The Sun.
London, England, 1864-01-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LOISMN, TUtiDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26, 1864.

or five years ago: If they did not have some intimation,
upon the assembling of Parliament, that Government pro-
posed to introduce some measure of reform, he said, " God
give us a speedy time whsn the present Government shall
be removed from office." (Laughter.) The present Par-
liament had lived long enough; and although it had done
good, he did not think that it would do very much more.
He was quite sure that the longer their life was pro-
longed, the more likely were they to undo the little good
they had accomplished. If there was to be a dissolution,
he trusted that it would not be upon the cry of " Palmer-
ston or Derby." It was humiliating to send members
to Parliament upon such issues as that. He believed that
during the next two or three months a resolution would be
submitted by a member of position which would test the
opinions of members of the House of Commons upon this
question, and give an opportunity to the constituencies of
seeing the views of their representatives upon it. He re•
gretted the government had not given direct intimation of
their intentions respecting the treaty of 1662 as regarded
the Schleswig-Holstein difficulty. It would do far more
than anything else to check an outbreak respecting that
treaty. If they were to have a war let it be for a holier
cause. If the sword was to be unsheathed, it appeared to
him that there was a more honourable field in Poland. (Ap-
plause.) He thought that Austria possessed a fatal and un-
accountable influence over the minds of persons occupying
important positions in this country, and that the reforms for
which Austria was given credit for did not exist. It was
necessary for the welfare of Italy thac the hireling soldiers
of France should not comtinue to occupy Rome, and that
Austria should give up Venice, He felt utterly ashamed of
the course which we as a nation had taken with respect to
Poland. It would have been better to have kept eur sym-
pathies to ourselves than to have led the Poles on with
delusive hopes. He would have advised the sanction of the
English Government to the proposed Congress, as it might
have done a great deal of good, and could not have done a
great deal of harm. Next session one of the earliest and
most important matters which would engage the attention
of the House of Commons would be the present position of
the criminal laws. (Great cheering.) During the past few
weeks public attention had been considerably excited by the
cases of Townley and Wright, (Hear, hear.) He uttered
no word of regret that the life of one had been spared, but
if there ever was a premeditated diabolical crime committed
in which a man deserved the full punishment of the law,
it was in the case of Townley. (Continued cheering.)
Had Wright justified his crime by blasphemy, and athe-
ism—if he had had friends rich enough—(Hear)—to
have paid for the opinions of medical men, and friends in-
fluential enough to have obtained the opinions of sapient
justices of the peace, then possibly the case might have been
reversed. (Oh, and hisses.) The pardon of Townley and
the execution of Wright might have been within the' strict
letter of the law," as Sir G. Grey said, but that did not
alter the fact that the friends of one used something like
the ail oqgold, and that the other was judicially murdered.
(Great cheering.) He hoped that Wright's death would
not be unproductive, but would lead to a change in the law
and the establishment of a court of appeal. (Cheers.)
In answer to questions,

- -
Mr. DOIILTAN said that he would vote fora bill for the
abolition of capital punishment, and also for an improve-
ment in the lunacy laws. He would support a measure
which was for the welfare of Poland.

The following resolution was carried by acclamation, and
the meeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the chair.
man—" That this meeting tenders its thanks to Frederick
Doulton, Esq., M.P., for his able review of the past session
of Parliament and the present aspect of public affairs, and is
of opinion that he is eminently entitled to the continued con-
fidence of the electors of Lambeth."

Lord Fermoy and Mr, Harvey Lewis,'

Yesterday evening Lord Fermoy, M.P., and Mr. liar

vey Lewis, MX., met a large number of their constituents
at the Vestry-hall, St. Pancras, to deliver addresses having
reference to the measures of the last and approaching ses-
sions. The chair was taken by Mr. W. Douglas, who, in a
brief introductory speech, referred to the question of metro-
politan railway schemes as one in which the borough of
Marylebone is most deeply interested, and on which it re-

quired the best assistance of its representatives in Parlia

ment.

Lord FtroloY,who was received with cheers, after observ-
ing that he and his oAleague addressed their constituents
at the end of last session, and then met with an approval of
their conduct, said they were now on the eve of a session
which was doubtless fraught with events of the greatest
importance, both in a political and in a metropolitan point
of view, As regarded political matters) the question which
pressed most on the public mind at present WU the state of
the foreign relations of thib country. (Hear, hear.) They
all knew how serious a step it was for a country to embark
in war and suffaiing as they were from the folly of their
ancestors in that respect, the English people would Wisely
hesitate to urge the Government to take any step tending in

that direction. (Cheat.) lie had himself always been Im-
pressed with the importance of the principle of neutrality or

n'on-intervention, and he believed that a more prudent po-
licy was never adopted by any mit,intry than that of Lord
Palmerston and his colleagties in relation to the American

question. (Cheers,) Every day showed the wisdom of that
it was now manifest that by interfering in any

*ay in the disturbed affairs of America, this country, in.

stead of malting things better, would have made them

worse. (Hear, hear.) Moreover, how different would
hate beon its position, if naw that it was obliged to pre-

pan for war in the East, it had been carrying on war in
the West. He had therefore felt it his duty to support
the Government in resisting the pressure to interfere in

American aff tire. He also thought they were right in carry-
ing out in its integrity tke Foreign Enlistment Act, and

preVenting the steam rams from leaving Liverpool. (Cheers.)
It would, indeed, have been a mock neutrality, s sham non-
intervention to allow any nation to fit oat vessels of war to
be used against another nation with which this country
professed to be on terms of amity. Whilst he would apply
the principle of neutrality and non-intervention to the East

as well as the. West, he could not look at the present state
of aft Airs in Europe without great doubt and apprehension.
It was the fashion nowadays, in speaking of the Sleswig-
Holstein question, to say that there was something difficult
and mysterious about it. He was mot going to inflict a leo-
ture upon them, but the question seemed to him a very
simple one. In 1852 Russia, Prussia, Austria, France, and
England, and, as far as their opinions could be ascertained,
all the other powers of Europe, thought it for the interest
of Europe and of the world that Denmark should hold a
thoroughly independent position, and, acting on that prin-
ciple, those countries agreed to a treaty guaranteeing to
Denmark a free and independent position. In the course of

events parties interested in the Germanic Confederation had
thought fit to take advantage of opportunity for endeavour -

ing to impair the independence of Denmark. He did no
want to go into the question of morganatic marriages, or
any of those questions which lawyers were so agreeable to
discuss, especially when paid for doing it. (Laughter.) The
question, as between nation and nation, was whether it was
for the safety and advantage of Europa that Denmark
should be free and independent, (Hear.) It appeared that
some of the contracting parties to the treaty had changed
their minds—that Austria and Prussia (he put aside the
small German principalities) were now impressed with the
value and importance of what they termed the principle of
nationality. If either of those Powers saw so much value
in the principle of nationality they might apply it at
home. (Cheers.) If Austria believed in its value, what
was she going to do for Venetia? (Hear.) What was
she going to do for Hungary, or for Galicia ? (Hear, hear.)
If Prussia believed in it what would she do with Posen, or
would she drop from her iron claw that portion of Poland
which she now gripes ? (Hear, hear.) What, moreover,
had she to say with regard to her Rhenish provinces ? If
the principle was to be applied to Denmark, why should it
not be to the other nations who were so anxious to apply it
to her ? (Hear, hear.) With regard to their interest in
this question, he was not, as they saw by his opening sen-
tence on this subject, one of those who were anxious to
meddle in other people's business ; but Denmark had claims
upon them for sympathy, at all events, and for advocacy.
Denmark was an ancient ally of England ; she was, like this
country, a maritime State, more powerful by sea than by
land, and she was in proportion to her means a good cus-
tomer for British manufactures ; and England being a party
to the treaty of 1852 was bound, in his opinion, to do what
she could—he meant diplomatically—to see faithfully ful-
fiUed the treaty to which she had placed her signature. As
regarded the other States who were contracting parties to
the treaty, he thought the majority of them would see fit to
unite with England in remonstrating with the Germanic
Confederation as to their present conduct : and he trusted
that the matter would end in that way, without war. But
upon Austria and Prussia now lay a heavy responsibility
for the step which they were taking. (Hear, hear.) They
were intervening ; the tramp of armed men was now re-
sounding over Europe at their dictation, and by their com-
mand; and upon them, he repeated, rested the responsi-
bility of such conduct. Let a shot once be fired in anger,
whether on one side of the river or the other, let the sword
be once drawn in the present quarrel, and no man present
could forsee the end of the war which would thus have
been commenced. (Hear.) At all events they might rest
assured that the two States whose conduct led to it would
be, as they ought to be, the first to suffer for the step which
they had taken. (Loud cheers.) If Denmark were dis-
membered, he would not give a fig for the chance of the
Austrian empire holding together ; and less still would he
give for the present position of the King of Prussia,
who, having a quarrel on constitutional grounds to settle
with his own people, would probably rather enter on a foreign
war than yield what was justly duo to his own subjects.
(Cheers.) In the present serious aspect of European politics
it was most gratifying to him, as he thought it must be
also to the nation, that there was at the head of affairs a
statesman of such great experience, particularly in foreign
affairs—one who united with the wisdom of years the vigour
of youth in his heart—(cheers)—and who had never Leen
accused by his bitterest enemy of fchgetting for one moment
the interests of his country. (Renewed cheers.) He would
now proceed to say a few words with regard to affairs at
home. With respect to the invasion of the metropolis by
railway companies, the noble lord observed that there were
about 32 schemes to be brought before Parliament. It would
puzzle even the wisdom of Parliament to make a proper se-
lection, and in his opinion the best course which the Go-
vernment could pursue was to appoint a royal Commission

which would han them all up for the present, and after
due inquiry report which of them, if any, would, if adopted,
be likely to pror most beneficial to the public. (Hear,
hear.) As to paiiamentary reform, as all parties professed
to be in favour cf it, there must be a sham somewhere,
seeing that nothitg was done; and he was not sure that
there was not rude or less of sham among those classes who
would most benelt by reform. if the people wanted reform
they must agitate for it. They could not expect his col-
league and himelf, and others in the same position, and
holding the sane views, to have any weight in the
House of Comnons unless they were properly backed
out of doors. (tear, hear.) As to retrenchment, it might
be said that if Etropean affairs remained in anything like
their present position, there would be greater difficulty in
carrying out such an object; but he believed that retrench-
ment might be effected to a very great extent without
impairing in one iota either of the services, or lessening in
the slightest degree the power of England. (Hear, hear.)
A word here in rebrence to courts-martial—a subject which
had of late occupied so much public attention. In this
country when a non had been tried and acquitted he had
very properly the benefit of his acquittal, but there was a
general impression, he belived, in the public mind that the
present system of trial by court-martial was not a sound, a
safe, or a cheap one, and that the ends of justice had not
been attained in the case of the Lilleys. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) He thought it was due to a noble service, ever
ready to defend the country, that that system should be
altered, and he had no doubt that in the approaching session
some attempt would be made to alter it. (Cheers.) Another
question which had latterly engaged public attention was
the present mode of dealing with condemned criminals.
(Hear.) It must be clear to the mind of every man who had
watched the Townley case that the law ought not to remain
in its present state. (Loud cheers.) The Secretary of
State for the Home Department, be he who he might, ought
not to remain in his present position as respected condemned
criminals. (Hear, hear.) With regard to that unfortunate
man who was recently sent within a few days after the
crime which he committed—he might almost say without
trial—before his Maker to be judged, he must say that any-
thing more horrifying than that case was not only never
witnessed, but bad never been read by him at least in fiction.
(Hear, hear.) That was, he knew, a delicate subject to
deal with; it was difficult to deal with it without seeming
to place one's finger on the ermine, or saying something
that might be misinterpreted. The question must cc= be-
fore Parliament : the fact that the criminal belonged to the
humbler classes made it necessary that some explanation
should be given by the Government on that awful and
horrible subject. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then alluded
in congratulatory terms to the recent royal birth, and ex-
pressed a hope that the auspicious event would prove an
alleviation of the sorrow of her Majesty,conoluding with the
following words from an old Saxon ballad as in his opinion
appropriate to such an occasion :
" Let us ring ' God save the King'
From every church and steeple,
Yet while we ring ' God save the King'
We'll not forget the people."
—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. HARVEY LEWIS commenced by alluding to the bills
of the last session, of which he said 128 were public and 258
private, and with regard to some of which the members for
that borough were constantly receiving important commu-
nications. After justifying his opposition to the proposal
for purchasing the Exhibition building, and the Poor Re-
moval Bill, and Lord Raynham's Casual Poor Bill, be re-
ferred to the Metropolitan Turnpike Abolition Act. That
act, he said, provided for the abolition of 25 toll-gates and
66 side bars on the north side of the Thames, and relieved
61 miles of road ; and he succeeded in introducing a clause
which compelled the commissioners of roads to deliver them
up in a good state of repair. He also got a clause introduced
into the Telegraphs Bill which would prevent the roads from
being torn up without the consent of the vestries. As re-
garded mtropolitan railways he did not see why the inhabi-
tants of Tottenham .court-road and Oxford-street should be
injured for two or three years in order that a person on
arriving from the country at King's-cross might proceed
thence by underground railway to the South Western or
some other terminus. (Cheers.) As regarded the measures
of the coming session, he strongly advocated a reduction of
the insurance duty from 38. to Is., and expressed his belief
that the public reVettle would With such a reduction soon
be recouped. He hoped that the sugar duties would also
undergo a reduction. He approved of the course pursued by
the Government with respect to the proposed congress,
while in relation to Poland he thought it would have been
much better if the Government had not interfered, and
thus caused Russia to tell them, in effect, to mind their own
hue tted& The recall of such a valuable public servant as
Sir James Hudson he thought required explanation. He
(Nlr, Harvey Lewis) approved of the cession of the lonian
Islands. (A. Voice, " What about Xagosima t') tin that
subject he thought whit had occurred was much to be ree
gretted ; but if it should turn out that the British fleet was
first fired upon, the case would be very much altered. It
should be recollected that England was a great trading
country, and that her trade depended for its prosperity on
the enterprise of her sons; and if the pioneers of her com-
merce were not protected against murder, whether from a
civilised or a barbarous people, England's greatness would
be gone. (Cheers.) Prcceeding to the Danish question,
the hon. gentleman said he thought it depended very much
on article 3 of the treaty of 1852, which was as follows:
" It is expressly understood that the rights and obligations
of his Majesty the King of Denmark and of the Germanic
Confederation concerning the Duchies of Holstein and
Lauenburg—rights and obligations establi,hed by the
Federal Act of 1815, shall not be affected by the present
treaty." From that it would appear that the present King
of Denmark was bound to perform what devolved upon him
as a member of the Germanic Confederation. He (Mr.
Harvey Lewis) would not, however, express any opinion
on the subject, except to say that he thought the whole
matter had better be referred to the metaphysical schools of
Germany and left there for 50 years to come. (Laughter.)
As regarded the American war, he agreed with his colleague
that it was their duty as a nation to preserve a strict neu-
trality. On this subject there was one little grain of com-
fort, and only one—namely, that let the war terminate how
it might, slavery must be at once and for ever abolished.
(Cheers.) In his concluding remarks the hon. gentleman
alluded, as his colleague had done, to the recent birth of a
prince, and said ho hoped one result of it would be that her
Majesty would throw off the deep gloom which had affected
her, and once more come amongst her subjects, who were
all ready to receive her with loyal arms, and to give her that
hearty welcome she so well deserved. (Great cheering.)
Mr. COLLINS, after speaking of the injustice inflicted at
present on many London tradesmen by metropolitan rail-
way bills, on account of the inadequacy of the law as re-
gards compensation, inquired whether Lord Fermoy and
Mr. Harvey Lewis were prepared to do what they could to
remedy that defect ?
Lord FenstoY replied that he would give all the support
in his power to an alteration of the Lands Clauses Consoli-
dation Act which would have a tendency to cause a more
just appreciation of the property damaged, whether in busi-
ness or any other way, by the carrying of railways through
the metropolis.
Mr. HARVEY LEWIS gave a similar reply.
On the motion of Mr. COLLINS, seconded by Mr. FARRER,
a resolution was unanimously passed by which the meeting
declared itself fully satisfied with the parliamentary con-
duct of their two members.

who caused the mischief did not intend anything serious,
and that she was evidently sincerely sorry for her folly. No
doubt this case would act as a warning to young persons,
and in that way do a public good.
The jury returned a verdict of—Death from obscure
disease of the brain and hysteria, accelerated by a fright, and
that the said death was caused by misfortune.

. _
at the police station to the effect that circumstances
had arisen which led to the belief that the second
offender had been since the occurrence, and was
still, an inmate of the Royal Artillery Hospital.
This was scarcely believed to be probable, inasmuch
that it had been reported to the police authorities
that the soldier implicated with Maguire had been
an inmate of the hospital, which he left and
immediately deserted from the regiment to avoid the
charge hanging over him. The accused party was,
however, immediately recognised by the witnesses
in the case, and being perfectly convalescent was
apprehended, and with the prisoner Maguire placed
at the bar of the Woclvvich Police-court before Mr.
Traill, charged with the manslaughter of Harrison.
The same evidence was given as at the previous
examination of Maguire at the police-court, and the
depositions of the several witnesses having been
formally taken, both prisoners were fully committed
I for trial at the Old Bailey Session.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.—In refusing to suspend their operations
against Schleswig the Prussian and Austrian Go-
vernments have chosen a part which will excite
more regret than surprise in Europe. If it be now
likely that blood will be shed, in spite of the con-
cessions of Denmark and the remonstrances of neu-
tral States, it must be remembered that the two
leading Powers of Germany have gone so far, and
compromised themselves so much in the quarrel,
that they may naturally think themselves bound to
make some display in the presence of the nation
they profess to lead, and the enemy which is pre-
paring to oppose them. The Governments of Berlin
and Vienna have in their late acts mortified ex-
ceedingly the pride of the minor States by over-
riding their schemes, and they have also fallen in
favour with the German nation generally by the
slighting way in which they have received the
adverse vote of the Federal Diet. The temper
in which the acts of the two Governments are
received by their subjects may be judged by the
proceedings in their respective Legislatures. The
Chamber of Deputies at Vienna is the scene of a
discussion direct!' censuring the Emperor's policy.
A considerable number of the most important
members, we are told, support a resolution to
the effect that the Chamber cannot consider the
measures taken by the Government in reference to
Schleswig as in conformity with the general interests
of Austria, or as calculated to insure peace in Europe.
The Chamber will, therefore—so runs the resolu-
tion—be compelled to decline any responsibility for
the consequences which may follow the acts of the
Government. Still more important news arrives from
Berlin. The Chamber of Deputies ordered the
Committee on the Budget to report on the vote on
the Budget given by the Upper House. The Com-
mittee made its report, and proposed that the vote
of the Upper House should be declared null and
void. The Chamber of Deputies adopted the report,
and Count Eulenburg at once read a Royal Mes-
sage, stating that the Diet would be closed yester-
day by the President of the Council. Such is the
position of the two Governments towards their awn
snbjects ; such are the obstacles to any fair and
temperate policy which the chief German Sove-
reigns have to encounter. It is hardly, then, a mat-
ter for surprise that they have not been able to
yield to their own better Judgment, and refrain
from threatening an act of war against the Danish
Crown. They have been urged on by the loudest and
most general clamour that has ever croceeded from
a European nation in our time. The two Sove-
reigns, though of a firmness which reaches :0 obsti-
nacy, and though served by Ministers who value
princely favour more than popular applause, are un-
able to have their own way, even when they are,
for once in their lives, supported by the opinion of
neighbouring nations, and are only acting in ac-
cordance with the requests of allied Governments.
But if the conduct of the two Governments be intel-
ligible, and, to a certain degree, excusable, the con-
sequences are not the less likely to be lamentable.
The Danish Government, which has carried conces-
sion to a point that has offended its own people
almost as much as the Prussian and Austrian Courts
have offended the enthusiasm of their own country,
is now threatened with an immediate attack. It
yielded the Patent of the 3011 of March ; the answer
to this was the revolution of Holstein. It yielded the
Constitution of November, merely asking a delay
sufficient to perform a public national act in a con-
stitutional manner; and the answer is that not an
hour will be given. In such a case there is but one
course for the King to take. His honour, his Crown,
probably his personal safety depend on his making
the bravest possible resistance to an unrighteous in-
vasion. Atter having given up so much, he and his
subjects find that the Germans are so bent on wrest-
ing both Duchies from them that concession rather
disappoints them than otherwise. The consequence
may be fatal to the peace of ht;roPe• The Pruseo-
s
Austrians declare they will not dela;" the seizure of
Schleswig; the King, acting at the direct request
of the Rigsraad, declares that the province size i l be
defended. We must, then, prepare for an obsis
nate contest as soon as the invaders pass the Eider.
This event is the more to he deplored asthere was a
general expectation till within the last twenty-four
hours that peace might be preserved. The Cabinet
met on Saturday, and it was then, we believe, a
subject of congratulation that the labours of the
British Government were likely to be crowned with
success. Denmark had done all that Lord Wade-
house recommended during his mission, and bad
offered t© confirm it in the most solemn manner by a
Legislative vote. Our Government, which, to satisfy
the utmost demands of the two German States, had
advised the withdrawal of that part of the Con-
•itution which relates to Schleswig, had apparent
te believe that Prussia and Austria would
reason to - 41-,e exaction of all they ever asked
be content with right to expect after
and more than they has
of Augustenburg.
the proceedings of the Princes Powers Powers are
But events have proved that the twd'
not yet strong enough to be just. They .4avel
.in
spite, we believe, of the opinion of all the partsCs
to the Treaty of 1852, determined upon entering a
province with which they have no concern, except
such as is based on a vague claim of protection. They
have announced that no concession, however com-
plete, will prevent them from doing an act which
has been so!emnly condemned by Europe—the sei-
zure of territory as a material guarantee for the ful-
filment of alleged stipulations, This was the fault
of Russia in 1853, and the unanimity with which the
Czar's conduct was reprobated should be a warning
to the Powers which are now following in his steps.
Neither of the two can gain anything by letting loose
again the spirit of war in Europe. As for eie:Stria, she
is beset with enemies. Italy with 200,000 me.? is
ever ready to fly at the Venetian province.
Hungary still gives from time to time a convul-
sive heave, which shows that the national life is
not yet extinct. Does the Emperor of Austria
want any more foes ? Does he wish to give an
opportunity to ambitious rivals, and to alienate the
few friends he has left ? If so, let him show himself
to the world as sending his many-nationed regi-
ments half across Europe to attack a little kingdom
on the ground of violated nationality. In doing this
he will have deserted completely the Conservative
policy and the strictness in upholding existing
rights:which are traditional with his house. Prussia,
too, may well consider before she raises such dis-
cussions as will follow an attack on the Danish
army. If that army only defends its positions with
the courage and skill which it has displayed on
former occasions, the position of the invaders will
be most invidious. Sympathy for a nation strug-
gling against odds is one of the most powerful of
political motives, and may create an excitement
which only aome disaster to Germany can calm.
We have reasoned on the supposition that Prussia
and Austria, urged on by the German patriots re-
fuse to listen to the remonstrances which will be
offered anew by the chief European Powers. We trust
it will be found possible to unite France, Ressia, and
Sweden with Great Britain in a pressing request
that
be
tsehh
de
positionstwoel
ay delayed
Pd o
fwo
rae
trast
time,wh ei
Dl
tnhrefrainneerf
we emrrkaoattacking
y.m
be
ef
tsht still
ic
hope
seti
ohonef
Dcaann
avoiding war. In favour of this chance it may be said
that the thaw and the activity of the Danish general
have given the defenders so many advantages that it
is unlikely any prudent commander will attack them
without a very considerable preponderance of force.
'This
preponderance can only be obtained after the
apse of some little time. The Prussians and Austrians
are only just making their way to the scene of action,
and some time longer must be necessary for the tran-
sport of supplies and munitions of war. With the
telegraph and railway the European Governments
can communicate with each other,andresolve on com-
mon action before the Prussians and Austrians have
carried their aggression to the length of shedding
blood. No means ahould be neglected to prevent
so great a calamity. It may be that the two
Powers are not indisposed, atter all, to come to
terms, and that, having maintained their dignity by
refusing delay to Denmark, they may be willing to
acquiesce in it when it is urged by European
opinion. In that case things may still go well; but
it is evident that a single false step at this crisis
may lead to very serious events.
POST.—The news which we published yesterday
of the refusal of Austria and Prussia to delay the
advance of their troops upon Schleswig is of the
most vital interest, and threatens to lead to conse-
quences of which it is impossible to exaggerate the
importance. The English Government is making
the most energetic endeavours to prevent the Ger-
mans from prosecuting the desperate policy on
which they appear to be bent. The best means to
effect the desired result would be an alliance to
secure the integrity of Denmark between England,

--
France, Russia, Sweden, and Italy. S° -great 'a
.............. -...- ------ --- 0
measure, however, is difficult of uccompli‘shrleios‘tvied
the short space of time which is rapparentq a'^ A
before the commencement of hostilities. if it cola_
be brought about, the military authorities of Gear,
y could never advise their Goverunients to 04
vanaecc northwards when threatened on both Pt.%
concealed,
in the rear. But such an alliance, it canoat,
io hot ''i
presents many difficulties.
place, Russia, while thoroughly disapprovi „h
German policy in the Duchies, holds herself In%
bound !o Prussia for the countenance and aidsOle'a,
that Power has afforded taier in the r °lish In.''raga
t_o.n. She has a debt of gtude to rePaY.
this, it is hard to persuade Russia to take ,e.,
a conflict which may lead to rev oiutionarY ;cllll s,l3efe;
andt we in ly therefore presume that. she wl),-„ 01'
arise. With
.herself neutral in any ho .irides t":" etai•
With regard to France, her
neatly pacific. The Emperor foresaw. til,ser 0.
policy" l' or
"ergo
dinedroposed a Cungress to prevent it.
.n to accedeto that measure and to eo•oPt the
ic.o the projects which he wished to carry 00 ,6 03$t
lse of the last year. We still think. tila'..4oe.
measureworthy, and those projects, however .1)', tD;
not have succeeded in realisina
our
beneficent wishes of their promoter, dot
ii
hasrnsea,t however j ast ifi ible and sag'a'tioo
ally had the effect of separating Orro 15
the.e
I:tidiplomatic action of the two countries., 'O,O
to
d Pt. more
baneadeplorable,
o of
because it leads the Get
was believe in the same false and idle delasi°lloois
u • ia are really supposing that BeglEtblie Ore
Francefals will not act together. Nothing nap of 0
Western
e. When the the
h ouErinciemroers Ntiliceti°l:::: rill:
Powers will be found lo be identicA" her
politicians of Berlin and Vienna are nurstg tthetii
selves into the delusion that they rallY Pll';-„,lelle".
They think that England will not g° to lv3frialee:
any
vexed about
They imagine that i;to'
will b e thekep Congress,t will remain netitr-11-416;
I thatt a lequiet by the Conservativer.r :.,e of
Russia th; e may count on the neutral attinul'oe
Scandinavian and, inpoonweerwsortod,
dealthat twhietyh.bilvie,sti°,,hile
ot:a,,te
frosts of winter last they count on easl l'ic.fir.tifltl;
athey stake their prospects on a short cs°3l)-foilli'l'
otoGbhfi_be wapmostrniPrussia
b, objectuspeedyetsros
active
3sa,oett ial
declinevett eehe .saa tgwtiet
001
nhhuetcel,yodye:
every
andihurries on no,t
hesitatedesp i te
at
th
de i i arveit:i:o gdt.el;
If
these what
may almost be described as a 09t1rid olli,
osnepdeekAra. reckonutse
tpurwirpainot
prussic
icib
as or
P.tsiliStbirers
oeigt ii
listen the warnings which we so anxiells'Jtbe Pfte;
to themto, how differently would they sieve them',;
sent and the future. So surely as the 13;31'‘
cross the Eider, so
n them the arms of E
find the soldiers of France presently
.o°litt3igsaff°t3i
tie Rhine, and the forces of Italy on the eneoleo °5
IVE 3 cannot too often repeat the
of
n
and Hungary and Poland. The statesmen °ire 06,1
Pepper's
Prussia treat them as if theY Wee,t, 5°1,'(1
na ghosts, instead of being or
eager to rise; and tc fight for ir-joial.).t
tis,
independence. Calamity upon calatniti Ir. brody.
snugrleainy onlyd
w;Piasl
olu 8 to;;na :artr;111:te;0
afall upon the authors of this war if once it itsitaet°oe
bout. We, therefore, while there is Yet Ocichic;
m most anxiously to impress upon the Gerl,llllU ti 4,40
tnts the fearful extent of the respons'"'d f', till
they seem so ready to assume. The peace -jog, of to
upondepend,
which the prosperity and well.beted to id
had is a sacred trust chiefly coraMit.o,o iii
n s of the great Powers. If by thena itririro° :pf
andb destroyed, those who perpetrate tbe,(olseil
will
le to pay the penalty. Aggression as ict.°slat
be. defeated and punished, and willt,ll°sekaatto
.blood in a wanton and unjust quarrel 'lt P'.
in the last reckoning they thenoseive° WI
chief sufferers.