The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TlMES.—Every man, we are told, who is his own
doctor has a foal for his patient, The proverb is a
specious one, but it is more likely to have originated
with the profession than with too public. All re-
gular practitioners object to the interference of
amateurs, and the proceeding must be especially
obnoxious where the interloper is insured against
loss and discouragement, by the possession of an
inexhaustible puree. These considerations have a
material bearing on the questions raised by the
debate of Thursday evening on our manufacturing
departments. No doubt there is much to be said
against the system, but the arguments on that side
of the case lie on the very surface of things, and are
easily seen, whereas the opposite considerations are
not only less obvious but less immediately appreci-
able. In fact, it is difficult at first sight to uncle:-
stand how Government can be anything but a loser
by taking into its own hands the manufacture of
fabrics rt quired for the use of the State, instead of
purchasing them on the cheapest terms in open mar-
ket. Mr. Cobden condensed the case against Govern-
ment manufactures with characteristic force and
decision. When a Government turns manufacturer
it acts ander none of the responsibility which con-
trols a private trader. It has no effectual incentives to
economy; it can never be bankrupt; it is not bound
to make both ends meet, and it can never, in our
own case, be short of means, for it has a " bound-
Jess, almost a bottomless purse." That there
shculd be anything like genuine thrift under such
conditions is almost inconceivable. A system in-
volving D 9 inducements to save may undoubtedly
be regarded as " conducive to extravagance and
waste." No limit need be put upon costly ex-
periments, and, what is even worse, no stop can be
put to production when the demand for produce
ceases. As a Government is its own customer, and
has no other customer, its establishments, unless
they are left in wasteful idleness, must always be
turning out Government stores, though It may often
happen that no more stores are wanted. Only the
other day it was actually argued that we must
build wooden ships, or, at any rate, wooden frames,
not exactly because they were better than iron ships,
but because we had enormous stores of timber which
could not be otherwise turned to account. Of course
this lind of practice is costly. Mr. Cobden's own
estimate, which he gave as the conclusion of " all
practical men of business," was that in the manu-
facturing establishments conducted by Government
" about half the expenditure was wasted." This,
considering the magnitude of the figures involved,
is a very serious affair, and nobody can be surprised
at the dissatisfaction which was expressed. But
there really is something to be said on the other
side. The regular manufacturers of the country,
who are included probably in Mr. Cobden's pray
tical men of business," do not like these Government
establishments, and ere naturally ready to furnish
evidence against them. The millions of money
which Sir H. Willoughby spoke of as lavished on
these departments represent just so much custom
withdrawn from private firms, If all the votes for
wages, stores, and yards were transferred to con-
tracts, the amount of business created would be
enormous. But this is not the only point in the
case. Government, by manufacturing for itself,
not only deprives the regular practitioners of thethe
work thus performed at home, but obtains
it
means of checking their prices in the work which
puts out ; so that there is a loss to the trade both
ways. The private establishments get less to do,
and are obliged to do that little better and more
cheaply than they would do i otherwise. Here, in-
deed, lies the great argument for the manufacturing
establishments of Government. Perhaps they do
cost a great deal ; hut when we are told that
the Government manufactory of gunpowdar " pro-
flqeer; ehcr.re,,r and better powder than bad before

been obtainCd," that the gnn factory at 'Woolwich
" brought down the cost of the taanufant”re at
Elewick 25 per cent,," and that since the esta-
blishment of the Government clo hing manufactory
at Pimlico " the contract price had been reduced,"
it becomes impossible to denyithat these departments
do yield a substantial return. Nor must it be for-
goiten that such establishments are of extraordinary
value in cases of emergency. At periods of pres-
sure the liovernment, except for those resources,
would be absolutely in the hands of private manu-
facturers, and must submit to any terms imposed.
One of the examples frequently taken is the case of
transport ships. It is said that a large saving would
he effected by employing hired merchantmen ex•
elusively on this service, but the price paid for such
service in the Crimean war was so enormous that
we might ;have built and maintained a fleet of Go-
vernment transports with the money. Mr. Cobden
compared the American practice with our own in
regard to the supervision applied to the estimates
by Parliament. We cannot say what has been done
Congress, but as far as official views are concerned
we know that the Federal Government adopts ex-
actly the theory advocated by our own. In the last
report made by the Fedet al Secretary of the Navy
he enlarges on the absolute and immediate neces-
sity for creating public establishments on a scale
commensurate with the developments of the public
service. He is all for Government yards, Govern-
ment arsenals, and Government manufactures. He
represents the case as urgent and the necessity as
incontestable, and follows exactly the argument
advanced on Thursday evening, by observing, with
respect to certain new and important models, that
the Government, having "no suitable yard and
establishment" for the execution of such works, is
" wholly in the hands of private parties to demand
what they think proper, and prescribe their own
terms." The Americans, it is clear, are
learning precisely the lesson which we learnt,
and under very similar circumstances. To
be prepared for the emergency of war we must do
one of two things—we must either keep an im-
mense quantity of stores, or be ready at any moment
to increase the rate of production. If we adopt the
former system, we can procure our supplies by con-
tract ; but in that case, as Lord Hartington re-

marked, the interest of the money represented by
those stores must be taken into the reckoning. Be-
sides this, too, we ran the risk of seeing our pat-

terns superseded by better models, and of finding
ourselves with an enormous stock of inferior and
unserviceablearms. From these liabilities Govern-
ment factories relieve us. They enable us, at a time
of pressure, to obtain considerable supplies without
the delay of an instant, or the slightest accession of
charge; and they act also to a proportionate extent
in depressing the prices which would otherwise be
asked by the private manufacturers whose assistance
is called in. These are good reasons why the trade
should object to such establishments, but they are
also reasons why the public should take a diffe rent
view of the case. It should he observed, however,
that the objections raised on Thursday evening
were directed not so much, perhaps, against the
system of these establishments in itself as against
the proportions which it had assumed. The practice
has grown upon us, and is growing. We used to
confine ourselves to the manufacture of ships, but
now we try our hands at everything, from gigantic
ironclads down to small suns and soldiers' tunics.
Is that advisable ? We imagine that the mischief
would lie, not in applying the principle to a variety
of departments, but in carrying it too far in any one
of them. The same consideration which would re-
commend a Government factory for rifles would
also recommend one for military clothing, for one
branch of trade requires checks as well as another.
But there would be no advantage in carrying any
manufacture beyond the point at which thedesired
results are secured. When we are certain that we
c in meet a sudden pressure by an instantaneous in-
crease of production, and that we have obtained
the necessary control over contract prices, the Go-
vernment manufacture has been carried far enough.
Thus far, however, we are of opinion that it may
be carried with advantage. That there is much to
be said on both sides of the question we readily ad.
mit. Government establishments, it may be freely
conceded, are often extravagant, but we are by no
means sure that private establishments, if relieved
from competition, would be economical. What we
do now is to make the cost of work done at home
check the cost of work done by contract, and we
are disposed to believe that we find our account in
the results.

-
POST--The proceedings of the invaders of Den-
mark on land are a sufficient indication of what

they will do by sea if they are able and are suffered
to have their own way. It is not only the fact of
what they have done, but the way in which they
have done it, that calls for reprobation. It was only
three months ago that the invaders, who have since
overrun and occupied the mainland, and now
threaten to seize the islands, solemnly declared it
was their intention to respect the integrity and in-
dependence of Denmark. They interfered to take
the matter out of the hands of the minor States and
the democrats, who wero bent upon dismembering
a neighbouring country. There were not wanting
sceptics, however, who ventured to intimate their
suspicions that when once the Duchies were occu-
pied, under colour of an execution or any other
pretext, the invaders would not stop until they had
accomplished what they have accomplished. When
war is once begun it will go on of itself till the
belligerents are tired; and, when one of the belli-
gerents ii stronger than the other in the propor-
tion of a dozen to one, he will not grow tired while
his opponent is capable of offering resistance. As
it has turned out, the prophets of evil were true
prophets. Those who ventured to suspect the
honour and good faith of Austria and Prussia proved
right, and those who trusted and believed in the
honour and the promises of those Powers, wrong.
Austria and Prussia solemnly promised to do one
thing and have done another. They have not only
done a different thing from what they promised to
do, but they have done a thing which is the exact
reverse of what they promised, and they have done
it in a way at which humanity revolts. Though
they determined to occupy Denmark, they might
have shown some respect for property, some regard
for civilised usages, some decent affectation of hu-
manity. They might at least have simulated a
show of virtue if they did not possess the reality.
But they have exhibited as great an indifference for
the appearances of propriety and humanity as for
humanity itself. If those who predicted that the
invaders would act as they have acted were now to
predict that if Austria and Prussia are allowed to
do as they please, and are able to do it, they will
destroy the Danish navy, by fair means or foul,
perhaps they would meet with a less sceptical re-
ception for their misgivings. The declaration that
the Austrian and Prussian fleets are only intended
to protect German ships in northern waters corres-
ponds to the declaration that the invasion of the
nis '`sh Duchies was only for the
.tpurposes of Fede-
ral execution and to keep the minor States out of
mischief; exe,:isat that it is hardly so plausible and
innocent in point 0119 rm, and comes at a less paci-
fic juncture in point of titre. if the combined Aus-
trian and Prussian fleets wero able to d
couldestroy t
anbed
actually did destroy the Danish rnsvY,
said that this was more treacherous or ',acne against
law and good faith that what the invading Powers
have already done on land ? This question is only
susceptible of a negative answer from all who know
the facts. The report that the Austro-Prussian fleet
was preparing to atteck that of Denmark only gives
definite form and substaece to what is passing in
men's minds. Everybody is morally certain about what
Austria and Prussia want to do. The acts of these
Powers, in diametrical contradiction with their pro-
fessions, incontestably prove what are their real
objects and designs. The only coedition of, carrying
them out is, that they are able to do so, and are
allowed by other Powers to do so. Will other
Powers allow this ? We have heard a great deal
about the principle of non-intervention forbidding
one Power to interfere in a quarrel between (Allier&
But we have yet to learn that the true significance
of this doctrine is that all the nations of Europe are
to stand by, apathetic and quiescent spectators,
while a strong Power conquers and destroys, dis-
members and absorbs, a weak one. The real mean-
ing of non-intervention is that other Powers shall
not interfere in the domestic affairs of a nation, as
Russia did when she crushed the Hungarians at the
instance of Austria. Bat it would have been no
violation of the principle of non-intervention for
other Powers to have prevented Russia from violat-
ing it. It was a vindication of the principle of non-
intervention when the Western Powers prevented
Russia by force from dismembering Turkey. The
Crimean war was substantially and really a war to
maintain the principle of non-intervention. It
would be no violation of non-intervention, but a
vindication of it, to prevent Austria and Prussia
from dismembering Denmark. To dismember an
independent State is of itself as gross a violation of
the principle of non-intervention as can well be con-
ceived. Non-intervention implies the integrity and
independence of nations; and to violate that in-
tegrity and independence is to violate the principle
of non-intervention. Whatever difficulty there
might have been about sending an army in mid.
winter to defend Denmark against her invaders,by
land, there can be no difficulty at this season in send-
ing a float toDanish waters. An army might have
had to fight, and fight against a much greater nume-
rical force, but at sea the case is reversed, and what
would be only a small squadron, judged by English
standard, would be enough to sweep from the waters
all tho men of war which Austria and Prussia
have in the world. The mere presence of the
English fleet would be quite sufficient to overawe
'he aggressors. Not only the Austrian and Prns.
sian navies, but the Austrien and Prussian ports
and seeboaid—what little they have—are corn;
pletely at our mercy. The naval power of Austria

and Prussia may be looked upon as a sort of Rus•
sian reserve, and it would not be good for the
world that the Danish fleet, which would be found
ranged on the side of the free Powers of Europe in
case of an emergency, should be destroyed. We
can now easily prevent a thing which cannot be
remedied if it be suffered to happen. If die Danish
fleet is destroyed it cannot be replaced, White
that fleet exists, and harbours to lodge it in exist,
Denmark will exist. Let that fleet be destroyed,
and there will be an end of Denmark, It does not
follow that because we did not act when Austria
and Prussia pledged their faith that therss should
be no call for action, and when action might have
been difficult, therefore we are to remain quiescent
and inactive now that we have been taught what
importance to attach to the good faith and pro-
mises of the invaders, and when we could act on
our own element with facility and with irresistible
force. A word in conclusion on the manner in
which the invaders have thought proper to carry
out their aggressions upon Denmark. Take an
illustration or two. They fix the amount
of the first instalment of the war contribu-
tion of the people of Jutland at £9d,000. If the
share claimed from a town is not forthcoming, the
municipality are forthwith seized and sent away
prisoners, to be kept as hostages until ransomed by
liquidation of the imposition. With a change of
names and forms this is very like what those whom
the Pope seems to consider as pious soldiers of the
Faith, and whom the rest of the world consider as
brigands and murderers, are doing in Italy. What
property is not taken by order of the military
authorities for the use of the army is taken by the
soldiers for their individual use without any
orders at all. What they cannot use they destroy,
out of wanton mischief. It is downright " wilful
damage," as our law understands the term. The
Prussian soldiers make bonfires of the houses, and
fire on the inhabitants if they attempt to extinguish
the flames. These things are circumstantially re-
lated in the letters of our correspondent at Copen-
hagen which we have recently printed, German
soldiers enter the shops and appropriate what they
choose to lay their hands upon, without paying,
just as Germany appropriates Danish territory. In
short, the conduct of the invaders towards the
Danes is just what it is in Posen and Galicia
towards the Poles. Europe, to its misfortune, has
seen the one country destroyed—will it suffer the
other to share the like fate ?