The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-23 00:00:00

to consolidate an alliance between religion and liberty.

Since the year 1849, when the expedition to Rome was
decided upon, all my letters, all my speeches, all the de-
spatches of my Ministers, hava invariably manifested that
tendency, and, according to circumstances, I have main-
tained it with a deep ccnviction, either at the head of a
limited power, as President of the Republic, or at the head
of a victorious army on the banks of the Mincio-
My efforts, I must cwn it, have hitherto been thwarted
by obstacles of every description, in the presence of two
parties diametrically opposed, absolute in their hatreds as in
their convictions, deaf to the counsels inspired by the sole
desire of their benefit. Is this a reason not to persevere,
and to abandon a cause grand in the opinion of all men, and
which must be beneficial to the welfare of mankind ?
It is urgent that the Roman question should be settled,
for it is not only in Italy that it disturbs public opinion—
everywhere it produces the same moral disorder, because it
touches upon what is most dear to man—religious and poli-
tical faith.

Each party substitutes its own exclusive sentiments in
the place of the real principles of equity and justice. Thus,
one party, forgetting the recognised rights of a Power
which has lasted for ten centuries, proclaims, without any
consideration for so ancient an acknowledged institution,

the fall cf the Papacy; another party, without regard for
the legitimate claims of the right of peoples, condemns
without a scruple a portion of Italy to eternal stagnation
and oppression, Thus, one party disposes of a still exist-
ing Power as if it was defunct, and the other of a people
that supplicates for life as if it was dead.
However this may be, it is the duty of statesmen to study
tha means for reconciling the causes which the play of

passion alone has rendered irreeoncileable. 'Suould the at.
tempt fail, it would not be inglorious, and under all el!,

curcstances, thQre is an advantage in frankly declaring the
object in view.
That object is to come to a combination by which the
Pope would adopt what is great in the idea of a people that
aspires to become a nation; and, on the other hand, the
people should recognise what is salutary in a Power the
influence of which extends over the whole universe.

On a prim 3 facie view, considering the prejudices and
hatreds, equal,y violent on either side, a favourable result
seems to be despaired of. But if, after examining into the
question, reason and common sense are appealed to, it is
gratifying to believe that truth, that Divine light, will
finally penetrate into every mind, and show the supreme
and vital interest which induces, which obliges the partisans
of the two opposed causes to come to an understanding and
to a reconciliation.

First of all, what is the interest of Italy ? It is to put
away from her every danger that threatens her, to diminish
the enmity she has caused, to upset everything which op-
poses her legitimate ambition of reconstituting herself. To
overcome so many obstacles they must be taken coolly.
Italy, as a new State, has against her all those who hold
to the traditions of the past ; as a State which has called
revolution to her assistance, she inspires di-trust to all men
of order. They doubt her power to put down anarchical
tendencies, and hesitate to believe that a society can firmly
find a basis upon the very elements which have upset so
many others. Finally, at her very gates she has a formid-
able enemy, whose armies and ill-will, easily understood,
will for a lung time be an imminent danger.
These antegonisms, already so serious in themselves, be-
come doubly so supporting themselves upon the interests of
the Catholic faith. The religious question adds cDnside-
ably to the gravity of the situation, and multiplies the
adversaries of the new order of things established beyond
the Alps. Not long ago the Absolutist party was the only
one opposed to it. Now, the majority of the Catholic
population in Europe are hostile to it ; ani that hostility
not only thwarts the benevolent intentions of the Govern-
' ments attached by their faith to the Holy See, but stops

the favourab o intentions of the Protestant or schismatic
Governments who have to deal with a considerable fraction
of their subjects. Thus, everywhere it is the religious idea
which cools the public feeling for Italy. Her reconciliation
with the Pope would obviate many difficulties, and rally
round her millions of adversaries.
On the oche: hind, the Holy See has an equal interest,
if not a stronger one, in this reconciliation ; for, if the
Holy See has zealous supporters among all fervent Ca,ho-
lies, it has against itself all the liberals if Europe. In
politics it is looked upon as the representative of the pre-
judices of the ancien regime, and in the eyes of Italy as
the enemy of her independence, the most devoted partisan
of reaction. This is why the Pope is surrounded by the
most violent adherents of fallen dynasties, and this com-
pany is not of a nature to procure for him the sympathy
of the people who upset those dynasties. Nevertheless,
this state of things does less harm to the Sovereign than
it does to th% Head of Religion. In Catholic countries,
where new ideas have a great hold, men who are
most sincerely attached to their faith feel troubled
in their conscience and doubts enter their minds, not know-
ing bow to reconcile their political convictions with religi-
ous principles which seem to condemn modern civilisation.
If this state of things, so pregnant with danger, should be
prolonged, there would be a risk of political dissensions
leading to lamentable dissensions in faith itself.
It is, therefore, in the interest of the Holy See, as well as
in that of religion, that the Pope and Italy should be recon-
ciled; for it would be a reconciliation with modern ideas,
it would keep 200 mill.= Catholics within the pale of the
Church, and give a new lustre to religion by showing faith
supporting the progress of mankind.
But upon what basis can so desirable a work be founded?
The Pope, brought to a reasonable view of the state of
affairs, would understand the necessity of accepting every-
thing which can bind him to Italy; and Italy, ceding to
the counsels of a wise policy, would not refuse to adopt
the guarantees necessary for the independence of the Sove-
reign Pontiff and for the free exorcise of;his power.
This double object might be attained by a combination
which, maintaining the Pope master in his own domain,
would remove the barriers which now separate his States
from the rest of Italy.
To be master in his domain, independence must be insured
to him, and his rule freely accepted by his subjects. It must
be hoped that it could be so—on the one hand, when the
Italian Government would take the engagement towards
France to recogni:e the States of the Church and the limi-
tation lice agreed upon ; on the other hand, when the
Government of the Holy See, returning to ancient tradi-
tions, would sanction the privileges of the municipalities
and of the provinces in such guise that they would, so to
say, govern themselves—for then the power of the Pope,
soaring in a sphere elevated above the secondary interest of
society, would be free from that responsibility which is
always heavy, and which only a strong Government can
stand.

The above general indications are not an Oiinnt;on
which I pretend to impose upon the two opponent parties,
but the basis of a policy which I think I ought to endeavour
to establish by our legitimate influence and by our disin-
terested advice.
Whereupon I pray God to have you in His good keeping.
VLEPN.