The Sun.
London, England, 1864-10-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

THE " SATURDAY REVIEW" ON OUR NEW
FOREIGN POLICY.—Mr. Cowper not only enjoys
peculiar opportunities of knowing the opinions of
the chief to whom he is so nearly related, but has
also been endowed by nature with an ingenuous
mind which is incapable of a niggardly secresy.
Accordingly, as might have been expected from one
in his position, he has taken the first opportunity
of explaining to the world his stepfather's foreign
policy. No one can say that the moment is inop-
portune. Lord Clarendon just now is trying to
influence the policy of Austria by threats of deser-
tion in one contingency, and promises of assistance
in the other. The phrales are vague enough, but
there is a possibility that Austria may construe
them according to the rules of language tradi-
tionally current- among diplomatists. It was
highly necessary that Mr. Cowper should step in
to set her right, and to explain to her, in his
own lucid and forcible style, the exact practical
meaning of Lord Russell's sec et cassant lecture-
writing and Lord Clarendon's mysterious hints.
The principle was expressed with great clearness.
A previous speaker had been hoping that the opinion
of the country had been sufficiently declared in fa-
vour of allowing other people to look after their own
affairs. This aspiration did not suit Mr Cowper.
He denounced it as selMiness and isolation. "The
right principle," he said, " to be adopted in foreign
affairs is this—we are bound to do what we can, to
use what strength and influence we have, to support
right against wrong, to support the oppressed against
those who tyrannise over them.' At first sight
this seems as belligerent language as that to which
we have been recently accustomed in Foreign
Office despatches. But, like its prototype, it is
capable of explanation. Mr Cowper goes on
to intimate that the Crimean war was a great
waste of money and blood, and that " this
nation did not attempt to assist the Danes by force
of arms for this reason—that the whole armies of
Germany were pouring their mighty strength upon
the little State of Denmark." That is something
like an heroic sentiment. Perhaps it might have
been more seemly and judicious, even if Mr Cowper
is himself Danish in feeling, still to use German
topics and arguments as the policy of his Governs
ment became eventually favourable to the Germans.
But nothing can restrain his candour in dissecting
the motives of his distinguished relative. Nature
has kindly put a difference between dogs and men
in respect to the expression of fear, and by cutting
off the tail from the human species, has enabled
them, when they experienced that depressing emo-
tion, to conceal it from the eyes of their fellow.
creatures. But Mr Cowper disregards the bene-
ficent provision of nature, and will put his tail be-
tween his legs in public. That there may be no
mistake about it, he goes on, with the magic con-
ciseness of genius, to embody in a single sentence
the whole foreign policy of our Government:—'"
Our business in foreign affairs is to express our
sympathy, and use that freedom of speech which is
the great privilege of Englishmen.' This is the
interpretation clause by which we may construe the
former too bellicose declaration about using our
strength and influence to support right against
wrong. It is obvious that no accusation of undue
pugnacity can be made against this principle, and
the most advanced political economist can find no
fault with it. It is baying the gratification of our
sympathies in the cheapest possible market. It is
supporting right against wrong in the most inexe
pensive manner in which that holy task was ever
performed. In oae sense it may be regarded as an
actually profitable operation. The lack of matter
is a serious drawback to the enjoyment of
orators at those buoolic festivities at one of which
this remarkable manifesto was uttered; but a great
load will be taken off their minds if it is to be under-
stood that they may enlarge without limit in their
expressions of sympathy upon all possible foreign
affairs. This doctrine will have a tendency also to
ennoble after-dinner speechification. It has hitherto
been thought meanly of as a clumsy instrument for
trotting out notabilities, and enabling lionehunters
to gratify their curiosity and digest their dinners
at the same time, But now it will take rank as the
solemn performance of "our business in foreign
affairs." Every post-prandial orator is now in the
nature of a Foreign Secretary. He is transacting
in a free and easy way the business which the Fos
reign Office exists to transaot in a more formal way,
He is wielding England's chosen weapons against
tyranny and wrong. If we are to vindicate that
righteous cause by the employment of freedom of
speech, it is pleasing to rciEct how full an arsenal
of that safe and comfortable weapon we
have at our command, and how many active
champions we may always count upon. What
the effect of this new system will probably
be is an interesting subject of inquiry, It opens a
:vholly novel and uiatrodden path. The plan of
resisting wrong and tyranny by freedom of speech
alone has never been tried on a large scale anywhere
except at Billingsgate; and it is impossible, with-
out further investigation, to ascertain the exact
amount of influence that has been acquired thereby
by the fishwives of that locality. It is not easy to
judge of its probable results by analogy, because
tne polity of Europe is almost without a parallel.
It is the rudest and most inartifical system that was
ever applied to the maintenance of what is called
law. There is no tribunal to judge, no executive to
punish, no definite code of law to enforce, no repre-
sentative body to legislate. The nearest resem-
blance that can be found for it is the internal self-
government of a public school, where the shifting
public opinion of the boys furnishes the code
of law, and where any boy who chooses to under-
take the office is combined judge and executioner.
We have to suppose that one of the biggest boys
suddenly announced that he had had enough of
licking other big boys. The last time he had ate
tempted to do it, he got so mauled that it was quite
unpleasant. Besides, the boys whom he tried to
lick had an awkward habit of kicking, and he did
so hate to have his shins kicked. He therefore in -
tended for the future never to interfere with any
big boy with his fists. He should continue to lick
the little boy; but if a big boy did anthing wrong,
or bullied a little boy, he should not touch him with
his fists; but he warned the big boys if they would
do such things it was his full intention, as a matter
of sacred duty, to swear at them to the utmost of his
ability. The question is whether that boy would con-
tinue, on the strength of his swearing: to occupy an
inflaential position in the school. Perhaps, at first,
the other boys might not believe him, and might
think it was only that he was chaffing, or had got a
lazy fit. But when, after a time, they had discovered
that he really was in earnest, and was too much
afraid of the consequences to venture on attacking
any boy of his own size, the question is whether
they would mind his swearing ? Would they not
rather think him a somewhat shabby and a very
impudent fellow, for venturing to [slang boys whom
he dared not fight ? Would not their instinctive im-
palse be, when his objurgations began, to tell him,
in scholastic vernacular, to " hold his jaw ? We
question whether England will obtain any other
answer than this to the unarmed counsels which it
appears she is to be perpetually proffering. Taere
are probably no set of men in the world so perfectly
impassive as the statesmen of the Continent to frees
dom of speech and expression of sympathy, so long
as these exhibitions are not, and cannot be suspected
to be, preludes to au appeal to force. Those parts of
the freedom of speech which consist in after dinner
harangues they would probably
pass over with
sample disregard. It is possible that they might
not even hear of them. Official despatches con-
ceived in the same style of unwarlike menace and
femenine objurgation would force themselves more
obtrusively into notice; but how long it would be
thought worth while at the various Chancelleries
to give them even a civil reply,
would depend much
upon the character of the Minister at each. M.
von Beust would probably dismiss them at once
with a contemptuous snub, while Count Rechberg
might preserve his civility a little longer. But the
would
most polite of diplomatists get tired at last
of having sermons read to him on week-days
by
British ambassadcrs. knowing that they meant
nothing and could come to nothing, he would
think the ceremony an intolerable bore. The en-
cyclical letters of the Pope are bad enough, but a
Minister need not hear them unless he likes.
would very soon came to be a matter of private
agreement between the Minister at each Court and
the British Ambassador that Lord Russell's horta-
tory eh spatches,like a railway report,should be taken
as read. And then, perhaps, we might discover that
it was not worth while to keep a Foreign Secretary
and a Foreign Office, and an expensive corps diplo •
matique, for the purpose of writing and receiving
despatches which nobody cared to read. Warlike
intervention is a very serious thing,and it is difficult
to exaggerate the advantages of avoiding it when
that can be done. But the possibility of war is the
only thing which gives tho slightest value to Foreign
Office despatches, or saves them from being the most
tiresome of waste paper.
TILE " EXAMINER" ON TnE CJNVEYANCE OF
GUNPOWDER.—Oce point alone is clearly ascer-
tained as to the ea • Belvedere that it
explosion of
commenced with one of the barges, and, therefore,
most important is the inquiry into the rules re-
specting fire and lights in the barges, and the prac-
tices of Itle men, whether conforming or not to their