The Sun.
London, England, 1852-06-16 00:00:00

SUN,

be ready to be called out at almost an hour's notice. Now,
' he asked, would the proposed militia answer that de-
' ecrip"on? It was obvious that no force not permanently
lembodied could be seffisiently disciplined to meet regular
o
Their main reliance must be on their
How could they expect to get men to armytrop s
and i rho
navy, field. 11
serve at 7s. a week who were probably receiving at least
12e a week wages as labourers? They proposed also to
tike them from their homes for a period of five years, in
order remake them serve as common soldiers, with the
disadvantages of being subject to martial law and to the
regular military discipline. Looking at all the induce-
ments held out to the soldier, he was of opinion that the
soldier's career was by no means a bad one to him who
was ready to do his duty. But this was not the care
with the militia. If they paid down the bounty at once
they would probably get the most worthless of the po-
pulation, who would be tempted by the amount to enlist.
He feared that under this Bill men would be found
pocketing the bounty, with which they would proceed
to California, to Canada, or the United States, and that
when they were wanted they would not be forthcoming.
And now a word upon the subject of desertion. By the
Act of 1803, it was proposed to raise an aeiny of reserve
of 49,880 teen. The number actually raised was 45,492.
Of these 2,873 were balloted men, substitutes for re-
crutte. Of the whole number only 44,071 joined their
regiments, and of these. during ten months, 5,651 de-
serted, or were claimed as deserters. and 2,116 were
charged with committing other offences. Under this
kill, if men coitiel not be procured by voluntary enlist•
ment, recourse was to be had to the ballot. There was
this, however, to be urged as a merit in the Act of
1803 —namely, that every balloted man could claim
from the parima in which he lived one-half of the cur-
rent price of a substitute, provided a certificate vvere
procured from the deputy-lieutenant of the county.
If the price of a sulestituto should rise to 301., which
was a low average, the party could call upon
the perish to pay him 151. Although this provision
was beneficial to the individual, it was not so to the
country, which might, on account of 80,000 men, be
called upon within the next two years to pay, perhaps,
a sum of 1,200.0001. He thought it particularly hard
upon the people of the manufacturing districts to compel
service or impose a heavy fine. Witte regard to prece-
dent, he denied that the principle on which put militias
had been raised was that of pressing the lower orders
into .
service, tee nervn preference to the classes above them.
By au Act of Charlesi 11. the OMB of furnishing to the
ranks of tho militia was thus established. A man pos-
' sewing; 501. a year, or 6001. in money, was to supply a
foot seldiete A person receiving 6001. a year, or in the
possession of 6,0001. in money, a horse soldier ; and men
of smaller property were • to club their funds together,
to enable them to supply their contingent. He believed
in the patriotism of the people of this country, bat it
behoved Parliament to beware how it alienated that
feeling of patriotism by committing an act of injustice.
But he had other objections to the Bill. Whilst he be-
lieved the oldie would prove a failure he at the same
time felt confident that it would interfere with recruit-
ing for the regular army. It was impossible to go into
the market for 80,000 men for this torce without crip- '
pling regular enlistment. It could be incontestably. shown
that the ballot had, in past times, hod „the 'effect of
checking the ordinary recruiting for theetilloynand that
men held back in the hopo of being regaireel'as substi-
tutes in the militia. He cerifesSed he shared in the ge-
neral persuasion that this measure would never be car-
ried into effective operation. If it was, he thought it
would succeed in enlisting only the least steady, the
least industrious, and the least intelligent portion of the
working population. Would it be wise to procure such
men, partially train them in the use of arms, and then,
after the lapse of five years, turn them loose upon the
country ? The danger of such a course bad been felt in
France, and it would be well to evert it here. At the
present moment there was no political excitement
emongst the working (dames, owing, as he believed, to
there being no grounds of complaint as to their condi-
tion; but it ought to be remembered that ten years had
not yet passed over our heads since it was necessary to
send a military fOrcelnto the manufacturing districts to
restore order. He denied that there was any inconsis-
tency in opposing this Bill and supporting that of Lord
John Russell, for the -two measures were essentially
different, so different that it was hardly possible to ap-
prove
of the one and not disapprove of the other. The
one measure provided for what was called a local
militia, and the other for a general militia; both
proposing to take the measure passed at the period of
the last war as a foundation. In 1809 Lord Castle-
reagh, in introducing the Bill for the formation
of a local militia, maintained what he (Earl Grey) con-
tended ought to be the principle on which a reserve
force ought to be enrolled to assist the regular army.
Under ttie old Act, in case of actual invasion, the local
militia could be removed to or from any part of the
country, and such was the intention of the Bill of Lord
John Russell. Lord Castlereagh proposed a strictly
local force, to be permanently embodied in case of ac-
tual invasion, and then only in case of the inability on
the part of counties to supply voluntary corps. He
(Berl Grey) thought it unfortunate that the intention of
Lord Castlereagh had been departed from, and that a
local mititia, which had proved a most valuable force,
was supplanted by a regular militim Since the war the
regular militia had cost the country 8,000,000/, and from
that period to the present he doubted whether it had
contributed one iota to the safety of the empire. Lord
J. Russell in his Bill proposed that no militia should
be raised in those counties where voluntary corps could
be established. The contingent to be supplied by an
organized police ought not to be forgotten. 53 be-
lieved that at the present moment in a majority of oar
counties the police force was inefficient end ineffective—
(Hear, hear)—and he thought county magis-
trates would do well if, proceeding upon
the authority of Acts of Parliament, they set about
forming a more complete police force than now existed,
the expenee of the force to be thrown upon the general
revenue. A police force formed on the model of the
Irish constabulary would be a protection to the country
in time of war, and could render most effective service
in time of
peace. It was also a part of the plan of Lord
John Russell to assist the formation of 'volunteer rifle
corps, on the understateding that they were recommended
by the lord-lieutenants of counties, and that the parties
who composed them should find their own arms and
accoutrements. Such a force would add, he thought, to
the safety of the country. By encouraging such corps
the practice of the rifle would become as much an amuse-
ment with the young men who belonged to them, as the
use of the bow did with our ancestors. In a period of
actual invasion such a force would be found far superior
to a mere body of mercenaries, and although it might
not be able to contend with the disciplined troops of
Russia or France it
Eoglaud, prove a very formidable
it would, as containing the flower of
the young met,auxiliary to the regular army. The measure of his
Noble Friend would have reduced the period of embodi-
ment to the minimum of twelve months, or, in ordinary
circumstances, six months. The great objection to the
present Bill was, that the better classes of the people
would not expose themselves to the risk of being
celled out to serve as soldiers for so 'lung a period as
five years, in the event of a war breaking cut. The
Government had, et the same time, virtually rejected the
(dere of the volunteer corps, under the idea that they
would interfere with the service of the militia. That,
however, was a fallacy ; for the class of persons who
could afford to furnish themselves with arms and an-
coutremente were not likely to enlist in the militia as
common soldiers. The Bill of his Noble Friend ad-
mitted substitutes, and thoueh, undoubtedly, it also al-
lowed the ballot—it wad only as a last resort or reserve;
and if he had conceived there was the least possibility of
its being practically required and enforced, he would
Bever have been a party to the proposal of the measure
by the late Governthent. He conceived, upon these
grounds that the differences between the two measures
were so serious and so much matter of principles that
it was impossible for anyone who had adopted the first
measure to agree to the present one. ' He would now
offer a few observations on the general state of the de-
fences of the country. He considered that we must
mainly rely on the ' regular troops and the navy—
principally on the navy. He was of opinion
that we ought to possess a naval force su- ,
perior to any other force which wo could ever
have • to meet in the Channel—equal to the navies
of France and Russia. It was not necessary that the
•
force should be. always in the Channel, but within a mo-
derate distance, whence it could be brought back in a
short time. ' It was'better for the discipline of the navy
that it should be stationed in the Mediterranean or in
the Tagus than at POrtsmouth. The Government should
take care, however, to have information of what was
going on abroad, so awto have a force always available
at short notice, superior to any force we might have to
meet. A superior naval force diminished the necessity
for a standing army, which, after all, was the only force
on which, when it came to actual fighting, we could
place any reliance. With a superior naval force we
might do, of course, with a far' less military force. Ile
did not believe the defences of the country to be in so
inadequate a. condition as had been represented; on
the contraryaour. naval force had been augmented since
1846, and the number of troops (excluding artillery) was
about the same. The artillery also had been placed upon
such a footing that it. would soon be nearly double what
1 it was when Lord J. Russell acceded to office. This was
the branch of the service which, as it took most time to
train, ought most to be looked to in a period of
peace. His opinion was, that means should be taken to
provide for properly increasing the regular troops. This
could not be provided for by a mere increase of the
standing army. It was requisite to take means for se-
curing the more rapid recruiting of the troops in time of
war, and for making the force as efficient as possible.
With respect to the system of recruiting and trainiug,'he
believed considerable improvement might be introduced
in order to attain these objects. In 1847 he had intro-
duced a Bill to shorten the period of . enlistment to 10
years. The illustrious Duke (Wellington), whose opi-
nion on such. subjects it would be presumptuous to dis-
pute, hail then declared the effect of such a measure
would ba to deprive the
army of numbers of valuable
men who had served :,no
r ethan 10 years. 'Bat he (Earl
Grey) doubted whether i it
limo
not be well even to in-
cur, that incouvenieuce in
cure the great object of a lm°ofstrongpeace; in order to se-
cure reserve of regularly
trained troops, which was so
important
the opposition certain to be d ein on account of
m
against the continuance of a numerous tanhisdin. country
in time of peace. His proposal would be that g army
years' service soldiers should be allowedt
to after 10
and be enrolled tea peneieners, who would then forremtirae
regularly trained force, available in any emergency. With
tegami to the training of the troops, too,
there was great
room far improvement. lie believed at present that there
was no suffioiently effective system of training in opera-
tien in the army, and that especially with , respect to
bell-filing there were not proper facilities for practice.
He had even heard that the troops who had gone out in
the Birkenhead. took their first lessons in firing ball
i. during a few days while the ship was detainee' at Ports-
; month. Ee was of opinion also that the practice of for-
tificetion Was
i
In the " Conversations not ‘ Sufficiently attended to in our army.
of the Emperor Napoleon," it

was stated that the Emperor—an excellent judge of the
art of war—declared that in modern times this was far
too much disregarded. The measures he (Earl Grey)
recommended could be carried into effect at a very mo-
derate .outlay, probably of 200,0001., and would add ma-
terially to the efficieeey of the army. He objected to
the Bill, beceuse he believed-it would cot attain its object
while entailing much expense, and tending to effect the
recruitiag of the army. For these reasons he should cer-
tainly say " not content" to the second reading.
Tae Earl of ELLESMERE said he was of opinion
that the measure was necessary, and that it ought to be
accepted by Parliament. He presumed that no Govern-
mene Would have undergone the obloquy
of proposing it
had there not been some sort of ,apprehension of danger.
He faund suddenly a large body of the country and of
that House agreed on the abstract question of the ne-
cessity of some such defensive measure as was contained
in the present Bill. From whatever cause this feeling
took its rise, he was bound to say he entertained the
same opinions he had expressed four year tigo. But be
hih opinions sound or unsound, they rested on the con-
tinental relations which at present existed. Re should
be sorry to make allusion to any individual or to cast
any reflections am France; he was aware that the road
to popularity in thi.:; country some years' ago was abuse
of France, but that feeling had long since changed. The
noble person at the head of affairs in France bad given
ne reason to suppose he had forgotten the hospitality he
recehred from this couatry, or that being at the head of
powerful legions, he would be inclined, merelynn am-
bitions grounds, to move them in hostility towards
this country. He said thus much because he was,
anxious
.to make it eppear that' he founded his pre-
sent views, met Fla eircumstances.of
the moment-, but on
general views and considerations. He agreed with much
the, bad been auldressed to their Lordships. He ad-
mitted that militia would- prove. inferior when opposed
to well-disciplined troepa• He did not think the present
Bill likely to produce:effective troops •to meet the dis-
ciplined troops of France; but he
grounded his support
of the Bill on the fact of 'other aervicea that the militia
could with advantage perform. They could be thrown
intb garrison, and be employed
in services where they
would be of the utmost use and assistance to the regular
army. He would not trespass further, except to SsY
that he could not reason with peace
societies. It was
arguments, because they were
impossible
b3d to m
upon
releiegtiotahseir pr
inciple,and
when
religious
principle was imported into a question it was her's'
sible to reason parties out of their conviction. The
Noble Lord had alluded to an
expression which
had fallen 'from him some time ago,
him, as ho admitted, a proper rebuke. He alluded
to an expression that had curiously fallen from him,
to the effect that if an invading army reached
London, the Lord Mayor would present the commander
with the-keys at ono gate, while the toot guards marched
apologised
out at the other. He heartily which had been
much commented upon, and which had drawn on
egised for these
words. Ho meant no reflection on any body of men—he
only meant to convey what he considered to be the true
defence of the country in case of invasion. ne believed
so vast was London that 150,000 troops
would be lost
in it, and that they would be shot down and destroyed
through loopholes in the houses. He believed, how-
ever, that Government was proceeding in a right direc-
tion in making better provision for the defence of the
country.
The Earl of WALDEGRAVE approved of the mea-
sure (we understood), and considered the objections
which had been made were only questions of detail.
The Bill was then read a second time and ordered to
be committed on Thursday.

The Lichool Sites Aot Extension Bill was read a third
time and passed,
Other Bills were moved a stage.
The;Committee on Baron de Boda's claims was nomi-
nated.

ASSESSMENT OF THE PROPERTY-TAX.
The Duke ot• RICHMOND presented
a petition from
ne,srs. Ehnen, of Sussex, complaining of
the mode of
assessment to the income-tax, and the machinery of ap-
peal. He was afraid that it might with too much truth
be said that the mass of the farmers had this year made
a loss instead of a profit. A power of appeal was
given
to farmers if the tenant held from Michaelmas to Michael-
mas; bat if from Midsummer to Midsummer no appeal
could be heard.• That was a practical grievance, and he
hopedwiril a tvhiee!foo
fbl
ascertaining
Lordce
rtai
nwi
nogu would h
ei
tnhgeuri inquire
re
e into
might not the matter
be afforded by the Lords of the Treasury without the
necessity of an application to Parliament.
Lord BERNERS supported the prayer of the petition.
The Earl of DERBY was inclined to think, from what
he had heard, that the grievance arose from what he
might almost call a clerical error in the Act. He pro-
mised his Noble Friend that he would make inquiry
into the point in order to see whether there was any
mode of affording relief without applying to Parliament.
After a few words from the Duke of ARGYLL,
The petition was ordered to lie on the table.
Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter past
Ten o'clock. • , -

TO THE SE6REI'ARY OF THE BRADFORD
REFORM ASSOCIATION.

(CONTINUED ON ON MONDAYS AND WEDNESDAYS.)
Sir,—On Monday the 14th of June the late Prime
Minister introduced the discussion on the subject of the
assault on Mr. Mather. This of course led to counter
representations on the part of the Ministers; ending in
proving that they had la the first instance done as,badly
as could be imegined, but had ended by taking the
alarm and determiniug to act vigorously, in ways which
are yet under the darkness of the future.
At a late hour, or more correctly 'on Tuesday morn-
ing, the Maynooth question was once more brought for-
ward. The attendant circutestaiaces and the result wore
so complicated and perplexing, that it may be well to
state the position in which I individually. stood, as the
means of showing the peint from which I viewed the
whole, and thereby throwing light
on ray capacity for
giving evidence in ono direction
or another.
This position was, as you Will remember, that although
ono of the most earnest supporters of the Bill of the
We Premier, on the ground that the Papal
maltreated u.s, I had eugaeed s
to
against any attack
upon the Catholics' estatsteasteent
at gaynuoth, on the
ground that this would be maltreating them. I beg that
this may be borne in mind, in, what may follow. The smallest acssaintance with the course of pro-
ceedings in a popular Asiernbly, is sufficient to establish
that no man and no party can always have an absolute
command over the time at which a question shall be
brought forward. A' degree of power had
generatohiP may s°mo-
- be exerted on one side or But in
- great extent under the
influence of chance; and :all that can bo said, is, that
the main, the operation
parties must be on the look out, and take care to be
forthcoming when the opponent's opportunity
arrives. Oa the present occasion le h
is to
~. on the other.
to move
reason for believing, that an generalship
Y extraordinary g
was exerted on any side, still less that there was any'
thing which could ee denominated
" trick," though the
word was rather. copiously • used in subsequent pro-
ceedings.
As the morning wore on, the
anti.atini•Jterial side
began to drop off to bed; p ea, .
re
---11,137 to which, the two
sid„ had appeared pretty Null_
Y balanced. Some
lengthy speeches from their Ovv,
11. aide, probably contri-
hada not the slightest
bated to thin the Opposition hp
e-enehes; probably
when this
gone to a certain lengte, no
them but moving an adjourernent of the' House. From
this moment, the leader of the j 4
-tati-Maynooth move-
ment saw his. road to success, or
ea the French say,
voyait sa belle.
You
vole erhaps ask, why I
-' Whose only desire could
be to h opportunity of
, accomplishing my engage-
ment by voting on the main ethe thine would content
ad-
journment of the House. gi-re'st,i'l°_,
—.Ply because I knew a
vote against it would be claimed, as a Tote for the anti-
Maynooth leader. And .so it turned out; for he went
triumphant majority 0
defeated,ilann
tdi
inx
y
to a o. 133 to 29 against the ad-
journment of 'the Houie, and irs,
mediately announced
the, he was quite content with wh
et he would accept as
a criterion of
the feeling of the Howe,
a and would go no
farther.
, And this he
ereked "ill more triumphantly
questions as to what he would
th'e party who._ . had 11 voted for the
next slay;a -°wed theaaselvea to be
would not do, to which or
coarse be virtually
that ho would do what h •
when he
`answered, . e liked, and
liked, ;without taking his sipponen._
13 into counsel.
On looking back upon the whole, it is clear that it
was a contest of " diamond cut diertioud e and that the
baiting him with
finally had it '
One reason probably is, that their 411 their own WV'
opponents are divided
among themselves. Tho detihmearnd for
an "Inquiry," acts
as a puzzler; for though e can be "no reasonable
doubt it 'only another form of
that is .
moving that the
charge for Maynooth be disalloWed, it • - ' hod
to see this. The is not everyy
nooth party .
that can be expected Catholics theme
Antight to vote for an
Inquiry or against an
Inquiry.bed and ianother reason is,
that it is easier to go to
whether they ought
afterwards,
o'clock in grumble
opponent. This Inn
°riling to watch
the movements of an.ol.yon;
for there is et
being there, is
what' lets everything do
tbnn point better
kind ,ef warfare,
established in every
generally all that those
who aro. there, do very
selves
than t ocabnentol it ear agree,
r ae
carry their point
against those who 1.() not.
in Ireland, by 140 t
brought in
1 was for the ii, i n
epress o
0 19. The
five o clock and
House separated at reassembled at
On Tuesday a Bill was
inquiry eaves; when, the subjectinto the con-
ductL on the case of the 'it
of the Governmen
of Crime and Outrage
Austria of the Scottishiiitreatment
by their friends the ,vvas
_saapee missionaries
in llungttty, the inquiry , e
being an in • -
c" by the House
being counted out.
oars eery sineerelee
I aeneSir, y •
AN OLD REPO
Blackheath, Jane 16, 185RMER.
2.

QUEEN OF
THE LIFE or MARIE 0
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