The Sun.
London, England, 1863-09-16 00:00:00

—..4d.
STAMPED ....sd.

Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think can ultimately
drive it out of existence, but no paper caormepnootmise to which
ifs rmoartayt such conafprreema
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would waste time, which the enemy would improve to our
disadvantage, and that would be all.
A compromise to be effective must be made either with
those who control the rebel army, or with the people first
liberated from the domination of that army by the success
of our army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or
intimation from the rebel army, or from any of the men con-
trolling it, in relation to any peace compromise, 'has ever
come to my knowledge cr belief. All charges and intima-
tions to the contrary are deceptive and groundless, and I
promise you that if any such proposition shallhereafter come
it shall not be rejected and kept secret from you. I freely
acknowledge myself to be the servant of the people, accord-
ing to the bond of service in the United States Constitution
and that as such I am responsible to them.
But, to be plain. Yea are dissatisfied with me about
the negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion be-
tween you and myself on that subject. I certainly wish
that all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not.
Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any mea-
sure which is not consistent with even your view, pro-
vided that you are for the Union. I suggested compensated
emancipation, to which you replied that you wished not to
be tax( dto buy negroes. But I had not asked you to bo
taxed to buy negroes, except in such a way as to save you
from greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by other
means. You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and,
perhaps, would have it retracted. You say it is unconsti-
tutional; I think differently. I think the Constitution in-
vests the Commander-in-Chief with law of war in time of
war.
The most that can be said, if so much, is that slaves are
property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that
by the law of war property, both of enemies and friends,
may be taken when needed ? and is it not needed whenever
taking it helps us or hurts the enemy ?
Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when
they cannot use it, and even destroy their own to keep it
from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power
to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things
regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are
the masacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male
and female. But the proclamation as law is valid or is not
valid; if it is not valid it needs no retraction; if it is valid
it cannot be protracted any more than the dead can be brought
to life.

Some of you profess to think that its retraction would
operate favourably for the Union. Why better after the
retraction than before the issue? There was more than a
year and a half trial to suppress the rebellion before the
proclamation was issued, the last 100 days of which passed
under an explicit notice that it was coming unless averted
by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war
has certainly progressed as favourably for us since the issue
of the proclamation as before. I know, as fully as one can
know the opinion of others, that some of the commanders of
our armies in the field who have won us our most important
victories, believe the emancipation policy and the aid of the
coloured troops, constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to
the rebellion, and that at least one of those important suc-
cesses could not have been achieved when it was but for
the aid of black soldiers.
Among the commanders holding these views are some
who have never had any affinity with what is called aboli-
tionism, or with Republican party politics, but who hold
them purely as military opinions. I submit their opinions
as being entitled to some weight against the objections often
urged, that emancipation and arming the blacks are un-
wise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in
good faith.
You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them
seem to be willing to fight for you ; but no matter, fight
you, then, exclusively to save the Union. I issued the pro-
clamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. When-
ever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union,'if
I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time
then for you to declare that you will not fight to free negroes.
I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever
extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that
extent it weakened the enemy in resistance to you. Do you
think differently ? I thought that whatever-negroes can be
got to do as soldiers leaves just so much less for white sol-
diers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise
to you ?
But negroes. like other people, act upon motives ; why
should they do anything for us if we do nothing for them?
If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by
the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom, and the
promise being made, must be kept.
The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes
unvexed to the sea, thanks to the great north-west for it.
Nor yet wholly to them ; 300 miles up they met New
England, Empire, Keystone and Jersey hewing their way
right and lel t. The sunny South, too, in more colours than
one, also lent a hend. On the spot their part of the history
was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great
national one, and let none be banned who bore an honour-
able part in lit: And while those who have cleared the
great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is
hard to say that anything has been more bravely and better
done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro', Gettysburg, and on
many fields of less note.
Nor must Uncle Sam's web feet be forgotten, At all the
waters' margins they have been present, not only in the
deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid river, but also up the
narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the ground was a
little damp, they have been and made their tracks.
Thanks to all for the Great Republic, for the principle by
which it lives and keeps alive for man's vast future. Thanks
to all.
Peace does not appear so distant as it did.
I hope it will come soon, and come to stay, and so come
as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then
have been proved that among freemen there can be no suc-
cessful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they
who take such an appeal are sure to lose their case and pay
the cost. And then there will be some black men who
can remember that, with silent tongue and clenched teeth,
and steady eyes and well-poised bayonet, they have helped
mankind on to this great consummation; while I fear there
will be some white men unable to forget that, with malig-
nant heart and deceitful speech, they have striven to hinder
it. Still, let us not be over sanguine of a speedy, final
triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply
the means, never doubting that a just God in his own good
time will give us the rightful result.

Yours very truly,
A. Li.xconrr
The following is General Gilmore's reply to Gen.
Beauregard's communication, which has already
been printed at length S.C.
Headquarters in the Field, Morris Island, ,
9 p.m., Aug. 22.
Sir,--I have the honour to acknowledge©.
the receipt of
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thrown a number of heavy ritlo shells into the city, the inha-
bitants of which of course were asleep and unarmed.
My leiter to you demanding the surrender of Fort Sum•
ter and Morris Island, and threatening in default thereof
to open fire eonarl
time
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regarded
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headquarters
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unfortunate .aao mt e r ,
at 11 15 a.m•
the 21st. .instant, and should have arrived
Theth answer
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cumstances
for the city of Charleston, but it is ono for which
I clearly am not responsible. This letter bore date at raY
headquarters, and was officially delivered by an officer of my
staff.
The omission of my signature doubtless affords grounds
for special pleading, but it is not the argument of a cowman-
der solicitous only far the safety of sleeping
children and unarmed men, women and
Threats of retaliation for acts of mine which you do not
allege to be in violation of the usages of civilised. warfare,
except as regards the length of time allowed as notice of my
intention, arc passed by without comment.
I will, howc;rer, call your attention to the well-established
principle that the commander of the place attacked, but not
invested, having its avenue of escape open and practicable,
has no right to a notice of
intention of bombardment other
than that which is given by the threatening attitude of his
adversary. Even had not this letter been written, the city
of Charleston has had, according to your own computation,
40 days' notice of her danger. During that time my attack
on her defences has steadily progressed. The ultimate ob-
ject of that attack has at no time been doubtful.
If, under the circumstances, the life of a single non-com-
batant is exposed to peril under the bombardment of the city,
the responsibility rests with those who have first failed to
remove the non-combatants, or to secure the safety of the
city after having held control of all its approaches for a
period of nearly two years and a half in the presence of a
throatening, force, and who afterwards refused to accept the
terms on which the bombardment might ilave been post-

pene,d.
F.-om variens sonrcPs, official and unnflirdal, I em led to
believe that most of the women and children of Charleston
were long sines remoTed from that city, but on your assur-
ance that the city is still full of them, I shall suspend
thw
bombardment until 11p.m. tomorrow, thus giving you
two days from the time you acknowledge to have received
my communication of the 21st.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Q. A. GILMORE, Brigadier-General Commanding.
To General P. T. Beauregard, Commanding
Confederate Forces, Charleston, S.C.
It appears that the Spanish and British Consuls
reepectluily aildre:ised General Gilmore on behalf of
the subjects of their countries in Charleston, and he
cheerfully mpea OA the bonabi;rdrnent, for 24 hour