The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-29 00:00:00

E.' SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 29, 1864.

four year olds should carry 10et lib, five year olds list 61b, The next place he visited was Bokhara, distant 10 or 12
and six year olds and aged horses 12st, and that they should days' journey on camels from Khiva. On the road his party,
run four mile heats. So long as that system 463 re intained, to avoid a horde of Tnrcoman robbers, were obliged to seek
we had retained our supremacy in the breed of h. rses ; but refuge in the desert of Djan•Batiran (the life destroyer),
by some unfortunate influence lighter weights and shorter where for six days they suffered horribly from thirst, and
distances had been introduced, and from teat time the de- lost two of their number. The city of Bokhara occupies more
terioration of our breed of horses had goal en. Mr Dicken- ground than Teheran, but it is not so populous. Some of
son went back 40 years; but when Lord Redesdale had in- the palaces'and mosques are built of stone, but the large
traduced a bill on the subject in 1860 in the ether house, he clumsy turretsproduce adisagreeable impression. The whole
stated that the same complaints had been made as long ago Khanat of Bokhara he estimated to comprise two million
as 70 or 80 years of the decrease of stoutness and soundness souls, including Persian slaves. The reigning prince is
of our horses. In the same debate the Earl of Derby had Moozaffared• din, son of the Khan who murdered Conolly
traced the gradual diminution of the test demanded of horses and Stoddart. He is a man of good disposition, but is forced
until its culmination in the light weight handicaps of the for political reasons to commit many tyrannical and barber-
present century, and of the great number of two year old ous acts. After spending a month in Eokhara M, Vambery
horses, which every man must deplore. He believed this was proceeded full of anticipation to lice renowned city of Samar-
brought about by the desire of those who had the direction cand, He travelled for six days through a thickly-peopled
of turf matters to induce a great number of pen ons to come and well-cultivated country, and was greatly surprised at
upon the turf; but it Ras altogether incompatible with the quick succession of towns and villages on the road.
such a system as would retain a breed of stout horses. But in Samarcand he was much disappointed. He found
He (Mr P. Wyndham) was aware that a great many per. the capital of Timour in a state of decay, and although he
sons would deny that such deterioration had taken place ; saw a few remains of its ancient glory, was convinced that
but they had such evidence to prove that the horses of the ancient reputation of the place was greatly exaggerated.
former days ran distances of six miles or four mile heats, ..he most remarkable of the ancient edifices were the me-
carrying 12st and 13st, and that they remained on the turf dresses or colleges, one of which, erected by the wife of
five years, as to leave no doubt on the subject. Horses in Timour, a Chinese princess, was a most splendid building;
those days performed such tasks that if they were imposed but the magnificent portico, 100 feet high, inlaid with mo-
upon modern horses would inevitably kill the animals, saic in the form of roses, is now all that remains of
As it proof of the structural alteration which had taken it. The palace of Timour he described as very interest-
place in our modern breed of racehorses, the hon. member ing, especially his tomb and a huge block of green
referred to well.known faithful portraits of famous race- stone, the base of his throne, which must have been de-
horses of the last century, which were more like hunters rived from some distant country, although how it was con-
than
the modern racer, though they were thorough-bred. veyed to the place is now difficult to surmise. M, Vambery
The hon. member quoted General Peel against handicaps, terminated his narrative with his arrival at Herat in Octo-
as encouraging trickery, and showed that the proportion of ber ; the country to the north of which place he found in
two-year-old horses on the turf to three-year-olds had in- great disorder, owing to the revolt against the Affghan
creased 2toB in 1829, while in the present year the proper- yoke consequent upon the death of Dost Mohammed.
tion was Si to 7. He complained that the conditions under Sir H. RAWLINSON said the country which M, Vambery
which Queen's plates were run at present pleased nobody. had traversed was interesting in a twofold point of view. In
The distances were not long enough, nor the weights heavy the first place, it had hitherto been a terra incognita, and in
enough, for those who wished to see the old stout breed of the next place it possessed great political interest, as form-
horses encouraged ; while, on the other hand, they were not ing the debatable land which intervened between the Rus-
sufficiently modernised to be in harmony with the present sian Empire and our own Indian possessions. It would be
system of racing. He contended that some alteration should remembered that 25 years ago great alarm was felt at the
be introduced by which a class of horses capable of improv- extension of Russian influence in Central Asia. T hat
ing the general breed should be encouraged. feeling, which brought about the Affghan war, had passed
Sir J. SHELLEY seconded the motion, away, and had been succeeded by a feeling of supineness
Mr NEWDEGATE thought the introduction of railways which, in his opinion, was as little to be justified as the
had something to do with the deterioration of the breed of previous alarm. We have very much lost sight of what had
horses. Agreeing with the hon. gentleman who had brought been going on during the last 25 years. While we have
forward the motion, he suggested that no Queen's plate been imagining that all was quiescent, the Russian and
prize should be run for unless the sum so given was doubled English frontiers have been gradually approximating over
or trebled by subscribers. In this way he thought many a space of 1,000 miles, so that at present there is only a
good horses that were now exported might be retained for breadth of 500 or 600 miles between the two frontiers. This
the improvement of the breed. is a matter which ought to interest the English public, and
Sir R. PEEL said that abolishing Queen's plates to which attention should be drawn. He begged to be un-
would do away with a certain amount of encouragement derstocd that he attributed no hostility to England on the
for people to run their horses. He trusted the hon. mem- part of the Russian Government in this extension of fron-
ber would not press the motion to a division. 'The noble tier towards India, It is a sort of law of nature—stated to
lord at the head of the Government had authorised him to be such by the late Sir R. Peel—that when civilisation im-
say that the Government, in conjunction with the Master pinges on barbarism, barbarism must give way, The jour-
of the Horse, with whom rested the power of regulating ney of M. Vambery was therefore of great value, because it
weights and distances for the Queen's plates, would con- will make us acquainted with coun tries full of so much
Sider what alterations could be introduced to test to a political interest to England. Ma ny portions of the route
greater extent the power of horses competing for these which he had followed were entirely new, and he might
plates. He did not think, however, that heavy weights fairly claim the honour of having been the first European
and long distances would be attractive to the public. He who had visited and described Samarcand for 450 years.
saw a right hon. gentleman opposite who, he trusted, would He was glad to learn that an ample account of M. Yam-
be able to inform the house that the breed of horses had not bery's travels was about to be puulished by Mr Murray, so
deteriorated, He hoped his hon. friend would not press that the general public would soon be put in possession of
his motion, as the noble lord at the head of the Government full details.
had given him an assurance that the question of weight Lord Strangford, Dr Worthington, Mr Crawford,:Mr
and distance would be taken into consideration, with a Drach, Mr Markham, and Mr Michell took part in the dis-
vier, of seeing whether the object of his hon. friend could cussion which followed, and which related chit-fly to the
not be attained. great trade, especially in cotton, which was carried on be-
General PEEL entirely disagreed from his hon. friend, tween Bokhara and Russia.
that the breed of horses had deteriorated in this country; on The PRESIDENT closed the proceedings by saying that
the contrary, he believed there bad never before been a long before England had any empire in the East Russia
breed possessed of so great powers of endurance and speed. had Tarried on a trade with Bokhara, so that there could be
He might claim to speak with some authority on that point, no ground far jealousy in that respect. He announced also
having himself been a breeder of horses for 40 years. He that M. Vambery was making preparation for another
objected to the abolition of these Queen's plates, because journey, in which he intended to penetrate into China,
there was no other prizes for which old horses could run, taking Samarcand as his starting point.
and he further objected to increasing the distance and the
weight, because if they did so to any great extent none but
common hacks would be entered.
Mr GREGORY agreed with every word which had
fallen from his right hon. and gallant friend. In cola•
demning these races the house would condemn the very
best thing for keeping up the breed of horses. He wished to
make a remark respecting the way in which the Queen's
plates were distributed in Ireland. Oat of the 15 in that
country 11 were run for at the Curragh. That produced
very considerable inconvenience, for it often happened that
a horse went to the Curragh for one week and took away
all the prizes. Now he wished, not that all these plates
should bo removed from the great centre of racing, but that
three or four of them should be sent into the provinces, and
that they should be run for wherever there was a proper
race-course.
Mr. FOLJAMBE complained of the great extent to which
the breeding mares were sent out of the country.
Lord PALMERSTON said he entirely agreed in what
had fallen from the right hon. and gallant gentleman oppo-
site (General Peel). He differed altogether from those who
contended that the breed of horses had deteriorated; on the
contrary, he thought the general breed of horses was better
as to substance and power of endurance. Any one who
went into a racing stable and noticed the size, build, and
substance of the horses could hardly wish for anything
better in those respects. The fact was, that greater pains
were taken in the present day to force on a young horse.
But there is one immediate test, and that had been men-
tioned by his hon. friend. If the breed of horses had dete-
riorated, foreigners would not come to England to buy our
horses; but the complaint was that every year more and
more people came from abroad to purchase horses in Eng-
land. (Hear, hear.) That was proof that the English
horse was a good horse. In regard to the particular motion
before the house, he had no objection to say that the ques-
tion should be considered by the Master of the Horse, who
would communicate with the best judges of tint matters, in
order to ascertain whether a return to greater weights and
longer distances would not be advisable.
Mr. P. WYNDHAM then withdrew his motion.
WEIGHING OF GRAIN (PORT OF LONDON)
BILL. •
On the motion of Mr CRAWFORD, the following
gentlemen were nominated the select committee on this
bill—Mr Crawford, Sir John Shelley, Mr Alderman Rose,
Mr Ayrton, and Mr Francis William Russell, and five
members to be nominated by the committee of selection.
BLEACHING AND DYEING WORKS ACTS
EXTENSION.
Mr, BRUCE obtained leave to bring in a bill to place
the employment of women, young persons, and children,
in the occupations of finishers, hookers, lappers, and
makers-up and packers in warehouses under the regulation
of the Bleaching and Dyeing Works Extension Act.
ELECTION PETITION ACT (1848) AMENDMENT.
Sir C. O'LOGHLEN obtained leave to bring in a bill to
amend " The Election Petitions Act. 1848," in certain
particulars,

TICE CONFERENCE,

The following is the Protocol of the last sitting
of the Conference:—
The Protocol of the preceding sitting is read and
proved.
Earl Russell reads the following declaration :
" The belligerent Powers are on the eve of re-
suming hostilities. This determination puts an end
to the deliberations, the object of which was the
restoration of peace.
"Although this object has not been attained, it
is my duty to do justice to the efforts which the
Plenipotentiaries assembled in Conference have
made to arrive at a pacific conclusion, and at the
same time to point out the circumstances which
have prevented the accomplishment of this work of
conciliation.
"With this view the Plenipotentiaries of Great
Britain deposit today among the archives of the
Conference a summary of the proceedings which
commenced on the 2,5 th April and which terminate
on the 25th June,

" This narrative shows the importance which the
representatives of the neutral Powers have attached,
since the opening of the Conference, to the mainte-
nance of the reciprocal engagements resulting from
the treaty of London to the Bth of May, 1862. It
shows also their unanimous resolution not to depart
from those engagements before having devised, by
mutual agreement, new arrangements calculated to
provide guarantees for the peace of Europe equiva-
lent to those which were the result of the European
Act concluded in 1852.
" With this intention the Plenipotentiaries of
France, of Great Britain, of Russia, and of Sweden
and Norway have devoted their efforts to bringing
about an equitable arrangement, designed to pre•
serve henceforth the independence of the Danish
monarchy, since an unequal contest has inflicted an
inevitable injury on the integrity of that State.
" The bases of that arrangement having been ac-
cepted in principle by the belligerent Powers, the
arrangement of the questions of detail which this
plan, cordially supported by the neutral Powers,
comprised remained to be settled.

" The difference, thus reduced within narrow
limits, would have admitted of a successful solution
if the decision of an impartial Power, to which it was
recommended by her Britannic Majesty's Govern.
ment to appeal, had been accepted with mutual con-
fidence.

ELECTION PETITIONS BILL.
The adjourned debate on the amendment on going into
committee on this bill was resumed by
Sir F. GOLDSMID, who said he hoped to satisfy the
house that this was a bill which ought not to receive its
assent. It was founded upon principles unjust and contra-
dictory. The hon. gentleman was proceeding with his re-
marks, when

" This hope is not to be realised. The narrative
which I 5M about to deposit in the archives of the
Conference will point out the circumstances which
have forbidden the accomplishment of a plan of
conciliation supported by the neutral Powers and
suggested to her Britannic Majesty's Government
by a sincere desire to prevent the recurrence of the
calamities of war.

An HON. MEMBER moved that the house be counted,
and, 40 members not being present, the house stood ad•
journed at half past 8 o'clock.

ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY,

" Public opinion will see with regret that the
hopes of peace have vanished, because the parties
directly engaged in this dispute have been unable
to come to an understanding with regard to the
tracing of a frontier, leaving a difference of some
square miles of territory more or less to the south
or north. Public opinion will also recognise that a
few days more devoted to reflection, instead of hav-
ing recourse to arms, might have contributed to
ealm resentment, to enlighten the belligerents to
their real interests, and to lead the Cabinets to
more pacific resolutions.

The 14th and last meeting of the present session of this
Botiety was held on Monday evening, the 27th inst., at
Butnal:ton-house, Sir Roderick I. Murchison, President,
in the eltair.
The first paper read was a description of the island of
Kishin) in the Persian Gulf, by Col. Pelly. Kishrn lies
almost exactly is the line of the overland telegraph to India,
and,in thediscuuton
which followed the reading of the
paper, Sir H. Rawliaaott explained to th© meeting the pre-
sent condition of the telegraph. Two years ago he had ex-
plained to the society the
difficulties in the way of the line
which it was then determined to follow, and also that there
was a method of evading the obstacle by taking the more
circuitous route to the East through Persia. Those antici-
pated difficulties had been realized, and the part of the line
between Bagdad and Busorah would always, under the
most favourable circumstances, be Precarious. The alter-
native line had now been adopted, and would be ready in
September, but he reminded the meeting that,
et the
pre-
sent time, we were communicating from London to Bagdad
two or three times a week—and also with Teheran through
Russia, which facts were not generally known,
The nest subject was a communication from M. Varabery,
a Hungarian traveller, who had recent 4 penetrated, in the
disguise of a dervish, through the territory of the Turco.
mans to Khiva, Bokhara, and Samarcand in Central Asia;
travelling through districts which had not been visited by a
European since the days of Marco Polo. After several
years of preparation in a Mahomedan college he joined at
Teheran in March, 1863, a company of poor pilgrims, who
were returning to Tartary from Mecca, giving out that he
was a pious Mussulman travelling to Central Asia with a
religious object. They crossed the south-east corner of the
Caspian Sea on board a Turconaan corsair and landed at
Geumushtepe (" the silver hill"), a camp of about 2,000
tents of the Tamut tribe. From this place he visited the
ruins of the wall built by Alexander the Great, which com-
mences on the shores of the sea, near this place, and
stretches about 100 miles inland, in the form of an em-
bankment dotted with turrets and fortifications. Con-
tinuing with the party, in a northerly direction east of
the Caspian, he passed the river Attrek, crossing the
Hyrcanian desert, a horrible journey of twenty-two days,
and reached Khiva at the beginning of June. The pre-
sent condition of the country of which Khiva is the capi-
tal he described as most wretched. The reigning Prince,
Seid Mohammed, a sick tyrant, does little else but slaughter
hundreds of his subjects for mere trifles which he calls
transgressions 02 the holy religion of Mohammed. M. Vam-
bery made excursions as far as Koongrad, and was asto-
nished at the great fertility of the country, which he
thought superior to ku7thiug he had hitherto seen in Asia,

"To-morrow hostilities will recommence, without
the advice of the Powers desirous of peace having
succeeded is preventing the renewal of a conflict so
deeply to be regretted.

" Whatever may be its issue, the Courts of France,
Great Britain, Russia, and Sweden remain none the
less animated with a sincere desire to see the Danish
Monarchy maintain its independence, as the pre-
servation of that State constitutes an element of
the balance of power in the North.

" Their wish in separating is that this principle
may continue to be the basis of future operation."
The summary of the proceedings of the Confer-
ence, of which E arl Russell has spoken, is then read,
and this document is annexed at his request to the
present Protocol.

Count de Bernstorff wishes to say a few words in
reply to Earl Russell's declaration, He expresses
himself as follows •
It is obviously impossible that we should be
authorised to make an official reply to the declara-
tion which the President of the Conference has just
read, and with the contents of which we were not
previously acquainted; but I think that, without
in any way binding my Government with reference
to events which belong to the future, and to even-
tualities which cannot be calculated beforehand, I
may remark at once that it was never the intens
tion of my Government to threaten the political in-
dependence of Denmark, but that the sole question
in dispute has always been that of the Duchies."
Baron de Beust inquires what is the object of
the summary which has been read.

The Earl of Clarendon replies that it is an ac-
count of the sittings of the Conference which has

been drawn up by mutual agreement by the Pleni-
potentiaries of the ventral Powers, and which in-
volves no responsibility on the part of the Pleni-
potentiaries of the other Powers represented in the
Conference.
The Plenipotentiaries of the belligerent Powers,
as well as the Plenipotentiary of the Germanic
Confederation, expressly reserve to themselves the
right and the power of replying to it.
Count Apponyi says that he has, on his part, a
declaration to make, which it becomes, in his
opinion, doubly necessary to read after the sum-
mary which has just been communicated to the
Conference. His declaration is intended to defend
the rights and the responsibility of the Govern-
ments of Austria and Prussia. He states, mores
over, that the absence of objections on the part of
the Plenipotentiaries of the German Powers to the
acceptance of this summary as an annex to the Pro-
tocal in no way implies their adhesion to the con■
tents of this document.
Similar reservations are made by the Plenipoten-
tiaries of Denmark; and 111. do Krieger claims for
the eventual reply of his Government the same
publicity as that which will be given to the above-
mentioned annex.
Count Apponyi then reads the following declara-
tion in the name of the Plenipotentiaries of the
allied Courts :--
"Daring the whole of the deliberations of the
Conference, the result of which has unfortunately
not been in accordance with the pacific object which
it had in view, the German Powers have not ceased
to be animated by that spirit of peace and of con-
ciliation which induced them to accept the invita-
tion of her Britannic Majesty's Government to meet
in Conference in London to devise means for the
restoration of peace.
" The insurmountable obstinacy with which the
Danish Government withdrew from the engage-
ments which they had contracted, and refused to do
justice to the German subjects of the King. Duke,
inflicted a severe wound an the national honour of
Germany. After every means of conciliation, em-
ployed with persevering patience, had been ex-
hausted, Federal execution in Holstein, the occupa-
tion of Schleswig, and finally war by Austria and
Prussia against Denmark became inevitable.
"After a succession of sanguinary contests, the
mainland of Denmark fell into the hands of the
allied Powers, and the public voice of Germany
loudly demanded the complete abolition of the tie
which united Schleswig and Holstein to Denmark,
and the conversion of the two Duchies into an inde-
pendent German State under its proper dynasty.
"Notwithstanding this, Austria and Prussia did
not hestitate to come to the Conference with declaa
rations which were not directed in principle against
the integrity of the Danish monarchy, but only de-
manded that the point of right in the question of
succession should not be prejudged, and that the
political and administrative independence of the
Duchies should be secured.
" It was Denmark who peremptorily rejected as
inadmissible the idea of a personal union. Persisting
in its fatal tendency to incorporate Schleswig, the
Court of Copenhagen rejected the only conditions on
which the allied Powers could have consented with
honour to the continuation of the union of the
Duchies with Denmark.
" From that moment the principle of the separa-
tion of the Duchies from the Danish Crown became
necessary for the German Powers, and the principal
condition of peace.
"Ever, in this new phase of the negotiations their
conciliatory dispositions were in no way diminished.
The great importance which the inhabitants of
Schleswig and Holstein attach to the integrity of
the two Duchies, and to their union in one undivided
State, is well known. These sentiments are deserving
of respect, and it was therefore a considerable sacri-
fice which Austria, Prussia, and the Germanic Con-
federation made from a desire for the restoration of
peace, in consenting to cede a part of the northern
territory of Schleswig to the Crown of Denmark as
a compensation for his Danish Majesty's surrender
of the Duchy of Lauenberg.
" The conciliatory disposition of the German
Powers did not stop here. The peace which seemed
now to depend on an understanding of the subject
of the tracing of the frontier might have been con-
cluded if Denmark had not raised pretensions which
would have restored to her the capital itself of the
country which the Germans arms had released from
her rale, and the integral union of which with
Holstein Germany had a right to claim.
"It was Austria and Prussia, too, who during the
whole course of the negotiations, and at every op-
portunity, insisted on the necessity of a prolongation
of the suspension of arms, or the conclusion of a
formal armistice, in order that the work of pacifica-
tion might not be incessantly compromised by the
continual and imminent danger of hostilities. On
this subject, also, the conduct of oar adversaries has
been quite different. Denmark refused the proposal
of the neutral Powers for the conclusion of an armis•
tice, which would have restored Jutland to her, in
exchange for the complete evacuation of Schleswig.
naseednrteefdusto a suspension of hostilities for
edto prolong this tern, already
one She monly oathco,
so short, for more than a fortnight-
" One further fact pcints out also the moderation
which the German Pavers have shown to the last.
After the Plenipotentiaries assembled in Confer-
ence had failed in their efforts to come to an under-
standing on a line of frontier to be drawn in Schles-
wig, Austria and Prussia, in conformity with the
text and the spirit of the Protocol of Paris of 1856,
declared themselves ready to continue these nego-
tiations in the form of a mediation intrusted to
a neutral Sovereign, not represented in the Confer-
ence. This last meats of arriving at an under-
standing, the acceptance of which would have
naturally resulted in the continuation of the sus-
pension of hostilities, again offered by the German
Powers, was equally rejected by Denmark.
" There remains, consequently, but one duty for
the German Powers to perform—it is that of
solemnly declaring thtt they decline, in the name
of their Governments, the responsibility of the
blood which will be shed and of the evils which will
result from the renewtl of the war, This responsi-
bility cannot fall on the Powers whom they have
had the honour to represent in this Conference."
Count de Bernstorff follows this mutual declare.
tion by an additions. declaration of the Prussian
Plenipotentiaries, expressed in these terms:—
"It only remains for ns to add to what Count
Apponyi has just said in the name of the Plenipos
tentiaries of the two Berman Powers, that we also
made, in the lasting s:tting but one of the Confer-
ence, a proposal whielL was essentially calculated to
bring about a pacific eolution of the question which
occupied our attention, and that, moreover, we
declared ourselves ready in the last sitting to take
the proposal of the Ambassador of France ad refer-
endum, but that the two proposals in question were
absolutely rejected by the Danish Plenipoten-
tiaries."

M. de Quaade must, in his name and in that of his
colleague, decline for his Government all responsi-
bility for the failure of the negotiation, and the
blood which may be shed. He affirms that "Den-
mark in contributing to the work of pacification,
has been deterred by no sacrifice compatible with
her own existence, and that the Danish Government
are consequently convinced that they have no reason
to reproach themselves if an understanding has not
bean arrived at. The situation in which events have
placed the Danish Government is very different
from that of the German Powers, and if allowance
is made for this difference a judgment quite con-
trary to that formed by the German Powers will be
passed on the conduct of the Danish Government."

• between Schleswig and the Danish Crown, with
which that country has been incorporated for more
• than a century ; nor did it make any alteration in
the relations between the Duchies of Lauenburg
and of Holstein and the Germanic Confederation,
to which the King of Denmark belongs as regards
Holstein and Lauecburg ; and it did not give to
the Germanic Confederation any kind of com-
petence other than that which it possessed
in virtue of the Federal Act and of the subsequent
resolutions legally taken in consequence of that
Act. As regards Schleswig particularly, the Ger-
manic Diet had already recognised in 1823 that
that Duchy was perfectly free from any influence
on the part of the Germanic Confederation.
"Not only all the non-German Sovereigns, but
also (with scarcely one exception) all the more
considerable, and sorce of the less considerable,
States of Germany took part in the conclusion of
the Treaty of London, or subsequently adhered to
that treaty. Nu Federal resolution can liberate the
German States from the obligations which they
have ihus taken; the Germanic Confederation can-
not release any one of the Sovereigns represented in
the Federal Assembly from the obligations con-
tracted by them in the mast solemn manner. A
contrary practice would entirely overthrow the
principle of European international law on which
the existence of the Confederation is based.
" The authority of the Germanic Confederation
is limited by treaties, by the Federal Act, and by
the subsequent resolutions taken legally in conse-
quence of that Act. Its members are not legally
subjected to any vote of the majority. The Danish
Government have never recognised the legality of
the reasons on which the Confederation based the
resolution of execution which was carried into effect
in Holstein during the last winter; but they did not
at the time think fit to oppose it by force, and in
the same manner they submitted to the altogether
illegal suspension of the King's authority in Lauen-
burg.
" Prussia and Austria have invaded by armed
force the non-German countries of the King of
Denmark. Those Powers commenced this war,
alleging as a reason that the King of Denmark had
arbitrarily withdrawn from the performance of
certain obligations contracted with Prussia and

Austria.
"Denmark, ready to account for her actions, her-
self solicited a mediation in conformity with the
declaration of Paris. She subsequently accepted the
invitation to a Conference, supposing that the trans-
actions,the pretended violation of which had afforded
a pretext for the invasion, would also afford a basis
for the negotiations. The Danish Government are
persuaded that if a discussion had taken place on
this basis it would have been proved that it is not
Denmark who has arbitrarily withdrawn from the
performance of her obligations; they think rather
that it would have been shown that it is Germany
which has rendered it impossible for the King to
execute the intentions which the German Govern-
ments engaged themselves not to oppose. This dis-
cussion has been rejected by Prussia and Austria,
and instead of availing themselves of the opportu-
nity which still offered to effect an amicable arrange-
ment they have attempted to withdraw from the
European obligations created by the Treaty of
London.
" The Danish Plenipotentiaries need not now
dilate on the state of things which has been the con-
sequence of the attitude thus assumed by the German
Powers. The Danish Government had indulged in
the hope that the sacrifices which they had declared
themselves ready to make in accepting the proposal
of May 28 last would besufficient for the restoration
of peace, but that hope not having been realised, it
only remains for the Danish Plenipotentiaries to
refer to the reservation recorded in the conclusion of
their declaration of June 2, and they are instructed
expressly to declare that, in virtue of that reserva-
tion, the Danish Government resume from this mo-
ment, on the ground of the treaty of London of May
8, 1852, the position which they had only abandoned
provisionally from their desire for peace, and on the
condition that the peace to be concluded should be
adapted to replace the provisions of that treaty."
Baron de Beust expressed himself in these terms :
"The task which was imposed on me in coming
to the Conference consisted principally in maintain•
ing intact a question of right. The Conference
has, I hope, understood how much its accomplish-
ment has tended to limit my personal disposition to
show myself conciliatory and to enter on the path
of arrangement. But I flatter myself that I have
never forgotten the consideration which seemed to
me to be necessary in order to avoid wounding sus-
ceptibilities. I regret the more that it is only at
the conclusion of our deliberations that the first
Plenipotentiary of Denmark has raised questions
on which I was unwilling to enter, and which I
should at least have wished to discuss sooner. Since.
however, the Treaty of 1852 is to be reverted to, I
will also indulge in a few observations on this sub-
ject. It is not for me to decide on the question
whether, after all that has passed in the Conference
the Treaty of London can be regarded as intact,
although it appears to me that either a treaty is
invalid or it is not, and that from the moment that
the contrary has been proposed and accepted it can
no longer be pretended that it is so. It is sufficient,
according to my views, that the Confederation has
never adhered to it. I now hear the adhesions of
the German Governments quoted. Such adhesions
did, in fact, take place; reservations also were made,
as, for example, that of Saxony with regard to the
competency of the Diet. But let me be allowed to
go further. I have Lever denied that iu principle
the object of the Treaty of London was a desirable
one. Some German Governments have themselves
admitted this, but the steps which were required to
bring it into force should have been taken. If the
Danish Government had taken advantage of the
first years after the conclusion of the Treaty to
grant to the Duchies the benefit of a paternal
Government, if they had respected their constitu-
tion, and, above all, respected the free use
of the German language, no doubt they would have
succeeded in obtaining the consent of the agnates
of the States, and of the Confederation, and then
it is hardly probable that convulsions would have
taken place at the death of his Majesty King Fre-
derick VII. But things have happened differently,
the Diet has had to give its decision under circum-
stances which rendered all adhesion impossible.
"The German Governments have been compelled
to remember their Federal duties, and I deny that
the policy of the Confederation ought to be guided
by the policy of the various Governments. As to
the statement which Count Apponyi has read, I
consider it to be in conformity with the truth ; if a
further proof were required to show that the two
German Powers have shown themselves concilia-
tory, it would be found in an assimilation between
the declarations of their Plenipotentiaries and mine.
"Finally, as regards the summary which has
been read, as I cannot consider it as complete, nor
concur in the views expressed in it, I must beg that
my silence may not be regarded as assent. Each
Plenipotentiary is free in his turn to submit in the
proper quarter a summary of the proceedings of the
Conference."

Count Apponyi proposes that the Conference
should, before separating, cffer its thanks to Earl
Russell. He expresses himself as follows :
" Gentlemen,--At the moment of closing our de-
liberations, I feel that I express the sentiments of
all the Plenipotentiaries in offering, in their name,
to Earl Russell the warm thanks of the Conference
for the spirit of conciliation and the courtesy with
which he has directed its labours,
"Whatever may be the result of our meetings we
shall none the less all of us retain a pleasant recol-
lection of the personal kindness of our President."
This proposal having bee❑ unanimously adopted,
Earl Russell thanks the Conference in the following
terms :--

The first Plenipotentiary of Denmark then reads
the following declaration:—
" When the Danish Government received the in-
vitation of her Britannic Majesty's Government to
a Conference, the object of which was the restora-
tion of peace, they were under the conviction that
the treaty concluded a few years before, and de-
signed to afford a further pledge of stability to the
integrity of the Danish Monarchy as an essential
condition of the balance of power in Earope, would
be maintained by the concurrence of all who had
taken part in its conclusion.

"I thank the Plenipotentiaries for the honour
which they have done me.

"It is through the assistance and support which
they have affordeu me that our discussions have
been conducted in the spirit of moderation and
courtesy which was necessary for the perfect free-
dom with which our opinions have been expressed.
"I perform an agreeable duty in expressing to
my colleagues in the Conference my gratitude for
the support they have given me."
At the proposal of M. de Balan, the Conference

" The Treaty of London of May 8, 1852, was not
conditional or hypothetical; it did not depend on
the adhesion of a third party.
" The treaty made no alteration in the relations

offers its thanks to Mr. Stuart for the care which he
has devoted to the drawing up of the protocols.
The pr;,sent protocol is read and appr:;ved.
APPONYI• RUSSELL.
BIEGELEBEN. CLARENDON.

BERNSTORIT.

G. QUAADE.
BILLE. BALAN.
KRIEGER. BRUNNO W.
LA TOUR D'AUVERGNE. LE CTE. WACHMEISTER.
BEUST.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TRIES.—In the feverish period of expectation
which precedes a great party battle, it is but natural
that there should be little commotions and spasms
indicative of the coming struggle. One of these oc-
curred last night, when the Government were de-
feated by nearly two to one on the motion for pre-
servng the open space in the neighbourhood of the
metropo'is. Mr. Doulton had a subject which has
always been a favourite with the country. It is
impossible for any thinking man to contemplate the
increase of this capital without finding fear mingle
with his admiration. Every year the " province
covered with houses'' extends in every direction ;
suburbs become, in the number and massiveness of
their houses, part of the town, while outlying vil-
lages receive more and more the character of
suburbs; the country roads grow into so many long
streets, and appear as if the overgrown city had
thrust out its hundred arms to grasp the land
around it. What is occurring in the neighbourhood
of every great town in England is to be seen in its
fullest extent about London. The thoughtful ob•
server, the philanthropist, the sanitarian, when he
looks at those collections of houses, cannot but form
a comparative.y low estimate of the importance of
what are usually called politics, the battles of par.
ties, the history of foreign alliances and interven-
tions, or even the structure and working of the
Parliamentary machine. The most serious question
for our statesmen, after that of employing and feed-
ing the people, is how to make town life consistent
with physical and moral well-being. Already about
half the inhabitants of Great Britain are dwellers
in these labyrinths of bricks and mortar, and the
larger the town the more rapidly it seems to extend.
What is to be the future condition of a people living
in great cities ? Let us hope that it will be better
than the present. No one can enter the more close
and crowded parts of London, or pass through the
narrow courts which abound at the back of our
most splendid thoroughfares, without being con-
vinced that the conditions of life are absolutely
inconsistent with the possession of health and
strength, or even freedom from deformity, by the
population which is bred among them. The pale-
faced children, the sickly miserable women, the dull
sodden-looking men, bear witness to the effect of
feted air and of lanes which are never cheered by
the full light of Heaven. The unhappy creatures
who inhabit these places are generally not aware of
the evil that is wasting their strength. With the
pallor of death visible in their faces, the children, if
questioned, would say, "Nothing is the matter with
me," and the grown-up people are only reminded
by their craving for some stimulant that their sys-
tems aro depressed by the fatal influences around
them. Vet this evil, which was already complained
of in the times of our grandfathers, is increasing
every day as the country is being more and more
thrust away from the districts inhabited by the
town poor. In foiemer days, however bad their
dwellings might be, they might, at any rate, get
away from them and from places like them, and find
a little fresh air and a place for exercise in the open
spaces on the skirts of the town. To take only the
last 40 or 50 years, there were fields to the north of
Bloomsbury,and Pimlico was a wilderness, roamed
over by the Westminster boys. Now the dweller
in the heart of Loudon must go miles before he can
see a green thing except the smoky trees in some
closely-guarded square. The more wealthy classes
have migrated continually westward, regions which
held a high social rank are now almost deserted,
and fashion encamps round the park which is the
great pleasure-ground of London. But the poor
cannot move. Where they are, there they must
stay ; where their business is, where there are
houses cheap enough to lodge them, there must be
their home. It is, then, a sad thing to see the open
spaces which were formerly within their reach
built over one by one, and the poor and their chil-
dren shut in, almost entombed, in this metropolitan
Babel. The resolution of Mr. Doulton, "That it is
the duty of her Majesty's Government to provide
fur the preservation of open spaces within the
limits assigned by the 14th section of the Inclosure
Act of 1845," was likely, therefore, to receive
considerable support. Yet, though we feel all
sympathy with his objects, we are unable to say
that to act on the terms of his resolution is prac-
ticable. If it be the duty of her Majesty's Minis-
ters so to provide for the preservation of open
spaces, they must be entrusted with much larger
funds than any that Parliament has ever allotted
for such a purpose, and those funds must come from
the general taxation of the country. Withix about
the last 20 years two new parks, the Victoria-park
and Batterseaapark, have been made, and lately
there was much talk of another for Finsbury. But
the cost, actual, or prospective, of these pleasure-
grounds has been so great that if the Government
is to labour in this line it must receive funds much
greater than are likely to be extracted from
the inhabitants of the metropolis by local taxation.
Is Hampstead-heath to be secured to the public—
is the building over Wandsworth-common to be
stopped—is Wimbledon to be secured for the next
generation of Londoners, whose city will then have
advanced to its precincts ? As Mr. Doulton very
justly observed, it would be impossible for the
Metropolitan Board of Works to preserve these
places if the cost were to be defrayed by the me-
tropolitan ratepayers, for it was imposible to go on
imposing taxation on London, particularly as the
benefit would in some cases fall to the lot chiefly of
suburban towns, such as Richmond or Croydon. It
follows, then, that if commons which are the pro.
perty of private persons are to be taken for public
use, and compensation made to their owners, the
burden must fall on the public at large, for we can-
not think that merely to give the Metropolitan
Board of Works fresh taxing powers would over-
come the disinclination of the metropolis to a large
increase of the rates. Then, if the public at large is
to pay for the " open spaces" of London, why should
it not provide similar spaces for the other great
towns of the kingdom ? It may be said that London
is incomparably the largest of these towns, and con-
sequently suffers most from the distance of its cen-
tral points from the open fields ; also that, as a ca.
pital, it has a right to be considered apart, and to
tie the subject, if necessary, of exceptional legisla-
tion. But before committing itself to such a pro-
position Government might well hesitate, and be
glad to see so important a resolution faih
POST.—Mr. Disraeli last evening gave notice that
he will on Monday next move an address to the
Crown, censuring the foreign policy of her Majesty's
Government. The terms of the motion are comprea
hensive and to the point. The House of Commons
will be asked to express its deep concern that the
Conference has failed to realise the objects with
which it was convened, and its " deep regret that
while the course pursued by her Majesty's Govern.
ment has failed to maintain their avowed policy of
upholding the integrity and independence of Den-
mark, it has lowered the just influence of this coun-
try in the councils of Europe, and thereby dimi-
nished the securities for peace." Nothing can be
more unequivocal and specific—nothing which
could more clearly express the real nature of the
issue which the country is truly desirous of seeing
definitively determined. The question is not one of
war or peace, but whether, in the policy hitherto
pursued, the advisers of the Crown have adopted
the most fitting means to avoid the one and to pre-
serve the other. Nor is the issue of war or peace
the only one which the Ministry had to decide.
They sought to preserve the independence of Dena
mark, and their failure to secure that object is not
unfairly advanced by the Opposition as a ground
for questioning a policy which was avowedly pur-
sued with that end. Success is not necessarily a
test of merit, nor is failure a proof of incapacity;
but, regard being had to the mechanism of our form
of government, it may be admitted that an Oppo-
sition would be wanting in its duties to the Sove-
reign and to the country if it did not court an in-
quiry into the circumstances under which the
Government have failed to secure those objects for
which they have so long and persistently striven.
If the preservation of Denmark as an indepen-
dent State is admitted to be an object in which
this country is politically interested, it is legiti-
mate to inquire how it has come to pass that we
have allowed that State to come to the verge of
extinction, and are now to all appearances prepared
to remain passive, even theugh it should be blotted
from the map of Europe. In canvassing what has
been t
eho policy of the Brdi sitish Government in respect
most probably direct their the Opposition wilt
atntatchkesvritactinear.
against
t th DanoaGerman pute,
what they conceive to haveain
been
m ;
tion of the Cabinet in conducting the earlier
nego-
tiations, than against its refusal now to
recommend
an armed intervention in Denmark's favour. The
charge brought against Al •
'waters will be not that
they decline now to take up arms in vindication of
the rights of Denmark, but that thy
have
contri-
buted to create a state of things whiche will
sooner
or later force this country into
war. Ifawarwith
Germany would be impolitic; if, in the event of its
being undertaken, we should stand unaided by the
side of our weak but heroic ally ; if the object of
such hostilities—namely, the re-establishment of
Denmark in her pristine integrity—would be to all
appearance unattainable; if such a war would en•
tsil upon this country ElRcriaceo whose extent it