The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-18 00:00:00

Robert Bunting, Manchester - _ _ _ 10 0 0
William Tomlinson, Hodge - - _ _ _ . 10 0 0
J. 11. Hanson, Burton-on-Trent - , _ _ - 10 0 0
R. G. Welford, London - .. _ _ 10 0 0
Mrs. A. Chambers, Worksop - .. _ _ . 10 0 0
John Johnson, Congleton - .. _ . 10 0 0
Thomas Henry Hall, London - • - - 10 0 0
George S. Cundell, London - - _ _ _ _ 10 0 0
William C. Hutton, London .. _ _ _ _ 10 0 0
J. and D. Mitchell, London - - _ 10 0 0
Daniel Baugh, Liverpool - - „ _ _ 10 0 0
William M‘Millen, Liverpool ..
Hotham and Whitin,;, Leeds - - - - - 10 0 0
Halliday, Pocben, and Co., Manchester . - - 10 0 0
Win. Lister, IA, Manchester-buildings, London - - 10 0 0
Jno. Booth, Manchester - -
Wm. Scales, Mark-lane London - - - 10 0 0
-10 0 0
- - -10 0 0
Richard Bligh, Ilfracombe -
- - 10' 0 0
Rev. Juo. Robberds, Liverpool - _ _ _ 10 0 0
.. Jno. Montgomery llrentford
-.•-- 10 0 0
Edmund Leech,
Rochdale -
- - - - 10 00R. W. Roarer, Folkestone, Kent - - _ 10 0 0
John Arkcoll, Maidstone - - - _ _ -_
10 0 0
James Thompson Wray - - - _ _ _ 10 0.0
Surr and Son, ditto -• • --
-- - : : 2
C. H. Bowers, London
10 0 0
Barnett Meyer, ditto -
- - - - 10 0 0
John Gray, Edinburgh - - - . . . 10 00 _
Henry Booth, London - - - . 10 0 0
John Donkin, ditto - - - - _ _ 10 0 0
10 0 0
Charles Oliphant, Edinburgh - _ . _
10 0 0
Dr. Epps, London - - -.- - _ _ 10 0 0
Abraham Bass, Burton-on-Trent - - - - 10 0 0
Samuel T. Hobson, Liverpool • - . . _ _ .
10 0 0
Ilaylock and Co., ditto - - - . - .
10 0 0
Thomas: Wylie, , ditto - - :._ . , . .
10 0 0
William P. Smith, ditto, -
.__-
7 - - - 10 0 0
J. B. Jackson, ditto -' -• ..
:
10 0 0
„ Jolsn Paterson, 101, Wood-street, London - . . 10 0 0
John N. Hanson, Burton-en-Trent . -,. . .
10 0 0
E. P. Southall, Leominster - - - _ . .
10 0 0
John Mullinson, Hulme, klanchester - - . .
10 0 0
Luke Samuel Keep, Heston, Middleton : - .
10 0 0
Edwin Butterworth, Ancoats Mill, Manchester - . 10 0 0
John ',reward, Ashton - - - - -`--.. _ 10 0 0
Robert Hall, London Wall - - - • - . 5 0 0
A Friend, per P. Wa'ker, Esq. - - - - _ 5 0 0
J. Beard, 8, Meal-street - -.
~•`*•,al,. . .. 50 0
W. G. Gover, London ~ ..... - ""`• " • ''''' - . - ---: 5:. 013
James Fordati, London - - - - - _ 50 0
S. P. Clarke, Prince's Risborotigh, - - , . 50 0
Gerard Wynen, London - - - : - _ 5 0 0
Samuel Rigg, Canterbury - - -- - - - 50 0
W. R. Morris, Deptford - - - - 50 0
Beyington,
67, King William-street, London - . 50 0
David Mc. Ciellan, Liverpool - -, - - - 5 0 0
Walter Scott, Airedale College, Bradford
being
-.5 0 0
The National Anti-Corn-Lay,' League
Tg n°"1• re-constituted,
parties wishing to register their names an
subscriptions are re-
Esq., Newell's Buildings, Manchester.
quested to address their communications to GEORGE WILSON,

Boilers, Printing Machiner
EIRLTSg in PR M TIXG, Type Found-
' 911 To
MILLIONAIRES.—A MILLION may be
Found-
ing, jooFinawfpoeslysKiniag,sn:DusiTtForilifibotuatlbi,nligli, embarked in the working of I& •
ajor
&C.. &c., secured by fifteen patents in her Majesty's do 3',
uunions, on
the Continent, and in the United States.
Prospectuses, gratis, by sending, post free, a stamped and directed
envelope to 8, Bow-street, Covent garden.
at the
-build-
IngAs, L
AdmissionmE o CN Tn I TA
yI t BE
Free.vatt Nt
IhNeG 3 I,
Reservedm e calrt ac
March
is
2ce s2a' i
sat:: sbEt lyitguhttiticoznr,eetesS,l
soetulotyh.
buena
hp tao:
Institution, and at 8, Bow-street.

glorious !rays to
gay, how bright MEDAL FOR LAMPS.
lifgohrtt,h. ,how g
LIGHT I-PRIZE
;01 lye,
pi rtms uwpee ificoerl mt
nay
light.
never
Thecomseu. n Ilp
oouwrs
Clark's Lams are the best. Their equal is unknown
gladden myriads with its glorious IW:it. It is a remarkable fact that
in the Papal kingdoms there is little light, but in Protestant lands
there is much light. Clark's Diamond Lamps for general use are
the best in the world Clark's Vertical Lamp far excels the French
Moderator Lamp, and all other Lamps constructed with machinery,
Clark's Pearl Candle Lamp surpasses all other Candle Lamp
'The Public should ask far Clark's Lamps, and purchase none other—
They can be had in great variety, at all prices and for every use ai
the Establishment of the Metropolitan Light Company, 447* 'West
Strand, near the Lowther-arcade. RICH kRD CLARK, Resident
Manager. Lamps In every variety are sent out on hire a two-
thirds the usual charge, that the Public may be convinced winch
Lamps are the best.

HUNGARIAN MUSICAL COMPANY,
ST. JAMES'S TIIEATRE.
DIREC TED BY
CAPELLMEISTER ICALOZOY.
PROGRAMME OF TILE PERFORMANCE
THIS EVENING, March Is, 1852.
To commence at Half-past Eight,
Being the Fourth of the Series of Six.
_ . PART I.

- -
Overture, '• Ilka" . • .
Quadrille, Pro .
Hungarian Melody " Kulangok" •
Mazurka, " Benjowski"
Aria, " Hunyadi Lasslo"

Pear 11.

. . Doppler.
Arranged by Kalozdy.
. . Kalozdy.
Doppler.
. . Erkel.

Polka " Rendezvous'
Overture, " Martha". • . . • • Flotow.
a t TheThr el.eaos
o'clock.
l MorningoeStrauss.
Waltz, " Landes-farben" : • • •
. • • . : : Strauss.
Duet : " Ernant" • • • • . Verdi.
Meyerbeer.
March " Coronatlon' "Prophet" • • • •
k.SgtalClso,ne7esr.tl 45.; Pit, 2s. ; Amphitheatre,
ls. 6d. ofnothieesS,cries: on Saturday, March 20,
The Music, as performed by the Orchestra, is published by Distin,
31, Cranbourne-street.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FREE-TRADE CONTROVERSY.
TIMES.—As the free-trade controversy is to be
fairly opened again, wo make no apology for once more
placing; before our readers some of those arguments
which in the historic days of the League did such good
service in overturning the ancient system of commercial
monopoly. In new subjects novelty of treatment may
reasonably be required, but in the discussion of those
thoroughly ventilated our readers must be content with
the unadorned graces of truth. It is some tribute to the
merits of free trade that there never has been found
any writer bold enough to attack its truth in a scientific
and systematic treatise. Authority is altogether on our
side. From Adam Smith to Ricardo, and from Ricardo
to John Mill, every writer who has approached the
subject by the path of abstract and scientific investiga-
tion has arrived at the same conclusion. A treatise
forming political economy into a science in a Pro-
tectionist sense has yet to be written. Notwith-
standing the immense demand which the for-
lorn state of the agricultural mind has created
for suet' an article, no human ingenuity has been found
competent to supply it. Protectionist literature has
aspired to nothing beyond a clever party pamphlet. The
statistics of Mr. Alison were singulaely inaccurate, and
Sergeant Bytes attacked to so-called sophisms of free
trade by fallacies still more glaring and more easily ex-
posed. Granting him the advantage of stating his ad-
versaries' case in his own way and then replying to it, it
is easy to see that the sophism has far more substance
and solidity than its intended refutation. Twist it how
you will, abstract reasoning will infallibly show that the
material welfare of a country depends on the ratio of its
capital to its population, and that therefore all restric-
tions on the increase of that capital are so many deadly
blows aimed at the continuance of that social welfare,
TEelnientifie view contemplates- the Butte. as a eflutplex
individual, and applies to it the same rules which guide
the expenditure of private families. If it be not thought
worth while for a tradesman to limit his dealings to
those who deal with him, it is difficult to understand
why nations should regulate their transactions on a dif-
ferent policy. That which would be discreditable and
shortsighted in a shopkeeper can hardly be wise
and reputable in a Prime Minister. Passing from the
abstract view of the subject, let us ask the electors of
the country to consider for a moment what is meant by
this word ' Protection." Colonel Thompson, in his
rough way, says all Protection means robbing somebody;
and a little consideration may show that he is not far
wrong. The term" Protection," always used by the
party now in power, in preference to the more appro-
priate terms of monopoly or 'artificial scarcity, clearly,
implies the existence of two parties, the party " pro-
tecting" and the party " protected." It is the function
of the one to shelter the other, and it is that of the
weaker to demand assistance. These functions are es-
sentially distinct and opposed. In the case now at issue
the protecting party is the people of England at large,
the protected is the so-called agricultural interest—that
is, neither the tillers nor tenants of the land, but the
`proprietors of the rents it yields. Clearly, then, the
interest desiring protection ought, if the name be appro-
priate, to have no voice in granting it. They should
apply to the people at large, minus that interest, to give
them protection from their foreign rivals, but should have
no more voice in the decision than Switzerland or Bel-
gium would have in an application to our Parliament to
protect them from the aggressions of France. If this be nut
done, the term Protection is manifestly inappropriate.
If those who demand protection are virtually to decide
upon its concession and its amount, they may be leviers
of tribute or compulsory exactions, but can in no sense
be said to be protected by those to whom they will not
leave the power of refusing their aid. The attitude now
assumed by the agricultural interest is that of a party
litigant; they have no right also to take upon themselves
the function of a judge. If they unite to themselves
other interests desiring monopoly, such as the shipping
and the West Indian, the case is still the same. The
moment an interest claims to be protected it sets up
demand of its own adverse to the public at large, and
whether that demand bo just or no, it is on every prin-
ciple of justice incompetent to decide. We do not allow
those who have claims on the Government to assess their
own damages. Even Don Pacifico was never made umpire
of the moderation of his own bill of costs, nor is it custo-
mary to invite the plaintiff or defendant to take his seat
in thejury box. It we could reduce protection to the
agricultural interests to the form of a contract, it would
begin thus—The people of England at large agree to
submit to an artificial scarcity of bread. But for
what consideration? This is a question to which
science can return no answer, and which no two Pro-
tectionists have ever answered alike. It used to be said
that we ought to starve ourselves in prcesenti in order
that we might not be starved by dependence on foreign
nations in future. The very agitation of the question
presupposes what the importation of ten millions of 'corn
annually has amply demonstrated—that our native pro-
duce is inadequate to the supply of our own demands.
This plan of enduring now all the evils of a siege, in-
creasing in intensity every year, in order to prevent a
blockade hereafter, has found so little favour with the
contracting party, that it is pretty generally abandoned
as a sufficient consideration for organizing a mitigated
famine. We used to be told that scarcity was required
in order to feed the agricultural labourers, but, para-
doxical as it may sound, the poor-law returns show that
they have been perverse enough to thrive much bettor on
abundance, and that there are no facts from which a case
of commiseration for them can be made out. Ascend-
ing in the scale, we are invited to starve ourselves for
the sake of the tenant farmers, weighed down by
all manner of burdens, of course excepting rent,
and exposed to competition with the whole world.
But when it is answered that all these bur-
dens are allowed for in rent, and that so long as one
penny of that be paid, the farmers have no other inte-
rest in the queition than the rest of the community, the
case for compulsory scarcity breaks down again, and we
are forced once more to ask what consideration is 'the
consumer to receive in exchange for the inestimable
blessings of abundance? The last answer, and that
unwillingly put forward, is the territorial constitution—
words daintily chosen, but which mean, if we under-
stand them right, the necessity of curtailing the subsis-
tence of the poor, and checking the development of en-
terprise, in order that those who already receive the
value of their land in the shape of rent may receive
something more by way of monopoly, and retain by
means of the money thus raised by Parliamentary scar-
city their influence in the councils of the nation. This is
really the issue before the country :—Are wo willing to
give up abundance and progress for tho sake of
further enriching the rich by further impover-
ishing the poor? Because the commerce, the enterprise,
and capital of this island have outgrown the narrow
limits of its territorial dimensions, are wo willing to en-
ter upon the attempt to cut them down to that narrow
proportion, and by a Procrustean Lolly to restrain
within the limits of the producing power of a little spot
of earth the elements of greatness who agency is inde-
finitely expansive? It is not the little spot of earth
I which we inhabit which places us at the head of the na-
tions of the world; it is the boundless expansion of our
capital, the übiquitous diffusion of our enterprise, the
ceaseless progress of our industry, which have raised us
to our present glorious position, and benefited none
more largely than the very class which now seeks to
arrest and turn back our onward career. To confound
the greatness of Venice with the slime of the Adriatic
out of which she sprang, or the power of Holland with
the marshes from which she rolled back the sea, would
be a reasonable and pardonable error compared with
that of those who compute the greatness of England by
her geographical area, and seek, like the fishermen of
the " Arabian Nights," to cramp within their leaden ves-
sel the frame of a genius capable of filling the earth
with its greatness.
HERALD.—We yesterday announced, on reliable
authority, that the ex-Premier had bid for office once
again; offering as bribes, for the nomination by the
Sovereign, Cabinet appointments to Messrs. Cobdeu,
Bright, Sec. These, we are informed, were the terms Of
the Chetham-place compact. We will not, therefore,
attempt to describe—though it would not be a very hard
task to divine—what were the feelings of Lord John
Russell when the 168 Whigs and Liberals met at his
house, to seal, apparently, a political union—to sign, in
reality, the death-warrant of the Whigs. Tho knell of
the Mintos and the Elltots—nay, even of the Greys—
has been rung, and by the hands of their own chief. We
heard it echo in the scornful interrogatives of Mr.
Hume—in the smooth irony of Mr. Cobden; it might be
seen playing in the Sardonic smiles of Mr. Roebuck;
and not a Liberal Member left that House without feel-
ing satisfied that the mortified vanity of Lord John, whho s
bad condesceded at last to seek their support, and 1
feverish anxiety for office had raised the Radicals in
the scale of power, and dealt a far more fatal blowt to a
pure Whig Administration than the most signal ef eat
from the Protectionists could have done—Sir James
Graham and Mr. Gladstone excepted: their speeches on
Monday night make them exceptions: they are no
longere
Whigs. Farewell henceforth CO a family cliquet—heto
sth
ties. of blood and claims of relationship as o e
Whatever be the
avenues of public employments!
fate of the present Ministry, you will never return. If
Lord John Russell returns to the Treasury bench, (can
he dare to attempt a return to it after such terms have
been offered?) you will not return with him; never
imagine it. You will not occupy the soft cushions of
power,
" Fathers, brothers, uncles, cousins,
Families by tens and dozens."
When Lord John re-enters office his train will be sap.
ported by vary different men, with whom the Greys
and the Cavendishes will neither match nor mate. 11r.
Ilume's interrogatory on that memorable evening allows
of no doubt on this head; and the Radical Members, the
toirkds hisy illfersßrights, and the Walmsleys, end the Willie/wee, to
whom the proud
leaderofth
e Whigs
Mr. has e
vheale
bon-
net, though they may surrender
the empty honour of leading the van, will not be easily
thrust aside when they come to a division of the spoil.
The aid which Lord John Russell has sought from them
will be repaid, like the horse in the fable, who had
taken a rider on his back against his old enemy the
stag, and
who had no intention to dismount because
his services were no longer wanted. Make
lowfaces as they will, the Whigs must swal-
this bitter draught, From this time they
may be assured that not only are the hopes of a
Wildly Administration at an end, but of a pure Whig
nitogethera The old with bis

high birth, his aristocratical habits, his refined tastes,
his hereditary notions, must give way to a class of men,
upstarts (to speak without offence), who will despise
him, exactly! as they despise those qualifications which
he does, and they do not, possess. Whatever unity of
action there may be now between them, that unity has
arisen from no similarity of sentiment—but, from oppo-
sition to a common enemy; and, the moment the cause
is withdrawn which has now brought them together,
they must and they will, become opponents to each
other; all the more bitter and the mere resolute from
the very fact that the terms on which the Radicals have
now offered their assistance have not been defined, and
will hereafter be a continual subject of dispute. Dis-
guise it as he may, Lord John has betrayed his party;
ho has sold the Whigs to buy help from the Manchester
men, from those who are pledged to support the ballot,
to struggle far universal suffrage, to set up an aristocracy
of wealth against birth and talent. Except on the ques-
tion of free trade, there is no topic in which the older
Whigs and the more generous of the Peel party do not
sympathise far more with Lord Derby than they do with
Mr. Cobden. With a strong infusion hereafter, as there
manifestly will be, of Manchester blood in the Russell
Cabinet, should his Lordship ever accede to power,
where will be the Cavendishes, the. Berkeleye, the Eb-
ringtons, the Fortescues, the Seyrnoure; or the Woods?
What community of action or of sentiment can there
possibly bo between such.men as Sydney Herbert, Hope,
Roundel' Palmer, or even Mr. Cardwell, with the Cob-
dens, the Brights, the Diniblembes;• the Walmsleys, and
the Wilsons? It behoveiiil men to consider who now
remain in the
.Ruasell Caimp; tit what cost they are re-
maining there;—they are rapidly drifting away from the
old standing-ground of the Whigs; they have to make
their election, not as they suppose, between the Whig-
gery of older days, with all its inheritances-Of ancient
reputation auclaxaspecto.bilitys and a nteadeeriript-partinie
the present moment; not the Whiggery of men
_who
fought • for constitutional liberty When it was
endangered ; not the Whiggery of Burke and
Rockingham, with its glorious associations and
noble Dames; not the Whiggery of Fox, or even of
the Althorps, the Macintoshes, and the Ricardos;
but the pseudo-Manchester Whiggery of 1852, as it is to
bo reproduced cn the political stage, new vamped and
varnished by my Lord John, for the special use and be-
hoof of himself and his newly-sought customers—a
shabby genteel article, suited to please a more vulgar
circle; a piece of cabinet furniture of cheap mahogany
and French varnish; an old coat, with its gold trimming
stripped off, and bedizened with cotton lace; a pretender
to ancient gentility and modern usefulness, made to look
respectable by a new four-and-sixpenny hat and a bottle
of black reviver. If men of the old stamp can be con-
tent after this, to follow such a leader and in such a
motley troop, we pity them. We can afford to pity
them tor the sacrifices they are making, as we should
any man who was parting with good gold coin for that
which is, in reality, worthless. If Lord John would
retrace hie steps, he cannot; ho could not stand
before without the help of the Manchester men, he
can less hope to stand now. All men feel that he
has gone too far, and that he can never retrace his
steps. Nor would he if he could; he has committed
himself irreparably, and his party with him—he has
dragged them down into the slough which ho has sought
voluntarily, " and all the King's horses and all the
King's men cannot make Humpty Dumpty stand again.'
After such a fall as this, men seldom have the wish, and
seldomer the power, to stand as they did before; and
neither wish nor power in this case are his. He has
shown an earnest of this in his soliciting :help from Mr.
Cobden; but he showed it still ;more significantly in his
abandonment, expressed or understood, of his new Re-
form Bill, in consideration of their scruples. That Re-
form Bill was felt to be, in all intents and purposes, a
Whig measure; it had been concocted in a Whig Cabi-
net, and before the loss of power had supplied Lord
John's loss of ancient Whiggery by modern Radi-
calism. It has been abandoned by
him, after all his pro-
testations in Parliament, that it was the development
and completion of his former measure; that it was,
the result of his maturer thoughts and ripened
principles. The dawning idea of it had formed the
pleasing vision of his youth; the realization of it
was the long-cherished happiness of his advancing
years. Alas! advancing years take away something
more than poets have dreamed of; something more than
the smiles of youth, the play of the fancy, the e!asticity
'of the muscles. They have taken from Lord John, not
merely the rosy cheek, the curling locks, the tragic fer-
vor, the zeal for Whiggery; they have taken from him
faith, truth, and constancy. The Dalcinea of his
twenty years, to whom he vowed himself eternally;
the angel of his youth, for whom he has borne the heat
of political conflict for so long n time—for whose wel-
fare he has watched so often; turns out, after all, a
freckled, frowzy maiden, not better than she should be.
Certainly there must be some witching power in the
broad hut of Mr. Bright or the unadorned eloquence of
Mr. Cobden, when, without an argument, without a word,
they could produce such a result as this; when Lord John
&resell, at their sole appearance in Cliesham-place.
without blue flimr-s or sulphur even, can suddenly
change all his previous convictions of twenty years,
see with eyes he never saw before, and reliequish withi
out a sigh the charmer who had so long held nis soul n-
thra'dom. Talk, indeed, of the wicked enchanters who
transformed the ador..ble Lady of del Toboso "into the
vile and deformed resemblance of a country wench,"
they were nothing to Messrs. Bright and Cohan! What
a pity it is for Lord John that we live in an age when
men do not believe in occult causes. How many in-
stances of political direlictiun' or even of moral inconsis-
tencies, would not such a creed justify? But men will
take the act as it stands, and consider it as the act of
the man—and so must we. With such an instance
of faithlessness before him, who can trust to Lord
John Russell? Who can believe that a statesman who
has sold his maturest measures, his recorded convic-
tions, to another, will not Sell himself and his party
too? If to grasp at power which has fallen unbidden
from his feeble hands he can so forget himself, his posi-
tion, and his principles, lot no man believe that he will
resist the temptation another time, or forbear to drive
the same bargain, whatever be the cost. Henceforth he
is the man (we had nearly said the slave) of the Man-
chester men; pledged to their views by this community
of action and this petition for their aid. He cannot
shake off the obligation; with their hook in his month
he must follow where they drag him,—the repentant,
tardily-recognised, struggling leader of a class of men
whose views extend not beyond their own cotton-mills,
to be laid on the shelf when the show of him no longer
suits their purpose. We entreat all those who are now
bidding for power to consider this, and to look at Lord
John's position and his prospects, not by what has been,
but as they will and must be hereafter.

ADVERTISER—When we reflect how, in our own
day, abuses survive their condemnation, through the in-
tervention of some topic more interesting for the
moment, we are less astonished that past Bees have
transmitted to us so much that is contrary to reason, to
justice, and even to convenit ace. With all the advan-
tages of the press, of cheap and speedy intercommunica-
tion of thought, and, above all, of a public opinion so
powerful that it almost makes up for what is wanting in
the present state of our representative right, our pro-
gress is extremely slow where it moves at all; while in
many respects, after promising sudden and rapid strides,
wa sit down supinely, as it overcome by the severity of
the mere attempt to exert, ourselves. A pestilence
visits us; and Lords, Commoners, Bishops, and lay-
men unite in public meetings, declare that houses
shall no ; longer be left undrained, ill-ventilated, '
and badly supplied with water; that the poor shah
have ample means of cleanliness, and something
like Christian shelter at night; and that, above all
things, public decency shall no longer be shocked, and
public health no longer endangered by intramural inter-
ments. The pestilence passes away, and the good re-
solutions of Lords, Commoners, Bishops, and laymen,
pass along with it. Houses are still ill-drained, ill-ven-
tilated, ill-supplied with water; the poor still neglected,
and the London clergy spreading forth the hospitable
banquet from the fees of the pest-house. The big de-
sire for sanitary reform began to lose flesh with time,
on that
and was wholly consumed by the growing interest of
the Exhibition—Papal aggression, perhaps, doing
part. And now, that perfect fury of indhlegenati
aetos inhale
its
over-
gorged; ;shthoautldchrbiestiaotivsers-hcorouwlddebde
compelledlln
and the Eccles' ca
ia:r-i
over,
interest
to absorbs haas become
n o f theit
foul air and drink fouler water—what
TTihtelesGßreilait
law,Ea haibitnioenw
searnitdaaryy. brTahwebacekvse.
adrgeddeagrrbavreeaydar.tdos
Protectionist Ministry, pledged
our
rls doathyeraft The death. bell
overcharged
receive new tenants. Tho indignant
to have changed all this has spirit which was
the breath that ao recently melted into thin air, like
uttered its clemours. But
has this been the onlycause likely to be apparently
overwhelmed by the events of the last few mouths? A
year ago, we were absorbed • m a great ecclesiastical con-
troversy, which threatened to convulse the country from
one end to the other, and create a
which did, in fact,
commotion unparalleled
Bill. By a singular •
from the time of the Reform
capn
,this nation, much assisted
in its commencement rice
a-1 ' the Establish-
ment, by the bishops of
meat, had no sooner met a partial disappointment in the
ridiculous Ecclesiastical Titles Bill—that great blot, in
every respect, on Lord John's honour as a man, and
character as a statesman—than it turned round on the
Church whose dignitaries had helped to give it
intet'sit)', and, in an especial manner, marked out
the Episcopal Bench for its attack. In the mean-
time, a large body of members of the Church of
Bogla,nd, laity and clergy, united for the purpose
of obtaining a re form . of the Prayer Book, which
should test the fidelity of many pastors, who had
hitherto been. considered as cupbeard lovers of the
Church. These wore the two great fruits of the great
controversy we have mentioned. The peculations of our
I Bishops were exposed, and, we trust, prevented for the
' future; end a respectable and numerous society was
established, with a view to re-reform the Church, in
accordance with the principles of the Reformation. We
have never been disposed to underrate the difficulties of
this task. The zeal of the Puseyites, their hold upon
, many high families who influence the Legislature, their
learning, and the great devodon which, with many of
her doctrines, they borrow from the Church of Rome,
make them a body not contemptible in fact, whatever
we may think of them as professors of a religion which
they allege to be reformed while they reject as absur-
-1 i &ties the two grand principles of the lieformetice,

But if that Reformation is a fee* on which the country
continues to ptide itself as the basis and the bulwark
of its liberties, the attempt to reform the Book
of Common Prayer will certainly not he defeated
by its difficulties. One danger alone threatened the
withdrawal of the public mind from this important topic
—the advent to power of a Ministry pledged to restore
protection. That event has happened; but it has come
accompanied by a fact which will rather assist than de-
feat the cause of Church reform, if the advecates of that
movement are only true to themselves. We have been
at some pains to show the religious character of new
Administration; and our readers have eeere from the
articles which have recently appeared in our columns:on
this subject, that the Earl of Derby, the,informing
spirit o t the Cabinet, is a devoted and uncompromising
Pusesite; one of those who would demolish Mr. Glad-
stone to serve Dr. Blomfield, and go hand-in-hand to the
extremest lengths with Dr. Poillpotts. The change of
Ministry, thus, instead of overwhelming the question
with matters of new and more m Ittrial interest, revives
it, and in a very remarkable mariner. We know not two
subjects on which the opinion of the people ofehis country
is mere definitively made up than those of cheap
bread and pure Protestantism. Earl Derby has taken
his stand on both points in direct opposition to the will
of the people. Not unpopular enough with his bread
tax, he promises to extend the influence of the Church,
which he will, of course, do in the direction of his own
opinions. Now, thee,
at all events,
caantn tohteir they who seek to
ayho that
p hthaveYe have
be n
reform the
takenthe
unawares,or that
baffled by stirring political everts opereon- g oblivion of
their cause. Let them be up and doing, Let the voice
of encouragement go forth from their meetings, and re-
sound from one end of the country to the other,
ing
to arms every man, woman, , and child who would stand
and fall by the Reformaticn—who levee his Bible
not
less, at least, than the cheap loaf. Now is
a time to
see how fearless is the
froe and the resolved spirit—bow
worldgenerous,how
especially
lyin religious matters, is the Christian
it sacrifices the mammon of this
mind;
glorious inheritance of spiritual truth, and
how constantly, in spite of every species of adversity, it
clings to it. Patting aside minor distinctions, the
Church of England is at the present moment divided
into two groat parties, the Paseyito and Evangelical.
If the latter are prompt and vigorous in their
measures, they will force the others out of their Church.
Bat should they fail to do so, they have no alternative
but to secede from it themselves. To show this let us
makiemee. of a cozaparison. A turbulent person finds his
-Way into a room where two gentlemen are met in
friendly conversation, or for the purpose, perhaps, of
carrying out some benevolent design. They discuss its
merits quietly. Bat while they are thus engsged, the
turbulent intruder interrupts their proceedings, and,
with a high voice and menacing gesture, begins to
criticise their views, and to propose amendments in
truly imperative style. If they can, they will oust him.
But if not, they say, "It is impossible we can remain
here to be mixed up with this person. Already he at-
tracts the attention of strangers in the streets, who
stop and look in to see what is the matter. Oat of
respect for ourselves we cannot consent to be taken as
having anything in common with him. We must leave
him in his glory." And they do so. Bat the case of the
Church of England is as much stronger than this, as spi-
ritual freedom is more important than social respect-
ability. The obligation, therefore, on the part of those
who adhere to the principles of the Reformation is
equally more binding to sever any connexion which
brings those principles into contempt.

RAI LWA Y INTELLIGENCE.
READING, GUILDFORD, AND REIGATE.
The half-yearly meeting of this company was held
yesterday at the office, Watling-atreet.; Mr. Alderman
Salomons in the chair.
The report stated that the half-year's rent had been
paid on the 15th inst. by the South-Eastern Railway
Company. The only outstanding liability of the com-
pany- was 8,0001. in debenture:, which would become
due on the 18th of October next, and was provided for
by a corresponding amount on loan due at the same
time. The accounts showed a balance of 19,523/,vvlaich
would admit of a dividend of 9s. 9d. per share, leaving
a small balance to the credit of the next account. The,
sum of 800,0001. was received and expended on capital
account.

The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adopt►ion of the report
said the principal business would be, after the ordinary
meeting, to approve of the Bill to amalgamate the un-
dertaking with that of the South-Eastern Company.
They were aware that there was a clause in the lease to
apply to Parliament, within two years, for an Act to
amalgamate the two companies. A clause was inserted
in the Biil for the purpose of more completely convey-
ing the railway to the South-Eastern Company, and to
get rid of all expenses incidental to a separate manage-
me►,i`, of the Reading and Reigate Company. He con-
cluded by moving that the report and accounts be re-
ci ived and adopted.]
Mr. M‘GnEoon seconded the motion.
In reply to a question, it was stated that the office
expenses amounted to 2d. per share.
Resolutions were passed adopting the report; declaring
a dividend of 9i. 9J. per share, tree of income-tax; re-
electing the retiring director=_, Messrs. C. Mangles, F.
MangleF, and D. Mr_ catta ; and also the retiring auditor,
Mr. L. Pocock.

The meeting was then ma‘3.e special to consider a Bill
now before Parliament for the amalgamation of the
}loading, Guildford, and Reigate Hai!why Company with
the Sluth-Esstern Company; for the ctii,solution of tlte
11-adieg, Guildford, and Reigate Company ; end for
ottu-r purpo4es.
The CHAIRMAN moved a resolution to the effect that
the Bill ba approved, subject to such alterations as to
Parliament Anil seem sect.

Mr. DAvts wished to know whether the clauses in the
1,. c.,e bn•! those in the Bill co!neicl?

The eolicitor read the heads of the Bill, from which
it appeared that the shareholders of the Reading and
RAgate Company were to have, within nine months after
the passing of the Act, the (Tacit of taking preference
:hares or debentures bearing interest at the rate of .5f
per n,ut.per annum, takieg pffcedenee immediately after
the existing preference stock and debenture debt of the
South-Eastern Company, and before any other prefer-
ence shares or debenture debt that may be created here-
after by the South-Eastern Company.
A long discussion ensued, in which the chairman, Mr.
Burton, Mr. Lewis, Mr. M•Gregor, Mr. Quitter, Mr.
Gaskill, Mr. Pocock, and ether proprietors took part,
as to whether the shareholders were more secure under
the existing lease than they would be under the provisions
of the Bill for the amalgamation of the two companies.
It was contended, that at present the Reading and Reigate
Company had a claim for their rent on the South-
Eastern Compaay before the preference shareholders;
but that, by the proposed amalgamation, the existing
preference shares would take precedence of their claims
far rent. On the other hand, it was argued that the
Reading, Guildford, and Reigate shareholders would not
be in a worse position, but rather in a better position,
than they were at present, inasmuch as the Act of amal-
gamation would jut an end to all questions touching the
legality of the lease; that the preference charge, which
would have been a prior claim under the Bill, was com-
paratively small; and that the net revenue of the South-
Eistern Company was very considerable, after paying
the working expenses, interest on loans, and all pre-
ference charges (including the Reading and Reigaterent), being about 250,0001. per annum, clear of al
charges, tied applicable to slisaderd on the ordinary
shares. The net income of the South-Eastern Company
after paying all charges, preferential and otherwise,
against revenue for the past hal!=year amounted to
s
131,000 L, so that there could not b? the slightest doubt
as to the security of the preference shares proposed to
be created by the Amalgamation Act.
Mr. GASxILL proposed an amendment to the effect,
that the meeting be adjourned fur a fortnight, for the
purpose of obtaining the opinion of counsel as to whether
the Bill now submitted was one they were obliged to ap-
prove of under the clause in the lease.
Mr. BURTON seconded the amendment.
A diecussien then ensued on the amendment, and
others were proposed. Eventually it was agreed to ad-
journ the meeting for a month it being understood that
the opinion of counsel would be taken on the Bill in the
meantime.

The prcendings concluded with a vote of thanks to
;he chairman.

WYCOMEE.—Yesterday the Select Committee decided
that the standing orders in this case might be dispensed
with, and that the parties be permitted to present a pe-
titon for a Bill.
SLIGOi AND SHANNON.—Yesterday the claim of Mr.
Ni'liticzie for 3.320/. for engi,neering was considered
before Master in Chancery Senior, and allowed as a
claim only.

SHIP NEWS.
NOTICE TO MARINERS.
LIGHTHOUSE AT RIO GRANDE.
A letter nceived at Lloyd's, from their agent at Rio
Grande, states that a new iron lighthouse was opened at
the bar of that port on the 18th January last. It le 99
feet high, has a revolving light, and stands about 200
yards disteat from the Old Tower.

QUARANTINE NOTICE.
The following is a copy of a letter transmitted to
Lloyd's from the office of the Privy Council of Trade:—
" British Consulate, St. Michael's, Feb. 20, 1852.
"My Lord,--I have the honour to acquaint your
Lordship that the chief officer of quarantine of this port
has agreed that when a ship ha: lost a hand overboard,
she shall be given pratique, on proof by her log-book
and the testimony of two of the crew, that the death has
occurred from that cause and not from disease.
" As three ships have been detained on their arrival
here, during this month, by a new application of the re-
gulations to such cases (which, unhappily, aru not of
rare occurrence in the small vessels of this trade), I have
given public notice of this arrangement here, and I
think it my duty to report it t„orrynouors.LL,,)rAdßschw HURT.
Lordship.
(Signed)
The Eight Boa. Earl Granville, &e.l &c:'

RELIEF TO TUE 110AIEW AIM BOUND.
The tua„ing letter has been received at Lloyd's:—
" Admiralty, March 15, 1852.
"Sir,--I cm commanded by my Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty to acquaint ycu the information of
the committee for managirp; the affairs at Lloyd's, that
her 111.,ji:t.ty's steam-vessel Vesuvius has been ordered to
proceed to the Chops of the Channel for the relief of
tbo homeward bound tradc; a:id that her Majesty's
steam-vesiel Hecate left Devonport on the same service
on the 10th am, &e.,
(Signed) " ALERANDER STAFFORD.
" To Captain G. A. Misted, R. 4., Secretary, Lloyds.'

WIGTON BURGHS.
Laird commenced his canvass
at Straoraer on
laeoday last, and is said to have been
very successful. Sir John AFTeggert has taken the
01§1D31 §nd srtiTed iu On district fron1•061011 hit WitOig .