The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

THE " SATURDAY RE-VIEW ON PROFESSIONAL
SPOUTERS.—At the rrinaose•hill meeting there
were comparatively few who looked at all like those
to whom, in busineee and the affairs of ordinary life
the title " working man" would be applied. Consi-
dering its object and nature, the number or boys
who had felt their duty to attend was remarkable.
A considerable fraction, perhaps even a fifth, seemed
to be under the age of 20, This perhaps was owing
to a lurking hope in the breasts of these young
champions of liberty that there was going to be a
row. To the lively imagination of youth, the glazed
hat of a policeman is as typical of tyranny as that
of Gesler, and the chance of dancing on it in
a melee would naturally prove a strong attrac-
tion. Their enthusiasm, however, cost them
dear, at least come of the smaller once who
got embedded in the crowd. It was
touching, wren there was any allusion---as there
was frequently—to Denmark crushed to death be-
tween Austria and Prussia, or to Poland trampled
under foot by the iron heel of the depost, to hear
these small friends of freedom shrilly crying "'ear,
'ear," They, at any rate, fully sympathieed with
Denmark and Poland. Another remarkable feature
wss the number of unattached spouters who, as
their names were not in the programme for the
evening, were tinxicas to get an innings before the
regulars began. One poor man had hese at the
pains to write out his sentiments in a good etout
msnuscript-boom, which he endeavoured to read.
But the crowd apparently did not consider it re.
spectful to address them out of a written document,
and treated his arguments with ridicule, rutting
questions to him which more frequenel9 referred to
hhiso wrnaosthleerftthaadndtroesTiengrigeh ofnb
empty
i,typdaittc meeting
s'ies_o ruh;aatn
isd
w'do el'e
the equivalent for benches in the case of an open-
air discussion—the moment the real Simon Pares
appeared on the scene, which they did arm-in-arm.
Why do committee-men proceeding to busewss
always walk arm in.arm? Is it meant to serehOlis
perfect unanimity ? If so, the I, ..-j -I
- -'
Comity, as the persons
aortnedmittitieeew(4. tinhe.
sieted on calling them; wr;c as nhaniMOßE a. body
rasawclouokng
ldrbiede•sir',
-.
e . A 8 we have already said that
Were not ae'netdyipalistnht,yir, it is only fair
to stale
best to point
physical labour in the
nr,:e the Idnifttitninhelliveleg' character of the meeting by
pvaanttionfgtahne member carry-
ingservrehries
Was a
the Italian tricolor. The flagstaff was heavy,
the evening warm, the ascent steep, and hpet'spired
free/y. The subject of these irregulars and of the re-
protes instanceano!
gulars who followed them Was the NtlitifN od the
style very similar. Any one Who had ever listened
for five minutes to a debate in the Discussion
Forum or any similar school of oratory might have
easily recognised the tone of the professional
spouter. Beginning by dilating on hiB own grie-
vances—the tyrannical O)nduct of his employer, for
instance-s-this tort of gentleman gets known among
his compoators as a " fellow that has the gift of
the gab ;" then, trying a higher H 1 ight, he seeks the
bubble reputation eYen In Coger's Hall, and perhaps
-gains it to an extent that makes it welrth the land-
lord's while tO entek into an arrangement with him
relaliVo to refreshment on advantageous terms,
and so by degrees notaeS to be a cnnfirmed
pubic deliverer rif *ell rounded platitudes. i'
is easy to conceive gentlemen of this sort
being driven to the verge of desperation by
the grievance-famine under thin iliey have suf-
fered for a long ranee There has been such a,total
want of any good subject foritaie
'es that tint fdr Gari-
baldi they Mt have bintt. il'e do net for amoment
mean to say that the speakers deputed to address
thetneeting on Primrose-hill were necessarilY per-
sons who had received their nrateribal edubation in
this way. We Wish heartily that it had been so,
because, however pardonablO in a Pethonse Cillero,
ir is painful when a bash tit edilnation talks blatant
bunkum to a crowd of People less qualified to dis-
tinguish between right and wrong than himeelf.
As to Mr. Washington Wilkee We heVe nothing to
say. A man riAt% ttch, a name can hardly help
himself; he may be almost conSidered as lisv,ing
been predestined to a career of &ide-bailee: But
there was no roason *hy M. Beales should in-
sinuete that there was a desire on t
any one:s par
to interfere with the privilege of free discussion; or
why he should invite a crowd of nr4'dileathd , or at
least slightly eciiieatt2d teen to 44 allow no
o f nee
profane
this
hand to be !nu:eh:heti out against
tionat liberty'" Ho knew perfectlywell that it
was no question of the art: of national liberty
that nobody trthted to profane it- He kl' Ibe
new that
. _
the only question was whether the Ark aforesaid
was to be carried about
d. bY any self constituted
d i
David and set '‘in in any place where he might
think fit tO dance before it 44 as one of, the yam tei_
lowe,° with more or lessindecen end eelsiegarn ofaY
the !public comfort, froLody wants to interfere
with the t' ht of Mr. Beales'B "people" to hold
open-air meetings; but, unfortunately,‘lVlr I3ealcs's
says the::" :11:;', to people want, or at least he
Inter-
fere with the right, ,ds.: Vae, people in general in
the Parka, "i'
- °less listening to a speech of Mr
Bealeet'a can be fairly described as public recreation;
the Parks are not kept up for hini to atter`elir eet..-
ings in. Nor is it a queetic in the sense
°l' l'*'
in which Me, steahse mould have it understood, It
is a queeti'en of order. It is a question of the com-
fort and convenience of the public which the Govern-
ment, as trustee for the public, le bound to preserve
by such means as may be necessary. There is no
Positive law against bathing at noon-day in the Ser-
pentine, but Mr. Beales and his friends could
hardly complain if Mr. Cowper took steps to
prevent their coining en masse, and going through
an operation, healthful and invigorating in itself,
and in its proper place highly commendable,
but, under such circumstances, quite out of piece.
The comparison is not an extreme one. If Mr.
Beales and his friends are to bold meetings about
riaribaldi in Hyde-Park, there is, of course, no rea-
son why the admirers of the Pope should not also
assemble to discuss the affairs of that other eminent
Italian. The meetings—such is the Celtic tempera-
ment—might happen to cense off simultaneously,
and, in that case, we think most of the quiet fre-
quenters of the park would much prefer the spec-
tacle of Mr. Beales and a bevy of working men ir.
the costume of nature, to the treat which his anxiety
in the cause of public speaking had provided for
them.

THE " SPECTATOR" ON M. THIERS' GREAT
SPEECH.— }lis magnificentspeech, upon the Budget,
magnificent because, like Mr. Gladstone, he makes
long columns of figures as interesting as a die.
eourbe upon foreign policy or internal reform, is a
mere flash in the pan. He depicts the enormous
expenditure of the empire in colours which might
make an economist shudder; bat then he has no

reduction to recommend. The army, he says, costs
greatly too much) and then are "00,000 men on
foot, bet France has and will have 100,000 men
abroad, including Algeria. 250,000 men are required
for garrison duty, and she has therefore only 250,000
men available for foreign service. With that force,
in his judgment, "she is, perhaps, the only Power
in Europe on a peace f"oun"t;' Tree :nee; network
of reilwaese tesll &d'd a million to the burden of the
State, tet they have been commenced, and must be
finished. The civil expenditure has been enormously
raised, but " intelligent officials must be placed on
a level with the classes among ?chows tees
The marine require" ..teen ells, Last the ships are
abroad, cue !settee:llOn is impossible until they are
at teethe again. And so it goes on, subject by sub-
ject, till the orator acknowledges that the Empire
has increased the annual expenses by thitty-two
millions sterling a year, and beeste fete a perora-
tion which ehilt be aea,epted throughout
Franee an a justification of the outlay. "I
may be told that this general increase of 500 or
600 millions causes alarm, but that all may be
explained by a closer scrutiny. Yes, all May be
explained if every three et twee years a great war
is undertaken Witeout giving the country time to
breathe, Such a war as the Crimean, undertaken
for a defiuite object, or a war for an idea, such as a
Polish war might have been, and the Y.taliait tar
certainly was; and thee,c.n the interval, little petty
wars, petty iii their objects, great in their cost.
Yess in that way all is explained ; for we have a
deficit every year, and thus we have striped at an
increase of 30') millions in the public debt; all is
made clear if it is wished at one and the same
moment to add eireeiegee, to the (oVernment, to
augment calaries, to demolish and reconstruct cities,
to organise the army in the most costly manner, to
add to the obligatory expense of transforming our
marine that of distant expeteittehe tie tented em-
pires, to confer netts And then a crown, in that way,
I repeats att Is explained." What Frenchman alive,
knowing that he is armed to fight for an idea, that
the official world he hopes to enter is powerful and
well paid, that the Government ie recenstrittiting
cities, founding etenitee) teatiel'orthing armaments,
giving away browns, will not accept that position
as compensation for high taxes and higher rents ?
We believe, as a matter of fact, that the indirect
teaching of the speech is mere correet than its pro-
fessed object, that Prane,e bee tatted its penny.
worth for its penny, that as far as material civilisa-
tion anti external power are concerned the Empire
has given full value for all it has exacted. Napoleon
has broken up the old coalition of Europe, has raised
France again to her natural position es leader of the
Continent, has so increased the facilities of commu-
nication, the inducements to trade, the habit of
speculation, and the actual produce of the country
—for example, the vineyards and the mines—that
France pays 80 millions a year more easily than
she paid fifty. But thea what kind of statesman-
ship is it which detesting the ray- line for other
reasons attacks it on its strongest side The
Liberals of France deplore the awful " corvee of
blood," the 100,000 youths exacted year by year,
and M. Thiers says France is the only Power which
has no need to disarm ; they rage at the power of
sending untried men to Cayenne, and he talks of
the cost of the police; they mourn the decay of
intellectual vigour, and he hesitates about railways
which are equalising advantages throughout the
country ; they lament the surrender of education to
priests, and he objects to a rise of schoolmasters'
salaries ; they sigh tor freedom to guide and regu.
late all this fierce activity, and he questions whether
activity be of itself a good. His speech is answered
as it is spoken for he enumerates the purchasers,
and forgets all of the price not expressed in money.
It is as if an invalid officer should say, " I spent a
thousand pounds in buying this pension for life, and
the coat was great," forgetting that he has also spent
a lifetime and a leg. Once, and once only, did M.
Thiers rise to the level of his position. He wanted
to say that the cure for expenditure was Parliamen-
tary control, a dangerous topic for any other man
in France. M. Tbiers, however, though Bones
partist by instinct) was trained in a school other
than that of the taieite, and has the tact of speech
which i 4 ti.dt ateen to men who are never contra-
dicted. M. Fould, he says, advised the relinquish-
ment of the right to order supplementary credits,
and the preroeetiise *as resigned. " Had I bet n
then in his Majesty's councils, I should have said,
with the ti.rofotiod respect due to his august per-
son and high dignity, Sire, do not renounce the
right of decreeing supplementary credlte t it is
impossible to ferettee that they may not be re-
quired le the eoilisc or t deaf ; end then it would
be necessary to
,violate the law, an act always
to be dephieed, I should beee added—' instead of
deprieing us of this valuable faculty, allow me
to venture a criticism on your policy, and to this
end restore the relations between myself and my
collo:1)0es? Mkd then bot'otetti them and the Cham-
bets.' " That introduction of a demand for the
responsibility of Ministers into the Corps Legielatif
without reproof from Imperialists is admirably done,
but even in this M. Thiers diiplaya his secret in-
stincts, He does not ask that the greatest right
of despotism, that of spending national money with-
out the nation's consent, should be abolished or re-
strainee, He would retain it in full, but make the
power beneficial and transfer it to himself. If
these are the criticisms to which the Empire is to
be submitted in the annual dcbite it will add to its
many victories one in the tribune: The Empire
has crushed out freedom and impaired intellectual
vigour, placed the thinkers under the heel of the
peasants, and statesmen beneath the soldiery,
stopped the progress of population and destroyed
the security of social intercourse, turned all Freassh
men into gamblers and destroyed ell belief in politi-
cal morality, made of every seven a„courtier and
rendered every politician liable to seayenne, and
then M.Thiers declares that its vice is an expendi-
ture which, as every Frenchman sees, has some-
thing like a fivefold return. Napoleon gives France
a stone for bread, and the great Orleanist only
grumbles that the stone was paid for.
THE " LONDON RILTIEW" ON THE ROYAL PRE-
EOOATItE.--These high authorities (the writer has
been quoting from the "Lord's Journals and from
Hallam's " Constitutional History") establish
that, While foreign treaties and wars are by theory
subject to the Sovereign's despotic will, they are
matters for which Ministers Can be ealled,to account
and peniehed by the severest penalties, under the
principle that it iS Only by them that the
Sovereign acts: And this being the undoubted
lave, theia must follow the rule, as clearly in foreign
as in home affairs, that the Sovereign is not justified
by the Constitution in acting against the advice of
ruinisteit, Who moist thee bear the responsibility ;
and that Parliament ;s "titled to act by previous
discussion as amply as by subsequent itnpeasehment.
Neer has this implied rule been departed from since
the date of the refeeeineteftece which established it.
If, on any edeasion, treaties hate been concluded, or
seatie eleseleteeL fot Whieh the ptevious sanction of
Parliament, expressed !a netetietakeable votes, has
not been given, it has been becatise Parliament has
(iirt44allY cnintnitted to the Government for the time
the power of negotatiol); No instance in modern
history ban be quoted whete it has far a moment
paeeed Millitry either to confer an the Sove-
reign alone suen peiereee, tie to aermiesee its his
exercise of such powers in contraventlesee hY 'Minis-
terial advice. Blest as this nation has been so: a
quarter Of a eatittirer reith a Sovereign whose exem-
plary private life has bsen etilialle2 by her strict
adherence to eebstitittional principles in home poli-
tica, it has had iio heel:sateen to iequire critically
into her relations with her respentible Minititets, or
to suspect that in this age there could be danger of
an extension of the Royal prerogative. Yet it may
perhaps seem, to the Balm eheeseee of human
net uret scarcely possible that in a female reign some
such eueitidne tithettlel not 'awe nefAliari-
' ties of disposition and temperament which Make a
woman most loveable and:most sacred, are precisely
those which tend to urge her, in such a position, to
the exeeeitte i
of ferbitiden 'sowers. It would be
almost Unnatural t ani::h an dug t ot be moved
by family feeling and by tender metheeiete tteoeld
not struggle to support her wishes by her authority,
and ehonld bp Ole to weigh against these motives
the polley of ti`ltatb di)a the Unwritten restraints
of the Constitution. But unhappily that which
tends to the overstepping of the constitution makes
the teatisgreasioh dOtiblfr daceerotis. Personal go-
verntnent, iti the hands of a man so eteaty, an expe-
riented, so impassive, as the Emperor of the French,
may, during Dee genetation4 he successful ; but
personal goeernment, virtual or aedstel, exercised
by a Worean's intellect, deprived of the maeeeline
support on *kith for 20 years it avowedly leant,
guided by a woman's knowledge, awl inspired by a
woman's feelings, eats neither represent the leterests
of the hatiob' fair copy \kith the astuteness of foreign
diplomacy, For these reasons, we have thought it
right to mall to attention that in foreign
as wen an iii domestic rule, the edeetitation subjects
the sovereign, norainehy supreme, to the same re-
straints. It removes the responsibility from het to
her Ministets) by assigning to them, not to her, the
right to act. And If the liqhtly reckon such re-
sponsibility, we dare not. isor eete tee, ff.! e y one
of us, are responsible to God for our shire in the
nation's deeds. We can, if we will, do what is
right; we can, if we choose, take arms against op-
pression, and beat back in time the advance of vio-
lence and anarchy in Europe. And
if this be our
power, our duty goes with it. If we fail in its per.
formance the penalty will lie on us and on our chil-
dren ; for the constitution tells ea that the Queen
can do no wrong, and reason tell us as plainly that
whatever wrong is done by
by its head but by its membetthsis station is not done
members.
THE " EXAMINER " ON PARIfAMENTAILY LYNCH
LAW.—There are things whit la get such a twist of
e,rrcr at first that they never c ti 3 bo got straight and

right again. As the French phrase it, the erase has
taken and cannot be eaced. Of this class is the
case of Mr Lowe, the victim of Parliamentary tynah
law. A resolution of the House waa levelled at
him, which applied to him was wholly false. It
served, however, to drive him from office, and
noo PtAn.(lB on the raCerds of the ,houveto be fitted
to the case of some other, any other, dllctr of the
Council-office. This Lord R. Cecil distinctly states.
It is the old story of the wolf and the lamb, little as
Mr. Loweiresembles the helpless animal, "If it was
not you; it was one of your family." The mutila-
tion Of reportB is charged in the .*esttltitioni and
triumphantly, says Lord Robert Cecil, a line in the
report of a Mr. Morel' has been suppressed ! The
single swallow proves the summer. It was said the
resolution had het a leg to stand upon: It is false,
answers Lord Robert, here is its leg, the wordsi
" cenSidering hoW recently the present teachers
have been in charge'' streek out of Mr. Morell's
report. There is the one leg, and sa'h a leg ! The
line was not struck out by Mr. Lowe, but by Mr.
Lingen. But what of that ? There is a consistency
in thi, joint; Mr Lowe was convicted first and tried
afterwards. i'he resolution sidled tit him as passed
was entirely groundless, but after it was put oil the
journals of the honourable house a ground has been
discovered for it—a very small ground certainly,
and perhaps r ottea, tat nritih eld it id an afterthought
and if Mr. Lingen should finally be acquitted, like
Mr. Lowe, the resolution will nevertheless stand
good to have a shot at some one else in the Council-
office. And all this conies of Education, the most
fruitful source of strife of our contentiduati es, The
truth is clear enough that the resolution ought to
have been ieseinded. It was founded on mistaken
evidence, and passed, as Mr. Osborne says, when the
Homeric rage of hunger was superadded to the pas•
sion of party; Oue thing is but too certain, that
Mr. Lowe has been treated with great injustice,
and an injuslice which cannot be repaired. As re-
gards him, what can a committee of inquiry ascer-
tain that has' not already been confessed, that he is
blameless The only question is whether he was run
down by his enemies or abandoned by his friends ;
perhaps a delectable mixture of both. The puzzle
to the public is something like the dilemma in
whieh the old schoolmen put the character of
Lucretia. Si casta quare trucidata f si non quaro,
lauEiata t If blameless, Why is Mr. Lowe out of
office ; if not blameless, why universally acquitted P
Has he, indeed, like Lucretia, to whom he bears EO
many points of resemblance, been more tenacious of
tithe than of reality P Be that as it may, it is
something for him to have to boast, as ne may
safely do, that he is the worst used man of his day.
But his time will come, for talents such as his, once
known and appreciated, proved and approved,
cannot be lost to the public service ; and there is
that in him which will never let it be forgotten
that he is not where he ought to be and has a right
to be, by title of intellectual merit.

THE " JoHN BULL" ON THE ETHICS OF Go-
YERNMENT.—Ia the ancient monarchies and repub-
lics it was deemed the highest function and most
important duty of Gueernment to make men vir-
tuous. I'he greatest statesman was be who could
by positive enactments do most to accomplish this
end, and the best-ordered commonwealth was that
which most readily accepted such laws and most
strenuously enforced them ;
Si quairit Pater ilrbitun
Inscribi statuis, indomitarn audeat
Renfranare licentiam.
But the lawgiver of old had to supply his citizens
with a religion as well as law in the modern sense
of the word—he had to train their spiritual life as
well as their social life. We, living under the
Gospel, have gradually learned that Christianity is
a better agent for making men virtuous than muni-
cipal law can be. The State is acquiring the
habit of leaving such matters to the Church, and
the Church, though she has still at times a han-
kering after the help of the civil sword to enforce
her sanctions, finds that on the whole she is more
patent without such auxiliaries. Nevertheless there
is still in Parliament a great deal of leg'slation
which is proposed or accomplished with the view,
generally a very honest and sincere one, of "making
men virtuous by statute." And the same principle
constantly crops out in the incidental discussions
which arise in Parliament on points of govern-
ment or legislation. Thus on Thursday night last,
when Sir Edward llering suggested to the autho-
rities of the Woods and Forests that it would be
a reasonable and cheap kindness to put up two
or three sheds in the vicinity of Rotten-row so as
to furnish the fair equestrians of that spot with a
place of refuge when a sudden shower cl rain
might come on, Mr. Scully was amusingly sarcastic
at the notion of Parliament spending any time or
money for the comfort of Aaonyma and her tribe
of " pretty hormebreakers." Sir Edward Dering,
with the legitin_ate indignation of a father of a
family and a county member, protested against the
assumption aria he had referred to " that class of
ladies," But seriously we do not see, when a little
matter of public convenience of this sort is in ques-
tion, that our legislators have any right to speculate
as to the class of ladies that will evail themselves
of it. Rain falls on the evil and the good, and
virtue looks to higher rewards than an umbrella at
the public cost. Some years ago there was a cry
to rernole the colonnade in the Quadrant, on the
ground that when the weather was bad people took
refuge there who had much better have been at one
of the "midnight meetings." So whenever an
arcade is projected protests are immediately entered
against the plan on the like ground. We think
this sort of thing carries State supervision a little
too far. If the thing is needed for general conve-
nience the Legislature hue no right to be curious
as to the undeserving people who may partake
in the benefits of it, or even abuse theizt. On
this ground (though we certainly do not subscribe to
Mr. Roeback's angry and uncharitable denuncia-
tions on the subject) we were glad that the House
of Commons rejected Mr. Somes's Bill on Friday
week. We fully grant that Sunday observance
constitutes (at first sight at least) an eaception to
the principle for which we have been contending,
that the State has no right to control us in matters
of morality unless these matters can be shown to
have a direct connection with our social duties,
Legislation on the subject of Sunday is necessary to
guard the interests of those who would unduly
safer by observing the day, if others were left at
liberty to desecrate it. In all such cases no
doubt a strong claim ought to be made out by
those who feel themselves aggrieved. We cannot
think that any argument of this kind could have
been urged in behalf of Mr. Somes's measure.
People must eat and drink on Sundays as well as
on week-days, and other people must perforce work
in the culinary duties reqeired for the purpose.
This sort of work will probably on the whole be
considerably increased by lightening the weekly
labours of Meritornes and other functionaries
whom Mr. Somes may profess to consider his clients.
To the general public it is a great accomoda•
tion to be able to obtain reasonable refreshment at
these places on
.Sundays ; and if some people abuse
the accommodation by eating or drinking too much,
or by making an unseemly noise over their viands
and liquors, that is no reason why the well-disposed
part of the community should be mulcted of their
freedom in the matter. We will say the same of
what we may call Sir George Grey's Curfew Bill.
He proposes that the State shall do its best to curb
the licence of those who propose to themselves not
to "go home till morning" by providing that no
one keep a house of entertainment open be-
t the hot,. sof 1 and 4 a.m. Now it may be
very proper that we: 611".1d all be in bed by one
o'clock; Put we do not rise that the State should
candle—more
see us to tied and take away ot::
t.
especially when it in done for our own eood an
this, we presume, is the motive of Sir George Grey's
d
action in the matter. No doubt there are hotmee
of this kind where disreputable and lawless
people Congregate, turning night into day, and
making a very ill;-spent day of it. But, on the other
hand, there are a great many of us who, though
spending the night in a manner comparatively re-
speetable, have still a fancy for "hearing the chimes
at midnight" and something more. Arc these
people—perhaps very exceptional in their dimpa-
tion—to be cut short in their nocturnal festivr
ties ? Malvolio to put on a policemsns
garb and to come upon us with the Queen's
authority ? Beeline Sir George Grey is virtuous
—the quotation is something musty: All such
nights are not necessarily demoralising. Has Sir
George Grey never looked in at the festive halls of
Mr Patrick Green in Covent- gardeu, and ob-
served what that worthy entertainer has done to
provide a pleasant and respectable gathering for the
young lawyers, medical students, and other care-
less spirits who are looking about for amusement
after the theatres? Yet Mr. Green's house will,
we suppose, be closed under Sir George Grey's
legislation wnen the clock strikes one, and his audi-
ence dispersed to roam the streets. These are the
classes which are out for pleasure ; the bill perhaps
will fall still more hardly on carters who come to
Covent-garden market at three o'clock in the morn-
ing and find the houses closed where they met to
seek their early refreshment. We do not suppose
that the Home Secretary's Bill will pass, but the
failure of such schemes has frequently a bad effect
in itself.

THE THREE HEROIC BROTHERS, THE NAPIERS,
AT THE BATTLE OF Buvico.—Charles Napier,
"advancing on tho 4th of March, ISII, met a litter of
branches borne by soldiers, and covered with a blanket.
What wounded officer is that ?' ' Captain Napier
(George), of the 52d—a broken limb.' Another litter fol-
lowect. Who is that ?' 'Captain Napier (William), of
the 43d, mortally wounded.' Charles Napier looked at
them, and passed onto the fight in front."