The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-18 00:00:00

of Gen. Hood's forces. It will therefore appear that
Gen. Hood has uninterrupted communication both
with Macon and Augusta.
,Although the first line
enumerated is in possession of the Federals, and
severs his direct communication With the Gulf of
Mexico, the resources of that favoured region are
still open to him by means of the railway which
passes through Macon and Columbus onward to Mo-
bile. Macon will undoubtedly be the further objective
point of the Federal general, for with its possession
two-thirds of the State of Georgia will be overrun,
the rear of Mobile threatened, and the great re-
sources of the Gulf country lie at his feet—a prize
dazzling enough to plunge into a winter campaign.
However, the contemplation of his present position
at Atlanta cannot fail to inspire Gen. Sherman with
serious apprehensions. Gen. Wheeler, with a large
force of cavalry, is still in his rear, and the railway
since the fall of Atlanta has several times been cut.
General Wheeler could find no more fruitful theatre
of operations, and he will, if all they say in his
favour be true, continue to harass Gen. Sherman's
rear with the efficiency and dash claimed for him by
his admirers. If so, the fruits of his operations
ought soon to be apparent, Bald partisan bands
will have a splendid chance to cause the Federal
general to wish that he were again in Chatta-
nooga ; I should, indeed, be very much mistaken in
the spirit of the Confederates if they did not con.
trive to keep Sherman's vital line of supply con-
tinually at hazard, and effect at length its utter
destruction.

In a recent letter, which, by•the-way, reads like an
open faced petition for promotion, a Federal Brigas
dien-General Seymour, lately a prisoner of war at
Charleston, and whose opportunities for observation
from a prison window must have been very great
indeed, assures the people of the North that the
Southrons are about giving up the contest by
reason of the exhaustion in men and material of
war. Iu eu v.xt,tguL rrom a letter—as he pretends
banded to him stealthily by some weak-kneed Con-
federate—he attempts to show that there is much
dissatisfaction among the people, and that thousands
of malcontents only await the martial tread of his
legions to return to the bosom of Father " Abraham."
Candour and a spirit of justice compel me to bestow
some notice upon the singular fabrication of Gen.
Seymour, which but for his glaring mis-statements
it would not otherwise have received.
The fact is, there lies a distance of over 600 miles
between the two main armies the Confederates
have contrived thus far to keep in the field. Be-
tween them there stretches a country not easily
rivalled in point of fertility and power of resources
—a country which in extent equals the area of the
kingdom of Prussia. From this region the main
supplies have for one year past been furnished to
these two great armies. It is therefore not likely
that with this territory undiminished, and a harvest
much more plentiful than that of last year, either
the army or people will be in any way embarrassed
for supplies. Even were this not se, a knowledge
of the country yet untouched in resources in Vie,
ginia and Tennessee enables me to say that it would
suffice to feed the army of General Lee, while
General Hood has at his back the States of Florida,
Alabama, and Mississippi almost entirely free from
Federal invasion. This region is in extent nearly
equal to the kingdom of Spain. But suppose the
Confederates were driven from both Virginia and
Georgia, and in their last effort either conquered
or dispersed in South or North Carolina, there is
still the magnificent domain of Texas, Louisiana,
Arkansas, and Missouri, in extent vaster than the
whole Austrian monarchy and the kingdoms of
Italy and Greece combined, now likewise almost
free from Federal invasion and full of resources to
which the Confederate Government is fully deter-
mined to repair should, what is quite improbable,
its forces be overwhelmed east of the Mississippi.
In point of materials of war the Richmond Go-
vernment has created foundries, arsenals, and mills ;
indeed, besides numerous military manufacturing
establishments throughout the country, the Coder
derates possess a powder mill at Augusta which
alone is capable of supplying the army and navy.
Whoever, therefore, speaks of exhaustion with this
wonderful peop'e does not know the extent of the
remarkable resources at command of the authorities,
the vast stores of cotton and tobacco yet intact,
entirely disregarded.

Bat the most obvious danger which threatens to
xeaken the military strength cf the Confederacy
is the decrease in men. The drain upon the popu.
lation has been terrible, and is daily augmenting ;
200,000 victims are estimated to have fallen in this
four year..' struggle, and every where cripples may
be seen whose torn bcdies testify to the frightful
carnage of the war and the power of modern pro-
jectiles. Still, two great armies are maintained,
with detachments and garrisons in many places
which combined .would make a third. That this
drain must eventually be seriously felt there cannot
be a doubt the nratui at increase of population under
these circumstances has its limits, but this, it may
be argued, affects the Northern fighting strength
alike with the Confederates. Judging from the
thronged appearance of every town and village
where trade still flourishes, there seems to be abun-
dant material at hand, for, mingling with invalids,
strong, hardy men may everywhere be seen with
apparently no tangible occupation. This fact is
made the basis of attacks against the Government
of Mr Davis, who is accused of favouritism ; it may
be this is right; still, it seems a cruel thing to sup•
pose Mr. Davis capable of such conduct when his
armies need. reinforcements sorely. 140,000 able-
bodied men are detailed to supervise the operations
of their farms and plantations, 50,000 aro exempted
from service because they are State officers, and it is
estimated over 100,000 young men between 17 and
18 years of age become liable to conscription in
1865, and whose enrolment has already been ordered
by the Secretary of War. Looking, therefore, at
these figures, which I have obtained from good au-
thority, there is certainly no danger of exhaustion
of men at present, and the armies of 1865, if, as the
Opposition papers call for, radical measures are
adopted must become vastly superior in strength to
those of 1864.

The second point General Seymour made was the
discontent which he says prevails among the people.
This is answered by the fact of the lath State elecs
tion of a Governor of North Carolina, when a can.
didato of a "peace party " was defeated by an over-
whelming majority of 50,000 votes, because "Peace
on any terms" was his watchword. The Confede.
rates ardently desire peace, bat they are not willing
to have it "on any terms." Negotiations with
them short of complete independence would be futile.
This Gen. M'Clellan, if elected, will find out to his
cost. There cannot fail to be discontented persons,
but their causes of complaint arise from their dif.
ference of opinion in regard to administrative de-
tails, and in no way affect the stability of the great
cause the Confederates are fighting for, viz., the
independence of their country and the right to self
government. After a straggle of now nearly four
years the Confederates know too well that nothing
but a strong bond, a bundle of fuses which nothing
can break, is necessary to achieve the goal of their
wishes ; they would, indeed, be bad pupils in the
school of adversity had they fait.ed to master so
simple a lesson taught by the history of every age.

EXTENSIVE DEFALCATION.—OnWednesdayMrW.
Oastler, who hes been manager of the Worcester
Gas Works for a number of years, was taken before the
Mayor and magistrates of Worcester, at the Guildhall,
charged with embezzling moneys belonging to the Worcester
Gas Company. The accused has been for many years the
confidential manager of the Worcester Gas Works, and
large sums of money passed through his hands annually.
Some suspicion having been latterly excited by his extrava.
gent habits and o I her circumstances, and some erasures hav-
ing been observed in the boDles kept by him, an opportunity
was seized during his absence in London of examining his
accounts, when the directors of the company discovered
that the account books had been tampered with, certain
entries of sums received having been altered by erasing a
figure, thus making—say take the place of an entry of
£2O. In this manner it was stated that defalcations had
been discovered already amounting to upwards of £1,000;
but as the accounts are still under investigatian a remand
was asked for. Mr J. Hallard, the chairman of the Gas
Company, was the only witness examined, and having
given formal evidence the prisoner was remanded for a week,
Ho was apprehended in Worcester on Monday night, on his
return from London. The affair, in connection with other
matters which it was Expected would shortly be brought
before one of the legal tribunals in London, has caused
great scandal in Woiceater,

The Davenport Brotherg.

The following letter has been addressed to the
Editor of the Morning Post :--
Sir,—lnasmuch as the Brothers Davenport :were hissed
off their stage on Tuesday through my instrumentality,
and their proceedings designated by an epithet which I will
not commit to your pages, probably it may seem fitting that
I should give some account of a proceeding not yet pub,
licly:noticed.
Soon after the first announcement of the Brothers Daven-
port in London, a communication was addressed to them
by me, at the request of the editor of the St. James's lila-
gazine,:ithat I would attend a séance and form my own
conclusions. Need I remark that bearing in mind the
Davenport management affect a certain scientific status, my
request, should have been gratefully received and at once
complied with. No notice was taken of that communication,
and, the circumstance having been subsequently adverted
to in your columns, no notice was taken of that.

Here, then, possibly the matter might have rested, so far
as I am concerned, but for the circumstance that on Mon-
day the editor of the Leisure Hour requested me to see the
various rope' tricks (the Davenport performance among
others), and state the results as evidence might warrant me.
Accordingly, I proceeded to the Agricultural Hall on
Tuesday, paid for admission, entered, and then, politely I
hope—desired to be placed in communication with some one
properly accredited to converse with me relative to the Da-
venports. I was introduced to Mr Palmer, explained my
object, asked permission to go upon the stages and went.
Having scrutinised the legs of the structure, I perceived
they were not insulated; insulation, as your readers will
remember. having been hitherto pronounced necessary. Re-
turning to my place amongst the audience, I mentioned the
fact of non-insulation to Mr Palmer, who, with sort of em-
barrassment, replied that " insulation was in a manner
unnecessary to-night, the room being so large." I did not
recognise the sequence; probably some of your electrical
readers will.

Presently the spokesman, Fay, went upon the stage, and
introduced his preternaturalists. Keeping clear of all posi-
tive statements as to the nature of the Davenport manifes-
tatione, he begged the audience to choose a committee of
two, who should bind the Davenports, observe their mani-
festations generally, end report. Thereupon (much quicker
titan sueniva accordant with good falti) two persons en.
tered upon the stage, installed themselves into a committee
and began to tie the Davenport Brothers, At this there arose
a loud protest from a clear msjority, who clamoured that I
should be one. In deference to their wishes I ascended the
stage,to which no immediate objection was made. I requested
to be allowed to tie the Brothers Davenport ; it was refused.
I requested to be allowed to enter the structure with them;
it was refused. I then said to the Brothers Davenport,
" Tell me—for I ask you with a purpose—do you profess to
be ignorant of the power by which you effect your manifes-
tation ?" Answer—" We have a general knowledge."
" Then, having a general knowledge only, how comes it that
on previous occasions you have affected total ignorance ?"
No reply. " I ask you very seriously," continued I, " be-
cause in the event of your telling me you do not know by
what means you accomplish these things, it will be my duty
to report concerning you, and to use a designation that will
not advance your interest on this side of the Atlantic."
" We only know to a certain extent," was the answer.
Thereupon my VOiC3 was drowned by uproar, and the exhi-
bition of projecting a bar of metel, bells, &c, from a hole
in the "structure" began.

Asa medical man, I know the use of the stethoscope to in-
terpret noises within the chest, so I placed my ear close to
the wall of the " structure" that I might listen to what was
going on within, This occupation of mine did not please
the authorities. Presently a heavy bar of metal—falsely
called a trumpet—was protruded and thrown in the direc-
tion of my head. I simply fenced the thing with my hand,
and caught it. I stuck by the structure and would not leave
it, Then began the so-called concert ; I remarked that
the violin and the guitar were not sounded together. I
moreover remarked that the sounds emitted by the guitar
were not those of any chord ; and, being a
guitarist myself, I am competent to speak with confi-
dence on that matter. Hands were thrust forth—and no
wonder, seeing the inefficient manner in which the Daven-
ports were bound.

One part of the exhibition over, I came to thip front, and
began to explain to the audience, who had sent me, an ac-
count of my experience, and the results arrived at. There-
upon personal violence was offered me. My address to the
audience could not be heard, and I left the stage.
Arrived amongst the audience, they insisted on my ad-
dressing them ; and, ascending a chair to do so, the organ
struck up, and I had to desist. But the audience insisted
that the Davenports should disappear, and they had to do
so. I was congratulated on all sides by persons wholly
strangers to me; and one of the audience introduced him-
self as an officer in plain clothes, who might possibly, he
said, be usetul, having heard me threatened by the conic).
deracy, lie gave me his name, I find it to be a name which
ie well known.

In conclusion, Sir, permit me to state that I publicly cha-
racttrised the proceedings on Tuesday by an epithet
stronger than you would like to pi int. I mean it, however ;
and the Brothers Davenport may take any notice if it they
please, as they please, or how they please—if they dare.--
I em, Sir, your obedient servant,
J. EcorrEnN, M. 8., London,

Sir S. Northcote on Conservative Reaction.

-

At one of the Colston anniversary dinners, at Bristol, on
Monday, Sir S. INi ort'acote referred at some length to the
Po called "Conservative reaction." He said, if there was a
reaction from the unjust depreciation of the Conservative
party, which was same time ago set on foot for interested
motives by their political opponents—it it was true that
people were beginning to find there was some liberality in
the Conservative party, and not that all the virtues in the
world were to be found in the party which had usurped the
title of Liberal, then he was glad that there was a Conser-
vative reaction; but if it was meant that there was any dis-
position on the part of that party to retrace its steps and
undo the great measures adopted in the country, he was
bound to believe that there was not any such reaction in the
first place, nor did he believe any such feeling, if it were in
existence, would be desirable or possible. He believed
that the Conservative party in the country were as much
and more interested in the progress of the country end in
the prcmotion of safe and necessary reforms as any other
party which they might name in the political world; for
only let them consider what the case was. There were two
classes of reform; there was Conservative Reform, and
Radical, or destructive Reform, If they wished to preserve
their institutions they must adapt them to the demands of
the day; they wished to get rid of them and put others in
their place, they were not anxious to reform them, but they
would let them go to pieces end decay as fast as possible.
He believed they would find the Conservative party would
carry on the work of reform as no other party in the United
Kingdom did. (Cheers.) What they complained in the pre-
sent state of things was there was at the head of affairs a
Ministry which was not Liberal or Conservative on its own
opinions, but which stood by the support of the extreme
party that liked to support extreme measures. That was a
desti uctive state of things, and they wanted to introduce a
stronger party, which could early out its own measures.
There was abundance of work for them to do, and abund-
ance of questions unsettled which needed to be settled.
There were questions of foreign policy, of financial policy,
of Church and State—all in their turn demanding urgent
settlement, which could not be left unsettled without dan-
ger to the State, and which it was not safe to leave in the
hands of men who were so little able to know their own
minds as the present Government. Let them take the ques-
tion of foreign policy. What could be more unsatisfactory
than the course of affairs with regard to Denmark ? It
was not a question whether one party in the country was
for going to war, and another for not going to war ; the
question was whether the Government had or had not
made up its mind to go to war, and whether it had al-
lowed its allies to know what its intentions were. There
was no doubt they had a right to maintain peace where they
could do it with honour. There was a non-intervention they
had to uphold where it was practicable. Cases of non-inter-
vention were of two kinds. First, where there was a strife
in a country with two parties in that country, such as in
America; and here it was their duty not to interfere, as it
was held not to be proper by them to interfere in the internal
affairs of another nation. There were other occasions in
which there arose questions between two different nations in
which it might be a question with them whether they ought
to interfere or not, and they should be careful not to inter•
vene unless they had a perfect right to do so, and their in-
tervention would do no more good than harm. It was said
were they to give up their moral influence ? No, they were
not ; the moral influence of England was the great element
in the peace of Europe and the progress of the world; but
what was meant by moral influence P It was not to shake
their fist in a man's face, but so to conduct their own affairs
and set such an example by the conduct of their own affairs
that they might have a salutary influence upon others; as
in this country when they put an end to slavery they exer•
cised a great moral influence upon the people of the world
upon the qu; stion of slavery. Where they inaugurated
the doctrine of free -trade, the moral influence of England
was exerted upon the world in a great degree; and if they
had a moral influence with regard to other nations, let them
exert it, but do not let them confuse that with the show of
physical influence which some seem to confound it with,
(Cheers.) There were other questions upon which the
country wanted guidance at the present time. How were
they to admit a proper share of the labouring classes into
the representation without overwhelming the nation ?
There were questions of finance; but there was one ques-
tion upon which he would say a very few words, and that
was the question which he thought was the most difficult
and most important they had to deal with—he meant the
relations between Church and State. In the present state
of things it was scarcely possible that any proper solution
of the question could be attained. There were men who
sat on the Government side of the House who wore
anxious to maintain the Church of England, but who
were so hampered by the pledges they had been obliged
to give their constituents that they were unable to deal
freely with the question. There was but one course for
them, and that was where they had a latent feeling for
Conservative 'principles to send to Parliament men who
would represent the Conservative cause and were men of