The Sun.
London, England, 1864-11-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDIN ESDAY EVENING, IN OVIMBER 23, 1864.

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should turn out that Mr. Lincoln, and not General
M'Clellan, has the apparent majority in New York,
the Democratic party will be put in possession of a
monster grievance, of which they may be well
trusted to make the most at the fitting opportunity.
General Butler's " Order" was in other respects a
euriosi:y. It asserted that the "armies of the
United States were ministers of good, not of evil ;''
that they were " the safeguards of constitutional
liberty ;" that they could be "a terror to evil-doers
only ;" and that " those who feared them were
accused by their own consciences." Tnis is the
approved autocratic style--the very formula of
Emperors and Kaisers, and should point out Gen.
Butler as the man born to be the Dictator of the
Commonwealth as soon as the people shall have
shown by a certain amount of patient acquiescence
in wrong that they are ripe and ready for the
strong hand, the steady will, and the unrelenting
purpose of their destined enslaver. But the most
invidious paragraph in " General Orders No. 1."
is that in which the General asserts that fraudulent
voting, which he has been sent to punish, if he
cannot prevent, " is an offence against the peace and
dignity of the United States." Now, the Federal
Government or the Government of the United States
has nothing whatever to do with elections in any
State. Fraudulent votiegeis an offence against the
State in which it is committed; the authorities of
such State have both the right and power to punish
it; and the Federal authority and the Federal troops
have no more business to meddle with the local
jurisdication in such a matter than they have to in-
terfere in the domestic affairs of a foreign country.
If there were one thing more than another of which
the framers of the Constitution were preeminently
jealous it was of the slightest interference of the
central power with elections. So watchful were they
to prevent even indirect control or influence that
they specially enacted that no Senator or represene
tative or person holding an office of trust or profit
under the United States should be appointed an
elector. By means of this proviso Gen. Butler is
himself excluded, and could not be chosen an elector
to-day to sit in the Electoral College which is to
choose the President unless he resigned his commis-
sion in the army. The Constitution of each State is
equally decisive, and in some of the States even the
State militia cannot be summoned to drill or exer-
cise within a period of ten days preceding a Presi-
dential purpose of assembling it
should
be election
to
intimidate lest
the purpose
Gen. Butler, how-
h
ever,States,
favours
and
m denies the rights of the
this instance, es in every
anifcentralisation,
in
other, a revolutionary purpose, not to be turned aside
by such poor impediments as laws and constitutions.
How long-the "emergencies" which have brought
this New York are to last
depends
wohus agolplyerusopn e to
on the
results of the election—
ube
positively known, though
theys l t
ms whichbefore the departure of the
may
b e surmised,
cannotised,mail this evening, and which may depend upon the
r
votes of the Electoral Colleges far more than upon
the numerical majority of the people. If Mr Lin-
coln be elected with a suspicion of unfairness, either
on account of the non-reception of Democratic votes

in the Border States, of frauds upon the soldiers, or
of intimidation in this or any other State, General
Butler will probably be a fixture in his new com-
mand. If, however, General M'Clellan be elected,
though the war would not be at end, there will be
an end of Gen. Butler as the satrap of New York.
This city will be relieved of a standing provocative
to ill temper, if not to ill behaviour, and America
will probably lose the civil as well as military ser-
vices of the boldest and ablest of the many revolu-
tionists whom the volcanoes of civil strife have
truded from the depths of private or professional
life to the daylight and notoriety of the surface.
Though but little or no importance can now
attach to any of the electioneering speeches made
in behalf of either of the candidates, it may be inte-
resting, in elucidation of the history of this extra•
ordinary time, to describe the character of some of
them, and notably those delivered in favour of Mr
Lincoln. The gentle Charles Sumner, the wild and
decorous Henry Ward Beecher, the modest and re-
tiring Anna Dickenson, and a whole army of lec-
turers and preachers have been busily engaged at
this work for the last week. Although they have
not sounded the praises of Mr Lincoln very loudly,
if at ail, they have done the next best thing in their
power, they have hurled fierce denunciation against
his opponent. Miss Dickenson is above or beneath
criticism, and were she not a typo of the kind of
women whom the American school system pretends
to educate, and launches into the world in utter
ignorance of everything a woman ought to know,
and with a deep
knowledge of everything of which
she ought to be ignorant, might be passed over
without notice. But Messrs Sumner and Ward
Beecher are persons of a higher range of intel-
lect, and neither man nor woman ought to
be ashamed to listen to teachers so well fitted
by study and turn
Mr Sumner, who, in
of mind to instruct and edify
them. But what is the world to think of honest
advocating the claims of Mr
Lincoln to re-election before a large assemblage of
ladies on Saturday evening
condescended to employ
the argument—among many others as bad—that Gen.
M'Clellan's conduct in the arrest of the Maryland
Legislature in 1861 Was not such as to justify any
one in voting for him.
"Mr Lincoln," he said, "had
arrested a few people,
but Gen. M•Clellan had done
worse—he had arrested the whole Legislature of the
State of Maryland."
There were some men present
at the meeting, but not one of them had a sufficient
love of truth and fair play to reply to Mr Sumner
in the spirit of manliness, that to Mr Lincoln bee
longed the whole discredit of the arrest of those gen.
tlemen ; that what was
done by Gen. M'Clellan was
done in obedience to Superior orders ; and that if Mr w
Sumner's argument were valid on that account
faagraaiensatgGaienna.t MrM;CI Lincoln.
But
no one moved orellan it told with infinitely greater
spoke, and the fluent orator gained an easy, but
scarcely an honourable victory. On the same evening
this gentleman,peace
po stwho prior to the war was known as
a pea
le, 4i member of the league of Universal
Brotherhood, a man whoa declared all war to be a
a
wrong, a scandal, a sin,
and a disgrace, who main-
tained that even defensive War was contrary to the
truth and the spirit of Christianity, but who since
the Federal flag was fired upon at Fort Sumter in
1861 has been as bellicose as an Irishman and as
thirsty of conquest as a
Napoleon, declared "that
IV
the South had no rights under the Constitution ex•
cept such as they could vindicate on *the field of
battle." The ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and
the men rose to their feet with delight at this
sentiment. Mr
peace,llilr S though he was once a
appears to have been always,
now fanatic for war,
and to be now a dire.
Unionist. If the South have no rights except such
as it can gain on the field of battle it must continue
uamndneri,a
to fight until it become the stronger party, and so
gain its independence, or until the North conquer
it, exterminate the people, and hold it, not as a
political partner to its bosom, but es an enslaved
dependency, to be governed by sword and gun, the
guillotine and the gallows. The man of peace sees
no middle course, and vilifies Gen. M'Clellan only
because ho fears that if such a man were President
he might make or listen to an offer of reconciliation.
But Mr Sumner is only a philanthropist who has
mistaken his road, and would rather ruin the world
than that justice should not be done in it after his
own particular fashion. The Rev. Mr Beecher
occupies a different position, and has for a month
belied his religion and desecrated his pulpit by the
violent appeals which ho has made to the political
passions of his congregation every Sunday evening,
when he has preached sermons avowedly intended,
and advertised, to favour the pretensions of Mr
Lincoln and to advocate the bitter prosecution of the
war. On Sunday evening last he wound up a pro-
fane sermon—often received with applause, and as
often with laughter—by the emphatic declaration,
" That any man who begged a vote for General
M'Clellan and the sham Democracy, and especially

if he begged it of a soldier, would stand in no need
of a day of judgment, inasmuch as he would be cerm
tain to go to hell without judge or jury." What do
people deserve who take pleasure i❑ the ministra-
tion of such preachers as this ?

5 O'CLOCK P.M.
I have just time before the close cf the mail, via
Boston, to say that the elections hlve all passed
over quietly ; that the people were more than
usually good-tempered and orderly at the polls;
that they did not Lffdrd the slightest pretence for
the interference of the police, much kis of the mili-
tary; and that the Democratic party here claim a
very large majority for M'Clellan and Pendleton.
for Governor Seymour and the Democratic Ticket.
The Republicans did not expect a victory in this
city, which is the stronghold par excellence of the
Democrats; but they hoped, and still hope, that
the rural vote will be found to be in favour of Mr
Lincoln, and with such a preponderance in num-
bers as to more than neutralise the city vote for
M'Clellan. Rumours of plots in the West, and
especially in Chicago, where several influential
traitors were said to have been arrested, were cur-
rant during the day, but the people were too busy
with voting to pay any heed to them, or to anything
else that appeared in the newspapers, or that was
repeated at places of public resort. Ad idea that
New York, or any other city, will be fired this
evening is universally scouted; but some malignant
partisans of the Administration, while admitting
the decorum of all classes in a tone as if they were
rather sorry than otherwise that there had been no
disturbance, comfort themselves with the reflection
that no thanks are due to the people for results so
creditable, but to General Butler, who laved them
into unwonted good behaviour. The banks have
carried on their business during the day, but there
have been no transactions in the Stock-Exchange
or in the gold market.

PRICE ..4d.
STAMPED ....5d.

would not support him. To that gentleman, therefore, he
had no hesitation in saying that he would oppose the second
reading of that measure, as he had done before, and that
course he should pursue even should his seat depend upon
his following it. He believed that they could not make
men more scber than they could make them religious by
Act of Parliament, and he thought the better plan was to
educate and improve the people. As to the subject of Re-
form, he voted for every bill that had been brought into the
house for the extension of the suffrage, and he should con-
tinue to do so. If, however, they intended that the working
classes should have the franchise, let them look well as to
the men they returned at next election. (Hear.) He was
therefore before them on that occasion to show that he had
kept all his promises, and done his bes:, to attend to his
duties in the House of Commons ; and a better proof of that
he could not produce than the lists which had been pub-
lished of the attendance of members on the divisions in that
house. (Hear) From that list he found that in the session
of 1862 he had voted in 193 divisions out of the 222 which
took place ; in 1863, in 153 out of 188 ; and in 1864, in 134
out of 156. He did not wish to mention names, but that
was more than any of the other metropolitan members could
boast of. Under these circumstances, he certainly did feel
that the malignity with which he had been treated by some
parties was as unjust as it was ungenerous. Among other
things, it had been said that Sir Morton Peto was about to
retire from the representation of the borough because he
felt degraded by his colleague. On seeing that statement
in the Observer of last Sunday, he had written to Sir Morton
Peto on the subject, and he had received a letter from that
gentleman stating that there was not a word of truth in the
assertion, that tho cause of his iotiroment from Finsbury
was the amount of work connected with the representation
of the borough ; but that with regard to their mutual rela-
tions ever since they had sat together in the House of Com-
mons, these had been of the most cordial character, and
that were it in his power to in any way assist his candida-
ture at the next election he would readily do so, while at
the same time he was happy to believe that such was not
needed. (Hear.) The Son manner 11-sn o,encluded
stating that while there was no chance of a general election
until about that time next year, he had no doubt on that
occasion he would be returned as one of their members
(Loud cheers.)

Mr S. HILLIBEER then moved a resolution expressive of
confidence in Mr Cox, and that he had, by his attention to
his duties and his conduct generally, entitled himself to the
conduct of the electors of Finibury.
Mr HIGGINS, barrister, of Lincoln's Inn, seconded the re-
solution ; when

Mr DOWNING again came forward and denounced the
conduct of Mr Cox respecting the Stansfeld affair as un-
worthy of a man who represented the Liberal borough of
Finsbury. He was, however, met with such interruption
that he was unable to make himself heard, and contented
himself with protesting against Mr Cox's conduct in that
respect, and stating his conviction that he would never again
be elected one of the members for Finsbury.
In reply to Mr Jeffrey,

Mr Cox then stated that he had no objection to the ap-
pointment of a select committee of the House of Commons
to consider the acts relating to the sale of intoxicating
drinks, suoh as the Forbes Mackenzie Act, the Permissive
Bill, and the licensing system generally.
The resolution was then put from the chair and adopted,
and a vote of thanks having been passed to the chairman the
large assemblage broke up at a late hour.