The Sun.
London, England, 1864-03-07 00:00:00

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.144 P-5111
take the House by surprise.. Had Mr. tqiiiiiVetia a
.
Democratic, and not a Republican -ber, his
t
opposition would have excited no atte .'Pau among
aem
the serene incapables who form the working ma-:
jority ; but coming from an associate and former]
friend, it fell like a thunderbolt from a clear sky,
and suggested both to friend and foe the danger
that Mr. Lincoln's persistency in desiring re-election
may lead to a schism that may not only defeat his
purpose, but break up the Republican party.
The anti-slavery journals `have not yet said a
word on the subject of the extraordinary re-enslave-
ment of the black population of Louisiana by Gen.
Banks. It cannot be allegel that their attention
has not been directed to the subject, for no less than
three of the most important and influential of their
number approve cordially all those portions of the
1 document that relate to the duties of the white race
in the approaching elections. The Tribune thinks
Gen. Banks entitled to special commendation for
declaring that in his proconsulate indifference shall
be treated as crime. " For our own part," it says—
though the words seem strange in a journal that is
avowedly edited by Horace Greeley—" we heartily
approve Gen. Banks's order, and wish the rule
were universal and imperative that every man en-
titled to a vote should vote or pay a smart fine.
We have often found fault with Gen. Banks, but
this order is right." The New York, Times (equally
emphatic) asserts its belief that the doctrine of Gen.
Banks is sound, and hopes that he will resolutely
carry it out. Mr. Wendell Phillips, who is not a
professional politician like these writers, and is
therefore not so easily led from the paths of prin-
ciple into those of party expediency, ignores the
only portions of the general's " order" which his
quondam fellow-labourers in the cause of emancipa,
tion have thought worthy of notice, and denounces
"the man Banks, who in the third city of the em-
pire (it used to be called a republic) had picked up
the chains of the black man which Mr. Lincoln had
thrown off, and with them refastened his feet to
the ground."
Whisky has more than once played an important
part in American politics. In the infancy of the
Republic there was a " whisky insurrection" which
it somewhat troubled the great Washington to sup-
press, Mr. Lincoln has also a whisky trouble on his
hands, which threatens to bring him into personal
difficulty with some of his most cordial friends and
supporters. It was known to the world before the
assembling of Congress that Mr. Chase would be
compelled by the necessities of his financial position
to make an effort, more or less statesmanlike, to
raise a larger revenue from taxation than he had yet
succeeded in drawing into the Treasury. It was
known, however, to none but a very select few that
he would propose a considerable increase of the
whisky duties. These few formed themselves into
what is called a "ring," and bought up cautiously
at low prices the whole stock of whisky and other
spirituous liquors in the country, with the exception
of the comparatively small quantity in the hands of
the retail dealers. The quantity thus purchased was
equal, it is reported, to no less than two years' con-
sumption. When the bill increasing the duty to
60c. per gallon was introduced into Congress, Mr.
Fernando Wood moved an amendment to the pro-
spective clause. He argued that, as the object of the
Government in imposing the duty was to raise a
revenue, that object would be defeated if the stock
of whisky on hand were not subjected to the impost ;
that the people would be made to pay a price during
two years enhanced by the whole amount of the
duty ; and that not a cent of advantage would accrue
to the public Treasury. He therefore moved to tax
the stocks in hand, and the amendment was carried
in a thin house. The whisky interest took the
alarm, but soon recovered its lost equanimity. A
select deputation of the "Ring," with unlimited
greenbacks in their possession and full authority
to spend them as they pleased for the advantage of
the common cause, was despatched to Washington.
The deputation understood its men. It knew the
power of the dollar that it wielded, and the
weakness of the morality that would resist it, and
wrought accordingly. Dinners at Willerd's and
elsewhere; private parties and re-unions; earnest
confabulations in quiet corners ; and an unusually
full and active lobby were the results. In due
course the bill reached the Senate, and that august
body, forgetting for awhile how much Mr. Chase
needed money, struck out the amendment of the
Lower House. But the battle was not yet won. The
Senate having made an alteration, the Bill had to be
returned for consent or disapproval, as the case
might be. The greatest interest was forthwith ma-
nifested at every bar-room, hotel, and place of public
resort in the national capital to know whether the
representatives of the people would allow their
patriotism or their cupidity to be the strongerin the
contest between duty and dollars. It is presumed
that dollars gained the victory, for the House re-
versed its former action and voted, by a majority of
77 against 73, not to tax the stock of spirits in
hand. By this means, if the President do not exere
cise his privilege of veto, Mr. Chase will lose five
millions of dollars per annum for two years ; and
the ten millions thus lost to the Government will
go into the pockets of the speculators who have so
adroitly managed the business, at a cost of no one
knows how much, but probably of less than a mil-
lion out of the ten. The representatives, aware that
in a matter of this importance they would be liable
to be called to a strict account by their constituents,
would not vote by "yea" and "nay" in the usual
manner, and allow their names to be :taken down,
but by " tellers," or counting of heads. Conse-
quently no record remains of the side on which the
whisky patriots voted, and no means are left of
showing who was :he knave and who was the honest
man in this remarkat.).!e transaction. The Tribune
,„: indignant at this barefaned job, and calls upon
the President to veto the Bill, and send it back for
reconsideration. It is not doubtfu: what course he
ought, but some who do not pretend to be his ene-
mies appear to consider it doubtful what course he
will pursue, grounding their uncertainty
upon the
fact that some of the whisky speculators are as
aident as their own liquor in support of Mrn bin"
coln's re-election.

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