The Sun.
London, England, 1852-10-07 00:00:00

12PM 7-73 CrvvlrM
N°.18,735.] „le
4 kJ LONDON THURSD AY is,2 0,- /
OCTOBER 7, 1852.
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THE NEW NOVELS.
Just ready, in 3 vols. post Svo.,
UNCLE WALTER. By Mrs. TROLLOPE.
Also just published,
ANNETTE. A Tale. By W. F. Deacon. With a Memoir of the
Author, by Sir T. N. Talfourd, D.C.L. 3 vols.
FANNY DENNISON. 3 vols.
HELEN TALBOT. By Miss Pennefather. 3 vols.
The BELLE of the VILLAGE. By the Author of the " Old
English Gentleman." 3 vols.
The LOST INHERITANCE. 3 vols.
MARY SEAHAM. By Mrs. Grey. 3 vols.
A NtY PAUL. A Tale.
ADAM GRAEME. By the Author of " Margaret Maitland." 3
vols,
CONFESSIONS of an ETONIAN. By C. Rowcroft, Esq. 3 vols.
Colburn and Co., Publishers, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

DR. GLOVER'S DENIAL of his CERTIFI-
CATE to Mr. ALLSOPP.
" I beg to say that I never gave Mr. Allsopp any certificate what•

ever."

Dr. GLOVER'S LETTER is published in extenso in the current
Number of the MEDICAL CIRCULAR, accompanied by an Edi-
torial Exposé of the gigantic BEER PUFF, of Messrs. Allsopp,
Licbig, and Co.
Orders for the Medical Circular to be sent to the Office, 4, Adam-
street, Adelphi.
The trade supplied by Gilbert and Co., Paternoster-row.

MR. JOHN BRIGHT IN BELFAST.

The following is a report of the speech delivered
by the Hon. Member for Manchester at the dinner
given to him on Monday evezing by the Liberals of
Belfast:—

Mr. JOHN BRIGHT rose amid loud applause, and
said,—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I rise to address
you under circumstances of more than usual diffi-
culty, for, until a very short time ago, I was an entire
stranger to every person within thin room; and not
only to every person here present, at least with the
exception of my respected friend, Mr. Crawford, but
also to every individul among the enterprising popu-
lation of Belfast. I feel deeply sensible of the kindness
with which our respected chairman has introduced
my name, and also the abundant favours with which
you, gentlemen, have been pleased to receive it ; and
I am willing to accept the signal compliment you
have paid me in inviting me here to-night, as a token
of your general approbation, at least, of the course
which I have taken in public affairs. One subject
which has been just touched on to-night is that
with which I have been most intimately con-
nected ; and I take it for granted that, if there be
anything which reflects special honour on the
community which I am permitted to represent
in the House of Commons, it is that in that
community there arose an association which,
founded upon right principles, acting upon right prin-
ciples, and turning neither to the right hand nor to
the left, finally succeeded in overthrowing a mono-
poly more injurious, probably, to the people of the
United Kingdom than any other monopoly or law of
which we have any knowledge whatsoever.—(Hear,
and applause.) Now, I was one of those who were
prominently: engaged in the free-trade struggle—
(Cheers)—and I think I can tell exactly how it was
we came to a successful issue.—(Hear, hear.) The
men who were concerned in it had no private interest
to serve, and no private ambition to gratify—they
found a law which they believed was eating into the
very heart of the prosperity of their country—they,
banded themselves together for the one single pur-
pose of abrogating that law, and neither the threats of
power at one time nor the blandishments of power at
another influenced them to vary one hairbreadth from
the course they had laid down for themselves, until
every succeeding year, as the battle went on, the
right became, in the eye of the people, more and
more right, and that which was wrong gradually be-
came weaker and weaker ; and until, finally, when
the occasion arose—and in the orderings of
Providence occasions always arise for great
and good objects—they saw, after seven. years
of arduous struggling, that victory was accomplished
and tlae.industry of their countrymen set free.—(Loud
applause.) Now, I have endeavoured to learn, and
I think I have learned, a lesson from that event, and
that is, that whether it be in Great Britain or Ireland,
if there be a wrong, so palpable and so clear a wrong
that honest and dispassionate men can be made to see
it, then, if honest and earnest men, even in no great
numbers, will combine themselves for its suppression,
you may rely upon it that wrong will be overthrown.
Now, if this be true, and I am as much convinced of
its truth as I am that we are here to-night, it appears
to me to be a matter of exceeding consolation to those
persons in Ireland who are mourning at the condition
of their country, and who are anxious that wrongs
esntadntdoi.n—g(iHn etahre.)towSntaonfdißn gelfianstl,rceelalenbdr,aatnedd
which it has endured for centuries should at length
pecuitaialny
bd
esep
far beyond any other portion of Ireland for its industry
and its enterprise, I think it would be a misspending
of time if to-night we did not turn our attention to
the condition of the country, to its perplexities, to
its wrongs, and to the remedies which Parliament
and the people ought to apply to those wrongs. I have
spoken of the industry, as I may speak of the
prosperity, of Belfast; but I shall not go into a minute
explanation of the causes of that superiority which is
manifest in this district. Whether it arises from the
fact that you are situated between two counties per-
haps the best cultivated in Ireland, or that you are at
the great point of embareation and departure for
merchandise and produce, in this the most thriving
province of the island, or whether it arises from the
freedom of land in your immediate neighbourhood,
or whether it arises from your proximity to the
coasts of Scotland, and the great ports of Glasgow
and Liverpool, or whether it arises from any circum-
statuec eeeeeetee with tho raoo of pooplo living here,
with their religion, or with their ancestors, or any-
thing of that sort, I do not intend for a minute to
meddle with the question. This is certain and noto-
rious, that the great bulk of Ireland is in a condition
which offers a mournful contrast to that which is seen
in this enterprising community.—(Hear, hear.)
Every man who visits Ireland observes one thing
which is more striking in it than in any other
country making equal pretensions to civilization, and
that is, that there appears to be an almost total want
of industry, little stimulus for labour, and that your
rural population is, for the most part, in a state the
most abject, and, as regards the outward person, in a
condition the most degraded. That, I believe, every
person who comes to Ireland must certainly observe;
and there is another striking feature which no man
can fail to observe who reads what passes in your
country, and who has mixed in the families of various
classes and sects, and that is, that there is, perhaps,
more of what is called religious discord and ani-
mosities, arising out of religious differences, than are
to be found in any other portion of the United King-
dom, and, I hope, more than are to be found in any
other Christian country in the world.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, I do not intend to compliment toe people of
Belfast, because they are Irishmen, by telling them
that they have an island so much better than any
other in the world, but I will admit, because every
man must admit, that you have a soil of a fair fer-
tility, and that you have an excellent climate, favour-
able to labour and the productions of the earth, and
that you have also advantages of many kinds, which I
need not enumerate, but which have been dilated on
over and over again in the oratory of many of your
neighbours, and in the writings of many of your
countrymen and townsmen. I admit all this ; and is
it not strange that, notwithstanding all these advan-
tages, your population is to a very large extent un-
productive ; that there is observed, almost
every where over the country, idleness, so
far as regards the results secured, and that
a man passing from England and acquainted with
what is going on there, and coming to Ireland, must
see that, some way or other, there is not in Ire-
land the same life, intelligence, and industry present
in the countenances and actions of the people as there
is in England ?—(Hear, hear.) Now, I am one of
those who have never joined at i
all in the various
charges which have been brought against the popula-
tion of this island. I am one who, from all my ex-
perience of the people of Ireland, am inclined to be-
lieve that with certain variations, as
have in all countries,
and among all people, the population probably
as many good qualities as are to be found among the
people of any other country.—(alear.) I don't be-
lieve that the hundreds and thousands of men who
travel from the far west of your country to all the
counties of England and Scotland to obtain a few
weeks' well-paid labour are men out of which nothing
can be made.—(Cheers.) ',met a number of these men
the other day in the county of Mayo, who had lately
lauded at one of your ports, and walked across the
island. I saw them at their last meeting before sepa-
rating to return to their respective homes, and I never
saw a happier and more delighted class of people.
They seemed to be rejoicing in the results of their
industry in England—(Hear, hear)—they seemed to
be glorying in their economy and prudence.—
(Cheers.) I entered into conversation with many of
them, and found that they had brought home sums
averaging from 4/. to 71. and 8/. as the results of their
saving of the late harvest.—( Hear, hear," and
cheers.) Now, nothing can persuade me—nothing,
at least, that I have yet seen—that men who do this,
and do it year after year—that men who make such
extraordinary struggles that they may pay their rent
and keep their families and themselves in some de-
gree of comfort and independence—ought not to be,
and may not be, in a far higher and better position
than they are to be found in at the present time.--
(Applause,) Probably, too, what we observe with
regard to that portion of your population which has
emigrated to the United States is, on this point, still
more striking and still more conclusive. It is stated,
on good authority, that in the year 1851 scarcely if
at all less than a million sterling was sent from the
United States to this country by Irishmen settled
there,
either
to fetch their friends and relatives from
Ireland to America,or to add to their comfort at
home (s, H
ear, hear, and loud applause.) Well,
that is a f
ualet.which, when men declaim against the
Irish population,
it is, iifition, they ought to bear in mind, because
think, such as has no parallel in the history of
any country in the world. In my opinion it is a
conclusive answer to the thousands of charges that
we made against the
population of this part of the
kingdom. I have
means to ascertain something, however, taken other
people,
for I have gone of the character of this
over a very considerable
number of the large drainage works carried out under
the Board of Works in the west of Ireland, and
have found that where there was steady work the
Irishmen, who, at first, were not able to earn, at
piecework, more than 3d., or 4(3., or 6d. a day,
soon
beeltue able workmen, and able to realise is. 6d. to
25., and even more, per day.—(Hear, hear.) I met
one gentleman who certainly ought never to be men-
.

tioned without respect in Island—l mean Mr. Du-
gan, the great railway conractor—(Loud cheering)
—and, if the honours which -monarchs bestow were
worth much, and if they wre bestowed where they
ought to be, they would notbe given to the bankrupt
drones of the country so mith as to the captains and
generals of industry, like Slr. Dargan.—(Renewed
applause.) I asked Mr. Drgan what he had found
in his intercourse with irishnen as a great employer.
I had heard he had paid some 5,000/. a week' in
wages for five years togethe, and that as he passed
from one district of the country to another in per-
forming his great contracts )e did not take with him
his workmee, but engagel the population of the
districts where the works were being carried on ; and
I knew that by so doing le must have obtained an
intimate acquaintance with tie people in every district
into which he bad gone.—(Hear, hear.) What
he bad said to me was this--" Depend upon it, the
people of Ireland want only the discipline of steady
industry, and they will giveas good a return in labour
for the wages paid them as any people in the world."
—(Loud applause.) So said Mr. Dargan •' and I have
not a doubt that if Sir John M'Neill or Mr. M'Cor-
mick, who have been engaged with the people in di-
recting them, were asked, their testimony would coin-
cide with the testimony which I have now stated.—
__

(Hear, hear.) Well, then, if you have this land, and
this climate, and this population, I want to know—
and this is a problem which oeght to have been solved
long ago—l want to know haw, with such a popula-
tion, and soil, and climate, there has been no steady
industry in your country, and that success has been
less exhibited here than in any other part of the United
Kingdom ?—(Hear.) There is, gentlemen, a great
peculiarity in Ireland which 's not found, at least to
the same extent, in England sr in any other country,
which may explain the phenomenon. In Ireland the
land is not possessed by the people. The people live
upon it—at least, they may be said to sojourn upon it
—they walk over it, they grow potatoes upon it, they
drag out a miserable existence upon it, but they don't
possess it.—(Hear, hear.) t believe in that single
fact—and a grand economical fact it is—is;to be found
the true secret why the people of Ireland, and espe-
cially its rural population, have made so much less
progress during the last 150 years than the popula-
tion of England and Scotlao.—(Hear, hear.) We
are not responsible in our generation for the fact that
the land is not as much divid'among the people as
we could wish—we are not responsible for the great
confiscations which took place between the reigns of
Elizabeth and William 111., but we are responsible,
inasmuch as, during our time, we have contributed to
the maintenance of laws which have perpetuated
down to this hour all the evils which have inevitably
arisen from the confiscations ofearlier,times.—(Hear.)
The object of these confiscations was to plant in the
country a great territorial and Protestant aristocracy.
The Governments of those cat's, too much like the
Governments of our days, did not know the secret of
binding one nation to another by the strong ties of in-
terest and affection.—(Hear, hear.) They thought
the only sure plan was to garrison Ireland, and in a
manner they did garrison it, and succeeding Parlia-
ments, carrying out the same policy, have continued
a system of laws by which west families have been
maintained, in spite of what is demanded by the in-
terests of the people, and even in spite of the circum-
stances of the parties themselves, inasmuch as they
had neither, industry, intelligence, nor virtue to
discharge their duties as landlords, and as, had it
not been that they had with them the majesty and
the countenance of law, they would either have been
much more virtuous, or they would long ago have
fallen from the rank which they have proved them-
selves so ill qualified to occupy.—(Loud cheers.) Up
to the period of 1690 it will be quite clear to any
person who has read anything of the history of Ire-
land—though I must say that a true history of Ire-
land has yet to be written—(Hear, hear)—up to the
period to which I have referred it will be seen that,
owing to the distractions of the people, it was impos-
sible that an industrious, and provident, and enter-
prising middle class could have grown up in the coun-
try; and from that period down till 1829, owing to
the penal laws in operation to unite Ireland to Eng-
land, it will also be observed that it was impossible
for the great body of the people to accumulate
wealth. Thus it was that, vhile there was growing
up in England that powerful middle class which has
taught the poor and curbed te rich, there was no
such class found in Ireland, d thus it is that even
till this day your population is found to be almost
abject paupers on the one pat, and bankrupt nobles
on the other.—(Loud cheering.) The result is now
apparent in this, that the tillers of property have
become so perplexed and contused that not only
we who are unlearned, but the most profound lawyers
themselves are puzzled as to how to unravel them.
The rights of landlords and tenants are altogether in
a state cf confusion. Wherever I have travelled
during the last three weeks there has scarcely been a
proprietor mentioned to me to whose name was not
added the significant observation, " He is in the En-
cumbered 'Estates Court, or he is sure to go there ,"
and with regard to your population, the terrific suf-
ferings of the last six or seven years ought to be a
sufficient commentary. It is not an uncommon thing,
though I hope it will not any longer be common, to
attribute the great evils of Ireland to the late famine.
The men who, in Parliament or out of it, adopt this
argument, seem to forget that before the famine
there were two millions of the Irish people who had
no means of subsistence, and that, in the report of the
Devon Commissioners, which was issued before the
famine was thought of, it was stated on undoubted
testimony that vast numbers—numbers, if I recollect
aright, approaching to two millions—were living in
hovels which it was a scandal to find human
beings dwelling in.—(rieer, hear.) The famine
then came, then the collapse and break-up of so-
ciety, and then the Encumbered Estates Court.—
Hear, hear.) The Encumbered Estates Court, how-
ever, was wanted long before that time. Why, it
was wanted when Mr. Sinclair was among the volun-
teers—(Cheers)—but in this country, in Great
Britain and Ireland, a thing seems never to be
wanted until circumstances render it imperative to
meet it.—(Cheers.) When Catholic Emancipation
was granted, the alternative was civil war; when the
Reform Bill was passed, the alternative was revolu-
tion ; when 8,000,000 negroes were to be liberated in
the West Inoies, the alternative was immediate in-
surrection ; when the corn-laws were to be abolished,
although teen had worked at it for seven or eight
years, and had made the vast majority of the people
acquainted with it, still Parliament—your represen-
tative Parliament—would not succumb until the
famine visited this island, and struck down thousands
of your population. So was it with the Encum-
bered Estates Court ; but the Encumbered Estates
Court has come at last, and it is doing probably
more—l have not the least doubt of it—more to
advance the true interests of Ireland, to give a
chance to industry, to make your country worth
living in and living for, than probably all the legis-
lation you have had since the Union.—(Cheers.)
[after dilating upon the report of the Devon Coin-
mission, the subject of tenant-right, and Mr. Napier's
promised Bill to amend the law relating thereto, Mr.
Bright proceeded to touch upon the religious question
as follows :—] I would now ask your kind attention
for a few moments. Animosities, arising out of reli-
gious differences, prevail to an exceeding extent in
this country. I have met with many men who tell
me that such is not the case, and they point to this
man and to that man, and to three or four other men
perhaps of different religions, who, they say, care
nothing at all about what their neighbours think. But
I have formed a very different opinion; I have been
iu many families, and I am thoroughly convinced
that there is scarcely a social or political question
which is net affected by these religious differences,
and therefore the whole social atmosphere in your
country is biassed by this very thing.—(Hear.) I
shall not go into much detail; I shall only mention
one or two of those biassed features of your society,
as they appeared to me, who live out of Ireland.
This country, at present, possesses something over
six millions of people ; you have three churches,
which occupy the main proportion of the people.
The Catholic is the most numerous of these ; then
there are the Church of the Establishment and the
Presbyterian Church, which, though numerous, are
not so numerous as the Catholic. The Established
Church, which, I suppose, is not much more nume-
rous than the Presbyterian—some have stated that
the latter is the larger of the two, at least in the north
of Ireland the Presbyterian is in a very considerable
majority—the Established Church has an available
annual income—l will not say so large a sum as it is
estimated at by semi authorities—which I will take
at 400,000/. or 600,000/.; some make it twice that;
but it does not serve my purpose the more
), to have,
the figure greater. That sum is now worth 0 years'
purchase, tfoliratthies
has granted
keeping of a Church for the purpose of
i
tphuercha sum seN, vohrichabtohuet
sltoa,toeoao,Otuoaolllc .
actually
sterling,
its religion,
and with an especial object of being a bulwark
against the progress of the Church of Rome and of
converting the Catholics to Protestantism.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, let
us dismiss from our minds any
feelings that may exist there about these churches
—let us look at the matter as we would at a
question of arithmetic or a question of science,
and with our passions unexcited—(llear and
cheers)—because the time has come when every-
body should get rid of passion in considering the

sciomnilliatriloyn
sonfrplrnerltaendd.
by The a
grant
ant n f Presbyterian4o,oo
oz.Churchannu al
yi s,
which, at 20 years' purchase, amounts to, we will
say, 1,000,0001. sterling ; and the Catholic Church
has 26,0001., which, on the same calculation, would
amount to 600,0001., in round numbers. Now, if the
principle of religious liberty be admitted at all, this
would seem, so far as we see of it, to be a sad sort of
an arrangement. If the Catholic religion is a legal
religion, and if it is not a crime to be a Catholic, and
the law has admitted long ago it is not, then it ap •
pears to me that the arrangement is singular indeed ;
for it appears that 500,0001. are granted every
year as a bulwark against the Roman Catho
lics, and for the purpose of converting
Catholics to Protestantism, while 26,0001. are
granted annually to the Catholics for the pur-
pose
of teaching men the Catholic religion, in
order that they again may teach it to others.—
(Laughter and cheers.) Then, the Presbyterians,
who I knew are looked upon with great favour
in high quarters when they do not meddle with
dangerous questions—(Hear, hear)—they have a
sum granted them each year larger than the Catholics
have, although they do not form more than one-eighth
of the number of persons professing the Catholic re-
ligion. These are facts, but they are not all the
facts. In Scotland the Established Church is in a
decided minority. Some time ago it was the church
of the people of that country, but secessions took place,
the most important of which was about ten years ago.
The Free Church men are members of the United
Presbyterian body, and no man of them takes to the
Church of Scotland, any more than a Roman Catholic
might the Established Church in Ireland. But the
cases are not similar. First of all, the Kirk of Scot-
land is not a church established by conquest. 4
(Hear.) It is a church from which many earnest
and good men thought fit to secede, and there may be
another secession by-and-by, and some others may
secede, and the Established Church be placed in such
a minority that some easy way may be found to do
away with it altogether.—(Hear, hear.) Now, as
to the Free Church, we know that the members built
parish churches, and manses, and schools, in every
quarter of Scotland within the last ten years, with-
out a farthing of aid from the Government.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But, in Ireland, it un-
fortunately appears that the Established Church
never was the church of the people or the nation—
(Hear, hear)—that it never was established here by
their votes, by their consent, or their will, in any
shape whatever ; that it was established by what was
then, and I wish it were not so much eo now—a
foreign country, and a foreign and conquering power.
That Church has, unfortunately, been allied through
all the time since its establishment with a course of
political action which has not been considered favour-
able, or liberal, or just, to the greater portion of the
population of Ireland.— (Cheers.) It is a part of the
original mistake that this country was to be allied to
England by force—(Hear, hear)—that we were to be
two kingdoms united under one Crown, by force of a
garrison holding a particular form of religion, which
was prevalent in England.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I
am not one of those who think it necessary that the
people of a country should be of the same religion. I
am rather of opinion that difference of sects in a
country, with honest and just treatment, tends to
greater activity, greater exertion and progress, but
difference of sects, where the Government has held
up one sect as its favourite church, through
which it distributes its patronage, and uses it
only to tie that country—then I say that hardly
anything can be conceived more unfortu-
nate than that there should be a difference of
religious opinion and a difference of churches in such
a country—(Loud cheers.) Now, what are the re-
sults ? I assume that every man here is as honestly
anxious for the good of Ireland as I am, who am not an
Irishman ; and there is no reason to doubt but that
multitudes who honestly differ from us are as equally
anxious as we are for the good of the country. But
let us, I say, look at the results. It is 300 years
since you had a Parliamentary church establishment
in Ireland. What were its objects? To conquer
Ireland by, or to prevent the diffusion of the Catholic
religion; or, further, to convert the followers of the
Catholic Church to some form of Protestantism. Has
it succeeded in any of those objects ?--(Cries of
"No, no.") Is there at this moment, through the
population of Ireland generally, a feeling of affection
to the Imperial Government ?—(4t No. ..-") Is
there a common interest felt with England ? is
there net, on the contrary, lurking in the minds of
hundreds and thousands of your people such a
feeling as ought never to exist, and I believe
never would exist in any well-governed country ? So
far from our being united under its system, there
are many men in this room who recollect a most
formidable rebellion, which, but for an accident,
might have had very serious results ; and all of us can
recollect those insurrections and incitements to insur-
rection which are discreditable to a Government, even
though they may not be formidable to its power.—
(Hear, hear.) Now with regard to the bulwark
against the Roman Catholic Church. No person be-
longing to that Church, I trust, will believe, that
either here or elsewhere I would say a word against
the doctrines or practices of their Church, or the sin-
cerity of those who adhere to it. I am not a member
of that Church, and, in point of fact, I may be said to
be at its very antipodes ; but still I can honour
sincerity, devotion, and true piety wherever I find it,
and therefore neither here nor elsewhere would I ever
reflect upon the conduct or belief of so large a por-
tion of my fellow-countrymen. But what has the
Established Church done ? According to the best
data, it appears that the proportion of Catholics in
Ireland to Protestants was probably, before the famine,
greater than almost at any period for the last two
hundred years ; and probably at this moment it is
about as great as it ever has been daring the whole of
that period.—(Hear, hear.) The people of Eng-
land are terrified at the approaches of the Church
of Rome.—(Hear, hear.) You saw the uproar that
was made last winter about it. You saw the Impe-
rial Parliament for a whole session busy in doing that
which they knew would end in nothing.—(Hear,
bear.) You have seen men from platforms vitupe-
rating the people of Ireland ; and the most powerful
organs of the press from week to week heaping insult
of every kind upon the religion of 6,000,000 or
7,000,000 of the people of the United Kingdom.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Well, they had a church
established for 300 years with half a million per an-
num, for it was not half a million long ago, it still
bore the same proportion to the population that it
does now ; and in England they have had an esta-
blished church with ten times more revenue, for the
sole purpose, as they said, of being a bulwark against
the Church of Rome; yet, notwithstanding all this,
they seemed more afraid in 1852 of that same church
than ever they were.—(Cheers.) I must say, and I
think you will agree with me, that though the object
may be good, that mode of accomplishing it has proved
a signal and most ridiculous failure.—(hear, hear.)
Now, I am for trying another plan, which I want
to recommend to you. I believe that the people of
Ireland are a religious people, more so than the people
of England.—(Bear, hear.) I believe the Catholic
Church has laid hold of the sentiments and the souls
of the humblest classes in this Ireland to a degree
which no established Church has done in any portion
of the three kingdoms.—(Cheers.) I have attended
several congregations, some of the Established Church,
some of the Catholic Church, while I have:been in
bitterest
destroy
po v
e r
kindy
better than
their
in now,
faipast
th, or to turn
Ireland, and I must say that the Catholic chapels, as
far as I have seen them, are well filled—that the
people are remarkably attentive—that a devout and
serious expression of countenance is to be seen
among them ; and judging from the con-
duct of the Irish, putting aside for a moment
the question of agrarian outrages—l say,
nortimpese,rsecbu-
-1
as
that in all points of obedience with more law,
as far as I can observe, and as regards absence of
crime and immorality, they will bear comparison, at
least, with any portion of the population of the United
Kingdom.—(Cheers.) Well, look next at their faith-
'
fulness. Neither
them from the faith of their forefathers. Now, this
leads us to believe that the population is good. If
there be anything in
Protestantismafble the
eto
Catholicity, let Protestants go about the right way ,
of exhibiting It ; and, if there be any good in
endeavouring to convert men, that would be
the way to do it. The mode already taken
has utterly failed.—(Hear.) It is not consonant with
justice, nor with the principles of the New Testament.
It is not consonant with human feelings of right and
wrong, and therefore it has utterly and signally
failed.—(Cheers.) lam one of those, of course, who
belies'e that it would be advantageous for persons of
all religions to look a little more outside than they do,
and to examine a little more into the truth of what
they believe and practise ; but there is no mode so
likely to drive men from doing so as that which has
been adopted in this country. If I were now saddled
with the responsibility of making the Catholic Church
in Ireland to be more liberal, in the sense in which it
is understood over the Atlantic, or even of converting
Its disciples to Protestantism, I would travel a road
precisely opposite to that which has been taken by our
Protestant Government. Imagine ourselves annexed
to the United States, where no sect, at least of white
men, is supreme.—(Hear, hear.) There is no man
of intelligence from the States that I ever spoke to

[PRICE SD.

who did not tell me that the Catholic Church there,
under the influence of just and kind treatment, was
just as opsn to the discussion of some things for
reform and change us other churches were. It you
say that in Ireland the priests have too much power,
priests in
,the circuroetancs s under which you place
them find this inevitable. Travel through the south
and west, or indeed through all parts of Ireland, and
you will find that there is no friend, no counsellor for
your abject and suffe,ing population, but the priest.
Of course, where benefits, often in gifts of money,
often of counsel and of religious consolation, are given
freely, the influence of the giver must be great—
(Hear, hear)—and, as a necessary consequence, it
ought to be great.---(Hear, hear.) I say that if ever
there was a contrivance calculated to make it impos-
sible for Catbolics to become Protestants it was the
contrivance of the Protestant Government in the estab-
lishment of a supreme church. Under that system
Catholicity was made not only a faith but a patriotism,
which every man was ashamed to depart from.—
(Cheers.) Now, I would wish in these matters to
regulate my practice according to what I find in the
New Testament. Making men think that they have
a common country, and to forget their animosities, is
the way to make it prosperous. When I was asked to
this great banquet reference was made to the part I
had taken in and out of Parliament. lam one of
those sensible of the fact that, whatever has been done
within the last thirty years within the Imperial
Parliament for freedom, it always had the support of
the majority of the Irish representatives ; and I now
believe that, if there is anything to be done in the
way of liberal progress in the next Parliament, it
would receive the support of a majority of the repre-
sentatives of Ireland. There is a great attempt making
to prove to the Liberals of England that they can have
nothing in common with the Catholic representatives
of Ireland. I confess, from my observation of the
Irish Liberal representatives, that I am of a different
opinion.—(Hear.) I am not about to justify the part
that some of them may have taken, nor would I ask
them to approve of all that I have done ; but I must
say, that in the main, with scarcely an exception, the
Catholic and Liberal Members from Ireland, upon all
questions affecting the people, whether of Great Bri-
tain or Ireland, have never been found adverse to
liberty and to progress. Upon the Reform Bill,
Slave Emancipation, the Municipal Corporations
Bill, and Free Trade, we always had a majority of
the Irish representatives of Ireland upon our side ;
and he, in my opinion, is an enemy of both countries
who endeavours to make it appear that there
are no objects which we can work in common. Take
the free trade question and Parliamentary reform,
and see if there is a❑v doubt whatever but that we
shall work harmoniously on those subjects.—(Hear,
hear.) Take the question of the ballot—(Cheers)—
and, let me ark, can we not co-operate on that ?---
(Hear and cheers.) I believe that no Liberal Go-
vernment can come into office, or remain in office,
that is not prepared to bring forward a Bill for the
establishment of the ballot.—(Cheers.) If, with the
great case you can make out on that question,
and if your representatives work with us in the House
of Commons, I think we can advance that question
very rapidly after Parliament has assembled. I will
say, upon another subject, that I think you have been
rather disposed to shut yourselves out from the rest of
Ireland; but, if I were a Belfast man, I would cul-
tivate a different sentiment.—(Hear.) I would con-
sider myself as an Irishman—( Hear and cheers)—aud
I would endeavour to make my conduct so influence
the interests of my country that I should be proud,
wherever I might be placed, to acknowledge and pro-
claim that I was an Irishman.—(Cheers.) When
this tikes place, and when you have purified your
atmosphere from the pestilential breath of
religious animosity, then I believe you might look
forward to the day when you might fairly take your
place in prosperity besides England.—(Hear, and
cheers.) I have been in your country on this occa-
sion for about a month, I have mixed with all
classes, and observed as much es any ordinary man
could observe within the same time. I have read
much of Ireland, and I have thought more of her,
and all leads me to say that this country is a sore
' spectacle before the world ; and that it is your du►y
in this industrious enterprising town to lead the way
in the improvement of your native country.—
(Cheers.) I cannot believe that if the men of Belfast
made it their business to think, consider, and act to-
gether for the benefit of the country, but that they
would effect as great a deliverance of her as any good
men have ever worked out in any country.—(Hear.)
Don't imagine, moreover, that the people of England
are hostile to you ; they are not so. I will address a
meeting in any part of England upon the condition
of this country, and ask their assistance in your be-
half, and rely upon it, no matter what supremacy in
Church or aristocracy in Government may say, the
people of England have none but the best wishes for
Ireland.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.)

SUSPICIOUS TRANSACTIONS IN
SOUTHWARK.
Yesterday Mr. W. Payne held an inquest at the
King's Head Tavern, Alfred-place, Newington-
causeway, on the body of a child, aged four months.
Ellen Frost, 4, John's-place, London-road, South-
wark, deposed that towards the latter end of June she
was in Greenwich-park, when a gentleman, appa-
rently about 45 years of age, after following her about
for an hour, spoke to her, and asked if she should like
to take a child to nurse. Witness said, " No," but
she would see if she could find any person that would,
and promised to meet him the next evening in St.
James's-park, the gentleman saying that he would
give 101. to any person that would bring the child
up. Witness spoke to a neighbour named Duffet,
who agreed to take the child ; and on witness's meet-
ing the gentleman, he said if she would meet him at
the same time and place next evening (Wednesday,
June 30), he would make it all right. They met at
the Horse Guards in St. James's-park, according to
appointment, and the gentleman took a cab and went
to Chelsea, where the cab stopped at a lodge, but she
did not know where, and there witness saw a lady,
about eighteen years of age, with a baby, who got
into the cab. The vehicle went towards town, and
the gentleman gave witness 10/. and some baby's linen,
and leaving the child in witness's care, got out of the
cab, and paid the driver 33. to take witness to London-
road. She took the child to Mrs. Duffet's, but that
person being out, she gave it, with the money, to a
Mrs. Endecott, who lived in the same house as Mrs.
Duffet.
By the CORONER—Mrs. Duffet had agreed to take
the child for 101. The supposed parents said they
should call and see it in a few days, but they never
came. They told witness the child's name was George
Brown, and that he was a month old. She did not
think the child had ever taken the breast. Ile lady
gave her a bottle used for babies and some baked
flour. She had fed the child on flour and milk. The
infant died on Friday morning last at four o'clock,
and had become very thin. She would know the
gentleman again ; be gave the address of the lady at
No. 8, King-street, Chelsea. Oa Monday week Mra.
D uffet, witness, and a neighbour, went to that place,
and found that no person of the name of Brown lived
there or had done so for some time past. Mrs. Duffet
had often aaid that the child was a great expense to
her, for although she had had 10/ with it, yet she had
lost all her work through her attention to the chili.
The lady told witness that she had come from the
country to take a sitation as governess. Mrs. Duffet
was to have had no more than the 101., and witness
had no remuneration for her trouble.
Mrs. Caroline Endecott, widow, of No. 11, John's-
place, London-road, deposed that she had known Mrs.
Duffel for some years. She remembered Ellen Frost
bringing the child to Mrs. Duffet, but that person
being out of the house, witness took it, together with
the box of clothes and money, for Mrs. Duffet, who
had previously told witness that she was going to have
a child to nurse and 101. for doing it. Both Mrs.
Duffet and her husband were extremely fond of
children. Witness told Mrs. Duffet that the sum
was small, and that person answered her by saying,
" Oh, I shall never miss the victuals, and et might
induce my husband to attend more to his home."
Had seen the child several times every day, and it
always appeared healthy, but was continually_ crying.
The child never thrived, but appeared glad of its food
until a few days before its death.
By the CORONER
—The child had sufficient food
given to it by Mrs. Duffet, as far as witness knew.
Did not think the 101. was all spent before the child
died. Mrs. Duffet had given the child sopped bread;
but if witness had the child she should have con-
tinued the use of the bottle and baked flour and milk.
Did not know that Mrs. Duffet had ever given the
child a cordial to make is sleep. On the day before
the child died Mrs. Duffet took it to the assistant of
Mr. Waken, parochial surgeon of St. George the
Martyr, who give her Duffet) a medical order
for the child.
Mary Ann Duffet, No. 11, John's-place, London-
-1 road, stated that abe was a married woman. She
received the child, together with the 101. in gold and
the clothes on Wednesday, the 30'11 of June. None
of the clothes were marked with any letter or name.
The child had been pining and crying ever since she
first took it. Several neighbours had offered to give
it the breast, but witness thought it would be impru-
dent. Mr. Brooks, a surgeon, had seen the child,
and said it was pining away for the breast, and noth-
ing else would do it any good. After entering into