The Sun.
London, England, 1864-05-31 00:00:00

mony to the value of his labours and the inadequate
support which he has received :—" Orientalists
know how difficult it is, in consequence of
the little interest taken by the public in such
works, to find means of publishing Oriental
texts. One would have thought that the English
Government, which rules over 20,000,000 Affghan
subjects, would from the first have taken it up, and
.supported his work with pleasure. One would
also have thought that the civil officers would
have found the need of this means of help, so that
it would have been a profitable speculation for a
publisher, But whoever thinks so, knows little of
the condition of Indian affairs. It is enough to
say, that the Pay-bill is written in English, and
not in the Affghan language! Captain RAVERTY
had great difficulties to contend with in getting his
Grammar published, the first edition of which ap•
peared at Calcutta in 1856. After he had in vain
addressed himself to the Government, he sent the
MSS. to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The Coun-
cil of the society made a report thereupon, and highly
commended the work in the name of the society
to the Government; but it persisted in its refusal!,
Although the Government would not aid in the pub-
lication of these works they have condescended to
take a few copies. The Russian Government, how-
ever, have taken a far greater number, and as yet
have bestowed upon the gallant lexicographer a far
greater degree of practical encouragement than he
has received in his own country, It is said that
the majority of Russian officers and diplomatists are
required to pass an examination in the Pushto
language, a system which our own administrators
are also beginning to adopt. Captain RAVERTY
has as yet issued only one half of his dictionary, the
Pashto-English. The other and equally important
portion is now awaiting funds to facilitate its pub-
lication, and it is earnestly to be hoped that such
assistance will not long be wanting to enable the
indefatigable Captain to complete his very ♦aluable
task.

In spite of the famous motto of Rest and be
thankful," which our ex-reformer has lately chosen
for his crest, it is,very seldom that a Parliamentary
session is suffered to pass over without some discus-
sion of the important question of representative re-
form. It is very easy for those who have nothing
to gain and perhaps much to lose by further legisla-
tion in the matter, to contend that the country is
perfectly satisfied with what has been already
achieved, and to declare that is quite nem cassary
to move in the affair until there is some degree of
popular agitation respecting it. It is true that the
fervent enthusiasm of 1832 finds no parallel in the
tranquil remonstrances of the present day; that in-
stead of flaming castles and endless processions, an
occasional motion in the Commons, frequently ne-
gatived without a division, and a moderate profes
sion of liberal views in a hustings speech, are the
most we hear of it. Bat there is a strong feeling
on the subject nevertheless, and if we have no longer
the vehement and even riotous advocacy of thirty
years since, it is because the feeling is known to be
so strong and so general that no politicians will
openly run counter to it. Individuals may object
to individual questions; the extension of the fran-
chise may give rise to fifty different opinions, while
the Ballot, unfortunately, too commonly sees all
ranks and shades of politics united against its dan-
gerous Efficacy, but no statesman will now-a-days
attempt to put himself at the head of a party with
the rallying cry of "No Reform." He would know
that if he did so his chances of power would be but
slight, and his political influence still slighter. It
is one of the singular features of the present day
that all parties have nominally agreed in the exist-
ing creed of a measure which yet never comes to
pass. When four different Reform Bills have been
brought forward within nine years it certainly
looks as thought the representation of the country
were in an unsatisfactory state. This argument is
used by the author of a very moderate and sensible
proposal for amending our parliamentary repre-
sentation. Sir FRANCIS KNOWLES, in a letter* to
the Electors of the United Kingdom, reminds them
that in the years from 1852 to 1860 inclusive, they
had the Whig bill of 1852, the bill of Sir R. PEEL'S
followers; the bill of Lord DERBY in 1859, and
the bill of Lord PALMERSTON in 1860—all sub-
mitted to their consideration. Such being the
case, and Parliamentary Reform having been re-
peatedly recommended in the SpeEe'l from the
Throne, Sir FRANCIS KNOWLES thinks it a fitting
time for bringing forward his suggestion for getting
the political machinery out of the dead-lock at which
it appears to have arrived, between the liberality of
all parties, professions, and their secret unwilling.
ness for real reform. Sir FRANCIS is well qualified
to give an opinion on the matter, having, he tells
us, been a Reformer and a Free-trader when neither
was the fashion, so far back as 1830, and declaring
that even now he entertains no fears of the result,
either of a prudent extension of the suffrage or of
the ballot itself. He does not, indeed, take part in
the Chartist advocacy of the rights of universal suf-
frage, and very simply and clearly sets forward his
views on the matter. It might just as wel:, he
contends, be said that every man has a right to be
Lord Chief Justice, as that he has a right to the
franchise, for he has both rights upon one condition
—that he be duly appointed to the office, according
to law. " A man has a right to the franchise
when the law of the land gives it to him, and not
otherwise; and this, indeed, he admits himself by
his very act of agitating, in order to obtain the
enactment of such a law in his favour.' It will be
seen, therefore, that notwithstanding his holding
what he terms advanced liberal opinions, Sir F.
KNOWLES possesses that good sense and modera-
ration which form so valuable a counterbalance to
the fervour of political agitation. lie does not
question the beneficial results of extreme liberal
measures after a time, but he especially dreads the
transition state which is inevitably to be gone
through first. We cannot, us he says, awake one
morning to find such measures, laws, safely in
action, and the violent agitation too often attend-
ing a comprehensive change is so justly dreaded
and disliked that the very prospect of it, as he
justly observes, drives all the timid and prudent to
cling to any imperfection in our institutions rather
than incur the risks of a change. Being thus a
believer in the principle of an extended reform, and
yet shrinking from the social convulsion necessary
to put it into practice, Sir FRANCIS KNOWLES sug-
gests a medium course by which some of the exist-
ing evils might be remedied, while those other
dangers he dreads might be averted. He proposes
to extend the representation without lowering the
franchise, by adding to the present boroughs the
population of all the unrepresented towns, or in his
own words--" To extend the area of the present
borough franchise,
by including in it all the non-
represented towns (down to a certain limit) with-
outlowering b
thee £ a
1 g 0 qualification
half-way
we u
dcertainly
might serve to prepare the ground for a more en•
larged reform. Added to our present representa-
tion, it would raise the electors to about the same
number as Mr. BAINES proposes to add to
it. It is difficult to see what possible
objection the anti-Reformers can have to such