The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-07 00:00:00

been obtained," that the gun factory at Woolwich and Prussia may be looked upon as a sort of Ruse
" brought down the cost of the manufacture at sian reserve, and it would not be good for thee
Elswick 25 per cent," and that since the eats- world that the Danish fleet, which would be found.
blishment of the Government clo hing manufactory ranged on the side of the free Powers of Europe in•
at Pimlico "the contract price had been reduced)" case of an emergency, should be destroyed. We
it becomes impossible to denythat these departments can now easily prevent a thing which cannot be
do yield a substantial return. Nor must it be for- remedied if it be suffered to happen. If the Danish
goiten that such establishments are of extraordinary fleet is destroyed it cannot be replaced, While
value in cases of emergency. At periods of pres- that fleet exists, and harbours to lodge it in exist,
sure the Government, except for those resources, Denmark will exist. Let that fleet be destroyed,,
would be absolutely in the hands of private menu- and there will be an end of Denmark. It does not
facturers, and must submit to any terms imposed. follow that because we did not act when Austria.
One of the examples frequently taken is the case of and Prussia pledged their faith that there should.
transport ships. It is said that a large saving would be no call for action, and when action might have:
he effected by employing hired merchantmen ex- been difficult, therefore we are to remain quiescent
elusively on this service, but the price paid for such and inactive now that we have been taught what
service in the Crimean war was so enormous that importance to attach to the good faith and pro-
we might ;have built and maintained a fleet of Go- mises of the invadere, and when we could act on
vernment transports with the money. Mr. Cobden our own element with facility and with irresistible
compared the American practice with our own in force. A word in conclusion on the manner ire
regard to the supervision applied to the estimates which the invaders have thought proper to carry
by Parliament. We cannot say what has been done out their aggressions upon Denmark. Take an
Congress, but as far as official views are concerned illustration or two. They fix the amount,
we know that the Federal Government adopts ex- of the first instalment of the war contribu-
actly the theory advocated by our own. In the last tion of the people of Jutland at £96,000. If the
report made by the Federal Secretary of the Navy l share claimed from a town is not forthcoming, the
he enlarges on the absolute and immediate neces- municipality are forthwith seized and sent away
sity for creating public establishments on a scale prisoners, to bo kept as hostages until ransomed by
commensurate with the developments of the public liquidation of the imposqion. With a change of
service. He is all for Government yards, Govern- names and forms this is very like what those whom
ment arsenals, and Government manufactures. He the Pope seems to consider as pious soldiers of the
represents the case as urgent and the necessity as Faith, and whom the rest of the world consider as
incontestable, and follows exactly the argument brigands and murderers, are doing in Italy. What
advanced on Thursday evening, by observing, with property is not taken by order of the military
respect to certain new and important models, that authorities for the use of the army is taken by the
the Government, having "no suitable yard and soldiers for their individual use without any
establishment" for the execution of such works, is orders at all. What they cannot use they destroy,
" wholly in the hands of private parties to demand out of wanton mischief. It is downright " wilful
what they think proper, and prescribe their own damage," as our law understands the term. The
terms." The Americans, it is clear, are Prussian soldiers make bonfires of the houses, and
learning precisely the lesson which we learnt, fire on the inhabitants if they attempt to extinguish
and under very similar circumstances. To the flames. These things are circumstantially re-
be prepared for the emergency of war we must do lated in the letters of our correspondent at Copen-
one of two things—we must either keep an im- hagen which we have recently printed. German
mense quantity of stores, or be ready at any moment soldiers enter the shops and appropriate what they
to increase the rate of production. If we adopt the choose to lay their hands upon, without paying,
former system, we can procure our supplies by con- just as Germany appropriates Danish territory. In
tract ; but in that case, as Lord Hartington re- short, the conduct of the invaders towards the
marked, the interest of the money represented by Danes is just what it is in Posen and Galicia
those stores must be taken into the reckoning. Be- towards the Poles. Europe, to its misfortune, has
sides this, too, we run the risk of seeing our pat- seen the one country destroyed—will it suffer the
terns superseded by better models, and of finding , other to share the like fate ?
ourselves with an enormous stock of inferior and
unserviceable arms. From these liabilities Govern-
ment factories relieve us. They enable us, at a time
of pressure, to obtain considerable supplies without
the delay of an instant, or the slightest accession of
charge; and they act also to a proportionate extent
in depressing the prices which would otherwise be
asked by the private manufacturers whose assistance
is called in. These are good reasons why the trade
should object to such establishments, but they are
also reasons why the public should take a diffe rent
view of the case, It should he observed, however,
that the objections raised on Thursilay evening
were directed not so much, perhaps, against the
system of these establishments in itself as against
the proportions which it had assumed. The practice
has grown upon us, and is growing. We used to
confine ourselves to the manufacture of ships, but
now we try our hands at everything, from gigantic
ironclads down to small arms and soldiers' tunics.
Is that advisable ? We imagine that the mischief
would lie, not in applying the principle to a variety
of departments, but in carrying it too far in any one
of them. The same consideration which would re.
commend a Government factory for rifles would
also recommend one for military clothing, for one
branch of trade requires checks as well us another.
But there would be no advantage in carrying any
manufacture beyond the point at which thedesired
results are secured. When we are certain that we
can meet a sudden pressure by an instantaneous in-
crease of production, and that we have obtained
the necessary control over contract prices, the Go-
vernment manufacture has been carried far enough.
Thus far, however, we are of opinion that it may
be carried with advantage. That theee is much to
be said on both sides of the question we readily ad-
mit. Government establishments, it may be freely
conceded, are often extravagant. but we are by no
means sure that private establishments, if relieved
from competition, would be economical. What we
do now is to make the cost of work done at home
check the cost ol work done by contract, and we
are disposed to believe that we find our account in
the results.
POST.—The proceedings of the invaders of Den-
mark on land are a sufficient indication of what
they will do by sea if they are able and are suffered
to have their own way. It is not only the fact of
what they have done, but the way in which they
have done it, that calls for reprobation. It was only
three months ago that the invaders, who have since
overrun and occupied the mainland, and now
threaten to seize the islands, solemnly declared it
was their intention to respect the integrity and in-
dependence of Denmark. They interfered to take
the matter out of the hands of the minor States and
the democrats, who were bent upon dismembering
a neighbouring country. There were not wanting
sceptics, however, who ventured to intimate their
suspicions that when once the Duchies were occu-
pied, under colour of an execution or any other
pretext, the invaders would not stop until they had
accomplished what they have accomplished. When
war is once begun it will go on of itself till the
belligerents are tired ; and, when one of the belli-
gerents is stronger than the other in the propor-
tion of a dozen to one, he will not grow tired while
his opponent is capable of offering resistance. As
it has turned out, the prophets of evil were true
prophets. Those who ventured to steeped the
honour and good faith of Austria and Prussia proved
right, and those who trusted and believed in the
honour and the promises of those Powers, wrong.
Austria and Prussia solemnly promised to do one
thing and have done another. They have not only
done a different thing from what they promised to
do, but they have done a thing which is the exact
reverse of what they promised, and they have done
it in a way at which humanity revolts. Though
they determined to occupy Denmark, they might
have shown some respect for property, some regard
for civilised usages, some decent affectation of hu-
manity. They might at least have simulated a
show of virtue if they did not possess the reality.
But they have exhibited as great an indifference for
the appearances of propriety and humanity as for
humanity itself. If those who predicted that the
invaders would act as they have acted were now to
predict that if Austria and Prussia are allowed to
do as they please, and are able to do it, they will
destroy the Danish navy, by fair means or foul,
perhaps they would meet with a less sceptical re-
ception for their misgivings. The declaration that
the Austrian and Prussian fleets are only intended
to protect German ships in northern waters corres-
ponds to the declaration that the invasion of the
Danish Duchies was only for the purposes of Fede-
ral execution and to keep the minor States out of
mischief ; except that it is hardly so plausible and
innocent in point of form, and comes at a less paci-
fic juncture in point of time. If the combined Aus-
trien and Prussian fleets were able to destroy and
actually did destroy the Danish navy, could it be
said that this was more treacherous or more against
law and good faith that what the invading Powers
have already done on land ? This question is only
susceptible of a negative answer from all who know
the facts. The report that the Austro-Prussian fleet
was preparing to attack that of Denmark only gives
definite form and substance to what is passing in
men's minds. Everybody is morally certain about what
Austria and Prussia want to do. The acts of these
Powers, in diametrical contradiction with their pro-
fessions, incontestably prove what are their real
objects and designs. The only condition of carrying
them out is, that they are able to do so, and are
allowed by other Powers to do so. Will other
Powers allow this ? We have heard a great deal
about the principle of non-intervention forbidding
one Power to interfere in a quarrel between others.
But we have yet to learn that the true significance
of this doctrine is that all the nations of Europe are
to stand by, apathetic and quiescent spectators,
while a strong Power conquers and destroys, dis-
members and absorbs, a weak one. The real mean-
ing of non-intervention is that other Powers shall
not interfere in the domestic affairs of a notion, as
Russia did when she crushed the Hungarians at the
instance of Austria. But it would have been no
violation of the principle of non-intervention for
other Powers to have prevented Russia from violat-
ing it. It was a vindication of the principle of non-
intervention when the Western Powers prevented
Russia by force from dismembering Turkey. The
Crimean war was substantially and really a war to
maintain the principle of non-intervention. It
would be no violation of non-intervention, but a
vindication of it, to prevent Austria and Prussia
from dismembering Denmark. To dismember an
independent State is of itself as gross a violation of
the principle of non-intervention as can well be con-
ceived. Non-intervention implies the integrity and
independence of nations; and to violate that in-
tegrity and independence is to violate the principle
of non-intervention. Whatever difficulty there
might have been about sending an army in mida
winter to defend Denmark against her invadershy
land, there can be no difficulty at this season in send-
ing a fleet toDanish waters. An army might have
hid to fight, and fight against a much greater nume-
rical force, but at sea the case is reversed, and what
would be only a small equadronjudged by English
standard, would be enough to sweep from the waters
all the men of war which Austria and Prussia
have in the world. The mere presence of the
English fleet would be quite sufficient to overawe
the aggressors. Not only the Austrian and Prute
sian navies, but the Austrian and Prussian ports
and seaboard—what little they have—are com-
pletely at our mercy. The naval power of Austria