other place. A department is kept purposely
for Emigrants, and full Lists of Outfits and ship sailing information
given on application, or sent free to any part of the kingdom.
CAUTION.—E. MOSES and SON regret having to guard the
*public against imposition, having learned that the untradesman-like
falsehood of " Being connected with their Establishment," or " It's
the same concern," has been resorted to in many instances, and for
obvious reasons, they beg to state that they have.
NO CONNEXION WITH ANY OTHER HOUSE IN OR OUT OF LONDON,
except their own Establishments, as follows :
London City Establishment, 154, 155, 156, and 157, Minories, 83
84,85, and 86, Aldgate, opposite the Church, all communicating.
London West-end Branch, 506, 507, 508, New Oxford-street, 1,2,
and 3, Hart-street, all communicating.
-Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19, Bridge-street.
Sheffield Branch, 36, Fargate.
Merchant Tajlors, Clothiers, Hatters, Hosiers, Furriers, Boot and
Shoe Makers, and General Outfitters for Ladies and Gentlemen.

IMPORTANT.—ShouId any article not give satisfaction, it will be
exchanged if desired, or, if preferred, the money will be returned
without hesitation. All goods are marked in plain figures, the lowest
price, from which ne abatement can be made.
The Establishments are closed from sunset Friday to sunset on
Saturdays, when business is resumed till 12 o'clock.
A new Book, entitled " The World's Pharos," containing the
Emigrant's Assistant, full list of prices, and directions ior self•mea-
surement, may be had on application, or post-free, to any part of
the kingdom.
A handsome Almanac for the year ending 103 can be had, gratis,
on application.
Id Pon parle Franca's. Qui si parla Italian°.
I
Hier slricht man Deutsch. Aqua se habla Espanol.

DR. CIILVERWELL'S NEW WORKS.
To be had of Sherwood, 23, Paternoster-row ; Carvalho,
147, Fleet-street ; Mann, 39, Cornhill ; or direct from the author,
price One Shilling each ; by post, is 6d.

ENJOYMENT OF LIFE.
"Health, Recreation, and Rational Use of Time."
CONTENTS : —Early Rising—Spring and Summer Mornings—Ex-
cursions about the Environs of London—The Parks, Lanes, Hille,
Forests, Fields, High-roads, and other pleasant places -Country
Country
Trips and Rambles—The Sea —London at Night—Evenings at Home
Music —The Drama—Pn Eating, Drinking, Sleeping, Bathing, Air,
Rest, Ease, Occupation, &c., &c.

FRAGMENTS FROM THE FOUNTAINS. Two Vols.
Vol. I.
VISIT TO THE LAKES ; SKETCH OF EDINBURGH. Er,c.

VoLII.
THE LAKES OF KILLARNEY ; REMINISCENCES OF
DUBLIN, &c.

WHAT TO EAT, DRINK, AND AVOID,
" That three score years and ten our course may run."
A popular review of almost every form (cause and cure) of ner-
vously-debilitated health and enfeebled constitut,on that harms es
the young, besets the man of pleasure, business or study, and em•
hitters old age ; with tables and rules for the diet and physical regu-
lation of every-day life.

Iv.
THE PASSIONS.
" What passions hurt the body—what improve,
Truths as refined as Athens ever heard."

SUBJECT :—Life's pilgrimage, from infancy to old age. The ad-
vent of the passions. Chastity and its infringement. The casualties
of licentiousness and dissipation, with illustrations, graphic, narra-
tive, and remediative. Advocacy of early marriages.

THE MARRIAGE STATE.
"To be or not to be, that is the que.ition."
PROGRAMME:—Laws and obligations of nature, society, and reli-
gion regarding marriage, to be, observed by either sex. Time' and
choice, on both' sides, as to age temperament, complexion, and
figure. to secure- healthy offspring, with the art of rearing them.
Physical defectiveness and Its removal. Sterility and its conversion.
Cases, &c.
By R.. 7. CI7LVERWELL, M.D. (1841), M.R.C.S. (1827), L.S.A.
(1824), Twenty-live years Medical and Forensic Referee in these
matters. Reception hours daily till Five. Evenings, Seven till
Nine. 10, Argyll•place, Regent •street.

IMPORTANT MEDICAL AND SURGICAL WORKS, •
Just published, by H. Batlliere, 219, Regent-street, Londe&
No I.
Bvo., in cloth. price ss. by post free, 55. 6d.,
ON TRUE & FALSE SPERMATORRHCEA,
with the View to the Correction of wide-spread Errors
in relation to the Treatment and Cure of Sufferers from Debility of the
Generative System, or Sexual Hypochondriasis.
Translated from the German of Dr. PICKFORD.
"Dr. Pickford is known to English readers by his frequent practi-
cal contributions to German medical literature. This is the first
'lmo, he informs us, that he has addressed himself to the non-medi-
cal reader. We trust this may not be the last, if he shall
detect any other equally flagrant evil which it may be in his
nwer to correct."—London Medical Gazette, May 30, 1851.
"We promised in a former number that we should recur to this
work, in order to exhibit its aim more clearly. The author lashes
with great severity the impostors who make a livelihood by preying
on the credulity of the public. The tribe of Quiet Symathisers,'
and ' Medical Friends,' are mercilessly exposed ; and if this book
could find its way into the hands of those who suffer from the com-
plaint of which it tre Its, we are satisfied that many hundreds would
be saved much needless suffering of body and mind, and what is of
less importance, thrngh it is that which` the quacks most prize—
much money ......This volume is well qualified to put an end to the
empirical system of treating Spermatorrhcea, and to place the treat-
ment upon a mote rational and physiological basis. It is, therefore
likely to do much good."—Medical Circular, June 16, 1852.

No. 11.
'lvo., in cloth, price 3s. 6d., by post free, 45.,
THE CURE OF STRICTURE OF THE URETHRA, on Princi-
ples at once Simple, Safe, and Efficient, in even its most Inveterate
and apparently Intractable Forms.
BY F. B. COURTENAY,
Member of the Royal College of Surgeons of England.
"In proof of his views he (Mr. Courtenay) has given
the history of a great many cases successfully treated, as bad
as any which Mr. Syme adduced, and on which he had operated.
such are cases ix., xi., xii., and xviii. No. ix. had restated, for a
period of twelve years, the treatment by dilitation, and was finally
removed In as many weeks. But cases xviii. and 'xis. appear, both
in duration, severity, and complication of symptoms, of a more .ag-
gravated character than any detailed by Mr. Syme, and yet th 3
treatment adopted by Mr. Courtanay proved eminently successful."
—Professor Lizars on the Treatment of Stricture.

,THE COALITION MINISTRY.

( From the Times.)
The statesmen of England have done their duty,
and a combination of tried ability, high character,
and political energy, almost without a precedent in
our Parliamentary history, has been formed. Every
name in the list of Lord Aberdeen's Administra-
tion will be received by the country with the re-
spect due to past services and established reputa-
tion ; but, what is even more extraordinary, there
is scarcely any name deserving to be placed in-the
first rank of English political celebrity which will
not also be found in this remarkable Ministry. By
what means, it will be asked, has so powerful and
unexampled a combination been brought about ?
By what diplomacy have all former differences and
heartburnings been effaced ? And what policy is
to 'result from the united counsels and exertions of
all the chief administrative and Parliamentary
leaders of the nation ? To the credit of the eminent
persons engaged in this undertaking, and to the
honour of the times we live in, we confidently
reply, that the first conditions on which this affi-
ance is based, are no artifices of political intrigue,
no coalition of rival parties from emnity to a third,
but the mutual confidence, the unblemished truth-
fulness, the unselfish and patriotic spirit exhibited,
as it were, in generous emulation, throughout this
transaction. Constitutional government has some-
times been reproached with stimulating to excess
the meaner passions of mankind, and of ruling men
by their mutual jealousies and dissensions. On
the present occasion the English Cabinet presents
a totally different example, and, far from admitting
that the decay of mere party distinctions has weak-
ened any vital part of our free institutions, we
should look back in vain to any passage of our his-
tory for so able a body of public men in the service
of the Crown. Whatever may be the measures
and the policy of the new 'Administration, which
it will be our duty to discuss without prejudice or
prepossession at the proper time, the acknowledg-
ments of the country are already due to the disin-
terested spirit by which alone such arrangements
have been rendered possible. Men who have filled
the highest positions in the State have voluntarily
accepted offices of a different official rank ; some
who had been separated from their former colleagues
have rejoined them on amicable terms ; some, with
equal good faith and good will, have Even joined
statesmen who were once their antagonists. It is
not to be imagined that human nature is altered,
or that the sacrifice of personal pretensions or the
extinction of old differences can be ae3omplished
without an effort. But it is the part of gentlemen
and patriotic Ministers to allow no sick private
weaknesses to ruffle the current of public affairs ;
and the negotiations for the formation of the new
Government have been so successfully conducted
on this high principle that they have encountered
no obstacles from those causes which were most to
be apprehended.
But this zeal for the public service. and this
good will which happily prevails between the lead-
ing statesmen of the present time, would not suffice
for the construction of a powerful and ;acting Go-
vernment, if it did not correspond to the truth and
reality of our political situation. The -value of the
combination consists in this--that the ntembers of
Lord Aberdeen's Government are brought together
as much by duty as by inclination ; a much by
sound logic as by good policy. They ar united in
one Cabinet, because for the first tine in the
memory of any man now alive, or in annals of
several generations, although these veterans of
political warfare may still be tinged with the re-
spective colours of their former companies, they
are no longer divided upon any one great question
of public policy which it becomes a Government to
decide. To keep up the strife of parties for the
mere acquisition of power or the gratification of
personal vanity, after motives of conscientious and
irreconcilable difference have ceased to actuate men,
is to convert constitutional government into a farce,
and opposition into a trick. The differences which
have prevailed between the several sections of which
this Administration is composed since the settlement
of the great questions .of commercial policy are far
too inconsiderable to afford standing-ground for an
opposition. Different modes of applying the same
principles, or of viewing the same objects, are of
use in the amicable discussions of a Cabinet, but
they are too slight for the conflicts of Parliament,
and they cannot sustain an opposite system of go-
vernment. And herein lies the distinction between
the character and prospects of this Admistration
and the fate of those governments, almost equally
brilliant in their structure, hit disunited in their
essential policy, which have )rought discredit on
such combinations. In 1806, for instance, a Mi-
nistry was formed of somewhatsimilar composition,
though of far inferior power, to the new Cabinet.
But the Catholic question was already, and for 20
years afterwards; a stumbling-block to the complete
union of any government, and an insurmountable
barrier between any liberal government and the
conscience of George 111. M. Fox and Lord.
Grenville were not agreed on the
vital question of
peace and war, or on the management of our rela-
tions with France ; and, though they had united
for the public convenience, the fusion was, in
other respects, insincere. If we believed that to
be the case with the members of the new Adminis-
tration, it might have our forbearance, but it could
not have our confidence. It strength lies in the
fact that the course of events End the state of
political opinion have brought Dien formerly dis-
united and opposed to the same point of action,
and that, except on such minor natters of opinion
as must always be variously entertained by various
minds, there is. no criterion of diversity and no
trenchant badge of difference between them. The
time is, therefore, come which enables us to shake
off some more of the unmeaning and frivolous dis-
tinctions of party animosity, and to unite for the
public interest those elements of our national great-
ness which it is the incessant object of fashion to
scatter, to embroil, to deteriorate, and to keep apart.
If, then, the point of action be indeed the same
at which the whole array of illustrious names in
this Administration is now arrived, what a career
of public utility lies before them ! In the work of
law reform, if Lord Cranworth receives the Great
Seal, we can say no more than that he must emu-
late the admirable career of his immediate prede-
cessor. In the colonies, the moment is one of criti-
cal interest, for the maintenance of our connexion
with Canada, the adaptation of the institutions of
Australia to its extraordinary development, and the
pacification of South Africa demand prudent and
energetic measures. At home, the improvement of
the defences of the country, the instruction and
discipline of the militia, the advance of sanitary
measures, the reform of the dockyards, and the
augmentation of the navy in men as well as in ships

Among many of the younger men of this gene-
ration, who are not aware of the earlier career of
the noble lord the member for London, the nomi-
nation of Lord John Russell to the Foreign-office
must excite great surprise, but, having attentively
observed the career of the noble lord for a great
number of years, we are bound in fairness to state
that we by no means consider his nomination as
Principal Secretary of State for Fodeign Affairs
as the most objectionable appointment made within
the past week, however strange the other appoint-
ments may be. Lord John is a man of a cold and -
impassive nature, reserved, silent, and undemon-
strative—perfectly civil and well-bred, and is not
liable to those fitful gusts of caprice and humour
by which the administration of the noble viscount
the member for Tiverton was too often distinguished.
Lord John may commit some errors—may be guilty
of some mistakes—may do those things which he
ought not to do, and may leave undone things
which he ought to have performed ; but although
he will not conduct his office with the tone and tem-
per manifested by Lord Ma lm esbury, we are con-
vinced he will not be guilty of the impertinence and
imprudence of schooling foreign Cabinets touching
matters of internal government that concern them
alone—that he will never, for instance, think of
reading lectureg to envoys and ambassadors on the
manner in which their sovereigns, whether imperial
or royal, should perform their duties to the people
submitted to their sway, or presume to counsel or
command foreign Ministers of State, whether Aus-
trian, Russian, or Spanish, on the measures which
they ought to concede or to withhold in their re-
spective countries. We are certain, during the
coming session, to have reason often to differ from,
and perhaps not seldom to disapprove of, the course
of her Majesty's present Principal Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs • but we hope we shall
not have to accuse him of lowering the' dignity of
the Sovereign or of the country by a petty ped-
dling interference in matters in which Great Britain
has no concern.

Lord J. Russell is neither a brilliant nor a first-
rate man—but cold and impassive as we have pro-
nounced him to be, we are sure that we shall have,
under the tutelage of the present administration, a
host of diplomatic tours de force and state paper
escapades.
What guarantee have we, in reference to foreign
nations, to the stay of Ultramontanism in our own
empire. It is not merely in states steeped in igno-
rance and superstition—such as the states of the
Church, the Two Sicilies, Spain, Portugal, and parts
of Austria and Bavaria—that we see the progress of
Jesuitist Ultramontanism triumphant ; but in some
districts of Protestant Prussia, Wurtembercr, Hesse,
and Saxony. Belgium is at this moment covered
with the agents of Jesuitism and Ultramontanism
and some of these have penetrated of late, with
no ordinary success, into commercial and Protes-
tant Holland. In Austria, in which five years ago
the Jesuits were in disfavour and disgrace, Jesuit
colleges have risen whose preachers and professors
exalt the ecclesiastical above the secular power,
and boast that they are themselves above the State,
and amenable only to Rome. In Tuscany, a less
powerful State, whose Grand Duke has lately sur-
rendered himself body and soul into the hands of
the Jesuits, the reverend fathers have thrown off
all disguise, and openly proclaim persecution, im-
prisonment, and even torture for religious, or, as
they phrase it, heretical opinions.
Similar doctrines are proclaimed by the Pope of
Rome, and addressed to all the faithful in Italy and
Europe, but more especially to the Piedmontese,
who still preserve a constitutional Government, and
desire to maintain the laws of marriage voted by
the Chambers.
Nor is this conspiracy against freedom of thought
and toleration confined to Italy and Germany. In
Spain, an affiliated lay-brother of the order of
Jesuits—M. Bravo Murillo— was lately the Presi-
dent of the Council of Ministers ; and it is only by
a miracle, and by the co-operation of the Moderados,
the Puritanos, and the Progresistas, that he
has been prevented from laying violent hands on
the constitution itself. Though the attempt
has been for the moment frustrated, yet it may be
renewed by another unscrupulous Jesuit Minister
any day within the next three months. Notwith-
standing, that these events are seen with ill-dis-
guised alarm and disgust by the great body of
the people of England, there is, nevertheless, a
faction in this metropolis which witnesses with de-
light this progress of pure Ultramontanisna. The
Wisemanites, the Hendrens, the Doyles, see in
this great conspiracy the triumph of their Church
and creed—a triumph which they hope to witness
at no distant day in the humiliation of Protestant
England. Would we could say that there are no
Puseyites tainted with these detestable and anti-na-
tional sentiments! On the contrary, we believe
the number neither few nor inconsiderable.

It is in Ireland, however, that the Ultramontane
party have exhibited, without disguise, their trea-
sonable venom. That there is a complete conspir-
acy and confederation between the Jesuit, Ultra-
montane, and Obscurantist parties in Rome, in
Belgium, in Austria, in Spain, and in Ireland, we
entertain no doubt whatever. Cullen, M'Hale,
and Cahill go hand in hand with Pius IX., with
Antonelli, with the persecutors of the Madiais, and
with the Spanish lay Jesuit Bravo Murillo.
The Nation and the Tablet boast of the idem relic
and the idem nolle with every Jesuit inquisitor on
the continent, and on this their firm friendship is
based. No matter how ignoble the quarter—how
despicable the hand that deals a blow against the
religion and liberties of England, the priest party
in Ireland would see this blow struck with plea-
,
sure, in the hope that by it their Church might
prosper on the ruins of civil and religious liberty.
It becomes at this juncture the peculiar business
and the bounden duty of the Foreign Minister to
watch this Ultramontane spirit, and to see that no
Jesuitical treason, hatched on the continent, is,
under favour of Pope or Cardinal, feathered into
maturity and strength of wing in Ireland.

( From the Daily News.)
It is an unspeakable relief to be told that Sir
James Graham does not go to the Home-office.
Admitting all his great efficient services in behalf
of free trade—admitting the administrative skill he
showed when before in the Admiralty—where he
may be most serviceable again—admitting the just
views he displayed in the committees of military
and naval expenditure—admitting the decidedly
liberal tone of his more recent speeches—still the
opening of Mazzini's letters, and all the low, dirty,
and revolting details of an un-English espionage
connected with that ugly story, will haunt one. At
no time—but above all at a time like the present—
could any true Liberal feel comfortable if the
Home-office were presided over by a minister who
stooped to show such undue complaisance to conti-
nental despots.
The present moment is one in which there is
unutterable danger and disgrace in any mood apa-
thetic of the public that would tolerate complicity or
connivance with foreign absolutism on the part of
English Ministers. Civilisation and its attendants,
liberty and rational Government, advance and re-
cede alternately. The retrogade movement is like
the reflex of the wave of the rising tide—merely
preparatory.to a further advance. But all with
whom it is earnest to be borne up and onward on
the billow of advancing freedom and civilisation,

must cling fast to whatever they can lay hold of
when the wave is receding, lest they again be car-
ried out to sea. At present the tidal wave of
liberty is rushing backwards for the moment with
fearful rapidity and impetuosity. The possibly
excessive surge of 1848 has been succeeded by a
temporary ebb still more excessive. Everywhere
on,. the Continent freedom is trampled upon and
despotism triumphant. It is a matter of vital im-
port that Englishmen should remain firm in the
popular faith, and that the English Government
should so conduct itself as to leave all mistake on
this head impossible.
What is required of Englishmen in 1853 is nearly
the reverse of what was required of them in 1848.
Now despotism is unquestionably as much in the
ascendant on the Continent as a liberty verging on
anarchy then seemed to be. It behoves English-
men, in these circumstances, to show the same well-
balanced affection and judgment now that they did
then. As Englishmen practically protested against
the sway of physical force and mob-rule in 1848,
so they ought practically to protest against the
sway of physical force, and kingly and priestly
deSpotism, in 1852-3. •We have hinted at the risk
that impends of two great concessions being made
to what are called " Liberal. Conservatives" in
home politics in the matter of Parliamentary Re-
form. The momentary alarm that the opener of
Mazzini's letters, and transmitter to the Neapolitan
government of the information that led to the cap-
ture and judicial murder of the Bandieri, has
awakened us to the danger of an over-subserviency
to Continental despots intrudinLinto the Home-
office. '
The most intelligent and earnest advocates of
non-intervention and a pacific policy are keenly
alive to the importance of sympathising with and
favouring the progress of liberty and good govern-
ment in all surrounding nations. If they protest
against the intervention of foreigners in the domestic
affairs of any state it is because they know that "who
would be free, themselves must strike the blow." If
they exhort to abstinence from aggression, it is be-
cause they have learned from history that permanent
free institutions were never established by the sword
—that armies organised to put down oppression
have, with the one exception—that commanded by
Washingtonbecome oppressors in their turn.
The enlightened and intelligent friend of non-in-
tervention sympathise with the efforts of freemen
in all lands, and are prepared to aid them in any
way in which they can receive real effective assist-
ance. •

That they are so prepared, partly at the instiga-
tion of sentiment, there is 'no reason for their being
ashamed to confess. Sentiment is as necessary a
part of our nature as reason : it is to be regulated,
not extinguished. When, in consequence of per-
verse reasoning, any man or nation has contrived to
deaden himself or itself to the accesses of generous
sentiment, they have become incapable of virtuous
action. • The love of liberty for itself is a necessary
condition of a healthy political morality. But upon
calculation as well as mere sentiment, it is advis-
able for a nation and its rulers so to conduct them-
selves as to prove that they sympathise with the
rights and liberties of their neighbours. Govern-
ments are ephemeral, peoples are indestructible ;
Louis Napoleon and the kings and emperors, his
contemporaries, with the systems of which each
forms a part, will pass away, but the nations of
Europe will endure. It is our interest to attach
to us those who have the surest prospect of sur-
vivorship.
As in private life there are duties we owe to our
families, and duties we owe to our neighbours, so
in political life there are duties we owe to our
countrymen, and duties we owe to the foreigner.
It is our duty to assist and uphold our country-
men against the aggressions of strangers. But as
at home there are abettors 9f oppression and
friends of freedom, so also in foreign states. The
friends of freedom have everywhere a common
cause against the abettors of despotism, their
efforts in behalf of which are only to be limited
by the duties their nationality imposes upon them.
In the great struggle commenced by Luther, had
not the Protestants of Germany, the Low Coun-
tries, and England, and the Huguenots of France,
to a certain extent, made common cause, Popery
would have crushed them all. And in like man-
ner, if the members of the popular party through-
out Europe in our day do not stand by each
other as far as their obligations to their respective
countries as citizens permit, despotism will in its
own good time trample them all down. Even apart
from this consideration, every free country has an
interest in encouraging its citizens to cultivate a
practical sympathy for the friends of liberty all over
the world.. It keeps alive the glow of independence
and freedom for home use.

For these reasons the people of England ought to
beware of all those men who have betrayed a sub-
servient spirit towards foreign despots in any office
where they can indulge it. It is not the mission of
this country to be propagandist, or the Quixote of
liberalism in Europe ; but national dignity and the
true interests of the nation alike require that our
rulers should be compelled by the pressure of popu-
lar opinion so to act that foreign rulers shall see and
feel that they entertain a constant sense of their re-
sponsibility as the administrators of a people jealous
of their liberties.

ACCIDENT ON THE BRISTOL AND EXETER RAILWAY.
--An accident of an alarming character occurred on
Friday, upon the Bristol and Exeter Railway, but which
fortunately was unattended by fatal consequences,
although it was of a serious character. The accident
occurred at the Yatton and Clevedon junction, about
eight miles from Bristol, under the following circum-
stances. The mid-day train left Clevedon at the usual
time, but on arriving at the junction, however, to go on
to the main line, by some inexcusable negligence the
policeman in charge had omitted to turn on the points,
the consequence of which was that the train continued
its course on the short line, at the termination of which
was an engine-house. Into this it dashed, carrying away
the gates ; after which it knocked away some supports
of the roof, and brought down the whole covering, and
finally dashed through the engine-house into a field
behind. The engine-driver was severely injured by the
falling bricks, and many of the passengers received more
or less severe contusions. One lady had a tooth knocked
out, and a gentleman had his hat knocked against his
head so seriously as to produce an extensive wound.
The train was consequently delayed upwards of two
hours. Every attention was, however, paid to the injured
and alarmed passengers. An inquiry will be instituted
forthwith into the conduct of the policeman who was on
duty.
AN UNWELCOME SIGNAL.—Henry Maxton, one of
the servants at the Great Western Railway, had his
head severely injured on Monday morning last. He was i
in the act of turning a signal, when the pole, being
much decayed, snapped off and fell upon his head,
thereby knocking him down and causing him to be in-
sensible for some time. He was taken to the hospital,
and is now doing well.
MYSTERIOUS DEATH.—On Sunday se'nnight, the dead
body of a female was found under suspicious circum-
stances, on the cliffs, a few yards north of the lighthouse
at Hartlepool. A razor was picked up within a few
yards of the body, and on examination it was found there
were several cuts or scratches upon the throat, none of
which, however, were sufficient to cause death. An in-
quest upon the body was held before J. Settle, Esq.,
coroner, and a post-mortem examination of the body was
made, by which it would appear that the deceased had
been suffocated. Deceased has since been identified as
belonging to Windynook, near Gateshead. Her name
was Isabella Rogers. The affair is at present involved
in much mystery. .
AN AGED SLAVE.—Among the old people at present
in St. Luke's Workhouse, Chelsea, there is a old man of
colour, named John Turner, aged 102. He was born at
Jamaica in 1750, and when a child was stolen away from
his parents. He went to sea on board a man-of-war ;
he afterwards entered the army, the 62d Regiment, as a
cymbal player, commanded by Colonel Hull. In this
regiment he remained for twenty-eight years, when he
was discharged in Halifax, in America. He then came
to England, where he has remained ever since, and has
a pension of is. 2d. per diem, a portion of which is
stopped for his and his wife's maintenance.
DESTRUCTION OF THE ALSTON VIADUCT.—The fine
viaduct at Haltwhistle which carried the Alston Branch
or the Newcastle Railway across the Tyne, has been re-
duced to a total wreck by the recent floods. One arch
has been completely washed away, and the other injured
to a serious extent. The amount of damage done is
enormous. The bridge cost 20,0001., and a moiety of
that sum will not restore it. The inconvenience is great
—all traffic along the line being entirely stopped. The
accident arose from the constant undermining influence
of the water, which was aggravated greatly by the re-
cent flood. In rebuilding the structure, precautions will
be used to prevent a recurrence of the accident. The
danger to which the structure was subject had been fre-
quently pointed out, but without effect. Carlisle
Patriot.
[ADVERTISEMENT.] HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND
PILLS FOR THE CURE OF WOUNDS IN LEGG.—Ex..
tract of a letter from Mrs. Simpson, of Bly, near
Leeds,- dated October 16, 1852.—" To Professor Hollo-
way,—Sir,—l was afflicted for 18 months with a very
bad leg, in which there were three deep wounds. I tried
all kinds of remedies, and was under the care of differ-
ent surgeons here, and at Leeds, but derived no benefit
from their treatment. I was at last advised to resort to
your ointment and pills, and I am happy to say, that by
the use of these valuable medicines, my leg is completely
gored and as sound as ever it was.”—Sold by all drug-
gists, and at Professor Holloway's establishment, 244,
Strand, London.

The only condition which could give any force to this
argument is that the last state of things should be worse
than the first, and that the new classification should
create a greater amount of injustice than the absence of
all classification prevailing before. Such a condition is
positively impossible. Under the existing system, as we
remarked the other day, every payment, without any one
exception, is an unjust payment. Every person contri-
buting 7d. on his income, as contrasted with property
taxed at the same rate, contributes too much ; every per-
son contributing 7d. on his property contributes, by the
like rule, too little. How can such injustice be exceeded,
or how, by any attempt, however imperfect, at adjust-
ment, can it be otherwise than lessened ? The reasoning
of objectors seems to be founded on the assumption, that
a wrong which everybody suffers is no wrong at all,f and
that unfairness loses its quality when it is made univer-
sal. We conceive, on the contrary, that it becomes
more intolerable than ever, and that no stronger case
unjustlyts
can
b emuadpeonouevt
son taxed upon his income that other incomes are taxed
everybody. It
taxlitehignanitfiheee pnroothofintghatto iat
pacer-
likewise. The comparison is not between income and in-
come, but between income and property. We say that
the class producing incomes without property is hardly
used as compared with the class possessing property and
income too ; and, by way of defence, we are told that
the suffering class is a large one, and that every mem-
ber of it suffers alike. Is this common sense or justice ?
What would Mr. Goulburn have said if his argument
about the fundholder had been met not by a detectionvif
its fallacy, but by the assertion that the fundholders were
a very large body, and that one fundholder would fare
just the same as another? er.

No proposal of reform can be damaged by the charge
of imperfection unless it can be shown that such imper-
fection exceeds that which it is proposed to remedy.
Certain speakers in the late debate took occasion to
enumerate certain inequalities and anomalies which
would still survive the suggested recognition of the dif-
ference between property and income. . Sir Francis
Baring said that certain descriptions of business—such
as that of great brewers, for instance—were trans-
missable from father to son with almost as much safety
as realised property, whereupon Mr. Gladstone observed
that the ".distinction between fixed and precarious
incomes had been shown by the right hon. member for
Portsmouth to be based on no solid principle." Was

there ever such a conclusion ? As if the difference be-
tween one quality of possessions and another could be
proved to have no existence by the discovery of a point
at which they touched ! What would have been the
character of our legislation, or what the present posi-
tion of the country, if the course which is recommended
on the subject of the income tax had been pursued on
other subjects ? Take an instance to the point. When
the Reform Bill was pending, in the debate on those
schedules of A, B, C, &c., which Lord John Russell
and Sir James Graham had been concerned in forming,
Mr. Croker rose and deliberately recapitulated to the
House the names of 12 or 14 boroughs excluded from
the franchise, each of which presented a greater rental
and a greater population than 12 or 14 other boroughs
which were admitted. There was no denying his
facts ; but what was the result ? Did the house
forthwith resolve that it was " impossible to con-
struct a perfect scheme of representation ;" or did
they, because "no two people could be found to
agree in a plan," decide that it would be unwise an d
hazardous to unsettle the existing system and open the
question of Parliamentary reform ? No ! they knew
that the proposed reform was imperfect, that it included
all the anomalies detected by Mr. Croker, and probably
many more, but that its general scope was just, and that,
as its general operation must be right, the course of true
policy was to make it law and to correct it afterwards by
the aids of time and trial.

That this must be the case with the income tax also it

is now easy to perceive. The hour is come at last. Mr.
Disraeli and his party are bound to the cause, and Sir
Edward Lytton Bulwer candidly proclaimed the truth
for its own sake. Mr. Cobden and his friends were
prompt to hail the concession, and the hon. member for

the West Riding almost begrudged his opponents a prin-
ciple which, he said, "should have come from the other
side of the house." Even Mr. Gladstone, in his latest
speech, after confesstng that it might be " possible to
distinguish between permanent and precarious incomes,
professed himself " ready to consider this distinction
with the exception only of the fundholders' im-
munities," and this exception was demolished by Sir F.
Baring, who unhesitatingly lent his authority to the
point, that "it was no breach of public faith if they
taxed the fundholder in the same manner and at the
same rate as holders of incomes of a similar nature."
He proceeded to declare that " the income tax, if mad •
a permanent part of the revenue, must be revised with
the view of making it fairer ;" and that, if precise accu
racy could not be effected in the arrangement, at leas
an approximation to accuracy should be aimed at.'
Here, then, are Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Glad-
stone, and Sir F. Baring—representing the four partj, es
which constitute the house—agreed to a greater or le s e
extkent upon the desirability, if not the practicability; o f
rectifying an unjust impost. With such a concurrenc e
of opinion, however tardy, it is impossible that reform
can be delayed. All that Ministers have to do is to
discard the persuasion that no alternative exists between
absolute perfection and absolute imperfection—between
a system which is wrong in every incident and a system
which may possibly be wrong in some. Let them only,
as Sir F. Baring says, " approximate to accuracy " by
the best means in their power, and the country will be
satisfied for the present.—Tines,

A VISIT TO THE DIGGINGS.—The following is an ex-
tract of a letter just received per Chilean, dated Sydney,
August 31, 1852, containing an account of a visit to
Melbourne, Victoria, in the steamer Yarra Yarra :
" We left Sydney on Monday, the 2d of August, cleared
the heads at six o'clock the same evening, and next
morning at eight I was on deck, and saw some smoke on
the horizon, resembling that of a steamer, and pointed
it out to the chief mate, but he said it was only a cloud ;
however, after breakfast, the captain was on deck, and
he said it was a steamer, and we at once supposed it to
be one of the English steamers, as we had passed
the Shamrock, the only steamer expected from
Port Philip, on the day previous. The steamer gra-
dually neared us, and we made out that she was a
screw vessel; so this settled all our doubts on the matter -
and at 11 o'clock she came quite close to us, and enabled
Captain Gilmore to speak her. When we heard it was
the Chusan, what a sensation it caused on board our
steamer, and no little annoyance to know that we must
await our arrival at Melbourne before we could
hear any of the late news brought by her. I
thought at the time for what I knew
might be
Fai board her, and we are even looking out for him
in the Australian. Since I have been at Port Philip,
it shows me more the folly of any one remaining at
home ; as said to me, every one should be up
and doing, and take the ball while it is rolling, as
in a year or two there will not be so good
chance from the hundred and thousands coming out to
these colonies. Just fancy on the day of our arrival at
William's Town, which is the port of Melbourne, no less
than 30 vessels came in and the same number went out,
and on one day during
our stay there, there was an addi-
tion to the population of 1,500. The Government aro in
the greatest fix to find shelter for one-half of the people
arriving ; the churches are thrown open at night as dormi-
tories ; there are about 60 tents on the reserve on the op-
posite bank of the river Yarra to that on which Melbourne
is situated, all let out by the Government to newly arrived
immigrants at the rate of ss. per week, and they are about
hiring a number of large ships lying idle in the bay from
want of hands for the same purpose. There is one large
ship there, the Duke of Bedford—she is, I believe, an
old East Indiaman—and the captain has been compelled
to turn her into a lodging-house, as all his sailors have
left him. You see fine large vessels of 1,400 and 1,500
tons lying there without a soul on board but a ship-
keeper, and I am told they have been this way for
months. The common boatmen get 10s. a day from
Government. Board and lodging you pay 41. a week
for, fowls are 12s. a pair, boots from 41. to 61., and every-
thing correspondingly dear, but the people are all
making money and do not mind the prices."
AMALGAMATION OP THE GRAND CANAL AND MD-
LAND GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY COMPANIES.--A
ooall-
tion has been formed between the Irish Grand Canal and
the Midland Great Western Railway Companies. The
junction is to be effected on the terms of giving 501. in
the United Company for 1001. Grand Canal Stock.

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