The Sun.
London, England, 1864-09-23 00:00:00

many interests now sacrificed would have survived

the shock of war. All is not couleur de rose, how-
ever, in Mr. SEWARD'S stirring address ; under
cover of the success he celebrates he condescends to

admit that " they were getting a little tired of
long delay and disappointed expectations." It is
something that a man like Mr SEWARD should allow
the possibility of such an occurrence. If he be-
lieves, however, that discontent and despon-
dency have finally disappeared, he will soon

find himself mistaken in his reckoning, and put out
in his calculations. Still more clouds appear in

,he horizon. Many influential men bre not present
o do honour to the occasion, and, irritated and

annoyed at their unseasonable absznce, Mr. SEWARD
proceeds b deliver some strictures upon the want
of unity, and such like topics, which are admirable
in themselves, and doubtless no less true than they

are well-merited, but which tell rather strangely

against the accounts which we have been so sedu■

lonely presented with regarding the universal

amity which reigned supreme in their councils, and

the banded forces which were invincible when

joined together. Altogether, with one thing or
another, Mr. SEWARD seems to be betraying too
many secrets, and to be getting tired of the mystery
which has so long been shrouding the affairs of his
friends. Perhaps he meant to say all this, perhaps

circumstances led him on, but be the cause what ii

may, it suffices to know that all is not as it should

- -
be in the ranks of the mighty and invincible sup-

porters of the Union. " Why should party spirit
especially at this juncture divide the American
people ?" asks the speaker, and doubtless his

. _
words will be re-echoed by many who really take

no part in ;the matter, but from distant lands and
across mighty seas regard the spectacle with awe
and regret. Mr. SEWARD considers that they are

on the eve of a constitutional trial, and he hopes
that the nation will go through it " delibera►ely
and bravely." There is not much use in his en-
deavour to divest himself of an official character,
and to come among the people as one of themselves,
because such a thing is virtually impossible.
With much ingenuity Mr. SEWARD proceeds to
plead the cause of Mr. LINCOLN, and enumerates
the advantages which will accrue to the cause and
the country should he continue in office; but his
arguments are very shallow, and appear to be void
of weight when critically examined. The chief

reason which is given for retaining the present
President is that the war is caused by the refusa
of some States to acknowledge his title to the Pre
sidency, of their boundaries ; and therefore, asks
Mr SEWARD, " can we Tote out the identical person
whom with force and arms we were fighting into
the Presidency." This is ingenious enough cer-
tainly, but it is extremely doubtful if such a device
will serve the turn of those who emply it. The
principle of the Union, such as it is, is in no way
affected by the retirement or retention of Mr LINCOLN
as President. It rests on a wider basis, and has far
more comprehensive significance. It seems strange
that Mr. SEWARD should allow his cause to be so
weak as to depend for its prosperity on the result
of a contested election, but party mar co lyres seem
to be paramount to public considerations. Thus we
hear that the moral strength "of the Federal posi-
tion will be gone if ABRAHAM LINCOLN be not re-
elected, and that after that material forces cannot
prove either Effective or even available. Really
this is a great mistake to make, and many will con-
sider that Mr. SEWARD has outwitted himself in his
energetic attempts to fight the cause of his friend.
He is not acting the part of a wise or prudent tacti-
cian, he is leaving a loophole for retreat in the
event of a failure. Suppose, as is most probable,
Mr. LINCOLN loses his election, how foolish Mr.
SEWARD will look. The concluding remarks of Mr.
SEWARD on slavery are in keeping with the rest of
his speech, they are made to serve the time, and
suit the exigencies of the case. At all events there
is one sentence of Mr. SLWARD'S which is worthy
of comment, and which Mr. BRIGHT and his friends
may take to heart with advantage. He says that
" Slavery is no longer in question, that it is perish-
ing under the operation of the war ;" but
if, as has been declared over and over
again, the object of the war was to put
a stop to slavery, if that were extinct, or on
the point of being so, why the war would be over.
It is in his last passage that Mr SEWARD forgets
himself and becomes almost profane. He says that
tile reason why the Confederates want to know the
President's views on slavery is for the same cause
as that which induced the Pharisees and Sadduceea
to ask their Saviour certain questions touching the
disputes of their day. Surely this is a most irre-
verent way of treating the subject, and not at all
consistent with the respect to religion which should
regulate the minds of all responsible persons in a
Christian state. It is besides as illegal as it is im-
proper, for the cases are by no means parallel ones,
and it is absurd to consider that there is any harm
in men seeking to inform themselves of the political
matters that appertain to their generation. It is
inconvenient for Mr LINCOLN to give an answer,
and therefore it is so easy to discern the impropriety
of the others in seeking to give the information de-
manded. All that Mr SEWARD vouchsafes to say
on the matter is that when the war shall cease the
question of slavery with other matters will pass
over to the " arbitrament of courts of law, and the
councils of legislation." Can anything be more in-
conclusive than this vague statement, and can any-
thing more effectually silence the notion that this
war is for slavery. When it is over the question of
slavery may be ended by peaceful arrangements,
we are told. Mr. SEWARD'S speech is certainly not
a successful one : it has admitted the existence of
doubts, it rests the chance of victory on the issue of
a contested election, it gives up the important war
cry of slavery, and altogether it seems to whisper of
coming failure rather than to preach of approach.
ing triumph. It will not be hailed as a good omen
of the cause of the Union by any who really under.
stand the principles of the matter, but rather re-
garded as a warning that evil days are at hand, and
that those who have been trusting to words and
phrases will find out their mistake.

The speeches at agricultural meetings are not
usually supposed to cantain much matter of interest
for any one beyond the circle of their immediate
hearers. It is true, that sometimes politicians and
even Ministers of State take the opportunity of thus
fulfilling their devoir to their constituents to express
their views on a wider range of subjects than are
included in the exhibition of an agricultural show.
Occasionally, however, we meet with a speaker of
sufficient versatility and address to form the excep.
lion to the rule, and while keeping closely to the con-
sideration of those topics which more immediately
concern his andience,to render his discourse readable
and even interesting to a larger circle to whom
Improved implements of husbandry aro merely per-
pining puzzles, and Sosth Downs and Cotswolds
The right hon. member for
are things unknown.
Buckinghamshire, who shares the Premier's happy
art of always adapting himself to his company, was
especially successful in the address which he took
occasion to deliver at the Aylesbury Agricultural
meeting on Wednesday. Although studiously
ivoiding the introduction of those political elements
which can introduce dissension, even iu a convivial
assembly, and with the exception o- a brief refer-
ence to the duration of the American War,