The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-11 00:00:00

OCTOBER ll,

THE REVENUE FOR THE YEAR AND QUARTER

ENDING OCT. 10, 1852.

No. I.—An Abstract of the Net Produce of the Revenue of Great Britain in the Years and Quarters ended 10
the Increase or Decrease on each head thereof.

:h of Oct., 1851, and 10th of Oct., 1852, showing

..,..
QUARTERS ENDED YEAR QUARTERS ENDED YEAR Year ended Oct. 10. Quarter ended Oct.lo.
ended t _,, , i ended r----......--_____, r_...-_,....„,
Jan. 5, April 5, July 5, Oct. 10, Oct. 10, Jan. 5, April 5, July 5, Oct. 10, Oct. 10,
1851 1851 1851 1851 1851 1852 1852 1852 1852 1852 Increase. Decrease. Increase. Decrease.
X £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £
Customs
Excise .... .. .... -
Stamps. ...... ......
Taxes ........ ......
Property Tax. 418,730 2,089,950 976,881 1,870,136 5,355,697 367,956 2,068,827 1,056,991 1,915,581 5,409,353 Property Tax...... 53,659 .. .. 45445 •• • .
Post-office ..... .. ••• . .. 152,000 272,000 240,000 306,000 970,000 246,000 259,000 230,000 261,000 996,000 Post-office .•••• • • • • 26.000 .... 45,000
.. • •
60,000 40,000 30,000 40,000 170,000 40,000 80,000 60,000 40,000 220,000 Crown Lands • • ... • 50,000
Crown Lands • • • • • • • • • • • • .. • • • • •••.
Miscellaneous:: ••• • • . 20,391 21,974 91,241 28,452 162,058 30,574 41,733 202,189 17,799 292,295 Miscellaneous .• .. . • 130,237 10,653
.... .. ..
508,012 1,241,953
11 ,1
,2284:59113;,:9493.4599.3174
3335680189836,,,,,776628256077663 i 359 , 727
Total Ordinary Revenue 12,346,520 10,668,518 12,646.873 13,317,104 48,979,015 11,410,419 10,945,682 12,625,393 13,263,580 48,245,074 Total .. ..
Imprest Moneys, &c. • • 132,246 261,765 139,770 124,330 658,111 117,545 140,441 212,688 137,996 608,670 Imprcst Moneys, &c •• • • •• ..
Repayments ofAdvances 135,116 141,908 123,409 165,255 565,688 372,371 88,608 216,652 234,042 911,673 RepaymtsofAdvnes 345,985 •• • •
Total Income • • 12,613,882 11,072,191 12,910,052 13,606,689 50,202,814 1:,900,335 11,174,731 13,054,733 13,635,618 149,765,417 Total
-----,
Amount applied to Con- 351: e7cl3u7c t
solidated Fund. ••• • .. 7,655,164 5,868,205 7,975,091 8,791,247 30,292,707 7,358,212 5,695,185 7,620,984 8,443,718 29,118,099 Increase. j Decrease.
Ditto, as Advances .•• • • 198,204 429,684 364,748 286,617 1,279,253 313,643 236,576 326,343 388,835 1,265,307 -
Ditto, as part of Ways & Decrease. Increase
Means of the Year • • .., 4,760,514 4,774,302 4,570,213 4,525,825 18,630,854 4,228,480 5,242,970 5,107,406 4,803,065 19,381,921 , on 1- 437,397 28,929{ on the
1 ,11 1 --------i the Year. Quarter.
Total ..• • • 12,613,882 11,072,191 12,910,052 13,606,689 I 50,202,814 11,900 335 11 174 731 13,054,733 13,635,618 149, 765,417 i
16

Exclusive o:

)1 Advances

No. li.---Income and Charge of the Consolidated Fund, in the Quarters ended the loth Oct,, 1851, and the 10th Oct., 1852.
...,.. .
Quarters ended Oct. 10. ?; Quarters ended Oct. 10.
/ , 'NI
1851 1852 CHARGE. 1851 1852
INCOME. X. X.
X. X. Permanent Debt . • .... .
......„ „ „ ........... ...... ......... • • • . • . 5,436,471 5,424,557
Customs ••••• • .. • • ................. 5,359,424 5,056,866 Terminable Annuities • :
•• ••
.....
...
................. • • ...... 1,291,281 1,303,492
Excise .......... .. ..... ~ ........ 4,150,111 4.313,591 Interest on Exchequer-bills issued to meet the charge on the Consolidated Fund .. .. 71
Stamps • 1,432,564 1,529,421 Sinking Fund ...
Taxes •• • • 165,025 159,215 The Civil List •• • • .. —•• • .
Property Tax 1,870,136 1,915,581 Other Charges on the Consolidated Fund ................ ••••.• • • • • ~• ••"••••••••••••••• • • • • • • • • • •• • • • • • • 461,481 378,246
Post-office 306 ,000 588,835
Crown Lands
Miscellaneous • 28,452 17,799 Total Charge •,• •..• •• .. .. 8,333,242 8,030,943
Imprest and other Moneys
Produce of the sale ot Old Stores ... • 87,902 86,571
Repayments of Advances . ..... ...... 165,255 234,042 13,641,297 113,665,511
13,641,297 13,665,511
The amount of Exchequer-bills issued to meet the charge cf the Consolidated Fund, in the Quarter ending sth
July, 1852, and paid out of the growing produce of that Fund, after deducting 540,0001. cancelled by Sinking Fund 815,071
The Amount issued in the Quarter ended 10th Oct., 1152, in part of Sums granted by Parliament out of the
Consolidated Fund for Supply Services .• ...... _,, _ ... , •• • • •• • ••••• •• • •
Surplus Consolidated Fund ...... • • ...... • .... ..... .... •••• • • • • • •
The Surplus Revenue, after providing for the Charges on the Consolidated Fund, and for the payment of Supply
Services in Great Britain in the Quarter ending 10th Oct., 852. • . ..
------------

LITE RAT URE.
TO THINK OR NOT TO THINK.

WHAT DOES DERBY OFFER?
The lesson taught by the French Revolution of
1848 had been learnt, by anticipation, by Sir E,obert
Peel. His party desired, like Louis Philippe, to
rule by mere marshalling and manceuvring of Par-
liamentary majorities; and he, himself, bad disco-
vered that all the power of the Legislature was ut-
terly worthless unless endorsed with the imprimatur
of public opinion. It is true that, in the reign of
Queen Anne, and even of Castlereagh, the masses
bad scarcely a political existence. They knew, in-
deed, little, if anything, of politics. Communication
was, physically, difficult. The right of public meet-
ing was practically ignored by the legal traps which
surrounded the exercise of the privilege. Corre-
sponding societies were indictable tor treason—so that
the people were prevented from knowing and con-
ferring with each other. The press was virtually
under a censorship of the Attorney-General, who, by
ez-officio informations, could at any time turn the ar-
tillery of the law upon the most just, true, and neces-
sary exposures of Ministerial delinquency.
The population was less than half what
it is now ; and the same, or even a larger staff
of persons in the pay of the State in the army, navy,
customs, excise, church, law, and local magistracy,
constabulary, &c., overawed the neutral portion of
society in their respective neighbourhoods. Rotten
boroughs and pocket counties existed universally, and
a large military and militia force was kept perma-
nently afoot. But society has long outgrown these
influences. Catholic and dissenting emancipation, re-
form, and free trade, have made them all of very
small account. Dissent is too powerful to afford any
play to the arrogant pretensions of the Church to as-
cendancy. The press is still in such a position that a
single es officio information would hurl the Govern-
ment which directed it at once into irrevocable dis-
grace.patronage of the State is reduced to a
The
sum of sixteen millions per annum ; and all sinecures,
as well as many law abuses, are at an end. Even
13,000 established parsons are a very small and unin-
fluential body among twenty-eight millions of people,
whose knowledge has been enlarged and vv:ts sharp-
ened by cheap literature, railroads, and newspapers
of a description infinitely superior in intelligence,
ability, freedom of disquisition, size, and cheap-
ness, to what they were even at the beginning
of the century. The nation far overshadows the
state. The British race has burst the bands and
boundaries of its public institutions. The bulk of
the population so overreaches the influences of the
executive, that daily the power of Government by
great families becomes less by the increasing forces
of the popular momentum. The distribution of pa.
tronage in the bands of railway directors already
amounts to nearly one-half of that at the command
of the Queen's Ministers—and their influence in the
House of Commons is not greatly inferior. We saw
the Anti-Corn-law League, an empire within an
empire, raising a large voluntary tax for the avowed
purpose of dictating laws to the Legislature—and more
lately we have witnessed the merchants of London
shaking the late Cabinet to its centre by an onslaught
on their management of the Board of Customs. It
is true that the traditional methods of getting
and keeping power superficially appear to be
yet adequate to their purpose. The Church puts
forth still a kind of galvanic energy and epileptic
strength. Squires still arrange the representation of
counties, and Peers overawe the boroughs which lie
near their country seats. The plain non-political
public cannot be everlastingly pestered with party
interests ; and, when the people sleep, politicians go
to work. But whenever any great national question
demands a settlement, woe to the Minister who ex-
pects to dispose of it in the old way of mere counting
of noses. Now, it was the error of the late Ministry
that, although they got into office by preaching this
doctrine, they utterly disbelieved it in power. It is
true
that Lord J. Russell, at Perth, once more un-
folded the old sound opinions on the philosophy of
government on the progressive theory, which first led
to the achievements of the reform party. Bat his
declarations only convince us that his colleagues were
opposed to and thwarted their leader—and that, for the
sake of the mere Parliamentary support which they
could bring him he committed the grave mistake of per-
mitting himself to remain in office with a set of men who
bad turned their backs upon their professions. When
they had given up the appropriation clause—resisted
any inroads on the Reform Act, added largely to the
public expenditure, and guarded profusion from re-
trenchment—paid their court to the clergy, and pro-
tected the delinquents of the Church from merited
retribution, they showed that they were contented to
jog on with the old system of counting of noses, and
hoping en a party division to have a " balance of in-
fluenza in their favour"—they had abandoned the
idea of resting their rule upon popular support, by
ceasing to propose anything worthy of popular
sympathies ; and rather than fall back upon the
nation by calling into their councils that Radical
party who represented public opinion, they threw up
their cards, and handed the odd trick over to the Tories.
We read Lord John Russell's statement at Perth as an
implied exposure of this Ministerial disunion, and
his exposition of the necessity of recognising and
obeying the democratic spirit as a declaration that he
never had any sympathy with the policy which was
dictated by his Cabinet. At all events he and his
party may rest perfectly assured that that policy and
its abettors will never receive any countenance from
the country again; and that unless be proposes to do
homage to the advanced opinions of the Radical party,
his own reign has finally closed. The Tories tell us
that at last they have settled the principle upon which
their Government is to be founded. Like Balaam's
ass, they have been cudgelled until they have found
a tongue, and mauled till they have begun to pro-
phesy. dr. Henley'sjaw-bone has been on this occasion
chosen to smite the Phillistines of Reform ; but,judging
from the result ,the Samson who wielded it must
have had his eyes put out before commencing the ap-
plication of his weapon. Conservatism, if this latest
of its proclamations is to be credited, is to be just
what old Toryism was. It is to rule by material
forces, in contradistinction to moral and intelligent
influences. It is to be that which Louis XIV. or
Philippe relied upon, the mere brute powers of pa-
tronage, finesse, and state dependents. Its cry, like
that of the crazy Red Republican, is to be "No
nothing." It is to fight the battle of the constitution
in Registration Courts ; which means, by sheer dint
of attorneys, pettifogging in the list of voters, and
grubbing for objections to electors before the revising
barrister, it is to gain a Parliamentary majority,
not by general acceptance by the nation of the Tory
Government, but by quirks of registration law, and
sharp electioneering practice ; and then, being in a
condition to reckon on a numerical majority in the
Parliamentary divisions, it is to dispense with public
opinion altogether. Mr. Henley has no idea of recon-
ciling the House of Peers with the House of Com-
mons. No : his idea, and that, too, as a representa-
tive of the people, is, that the Commons must some-
how or other contrive to reconcile themselves to the
registration of the decrees of the House of Lords.
He gently hints that the Upper House will never
consent to an extension of any modification of organic
reform, by way of preparing the country for his
party's determination never to use the remedy pointed
out by the constitution of creating new Peers. He
announces, therefore, the first Derbyite principle
to be the inviolability and ascendancy of the
will of the House of Lords, because be draws
a portion of his support in the Commons from
Ghat source. The second is resistance to every change
in the Church, or any reform of
its abuses, because
the parson, clerk, sexton, and
tioneering staff in every parish, and return so many
Members to the House. The third is the arrest of

any further changes in the law—any reduction of the
Army and Navy—any extension of secular education
—because, by being the buttresses of abases of every
kind, they secure the support of lawyers, parsons, the
universities, the officers of the united services, and the
Methodists. The fourth is the throwing a sop to the
farmers, the shipowners, the colonial planters, by
robbing the public for their benefit, because that will
secure the support of the squires, the mercantile
marine, and the colonies. Knowing that self-interest
is mach more zealous and active than patriotism, and
that the great body of the people cannot feel
that concern in public affairs which is ex-
perienced by those whose private fortune and
pecuniary income directly depend upon the
management of State affairs, the Ministry, as repre-
sented by the manifesto of Mr. Henley, fall back on
the support of those who will be most active at elections,
and are prepared to devote time, money, and social
influence to the game of politics. Their rule is to
be regulated, not by the will of the nation, or the
rights of the great body of the people, but by securing
the help of institutions and class interests to over-
bear and out-vote public opinion, and the general in-
terests of the country. They are to be a Ministry
of resistance. They are to endeavour to obliterate
the whole history of England between the time of
Castlereagh and the year 1852. Their function is to
be that of a grand jury resolved on ignoring all bills
that are brought up to them from the people. In a
small way they will attempt a leisurely coup d'etat
in the shape of systematic reaction. They will fall
back to the old policy of outvoting the commonalty
of these realms by means of classes and bodies
whose selfish interests are directly opposed to those
of the nation at large. In short, they will rely upon
material forces to bear down and crush public opinion,
under the old stale pretext of " maintaining our vene-
rable institutions," cherishing " ships, colonies, and com-
merce"—" repairing the wooden walls of England"
—darning the union-jack, and feeding the British
lion. That is the plain English of all these flourishes
—and we think that presumptuous fools who can
venture upon offering such an insult to the nation
merit no " fair trial whatever. They are re-
actionists, and, therefore, revolutionists, who must be
abolished to prevent their crushing us by a conspi-
racy of State stipendiaries. We must close our ranks
at once—and vow that, whoever else may rule, such
mischievous old women certainly shall not. Nay, we
must go further. We think Lord John Russell was
a great deal too apologetical to the traditions of the
constitution at Perth. In professing his devotion to
the existing organization of the State, he professed his
object to be only to perpetuate by repairing it, by
changing its shape, so as to adapt it to the progress of
events. Substantially that proposition is totally futile
and unfounded. The loyalty of the people to Queen
Victoria is far greater than to George IV. ; but the
power of the Crown is practically much less. The
nobility, before the Reform Bill, especially at the be-
ginnioglof the century, were greatly more influential
in society, and by the Constitution, than they are
now, when they have been outgrown by the mercan-
tile and manufacturing classes. The Church, before
the repeal of the Test and Catholic Disabilities Acts,
was far more influential than it is now, when it is
overshadowed by dissent. It is absurd to say that
the Constitution is the same; or, indeed, that it is
possible that a Constitution, or the organism of a
state, can remain unchanged when society progresses,
and the relative state of classes changes. The nation,
the public, the interests which have no recognition in
the economy of the State, are greatly more politically
powerful than those sectional denominations by whose
support public opinion was overruled ; and unless
Lord John Russell is prepared to recognize this great
fact, and to cease coquetting with
.a bloated and cor-
rupt Church, and to temporize with an
place,aristocracy
which is
not th
e has
m notanf
yoert been
this
crisis,taught it
nor
the leader for thes proper
people.— Dispatch.

This is the title of a pamphlet lately issued in refer-
ence to the expulsion of students from New College, St.
John's-wood, on account of their theological opinions.
With the religious views of parties, we, as journalists,
have nothing to do, but it seems as if the commotions
upon religious subjects were only growing, and will
eventually, we trust, work out for good to society at
large. Truth has ever survived the struggles and
contentions of men, and will continue so to do. The
defence of the pure essence of religion is the noblest,
dearest standard under which to struggle, and it is a
saddening sight to see frail man dictating to his frail
brother as to the measure, form, and style of his
thoughts. The writings of our ancient philosophers
and thinkers must shuffle off whatever crudeness
they may be clothed in, and be re-clothed and re.
dressed with new growth and brighter utterance.
There are sectarians who, acting as autocrats, would
drag down and smother the thinking powers of a
man when he would endeavour to soar higher. The
aspirations of the spirit are not limited to space, form,
or shape. The soul of man is free, and he who uses
himself aright will think earnestly, yet humbly. We
are all aware of the number of doctrines and theories
which have been exploded and blown to the winds by
the honest thinking and deep research of men
to whom society is a debtor. It is with a desire to
further the cause of truth and progress that we would
advise our readers to peruse the pamphlet. It is
from the pen of a Mr. White, of Bedford, written in
a vigorous, homely, and manly style. It states the
expulsion of three students from the college referred
to, to be in consequence of their holding what are
there considered unorthodox opinions, but which
opinions were previously propounded and endorsed in
the Biblical Review a few years since by the very
men who have expelled them. It charges the officials
of the college with either acting falsely, or cancelling
the very opinions upon which perhaps some of them
attained the position they now occupy. There is
enough bigotry in the world without adding to it.
The expelled acted honestly, and we would even add
nobly in avowing at once their opinions. The quota-
tions from Milton, Shakspere, and Tennyson are in
every way apposite.

COURT CIRCULAR.
BALMORAL, OCT. 8.
Her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert
returned yesterday to Balmoral from the Shiel of
Allt-na-Giuthsacb.
The Viscountess Canning was in attendance upon
her Majesty.
The Prince of Wales and Prince Alfred, attended
by Mr. Gibbs, drove yesterday to Invercauld, on a
visit to the younger sons of Mr. and Mrs. Farqu-
harson.

The dinner party yesterday included their Serene
Highnesses Princess Adelaide and Prince Hermann
of Hohenlohe Langenbourg.

OCT. 9.
Her Majesty drove yesterday morning to Aber-
geldie, accompanied by Prince Albert.
In the afternoon her Majesty walked out with the
Princess Helena.

His Royal Highness Prince Albert went out deer-
stalking.
The dinner party yesterday included her Royal
Highness the Duchess of Kent, their Serene High-
nesses the Princess Adelaide, and Prince Hermann
of Hohenlohe Langenbourg.

The Earl of Lonsdale, Lord President, arrived in
;own on Saturday, from Lowther Castle, Westmore-
[and.

Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland
Revenue, had an interview with the Chancellor of
the Exchequer on Saturday, at his official residence
in Downing-street.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer left town on
Saturday afternoon for Hughenden Manor, Bucks.
The Right Hon. Sir John Pakington arrived in
town on Friday night from his seat, Westwood Park,
Worcestershire.

THE MEETING OF PARLIADIENT.—That very re-
spectable authority, denominated "Rumour," has been cir-
culating with his hundred tongues during the week a state-
ment as highly probable that Parliament would be called
together for the " Dispatch of Business" some week or two
before the intended day, namely, the 11th of November.
There is no authority whatever for this report. It is a mere
guess. The subject of a change in the day originally named
has not been broached. It will be considered filly at the
first meeting of the Cabinet on Friday next, the 15th inst.,
and the result will be published at the Privy Cornell to be
held at Windsor on the following Monday, the 18th. There is
no more reason for supposing that the Parliament would be
called together on an earlier day, beyond the irnrression that
very generally prevails that the discussions and preparations
for the funeral of the Duke of Wellington will naturally con-
sume a week or two of the time, already short enough, before
Christmas for the very important decision for wPich the new
The question of a
therefore very
naturally arise. The arrangements for the funeral of the
Duke of Wellington cannot possibly be competed under a
fortnight, and every one feels that the time between the
commencement of the ceremonies, and the last sad scene that
will consign the illustrious hero to his final resting place on
earth, would be no fitting time for party conflict. It is im-
possible to foretell what decision the Cabinet will come to.
It is generally felt that an earlier day ought to be named for
calling Parliament together; but we believe it will not, and
that the old arrangement will stand. There is evidently no
haste to hurry on the important decision, so long deferred,
but which, with whatever reluctance, must at
Paper.
MANSION-HOUSE.—On Friday last, the Bth instant,
the Lord Mayor entertained the Mayor and Corporation of
Bury St. Edmund's, his Lordship's native town, and the
Vice-President and Managers of the London Institution, at
a splendid banquet. Covers were laid in the Egyptian-hall
for 200. The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of London, who
is a native of Bury St. Edmund's, honoured the Lord Mayor
with his company on this occasion, and there were also pre-
sent the Mayor, the Recorder, the Aldermen, Borough Ma-
gistrates, and Councillors of Bury St. Edmund's, the Mayor
of Southampton, the Mayor of Northampton, the Vice-Pre-
sident and Managers of the London Institution, the Master,
Warden, and Court of the Clockmakers' Company, the Al-
dermen and Sheriffs of London, a number of influential mem-
bers of the Court of Commoubouucil, and several
friends. Private