The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-14 00:00:00

Commence at 7.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Manager, Mr. W. H. Svranborougli.
TIIIS EVENING, MY PRESERVER.
After which, the Grand Christmas Burlesque, ORPFIEUS
AND EURYOICE : Messrs. honey, Wood, James Fenton,
iiesdames Swanborough, Marie 'Wilton, Hughes,
Concluding with TURN HISI OUT.
Commence at 7.

',#.1% J'&-
ij IS • I.,....'"Aceftpit „, N 411,1 P
4i4101V, Ulla

LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 14, 1864.

There are several circumstances in connection
with GARIBALDI'S reception in this country, that
will, we doubt not, be observed with particular
interest on the European continent. Some of these
incidents will have an especial interest for our
neighbours at Paris, and will probably be burne
there very vividly in their remembrance. It
can hardly fail to be a matter of some interest,
for example, in the French capital, when it
is remarked that among those who have de-
lighted to honour GARIBALDI by personally accept-
ing an invitation to meet him at Chiswick was
th© Earl of CLARENDON, the very statesman-
diplomatist who is understood to have but just now
accepted one of the most subordinate posts in the
Cabinet, simply in order that, as a member of the
Cabinet, he may go to Paris upon a conciliatory
mission of the utmost delicacy—a diplomatic
mission extraordinary (not to say very extra-
ordinary)—intermediately between the British and
the French Governments. By way of an ingenious
preliminary to which, the Parisian gobemouche will
say, with a sarcastic shrug of the shoulderst—he
Earl of CLARENDON, immediately before starting
from Paris, is among those who are hand and glove
with General GARIBALDI at Chiswick. That that
renowned adventurer is publicly welcomed in this
country by the chiefs of both the great political
parties—the leaders of her Majesty's Opposition and
the leaders of her Majesty's Government de-
prives the demonstration accompanying his arrival
in this country, as we took occasion to remark on y
the evening betore last, altogether deprives this
very extraordinary manifestation in his favour of
any sinister significance whatsoever. Yet—gene-
rally throughout the continental capitals, and more
particularly in Paris—it is tolerably certain to be
matter of remark (with all sorts of conjectures there-
upon) that General GARIBALDI, within the few
days which have elapsed since his arrival in this
country on board the Ripon, has had personal
interviews with three or four individuals
whose names have got somehow of late
to be brought into rather awkward association.
Two of these names, the world over, are illustrious.
One of the other names, on the contrary, has only
become known to Europe—solely, and that, too, but
very recently—in connexion with a great public
scandal. Another of these names has been notorious
throughout Christendom during the last quarter of
a century as that of the Arch-Cnspirator of the Age
—as that of the propounder of the Theory of the
Digger, nay, we accept his own construction
of the phrase, and put it as he wishes it to
be put henceforth—the propounder of the
Theory of the Moral Dagger. The man who him-
self acknowledges to have given another person 1,000
francs and a dagger—not a moral dagger—not an
air-drawn dagger like that glittering before the
eyes of MACBETH—but a veritable dagger with a
handle made of lapis lazuli, to the end that the re•
cipient of the dagger and of the 1,000 francs should
go and commit the despicable crime of assassina-
tion ! The continued association of these widely

contrasting namcs and reputations, we cannot
but regard as a matter for profound regret.
Ile direct association of some of them in a
flagrant placard displayed upon the walls and
hoardings of Westminster, on Monday, we have
already taken occasion to reprobate. And now,
while we still consider that the participation of the
Great Chiefs of Party, the direct and personal par-
ticipation of those great Chiefs of Party, in the
welcoming of GARIBALDI to England, deprives the
ovation accorded to GARIBALDI of any appearance
of a sinister significance, we cannot but feel
conscious that cynical observers abroad (forgetful
of the free air breathed here alike by every inha-
bitant and by every corner) will be putting all
kinds of constructions upon the mere circumstance
of the interviews referred to—will be associating
those interviews with each other, when, in point of
fact, they have no imaginable connection with each
other whatever. Here, again, it is—as we have said
already in regard to the ovation of GARIBALDI in
England, more particularly in regard to his won-
derful reception in London—here, again, it
is distinctly a personal matter—not a poli-
tical matter, but a personal matter entirely and
exclusively. As it is in regard to these public
demonstrations in favour of GARIBALDI—SO now

is it precisely in regard to these private inter-
views of GARIBALDI'U, with one or another among
his old friends or new acquaintances. It is
simply and purely in this personal light
that they should be regarded from Paris, and, in
fact, from the continent generally—these recent in.
terviews of GARIBALDI'S. His interview in the Isle
of Wight with M. MAZZINI—his interview of a quar-
ter of an hour with our veteran Premier, Lord PAL.
MERSTON, in Cambridge House—his private inter-
view at Chesham-place with Earl RUSSELL, the
Foreign Secretary—his interview at Thurloe-square
with Mr. STANSFELD, ex-Junior Lord of the Ad-
miralty Foreign observers, it is to be feared,
by reason of the late Parliamentary scandals
will (all England knows how erroneously)
be coupling these totally distinct incidents, marking
GARIBALDI'S sojourn in England, together. Let
them, however, disabuse their minds at once and for
ever of any such preposterous notions. Let them
be quite certain of this, that these names and inoi-
dents have, in this way, the merest superficial asso-
ciation—that they have no conceivable connection,
and therefore no political significance whatever—
that, in a word, they are purely personal matters,
affecting General GARIBALDI individually.

A Government defeat nowadays is no unusual
occurrence. Time was when such an event con-
vulsed the whole system of politics, and excited the
attention of all concerned whether in a near or re-
mote manner. We live in other days, and the
Ministerial hangers-on can now aver, with perfect
truth, that a change has come over the spirit of
their dream. It is one thing to sustain a reverse of
fortune at night, and another to treat the matter as
one of any =sequence next morning. On Tues-
day, hoy/o7er, there wae,eyidently timing mortifi.

cation at the overthrow of Government wishes by
the success of Lord R. CECIL'S motion. The noble
lord was quite justified in the course he took, and,
indeed, he deserves great credit for the energy with
which he pursued his purpose. The Reports of
School Inspectors was a subject that especially
called for investigation, and it is very satisfactory to
reflect that there will now be some remedial agency
brought to bear upon the matter, and the necessary
reform introduced into the workings of the plans.
Lord R. CECIL could have put his case in no
stronger manner than when he informed his hearers
that the question " involved the truth and purity
of the information upon which the House disposed
of large sums of money taken out of the taxes paid
by the people." This was surely sufficient warrant
for the importance of the subject, and the details
and disclosures that were afterwards adduced only
served to enhance the value of the proposal made,
and to point the moral to the astonished assembly.
It stands to reason that a report that is tampered
with is not of much value, and it is monstrous to
think that the authorities have been making things
to suit their views, and in some measure employing
a Procrustean agency to effect their inordinate
desires. Thus it has been proved that a
system of revision and suppression has long pre-
vailed regarding the reports laid before Parlia-
ment. The Vice-President of the Council arrogated
to himself the right which Lord R. CECIL very
properly objected to of expunging from the reports
all that did not coincide with his own opinions,
and of retaining all that did not meet his wishes.
This is a very barefaced proceeding, and most cer-
tainly called for some interference. What is the
use of hon. members studying reports with a view
of possessing themselves of information that it is
important and desirable to obtain, and then only to
read a mutilated report, and a garbled version of
events. Such a transaction is an outrage on public
opinion, it is an insult alike to good faith and good
feeling, and altogether it forms one of those cor-
ruptions of jus►ice and shiftings of original inten-
tions on the part of the promoters that men will
not willingly sanction, nor readily permit. Mr.
WALTER, in a brief discourse, effectively carried on
the discussion, and very aptly showed the mischief
that this mutilated system had occasioned. The
Inspectors were men of education, and the house
deemed their opinion worth having, and yet it
could only be obtained in a very imperfect form
because of the faulty practice referred to. The hon.
member mentioned curiously enough how a report
in which be was himself concerned was mutilated
in a considerable manner, and a whole passage
bearing upon an important topic struck out, be-
cause the Inspector had stated that in the school
which was praised there was an uncertificated
mistress. This is proof positive of the injurious
nature and evil effects of the pernicious custom in
vogue, and high time it was that the Legis-
lature should interfere to stop the pro-
gress of such crying evils, and restore
the just method of transacting the busie
ness. Mr. LowE did not improve his case by
losing his temper, and he did not deny the altera-
tions urged against him by his hasty mode of deal-
ing with the subject. There is generally something
wrong in the subject, or the speaker, or perhaps
with both, when there is much acerbity displayed,
and much irritation of feeling manifest. The right
hon. gentleman was doubtless still further incensed
by Lord R. CECIL'S smart allusions to his danger-
ous state, if annoyed, and also that he could not
quote any of his authorities, because the luckless
Wight would fall under condign punishment if his
name were known. Apart from the importance of
the question, it is very satisfactory to think that the
House did decide against the Vice-Prebident, if only
because of his vehement determination to dictate
terms, and tell hon. members what they must do,
and almost dare them to do otherwise then obey his
behests. A man in his position should be tempe-
rate in his expressions, and remember that abuse is
not argument. In the first place he said that if the
House agreed to the plan before it, it would be fatal
to the present organisatio❑ of the office. So much
the better, some may very wisely exclaim, if it is
based on such very unstraightfor ward principles,
and copies the manners of despotic Powers in de-
claring what information shall or shall not be meted
out to an obedient Parliament and a servile public.
The next plea put forward is one totally inadmis-
sible from its extreme violence and extraordinary
assurance. It states that " the two statements of
the noble lord are utterly untrue, and his two opi-
nions are absurd." Now, this is not the way in
which official authorities should presume to dictate
terms to the representatives of the people, and the
victory which was achieved by the Opposition was
not only an immediate success over injustice, but a
more remote and not less important triumph over
conduct that seems to borrow the description once
given by Mr. SIIEIL, an instance of "splenetic
authoritativeness and factious sophistication." The
mortification which must have been experienced by
the Vice-President and his friends may teach them
a useful lesson for the future, and at all events the
House and the public will profit by the immunity
from garbled statements which they will henceforth
possess.

The news from New Zealand still leaves affairs
in a somewhat nnsatisf.ctory condition. The
Maories have entrenched themselves in a fresh
position, which seems to be even stronger than their
former ones, and have mustered in considerable
force, their numbers being variously estimated at
from 3,000 to 5,000. General CAMERON, with
about 2,700 men, is besieging them at this spot,
which is called Te Bore, and is keeping up a close
watch that no native shall escape. His object is,
it is said, to starve them into surrender, and if the
number of the native forces has been estimated with
anything like correctness, such a task ought not to
be very difficult. But we must not forget the
skill and secrecy with which th© Maories took their
departure from Mere-mere, and it is impossible to
feel absolutely certain that they will not contrive
again to ellude our men just in the hour of antici-
pated triumph. Their intimate acquaintance with
the country,and their singular agility and ingenuity
are, of course, greatly in their favour in warfare of
this kind, although in a direct engagement they
have no sort of chance. The position which the
Maories at present occupy is described by a colonial
journal as " a Maori Quadrilateral ;" and, indeed,
throughout the war the skill and strength of their
entrenchments has been very remarkable. The
Maories are of a considerably higher race
than most aborigines, possessing a degree
of intelligence and ingenuity that proves
their capability of cultivation and improvement.
This makes it the more lamentable and unfortunate
that they should be always arrayed against the
influences of civilisation and be spending their
whole energies in the fruitless attempt to resist our
power. The British forces are of course certain of
ultimate success, but the great object is to achieve
that success with as little delay and bloodshed as
possible. We have already had to deplore the loss
of many able officers who fell at Rangariri, and
even the present comparatively inactive position has
cost the life of a gallant naval officer, Lieutenant
MITCHELL, commander of the steamer Avon. On
the native side the loss has, of course, been much
heayier throughout, and in the ehirmiehing