The Sun.
London, England, 1864-04-25 00:00:00

c'-~a~

*
•••
7
4,10
•
•
.••••, ••••- • T
• ••,.•
•
Vl'. •
1:,•71)Y. •
`Str,l4 • ' *,114-41,
• It. Ls.,
I • t""rtl,
as •
L.
•
..-
7 •
41111('' -
-14.0-ts I • 0
"4q.41.4.160"(14 •

THE SUN, LONDON, NON DAY EVENING, APRIL 25, 1864.

GARIBALDI FUND, for the purooßA of
securing a permanent income for GENERAL GARI-
BALDI and his family after him
The Duke of •UTHER LAND, Chairman.
CHAS. SEELY, Esq., M.P., Deputy Chairman.
lion. A. KINNAIRD, M.P., Treasurer.
Contributions maybe paid to the bankers, Messrs. Ransom,
Bouverie, and Co., I, Pall Mall East, and communications to
be addnssAl to the Secretary, Arthur 11. Guinness, Esq., at
8, Craig's-court, Charing-cross.
The first l:st of contributions will appear in the "Times"
of the 28th inst.
8, Craig's-court, Charing-oross, 29th April, 1861.

KINAHAN'S LL WHISKY v. COGNAC,
BRA:fDY.
This celebrated 01(1 IRISH WHISKY rivals the finest
FRENCH BRANDY,
It is Pure, Mild, Mellow, Delicious, and very Wholesome.
Sold in Bottles, 3s. Bd., at the ltetail Houses in London ; by
the Agents in the principal towns in England ; or wholesale
at

NEW WORK BY THE DUKE OF MANCIIESTER.
Second Edition, revised, in 2 vols., with Portraits,
OOURT AND SOCIETY, from ELIZABETH.
kj to ANNE. Editel from the Papers at Kimbolton.
By the DUKE of MANCHESTER.
From the Times.—" These volumes are sure to excite
curiosity. A great deal of interesting matter is here col-
lected from sources which are not within everybody's reach."
Hurst and Blackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

P, GREAT WINDMILL-STREET, W.
Observe the Red Seal, Pink Label, and Cork branded
LL.Whisky."

THE THAMES IRON WORKS, SHIP-
BUILDING, ENGINEERING, AND DRY DOCK
COSIPANY (Limited(.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that the SHARE CER-
TIFICATES in this Company will be ready for delivery at
the Temporary Offices of the Company, No. IS, King-street,
Cheapside (or BlackwaT, on MONDAY, the 25th of April
instant, in exchange for the Bankers' Receipts for Deposits,

F. J. DIVERS, Secretary.

/ _

PRICE .4d.
STAMPED;....Sd.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

THE " SATURDAY REVIEW" ON SECRETARIES
AND THEIR SUBORDINATES.—The relation in which
the political chiefs and subordinates of departments
stand towards each other has always been anoma-
lous. It is understood that the subordinate has no
share in the deliberations of his chief, and can in no
degree affect the measures taken, if he happens to
differ from that chief. In spite of this, it is also
understood that he defends the acts of his chief in
the branch of the Legislature in which he sits. This
function in itself is hard enough. It is not pleasant
for a man to have to prove that to be rise which he
himself thinks to be foolish, or to deliver a eulogium
upon a policy which in his own heart he is exe-

crating: But this resignation of Mr. Lowe esta-
blishes a precedent which will add very seriously to
the liabilities of the luckless subordinate. He must
now not only be advocate, but whipping-boy. If a
blunder is made in the officer, ho must go out. His
chief, who has made the blunder, may remain in the
serene heights of the aristocratic cmpyrean, despis-
ing the convulsions which agitate the surface of

popular opinion or of representative assemblies
But the subordinate, whose share in the policy im•

pugned has at most been consultative, most suffer
for measures which have not proceeded from his
authority, and in which (as in the present case) he
may possibly not concur. Such a system has no
doubt its convenience. It combines the gratification
of parliamentary indignation with the permanence
of responsible officials. Under-Secretaries and Vice-
Presidents may be looked upon for the future as
a species of nine-pins, set up for the Opposition
to bowl down. If the Opposition carry a censure,
the Under-Secretary resigns. If they fail in it, he
remains. It is a perfectly harmless pastime. It
amuses them, and it does not hurt the Cabinet.
The Ministers who are really responsible for what
has been done repose in undisturbed com-
placency upon the comfortable benches of the
House of Lords, and content themselves with pass-
ing from time to time a eulogium upon the subor-
dinate who has been bowled over. But there is no
change in Cabinet offices; for Cabinet Ministers
who are in the House of Lords are beings of too
exalted a nature to pay attention to votes of cen-
sure which a coarse popular assembly may pass.
It is only upon such a theory that the selection of
Mr. Lowe to be the solitary victim can be justified.
The censure of the House of Commons was levelled
at the office, and therefore at its chief ; and the im-
putation of having tampertd, for political purposes,
with the information laid before Parliament, while

it has been fully removed from Mr. Lowe, rests.in
undiminished weight upon Lord Granville's fame.
But Lord Granville, sitting in the House of Lords,
treats offences solemnly charged upon him in the
Journals of the House of Commons as idle scolding.
He is the guardian of his own reputation. There
is no doubt that the doctrine of vicarious resigna-
tion which he is now introducing has its con-
veniences. It is a marvellous device for reconcil-
ing the official tenacity of a censured Minister
with the doctrine of Parliamentary responsibility.

THE " EXAMINER" ON THE PROBABLE RESULT
OF THE DANO-GERMAN WAR.—Oa Wednesday
the representatives of all the Powers, parties to the
Treaty of 1852, met by appointment at Downing-
street, the Envoy chosen by the Federal Diet alone
being absent. Whereupon, the representatives of
Prussia and Austria refusing to act, a resolution
was taken to adjourn till Monday next. Should
Baron von Beust choose to assert the dignity of
his clients still further, by again omitting to ap-
pear, we should not be at all surprised if a new
pretext were devised for delay in commencing de-
liberations. Europe has stupidly looked on for
four months, during which the occupation and
conquest of the Duchies has been completed by
overwhelming force. Herr von Bismark now de-
clares, in a circular despatch addressed to the repre-
sentatives of Prussia at foreign Courts, and
ostentatiously published the day after the fall of
Dybbol, that Prussia considers the Treaty of 1852
as absolutely at an end ; and that its terms are
wholly inadmissible as the groundwork of future
negociations. There was only wanting this last
touch to complete the story of insolent and perfidious
aggression. Before crossing the Eider, end long
itter its frontier banks bad been paseerd by the
invaders, Austria and Prussia vehemaitly asserted
that all they wanted was to enforce the terms of that
European compact. There were some of us who
disbelieved these assurances,and wbo said so at the
time. Diplomacy put on its spectacles and conned
over and over again the terms of these assurances,
in which, with its usual sagacity, it professed to be
much comforted. 11/ea, where are these pledges
now ? Unhappy D.:Tmark herself does not any
longer think them worth insisting on. She has
naturally lost all faith in promises and moral
guarantees and so forth. Her heart is still right
within her, and sho clings with undying con-
stancy to the eventual vindication of right and
justice. But she has been maimed and broken so
terribly by overwhelming might, and she feels her-
self to have been so deserted by those who might,

if they would, have served her without striking a
blow, that it is no marvel if she looks without hope
or trust to the results of diplomatic cogitations.
Her eyes are fixed elsewhere, and on the day when
a new map of Dano.German frontiers shall be
settled and initialled by the Great Powers, as a
peaceful adjustment of the present difficulty, the
beginning will have been made of that national
movement which holds out the only real hope of
compensation to the Danes for their loss of territory
on the Eider. Sooner or later the various regions
peopled by the Scandinavian race were certain to;be
united under one Government; and from the
nature of the case that government must be one
essentially popular.— The believers in the theory
of dynasties as opposed to that of nationalities,
ought to have striven to preserve the severalty of
Denmark as an ancient kingdom. But blindness
has fallen upon them ; and looking at the course of
recent events, and the darkness of the future, we
own that we see no probability of their being able
to retrieve their signal error.
THE " SPECTATOR" ON IMPERTINENCE AS A
PARLIAMENTARY WEAPON.—Oi rEpl HaXimprov,
the knot of young men of forty or thereabouts whom
Lord Palmerston, in default of a following, puts
into office and protects as if they belonged to him,
have amidst many differences one quality in com-
mon. They all know the value of insolence as a
weapon in political warfare—all affect, even when
personally simple people, the hauteur which lies very
near the root of the character of their chief. All
entertain the conviction that the ability to snub
can be made a social breastplate, and that an off.
hand address compounded of quickness and imper-
tinence suggests in its victims a sense of reserved
power abiding in the assailant. When the house
sneers at Mr. Layard, he tells members to answer
instead of interrupting him, and keep silence till he
has done. When an inconvenient question is asked
of Mr. Cowper, he taunts the house with its inabi-
lity to control expenditure, or build anything which
is not ugly, and bids his opponents to let him alone,
for the department will go on a great deal better
unassisted than if they persist in interfering. Mr.
Lowe's regular practice when assailed was to de-
scribe his assailant as a rather unscrupulous fool,
leading a knot of persons who either knew nothing
about the matter or had a sinister motive in press-
ing their own view. There is no doubt a certain
effectiveness in this style, as well as a certain justi-
fication for employing it. Englishmen of the better
class when excited are often brusque, and political
impertinence, particularly if clever impertinence,
usually suggests at once courage and frankness,
and earnestness in the matter under discussion. It

implies, too, when used by an official, special know-
ledge, the existence of a quantity of facts with which
the speaker is familiar, which are essential to the
question, and which his opponent knows nothing
whatever about. Lord Palmerston almost always
makes this the basis of his impertinence—a weapon
he uses with real shill—tem of Mr. Cobden's ig-
norance of " politics," or refuses to give up his in-
formants, because if he did "he should soon know
as little of the matter in hand as the honourable

member." The average English mind, too—and
the mind of the collective louse of Commons is
simply the average English mind a little puffed with
prosperity—does not easily distinguish between wit
and impertinence, has, indeed, invented a word—
" chaff,' which is peculiar to itself, and which ex-
pressos the perfect combination of the two. The to
quoque always strikes a cabman or the gallery of the
Victoria as witty, and so it does the Muse of Com-
mons, which receives Mr, 03borne's admiration of
Mr. La 3 and " in his new capacity E s an advocate for
common decency" with roars of hearty laughter.
The victim, too, is very apt, unless a very ready as
well as a very strong man, to quail and feel himself
beaten, at all events for the time. slost men are
cowards when isolated, and the laughter
around—laughter at the victim as well as the
joke—inspires a sense of isolation. We re-
member one almost Perfect instance of this
confusion. Mr. Darby Griffith, with his usual in-
quisitiveness, one night asked the Foreign Sectatary
if it were true, as the newspapers said, that Victor
Emmanuel had crossed his frontier for an interview
A with the Emperor. Lord John Russell, without