The Sun.
London, England, 1852-01-13 00:00:00

TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 13, 1852.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

DAILY E W S.—lt is now understood. that Lord John
Russell will open the Parliament without enlisting the
Peelites in his ranks. He is—it is said—to snake his
explanation on reform, and then to appeal to the country.
Let him well consider his position meanwhile. A close
parish is a fraud upon the neighbourhood; a close bo-
rough is a fraud upon the county in which it lies; but a
close Cabinet is the greatest fraud of all, inasmuch as it
not only engrosses every perquisite and privilege of state,
but usurps the right to express the will and to wield the
power of the nation. We are told upon unerring autho-
rity that it is a blessed thing to see " brothers who dwell
together in unity;" but nothing is said about brothers-
in-law; and as for cousins or more indirect connexions
there is not one word mentioned concerning them. Lord
John is too well read in divinity to strain the meaning
of a text; but it might be perhaps as well for his reputa-
tion for worldly wisdom if he would try to stretch his po-
litical confidence beyond the decrees of consanguinity.
His own position in this respect is indeed peculiar,
for he has only one of his immediate relations in the
Cabinet—a somewhat remarkable, and to uncandid ob-
servers, a quite unaccountable circumstance. We read
the fact, however, of Lord Minto's appointment as Lord
Privy Seal, and his continuance in that capacity, in
another light. The thing has an esoteric meaning, and
ought, perhaps, to be judged of in that sense. Lord
John has too much shrewdness and too much of what
Bentham loved to call "enlightened selfishness," to stow
his chip with hue ber of his own. A good deal belonging
to other people h might and actually did take on board;
but that was obviously a sacrifice made to humour them
—part of the bargain made with the lieutenants, or a
perquisite exacted by the mate. Such things constantly
occur. But who ever heard of an experienced captain
putting to sea in rough weather with a helpless father-
in-law for coxswain? Natural affection forbids
the thought, and the Primo Minister, whatever be his
other faults, has never been accused of being deficient
in humanity. After much reflection, we have come to
the conclusion that the circumstance is to be accounted
for in a way not generally thought of, that its conti-
nuance is attributable to similar considerations, and that
the sequel will convince the world that from first to last
it is only to be ascribed to a lofty disinterestedness.
When Lord John found in the original formation of his
Cabinet, in 1846, that one after another two-thirds of the
great offices of state had been appropriated by the fortu-
nate family, ho resolved to fill up what were left forth-
with with persons whom he knew that he could do what
he liked with, and who he knew would readily make
room for competent successors as soon as he desired it.
He knew full well that nothing but " adverse possession,"
as the lawyers term it, would save the Privy Seal or
the Admiralty, or even the Foreign Department itself,
from the insatiable connexion; and he hastened accord-
ingly to pre-occupy those posts with individuals outside
the privileged degrees. Mark how the event has justified
his foresight in two instances already out of the three.
No sooner did Lord Auckland pay the debt of nature,
than the Admiralty was "enclosed," in addition to the
official feofs already held by:the Family from the Crown;
and the brother-in-law of Sir G. Grey was brought into
the Cabinet. And, still more recently, have we not seen
the place so long occupied by the veteran Palmerston
filled up instantly by the cousin of Lord Carlisle? We
are not now considering the personal merits of either Sir
Francis Baring or Earl Granville; or their fitness re-
spectively for the posts with the duties of which they
have thus been entrusted. We are wholly occupied
at present with the claims and qualifications of the
rest of her Majesty's subjects, and observing
on the anxiety shown by the Premier, in 184 G, to
save for their benefit a few of the crumbs which fall
from the Fortunates' table. And following out in
logical sequence the view we have just stated, we
have not tete slightest doubt that were Lord Minto forced
to resign to-morrow, a great effort wculd be made to
secure the Privy Seal for an offshoot of either the
Howards or the Greys. And this we surmise is the only
conceivable reason why the septuagenarian Earl is re-
tained as permanent locum tenens. It is simply to pre-
vent scandal; which—such is the perversity of a cavil-
ling world—it unhappily fails to do. But now that the
negotiations with Graham and Cardwell are broken off;
and that it is more than ever necessary to seek strength
from the commonalty of the liberal side, a good oppor-
tunity is afforded for testing the truth of our charitable
theory of patrician motives. We have always believed
that the inarticulate President of the Board of Control
had been placed where he is just for the same reasons
as the Lord Privy Seal. And considering that the
said functionary has now received for his inappre-
ciable services since 1846 upwards of 20,0001. of the
people's money, and has been further rewarded by the
Sovereign with the Barony of Broughton de Gifford, we
humbly submit, on behalf of the excluded commonalty
of three kingdoms aforesaid, that the gentleman in Can-
non-row has been already amply paid. We frankly ad-
mit, however, that if what he has done during the last
five years is good value for a peerage and 20,0001., it is
quite beyond our vulgar knowledge of political arithmetic
to calculate what his value would be for the rest of the
decade. On the score of economy, however, we should be
inclined to say that a less expensive description of public
servant might answer as well, and would better suit our
financial condition, with a Kafir war on hand and other
struggles imminent. Again we say, it is a rare opportu-
nity for Lord John to carry out what wo are willing
to persuade ourselves was his primary intention, too
often abandoned or too long postponed, of forming
and leading an Administration which should represent
fairly the talents and attainments of the great Liberal
party in the Legislature and in the n ation. He has
already three minor offices at his disposal, and without
going further, we have named two Cabinet places which
everybody would approve of his declaring vacant. If he
can summarily dispense with the abilities of Lord
Palmerston ho can hardly keep his countenance and
pretend that be cannot do without Lords Minto and
Broughton. Whom he ought to name in their stead it
is not for us to say. All we demand is that we shall
have no more Lords end no more cousins or brothers-
in-law. After five years of wanton and offensive
exclusion from all participation in the executive go-
vernment of their country, it is time that the middle
classes should be re-admitted to their prop r privi-
vileges. But if Lord John Russell will persist in tho
fatal system which has well-nigh brought his govern-
ment to utter wreck, and which may thereby give a
transient hope of power to the avowed friends of social
and political re-action, then upon his head and upon
those of his foolhardy associates in a short-sighted mono-
poly of official power, must rest the consequences. They
have kindled a feeling of resentment at this scheme of
exclusion which will yet make itself felt. The narrow
selfishness of bureaucracy in France led to far different
results than the fall of a minister; and though we are in
England happily incapable of the excesses into which
our more excitable neighbours were drawn, we are
firmly persuaded that a further adherence on the part of
the Whigsno maintain their unconstitutional oligarchy,
will tend to the formation of a spirit of hostility to which
it would be difficult to prescribe bounds.
POST.—From the first entrance of Louis Napoleon
on his present arduous task, it was felt that one of the
great difficulties in his way would be the ultimate treat-
ment of those Parliamentary leaders whose ambition he
had struck down, whose hopes of power he had extin-
guished, and whose very lives were in his hand. There
was no course without danger—no alternative free from
strong objections. If the President had found the free
action of these political chiefs incompatible with a calm
and safe re-construction of Government before the 2d of
December, the results of that day were not calculated to
decrease the difficulty of the position. The original hos-
tility of unsuccessful and unsatisfied intrigue was aug-
mented by the bitterness of utter defeat in a game
played for a great stake—by the keen sense of personal
degradation, on a great
_stage, with the civilized world
for spectators. The ashes of revolution were yet too fresh,
the political air too heated, not to make it evident
that the liberation of these proved elements of danger
would be a hazardous venture of magnanimity. Till the
now constitution should be promulgated, and in actual
progress, it must clearly have been no less fatal to the
chance of safety of that momentous expedient than un-
just to the declared wishes of the natien, to attempt a
task of such intricacy and weight in the face of an unfet-
tered opposition, which had shown itself so unscrupulous
and so indefatigable. The President had, therefore, to
make his choice between the application to this difficulty
of his sole provisional authority, and its remission to a
judicial tribunal under the °runic, laws of the new con-
stitution. The President has chosen the former course.
His motto is evidently " Thorough." He seems resolved
to clear off, as far as possible, every trace of the late
struggle before entering fairly on his course. He is
anxious that no shadow of the revolution
should linger over the dawn of his new era.
This has, doubtless, been the motive of the strong
and uncompromising measures announced in the decrees
of Saturday last. These decrees, it will be remembered,
deal by banishment, permanent or temporary, with two
different classes of ex-representatives, whose presence
in France is pronounced likely to impede the re-esteb-
lishment of order; a third set of persons, it is declared
by the Moniteur, will be punished as summarily, but
with yet greater severity—by transportation to Cayenne.-
These last are understood to have been taken red
hand, or at least proved to have been personally en-
gaged in insurrection. The ex-representatives per-
manently banished from ithe French dominions are
sixty-six in number. Their names are mostly
professors of
to us as orators of the Mountain orfamiliar
Socialism. Among them are Nadaud, the
Huo, Faure,
proposed So-
cialist candidate for the Presidency, Victors
Mathieu (de la
Schmlcher, De Flotte, Raspail,
Drome), eroux, Madier Esquires—theMontjaßu,aend
having been
two last named, it will be remembered,Tho second class
actual combatants on the barricades.
and of different ob-
jects, men of a higher order,imong them has been,
jects, though the conduct of someu,
.nuostauluess dangerous to
principle of
in its perpetual spirit of intrigcee
the
the cause of government than h 1
African Generals, Croton,
Anarchists. Thiers, the
Emile do Girardin,
' for thee
Duvorgixer de Hauranne Jules d
eofpelled from France
return under the Lasteyrie are among those expelled
present, with the prdspect
necessity for
autho-
risation of the Presiden , whenever the
their removal may be considered tdo have ceased. Thus,
then, the course pursued tower
.s these formidable
the now constitution is merely
opponents of
adopted, with the
a continuation of that at first
exception that the re-construction of the ne
secured_ from their hostility by poli-
tical system is y
tem-
porary exile,
instead of imprisonment. As to the
remaining personages, who, it
is said, will be trans-
ported to Cayenne, it would be difficult to object to
their
punishment, either in its mode or its degree. Those
taken in insurrection
could hardly expect
actuallyker any
measure of justice than the peremptory and
sweeping martial law which that insurrection made
necessary. The only part, therefore, of this closing
chapter of the history of the coup d'etat that may bo
expected to excite much discussion, and possibly to
create some uaeaainess, is the prolongation, even after
the election of the 2 tat and 22d December, of the
extraordiary powers assumed Qua sanctioned Or an

extraordinary occasion. The course actually taken has,
no doubt, been weighed with all the care and caution
which its powerful author has shown throughout his
task. He has, it may b 3 presumed, fully considered
the apprehension which may arise out of coercive mea-
sures, the justice of which, in whatever strength it may
actually exist, is not apparent by any recorded evidence,
or based on any judicially established grounds. These
objections must have been carefully balanced against the
advantages of settling on one broad principle, and in-
eluding, in a single strong process, the settlement of the
whole struggle with the late Assembly, the complete
clearing of the ground for that new social edifice with
the construction of which Louis Napoleon has been
charged by the nation. Whatever character may be
attributed to these decrees as political precedents, or
whatever opinion may be formed of their expediency in
the abstract, there can be little doubt that their imme-
diate operation will be of vast benefit to France,
in securing her new form of government in its pre-
sent critical stage from a crowd of mischievous in-
fluences. We published, yesterday, in addition to these
important decrees, the first outlines of a measure which
has been long expected and will, we believe, bo gene-
rally welcomed by all friends of order. We refer to
the breaking up of that wretched and mischievous or-
ganization—that child and instrument of revolutions,
the National Guard. Impotent for good—formidable
by its weight for evil, the weakest hand or slightest
object could turn the wavering and unwieldy force to
mischief, while no man could grasp and use it with cer-
tainty for good. No good man will regret its fall—least
of all, we believe, will the members of the corps. Its
disappearance, with that of all the associations and
types of revolution which Louis Napoleon is boldly and
consistently sweeping from the surface of society, will
be hailed by France as a sign and promise of a new, a
firmer, and a better condition.
HERA.LII.—The attempt at a coalition between Lord
John Russell and Sir James Graham has failed. Of this
mt o u
niiwhomccattoe
negotiation
tbthhe oesaedc
go
broke
raoiinkn aet ne secretsdto
irpwa
with
vf
Ithye
we have been authoritatively informed by the journal
Upon
iowannrh
eDi cwhonhwoantt theyintgop told—nay,
t—cdr eesnsee int r
ye cntho
pointcom-
municate
pthuebi
even whether the difficulties are of a temporary or a
permanent character—whether they
arose in the
details of the arrangement of offices, or met the high
contracting parties in the very opening of their
treaty. We protest we are not over curious nor over
anxious upon these points. We have long since stated
our belief', that the best thing that could happen for the
national cause would be such a coalition. A junction
with the other is, after all, the only political infamy
which it is in the power of either of the parties to tho
proposed coalition to add to the catalogues of their poli-
tical crimes. If the great lesson of these evil days be to
humble our national pride, by teaching us how low
British statesmanship can fall, a union of the Russell and
Graham parties is the only chapter that can be added to
our teaching. In that direction we have had some little
experience of either party as Cabinet Ministers—if
further humiliation is requisite we can only meet with
it in a Cabinet composed of the refuse of them both—
" The force of nature can no further go,
To make a third she joins the former two."
There would be a dramatic propriety in the contrivance
which would make each of these parties deal the death-
blow to the other. The justice would be almost poetic
that would lock them up in one Cabinet, and doom them
to die of the poison of each other's embrace. We know
of no more fitting end for them than that they should
perish by a coalition, and perish they most unquestion-
ably would. If, then, we have a feeling at all upon the
subject, it is one of regret that Lord John Russell has
failed in " strengthening" his Cabinet by the
addition of the bad character of Sir James
Graham and his friends. Our regret, perhaps, has, in
a political sense, something of the compendious malice
which prompted Nero's celebrated wish, that the Roman
people had but one neck. For the purposes of the coming
vengeance, we protest we think it a pity that the Whigs
and Peelites should have two. It would add a zest to
the enjoyment with which all honest men would now see
Lord John Russell kicked out of office to know that Sir
James Graham was undergoing the comfortable operas
tion at the same time. Before the ship is scuttled we
would like to see all the traitors on board. Not to men-
tion that there would be a fitness in keeping up the
" prestige" which unquestionably belongs to Sir James
Graham's ill-omened reputation, and supplying another
example of the " unluckiness" hich attends his presence
in a Cabinet or a party. But let it not be forgotten
that the authority which tells us that the attempt has
been unsuccessful, confesses in that very revelation that
the attempt has been made. Lord John Russell has in-
vited Sir James Graham and his party to the councils of
his Sovereign. For the sake of place—we will dese-
crate no higher motive by assigning to it the origin
of so vile a transaction—fur the sake of place, he has
asked Sir James Graham to sit in the same Cabinet with
himself. He has done this in the five of all that oc-
curred upon the discussion of the Ecclesiastical Titles
Bill, not twelve short months ago! He has done this
in the face of the hardly less recent discussions upon the
foreign policy of the Government—when, of the princi-
ples upon which that foreign policy was conducted,
Lord John Russell was, next to Lord Palmerston, the
chief advocate, and Sir James Graham the principal as-
sailant. He who had set himself in unequivocal opposi-
tion to the policy to which Sir James Graham was un-
equivocally pledged—a policy involving all that con-
cerned our dearest interests abroad, our most sacred in-
stitutions at home—this Lord John Russell,with a shame-
less abandonment of principle, unparalleled we verily be-
lieve in English history, invites that very man, thus at
issue with him upon every question upon which British
statesmen ought to feel, to form one of the same council with
himself. We need not go beyond the last session to find
the materials that brand this proposition with indelible
disgrace. There was one question—there is still a ques-
tion—upon which Lord John Russell appealed to the
most solemn convictions and to the most sacred feelings
of the nation. Against the Papal aggression he in-
voked the holiest sympathies of the national heart, the
most glorious recollections of the national history, and
the most sacred watchwords of the national faith. He
stirred up the Protestant enthusiasm of the country by
words of the most inflammatory character. He followed
up his appeals to the country cut of doors by state-
ments in his place in Parliament, the gravity of which
it is impossible to over-estimate. He introduced a
measure upon a subject which, if ho were not a hypo-
crite, tampering and playing with all that could stir the
depths of the national heart—he must have believed
involved matters of the very highest moment
to the Sovereign and the country. That mea-
sure was ably but vehemently opposed by the
politician who leads the little faction that choose
to call themselves the Peelaparty. Principles of the
moat sacred character were involvedthe issue. Prac-
tical policy, of a nature the most• duct and defined,
was in dispute. And never in the history of the British
Constitution did two men stand in her Senate more
separated by differences of principle, more opposed in
their recommendations of practical policy, than Sir
James Graham, the acknowledged leader of the Popish
party, and Lord John Russell, the author of the Eccle-
siastical Titles Bill. Cardinal Wiseman and the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury could not be more dishonest as
theologians if they joined in their episcopal functions,
than these two men must be, as politicians, if they could
now sit in the same Cabinet. But this is not all. Lord
John Russell did not propose the Bill of last session as a
settlement of the question with which it dealt. No, he
distinctly stated that ho meant it as but a prudent open-
ing of a contest " for the liberties of England"—
these were his words—the most important that our
history ever witnesses. Sir James Graham and his
friends saw no need of preparation for that contest ; they
denounced his measure as an invasion of religious
f
liberty ; they. pledged themselves to the principle o
" non-interference with the oration of the .Popissha.E_°,-
clesiastical system." Do wee xaggerate or ovtr tt
Bat interference with that system the Queen'se Primesbe
Minister most solemnly and deliberately declared taus a
a matter of vital necessity to our very
""bound him.
free nation. In words the most weighty be directthe
policy as he the reins
self to his God, his Queen, and his country,
policy of the English nation, to
Bill—an enactment which be declaredlegtslative recognition
of Government, in the spirit soof ltohne-EachcleesoinalsyticvaalluTeidtleass
his. lips, he proposes to
apolicy. Yet, with these
embodying bgordeyatingprainneafptiloensalopf rpoutebsre
who
ihsneavndittlementots repudiated—aye,htharedlygcnoeledn and denounced his protest;
'supocnouncils the me,
whboyin surrounding
her and, for the miserable consideration of a few months
longer in office, deliberately purposes to barter the
honour and the safety of his Sovereign
her with a Cabinet, the majority of
averse to those principles to which he had so solemnly
pledged himself. And this is the end of the great Pro-
testant hero—the champion who, twelve months ago, ap-
pealed so prettily to the " great principles of the Refor-
mation,"we venture to say, a mental reservation
thatnorwinttcbip' le sould ever take him from place—who
so glibly talked oft he " immortal memories of Protestant
martyrs," determined that he would only remember their
martyrdom to avoid their example and resolutely re-
solved, in the profaned name of
all, " not to bate one jot
of hope or confidence" so long as any conceivable
amount of tergiversation could keep him and
his ravenous pack of relatives in Downing-
street.
We write thus strongly because we can conceive
no political act that can equal the shamelessness of
the unprincipled coalition that has been proposed. Lord
John Russell may be the more despicable, but: he is
not the less guilty because his offer has been refused.
Very probably Sir James Graham thinks that whenever
he pleases he has the Whig Cabinet at his feet. Aro we
thus to understand the hint that the negotiation is not
in such a state that it may not possibly be resumed? We
cannot say with Pitt, that, "in the name of public
safety, we forbid the banns;" we believe the best thing
that could happen to the public would be that the mon-
strous alliance should be consummated at once. But
when we see the author of the Durham letter and the
champion of the Popish hierarchy in the same Cabinet,
we shall certainly believe it the most daring experiment
ever made upon the forbearance of a nation which these
conspirators may be assured still retains some respect for
political honesty and some sense of public honour.

The Earl of Derby is amongst the guests who have
been honoured with invitations to Windsor Castle this
week. his Lordship is expected in town on Wednesday.—
Herald.

EMILY HOWAIID.—The readers of Barns may
remember that among those who showed the greatest kind-
ness to him was a lady of the name of Dunlop ; and they
will, no doubt, be gratified to learn that a lady of the same
name and family has just entered the ranks of literature,
though under very different auspices to those which at-
tended the first publication of the Scottish Bard. Mrs-
Dunlop comes forward as the writer of a novel bearing the
title of " Emily Howard," which is attracting considerable
attention—owing as much to the graceful pathos, which is a
marked feature of the story, as the high connexions of the
fair author.—Evening Paper.
• The letters from Rouen state that the market for
mitnatitctlueri WM active and that prices Were OPPP9Itecl

- •
SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.
TATTERSALL'S—YESTERDAY.
The betting yesterday enables us to give a U tore
lengthy quotation than we have returned of late, hut be-
yond a rather heavy outlay on Clincher for the 'theater
Cup, and on Kingston for the Derby, was devoid of in-
terest. We subjoin the prices at the close of business:-..
OUNDLE STEEPLECHASE.
7 to 2 agst Carrig—taken
5 to 1 agst British Yeoman
6 to 1 agst Verax
6 tufl agst Maria Monk
10 to 1 agst Miss Mowbray
3IETROPOLITAN HANDICAP.
20 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Elthiron—taken
25 to 1 :fist Mr. Sergeant's Kate
25 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklam's Wryneck colt—taken
30 to 1 agst Mr. Morris's Haresfoot—taken
CHESTER CUP.

33 to 1 on the field
40 to 1 agst Mr. J. Pilling's High Sheriff—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Saxon's The Black Doctor—taken
50 to 1 agst Mr. Martinson's Nancy—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. J. Stanley's Clincher—taken freely
1,000 to 15 sgst Mr. J. Stanley's Confessor—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Mangan's Russborough—takeu
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Morris's Haresfoot—taken
1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Scott na Allegro—taken
DERBY.
15 to 1 agst Lord Zetland's Augur—taken
20 to 1 agst Lord Ribblesdale's Kingston—t freely
22 to 1 agst Mr. J. Stanley's Orelio
25 to 1 agst Mr. S. Hawke's Womersley
25 to 1 agst Mr. Stebbing's Alfred the Great
30 to 1 agst Sir R. Pigot's Filius—taken
Offers to lay 8 to 1, or take 9 to 1 about Hobbie Noble.
LINCOLN STEEPLECHASE.—The British Yeoman is
scratched.

YORK SPRING MEETING, 1852.
Nominations for the Flying Dutchman's Handicap.
Finesse, 4 yrs—Backbiter, aged—Daniel O'Rourke, 3
yrs—England's Glory, 4 yrs—Pitsford, 5 yrs—Chief
Justice, 5 yrs—Achyranthes, 5 yra—Tom Ho!thy, 4 yrs
—Vivandiere, 4 yrs—Dalton, 3 yrs—Baby. 5 yrs—Va-
tican, 6 yrs—Urbanity, 3 yrs—Prior of Laneroost, 5
yrs—Bardolph, 3 yrs—Don Carlos, 3 yrs—Neasham, 4
3r
—b
Ysrsißoor, 4 y y alty; 3 yrs--Mark Tapley, 5
yrs—Paddy Bird, 3 yrs—
yrs—b f by Lanercost, out of Jemima,
yrs—Sledmere, 4 yrs—
JyY yrs—Phantom,
sse—k—PLGheo e 1 i at
ma nhi o, mng 4 : 4 y
_T3
eyHdr
dsa r
ne
gsTft
00e
ons t;
yed, 3r
s Y—r sL—it 1 cFwa' 3
Fawn,, 4 yrs—Kilquade, 4 yrs
, 4 yrs—Sir Rowland Trenchard, 4 yrs—
Surprise, 3 yrs—Harp, 4 yrs—br c by Melbourne, out
of Sally Warfoot, 3 yrs—Knook Knoll, 4 yrs—Azath, 4
yrs—Haricot, 5 yrs—Voltigeur, 5 yrs—Calculator, 4
yrs—Lough Bawn, 4 yrs—Cossack, aged—Poetess, 3
yrs—Euphony, 3 yrs—Elthiron, 6 yrs—Pelopulas, 3
yrs—Hotborpe, 4 yrs—Storyteller, 4 yrs—Nancy, 4
yrs—Cyclops, 4 yrs—Sir Charles Napier, 3 yrs—Kath-
leen, 5 yrs—Bird-on-the-Wing, 3 yra—Landgrave, 6
yrs—Penang, 5 yrs—Corypbee, 4 yrs—b g by Morgan
Rattler, out of Countess, 4 yrs—Tragedian, 4 yrs.
Nominations for the Champion Handicap.
The Italian, 5 yrs—Lucio, 3 yrs—Clincher, 5 yrs—
Sir Charles Napier, 3 yrs—lris, 4 yrs-131 c by Prince
Caradoc, out of Miss Julia Bennett, 4 yrs—The Cutler,
4 yrs—Hungerford, 4 yrs—Oxford Blue, 5 yrs—f by
Trueboy, out of Miss Lydia, 2 yrs.

GREAT RUNNING MATCH FOR THE CRAM-

Ploys BELT.

This was the most exciting foot-race ever witnessed.
It came off in Copenhagen-fields yesterday, before at
least 3,000 spectators, although the weather was ex-
ceedingly wet, and the ground heavy. There were
twenty-one competitors.
The whole of the pedestrians were on the ground by
half-past two o'clock, but it was fifty minutes past two
before they were off, Frost (the Suffolk Stag l taking the
lead at a frightful and killing pace, so that, before four
miles had been run, Grantham of Eton, Levett of Bat-
tersea, and other cracks, were forced to give in, others
dropping off one by one, till the contest was reduced to
four—viz., Frost, J. Tetlow of Oldham, Pudney of Mile-
end, and Adams of Mitcham—they running throughout
in the most splendid manner, Frost, evidently master
of the other three, going over the ground like a " stag"
—the assumed name,he bears. The ten miles were run
in 54 minutes 32 seconds, Frost coming in at 44
minutes 32 seconds past three, being at least 300 yards
in advance of Tetlow, Pudney 50 yards farther behind,
and Adams 30 yards in the rear of Padney.
Betting before starting was rather in favour of Jack-
son, Lovett, and Grantham, some taking the odds of 3 to
1 against Frost, the winner. Sporting men lost consider-
able sums on this race.