The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

taken as the mere dream of a visionary enthusiast
if it had been supposed that it was a thing to be
recommended for the health,recreation,and habitual
enjoyment of a vast population. Within that time I
however great changes have taken place. In order
to illustrate this point, which is one of deep in-
terest and importance, I may go a little farther.
It has been long a subject of discussion among
learned men:whether the ancient, who, as you know,
in point of genius reached the very greatest heights
of which human nature appears to be susceptible—
it has long been a question whether these ancients
had any love for nature or natural scenery—which
we call landscape. That subject is still keenly dis-
cussed; and I do not believe any one can assert that
a taste for the beauties of nature, such as we now
understand them, was largely developed among the
most cultivated nations of antiquity. Departing,
however, from the question of natural beauty, there
can be no doubt that the communion with nature
which takes the form of natural history—know-
ledge of plants, trees, and so on—was a thing never
dreamed of as forming a part of the patrimony of
mankind at large. Some philosopher, giving scope
to his penetrating and searching mind, might
attempt to register what human knowledge had
accumulated on this subject; but one would
be laughed at if one were to suppose that it
were possible for a Roman or Greek to find
pleasure and satisfaction in the familiar communion
with nature through the medium of humble and
individual objects. Again, it was debated how it
came about that is beautiful countries the popula-
tion did not care for the scenery, and Lord Macau-
lay, in his " History of England," goes into an ar-
gument as to why the beauties of the Highlands of
Scotland were so long neglected.
After some further remarks on the value of public
parks in cultivating a love of nature and natural
objects, the right hon. gentleman concluded amid
loud cheers.

A dejeuner afterwards took place in the Pavilion,
at which a number of toasts were proposed.

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER
IN LIVERPOOL.
BANQUET IN THE TOWN HALL.
LIVERPOOL, Wednesday Night.
To-night the Chancellor of the Exchequer was en-
tertained by the Mayor, Mr Mozley, at a banquet
in the Town-hall. The Mayor presided, and among
those present, in addition to the guest of the even-
ing, were Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth, Mr Hors-
tall, Mr Pender, M,P., Mr Bazley, M.P.,
Mr Dobson, M.P., Mr Jackson, M.P. Mr Robert-
son Gladstone, and the elite of the commercial aria-
tooracy of the city, After the usual loyal and
patriotic toasts, Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth, High
Sheriff of the county, in responding to the toast of
his own health, instituted a happy comparison
between the Doge of Venice and his colleagues and
the governing authorities of the Queen of the Mer-
sey. The corporation of Liverpool represented the
wealth and enterprise of Great Britain, and the
vast commerce of this country was destined to work
a revolution in the affairs of the world—due
to no lust of dominion or rude grasp at
power, they desired no benefit which they did
not wish that others should participate in. In
fact, it was only in the splendour of his
binquetting-hall and in the luxury of his enter-
tainment, as well as in the gravity and ardour of
those assembled around his board, that an analogy
could be traced between the Doge of Meclival
Venice and the Mayor of the Liverpool of to-day,
(Cheers.) In the guest of the evening they beheld
a statesman of fertile genius, who was carrying
out the freedom of trade, and the agent of a great
revolution in commercial and financial policy.
(Hear, hear.)
The Mayor, in proposing the toast of the evening,
" The Health of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,"
said—l cannot for one moment doubt that the high
important position and the acknowledged and com-
manding talent of the right hon. gentleman will at
once insure for him that hearty and cordial re-
ception he is so well entitled to in this
his native town, and I think I may say that in
this great emporium of commerce it is only natural
to regard the exalted Gate of Mr. Gladstone so
ably fills with peculiar interest, for it should be
borne in mind that the port of Liverpool trans.
mits a larger amount in duties to the Exchequer
than any other community, and is therefore most
deeply concerned in all those fiscal arrangements
which originate in his special department. (Cheers.)
It is unnecessary for me to refer to the past career
of Mr Gladstone—the devotion of his high attain-
ments and great mental powers for so many years
to the public service has long been recognised and
appreciated. I estimate most highly the great apti-
tude and skill displayed by the Chancellor in the
development of his financial schemes ; but as a prac-
tical business man, considering the care, the dili-
gence and forethought needful in conducting ex-
tended operations in our ordinary pursuits, I have
been led to reflect on the vast degree of talent and
discernment that must be required in the prepara-
tion of a Budget calculated to insure the approval
of Parliament and the country, whether in con.
tinning or modifying existing taxation, or by
substituting new imposts so as to produce
the vast revenue required to meet the annual Im-
perial expenditure and at the same time to be the
least burdensome to the country. (Cheers.) Nor
can we fail to admire the correctness of his calcula-
tions and the success which has attended his finan-
cial policy—a policy resulting in a large surplus
revenue—(cheers)—and enabling him to relieve
commerce and trade from some of those imposts
considered by the country to be the most onerous
and objectionable. (Cheers.) It is not, however,
commerce alone which has been benefited by his
exertions, for by the removal of the paper duty and
the tax upon knowledge, with others of a kindred
character, he has contributed in no immaterial do•
gree to the intellectual progress of the nation,
which may well be regarded as the noblest feature
of our age. (Cheers.) By his adherence to a free
trade policy, by the aid and support he has afforded
to the enfranchisement of commerce from long ex.
isting restrictions, and by the treaties entered into
with other nations for a reciprocal interchange of
products, we are certainly indebted for the rapidly
increasing prosperity of our country. (Cheers.)
My right hon. friend and guest is:distinguished not
only as a statesman, a financier, and an orator, but
also as a scholar of the highest order. The important
position ho occupies in the Government of this Em.
pire has not been acquired by genius only. Withoul
labour and study natural gifts can accomplish tittle,
and the statesman who deponds only on his ability
as an orator will be frequently found wanting in
practical experience. (Cheers.) We are all aware
of the influence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
one of Her Majesty's chief advisers, and, appreciat-
ing his true regard for the honour and interest of
our country, I felt anxious to assure him of the
estimation in which he is held, and to express my
warm thanks for the kind and ready acceptance of
my invitation to visit Liverpool (cheers), and so
afford us an opportunity of paying an humble but
hearty tribute to the eminent abilities as a statesman,
a financier, a scholar, and an orator (loud cheers) of
one whom we may truly say Liverpool is proud to
call her own.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER,—Mr
Mayor and Gentlemen,—No man could be greeted
with the welcome I have secured among you and fail
to experience sentiments of the deepest and liveliest
gratification. To that gratification he must add, if
he have any feeling at all, the liveliest gratitude to
you from whom he has received that welcome, but
permit me also to say that in the warmth of your
feeling, the warmth of those sentiments which you
rother st ph ee
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overrated those services which it may have been my
geoid fortune to have rendered the country or any
hope that may be entertained in connexion with such
services to be rendered at a future time. It is but little,
Sir, that has fallen to myself to perform in coin.:
parison with what has been and may be done by
others. I cannot indeed pass over the allusion you
have made to Liverpool as my native place.
Ignoble must be the mind of any man who can visit
, without emotion the hotro of his childhood ;* but in

my case it would be something more than ignoble.
It would also, in the highest degree, and in the
greatest sense, be irrational if I were to forget the
gigantic progress that this town has made since the

time when I was more familiar with its streets and
its inhabitants, if I had forgotten that it had placed
itself in a position at least to challenge—perhaps
which may challenge conclusively—the place of the
first emporium of the world. Liverpool has risen
to a position in which all those who can call
themselves her sons may be glad indeed to claim
kindred with her. But in claiming that kin.
dred they must not wilfully or unconsciously
permit an exaggerated estimate to be made of
that merit. I speak the language of the utmost
sincerity when I say that in my opinion, after
an experience that has now become a long one, the
one standing pain to the political man in England,

the one serious drawback to the satisfaction of his
public life, is not the fear of criticism by which on
every side he is surrounded, and which I hold to be
one of the greatest and most essential advantages be
enjoys—it is not the labour,even the exciting labour
ho is called upon to perform, but it is a sense of the
inequality of his best exertions to the arduous duty
of government and of legislation. There is no affec-
tation in that language. It is justified by an appeal
to the plainest facts, for I apprehend it to be be•
yond the possibility of dispute that this great and
remarkable country has undertaken responsibilities
of empire such as never before lay on the shoulders
or upon the minds of men. What nation in any part
of the world has had relations such as we have had
in every corner of the globe ? What nation has
had its factories, its interests, its ships, its com-
merce is every part of the habitable world ? What
nation has governed, as we govern, distant millions
many times outnumberng ourselves ? What nation
has claimed, as we claim, to bear the sway in the
name of Queen Victoria of so large a proportion of

the surface of the earth ? What nation has made
itself responsible, as we have made ourselves respon-
sible, for the welfare of forty or forty-five separate
States, in every portion of the world, which we
know by the name of onr colonies; and what
nation has at the same time had the care of all those
direct interests and relations, been charged with
the same responsibility in the exercise of its moral

influence abroad, in the example it is called upon
to set, in the sympathy it must feel with the cause
of right and justice and constitutional freedom,
wherever that cause is at issue throughout any
portion of the world ? I am not one of
those who could look forward with satisfaction

to the waning of the splendour of the sun
of England's prosperity. I hope, on the con-
trary, it may ever continue, and that the honour of
the country may continually grow; but, at the same
time, I do not scruple to say that I do witness with
the utmost satisfaction the gradual growth of opi-
nion and sentiment on the part of the people of
England, whose sentiments in the long run govern
the course of policy of the Governmsnt, the growth
of the tone and temper which recognises those facts
of our enormous—nay, even our overextended re-
sponsibilities. It is not very long since, not in this
country alone, but in every country of the civilised
w3rld, there prevailed what I may call a lust of ter•
ritorial aggrandisement, and a notion had gone
abroad, connected, no doubt, in great part, with
false economical theories, that the happiness and the
greatness of a people are to be continually aug•
mented by obtaining constant accessions to their
extent of territorial sway. 1 hope the time has
come when the people of England have tho-
roughly shaken themselves free from that delu-
sion—when they have arrived at a solid and
mature conviction that a nation may have too much terri-
tory as well as too little even. However, if you have too
much territory you have contracted responsibilities in re-
gard to it of which you cannot honourably free yourselves,
but you have at least reached the point at which all lust of
extended territory has been sincerely and permanently fore-
sworn. (Hear, hear.) What we have now to do is, I think,
to cultivate what Providence has given us, but not to seek
any addition to the sphere of our labours, still further to
overtax those human powers which are already charged be-
yond their true faculty for the satisfactory discharge of their
responsibility, (Hear.) I think we may trace in other wa3 a
the progress of a true and just political philosophy, the
philosophy of practical politics. On the part of the people
of this country a great change has taken place in the mind
of England within the last three generations with regard to
this government of cur colonies. A century ago the idea on
which our colonial relations were based was narrow and sel-
fish. In one respect, indeed, the administration of the old

American provinces were conducted upon a system which
might still afford some useful lessons, but it rested essen-
tially on the idea that, as far as economical and commercial

matters were concerned, the inter, sts of the colonies were
to be made subservient to those of the mother country, and
that the channels of their trade and their industrial exertions
were to bo forced in a direction different from that which
nature might point out, is order to make them tributary to
the greatness of the mother land. We have fully and entirely
awakened from any such dream. We have given to the
colonies practical freedom. I am not prepared to say that
we have not something to rectify on the other side of the
account. (Hear, hear.) We observe a disposition on the
part of some colonies calling themselves our own to set up
against the industry and productions of England the mis-
chiefs and obstructions of an exploded protective system.
(Hear, hear.) With regard to the government of these de-
pendencies in general there is not much to be done.
Slowly, perhaps, and cautiously, but firmly and resolutely,
we may find it needful to rectify the distribution of burdens
and benefits, in order to place the people of England not
in the position of ascendancy and superiority, which they
have in good faith surrendered, but in that position of jus-
tice and equality to which they have an indisputable claim.
(Hear, hear.) Our duty is to get rides far as may be of in-
terference with the affairs Uf our fellow-subjects abroad, to
afford them the protection and shelter of the power of this
great empire, but at the same time not to consent to be
charged with the payment of vast sums of money for the
sake of performing duties which belong to the colonists
rather than to us—(hear, ,hear)—and the performance of
which in every case is an inalienable part of the functions of
freedom. (Hear, hear.) There cannot be a grosser mis-
take in politics than to suppose that you can separate the
benefits of freedom and its burdens. Is it to be imagined
that it would be a benefit to a nation if some unknown and
unseen benefactor were to undertake the payment of its
taxes ? No, it is necessary, if you choose to succeed to and
claim the dignity of freedom, that you should provide the
means by which free institutions can be maintained. (Hear,
hear.) In this direction we are in one sense moderating our
views. We are learning that we have enough to do—more,
perhaps, than we can probably accomplish—in confining
ourselves to those immediate duties with which Providence
has charged us. These duties are not slight. What reve-
lations have we had within the last thirty or forty years
with regard to the condition of England itself I how many
sore places have been disclosed I how much has been im•
proved and refot med I But how much also does the convic-
tion remain behind that there is still a great deal to be done.
In regard to what is called foreign policy, we witnessed
something of a similar movement of pub.ie sentiment to
that in regard to the question of our foreign dominions.
It is impossible that to a country like England the
affairs of foreign nations can ever be indifferent- It is im-
possible that England, in niy °pluton at least, ever should
forswear the interest she must naturally feel in the cause of
truth, of justice, of order, and of good government; but,
it is possible, nay, it is greatly desirable, that England
should recognise the immense advantages which the
Almighty had bestowed upon us in the independence of our
insular position. The first result cf that independence is
that with regard at least to every European question out
of which most of the disturbances of the peace of the world
arise England—and England alone—is as a nation essen-
tially and pre-eminently impartial— (cheers)—but this posi-
tion of impartiality is at once a position of dignity and
of power. (Cheers.) It is a position in which, happily, you
do not require to be always seeking by artificial means for
the creation of influence. It iss a position in which influ-
ence will come to you of itsolf, because amidst the conflicts
of the passions and interests of others, confidence will be re-
posed in the judgment of a country known to be free from
the influence of these passions. (Cheers.) Therefore, Mr.
Mayor and gentlemen, feeling, as I have said on the one
hand, the cosolation and the advantage that public men in
England must derive from the strenuous support which
they receive on all hands from their fellow citizens, and on
the other for the chastened humility with which they should
regard a function they must know to bo beyond their
strength, it is with satisfaction I anticipate a state of things
growing and consolidating itself in the public opinion of
this country from year to year, which tends to inspire be-
lief that we are shaking off schemes, projects, and ideas
that would draw us forth beyond the sphere, that our im-
mediate duty should tend to involve us in continual em-
barrassments, and that we are consequently setting free our
hands and energies for the great works which do still
always remain to us in the administration of the British
Empire, and in studying the happiness of the people of
England. (Cheers.) Doubtless there is still much to be
done—the instinct of preservation has always been the most
powerful in this country, and justly has it been the most
powerful of all our impulses, because we have had that
which was worth preserving ; but the instinct of pre-
servation is best promoted and upheld when dutifully
and honestly combined with the instinct of improve-
ment—(cheers)—and the laws and condition of this country
the w
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be in the future as in the past, not the impairing or dimi-
nution of the national inheritance, but the rendering it
larger and more secure for those who come after us, even
as we are happy to see it has been increased in value and
deepened in stability by the changes and reformations which
during the last 30 years it has undergone. (Cheers.) 11. Ir
Mayor and gentlemen, I must, before sitting down, ask
leave to propose a toast—it is the health of your respected
chief magistrate. (Cheers.) lam much mistaken unless
the company I address is prepared to accept that toast in a
sense and spirit far beyond that of the mere formal though
honourable and sincere respect which every company of
Englishmen would give to the representative of public au-
thority. As the representative of public authority in the
great community of Liverpool, you, sir, are entitled to
whatever honour can be paid you—(cheers)—and if I read
aright the signs that I find around me in this room, and in
this town, there is a disposition to go beyond that merely
formal tribute of respect, and to own that you have exer-
cised authority in the spirit in which it ought to be exercised
—(cheers)—in the wise and judicious, the large and liberal
spirit which regards authority not only as the means of
coercing the evil-doer, but likewise as the means of encou-
ragement of those that do well, thus binding a cementing
harmony and concord among all classes of the community,
(Cheers.) I now call on this distinguished company to
drink the health of the chief magistrate of Liverpool, who
has filled that chair not less worthily than others have done
and thus entitled himself to the confidence—(cheers)—of
his fellow countrymen.
The toast was drunk with all the honours.

The MAYou returned thanks in a brief speech, and
proposed " The House of Commons," which was responded
to by Mr Horsfall.

Naval and Military Intelligence.

The Austrian screw steam frigate Schwarzenberg,
50, Capt. Baron Sterneck, and the ironclad screw
steamship Don Juan, 31, Capt. Pokorney, from Bre-
merhaven, put into Plymouth Sound on Tueeday,
Oct. 4, in consequence of the heavy easterly gale
which then prevailed. The ships having taken in
100 tons of coal, and the wind having fallen, both
left again on Friday, the 6th, for Brest and the
Mediterranean. When the two anchored in the
Sound they saluted theßoyal Standard at the citadel,
which was duly responded to. It is customary for
all foreign ships of war visiting Plymouth first to
fire the Royal salute of 21 guns, and then to fire 17
in compliment to the Port Admiral at Mount Wise,
the response being given by the flagship in Ha-
moaze. Through some inadvertence the Austrian
ships omitted to fire the second salute, and if we are
correctly informed their officers also omitted during
their stay to pay the customary visits to the Port
Admiral and to the Commander of the Forces in the
West.

The screw corvette Scout, 21, 1,462 tons, 400
horse power, fitting for the first division of the Steam
Reserve in the Medway, to take the place of the
Clio, 22, 1,472 tons, 400 horse power, Capt. H. B.
Tumour, is being pushed forward in the great basin
as rapidly as the resources of the dockyard will per-
mit, and has a large number of riggers, shipwrights,
and other workmen employed on board in complet-
ing her equipment. She has got her masts on end,
and is getting well forward in her rigging, the
whole of her standing wire rigging having been
fitted. During the time she was in dock she was
fitted with a poop and also a topgallant forecastle,
both of which will prove of great comfort to the
officers and crew, the ships of the corvette class being
exceedingly uncomfortable in foul weather. The
armament of the Scout is to be altered from that she
previously carried, but a detailed statement of the
new description of guns she will carry has not yet
been received at Chatham.

The dock at Chatham, now occupied by the
screw gunv€ssel Torch, 5, will, as soon as
vacated by that steamer, be prepared for the re-
ceptio❑ of the Ariadne, 26, 3,214 tons, 800 horse
power, lately paid out of commission by Captain
Vansittart (now of the Achilles), after a three
years' cruise, in order that she may undergo
repair. It is said that she is required for commis-
sion. She is one of the finest of the unarmoured
squadron of frigates of her class in the service, and
will require only a comparatively trifling amount
of repair to render her in all respects ready for the
pennant. The Torch will be removed from No. 3
dock and placed in the adjoining dock as soon as
masted.

The Achille.s, 20, 150 horse power, ironclad fri.
gate, Capt. E. W. Vnnsittart, got up steam yester.

day morning in Chatham harbour. At 930 she
left her moorings, near Folly Point, and proceeded
down the river to the Nore, in charge of Second-
Master IV. J. Blakey, Queen's pilot at Chatham,
who navigated her to Garrisonapoint, near which
she brought up. The Adder, the Otter, and other
steamers• were in attendance on the ironclad to
render any assistance that might be required, but
their services will not be brought into requisition,
the Achilles being brought up safely at the moor-
ings prepared for her. She will swing for the ad-
justment of her compasses to•day, and after a delay
of two or three days at the Nore will proceed thence
to Plymouth, where she will receive her final orders
from the Admiralty.
The Vulcan, iron screw troopship, Capt. Augus-
tus C. Strode, arrived at Spithead yesterday after-
noon from the East India and China station. She
sailed from Hongkong June 9; Singapore, June
25 ; and Mauritius, July 19. She arrived at the
Cape of Good Hepe on the 9th of August, and sailed
thence o❑ the 22d of August. She arrived at St.
Vincent's on the 20th September, and sailed again
on the 22d, She arrived at Madeira on the 80th
of September, and sailed again on the Ist of Octo-
ber. Her Majesty's ship Itingdove, Commander
Liardet, sailed from the Cape of Good Hope for
England on the 18th of August. The Vul•

can experienced very strong easterly winds
from Madeira to the Isle of Wight. She
will go into Portsmouth harbour this merning, after
transferring her passengers and invalids to the
authorities on shore, and, after inspection, will di,fs
mantle and- clear out stores, &e., preparatory to be
paid out of commission, which has been rendered

unusually lengthened owing to the exigencies of war
in China, New Zealand, and Japan. The duties of
the vessel have been very important and have been
efficiently performed.

The Foxhound, 4, screw gun vessel, Commander
Warren H. Anderson, arrived at Spithead yester-

day from the Mediterranean, and soon after arrival
sailed again for Sheerness, where she is ordered to
be paid out of commission. She sailed for Malta on
the 19th of September, and from Gibraltar on the
Ist of October, experiencing a thick fog and strong
N.E. winds from Gibraltar to the Channel. She
brought home four naval invalids, and one invalided
soldier from the 9ih Regiment. The Foxhound
was commissioned in the autumn of 1860 for service
on the cuast of Syria, but during the Greek revolu•
tion was chiefly employed among the Grecian
Islands.

The Vesuvius, 6, paddle, Capt. Hamilton, reeently
arrived at Portsmouth from the North American
and West India stations, has been placed in dock at
Portsmouth to examine her bottom and survey the
damage she received in striking on a rock in the
Bay of Islands en the west coast of Newfoundland
in Jane last. The damage is extensive, a large hole
having been made under her stern, where she first
struck the wreck, while the remaining portion of
her keel is ground to splinters. Her planking,
underneath her bilge and abreast of her paddle
wheels, is crushed in, and destroyed for a space of
eight or ten square feet on each side, where she had
evidently hung on the rocks. The vessel was going
about seven knots at the time she struck the rocks,
and was being steered by the Admiralty charts, on
which the rocks are not placed.
The following appointments were made yesterday
at the Admiralty—Staff Commander Frederick R.
Sturdee to the Excellent, for the Royal Sovereign;
John Elliot, surgeon, to the Excellent, for the
Royal Sovereign; Wm. Horniman, paymaster, to
the Excellent, for the Royal Sovereign; Andrew
Watt, Engineer, to the Aboukir, for the Onyx;
Wm. Crow, engineer, to the Aboukir, for the Net'
tle ; and John Ferguson, engineer, to the Hastings,
for the Griper.

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The ointment has almost miraculous powers in cleaning
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highest surgical skill ; but perseverance is necessary to
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any ulcer or skin disease which had been firmly rooted in
the body for years could be cured in a few days. It can-
not be too much to ask a week's trial of these noble reme-
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short time they will prove their virtues.

TIMES..—It is rather late in the day, to say the
least, for a German to invoke the sympathy of this
country on behalf of German aggressions upon Den-
mark, There are, as there have ever been, many
opinions among us respecting the national and
dynastic rights involved in the quarrel, but respect-
ing the conduct of Germany, as represented by the
Diet, or by Austria and Prussia, there has never
been more than one, We have recognised through-
out, in the language and acts of German politicians
in their relations with Denmark, a spirit at once so
grasping and so shabby that it would have deprived
them of all claim to our respect, had their cause
been ever so righteous. It is this deep and universal
sentiment which Mr. George von Bunsen undertakes
to overcome in an atter-dinner speech at au agri-
cultural meeting in Norfolk. Apropos of farming
in Germany, he remarked that he felt bound on such
an occasion to deliver his testimony against the
anti-German prejudices of Englishmen. " Briefly
it amounted to this—that the SchleswigeHolsteinera
had been and were in the right, that the Danes were
in the wrong, and that the Germans were bound by k
every consideration of self-respect and national duty
to sever and to save the former from all connection
with the latter." There is something exquisitely
self-complacent in this summary mode of stating
the case, as if the constitutional question were pre-
cisely the same in the two Duchies, as if there had
been no variation in Danish policy, and as if none
but the most unselfish motives entered in the coun-
sels of Germany. Every man, however, has a right
to express his own del zonstrandum in his own way,
and it was with real curiosity that we looked to see
how Mr. von Bunsen would proceed to work up to
it. The report, which we publish elsewhere, will
enable our readers to judge of his success for them •
selves. The point upon which Mr. von Bunsen, as a
German liberal, lays the greatest stress at the outset
is the impropriety of Austria and Prussia having
taken the war into their own hands. He disapproves
this, he tells us, as much as we do ; to which we
can only reply that, in the sense explained by him,
we do not disapprove it at all. The only colourable
right of intervention in Schleswig belonged to Aus-
tria and Prussia by virtue of certain engagements
contracted with them, and not with the German
Diet, by Denmark in 1851. Whether these had
been broken or not, and whether the alleged breach
of them justified the invasion, we need not here dis-
cuss, but it is quite certain that no German Power,
except those which had extorted these promies from
Denmark, had any business whatever to meddle
with Schleswig. If, therefore, " the work of sepa-
ration" had been accomplished " under the auspices
and with the applause" of all Germany, the injustice
would only have been more palpable and flagrant
than it was, even had the inhabitants of the Duchies
joined in fighting for their own liberation. We ob-
serve that Mr. von Bunsen, while he regrets that
they were not allowed to do this, and dwells with
some force on the proofs of discontent in Schleswig
and Holstein, is careful not to rest the claims of
Schleswig-Holsteinism on the will of the people.
To do so would of course be to abandon the title of
Austria to rule Hungary and Venetia, to confess
the iniquity of the compact which gave Posen to
Prussia, and to justify the seizure of the Rhine
provinces by France, in case by organised immi-
gration and agitation she could procure a majority
in favour of annexation. By not doing so, how.
ever, he forfeits the sole advantage on his own side
of the controversy, and renounces the one argument
by which he might have palliated the policy which
he defends. Few Englishmen would hesitate to
admit that if the population of Schleswig were
resolved to cast in its lot with Germany and break

is connection with Denmark, the separation was

inevitable. What we could not understand, and
have yet to learn, is what business Germany had
to sow dissensions between them and their
actual Sovereign, or to confound their position
under the Danish monarchy with that of Holstein.
We presume that it must be the intricate ques-
tions arising out of this last topic which seem to Mr.
von Bunsen so simple that he disposes of them in
a sentence. If they be so it is his countrymen, and
not ours, who have muddled their brains about vain
subtleties, upon the solution of which, however, Mr
von Bunsen throws not the slightest glimmer of
light. He asserts broadly, what we have heard a
thousand times, that Schleswig-Holstein" is one
by right, and should not be divided." The answer
which has been given a thousand times, and not
refuted, is that the famous declaration made by the
first Oldenburg Duke is an inadequate, though it is
the only basis for this doctrine. This instrument,
as has well been said, did not even Illarport to create
an administrative or legislative union of the two,
and was not practically so interpreted. But, more
than this, it could not possibly bind the Kings of
Denmark to all eternity to cede an ancient fief of
the Crown to the person whom the caprice of a
German Emperor or the Committee of a German
Diet, then in the womb of the future, might recog-
nise as Duke of Holstein. The essential absurdity
of all the reasoning fcunded on the Royal dictum
of 1460 is that it is so entirely one-sided. It inva-
riably assumes that the effect of the union, though
constituted:by the promise of a Danish Sovereign,
must ever be, in case of a divided succession, to
attach Schleswig to Germany instead of attaching
Holstein to Denmark. Let it be openly urged that
Germany, as the greater nation, exercises an at-
tractive force—to use a mild term—superior to that
of Denmark, and no one can fail to acknowledge
the cogency of "_he inference. But it is the merest
hypocrisy to veil this political necessity, if it be
one, under the pedantic guise of a legal argument.
Schleswig now belongs to Germany by right of con-
quest. Before the present year she never belonged
to Germany in any sense whatever, though she was
placed in an anomalous position by the conflict be-
tween a tie of one kind binding her to Denmark and
a tie of another kind binding her to Holstein. To
cite the parallel of Great Britain and Hanover in
the way that Mr von Bunsen does is most unfair.
Let it be granted that the law of succession in the
two Duchies was indentical, and that nothing which

passed in 1721, or at any other time up Co 1852,
affected its application to Schleswig—can it be said
that Hanover was ever secured by an European
treaty to the line now reigning in Great Britain, or
that the present King of Hanover renounced his
claims and received consideration for it ? We for-
bear to dwell on the geographical difference between
the two cases, and will merely ask Mr von Bunsen
what his view would have been if by any strange
chance the law excluding females had operated so as
to sever Holstein from the Confederation and incors
porate her with Denmark. As it is, we do not quite
make out under what pretence he couples the name
of the Prince of Augustenburg with the Duchies
as " their Duke"—his father being yet alive—when
his title is still under consideration in the Diet,
together with that of other claimants. We are glad
to perceive, however, that Mr von Bunsen is aware
of the feeling which all classes of Englishmen en.
tertain about the behaviour of the German Powers
both in the war and in negotiation. It is quite
true that we do not attribute their victories to any
particular bravery of their troops—that we trace in
all their proceedings an utter want of mercy and
generosity—that we suspect them of sacrificing
Schleswig-Holstein interests to their own—and
that we greatly doubt whether the King of Prussia,
having killed and also taken possession, will relins
quish his hold on the Naboth's vineyard which he
has long coveted. Mr von Bunsen meets these alle-
gations by describing the military virtues of the
Prussian army as tested by the campaign; by inti-
mating to the Emperor of the French that they are
ready for him on the Rhine ; by protesting that he
cannot verify any outrage imputed to the Prussian
officers, and retorting upon the English nation ; by
thanking Prussia, on behalf of the Schleswigers, for
having fought their battle so cheaply, and by repu-
diating, on behalf of the King of Prussia, any design
of territorial aggrandisement. It would be idle for
us to bandy words with Mr von Bunsen on these
subjects. Prussian soldiers may be brave, but they
would have been cowards indeed if they had failed
to overrun Schleswig with such numerical odds in
their favour, The comparative prowess of Germans
and Frenchmen is as yet entirely a matter of opinion.
So is the prospective gratitude of the Schleswigers,
and the prospective magnanimity of the King of
Prussia. As for the exactions in Jutland and the
oppression of loyal Danes we prefer the testimony
of English correspondents and the text of procla-
mations which we all have read to Mr von Bunsen's
assurances. Nor can we be very sure that in such
matters his standard of judgment would be the same
as our own. He tells us that he learnt Schleswig-
Holsteinism in his college days. Englishmen, on
the contrary, learn in their school days an utter ab-
horrence of bullying and a chivalrous forbearance
towards a fallen enemy, which makes them despise
and hate the mock zeal for nationality which cringes
before the strong, both at home and abroad, but
wreaks a pitiless vengeance on a weak Power un-
lucky enough to cross its path.
HERALD.—Herr von Bismark is taking a holiday.
No statesman in Europe has better earned one. If
some have worked harder, none have accepted a
greater responsibility, and none have achieved a
tithe of his success. The Prussian Minister has a
good right to his three weeks at Biarritz—a place
which he seems to have chosen for two very excel-
lent reasons. The first, that a journey through Paris
gave him a pretext for seeing the Emperor Napo
!eon; the second, a most natural desire to get as far
away as possible from Germany and German politics.
The Parisian public, indeed, with that grand disre-
gard of facts and probabilities which impart such a
charm to French political speculation, have sent him
upon a much more romantic errand. Herr Von
Bismark. the triumphant, is gone to Biarritz, they
declare, in order to throw himself at the feet of a
Russian countess, to whom he is paying his ad-

dresses. Unfortunately for the story Hon Bisn'
o.
mark has already a wife, and although she has.see
been
dangerously ill, it is, to say the least, rather inaprf
bable that her husband, who prolonged his duti
_llO 1
attendance on her in the depths of Pomerania to the
day before his Sovereign's departure for Baden, has
already selected her successor. Without undertaking
any guarantee for the Prussian Minister's 1:00'ralli
we may undertake to say that his Sovereign ou
not allow such pranks, and the Minister of Itehsio
Dr. Von INluhler, the author of the best dr.ooke,
song extant—quantion nzutatus—would certal
enter his protest against them. Herr Von Bisnr
for all his energy, wants a little rest and recruiting
atter the wear and tear through which he has gone:
He wants it even more to prepare himself for the
very difficult work he will have to accomplisht °
rather to attempt, when he gets back to Bent"'
With the conclusion of peace with Denmark
jl ther e
c
internal struggles of Prussia recommence.
Von Bismark has, to speak more plainly thaq
politely, made a fool of Austria, and, in defiance 0.
the protests of Western Europe, wrested the Ger
man Duchies from Denmark ; he has now to essay'
for the third time, with such advantages as .111F8i,
' successes may give him, to effect that reconciliatio
between the King and the representatives of tho
_
people, or that complete subjection of the latter;
whichever may have been his object, which be ha
be
twice failed to accomplish. The Landtag roust
called tv together speedily, not only because the COI
stitution, to which the Minister still professes .
render obedience, prescribes it, but because the ~
vernmsnt is in want of money, which it can 01311
obtain with the consent of the Lower House so long
as the constitution remains in force. It is true that
the Government has been able to meet the c'tra.:
ordinary expenditure caused by the war without
nominally running into debt; but it has only 131
2el„,
able to do this by employing money and using
stores which it is anxious to replace. It has sPen
the whole or a large portion of the " treasore"';
sort of treasury balance, but one quite remove('
from the control of Parliament—hoarded for ewer;
gencies ; then it has used up its military stores an
must renew them if the army is to be kept in a
fitting condition ; and, moreover, it is anxious to
obtain money to put its many fortresses, seriously
affected by the recent discoveries in gunnery, to
satisfactory condition. For ail these reasons the
Government, inclined as it is to absolutism, lutist
call the Parliament together, either to obtain by
concession or intimidation from the Lower House
the means which twelve months ago it refused to
grant, or to find a pretext in that refusal fer
a coup detat nominally emending bat practically
setting aside the constitution, by bringing together,:
through the virtues of a new electoral law, a hells'
ready to do the Royal bidding. The task which the
Prussian Prime Minister has before him is a very
,
difficult one, far more difficult than his triunoP,,
over Austria, Denmark, and Europe—difficult, o°'
only because he has against him the Prussian people)
but because he is by no means sure of the Prussidli,
King. King William desires to be reconciled with
his people, and there are no other difficulties in Ills
way than his Minister, the democrats, who alone
are weak enough, and the moderate politicians
whom their policy has personally injured. The reel
dispute between the King and his people is suseer
tible of a solution which would practically give both
all that they care about having; but Herr Von
Bismark and his immediate friends are not the rued
to bring about such a solution. They are more
absolutist in heart than the King himself. They
shudder at the idea of having to consult the wishes
of a popular assembly, and their personal interest°
are strongly opposed to a reconciliation. They
know that if a good understanding were established
bet ween the King and the Chamber of Deputies'
the King, for his own convenience, would surround
himself with Ministers who ei jJyed the confidence
of the house, and, enjoying that confidence, could
obtain from the house much more than men who
were the objects of its dislike. The position of Herr
Von Bismark is perilous for himself and for Prussia'
He risks the loss of power, and Prussia risks being
dragged by his strong will, and the want of prac•
tical wisdom on the part of his opponents, into ad
absolutist regime and the revolutionary stru ggleS
which are likely to be its consequence. Herr Von
Bismark may well seek a little rest, a little time
for reflection at Biarritz. The days are fast coming
in which he must make the struggle which will
decide for a long time his position and the fortuneS
of Prussia. Let us hope for the sake of Prussia that
he will die as a politician at the summit of his glory,
and have no time given him to destroy that repots"'
tion, of being one of the boldest and ablest states..
men of Europe, which he now enjoys. Two or three
months more of office, and he will have lived too
long for his reputation. We refer all who desire
to understand this controversy, which, compare'
tively unimportant in itself, may be in its copse'
quences most serious, to a communication upon the
subject which we published last Thursday. The
writer, who is thoroughly conversant with Prussian
politics, and in a position to know what are the
views of the different parties in Prussia, has
sketched with remarkable clearness the controversYl
and showing how easily a satisfactory compromise
might be arrived at, has shown, too, how taint are
the chances of one, and how momentous the conic'
uences of the failure to effect it.