The Sun.
London, England, 1864-08-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

on board they allowed us to proceed; Mr. James
Callahan, of the pilot boat William Bell, No. 24,
says that his boat was captured by the privateer
Tallahassee on the 11th inst., at 1 o'cl ck,
about 90 miles E.S.E. of Sandy Hook, after a chase
of half an hour, during which time the privateer
fired two solid shots and one shell, the latter ex-
ploding about six yards astern, when he hove-to,
and in an hour she was in flames. They took Mr.
Callahan on board the steamer, together with Mr.
J. W, Hamblet, Nicholas Code, and a crew of six
men, and subsequently transferred them to the
barque Suliote, which brought them to this city.
The above gentlemen state that, with a fall head
of steam, the privateer,' can make from 15
to 18 knots an hour. The William Bell,
when captured, WU going at the rate of 10 knots,
and the steamer overhauled her with but 91b. of
steam. Captain Moore, of the ship Adriatic,
burnt by the Tallahassee, states::—"Left London
July 7, with a full cargo of merchandise and 163
passengers, consigned to Messrs. E. E. Morgan and
Co. Nothing of interest occurred during the pas-
sage until the 12th inst., 5 a.m., in lat. 40 40, long.
71 40, we were ordered to heave-to by an unknown
steamer, and wait until they boarded us, which
they did, informing me at the same time that we
were a prize to the Confederate steamer Tallahassee
and that they were going to burn the ship, and
telling us to hurry up and get ready to leave. The
bark Suliote, of Belfast, Maine, Captain Panno,
from Cow Bay (Cape Breton) for New York, was in
sight at the time. They boarded her, and the
captain was compelled to sign bonds for 5,000 dole.
on condition that he would take myself, passengers
and crew into New York. They commenced trans.
(erring passengers, and gave them such little time
that they were forced to leave almost all their lug.
gage on board, which was burnt, together with the
ship. In rounding the ship to we were so close

that we carried away the mainmast of the priva-
teer, and, had there been a little more wind at the

time, the probability is we would have sunk her.
After myself, crew, and passengers, and the crew
and two passengers of the pilot-boat William Bell,
N 0.24, which she had destroyed the day previously,
altogether numering 201 souls, were put on board
the Saliote, there was scarcely standing room, and
had there been a gale of wind, or even a heavy
squall, the lives of two-thirds of those on board
would have undoubtedly been sacrificed, as the Sn-
liote's decks were even with the water; 13th inst.,
off Fire Island, bpoke and boarded the United
States steamer Susquehanna, cruising for the priva.
teen, gave them all the information we could, and
they supplied us with some provisions; 14th inst.,
arri►ed at New York. The Adriatic was 939 tons
burden, rated A 1, and was owned by R. H. Moore
(the master), Messrs. E. E. Morgan and Son, and
others of this city. A considerable part of the cargo
was on British account."

The Boston Herald contains the following :
"Captain Nathan A. Reed, master of the brig Bil.
low, of Salem, recently captured by the Tallahassee,
describes the piratical craft as an iron steamer, of
English build. She is schooner-rigged, and has no
yards or topmasts, and lost her mainmast in a colli-
sion with the ship Adriatic. She is a very long and
narrow vessel. She burns soft coal. She had about
100 men on board, who were subject to the discip-
line and order of a man-of-war. All the officers
were Southerners. She had three or four negroes,
who did not appear to be very jolly. She carries one
pivot gun and three forward guns, with one brass
rifle gun of large calibre on the hurricane deck.
She had also several spare guns. Capt. Reed was
on board the pirate vessel two or three hours, and
held considerable conversation with the commander
of the Tallahassee, John Taylor Wood, which he re-
ports as follows He said he could steam 16 knots
and that he had crossed the British Channel (21
miles) in 72 minutes. He would not fight, he said,
unless compelled; he preferred to run, as hie vessel
was fast. He averred that within one week ho had
destroyed over 50 vessels. Within 30 hours of my
capture, he said, he had destroyed 16 sail—viz., three
ships, two barks, and the rest schooners and herma•
phrodite brigs. One was the ship Adriatic, of New
York, captured the same day he took me. He added
that he ' would slacken up the coasting trade so that
Uncle Abe would be glad to make peace.' He asked
me about the Nantucket lightboat, and afterwards
said, recurring to his designs, that there were more
afloat than the Florida and Tallahassee—meaning,
of course, Confederate ships of a similar character to
his own, and that Uncle Sam had better look out.
Capt. "Wood appeared to be a very affable man, and
said he was doing what was not pleasant for him to
do.' "

The Susquehanna and the lE3lus were sent to sea
by Admiral Paulding in search of the Tallahassee.
The Grand Gulf was preparing for sea, and the
Juanita was to be despatched from Hampton Roads.
The gunboat Merrimac, cruising to Labrador, was
also under orders to look out for the Confederate
vessel.

A Washington despatch of the 16th gives the
following intelligence respecting the recent fight at
Dutch Gap :

"The mailboat Keyport reports a movement of
the 2d corps up the James River on Saturday night,
resulting in the routing of a large rebel force at
Dutch Gap, and the capture of over 500 prisoners,
besides seven pieces of artillery. The position oc•
espied by the enemy is said to have been a strong
one, and is now occupied by our troops, who are
able to hold it. The Keyport took down from Ber.
muda Hundred ".,3 Fortress Monroe over 100 pri-
soners from the fight, about 40 of whom claim to be
deserters. There was but little hard fighting. Ge-
neral Hancock accomplished his end by skilful ma-
noeuvring and surprise, consequently our loss was
small—lees than 100 men. Previous to the move-
ment up the river the troops were placed upon
transports and moved down ostensibly to below
Harrison's Landing, thus completely deceiving the
rebels, who at once supposed the siege of Peters.
berg and Richmond was being raised. Under cover
of the night the troops were turned up the river
again, and the result was a complete surprise to the
enemy. Our troops have now gained an important
position, within two miles of Fort Darling."
The Baltimore American contains a despatch
dated Bermuda Hundred, of the 16th, which says :
" Yesterday the 2d corps (Hancock's) were
going on to transports at City Point all day,
apparently for Washington, and started down the
river, their bands playing gaily. Of course the
rebels were watching from the shore, and no doubt
felt much interest in the movement. The trans.
port went down the river 10 miles, when they put
about under cover of the darkness and returned
under full speed. At the same time the 10th corps,
with the artillery of the 2d corps, were crossing to
the north side of the James River, and were all
landed up the river within 12 miles of Richmond
before 3 o'clock this morning. This force, with
Gen. Foster's, makes quite a respectable army. It
is understood that the first move will be to destroy
the rebel pontoons above Fort Darling. If this is
done Lee will be unable to transfer hie army to the
north side of the James without marching by way
of Manchester, more than 20 miles. Thus far all
works well. Musketry firing was heard in the
direction of the movement this morning."
From Washington, the 16th, another despatch
states :

" On Saturday Hancock's corps was put in mo.
tion on James River, and by a circuitous route
reached the north side of the river at Deep Bottom,
in the rear of Dutch Gap, on Saturday night. Tur-
ner's and Terry's divisions of the 10th corps also
crossed over to Deep Bottom on the same night.
Forster's division, which had been for some time
posted at Deep Bottom, was advanced by Gen. Bir-
ney a little after sunrise on Sunday morning, push-
ing the rebel line of skirmishers before them some
considerable distance, when the 24th Massachusetts
Regiment, Col. Osborne, charged and captured 70
prisoners. Meantime Gen. Gregg's cavalry had
cleared the roads for Gen. Hancock, and he got his
(the 2d) corps into position on Gen. Birney's right
on the Newmarket-road, which leads from the vici-
nity of Malvern-road directly to Richmond. The
position taken by Gen. Hancock is 18 miles from
Richmond. Gen. Birney made an assault on his front
and carried the line of works which guards the
approaches to Richmond in that quarter, capturing
six pieces of artillery and mortars. Some advices
state the number of mortars at four pieces.
The New York, Commercial has a statement that

Hancock was to move on Ball's Bluff, on the 15th
(Monday), and that the movement, if successful,
would necessitate the evacuation of Petersburg or
Richmond, as Grant would then be in a position to
. _

throw his whole force upon either. The despatch
states that two mortars had been captured from the
Confederates.

An official despatch from Admiral Farragnt has
been published :

"Flag-ship Hartford, Mobile-bay, Aug. 15.

" Sir,—l have the honour to report to the depart.
ment that this morning I entered Mobile-bay, pas-
sing between Forts Morgan and Gaines, and en-
countering the rebel ram Tennessee and gunboats
of the enemy, viz. :—Selma, Morgan, and Gaines.
" The attacking fleet was under way by 5 45 p.m.
in the following order :—The Brooklyn, with the
Octarara on her port side ; Hartford with the Me..
tacomet ; Richmond with the Port Royal ; Licka-
wanna with the Seminole; Monongahela, with the
Tecumseh ; Ossipea, with the Itasco ; and the
Oneida, with the Galena:

"Oa the starboard of the fleet was the proper
position of the Monitors or ironclads. The wind
was light from the southwest, and the sky cloudy
with very little sun. Fort Morgan opened on us at
10 minutes past 7 o'clock, and soon after this the
action became lively. As we steamed up the main
ship channel there was some difficulty ahead, and
the Hartford passed on ahead of the Brooklyn.
"At 7 40 the Monitor Tecumseh was struck by a
torpedo and sunk, going down very rapidly, and
carrying down with her all the officers and crew
with the exception of the pilot and eight or ten
men, who were saved by a boat that I sent from the
Metacomet, which was alongside of me.
" The Hartford had passed the forts before eight
o'clock, and finding myself raked by the rebel gun.
boats, I ordered the Metacomet to be cast off and go
in pursuit of them, one of which, the Selma, she
succeeded in capturing. All the vessels had passed
the forte by half-past eight o'clock, but the rebel
ram Tennessee was still apparently uninjured in our
rear. A signal was at once made to all the fleet to
turn again and attack the ram, not only with guns,
but with orders to run her down at full speed. The
Monongahela was the first that struck her, and
though she may have injured her badly, yet she did
not succeed in disabling her. The Lackawanna also
struck her, but ineffectually. The flagship gave her
a severe shock with her bow, and as she passed
poured into her a whole port broadside of solid 9-in.
shot and 131 b. of powder, at a distance of not more
than 12ft. The ironclads were closing upon her, and
the Hartford and the rest of the fleet were beating
down on her, when at 10 a.m. she surrendered. The
rest of the rebel fleet—viz., the Morgan and the
Gaines, succeeded in getting back under the proteo.
tion of Fort Morgan.

" This terminated the action of the day. Admiral
Buchanan sent me his sword, being himself badly
wounded with a compound fracture of the leg, which
it is supposed will havo to be amputated. Having
had many of my own men wounded, and the surgeon
of the Tennessee being very desirous to have Admiral
Buchanan removed to the hospital, I sent a flag of
truce to the commanding officer of Fort Morgan,
Brigadier-Gen. Richard L. Page, to say that if he
would allow the wounded of the fleet, as well as their
own, to be taken to Pensacola, where they could be
better cared for than here, I would send out ono of
our vessels, provided she would be permitted to re-
tarn, bringing back nothing she did not take out.
General Page consented, and the Metacomet was
despatched.

The list of casualties on our part, as far as yet
ascertained, is as follows :
Flag-ship Hartford —l9 killed, and 23 wounded.
Brooklyn-9 killed, 22 wounded. Lackawanna-4 killed,
2 wounded. Oneida-7 killed, 23 wounded. Monongahela
—6 wounded. Metacomet-1 killed, 2 wounded. OsAnee
—1 killed, 7 wounded. Galena-1 wounded. Richmond-
-2 wounded. In all 41 killed and 83 wounded. On the rebel
ram Tennessee were captured 20 officers and about 170 men.
The following is a list of the €,fficers :—Admiral F.Buchanan
—Commander Joseph D. Johnson—Lieuts. William L.
Bradford, A. D, Wharton, E. J. M'Dennert—Masters J.
R. De Molly, 11. W. Perrin—Fleet Surgeon D. B. Conrad
—Assist.- Surgeon R. C. Bowles—Engineers G. D. Lenon,
J. O'Connell, John Hays, E. Benson, W. B. Patterson—
Paymaster's Clerk J. 11. Cohen—Master's Mates Forest,
Beebe, and Carter. On the Selma were taken 90 officers
and men, Of the officers I have only heard the names of two,
viz., Commander Peter IL Murphy and Lieut. end Execu-
tive Officer J. H. Comstock. The latter was killed.

I I will send a detailed despatch by the first opportunity.
Very respectfully your obedient servant,
D. G. FARRAGTJT,
Rear-Admiral commanding W. G. B. Squadron.
Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy.
The correspondent of the Neu) 1 ork World,
writing from New Orleans, gives the following
details of the action :
Raceme unnecessary to state that the Admiral had be-
fore going into the fight exhausted the means at his com-
mand for the greatest possible protection of his vessels.
With the experience gained in his Mississippi battle, and
with the aid of that of his officers, to say nothing of his own
natural foresight and ability, he had prepared his ships
against the attacks of the enemy as perfectly as was in the
power of man. Some were partially mailed with chains,
and, in addition, to secure the greatest practicable safety,
the Admiral adopted the expedient of lashing his vessels
together by twos. The object of this was to prevent the
entire plan of battle becoming disarranged by the crippling
of one ship—for even if one were disabled, her consort could
still tow her along either into action or elsewhere. The
merits of the expedient were made apparent in this fight in
the case of the Oneida, which, though disabled, was towed
by the vessel to her out of harm's way, and clear from the
remainder of the fleet. On 'Wednesday morning the fleet
was signalled to action. The day was as beautiful as could
have been desired, and seemed in itself an omen of success.
At precisely 8 o'clock the attack was opened. The four
monitors, the Chickasaw, Tecumseh, Winnebago, and Man-
hattan, were in the advance, and were followed by the
wooden vessels in pairs, as stated above. The leading
wooden ship was the Brooklyn, and she was followed by the
Hartford. No sooner was the fleet fairly in motion than
the enemy opened upon us a tremendous fire from Forts
Gaines and Morgan. The rebel ram Tennessee and her
consorts also went to work at the same time. But little
attention was paid to this cannonade until within close gun
shot of the rebel forts, when our fleet opened with broad-
sides. The guns of Fort Morgan and of the water battery
were speedily silenced, and oar vessels passed into the bay.
Almost simultaneously with the entrance of Farragut's
fleet into the open water beyond Fort Morgan, the monitor
Tecumseh ran upon a torpedo and was instantly blown np.
It seemed as though she was raised clear from the water.
She sunk immediately, and with her nearly all her crew.
only 10 persons escaped, they being picked up by our boats
under fire ; 100 men, it is estimated, went down with the
Tecumseh. This unfortunate occurrence, however, did
not deter the remainder of the fleet from completing the
job in hand. The next thing in order was to destroy the
rebel fleet, and to this end all our vessels directed their
efforts. The Selma was captured after a short struggle, and
while attempting to escape, by the Metacomet. At the same
time the remainder of our fleet, the wooden ships having
cast off from each other, turned their attention to the Ten-
nessee, which boldly directed its movements towards run-
ning down our vessels. After a hammer-and-tongs fight at
short range, Admiral Farragut, desiring to bring the en-
gagement to a close, ran the Hartford into close quarters,
and directly for the monster. The Monongahela also bore
down upon her, and struck her amidships, causing her to
reel like a drunken man. The Hartford rushed down upon
her at full speed, and grappled with her, at the same time
pouring in a broadside. The Tennessee almost immediately
surrendered. On being boarded it was discovered that a
large portion of her crew had been killed or wounded.
Among the latter was the flag officer of the rebel fleet, Ad-
miral Buchanan, who was shot through the log, a little be•
low the knee. Amputation will be necessary, and, indeed,
it is doubtful whether the operation, it not already per-
formed, will be of any avail, as he is said to be in a critical
condition. He is now at Pensacola. With the capture of the
Tennessee the hard work of the opening movements against
Mobile was finished. The rebel Ironclads Morgan and Gaines
ran under the guns of Fort Morgan ; it is said the latter is
aground. The killed end wounded are about 250. As for
the injuries to our fleet they are trifling in comparison
with what it was feared they might be. Tho Oneida re=
ceived a terrible blow from the ram of the Tennessee,
and was run into shoal water to keep her from sink-
ing. The Hartford, I regret to state, was also severely
injured, though the worst wounds the gallant old vessel
received were not from the enemy. In the confusion caused
by the smoke of battle, and while she was at close quarters
with the Tennessee, she sustained a tremendous blow from
the Metacomet, intended for the rebel ram. The Hart-
ford had swung around directly in the path of the Meta-
comet, whose commander did not see the flagship until he
struck her. It is said that the Hartford will b.) sent north
for repairs. Let her have a grand ovation when she does
come. During the whole fight Admiral Farragut maintained
a position which betrays, not only the consummate daring
of the man, but his thorough appreciation of all the strate-
gic characteristics of his profession. Before going into ac-
tion he caused himself to be lashed to the rigging of the
Hartford, whence by a speaking trumpet, running to the
deck, he communicated his orders to those below and thence
to the rest of the fleet. From this elevated position he was
enabled to discover every movement of the rebel fleet, and
to direct the course of his vessels accordingly, as well as in

regard to the batteries on shore. He did not descend until
the last gun was fired and victory was established. The
station of the fleet pilot was similar to that of the admiral.
He was lashed to the rigging, and thence was enabled to
communicate to his associates the necessary directions. The
despatch boat Philippe was burnt, not in the action, bat out-
side the harbour, and within sight of our fleet. What
caused the catastrophe is unknown, and mystery also in-
volves the fate of her crew. It is believed, however, that
they escaped in open boats to our vessels in the Mississippi
Sound."

The Richmond Enquirer of the 12th says :
" Fort Gaines has gone the way of Hatteras, Rpanoke
Island, Pulaski, end Hilton Head. Its isolated position was
exposed to the concentrated assault of the Yankee navy and
flanking operations of troops detailed upon commanding
points, Perhaps the officer in command of the fort may
have proved hims3lf a traitor. In that case eternal infamy
awaits him. If these forts were not built to be taken, they
have not thus far rendered any other use. It is not worth
while to discuss the policy, since Fort Gaines is about the
last of our sand-bar defences this side of Galveston. The
lower fort captured and our ironclad flotilla demolished,
Mobile would seem in danger of being taken. Mobile, while
shsring the fate of Norfolk and New Orleans, will have our
sympathies."
The Richmond Examiner remarks :

" The naval disaster at Mobilo is unquestionably an un-
pleasant affair, and ve fear will tend to fix ineradicably in
the public mind the dea already entertained, that our iron-
clad navy is foredoomed, each bhip, when built, either to
be captured, blown uo by our own people, or stranded. The
subsequent surrender of a fortress in the same quarter as
strong as modern science, with the experience of the de-
fences of Charleston, ample time and unstinted resources,
could make it, fills al hearts with a deep and lacerating
grief and a rankling spirit of indignation. Fort Gaines has
been surrendered by its commander---a Colonel Anderson—
with its heavy armament, its adequate stores of munitions
and subsistence, its large garrison of 600 battle-tested Con-
federate soldiers, its utirepaired defensive means and ap-
pliances, in direct, defisnt disobedience of orders, and in the
face of the prolonged cefenee of Battery Wagner—in the
face, too, of the memorable example of Fort Sumter, after
395 days of an unparalleled bombardment. We had hoped,
indeed, that after the debnce of Charleston and the attacks
on Fort M'Alister we should be spared the repetition of
such humiliating disasters as the capture of the works de-
fending Port Royal harbour and Hilton Head, the surrender
of Fort Hatteras, and the reduction of Fort Jackson, at
the month of Mississippi, and of Fort Pulaski. Bat all
these become insignificant iE comparison with the
crowning shame—as history mast record it in adaman-
tine letters—of the capitulation to Farragut of Fort Gaines,
after so trifling a defence against so slight an attack. The
works at Mobile are of a superor order, and extensive
enough at all threatened or assailable points. Those works
are provided with guns of the heviest calibre, such as have
been found in every instance at Charleston potent enough to
drive out of action the Monitors 43' the enemy in a very few
minutes. Forts Gaines, Powell, and Morgan are some 30
miles distant from Mobile. They were valuable adjuncts,
unquestionably, to the defence of the city, and their loss is
deplorable, but in no way vital so that defence. Between
them and Mobile have been built, and thoroughly armed, a
line of works commanding the inner harbour. This line the
Yankee navy must reduce ; land batteries cannot be brought
to bear upon them ; obstructions aid torpedoes bar the way
to be passed ; and the capture of Mobile should be a far more
difficult problem than was that of Charleston in the begin-
ning of July, 1863. Farragut has qtalities which make him
a more dangerous adversary, we cnifees, than Dahlgren ;
but Canby, from what we learn, is V no moans as well fitted
for the conduct of siege operations as Gilmore. General
Canby is a more routine soldier, entirely without knowledge
of artillery, fearful of consequences, and at bottom a man of
slow, shallow intellect."
Ctncinnatti advices of the :sth are as follows :
"An Atlanta correspondent gives an account of an action
on the 6th, in which the 23 corps lost over 500 men in a
partially unsuccessful assault on tle enemy's lines. At the
last accounts (August 8) our line advanced to three miles
north-west of Atlanta, and within a mile and a half of the
Macon-road. Atlanta advices to the 10th state that since
General Schofield's movement on the Oth to reach the Ma-
con-road nothing important had )een done. These move-
ments have been partially successful, and the right of the
line assumed a position three mites north of East Point,
about a mile from the railroad. The line thence extends
north around the city to the Chat;annooga-road. General
Sherman is making gradual approaches, and is very near the
enemy's works, with works nearly as strong ae theirs. It
is thought that Hood has received reinforcements."

TeetEs.—When M. de Persigny was explaining
to his audience last week that there was as much
liberty in France as in England, only that it was
French liberty in one case and British liberty in the
other, he found himself a little embarrassed by the
question of the Press. It was impossible to main-
tain that the French Press was free, even according
to the French idea of freedom ; and so M. de Per-
signy frankly made an exception of the case, and
justified the exception. He said that the "founders
of English liberty" had experienced precisely the
same necessity, and adopted precisely the same
course ; and, as he designated the period of the legis-
lation referred to, we have no difficulty in following
his argument. His intention was to compare France
under Napoleon 111. with England under Queen
Anse or George 1., and to defend the restrictions
now imposed on the French Press by examples
drawn from our history in the last century. The
parallel thus suggested opens a very curious view.
It is not to b© denied that the dynastic histories of
England and France coincide, through certain chap-
ters, in a most remarkable manner. We began with
our great Revolution, among the results of which
were the dethronement and execution of the reign-
ing Sovereign and the substitution of a Common-
wealth for a Monarchy. After an interval of a few
years this Revolution was followed by a Restoration
of the legitimate dynasty; and again, after another
interval, the Restoration was succeeded by a fresh
Revolution, which expelled the legitimate King,
and established a Constitutional Monarchy in a new
branch of the Royal House. In the history of France
each of these revolutions is exactly reproduced.
The French first had their great Revolution,
which had brought about the execution of Louis
XVI, and the establishment of a Republic. Then
came the Restoration in the person of Louis
XVIII., and then again the expulsion of the legi-
timate dynasty, and the substitution of a Consti-
tutional monarchy in the House of Orleans. Now,
it very naturally happened that at each of these
political conjunctures the French bethought them.
selves of the English precedents. In 1789 a complete
Anglomania prevailed in Paris. Royal dukes walked
about in top-boots, and English customs were every-
where in fashion. In 1830 it was the boast of Louis
Philippe and his Ministers that the new revolution
was the exact counterpart of that which finally
secured England its freedom and its tranquillity,
and that with this event the series would terminate
in their case as it had done in ours. But at this point
the parallels ceased. M. Guizot's anticipations were
not fulfilled. There was yet another revolution
to come. Louis Philippe, instead of steering the
new monarchy through the shoals and breakers
ahead of it, suffered shipwreck, and a second re-
public, succeeded by a second empire, supervened
upon the crash. When it is urged, therefore, on
behalf of the successive Governments of France
that they ought to be compared, not with our Go-
vernments in the present reign, but with those in
the reign of the first two Georges, there ie an appa-
rent foundation for the claim. M. Guizot's position
was that of a Sir Robert Walpole, not of a Sir
Robert Peel. It could only be required of him,
therefore, that he should be as liberal as -Walpole
was in his political acts, and not more unscrupulous
in his management of Parliament. He was sur-
rounded by the partisans of an exiled dynasty, ace
Lively intriguing for a Restoration, and still sanguine
of ultimate success. He was even beset by dangers
which -Walpole escaped, for in France the advocates
of Republicanism as well as Legitimacy still sur-
vived to threaten the Government established, and
there was a powerful party of Imperialists besides.
It was apparently unreasonable to exact of a
Minister conducting an Administration under these
conditions that he should accord absolute free-
dom of action to parties who might be expected to
use it for the destruction, not only of the Govern-
ment, but of the dynasty too. Nor is the argument
at first sight much less applicable now than it was
twenty years ago. We are apt to forget how slowly
things right themselves after a political convulsion.
Between the first and what happily proved to be the
last of our Revolutions about fifty years intervened,
but it would be a great mistake to imagine that the
institutions of 1688 were rapidly established. For-
tunately for us, they were never actually subverted,
and as the tree could not be overthrown it gradually
took root, but many were the political storms to be
encountered, and many the dangers to be escaped.
It is of course hard to give any arbitrary date as
marking the end of all dynastic rivalries and the con-
semmation of the political work, but the resumption
of prayers for the Royal family in Roman Catholic
chapels is regarded with some reason as indicating
the adhesion of the last outstanding malcontents.
That happened in the year 1767, so that our Act
of Settlement, passed in 1701, took nearly 70 years
in settling. We need only contrast with these
periods those of the various French Revolutions
to see that some allowance may still be claimed by
the Governments of France. Even if the dynasty
of Louis Philippe, the Constitutional Monarchy,
had never been overthrown, and had weathered
every storm up to the present day, it would still at
this moment have reached only that stage of growth
which was attained by our own Monarchy in the
year 1722. But in France the Constitutional tree
enjoyed no such opportunities. It was uprooted
before it had stood twenty years, and in its place i
there now stands another plant, which has not yet
had even that time to take root and grow. Mea-
suring, in fact, the course of French history with
our own, stage by stage, and reckoning from
the latest Revolution, we should be carried
well into the next century before we found our-
selves at a date which would correspond with the
epoch of final settlement in England. But the fact
is that all this parallel, though historically curious,
falls very short of a true comparison. M. de Per-
signy and the statesmen of his school leave out of
the account the immeasurable difference between the
two ages contrasted. George I. and his Ministers
did not succeed to the government of a country in
which the freedom of the press had been long enjoyed
—in fact, such freedom, as we understand it now had
never existed at all. The press, as it was regulated
by Walpole, was no such exception to the institutions
around it as the French press is now. It was pretty
nearly on a level with other things, and had, at any
rate, never been in a much better position. It grew
as other institutions grew, and was adopted in its
progress to the wants of successive generations. In
I the eighteenth century, moreover, there were no
invidious comparisons to be drawn between one coun-
try and another. Englishmen could not look across
the Channel and contemplate the operation of a free
press in France. They knew nothing either from
recollection or observation of a better state of things,
and therefore the facts created little offence. But
the country in which the press is now reduced, ac-
cording to M. de Persigny's own estimate, to the
condition of the English press in the days of Wal-
pole, is a country in which journalism was recently
carried to a high point of political excellence. The
age in which these obsolete restrictions are revived
Is an age eminently characterised by free thought
and diffusion of knowledge. It is an age which re-
cognises infinite advantage in free discussion. We
have come to the conclusion that within limits very
liberally fixed, nothing but good can come of inquiry
and argument. Between this age therefore and an ago
long gone by no true parallel can be drawn, and M. de
Persigny himself involuntarily marks the difference
when he expands so much rhetoric and ingenuity in
justifying the policy maintained. Walpole would
never have taken that trouble, nor would it ever
have been expected of him. We are not blind to
the exigencies of what M. de Persigny calls " a
country newly constituted." It is the old appeal.—
Res durce et reyni novitar. Bat as long as the press ,
is kept under such thraldom as is maintained in
France, so long will the beet instrument of political
progress be lost.

POST.—Of all places in the world the last in which
one would have expected to hear of an insurrection
is a Swiss Canton, and we were proportionately
astonished when we were told a few days since that
in Geneva the people had come in collision with
the authorities, barricades had been raised, and
blood spilt- A day later we learned that the dis-
turbances had been suppressed, and order once
more restored, and that what was at first spoken
of as an insurrection was nothing more than that
sudden ebullition of popular feeling to which our
French neighbours—no mean authorities on such
matters—give the name of an emeute. In Great
Britain the disturbances would have been set down
as simple election riots, and indeed the circumstance
alone of the borough being in the present instance
the State invested them with the importance which
they possessed. The Swiss Confederation is very
differently constituted from that league which,
until a few years since, was known to the world as
the American Union, nor do the States composing it
claim that unfettered independence on the enjoyment
of which the American States so much pride them-
selves. Into the distinguishing characteristics of the
two republics it will however be unnecessary to enter,
nor will it, fortunately,bu incumbent on us to explain
the relationship existing between the local Govern-
ment of the Canton of Geneva and the supreme
Federal jurisdiction which is exercised by the dele-
gates of ail the Cantons. The appeal made on the
recent occasion by the State Council to that of the
Federation for assistance i❑ restoring order, though
responded to, was in truth unnecessary, and the
Genevese are entitled to the credit of having allayed
the storm which they had themselves excited. The
issue raised by the populace was of the simplest,
and apparently most unimportant, kind. No prin-
ciple of government was at stake, nor did any of the
disaffected citizens contemplate even the slightest
change in a political system which secures to them
the fullest enjoyment of civil liberty. The simple
question was whether the election of a candidate to
the office of member of the State Council could be

set aside by a general committee whose duty it is to
determine the validity of all elections, although
the candidate so chosen had obtained a clear
majority of votes. An election had taken peace,
and one of the candidates was officially declared to
have polled three hundred and twenty-six votes
more than his opponent, but nevertheless, for
reasons which were not stated, the election was deg
Glared invalid. Party spirit runs high at Geneva
as elsewhere, and, under circumstances such as
these, it is scarcely a matter for surprise that the
supporters and partisans of the supposed victor
should have rather angrily questioned a decision the
justice of which, to say the least, was not apparent.
Hence arose the disturbance at Geneva, and were
we not painfully aware of what have been the con-
sequences in America of the election of an executive
officer who does not command the confidence of the
entire community, we might be at a loss to under-
stand how such a circumstance could have led to a
little insurrection. 'We published yesterday the
official report addressed by the State Council of the
Republic of Geneva to the Federal Commissioners
appointed to investigate the causes of the late dis-
turbances, and on Saturday last some correspon-
dence bearing on the same subject, and from these
joint sources there is but little difficulty in discover-
ing the merits of a quirrel which, for some hours
at least, disturbed the repose of one of the frontier
cantons of the Swiss Confederation. A vacancy
having lately occurred in the Federal Council
owing to the appointment of M. Poida, one of its
members, to the Legation at Turin, M. Chaliet •
Venal, of the State Council of Geneva, and repre-
sentative of the Radical party of that canton, was
elected to the vacant place. An election of a mem-
ber to the State Council followed as a matter of
course, and gave rise to a trial of strength between
the Conservative and Radical parties in Geneva, the
former supportisg M. Cheneviere, and the latter M.
James Fazy. The result of the election is thus stated
in the official report :—" The scrutiny showed that
M. Cheneviere had obtained five thousand six Mine
dred and seventyeseven out of eleven thousand and
seventeen valid votes, giving him, errors excepted, a
majority of three hundred and twenty-six votes over
M. Fazy. The committee of the General Council,
which, according to the constitution and the law,
is alone competent to determine the validity of an
election, after having announced this resulndeclared
the election invalid, for reasons with which we are
not yet precisely acquainted." As soon as this de-
cision became known the supporters of M. Chene-
viere repaired to the Hotel de Ville, and called upon
the Vice-President of the State Council to annul it,
and declare their candidate duly elected. M. Vautier,
the Vice-President, stated that the State Council
had no jurisdiction in the matter, but promised to
assemble its members without delay. Shortly
afterwards the members of the State Council met
at the Hotel de Ville, the approaches to which
were thronged by the Conservative voters, and the
President of the General Council, whose committee
had annulled M. Cheneviere's election, formally
notified the decision of the committee, at the same
time stating that, in his opinion, it was based on
insufficient grounds, and that it was his intention
to convoke the committee again, with the view of
reconsidering its decision. A deputation from the
citizens meantime pressed upon the State Council
the necessity of declaring M. Cheneviere to be duly
elected, which the latter, with equal resolution, re-
fused to do, on the very intelligible ground that such
a declaration would be ultra vices. A compromise
was at length agreed upon between the deputation
and the Council of State, by which the latter agreed
to set forth in a proclamation the result of the
scrutiny, the decision of the committee adverse to
M. de Cheneviere, and the fact that the committee
had been convoked for fresh deliberation. This com-
promise did not, however, satisfy the body of the
Conservative electors, and the Police Commissary
despatched by the State Council to read the pro-
clamation to the people was not for some time perm
mitted to leave the Hotel de Ville. 'When at
length he succeeded in doing so, he was attended
by a vast concourse of people, and on reaching a
quarter of the town chiefly inhabited by the
Radical section of the community, a shot was fired
which killed or wounded some of the supporters
of the Conservative candidate. A report then
spread in Saint Gervais, the quarter to which
we have alluded, that the State Council was im-
prisoned in the Hotel do Ville, and the Radical party
immediately determined to rescue its members. The
arsenal was then broken into, and large quantities
of arms were distributed amongst the crowd. Then
followed those collisions which unfortunately were
attended with loss of life. The conflict was not,
however, of long continuance. The members of the
State Council were permitted to leave the Hotel de
Ville and visit the " faubourg," as St. Gervais, the
St. Antoine of Geneva, is called, in order to prove
that they were free, and shortly afterwards order
was once mere restored. M. Forneroel, the commis-
sioner despatched by the Federal Council to Geneva,
happily found no necessity for the employment of
the Federal troops which were placed at his disposal.
We have no desire to express au opinion on the
conduct of the rival factions, or to apportion the
blame of having occasioned the recent disturbances.
Nor do we think ourselves called upon to form an
estimate of the character of M. Fazy, the Democratic
candidate, a character which certainly has not been
painted in the brightest colours in the communica-
tions which have been addressed to us. Regarded
as a question of pure law there can be no doubt that
the committee of the General Council to which, by
the constitution, the power is entrusted of deter-
mining the validity of elections, was entitled, if he
saw proper, to annul Mr. Cheneviere's election.
But in the presence of surrounding circumstances,
and more especially or the substantial majority by
which that candidate was placed at the head of the
poll, the exercise of their power, apparently without
any reason assigned, was impolitic, if not unconsti-
tutional, and, as we are inclined to think, prcperly
provoked opposition. The loss of life must afford
subject-matter for regret, but otherwise we might
say that we are sorry to see a people ready, though
it may be with a strong arm, to vindicate the free
exercise and the unqualified recognition of those
electoral rights which are all in all to the_members
of a republic.