The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

TIMES.—It is now about a hundred years since
Stanislaus Poniatowski ascended the throne of
Poland, He owed his elevation mainly to the Em-
press Catherine of Russia, with whom he was be-
lieved to be united by ties mere tender than those of
mere political sympathy. It might have been sup.
posed that the same Power which placed him on
the throne would have lent him ain to maintain
himself there and so it might have bee.: but
for the aggressive and rapatioes genius of the
King of Prussia. He held out to Austria the
allurement of an accession of territory by the par-
tition of Poland, and, when he had gained over
that Court, he arranged, with infinite bargaining
and haggling, the share which Russia was to receive
in compensetion for the abandonment of her friend
and ally. The whole thing teas managed by the
three Powers with a mixture of barefaced injus-
tice and odious hypocrisy. They seized upon the
territories which they had allotted to theneselves,and
they published a manifesto; in which they repre-
sented themselves as actuated by justice, benevo-
lence, and generosity. They pointed to the internal
dissensions of Poland. They expressed apprehen
sions for the welfare of surrounding nations, unless
something were done to check them. They were
anxious to settle the ancient Constitution of Poland
and to establish its national and popular liberties
on a solid basis; and, as they foresaw that the har-
mony and friendship then existing among them
might no! always continue, they insisted on the re-
cognition of particular claims to various territories
which they did not wish to expose to the hazard
of future contingencies. Their dignity, they said,
and their regard for justice would co, permit them to
yield beyond a certain point to the dictates of their
natural moderation. The essential interest of their
Crowns would not permit them to renounce their
claims ; and if the King of Poland had any com-
passion for his people, he would not, by refusing to
call a Diet, expose them to violence and injury.
The Diet was elected under the bayonets of three
invading armies. It surrendered all that was de-
manded, and the King flung his hat on the floor
and told them if no greater territory than that hat
covered were left him, he would still be in the eyes
of all Europe their lawful but unfortunate King.
Such was the first act of that long tragedy which
for a hundred years has exhibited the insolent
triumph of might over right, and made Poland the
just object of the sympathy, the compassion, and
tne indignation of every civilised country in the
world. These evil deeds let loose a host of the most
grievous evils upon Europe. They co-operated
with the new philosophy which was sapping the
foundations of society and government, and taught
mankind to believe that Kings could be as wicked
and statesmen as base as the pen of Rousseau or
Condorcet could represent them. If the French
Revolution shook down the edifice, its pillars were
loosened and its foundations undermined by the
partition of Poland. The blood and tears of a
quarter of a century of war and desolation have not
effaced the traces of the partition of Poland from
those countries of Europe which were least con-
cerned in the event. He must be au inattentive
observer indeed who does not trace in the events
which are now passing before our eyes, if not an
exact historical parallel, at any rate a resemblance
sufficiently striking to encourage the moat gloomy
anticipations. Ever since the partition of Poland all
Europe has been pretending at least to deplore and
condemn it. Nobody justifies it now. In words, at
least, it is universally repudiated. The Kings, the
Ministers, the Generals, the diplomatists who
brought it about are held in universal execration ;
and yet we seem likely to see acted before our eyes
a repetition of all the most hateful parts of this
execrable drama. 'We have the same injustice and
covetousness, veiled under the same specious and
honourab:e professions. That which the love of
peace and order and the apprehension of territorial
disturbance was to the Powers who dismembered
Poland the desire of supporting a distressed and
kindred nationality is to Prussia and Austria. While
lamenting over the wrongs of a people condemned
o speak the Danish language and to be severed
from their own free and happy fat herland, Prussia
is merely regarding her little neighbour with the
same feeling as turned the eyes of Ahab towards
the vineyard of Nahoth the Jezreelite. Her talk is
autonon y and personal union ; her thoughts are of
cities and harbours, of bays and islands. Pretext
after pretext has been adopted and thrown aside
with cynical recklessness so soon as it has served
her turn. The first masquerade was played off
under the visor of scrupulous legality. The German
Confederacy took up arms to vindicate the wrongs
undergone by the Duchy of Holstein at the hands
of a foreign Prince on whom the dukedom had de-
scended. Holstein was occupied for the purpose of
Federal execution, just as Poland was occupied that
the Diet might deliberate freely. The pretence
served its purpose, and was scornfully cast aside.
Schleswig meet next be seized, end the only ground
that coul be invented for seizing it was the not
very specious pretext that a material guarantee was
needed that full justice should be done to Holstein,
and, as it was begun to be suggested, to Schleswig
also. War appeared in its most hideous form,
thousands of innocent and industrious people were
reduced to misery. To make the whole thing com-
plete, the Powers who hed found themselves by
solemn treaties to respect the title of the reigning
monarch—indeed, to whom, like Poniatewski, he
may be said to be indebted for his throne—brought
with them a Pretender, whose claims had been pur-
chased for an ample consideration as a preliminary
to the treaty establishing the right of the present
King of Denmark, to which their signatures were
affixed. This Pretender, who dared not remain a
day in the country without their patronage and en-
couragement, has been further assisted by the dis-
missal of the officials established by the lawful King,
and has been suffered to enter into relations with
the people of the Duchies utterly inconsistent with
the attitude of neutrality implied in the idea of
a Federal execution in one Duchy and the seiz-
ing on a pledge or material guarantee in the
other. The Danish army, like the Poles, has
offered a brave but an unavailing resistance, but the
effusion of blood could not be stayed, because Prus-
sia felt it her duty to distinguish herself in war,
and had gained one of those happy opportunities
where a small nation, being piqued on the point of
honour, must fight, even though defeat to itself, and
consequently victory to its antagonist, be absolutely
certain. It may be doubted whether even this pro.
fession was sincere, and whether the pretence ot a
desire to acquire cheap and inglorious laurels did
not hide the wish to place Denmark absolutely at
the mercy ot the invaders, and thus to remove the
only obstacle to territorial aggrandizement. The
obstinacy of the Danish Government has been a
most powerful auxiliary to the covetousness of its
invaders. It has fought just enough to give them
the excuse they needed, and not enough to throw
any serious obstacle in the way of their progress.
It is not, indeed, as it was a hundred years ago,
when such things could be done by the strong
against the weak without any serious protest or
remonstrance. The Powers involved in this course
ot double-dealing must give an account of their acts
before an European Conference. Opinion has been
able, so far at least, to assert its claim to bo heard,
even amid the promptings of ambition and the.ela-
tion of success. But here, we greatly fear, its
triumphs are destined to end. Austria, though
having in the instance of Denmark no direct terri-
torial acquisition to strive for, is, nevertheless, too
fearful of compromising her relations to the smaller
Powers of Germany, teed too subservient to Prussia,
to stop short in the course of which she is destined
to share the discredit without gaining the substan-
tial advantage. Prussia, with the game almost
within her grasp, stimulated by an aristocracy eaeer
above all things to turn the mind of the nation
from domestic to foreign policy, and elated by a
cheap success, is even less likely to give way ; and
France seems inclined, with all the enthusiasm of
a convert, to overact the part of a peacemaker, and
to neutralize her influence in the hope of extin-
guishing all distrust of her intentions. We greatly
tear the result will be triumph of the men of action
over the men of words, the overthrow of the just
policy of the 'Western Powers by the superiority
always obtained by those who are ready to appeal
to force.

PosT.---To those who watch with interest the pro-
ceedings of the Conference (and who does not ?) it
may possibly occasion some surprise that obstacles
should be raised in limine to the conclusion of an
armistice. The ostensible object with which the
Danish territories were in the first instance invaded
has been attained, and the Prussian troops have
covered themselves with what to them at least
appears military glory, Schleswig is now, from
the Baltic to the German Ocean, in the occupation
of the allies, and both on the Danewirke and the
redoubts of Duppel sufficient Danish cannon have
been taken to suffice for the construction of a grand
military trophy to commemorate to the most distant
posterity the prowess of the German arms. The
head-quarters of the Danish army have quitted
Alsen, and probably within a few days that little
appurtenance of Schieiwig will share the fate of
that Duchy. Germany has now all she demanded,
and, so far as we have the means of judging, all
which she desires, and yet still we receive daily in..
telligence of the onward march of Austrian and
Prussian legione into the province of Jutland, and
still the appeals made by the great neutral Powers
in the cause of peace fall upon deaf ears. It was
announced, and with truth, that when the Confer..
ence met an armistice would be proposed by the.
English plenipotentiaries. That proposal was sup-
ported by the representatives of the neutral Powers,
but was coupled with conditions which the German
representatives professed themselves unable, with-
out instructions, either to refuse or to accept. The