The Sun.
London, England, 1864-06-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—Yesterday both houses were crowded to
hear the Ministerial explanations which it was
thought mast follow the important meeting of the
Conference on Wednesday. Seldom has such
anxiety been shown for the appearance of a Minis-
ter in his place as preceded the arrival of Lord
Palmerston in the House of Commons ; seldom have
the tedious gentlemen who begin the evening's
business been listened to with more obvious demon-
strations of impatience. The curiosity of the public
was, however, not destined to be fully gratified.
The Conference meets again to-morrow, and
though it is known that at this meeting it is likely
only to transact some formal business, the Govern-
ment is not at liberty to presume that negotiations
arc at an end. As long as the Conference lasts it
is possible that some proposition may be made tend.
ing to the restoration of peace, and it would be pre-
mature, therefore, to make any announcement im-
plying that a final rupture has taken place. The
crisis is so serious and the deliberations on which
the Ministry must enter are so important that every
one will rejoice that they have three or four daya to
consider their situation and their policy. The Cabi-
net will meet to-morrow, and on Monday next the
Premier will lay on the table of the house the pro.
ceedings of the Conference, and will make a state-
ment on the important subjects which have occupied
its attention. The country will then have an oppor-
tunity of judging how far its honour has been main-
tained in the past transactions, and how far the re-
commendations of the Government deserve its con-
fidence for the future. Of one thing, however, we
may, happily, be certain. The protocols of the Con-
ference will make known not only how constant and
urgent have been the efforts of the British represen-
tatives to devise means for the preservation of peace,
but also how greatly the foreign members of the Con-
ference, including those most opposed to our views,
have valued and acknowledged the good faith and
courtesy of our Government. Whatever may be the
end of the negotiations, no one will charge us, and
we shall not have to charge ourselves, with any fault
of the nature either of rudeness or of deceit. Our
representatives have neither allowed their convic-
tions to hurry them into any bitterness of expression,
nor their policy to lead them into any dissembling
of their intentions. They have with perfect fairness
and courtesy explained the principles on which
they take their stand, and convinced every one,
both ally and adversary, that their only desire has
been to maintain the peace of Europe, and to pre-
vent. if possible, an ancient end respectable State
from being despoiled in pursuance of theories which,
if carried out, would bring humiliation on the great
German Powers themselves. We believe the Pleni-
potentiaries of each State will be found ready to
confess that if war, prolonged and embittered, is to
he the fate of Northern Europe, the fault is not to
be attributed to the counsels of our statesmen. As
regards the foreign members of the Conference thw
opinion of our Government is equally favourable.
They have, as far as they have exercised any inde-
pendent judgment, shown a tendency to di-cuss the
proposals submitted to them in a fair and friendly
spirit, and it is probable that had they been
empowered to deliberate and decide, and not re.
striated to the communication of decisions made
e,sewhere, the result of the Conference might have
been different. As it is, they have been delegates
acting strictly under the instructions of statesmen
who had come to a foregone conclusion on all
the subj, chi in debate. They will separate with
mutual rood will and respect, though perhaps with
no high notion of the advantages to be ghined from
such meetings as those in which they have played a
decorous part for the past few weeks. The German
Plenipotentiaries will, however, be able to inform
their Governments from personal observation that
in no class of English society has there been any
animosity ag> inst their country or any wish to
humble it, but that the action of Government
and people has been influenced only by a convic.
tion that the Danish Government was defending
rights which it is for the general advantage to
maintain. The Conference has failed ; but we
think it really desired its own success, The time
and labour may not have been wholly lost if
some of its members carry back to their own
countries a conciliatory temper, which may have its
consequences when they are placed in positions of
more real power. However, all is over, and it is for
Her Majesty's Government to decide what is the
course now to be taken. In what way should a great
nation act which finds that its efforts to restore peace
among its neighbours have been made in vain
For several months, by constant communication with
both parties, by alternate advice and remonstrance,
by counsels that were generally wise, mingled here
and there with expressions that may have been im-
prudent, the Government of this country has sought
to hinder the deplorable events of which a new series
will begin on Monday next. Both sides have lis-
tened to us with an outward show of respect, but
have in the end followed the bent of their own in-
stincts and taken to war, because in wbr they have
seen their best prospect of gaining their respective
ends. The Germans would fight because a campaign
gives them Schleswig; the Danes because they
fancy that war, by calling others to their assistance,
will give them the whole or part of the Duchy in
absolute possession, while a continuance of the old
relations without the Constitution of November
would in no long time alienate Schleswig as much
as Holstein, In the last act of this drama the
situation of the leading personages is as strange
as can be imagined. Prussia and Austria on the
one side, and Denmark on the other, the invaders
and the invaded, the tyrants and their victim, are
found entirely agreed on the subjects in dispute.
Each party rejects our scheme of arbitration, each
natty desires to settle the matter by the sword.
England addresses useless remonstrances to both,
and to strengthen her pacific representation turns in
vain to France and Russia, who on their part affect
unconcern, and look on the unequal combat with a
feeling no stronger than curiosity. This is, no doubt,
a most embarrassing pssition for a neural Power
which has pronounced strongly in favour of peace.
We find that the belligerents do not accept it, that
the other neutrals are indifferent about it, and that
the only way that we can promote it seems to be by
going to war ourselves, and choosing as our ally
one of the two parties who have rejected our pro-
sale. It is a matter that will call for all the delibe-
raton which the experienced statesmen at the head
of afftirs can give it during the next three days.
Whatever may be the duty of this country will, we
feel sure, be readily undertaken by all classes; and
her Majesty's Government need have no tear of
lacking support in any measure which may be
necessary to maintain the honour and interests of
the nation or the general safety of Europe. If these
be endangered by the contest which is to recom-
mence on Sunday, if the Government be really able
to show Parliament that on the fields of Schleswig
great English interests are at stake, whether mate-
rial or moral, there will be no unwillingness on the
part of the nation to act with vigour. If assured
on these points, Parliament would be bound seri-
ously to consider whether the policy of mediation
which has been hitherto practised should be aban-
doned for one of a less peaceful character. This
most weighty question, with all its momentous
issues, we leave for the present to the Government,
bt lieving that it will be time enough to discuss any
proposal for a change of the national policy when
that proposal has been made on the responsibility
of the Cabinet,

Post—For some time past numerous complaints
have been made from year to year against the
laws which regulate the registration of voters. Last
autumn, while the revision courts were at work
throughout the country, these complaints were
more load than Usual, Thousands of voters in
different districts, whose right td the franchise
was tound to be undoubted, were compelled to
appear before the revising barrister under pain of
losing their electoral privileges; in those counties,
especially, where the two great political parties are
pretty equally divided, the complaints of indignant
electors were numerous beyond all precedent ; and
the grievance was, in truth, not a light one. It is
hard to have a right put in jeopardy by the mere
caprice of a political opponent, and to be put to
the alternative of either losing it altogether, or of
being obliged to defend it at much inconvenience,
and often at considerable cost. The resultvo
i or
ls that
this policy of objecting to votes upoofri
frivolous
wunhdolewhtoo
o
insufficient grounos is found upon
answer. Many persons wilt be
f
always
the
to
defending their
omit, to take the proper means
electoral rights. Some positively refuse to 'eke the
trouble; others, through inadvertence, fail to com-
ply wi,h the r. quirements of the. act of Pa, ham( nt ;
speculative
eleattiioveeerorbijne; objections, 44:311 rteh'y turneda e
panodptehriuystetrhmeseed
to
eg veryistr goodregistration
account in the annual battle of the
It is true that the grievance in
question is not without a remedy. The revising
rt courts.
barrister, if satisfied that a frivolous objection has
been made to any vote, may order the objector to pay
costs to the amount of 20s. The inadequacy of this
sum in uses of county voters is notorious. In order to
defend bis vote a min is often required to produce
his title deeds, which are probably in the hands of
his solicitor in the county town, or, it may be, in
London. But wherever they may happen to be,
and whatever may be their antiquity or their bulk,
some ono must be employed to bring them to the
registration court, and 20s. is the utmost amount
which their owner can recover in the shape of costa
tor any expense he may have incurred. There it,
another grievance connected with these objection,
which render them still more vexatious. The parts
whose right to vote is disputed has no means of as
certainiog the ground wh;ch his adversary means t,
take until they are confronted in the whole court
He must, therefore, come prepared at all points to
defend his right, nod the trouble and, expense to

London: Prinzed and Prt,llshed Dy WILLIAIIIANDREWS
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at 'DIE SuN Office No. 112,
Strand, al tht, Precinct of the lavoy, n the Counll 31
MitPalseex.—Friday, June 21, 1844.