The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-16 00:00:00

THIS SUM LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 16, 1864.

The French Circillar on the Conference,

The following is the test of the Note addressed
by M. Drouyn de Lhuys to the French Ministers at
the minor German Courts relative to the Conference
proposed by England:—
M. le Ministre,—On the 31st December the English Go-
vernment forwarded a communication to the Government of
the Emperor, in which it proposed the assembly of a Con-
ference, either at Paris or London, which should be sum-
moned to consult upon the affairs of the Duchies. It would
consist of representatives of the Powers by which the Treaty
of 1852 was signed, to whom would be added an se:',ledited
envoy feom the German Confederation,
When the Government of the Emperor was first sounded
on this subject, it felt itself called Upon, in order to avoid
every error, to point out clearly the material difference exist-
ing between a Conference which discussed a special question
and between the general or more restricted Congress, the
idea of which emanated from the Emperor.
A Congress which is to regulate interests of the most
various kinds offered elements of arrangement which, of ne-
cessity, would he wanting when the deliberation is confined
to an isolated interest. While the Emperor allowed himself
to be guided by this reflection, and as he was, in addition,
no longer willieg to take a negotiation under his auspices,
from which he would have been obliged to exclude several
of the Powers who had assented to the idea of a Congress,
no other course was open to him but to decline to permit
the Congress to assemble in Paris.

But the Government of the Emperor is not on that'ae-
count less desirous to support the attempt which may be
made to prevent more serious complications. The preserva-
tion of peace was the aim of my august master, when he in-
vited the Sovereigns to an explanation among themselves
to fortify still further the political system of Europe. The
object of the Emperor is still the same, and, although he
still remains convinced that only one way can lead to it, he
has yet no absolute objection to the combination which has
been announced by the English Government. Certain pre-
liminary explanations would, notwithstanding, be neces-
sary, and the same have been offered by the Powers.
The London Conference of 1852 has only accomplished
an impotent work, as the present condition of affairs more
than abundantly proves.
Its resolutions are contested at the present time by the
majority of the lesser States, as wall as by some of those by
whom it was agreed to. If they were to :assemble again at
the present time it would be mainly to come to resolutions
which would be calculated to give hopes of a more satisfac-
tory result. In the first place, it is of importance not to
place the Conference in opposition to the Federal Diet by
inviting the Plenipotentiaries to discuss questions which
may practically already be decided, and the Government of
the Emperor has applied to the Powers to learn if they wero
inclined to take the actual status quo in Schleswig and
Holstein as the point of departure--that is, to reserve the
pending question.

At the same time the Emperor, actively engaged on one
subject which appears to be of great interest for Germany,
is of opinion with the English Government that the parti-
cipation of the Germanic Confederation in the. negotiations
which may ensue would be of great assistance. But it is
questionable if the Federal Diet would decide to adopt the
line of action.

In the midst of a general or more restricted Congress,
which discussed other questions besides that of the Duchies,
the German Diet, as I believe, would have no hesitation in
laying its affairs before !sn. European tribunal. One of the
advantages of this conciliatory plan was to make a just share
of allowance for the sensibility and interests of each. But
since the Federal Diet has on several earlier occasions de-
clined all the propositions which had for their object the
arrangement of their difference with Denmark by the
Powers who signed the Treaty of London, the Emperor must
first be convinced whether the views of the German states
in this respect have undergone any change before he on his
part accepts the proposition of the English Cabinet.
Tifis is the communica'ion, M. le Ministre, which I am
directed to transmit to you. I should, therefore, esteem it a
favour if you would place me in a position to announce to
my Government whether the idea of a Conference is ap-
proved by the -- Government, and whether it would be
inclined to vote at Frankfort that Germany should be re-
presented at this assembly by a special plenipotentiary.

sion after all was not unfruitful. They had a good budget.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer had £300,000,000 to dis-
pose of, which he divided between the rich and the poor by
taking off 2d. from the income tax, and sd. from tea and by
a little doctoring of tobacco. They had also some excite-
ment about the proposition for the purchase of the Exhibi-
tion building, which created such a raw in the house that
anybody would have taken it to be drunk. (Laughter.)
There was also an excitetnertt with reference to Mr. Somes's
bill, for which he had Voted. (Applause.) The state of Lan-
cashire had also been discussed, and the Public Works Act
had been the result, Emigration had been suggested as a
reZedy for Lancashire distress, but he was no advocate for
transporting people by thousands, which he thought would
be a desperate remedy for the ills of the country. The only
system of relief was more cotton, and he was glad to say
there was a prospect of a good supply from Egypt, Africa,
Greece, Italy, Algiers, and some of our colonies. He had
himself tried, he believed with success, the experiment of
cultivating cotton in the West Indies. Rascality and dis-
honesty had disappointed them in reference to India, but
even from there they might expect a greater quantity and a
better quality. Upon the dispute in Ame ica and the affairs
of Schleswig-Holstein, our course should be that of neu-
trality. He wished to see old England weather the storm
—looking upon the storm indeed, but taking no part in it
ourselves; but husbanding our strength for a better time.
He was glad to believe that there was a prospect of a re-
turn to a state of prosperity. Let us but have a supply of
cotton—the means of employing the people—and old Eng-
land would again be one of the most prosperous countries
under Heaven. (Loud cheering.)
Several questions were put to the hon. gentleman. Mr.
Barnes was asked if he would support the Permissive Bill
of Mr, Lawson, member for Carlisle,
Mr. BARNES said he could not say what he should do
until he saw the bill.

Mr. Alderman HA.RWOOD moved a vote of thanks to
Mr. Barnes for his services during tae past session of Par-
liament.

Mr. AldermatiOnToN:seconded the motion, which was
carried by acclamation. _ _

Mr. ISA.n..NEs acknowledged the compliment, and the
maeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the chairman.

THE FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT,

Yesterday Mr %Ales, the Liverpool stipendiary magis-
trate, was engaged in the investigation of a charge of in-
fringing the Foreign Enlistment Act, preferred against Mr.
Thomas Highat, a member of the firm of Jones and Co.,
ship-store dealers and chandlers, of Chapel.•street, Liverpool.
The summons included the names of John Jones (principal)
and John Wilding (a clerk to the firm), but these parties
did not appear. _ _

.. -
Mr. Vernon Lushingtou appeared for the prosecution;
and Mr. Deighton for the defence. . .

The facts of the case,; stated by Mr. Lushington, were
that in 1863 a vessel called the Japan was built at Dam-
!neon, the sole registered owner being Mr. Thomas Bald,
partner in the firm of Jones and Co., though he was not
proceeded against yesterday, as there was no evidence
against him. The ship remained registered in his name
until the 233 of June, when Mr. Bold informed the customs
that he had sold her to a foreigner. Towards the end of
March, the vessel being nearly ready for sea, it was then
necessary to get a crew, which was done partly at Greenock
and partly at Liverpool. At the latter place several persons
were induced to sign articles for a voyage in the Japan to
Singapore and back for two years. The men were directed
to take their clothes to the office of Jones and Co„ where they
got their advance notes, and in one case money was paid by
the defendant. The men, including John Stanley, Benja-
min Conolly, and Francis Glasabrook, went on board the
Greenock boat (where they saw Mr. Jones and Mr. Highat)
and each man having answered to his name, they sailed
to Greenock, and went on board the Japan. Oa the 3d
of April the Japan left the Clyde under the guise of a
" trial trip," went down the Channel, and stood towards
the coast of France. At a short distance from Brest
they tell in with a small steamer, which they towed
into that harbour. Here a number of boxes were sent on
board the Japan from the email steamer, and which
packages contained arms and amteunition, Mr. Jones
himself coming on board, and snpariatending the tranship-
ment of the articles. Lieut. Maury cave on board the Japan,
took the command, and assumed the uniform of the Confe-
derate navy. He told the men that the vessel was to become
a Confederate ship of war, and promised them £lO bounty,
and £4 108 per month if they would enlist. Mr. Jones was
there during the whole time, and vas actively engaged in
persuading the meli to volunteer for the service.
Benjamin Conolly, the first witness called, said he shipped
in March last, at the Liverpool Sallow' Home, for the Japan
steamer. He was a coal trimmer. After signing articles, he
went to the office cf Messrs. Jones end Co., where he saw
Mr. Highat, who told him to come down next day for his
advance note. He wont and got the note for £3. He after-
wards went on board the Greenock steamer, where ho again
saw Mr. Ilighat, At Greenock he weat on board the Japan,
and they sailed throe or fear days afterwards. When they
had been out a few days they fell in with a steamer, and
took her into Bre t. They then took in guns and ammuni-
tion from the steamer, in which Mr. Jones took a " clever
part." Mr. Highat was not there. Capt. Maury came on
board next day, and put on the grey uniform of the Confe-
derate navy, and eaid he was about to hoist the Confederate
flag. He told the men they would have a good ship, and
that he would make them all very comfortable, He then
read his cernmiseion. Fle said he would give the men
higher wages then they had had at Liverpool. Witness
asked the captain about the prize money. He (witness) did
not watat to go, but Mr. Jones endeavoured to induce him by
telling him he would make plenty of money. Witness, how-.
ever, refu9ed to go, though he did afterwards sign an agree-
ment to sail, and received £lO bounty from the purser. Mr.
Jones was there then, and got £9 from him (witness)
again, promising to send it to his parents. Numbers of
others signed papers also.
They were to have £1 10s per
month. Mr. Jones protnieed that all the men would get
prize money. They hoisted the Confederate flag the same
evening amidst the cheers of the crew, and sailed. They
soon afterwards met with several Federal skips, some of
which were burnt, They returned to France about two
months ago, and ported at Cherbourg. Witness obtained
leave of absence, and came to Liverpool and called at Jones's
office. He saw Jones and Highat there, but Mr. Jones did
not seem to know him, and witness said, " You knave me
well enough in France, when you wanted me to serve under
a foreign flag for you." Jones said, " Don't make a noise,
there will be something done for you."
Mr, Highat must
have heard this, as he was sitting at a desk close by. Wit-
ness then spoke to Mr. Highat, and showed his " citizen
paper." Highat said, " Ah, this is Maury's writing, call
again. We will send a telegram to the chip about you."
He saw Mr. Highat once or twice afterwards, and he told
him to gather all the men belonging to the Georgia, and put
them on board the Havre boat. Received £3 at Mr. Jones's
office to pay his expenses, but
witness became afraid of
breaking the Queen's proclamation by going on board the
Georgia again, and so he ran away with the £3. There was
more than that due to him for his services on board the
Georgia.

In cross-examination by Mr. Deighton (who appeared for
Mr. Highat), the evidence of Conolly was not materially
affected. It was elicited that he was now, with Stanley,
Glassbrook, and other men who had been in the Georgia, in
the service of Mr. M'Guire (a private detective officer in
the pry of the United States Consul at Liverpool), and that
he received excellent pay for picking up information. He
denied, however, that he was s spy in the Federal service.
Witness also denied having sclicited Mr. Highat for em-
ployment in the Confederate service, and that Mr, Highat
said it was illegal. He admitted that on one occasion Mr.
Jones advised him not to join a Confederate ship. When
he went to the office of Jones and Co., on the Georgia's re-
turning to France, his object was to get money to enable
him to go back to Cherbourg and get the wages which were
due to him from Captain Maury.
John Stanley was the next Witness, and he generally cor-
roborated the previous evidence.
In cross-examination by Mr. Deighton the witness stated
that ho had been in communication with the United States
consul in Liverpool, and that he had received, like Conolly,
a weekly salary of LI 198 4d, the same wages that he had
received on board the Georgia, and that he was
paid by
Maguire, the private detective.
Francis Glassbrook followed, his evidence being of the
same description. He stated in cross examination that he
was retained by the United States consul to give evidence in
the present prosecution.
The wife of the last Witness was called, and identified Mr.
Highat as the
gentleman who gave her the £lO bounty due
to her husband for serving on board the Georgia. Mr.
Highat also gave her half pay several times on her husband's
account.
Thomas Mathews, 'Who had also made the cruise in the
Georgia, was examined, and identified Mr.
Highat
tasbeing
connected with the sbip and payment of men on board ei
Georgia. This witness also received Zs Vs 4d a week,
t but
Mr.
he did not know who paid it. He had the money a
Maguire's office from" somebody." At the conclusion a the case the defendant was
commit-
ted to take his trial at the assizes, bail being aceepted ,him-
self in £3OO and two sureties in £lBO each.

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SPrRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—A number of concurrent indications
prove only too clearly that the last desperate struggle
of the Polish nation is drawing to a conclusion. One
by one the insurgent leadere. are captured, ILeir
bands dispersed, and themselves consigned, after a
decent interval of a few days, to the gibbet or to the
bullet. It is rather mortifying to reflect that the
present success of the Russians is in a great measure
owing to the misappropriation of a loan contracted
ostensibly for the purpose of restoring the value of
their currency. Still, if the insurrection is to fail,
the shorter the agony the better. No one can hear
without regret and indignation of the cruelties and
enormities that have been perpetrated, and we may
reasonably hope that at least the extremity of
rigour will cease with the cessation of the cause
whence it arose. Assuming, however, that the
Emperor has successfully disposed of the question
of serfdom and of the Polish insurection, he has yet
to deal with another problem perhaps more diffi-
cult than either of its predecessors. Russia expects
from the hands of its present monarch a Constitu-
tion, and he is under some engagement to meet her
expectations. Now, Russia is a country to frame
a Constitution for which would, we think, have
very seriously puzzled even the Abbe &eyes. The
Emperor, in granting a Constitution. has not, we
believe, the slightest intention of doing what in
most cases is nearly identical—effecting a vast re•
volution. He professes himsel friendly to progress
tied:willing to allow his people a voice In their own
affairs, but we have no idea that he mean,: for
one moment to divest himself of absolute power,
or to descend from the position of Emperor, Auto-
crat, Head of the Church, and almost a Deity on
earth, to that of a chief magistrate, exercising cer-
tain delegated attribut ons under the advice of Mini-
sters responsible to a freely-elected Parliament.
The first question the Emperor of Russia will have
to consider is how he means to treat his aristocracy,
Is he prepared to place the supreme powers of go-
vernment virtually in their hands? Such an act
would be one of signal self-sacrifice; but, supposing
the objections of the Emperor to despoil himself of
absolute power have been overcome, it is quite cer-
tain that the good of the country would be pro-
moted by an act which would give it many masters
instead of one? The Emperor may call to his aid
the most enlightened advice, and when he has ascer-
tained what is best to be done he is so immeasurably
raised above his subject that there would seem to
be nothing to disturb his judgment. Would this
state of things be mended by placing the supreme
power in the hands of an aristocracy hitherto,
for the most part, inexperienced in public affairs,
and having little knowledge of any profession
except the use of arms ? Of course the removal
of a supreme authority would at once split the
aristocracy into factions, and the direction of
public affairs would be contested with a cor-
ruption and violence exaggerated by the magni-
tude of the stake, the uncivilised state of the mass
of the people, and the great power placed in the
hands of the combatants. For the present century
the Russian aristocracy has renounced the privilege
of tempering autocracy by assassination. Is it quite
certain that the Crown could enter into partnership
with this powerful body without running some risk
ef a recurrence to ancient practices? Shall, then,
the Emperor create a House of Commons, to vote
the Supplies and share with himself and the mobility
the powers of legislation ? For such a body, in the
English sense of the term, we fear there are in Russia
no materials. The Russian middle class can hardly
yet be said to have any existence. The House that
would be elected would represent the peasants ; it
would naturally be bitterly hostile to the nobility,
from whose hands it had only lately been emancipated
and would prebebly seek to place the Emperor at
its head with a view to changes in a Communistic
sense. Looked at even in this general way, the
prospect is not at first sight very encouraging. The
difficulty of finding a Constitution for Russia is,
however, very greatly increased when we consider
the vast numbers of the population, and the im-
mense space of land over which they are spread.
In many of the western provinces, for instance, the
opinion of the educated part of the community is
so decidedly Polish that popular Assemblies could
not be relied on even for the first essential requisite
of loyalty to the Crown. In Siberia, where there
are no nobles, the landowners are said to be animated
by a free and independent spirit very different
from the slavish ideas which have so long prevailed
in European Russia. What is to be done with
Poland ? Can Russia afford to leave her out of the
scheme of the Constitution, or will she venture to
include her in it? The first would be anomalous,
the second highly dangerous. There is indeed a
solution which we believe has been thought of, lent
to which the Emperor is understood to be opposed,
that is, to avoid the difficulties arising from dis-
cordant political opinions cud jarring interests by
placing power in the hands of a class which, sunk
in ignorance and till lately in slavery, is below
the region of politics, and would find, as we have
said, in the Emperor its natural guide and pro-
tector. No doubt, for the present at least, if the
Emperor chose to ally himself with those who
were lately serfs, he might, under the form of a
free constitution, be nearly as absolute as ever.
Universal suffrage would in this, es in most
other e ;ees, evince its affinity for arbitrary power,
and its hostility to every class that intervenes
between the lowest and the highest. Yet the
Emperor may well pause before he exchanges his
position as the head of a brilliant aristocracy and
the earthly Providence of so vast a nation for the
Dictatorship of an enormous predial democracy,
ignorant, fanatical, inconstant, and unreasonable,ito
be indulged with the extreme of license, or kept
within bounds only by military violence. Among
so many difficulties it is not wonderful that the
Russian Government should hesitate, and though
pledged to give a Constitution in the early pent of
the present yeor, should ba still deliberating what
that Constitution is to be. It is not unlikely that
the result may be the abandonment of the ides of a
general Legislative Body for the whole Empiee, and
the substitutiail for it of some sort of local n:iachi
nery. Nay, it is, we believe, not improbable that
provincial Parliaments will be found nearly as im-
practicable es Imperial Assemblies, lead that the
Russian Conetitution may, after all, end in the ap-
pointment of Councils to manage the affairs of every
parish. We are far from undervaluing even such
a concession as this, for which the machinery
already exists in every Russian villege. But doubt-
less a proposal for a new Constitution which shculd
end in the appointment of a number of select veetriee
would hardly escape the ridicule which attaches to
an anti-climax. The truth is that a Constitution
which is intended to work ought to be the reflex
and result of the existing state of society in the
nation for which it is intended. To Invest
12,000,000 slaves just emancipated, and perhaps
three or four times as many persons who can neither
read nor write, with 'political power, would be to
give influence in the Governms tit to cleans which
havo as yet been able to assert for themselves no
social influence at all, and to surrender power which
ought to be confided to rational and skilful hands
to something worse than blind chance—to igno-
rance, stupidity, and brutality. And yet a Consti-
tution which pointedly excluded the whole body of
the people mast appear ridiculous in the eyes of
foreign countries, anti illusory in the eyes of that
people themselves. Serfdom may be abolished by a
change of law, Poland may be subdued by the sabre
and the bayonet, but Russia has still to contend
against her own internal barbarism, and that will
neither yield to laws nor suffer itself to be dragooned
into intelligence. Before he can give a satisfactory
Constitution, the Emperor must educate a new
generation to understand its rights and perform
its duties.
DAILY NEWS.—At length the Duke of Cam-
bridge has published his remarks on the Crawley
Court-martial. The result is that whilst Colonel
Crawley is directed "to resume the command of the
oth luniskilling Dragoons," Major Swindley, Lieu-
tenant Fitzsimon, and Surgeon Turnbull are re-
moved from the regiment. Nothing is said of the
other officers, non-commissioned officers and men.
But the Commander-in-Chief " trusts that the
Colonel will prove by tact and judgment in the per-
formance of his duties, that ho appreciates the im-
portance of his position as a commanding officer,
and that the painful experience of the past will not
be lost upon him." Under circumstances so peciliar
there must be every disposition to put such a con-
striction upon the conduct
,of the Horse Guards
as will make it, if possible, consistent. But the
task is far from easy. According to the " re •
marks," Colonel Crawley has been fully and
honourably acquitted" by the court—its proceedings
have been confirmed and approved, and the verdict
we are told, " should now be carried out." "Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Crawley will therefore resume the
command" of his regiment. But why ? How did
the Duke of Cambridge arrive at this conclusion ?
The fitness of Colonel Crawley for command was
never before the Court-martial at all. That officer
has been tried upon two charges, and upon two
charges only—excessive severity toward Sergeant-
Major Lil'ey, and uttering a false charge against
Adjutant Fitzsimon. It certainly must have oc-
curred to the Duke, asit did occur to many reason-
able people, that Colonel Crawley might well be
acquitted of both those charges, and might never-
theless be utterly unfit to command a regiment.
Surely there are many things less heinous than
torturing a sergeant-major and slandering an ad-
jutant which ought to disqualify a man for the
command of a regiment. But what thinks the Duke
of Cambridge on this question ? It is difficult to say.
If the Duke thinks that because Colonel Crawley
has been fully and honourably acquitted of the two
heinous charges for which he was tried he has proved
himself fit for coramand,tvity does he allude "to the

painful experience of the past ?" If, on the other'
hand, the Duke thinks that it is only by a happy
combination of temper, judgment, and discretion
that the command of a regiment can be properly
conducted, what evidence has been furnished dur-
ing the Ifit3 court martial that go!. Crawley pea..
sesses those essential qualifications ? One of two
things—either the Commander in Chief has admi-
nistered a rebuke to Col. Crawley which is unde-
served, or he has replaced that officer in command
of a regiment without due consideration, and in
violation of all consistency. Contrast for a moment
his treatment of Major Swindley with that of Major
Swindley's Colonel. In the remarks just published,
the Commander in Chief says:—" The Court has
remarked on the animus displayed by Major Swind-
ley in giving his evidence. He has not ceased to
entertain feelings which strike at the root of all
discipline:" " and Major Swindley will be removed
from the regiment accordingly." Only six months
ago the Commander in Chief said—" Col. Crawley's
rejoinder to Mr. Smalea's defence his Royal High-
ness considered as exceedingly vindictive, and likely
to raise a spirit of resistance among his officers."
But, notwithstanding, his Royal Highness pro-
ceeds to say that he will allow the Colonel to re-
main at the head of his regiment. Thus the Major
who displays animus against his Colonel in giving
evidence is removed from his regiment because such
feelings strike at the root of all discipline, whilst
the commanding officer of this Major, whose con-
duct is denounced as exceedingly vindictive, and
likely to raise the spirit of resistance, is retained
in command. The army and the public have just
been reminded, by command of his Royal Highness
the Field-Marshal Commanding in Chief, that
without it..seiplino an army is worse than useless,
and that untie: Pll circumstances it must and will
be maintained. It might seem superfluous to re-
mind a Commander in
Chief that discipline, how-
ever essential, cannot be maintained unless the
chief has mind enough to distinguish be-
tween justice and injustice, and firmness
enough to act upon this distinction. But the
painful inconsistencies of which the Doke of
Cambridge has been guilty in dealing with the
Inniskilling Dragoons prove that principles so
elementary are either ignored or forgotten. After
all, however, neither the weakness and inconsis-
tencies of the Commander-in-Chief, the alleged
tyranny of Colonel Crawley, nor even the sufferings
endured by Lilley and his wife, are the real ques-
tions at issue. The real question is, whether the
law of the land can be overridden, and the rights of
the soldier violated in India or elsewhere with
impunity. There is no doubt whatever that three
noncommissioned officers were kept under arrest
from the 26th of April until the 25th of May, 1862.
And it has been admitted by Lord Hartington in
the House of Commons, by the Judge Advocate, and
the official prosecutor at Aldershot, that this con-
tinued arrest was illegal by the Articles of War, and
by the Mutiny Act. By the 99th article of war,
" when any soldier or officer commits an offence
deserving of punishment he shall be ordered into
arrest or confinement until released by lawful
authority ; and no officer or soldier shall continue
in such arrest or confinement more titan eight days,
or until such time as a court-martial can conve-
niently be held." The 79th article article says :
" Whosoever shall unnecessarily detain any prisoner
in confinement without bringing him to trial shall,
if an officer, be liable to be cashiered, or to suffer
such other punishment as, by the judgment of a
general court-martial, may be awarded." Now, the
three sergeants were in arrest for much more than
eight days, and no:- one of them was tried by court-
ly illegal set committed by
martial. This was a groseq
some person. Who committed this illegal act was the
question originally raised in parliament by Mr. For-
tescue and others? That question tins not yet been
answered.' On the contrary, the utn2ost care has
been taken that it shall not be answers:(l. It is
our conviction, as it has been throughout, th,:."‘t the
officer really responsible for this grievous wrong' is
Lieut.-Colonel Crawley, but ho has never been
distinctly tried upon this charge. At all events,
the responsibility lies between three men—Colonel
Crawley, General Farrell, and Sir William Mans-
field. It is for the Commander-in-Chief and the
War Secretary to find out and to punish the officer
who is really guilty. The penalties attached to
keeping an officer unnecessarily in confinement
furnish conclusive proof of the serious character of
the charge which some person or other is now bound
to answer. There is no such thing known to the
law of England as arbitrary arrest or imprisonment
for an indefinite period. It is needless at this time
of day for civilians to insist upon the necessity of
visitingthose who violate its provisions with condign
punishment. Soldiers aro equally entitled to the
like privileges. Those who have dared to violate
them at Mhow must be dragged to the light, and
the common soldiers and non-commissioned officers
must be assured that their rights are to be guarded
with es much jealousy as the rights of the most
illustrious man who ever grasped a marshal's
truncheon ; and unless Parliament is content to
abdicate its functions it will see that right is done.

- - -
WILLS AND BEQUESTS.

(Franz the Illustrated London News.)

The will of Bonamy Dobree, Esq., a city merchant, and a
director and late Governor of the Bank of England, was
proved in London on the 20th ult., by his only son,Bonamy
Dobree, Esq., sole executor. The personalty was sworn under
£70,000. The will bears date 1841, leaving his personal
estate between his son and two daughtees. In a codicil,
deated Dee. 11, 1860, attested by Alfred Lytham, Esq., then
Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England, and Henry
Freshfield, Esq. of Bank-buildings, the tes ator states that,
" whilst holding the office of Governor of the Bank of Eng-
land, I received from his Majesty the Emperor of Russia a
malachite vase, with an inscription, in acknowledgment of
the services which his Imperial Majesty considered had been
rendered to him by the Corporation of the Bank of England,
and also of the care which his Majesty was pleased to con-
sider I had individually bestowed in his interest." The
testator, highly prizising this memorial, has requested that
it should be held as an heirloom in his family, and has be -
queathed it on those terms to his son and to his issue.
The will of Thos. Brown Young, Esq., of Clapham-road,
was proved in London under £20,000 personalty. The bulk
of the property is to be held by the legatees for each of their
respective lives, and the reversions, as each life falls off, will
revert to certain charities enumerated in the will, the
amounts varying from £4,000 to £2,000. The residue, which
is left to the testator's three brothers-in-law, is held in like
maener ; the share of each, expiring at his death, will re-
vert to the Infirmary for Children and Widows, Waterloo
Bridge-road. The other societies are the Dreadnought,
Cancer Hospital, British Lying in Hospital, Royal Infir-
mary for Asthma and Consumption, City-road ; Royal Free
Hospital, East London Hospital, Victoria Park; Surrey
Dispensary, and Middlesex Hospital.
The will of Thos. Peters, Esq., of the Grange, St. John's-
wood, was proved in London under £140,000 personalty,
the executors and trustees being his three eons—John W.
Peters, Wm, W. Peters, and Joseph Peters, Esqrs., toge-
ther with Thos. Gascoigno Norcutt, Esq. The will was
executed in 1859, and two codicils in 1861 and 1863. To
his executors he leaves £1,000; to St. Paul's Chapel
Schools, Kilburn, and the Operative Coachinakers' Bene-
volent Society, each £lOO. There are legacies to his
nephews, nieces, and grandchildren, and to his servants, To
his daughter he leaves the sum of £30,000, and the residue
of his property to his three sons before named.

Shocking Occurrence at the Fishmongers'

Almshouses.

Yesterday evening an occurrence of a painful nature took
place at the almshouses erected by the Fishmongers' Com-
pany in the Wandsworth-road for decayed members of their
company, which created considerable excitement amongst
the peaceful inhabitants of those buildings. The ago of the
sufferer, and the still more advanced age of her husband,
added considerably to the sympathy expressed by all to
whom th' occurrence became known.

It appears that Mr. Mecham, formerly of Newington-
butts, now aged 87, and who has for the last 12 years been
a recipient of the bounty of the above liberal and wealthy
company, being very infirm, had requested his wife, herself
74 years of age, to fetch him a pillow, and whilst upstairs
for that purpose her clothes unfortunately became ignited
by the candle she was carrying. Her screams aroused her
husband, who in spite of his infirmity, hurried upstairs as
promptly as he could, and endeavoured, but in vain, to ex-
tinguish the flames. He then went to call the assistance of
neighbours, and by their joint exertions the burning clothes
were got away from the poor old lady. The Lady Superin-
tendent sent at once for Dr. March, of St• John's-hill, who
with a medical friend who chanced to be with him, at once
attended, and did everything which experience could sug-
gest to allay present suffering, and, if possible, prevent a
fatal termination to the case. The great age of the suff- rer,
however, leaves but little hope that her system can recover
from the severe shock consequent upon ;he extensive inju-
ries she has sustained.

• MORE INCENDTAIIISM IN YORKSIIIRE.—On Mon-
day a fire broke out in the stack-yard belonging to
Mr. Daniel Gibson, the Grange, 0 ttringham, Holderness, in
such a manner as to lead t o the belief that it was the work of
an incendiary. In the yard there were 11 sacks, and the fire
commenced in the centre one. On the alarm being given
Mr. Gibson and his men took steps to prevent the spread of
the fire by covering the adjoining stacks with wet blankets,
&c. A telegraphic message was sent to Hull for a fire-engine,
and after the lapse of ab,ut an hour and a half the engine
belonging to the Local Board of Health was on the spot.
There was a good supply of water, and the large number of
labourers who collected from. the adjoining farms rendered
good service. Fortunately, the filmes were confined to the
stack in which they originated, but it was totally destroyed.
A. man had been seen lurking about the place in the early
morning, and he was apprehended near the spot by Super-
intendent Wilkinson, of the Bast Riding Constabulary, on
suspicion of being the incendiary.