The Sun.
London, England, 1852-04-06 00:00:00

TUESDAY

this country had not then enjoyed its present rapid and ex-
tensive means of communication. But other adventurers had
gone out and taken the place of those who had disappeared,
and the settlers having gradually- become stronger, had, at
length, been able not only to repel the savages but to exter-
minate them. For the races thus destroyed there had been
little sympathy felt in this country ; and, indeed, their fate
was as generally unknown as the fate of our own early ad-
venturers. There was no resemblance between that case
and the case of our South African frontier, or even the case
of the present frontier of the United States? What had
happened during this very year in the United States? Why,
it appears from some of those reports which were presented
to Congress by the different Ministers of that country. and
more especially from the report of the Secretary at War,
that there had been carried on a frontier war against the
barbarous ledians by the regular troops of the United States;
that the expense of conveying those troops from one part of
the frontier had of late been enormously increased,, and that
the charges incurred in that way by the central Government
of the United States had amounted to somewhere about
700,0001. more than the charge incurred is the preceding
year.—( Hear, hear.) That was an expense which fell, not on
any individual state, but on the central Government of the
country, which would not permit its citizens to be overrun
or destroyed by the Indiane.—(Hear' hear.) In South
Africa the difficulties of our position had been greatly aggra-
vated by the circumstances under which we had undertaken
to colonize that country. We had chosen in the year 1819
to say that we would plant a settlement in South Africa far
beyond the metroolis of the colony ; and a considerable
made
grant had been by that House for the purpose of
carrying out that project. Now, that was not our ancient
policy in North America—if policy that could be called,
which had been in reality the
neglect and abandonment of
all policy.--( Hear, hear.) If our settlers had been attacked
on the frontiers of South Africa, and if women and children
had been murdered there, would it be quite satisfactory to
that House, after we had sent out the colonists, that they
should have been left to their fate? Different Governments
and different Secretaries of State—Lord Stanley at one time,
Lord Glenelg at another and Lord Grey at another had
acted nn the belief that the lives of our own citi-
zens whom we bad sent out to South Africa could
not form a matter of indifference to the
people of
England. There was another event which might have oc-
curred ; and that was, that the colonists might have plun-
dered or unjustly attacked the natives. But even that would
not have been, borne by the people of this country or by
their representatives. In the year 1835, when it had been
thought that some injustice had been shown to the abori-
gines that House had interfered for their protection.—(Hear,
hear.) They had thus been led, step by step, to the adoption
of a system which he admitted could not be carried on to its
present extent—namely, they had said on the one hand that
they would not allow British colonists to be murdered,
while they said on the other hand that they would not
allow any injustice to be done to the natives—and more than
that, they would not allow the savages to 'murder one
another.—( Hear.) That was, at all events, a very honour-
able feeling on the part of this country; and It was certainly
a very different one from that which had prevailed a few
we to deal with the future government of the colony
centuries ago. But the question at present arose, how are
? Upon
that question the Right Hon. Gentleman had said that it was
a great fault on the part of Lord Grey to have told General
Cathcart that he ought to make a report to the Government
at home. But he (Lord J. Russell) confessed that he quite
concurred in that proceeding, and before General Cathcart
had left this country he had had a long interview with
him, and had told the Gallant General that in dealing
with the policy to be pursued hereafter much might depend
on the judgment which he would form upon the subject. It
was therefore desirable, in his opinion, that General Cath-
cart should make known the conclusions at which he might
have arrived in the matter. The great difficulty of the case
arose from the fact that we had in the colony but a very
small white population, surrounded by a comparatively
large native population ; so that there had been no means,
such as had existed in North America, of outnumbering the
natives. The different . Governors of the colony—Sir B.
D'Urban, Sir P. Maitland, Sir H. Pottinger, and Sir H.
Smith, had endeavoured, one after another, to supply that
want of an ove-whelming white population by military
frontiers and military defences. But the establishment of a
military frontier had necessarily entailed enormous
expense, and difficulty, and loss of life, among our troops.
With regard to the future policy to be pursued in the co-
lony, we had a problem of the utmost difficulty to solve.
He did not think it would be satisfactory to this country on
the one hand that we should withdraw our troops, and that
the colonists should be left without any sufficient protection.
He believed that such a course would bring dis-
honour on the British name, and that it would be a lament-
able presage for the future maintenance of the British em
pire.—(Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, he thought
that we could not continue to maintain an immense frontier,
which was, in fact, no use to this country—( Hear, hear)—
by a mere military force. They would be obliged to adopt
a policy between these two courses. He thought that such
a policy might be established, and he should say that some
4,000 men might be sufficient for many years for the Cape.
Undoubtedly the question of self-government in the colony
was one of immense importance. There had not been, of
late years, any effort made to give these free institutions to
that colony. He regretted that a misunderstanding arose
in which the late Government thought they were in the
right, as doubtless, also did the representatives of the
colonists, and which misunderstanding prevented the es-
tablishment of free representative institutions in that
colony in the year 1850 or 1851. He believed that other-
wise the Cape colonists might now be in possession of
these institutions. Having obtained such, he be.
tiered they would conduct them in a different spirit
from that which they heard mentioned to-night of the
lonians.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the Dutch as well as
the English colonists understood the working of free insti-
tutions; and that when the Constitution was in operation the
representatives would be guided by the wishes and opinions
of the colonists themselves.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord John
Russell) could not conclude without saying a few words in
reference to Sir Harry Smith. As regarded his high mili-
tary character and reputation nothing had occurred to im-
pair it.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.) He should be sorry, in-
Geed, if a reputation so brilliant, and confirmed by the repre-
sentations of his gallant fellow-soldiers, should be injured by
what had taken place—(Hear, hear ;)—and he doubted not
Sir Harry Smith enjoyed the favour and confidence of his
fellow-countrymen of all classes.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir J. PAKINGTON had 'listened to the speeches of the
several Hon. Members who had addressed the House on this
important subject, not alone because of the ability of those
addresses, but also of . the interest which attached to the
subject. The Hon. Baronet the Member for Southwark
always spoke with ability on this subject; and the right
Hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford
had also delivered a speech in much of which he (Sir J.
Pakington) entirely concurred. However, he should add
that, after listening to these speeches, 'he had heard nothing
to affect the intention of the question raised by Hon. Gen-
tlemen as to what was to be the future policy of the Govern-
ment with respect to the future boundaries of the Cape.
That was a question of
great difficulty, which difficulty was
much increased by late events; and it was a question on
which it was the first duty of a Government to exercise the
greatest care and caution before committing themselves to
pledges or principles. of policy.— (Hear, hear.) He might
observe that, when seeking a vote of supply on account of
this Kafir war, nothing could be more natural than that a
discussion of this kind should arise. Yet, at the same time,
he should say he thought it was somewhat premature.—
(Hear,
hear.) It had been impressed on her Majesty's Mi-
nisters that they should give free institution to the Cape,
and bestow on them freedom, and then to leave them
to the control of
themselves. Now, with regard to
conferring the boon of freedom on the Cape, he might ob-
serve it had been already done, though, in his opinion, some-
what too tardily,
—(gean ) ilia (Sir J. Pakington's) pre-
decessor had sent out to the Cape a form of constitution
which was at present under consideration at the Cape, and
since he (Sir 3, Pakington) came into office he had done all
in his pswer to facilitate the consideration of these ordi-
nances with a view that no time should be lost in putting
them in operation.—(Hear, hear.) But when they came to
consider the future policy which the Government was to ex-
ercise with regard to the Cape, he should say the question
was exceedingly complicated.— (Hear, hear.) No person
could deny that great disaffection had existed in that colony
in reference to British rule. The slavery question was one
cause; the struggle with regard to the admission of convicts
was another; and the delay of granting the boon of freedom
had been the third cause. It was therefore the duty of Go-
vernment to see that no danger should be incurred by the
too precipitate arrival at a decision.—(Hear, hear.) He did
not wish to attribute blame to any quarter; but he should
say that a great extent of territory had been added by the
late Administration. Neither had he any desire to say
anything unfavourable of Sir Harry Smith, inas-
much as he had listened with pleasure to, the manner in
which his
high military merits had been spoken of that
night.—(Hear, hear.) The last dispatches received from the
Cape went far to show that Sir Harry Smith was still serv-
ing his country with the same vigour as was displayed by
him on the plains of India—(Loud cheers) —and he fully ex-
pectedth w
the beforewar at an end, but also, that before his return, Sir Harry
Smith
long to hear that, not only were the evils of
have
achieved the great object of his command.
—(Cheers.)
ee
r would
u.) ldo
n deed
he
(Sir J. Pakington) knew of no in-
telligence that would be more acceptable to him, or, he be-
lieved, to the public in general. But with all these feelings
deep in his mind, he could not fail to recollect that it had
been under the Administration of Sir Harry Smith that great
and rapid accessions had been made to the possessors of
Great Britain, and which accessions had been the chief means
countryin t h the
t latethe Kcaafipre
hear.)of
Sir
Htahrirsy
Smith
arrivedlBl7. He was not more than a 'fortnight there when he
wrote home to say that he had extended the English boun-
dary by some 70,000 square miles and in winaDr.—ece(mHbeaerr:
; the following
February—three months from his arrival—he wrote to say
he had added also the Orange River sovereignty. It had been
asserted by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord J. Russell) that
Sir B. D'Urban had also that tendency to increase territory.
Now, in 1835, the question of whether or not Kafiraria was
to be added to the British dominions was at issue; and on
that occasion Lord Glenelg refused to give his sanction to
the project.-- (Hear, hear.) However, Lord Grey did give
his sanction to every one of these additions made by Sir Harry
Smith. The dispatch of Lord Glenelg in 1835 contained
the following :—" The claim of sovereignty over the new
provinces, bounded by the Keiskamma and the Kei, must
be renounced. The territory of the Kafirs, lam aware, is
fertile and salubrious, contrasted with our sterility of
position. But the great evil is the magnitude, and conse-
quen t extent of its, boundaries, and the certainty of our
being brought into contact with tribes numerous and war-
like"—(Hear, hear.) How different was the policy of Lord
Grey—( Hear, hear)—Lord Glenelg also added
" The'
restitution of invaded rights would involve injuries more
formidable than any they could remedy." Yet, no later
than September last, Lord Grey, notwithstanding his pre-
irious sanction of extensions wrote a dispatch instructing
that the kingdom of the Orange sovereignty should be
revoked, and that it should be in consequencelabandoned
—(Hear, hear.) They were now awaiting the arrival of
dispatches from the Cape, which were expected to contain
the report of the Commissioners, who, by desire of the
Government, were addressing their attention to the subject.
It was under these circumstances that her Dlajesry's Minis-
ters were called upon to address themselves to this most im-
portant and most difficult task of extricating the country
from the embarrassments in which it had been involved.—
It would be most agreeable to the present Government if
they could now take that most popular course of saying
they were resolved to throw the question to the colonists
themselves; but he was in hopes the country would
appre-
ciate the course that they were more disposed to take—
namely, to say that it was a question of extraordinary diffi-
culty, that they had to repent a hasty decision to act, but
would now give all the attention in their power to the sub-
ject. He could promise the beste attention of her Majesty's
Ministers to the subject. He ft they were bound to wait,
not only for the information they expected, but also for the
completion of that war, and the result
sentative institutions which y were going to confer; and
he trusted they would be able. with due care and caution,
to bestow the blessings of freedom and safety on that colony
without in the least impairing the dignity or honour of the
Crown.—(Cheers.)
y that
- Mr. ROEBUCK'begged to sathe Right Hon. t
Gen-
tleman who last' addressed the House did ho understand the
question.— (Laughter.) There was more behind the curtain
than had been referred to hina, or by
any other Hon. Gen-
Velma yslioluid Addpigied the melte() 44 the course of that