The Sun.
London, England, 1852-03-18 00:00:00

Obreninit

5'..1."

LONDON, THURSDAY. MARCH 18, 1852.

Anything which promises, in the slightest degree,
to revive the long-neglected question of Educational
Reform in the Legislature, secures to itself, on the
instant, our most cordial approbation. It was, con-
sequently, with peculiar pleasure that we observed
even the cursory and incidental debate which
took place yesterday in the House of Commons, on
the motion of Mr. BROTBERTON, for the second
reading of the Bill relating to the free schools of
Salford and Manchester. Thanks to the prompt in-
terposition of the Hon. and Right Hon. Gentlemen,
respectively, of Sheffield and Manchester, the re-
consideration of the measure alluded to was
postponed for ES month, the matter being
referred meanwhile to the judgment of a Select
Committee. Aware that the proposed enactment
would go so far as to secure the establishment of the
novel principle of supporting free schools not only for
secular education but for religious teaching in all the
various forms of Catholicism, Protestantism, and Dis-
sent, the public, we feel assured, must be perfectly
well satisfied with the course adopted in the present
instance by
Mr. ROEBUCK and ear. mumm
GIBSO'. There are so many interests
thatterests w
inveolevaendniont
the subject of yesterday afternoon
but experience
a sense of exultation
.. that a Bill
which was, technically .peaking, Private in its
character was not permitted to pass hurriedly through
ha
Parliament, so ti t the country might afterwards
have been subjected to the annoying consequences
of a perilous principle or an inconvenient precedent.
Therefore, it was that—we repeat again—we felt re-
joiced at proceedings which tended, however slightly,
to advance one of the noblest objects in the way of
popular improvement ever opened up to the mind of
a great people by the holiest lights of civilization.
Education is, perhaps, of ail boons the one most essen-
tial as a preliminary to the various social and political
reforms needed by the population. It would manifestly
be the most effectual preparation to a wider extension
of the franchise. It would qualify those we are
desirous of seeing admitted to the privilege of elec-
tors tor the proper discharge of the duties devolving
upon the recipients of the rights of suffrage. It
would prevent the possibility of anything like danger
resulting from the diffusion of the prerogatives of
citizenship ; and would, through that very circum-
stance, disarm of a somewhat formidable argument
those do-nothing or (still worse) retrogressive poli-
ticians who are, ao s-a-days, perpetually babbling
about the peril of any change going far towards the
establishment of the principle; of universal suffrage.
Educate the masses, and in proportion as you educate
them admit them class by class into the exercise of
the sacred rights of tree citizens. Develop© the minds
of the people, and then graesuelly and progressively
develope, in their hands the power which they would
then be enabled to wield to the advantage of the en-
tire community. Meanwhile, of course, we would
gladly witness the triumph of those interests which
even in the
present state of the popular intellect could
not but aid in spreading the means of happiness
throughout society—eiabilitatinSa while so doing, all
that is really admirable and worthy of preservation
in the framework of the Constitution. We would
see, for example, the more equal distribution of the
electoral districSs. We would seethe benefits in-
separable from the ballot yielded up at last to the
eager possession of the multitude. les
e would see,
by these means, the residue of the Pocket-boroughs
left by the First Parliamentary Reform Bill
destroyed by the Second, and witness at

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