The Sun.
London, England, 1852-05-27 00:00:00

TE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY

both peoples. It is not owing, certainly, to any lack
of zeal and perseverance on the part of certain emi-
nent organs of public opinion in vituperating and vi-
lifying the extraordinary personage who presides over
the destinies of the French Republic by the universal
acclaim of its citizens, that a very bitter feeling of
enmity towards this country is not excited in the
breasts of the ruling powers of France. Yet such is
the sense generally entertained of the friendly inten-
tions and prudential views of the PRINCE PRESIDENT,
that even capitalists have taken no serious alarm as
to the interruption of friendly relations between the
countries. " War," truly says the writer in the
Presse, "between France and England would not
only be a war between two powerful nations, but it
would be Europe shaken to its foundations ; it would
be the whole world given up to murder, fire, and de-
vastation." The consequences would indeed be in-
calculable; but we cannot believe so far in the retro-
gradation of political common sense as to believe
that any differences, should any such arise, would
not have as fair a chance of being pacifically
arranged, as when the relations of the two countries
were deeply affected on account of the affairs of
Greece, no very long time since, yet without any
perturbation of the general peace. "In 1840, at the
time of the events of the East, war was still pos-
sible, but it did not take place ; in 1850, at the
time of the affairs of Greece, it was no longer pos-
sible." No—without entailing results of indescrib-
able calamity, in consequence of the equal domina-
tion of England and France over the interests of
mankind, though by different means; the one ex-
tending her domination to the most remote countries
by her immense commerce, the other, by her
natural position a rival to England on both
seas, by her army a most influential con-
tinental power, thus counterbalancing the
influence which England exercises in other parts
of the world. Two mighty, but younger empires,
Russia and the United States, complete the universal
political equilibrium. So, that were an obstinate
war to break out between England and France,
the whole world would be dragged into
it, however desirous of constraining them to
peace. A fearful responsibilty ! and what would be
the results ? "All that France might lose in in-
fluence on the European continent, Russia would
gain, and Russia is the rival of England in Asia.
The increase of her power would be a diminution of
the English power. England victorious, but ex-
hausted in men and money, would see the CZAR com-
mand at Constantinople, advance towards the interior
of India ; and she would be fortunate if some of her
possessions did not escape her by declaring them-
selves independent. Victory for England would be
as terrible as defeat. All that England might lose
on the seas, where France possesses almost
nothing, would profit to the United States,
and the American Union is the rival of Eng-
land, in North America, for Canada ; in the repub-
lics of the South, in China, Sec., for commerce. The
American union by its ports on the Pacific Ocean is
in the centre of that action. England conquered,
would never regain her supremacy. What
would France gain ? Nothing. Some glorious
pages added to her history, some flags blackened with
gunpowder, to suspend from the dome of the Inva-
lides, some names to transmit to posterity— such would
be the prize she would obtain from the blood of her
children, and the immense sacrifices she would have
imposed on herself. A conflict would cause the
twoilleacueEs in the cradle to become men.' But in
this conflict England might lose her commercial
power, which is her life ; whilst France would risk
her blood and treasure."
These and the like prudential considerations we
sincerely believe to actuate the minds of the think-
ing French community. Of course, however high an
opinion may be entertained of the good and peaceful
intents of one's neighbour, it is fatuity to assume an
attitude of non-self-protection, provocative of insult
or peril. Self-respect should debar that puerile
ostentation of weakness which some would have us
exhibit, and therefore it is that we have ever upheld
the justice and expediency of maintaining an internal
force of respectable efficiency, and especially of up-
holding in ample strength that true bulwark and
unconquered champion of the nation—the British
Navy. But, humanly speaking, and putting mere
feelings of philanthropy aside, we look upon those
of self-interest to be so powerful as to
guarantee most satisfactorily the improba-
bility of aggression on the part of France.
Whoever might be the actual French ruler, were
he insane enough to contemplate, and unfortunate
enough to be supplied with, the necessary means of
attempting or even effecting an invasion of England,
he would, sooner or later, however speedy or pro-
tracted the results, be but compassing his own down-
fall and destruction. And we believe Prince LOLLS
NAPOLEON to be possessed of too much foresight,
caution, and knowledge of the world, to give a mo-
ment's serious consideration to an outrageous project
which, if it ever be attempted to be carried into ex-
ecution, will be when the Red Republic comes
to be established in France, and the affairs of
England administered by a Committee of the Peace
Society.

1,3 •::711

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC,

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
There is an article of enormous length in the Presse
on the rumours, or rather the speculations, about a
war between England and France. The writer
shows that neither country has anything to gain by
war, and that each has much to lose. France, he as-
serts, has no intention of a war, and England, even if
such intention existed on this side of the Channel, has
too many reasons of interest to allow it to prevail.
As to the best guarantees for peace between the two
nations, the first is the certainty that Governments
cannot, as they used to do, plunge into war without
the full concurrence of the people, and although there
may not be at this moment the same mode of mani-
festing the will of the French nation as then was
under the constitutional regime, public opinion has
still its means of expression, and will make itself
heard. Secondly, and this, perhaps, is the most cer-
tain guarantee for peace, we are to consider the enor-
mous change that has taken place in the means of war.
Each country has produced of late years an immense
number of improvements in the means of destruction.
se rof ambition
ihonaesgms
probability btohe iftai omns
means
a f
auo
lsrl
officers War wouldaspi
aspiring
ibneg noto longerbighe a g
higher
grades,am fort
is that in a single campaign nineteen of twenty would
be destroyed. War would no longer be the risking
portionof a few o
regiments orth
ea
hope
e o
f ships,d e or
of the antagonist to a much greater extent ; it would
be the destruction of one power, and an exhaustion of
the other in an almost equal degree. It is to be
hoped, too, that the sense of moral obligation has
gained ground with the progress of civilization, and
that rulers as well as nations will reflect twice
before they sin once.
The Assemblee Nationale, in noticing the recent
conviction of some booksellers for publishing works
dangerous to morals, comments at great length on the
romances of GEORGE SAND and other Socialist
writers, and shows that they have produced a very
injurious effect. The remarks of the Assembles are
but too well founded. If the works to which it
alludes had been at once suppressed, it is probable
,that the movement for which they prepared the way,
and which has been so destructive to real liberty,
would never have taken place.
The gendarmerie of the Seine assembled on Tues-
day in the Salle des Pas Perdus of the Palais de
Justice, and took the required oath before the bar of
the First Chamber of the Civil Tribunal of Premike
Instance.
A circumstance is worth mentioning, as contra-
dictory of the rumours which have been flying about,
of the consummation of the long-talked of fusion be-
tween the Legitimists and the Orleanists.
A few days ago it was pompously announced that
the Count DE CHAMBORD was about to arrive at
Wiesbaden, and that at the same time the Orleanists,
having at their head the ex-QUEEN of the FRENCEI
and the Dukes DE MONTPENSIER, NEMOURS, and
AUMALE, would arrive at Ems, which, observed a
Paris Ministerial journal, is distant only a few leagues
from Wiesbaden, thus leading the public to believe
that the two branches of the Bourbons had planned a
meeting. We now learn from the Brussels journals
that the Duke DE MONTPENSIER is on his way to
Ostend, on his return to England. This is rather a
round-about journey for a visit to Ems.
The PRINCE PRESIDENT of the Republic has sent
M. MEM', an elegant pin for his poem Le Retour cic
l'Aiglr, and a handsome pair of diamond earrings
to Mlle. JUDITH, for the manner in which she re-
cited it at the theatre of the Tuileries.
The Bours© was again heavy, with little speculation
going forward. The Four-and-a-Half per Cents. oponed
at 99f.. 75c., and closed at 99f. 65c. for the end of the
month;
5 oc . ;
rt Raavirlevra,
2851.; G
the Three per Cents. closed at 70f. 65c.; Or-
leansYh arerse,atlx,lo9r2thf.ernso, 05. ;861 1.. i
25c;ouer A
, c7i2gf:
non, 3151.; Vietzon, 59tf 25e.; Dasle, 2431. 75',;