The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-05 00:00:00

that either was in possession of any definite views as to the i
ultimate objects of the war. It appeared to him that
the objects of both parties was analogous to what was
cleverly said of two celebrated literary Reviews, that they
were "two opposition conveyancei, both raising a great
dust, but both travelling the same road and to-
wards the same destination." (Rear, hear.) lint
he should not be doing justice to his own
opinions if he did not say that there were views enun-
ciated in the speech of the right hon. member for Bucks
I which did not entirely exalude all hope of au early and
. _

we were not prepared to carry on the war for mere
empty military success and glory, he called upon the
House of Commons to deliberate well before it gave its
deliberate sanction to a motion which might commit the
country to an indefinite war, and bring upon it the most
formidable disastdrs. (Hear, hear.)
Sir W. MOLESWORTH, after adverting to the terms
of the amendments before the house, said it would appear
from those amendments that the real question for its con-
sideration was whether we ought or ought not to have made
peace on the Russian proposals on the third point? The
opinion of the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down
was that we ought to have been satisfied with the Russian
proposals, and that, in fact, they were better than our own-
The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of
Oxford said that Russia had conceded all that was asked
for before the commencement of hostilities, and that we
ought to be satisfied, for that a nation once having engaged
in hostilities ought not to enlarge its demands. Were each
a principle to be generally adopted it might lead to the
most pernicious consequences, for what greater inducement
could be held out to the wrong-doer to persevere in doing
wrong than the assurance that he would not by doing so
be placed in a worse position ? (Hear, hear.) In order to
maintain the peace of the world ii e had lowered our de-
mands to the utmost ; but having been forced to draw the
sword, we had a right to stand upon our rights, to require
that they should be fully secured, and even to enlarge our
demands in proportion to the success of our arms. (Cheers.)
The right to increase our demands had been distinctly as-
serted by Lord Aberdeen's Government in its communica-
tions with foreign Governments. In his opinion we engaged
in this war to prevent the dangerous aggrandisement of
Russia at the expense of the Ottoman empire—an aggran-
disement which menaced the stability of the system of
European States--to enforce the obligation of the Euro-
pean law of nations, and to inflict punishment upon Rus-
sia for her wanton violation of the law by the unjust
invasion of the Danubian Principalities. In order to
avenge that invasion—to avenge the closing of the Danube
and the outrage at Sinope—in order also to take security
against future danger from Russia, we declared that it
was indispensable to put an end to the Russian preponder-
ance in the Black Sea, which was a standing menace to
Turkey. These were the objects to attain which we went
to war with Russia, sent an expedition to the Crimea, and
consented to negotiate upon the four points at Vienna. Two
of these points had been granted, but whyhad Russia come
to terms upon them so readily ? Simply, if possible, to de-
tach Austria from the Western alliance, and to secure the
neutrality of Germany. With regard to the third point,
which contained the security for all the others, and with-
out which their concession would be perfectly useless, Rus-
sia used every art of diplomacy to avoid the honest fulfil-
ment of her engagement to put an end to her preponderance
in the Black Sea. She rejected our most moderate terms,
and proposed others, the adoption of which would, in his
opinion, be worse than the abandonment of the third point
altogether. He was quite at issue with his right hon.
friend the member for Manchester, who said that there
was no substantial difference between the propositions
made by the Western Powers and those of Russia. The dif-
ference was a very substantial one. It was all the difference
between a war establishment and a peace establishment,
between a state of ever and a state of peace. According to
our terms Ruesia would be bound by treaty not to maintain
in the Black Sea more than a certain moderate number of
ships, not exceeding the number which we ordinarily main-
tain in the Mediterranean ; and if she exceeded that num-
ber we should be entitled to call upon our Allies to assist
us in compelling her to observe the treaty. The Russian
proposals, on the other hand, would compel us to run a
never-ending race of war expenditure with Russia in the
Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Her first proposal was
the opening of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. This
was universally condemned by the allied powers—by
France, England, Turkey, and Austria. The effect of
such an arrangement would have been to extend the
preponderance of Russia to the Mediterranean and
the Neapolitan waters, and would have been at once
an abandonment of the object of the war and a sur-
render of important Turkish rights which we were
bound to do our utmost to maintain. The second proposal
of Russia was that the straits should remain closed. but
that Turkey should have the right of calling up the fleets
of her allies at any time when she thought herself
threatened with aggression. According to these terms,
Turkey would be entitled to summon the fleets of England
and France whenever she thought herself menaced by Rus-
sia, and the fleet of Russia whenever she thought herself
menaced by England or France. England and France
would therefore be morally bound to maintain in the Me-
diterranean fleets capable of coping with that of Russia in
the Black Sea ; while the latter power would have a right
to re-establish, and a plausible reason for extending to any
extent she pleased, her fleet in the Euxine, in order that
it might be able to cope with •the fleets of England and
France if it should be summoned to protect Turkey.
Peace on such terms would, in fact, be founded upon pro-
visions for the immediate renewal of the war. It would
impose upon us the chief burden of war by requiring till
maintenance of a police in the Black Sea, and would leavens
existence the Russian fleet and Sebastopol, which we had
so often declared to be a " standing menace to Turkey."
Such a . peace would be worse than the present state of
things, because we had for the present put down the prepon-
derance of Russia in the Black Sea, and it would be better
to keep it down, than to allow it to rise again. His right
hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford (Mr.
Gladstone) had defended the expedition to the Crimea,
and then had arrived at the conclusion that we ought to
abandon.the chief object for which it was undertaken. He
said that we had got, or might get, three points, and half
of the fourth, and asked what we were quarrelling about?
We were quarrelling about that without which there would
be no security for any of the points, about that for which
the expedition to the Crimea was undertaken, viz., the de-
struction of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea.
He had never for a moment regretted the expedition, but
ho had never concealed from hinvelf that it irretrievably
engaged us in a contest with Russia, from which there was
no possible honourable issue for the allied powers, except
by putting down the preponderance of Russia in the Black
Sea. Without such a success, the expedition to Sebastopol
would be an inglorious failure. Without such a success, the
lives of those who had fallen in the contest would have been
uselessly sacrificed ; we should have no security fur th,
first or second points, or the first half of the third ; and al
the concessions of Russia would be valueless. The conces-
sions of Russia ought therefore to induce us to persevere at
least in the demands which the Government of Lord Aber-
deen conceived it to be just and reasonable to make. Whet
had induced Russia to make these concessions? Was it
repentance ? She was incapable of the feeling ? Was it
shame? She was ignorant of the messing of the word.
Was it the public opinion of Europe? That opinion was
expressed against her long ago, and she remained unmoved,
and defied it. What, then, had induced her to yield I
Fear. Fear founded upon the conviction that her resources
were being exhausted and her armies were perishing, while
those of the allies were rapidly increasing. Fear founded
upon the conviction that if we persevered we must be suc-
cessful. For this reason sbe had had recourse to diploma-
tic wiles and intrigues, and had endeavoured by a show
of moderation, combined with deceit, to sow dissension
amongst us, to cajole the weak, to frighten the timid,
to strengthen the peace party, to create a Russian
party in the house and in the country, and to trick us as
she did the diplomatists of Europe in 1829. Let the his
tory of the campaign be a warning to us, and let us not by
timid councils enale future historians to toll a similar
tale of this war, and to record that the Parliament and the
statesmen of England ended a war of success by an ignomi-
nious and dangerous peace. Peace on the terms advocated
by the member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson) would be dan-
gerous, becauseit would be a confession of defeat on thepart
of England and France, and would elevate Russia to a pre-
ponderance alike menacing to Europe and to Asia. Such
a peace would embolden Russia to fresh aggressions and
teach her to despise the threats and menaces of the Western
powers. It would make Austria less ill-disposed, Prussia
more attached, and all the petty potentates of Gertnan y
more servile than they are now. It would lessen the repute
oiboth England and France. It would cover with disgrace
our brave armies and navies, and would produce feelings of
recrimination between the commanders, the officers, and
the men. It would weaken the alliance between France and
England—would be a groat discouragement to western civi-
lisation, and a great triumph to the barbarian of the north
—and would render it necessary for France and England,
ere long, to seek new battle-fields on which to avenge their
loss of honour and renown. Such a recreant peace would,
in his opinion, be dangerous to England. It would shake
our Indian empire—an empire founded upon the opinion of
our irresistible might entertained by a feeble and excitable
oriental people, easily moved from the extreme of fear to
the extreme of audacity—an empire encircled by bitter ene-
mies, who were watching with intense anxiety this contest,
ready to attack us if it should prove adverse. It would make
every man of British descent throughout the wcrld—it
would make all the colonies of Great Britain—ashamed of
the humiliation and pusillanimity of the mother ccuntry,
and would convert those feelings of affection which were
displayed towards us at the commenceme, t of the struggle
into sentiments of contempt, dangerous to our colonial do-
minion. (Hear, hear.) The strength of the British empire
depended upon the absolute belief in our undaunted
vigour, our ceaseless energy, our invincible courage ; but
if we consented to an ignominious and inglorious peace,
we should have but our reputation for these qualities ; we
should have become the degenerate sons of those yeomanry,
gentry, and aristocracy who half a century ago bid defiance
to Europe in arms. If we showed that, by the long con-
tinuance of peace, we had become craven and faint-hearted,
our mighty empire would speedily crumble into pieces, our
external dominions would be torn from us, and we should
sink to a second-rate state, and lose our position among the
stations of Europe. Such a peace as that advocated by the
right hon. member for Manchester would, in fact, give a
triumph to Russia—would be to make the British soldiers
and sailors abandon their colours, though they had suffered
no single reverse. We had endured no defeats. In the
Baltic we had swept the mercantile marine of Russia
from the sea, and compelled her fleet to skulk ing o-
Tic:m*sly behind fortifications. In the Black .Sea we
had compelled her to commit naval suicide, and to destroy
a fleet which she could never re-establish without
our sanction. We could, without detriment to the resources
of the country, repeat the naval, military, and financial
efforts which we made last year, and are making this, for
half a dozen years to come ; and he believed that, if we
were bold and courageous, if we were not feint-hearted
and timid, long ere that period expired we should bring
this war to a satisfactory termination, and conclude a peace
alike honourable, satisfactory, and worthy of the allied
powers of France and England. (Cheers.)
Mr. JOHN M'GREGOR said that the war had been com-
menced by the Government in ignorance of the power of
Russia, and the difficulties and necessities of the campaign.
He denied that its object was merely to defend Turkey.
There was a much greater question involved in it, and that
was the checking of the aggressive policy which had been
pursued by Russia for several centuries. From the treaty
of the Pruth, the first that was made with Russia, down
to the present time, he found nothing but perfidy on
her part. It was matter of notoriety that she had
na lewv
eery lilese
eno rg
re geaertd lee sds o
e lof s
iheron ti
nr e
taht iee s.
world H e believed a
sth en ot
itohoe roef
11: totyai nwg i
itdh the
chimera,.
m Russianere ,a do odmwi ne i
had
di thenhehte t
e r Black
k eepr
real an
en h( It
pt
wewioasees
the stocks till they were wanted. T
only
title elated by its recent
think the country ought to begrea y
wasthe
etpiroltev7royn
nation making i the
o th eßwl aocrkl d Sea
d iperfectlyd n ot
free courseto
city which the Governmen. a
want of forecast thosesag .
achieved
all along shown, successes might have been
successes in the Sea of Azoff, for, but for the lamentableh
' peace that we should
thing like an honourable or lasting p
eight ago.
f rther. Considering the
destroy Sebastopol. He wenti
thatW We had
aehnetoeireetdeliyntnoeleisieserwyaLzv.,.
epioslti,tii
in
jlticeriti
11
He trusted. that
the whole of the expenses of this war.
the French
the Government would endeavour to preserv.e .
mceetsootfhßemussesliave themselves,
Eamonupanitcal
feel d i Francedli
fioetio shouldii
forin -
1 d not conclude
of the present war • and that tie), won n
alliance intact, since it was the most
dt 'Mid Main'
a pew upon any to'rmA except Woo Tbi
gratifying feature

satisfactory peace as compared with the announcements
contained in the speeches of the Government, which
indicated a policy that would lead them to a
war of thirty years' duration. (Hear, hear.) The
hon. gentleman then proceeded to read the amend-
ment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, who, he
said, professed to be the mouthpiece of the so-called war
party, contending that, after all, the hon. gentleman
scarcely represented the expressed sentiments of that
party in the terms of his amendment. Bat, he continued,
was the house prepared to agree to the proposition

of the hon. gentleman which pledged the house to the
principle of the limitation of the maritime force of Russia

as the only sine qua non of peace. Lord Palmerston said
that he would agree to the first part of the hon. gentle-
man's amendment, but that he should object to the latter

portion as interfering with the prerogative of the Crown.
Now he (Mr. Gibson) thought a doctrine of that sort
ought to be received with great caution, as the preroga-

tive of the Crown was exercised under the advice of its
Ministers. He could not agree to this doctrine himself,

and he would advise the house not to give way to it.
He brought forward a motion converse to that of the
hon. member for Kidderminster during the existence
of the Conferences, the withdrawal of which bad
subjected him to the charge of having entered
into some intrigue for party . purposes to avoid a
discussion on the subject ; but he begged to
state that the responsibility of withdrawing that motion
rested with himself, never having had any communica-
tion with the Government respecting it, and because he
thought that by so doing there would be some risk of
his injuring that cause he wastprofessing to support, and
therefore his sole object in not going on with it was that he
conscientiously believed he would be injuring the cause
of peace. He viewed this war to be a war in support
of a political theory, which he took to be that the rule
of the Sultan in that particular part of Europe where
he now exercises his power as a political neces-
city, and that this country was bound to de-
fend him against his enemies, and which
was totally apart from the consideration of the question
whether Russia was right or wrong in the commence-
ment of hostilities, and which, if they adopted, they
came to the conclusion the Turk could do no wrong.
(Hear.) He was not strongly impressed with
the faith of that necessity, 'and without de-
parting from the soundness of that theory,
on which the war was undoubtedly placed, he would say
that he thought the theory of always supporting Turkey
against all enemies, and that they meant from all time
to support the rule of the Sultan in those dominions,
would have the effect of alienating from them the
sympathy of the whole of the Greek Christian
population of that country, and drive them into the arms
of Russia and the allies, and of enervating the Turkish
Government, and removing it from the obligation of
attending to those duties of good government, and
the necessity of producing contentment amongst
the people, which was the only way, in fact,
of forming a peace upon which the strength and
independence of Turkey would permanently . rest.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The honourable gentleman
then referred to the statements male in that
house by the honourable member for Aylesbury
and other members, that the war was caused
by hon. members sitting on that side of the house pro-
ducing an impression that the people of England were
averse to the war, which he said was not the fact, and
adverted to the statements which had appeared in the
public prints as being the mast likely cause, and
asked the noble lord at the head of the Go-
vernment if he bad not himself advocated peace notions,
which he found on a correspondence bearing the name of
Mr. Addington, which had emanated from the Foreign-
office, from which it would appear an engagement bad
been entered into by the noble lord with 111. Wikoff to
represent to the world that the policy of the British
Government was liberal, but especially pacific—thereby
producing an impression throughout Europe that Eng.
land was disinclined to engage in war, and would not
defend Turkey. The noble lord the member for London,
in order to distract their attention, stated in his speech
before the recess that when Turkey was secure we ought
to have no hesitation in making peace with Rus-
sia, so that he would have us believe the
war was carried . on for Turkey alone. He
was surprised to have read what passe I in another
place, uttered by the Foreign Secretary, upon the sub-
ject, - tbat while Europe was really standing upon a mine
the influence of Russia was extending, her railroals were
increasing, and her interests progressing. Now he be-
lieved that this country was interested is Russia carry-
ing out her railways, as the brotherhood bf nations re-
quired it. Why then were they to be frightened by the
statement that Russia a‘ as able to overbear all Europe? He
believed that Russia had no such intention, because he
had invariably noticed that when Russia came to the
west and interfered with that part of Europe it had
always been in consequence of an invitation that she
had done so. Had not this country requested
Russia to bring her arms here to presient French
invasion, and hal not France upon several
occasions sought her assistance also ? The truth was;
and it must be told, that Russia had never forced her
alliance upon unwilling Governments, but had been
drawn into all she had done by the solicitations of the
Western Powers. No man had praised the pulley of the
late Emperor of Russia more than the noble lord at the
1 head of the Government ; and was it to be permitted
now that he should come down and discard all he had
said before ? The noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs had adopted a similar course. It was clear that
neither party believed the rumours that had been spread
far and wide, that it was the interest of Russia to extend
her territory to Turkey, and it was too bad to frighten
the country with such idle notions as bad been put forth
as to the intentions of Russia. Then, with respect to
Poland, be thought the noble for 1 at the head of the
Government ought not to hold out any hope to the Poles,
or to allow misunderstandings to be circulated, be-
cause it was clear that this country could do
nothing for her at the present moment at least,
because if the Western Powers were to reconstruct
Poland, they would be bound to preserve her inviola-
bility, which they could not do. A. celebrated Pole had
said, that the reconstruction of Poland and the regene-
ration of Turkey were events far distant. He believed
them to be so ; but Russia, in his opinion, was
not to be blamed for thee, but Turkey herself.
The noble lord said he did not wish to diminish the claa•
ratter of Russia, and it had been repeatedly said that
they were proposing no jurisdiction for Russia. But
how did they reconcile that with the demand that Russia
should only keep a certain number of ships in her ports.
The noble lord said we should still leave Russia
a great power ; but he (Mr. Gibson) could not
understand the doctrine of two great countries not pro-
posing to disarm themselves going to a third great
power and saying that it was consistent with its honour
that the two countries in question should decide what
should be the amount of her maritime force. He thought
the proposition was puerile, but insisting upon it
as a sane qua non was placing a great war
upon a foundation as narrow and unworthy as it was
unheard of in history. But the noble lord did not go to
Vienna to negotiate—he went to decline an ultimatum.
To negotiate implied to treat on both sides, to give
and take, in order to settle some common ground.
(Hear, hear.) But the noble lord's instructions were
to do nothing of the kind ; he went there with
something to be agreed to or rejected ; or that when
Russia refused to accede, he said his instructions were
exhausted, and he did not stop to consider the plans
proposed by the Russian plenipotentiary. He trusted the
Government would give the house some clear and defi-
nite statement as to their intentions. (Hear.) The
house had a right to know what England was fighting
for, and what object the Government contemplated ef-
fecting by the carrying on of this new war. (Hear.) If
the Government could penetrate into the mist ahead,
they ought to point out what was not clear to the vision
of others who had as deep an interest as themselves in
the fortunes of their country. It appeared to him that
we were embarking in a war which could only end by
what was called a state of exhaustion. Unless a definite
object could be pointed out, we must go on crippling and
humbling as long as there was anything left to cripple or
humble. If we should take the Crimea there would al-
ways be something left to do, until, by the conquest of
Russia, we could entirely reduce that Government to sub-
mission. If the four points were abandoned the noble lord
and his Government ought to state the advantages they
proposed to confer on the people of this country as an
equivalent for the large sacrifices it was called upon to
make. The noble lord, in reply to a deputation which
waited on him with a memorial in, favour of negotiation,
raid that the Government would not make war for glary ;
they would only make it for the interest of England. If
Turkey was now considered safe, let the noble lord show
9,1 e country how its interests were consulted by the pro-
' e:igation of these hostilities. The noble lord has justly
=that those who fought the battles of Alma, Inker-
we
w,
earne B
notalca,akrlrasvina d: on this waridnotneed forfre glory, losh
ry, was
glory. Then,
from
r 0 if
Tfenarrkoefy
of the original What disgrace had been incurred
was as as we could make her. The whole
a ultisum.tde had been conceded by Russia.
There was not
tort', and Russia wo,Aanbinsodldier on the Turkish terri
tegrity of Turkey. If there
wahseur herself lie
art o
of
respect the
ainna-

THE SUN, LON DON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 5, 1855.

tain the dignity of the country and give satisfaction to the ; editor of Hobbes. (Laughter.) - The right hon. gentleman
people at large. (Hear.) I said the object was to punish Russia for her insolence.
Mr. G. VERNON said the chief fault he had to find I Neither in war nor in legislation could punishment ever be
with the late proceedings was, that the course pursued by I an object—(hear)—though it was sometimes the only means
the Government did not appear to him to be one which he I of preventing theropetition of crime. He took it foe granted
could really understand. He could understand that mat- ! that the right hon. gentleman the member for the Iniver-
tors might have been either ripe or not ripe for negotiation. I sity of Oxford would say that the object of the war was to
It was for the Ministers to decide that. If they were not I maintain the independence and integrity of the Ottoman
ripe, then, no matter how delicate our relations with Aus- empire. We'll, but if that were the object, how in Septem-
trio might be, nor how complicated the position of our her, 853, when addressing an audience at Manchester just
alliance, it would have been our duty and our policy to before the commencement of the war, did the right hon.
have declared distinctly the only terms on which we were gentleman speak on that subject ? He said, " Remember
prepared to negotiate a peace. (Hear.) We should have that the independence and integrity of the Ottoman em-
made known our intentions to Russia in a mariner 'which piro are not like the independence and integrity of Eng-
she could neither misunderstand nor misinterpret. If, on land and France. The government of Turkey is a govern-
the other hand, we thought the time was come 'when we ment full of anomaly, full of difficulty and distress. ' Was
might enter upon negotiations for a peace not dishonour- it likely that one who at the commencement of the war
able to ourselees—if we were ready to accept conditions took that chilling view of all the great human interests
infinitely more favourable to us than those for which that were involved in the struggle would now give unpre-
,at the commencement of the war we professed to asle judiced counsels with a view to the attainment of the
then he said thase negotiations ought not to have been object? The right hon. gentleman complained that the
broken off. So long as Governments as well as men terms of peace had been unwisely extended. Who was
were influenced by human passions and human in- it that taught them to extend the terms? (Hear, hear.)
terests, so long, would armaments be necessary ; Was it not the head of the Government which the right
but he was of opinion that this war was both just and ne- hon. gentleman adorned? (Hear.) When Lord Aber-
cessary, for it was undertaken for the protection of an op- dam was repeatedly urged to say to what terms of peace
pressed ally, in defence of violated treaties, and in the he would attach his favourite epithet—" safe and honour-
vindication of personal good faith and international law. able"—he said it was impossible to state them, as
In warring with Russia we warred more with a dynasty they must vary with the fortunes of war, and it would
than with a nation ; and the more he was convinced that make a great difference whether theywere accepted at Con-
this war was just and necessary, the more was he appre- stantinople or imposed at St. Petersburg. Now he (Sir B.
hensive that we might take any false step which might Lytton) never approved of that answer. He had always
lead to any misinterpretation of the motives with which held the doctrine that if they made war it should be for no -
we were carrying it on. If in the origin of the war we thing less and nothing more than justice—(cheers)—and if
had no definite object, we were committing a great crime; the right hon. gentleman held it when out of office, why,
and if we had a definite object, so soon as that object was when in office, did he sanction Lord Aberdeen's making
adequately attained; peace ought to have been sought for. the terms of peace dependent on military success ? How
Ile did not go the length of saying that we ought not, in could he continue to sit in &cabinet whichchanged thecha-
the course of the war, as our military successes became raeter of the war, and made it one of aggression ? He did
great, to increase our demands. He simply said that we not say whether the strategy of the invasion of the Crimea
ought not to go the length of asking for greater conquests was right or wrong, but the moment the army landed, the
because we had gained greater successes ; though he ad- conditions of peace were necessarily altered. The right hon.
milted we ought to ask for greater securities for the at- gentleman was a party to the campaign in the Crimea, how
tenement of the objects we had in view. He trusted thb then, could he shrink fromitslogical consequences ? (Hear.)
time was not come when we were going to set " nation Why was Sebastopol besieged ? Was it not because it was
against nation," or to fight for the partition of Europe. He the fortress which secured to Russia exclusive preponder-
hoped what we wanted was simply the settlement of the mice in the Black Sea, and because itscapture was the ma-
matter of the Black Sea between Turkey and Russia, on a terial guarantee by which they had pledged themselves
'air and solid footing. Ho believed there was no problem to maintain the independence of Turkey and the safety of
so difficult of solution as this balance of power that was Europe? (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him very strange
talked of in the Black Sea. The mode in which the Russian to what double uses the right hon. gentleman could put
proposition was treated reminded him of the hackneyed an ally. When the house desired to inquire into the
expression so often quoted in that house by the gallant causes of the calamities of the army, the right hon. gen-
member for Lincoln : tleman said, " Take care what you are about ; to inquire
" Tinaeo Deflates et done ferentes." on such a subject may offend and alienate your ally,
He believed the course we were adopting was the one least Franco ;" now, when the question was how a peace could.
likely to disappoint Russia and to serve Turkey. We be patched upehe seemed to forget that they had an ally
might go on from victory to victory, but when we had la- on the face of the globe—(hear)—and recommended them
vished our treasure and our blood we might perhaps find to creep out of the quarrel in a manner which would ex-
that we had destroyed the finances of Turkey and the bone pose them equally to the charge of desertion by Turkey
and sinew of the country, and that when we expected an and of perfidy by France. (Hear.) He would put it to
ovation, we would receive the curses of a beggared and de- any advocate of peace in that house whether a peace which
solated people. He thought the time would come when would have excited the indignation even of a commercial
reflecting men would feel that we were fighting more for people like our own would not have mortified the pride
success than for any definite object. of that gallant nation of soldiers with which the name
LordDUNGAßVANthoughtthatthetoneofthespeeches of Napoleon was associated, and shaken the stability of
recently made by statesmen who had lately been high in a throne which seemed essential to the safety of social
office must have a pernicious effect both on the people at order throughout the whole civilised world? (Hear.)
home and upon our brave allies abroad. (Hear, hear.) He The right hon. gentleman had reminded the house how
much regretted that those statesmen who had been in Russia had come down in her own terms. Buthow was this
office when war was declared, and who had taken an active change effected ?By diplomacy and negotiations, by notes
part in the prosecution or that war, should now advocate and protocols? No, it was effected by-the sword—it was
on such slight grounds as they did a departure from a effected on those fields of Alma and Inkerman, to which
policy they had been concerned in originating. (Hear, the right hon.gentleman hadso touchingly referred. Should
hear.) For himself, he was inclined to rejoice that the all this blood have been spilt in vain ? With the soil of the
Russian plenipotentiaries did not accept the proposed Crimea filled with the bones of our soldiers, were we to
limitation of their fleet in the Black Sea, for that would leave the fortress of Sebastopol untouched, and the Black
have been a condition for England or France to carry out. Sea to the Russian navy, iu order that they might cons
That condition couldhaveibeen no guarantee againstßussia tinually threaten the independence of that ally for whom
having a number of ships on the stocks in every port in that so many of our countrymen had already perished ? If we
sea. Russia proposed that the straits should be open at all permitted this blood to be shed in vain, it would be mere
times to the ships of war of all the nations, and that the quibbling to talk of effecting our object by negotiation. Let
Porte should have the power at any time to call in the them for a, moment examine the question. What was the
fleets of France and England to its assistance. The noble object for which the affair had been undertaken ? Was it not
lord at the head of the Government had ably pointed out the to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black
danger attaching to the first of these propositions, and the Sea? And that involvedanotherquestion, whichwas the best
latter was no concession at all, for ever since the treaty of means of preventing the outbreak of a new war that might
1841 the Porte had been in full possession of the power of arise from the future position of Russia. (Hear.) 'One
calling for the assistance of the fleets of the Western means proposed was to overawe Russia by the presence of
Powers whenever it judged that assistance necessary. The an Allied fleet in the Dardanelles, and the right hon. mero -
desire of Russia was in the eyes of the German Courts to ber for Manchester approved of that course. He (Sir E.
throw upon the Western Powers the onus of carrying on B. Lytton) should be induced to agree with him, but for
the war. That was a challenge which he hoped those one thing, and that was, that while the Allies had only
powers would accept, for he believed that England and three ships in the Dardanelles, Russia would have the
France united could fail in nothing, and the more so when whole coast of the Black Sea bristling with her fortresses,
right and justice were upon their side. No doubt many and could thus unceasingly increase her maritime force be-
misfortunes had befallen us—no doubt many faces formerly hind the shelter of these strongholds, while England and
well known on the benches of the house would never more France would have to keep up a constant system of surveil-
be seen there • yet nothing, he felt sure, would abate the) lance on a sea where they would find neither ports of refuge,
resolution that England had taken in this case. Forbid it nor arsenals in which to refit. (Hear.) This plan thee
that England should rush into war for the sake of prestige would not put an end to the preponderance of Russia.
alone ; still it could not be denilti that prestige tinter- All that it would do would be to guard at a great cost
nishod and unbroken was one of the mainstays of akingdom, against Russia abusing that preponderance, and so far
and, careful as this country should be of her commercial from putting an end to the possibility of a new war, you
interests, if she wished to continue in her present proud pre would keep Russia perpetually threatening Turkey, and
sition, she must not refrain from putting forth her strength England and France perpetually threatening Russia.
to support the cause of liberty against force and injustice. Ha could fancy nothing so bad for the independence of
He could have wished to have been able to give his whole Turkey as such a v-stem of chronic protection established
vote in favour of the amendment of the -non. member for within her own waters. The second proposition was that
Kidderminster ; but he should be acting better if he only of the mare clausum, with power to the Sultan to call
supported the first part of it, for it was, he thought, highly in the aid of the allies when necessary. But there would
improper in any way to fetter the hands of her Majesty's be this difference, that Russia would constantly maintain
Government in the present important struggle. her strength, whereas the others might be unprepared, and
Mr. BAXTER objectel to any vote that would hamper whereas now there was not a Russian flag tieing in those
the Executive Government, and this objection, he thougnt, water.s, and her ships had been even chased from the Sea of
applied to both amendments now before the house. They Azoff, you would find, on the arrival of your contingent,
were both instructions to the Government— the ono to her flee flying on tho walls of Constantinople. The hon. ba-
make peace on Russian terms ; the other, to refuse all fur- ronet having quoted the opinion of Marshal Marmont as to
Cher negotiations. He could not agree to either of them, the facilitywith which Russia might at any time make ade-
and especially he could not agree to the amendment of the scent from Sebastopol on Constantinople, while at the same
hon. member for Kidderminster, that they would accept time she marched an army against the Balkan fortresses,
of nothing but the diminution of the Russian fleet in proceeded to say that, under such circumstances and with
the Black Sea. He could imagine many other pro- such dangers, the proposition 'of the mare clausum would
positions which would he even more acceptable, as; be untenable. The right honourable member for
for instance, the destruction of Seba.stopoi itself. Manchester complained that the conduct of the
While he gave full praise to the eloquent and logical Western Powers with respect to the third point had been
speech of the right hon. member for the University of Ox- very unsatisfactory. He did not dispute that proposition,
ford made a few nights since, he thought the right hon. and all he could say was, that it only proved how fortunate
gentleman, in his laudable and Christian desire to stay the it was that the negotiations had been broken off. He
effusion of blood, overlooked the fact that, if the allied lamented to hear these praises of Russian moderation
ermies now retired from the Crimea without having ef- from some of the most conspicuous members of the popu-
fected its object, Russia would be more feared than ever lar party in that house. Would not such expressions (sn-
eer prestige would he greater—her invincibility confirmed, courage Russia to hold on, and persevere in the war, in
He individually, and all his constituents, had a direct in- the hope that the opinions of such influential persons
terest in the establishment Of peace ; but, he had come to would have their weight with the English people ? (Hear.)
E
the conclusion that any peace made now would not con- Every speech made in such a strain might be read by a
tinuo long. Under these circumstances, he was willing to Russian general to his troops ; and Russian ministers
leave the question in the hands of Government, having might translate it for the benefit of trembling merchants
full confidence in them that they would conclude, not a and discontented nobles, if they desired to animate them
Matched-up peace, but a peace that was not likely to be to resistance against this country. Hehonoured their bold-
broken during the present century. ness in taking so unpopular a view of the question, bull he
Mr. HENRY BAILLIE condemned the conduct of the implored them to reflect whether they rightly exercised
Government in not having kept our army up to an their powers, when in a war undertaken to protect weakness
efficient point, and in not drawing upon the resources against aggression they took the part of the enemies of their
of our Indian empire. He was against making peace on country. (Cheers.) He now came to the amendments,
Russian terms, as he considered the terms proposed by the and it was with great regret he found there was not one
allies wholly inadequate to the exigency. with whom he could cordially agree. He could not agree
Mr. M. MILNES thought the best solution of the diffi. to 'the amendment of the hon. baronet the member for °a-
cuity would be to prohibit any vessels navigating the Black ford, much less to that a the hon. member for Kidder-
Sea except for commercial purposes and purposes of naval minster, and as to that with which the right hon. baronet
police. the member for Portsmouth had supplied hire, it would
Sir E. DERING had supported the motion of the right have been much more complimentary to the quarter from
hon. member for Backs the other evening; but after the which he had stolen it had not the right hon. baronet
explicit declarations of the Government, he was satisfied added the crime of murder to that of theft. Taking the
of their sincerity ; and ho now hoped that Ministers would bantling out of the cradle the right hon. baronet cut it in
insist upon higher terms than they had yet demanded. two, and the part which he presented to the house had not
Lord ELCHO was anxious to mark his dissent from the a leg to stand on. (A. laugh.) Now the motion of his right
sentiments expressed in the eloquent speech of his right hon. friend the member for Bucks, by implying a censure
hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford—a on the Government for ambiguous language, offered a sub-
speech which he deeply regretted, as ho belieVed the country stantial reason why they, the House of Commons, should
would accept it as a sufficient explanation of the blunders volunteer to her Majesty the assurance of their co-operation
that had occurred, and would consider " lukewarm" as in the war, or iu the negotiation of a peace which they
the reason of " too late,' but which he regretted still more should consider honest. Bnt the moment you omitted
because he believed it would tend indefinitely to postpone the censure, you implied that you found no fault what-
the prospects of peace, which the right hon. gentleman ever with the conduct of the war, or with the language
was so anxious to attain. He maintained that there was that had been hold by the responsible advisers of the Crown,
great danger in Russian power unless it was checked in and the resolution became an unnecessary platitude.
time ; and the propositions commended by the right hon. (Cheers.) It was with great satisfaction he found that the
member for Manchester were intended not to check Rue- motion of his right hon. friend had effected an objectwhich
sian power, but to leave it 0.3 it was. He was in favour of amply compensated for its defeat. It had not changed the
the Government propositions, which, he believed, con- Government, but it had changed the tone of its members,
tained the principle of limiting Russian power. But for (Hear.) He had no hope that this beneficial change would
himself he believed that the road to a secure peace ley last, but he hoped the tide would not ebb as fast as the
through Sebastopol. Therefore, though it gave him the suddenly galvanised zeal of the noble lord the member for
greatest pain to separate himself from his friends on this London, who expressed so much before the division, and
question, yet he was prepared to leave the question in the explained so much awayimmediately after. (Cheers) The
hands of? the Government, believing that they would not motion of his right hon. friend had been conceived in no
continue the war a moment longer than was necessary to party spirit. It had, on the contrary, cleared the ground
secure a lasting peace. - from all party influences, and had allowed them to discuss
Lord C. HAMILTON defended the Russian propositions the question, not as Englishmen against Englishmen, but
as more effectual for the maintenance of peace, while it as citizens of the same State discussing the policy which
would not needlesrly humiliate Russia. He could not ought to be adopted iu a case of common danger.
therefore vote with the hon. member for Kidderminster, (Hear.) Much reference had been made to Austria—
as he did not believe the rupture of the negotiations was ' that power which was al ways ready to negotiate while it
attributable to Russia. hesitated to act. The time had now come for considering
Sir B. LYTTON said the right hon. gentleman the what was the next position we could hold with reference)
to that power ; and ho earnestly entreated the house to dis-
member for Manchester had summed up his objections to
tinguish between the friendship of that country and its
the continuance of the war by asking how it could subserve alliance. Meer, hear.) If they wished to limit the war
the interests of England. He (Sir B. Lytton) would answer within narrow bounds, he thought they ought to maintain
that question by reminding him how eloquently on a for- friendly relations with Austria so long as she remained
mer occasion he declared that ho and the party with whom neutral, because they could not. injure that state without
he acted were not anxious for any terms of peace which injuring tho balance of power in Europe. It was easy to
say that Austria might be reduced to a fourth-rate power,
were not consistent with the honour of the country. but her answer would be this—lf yon go to war to pre-
(Hear, hear.) On that point the right hon. gentleman serve the balance of power, remember that Austria is as
should observe this distinction, that with individuals necessary as
toa ieginsterpoiirortodersaencaen;da,oe j'huerrkgasiosnasshae
jealousy of honour might be a mere sentiment, .whereas counterposewo
would preserve friendly relations with Austria, but he
with. nations it was something more—it was a condition doubted the wisdom of that policy which had so earnestly
of greatness. (Hoar, hear.) If the position of an solicited her alliance. Suppose you had attained that
individual were lowered, he might still say, "My estate alliance, what would you have gained ? He said " Better
is e
tents
impaired,person;"
lawbut sitfi l
the
honourmaintains myof
arightsnat
nation
nd
wper
her,re a sas e
aAnuds t
irni ae
vailtoanhel ,e bei ee
nytosu til
bring
here oon
your rrs
iidt ae t.
lowered
hooinurof a
n thea t
ieuyne
like
ef
England,ot her
whichstates, moreow ed i
t a especially
position t he
'munch kI thoughte
too. a
n ptphlai
et_aot
iunrg
. (Hear.)attitudehhtowardsHe no
w Austriaea t
oh
thead been
hon,cur of a nation liko England, which owed its position 'much too supplicating. (Hear.) He now came to the pro-
the
et
ntournitesriteerralitaomryoubnuttoftoitsitsarchmaireasc, character—(cheers)—not
t(ochaeebresl);-fninotittos
_bleifmwleaawd
were
ewtno beoy;t.tilineureigthtia
wonar.,mofemwbheratfaohraApleanwcaheesttheer,
spirit and its indomitable will, the consequences would war to be ? . Was to be of a large and comprehensive
affect its solid and vital interests. (Cheers.) Its credit character, ultimately involving changes in the governments
would suffer—its commerce would indirectly be damaged ;of Europe ?He warned them against raising hopes which
even in peaceful negotiations its claim would not be re- they might not be able to satisfy. (Hear.) He would not
cognised, and never -again would it interfere with effect admit that there was no hope of the restoration of Poland.
against violence and -
wrong, and on behalf of liberty and He would not prejudge what might be done with the
righ:t. (Cheers.) These were some of the consequences Crimea when we got it; but he would not encourage
which would affect, the interests of this country, if, other vague language which it might suit one minister to use,
nations could say—whether justly or not—that England and his successor to repudiate. Woe and shame to the
had grown unmindful of her honour. And he asked British statesman who should raise nations against
his right honourable friend (Mr. M. Gibson) whether their rulers, not foreseeing that in those constitutionaj
other countries would not say this with every appearance changes to which I their governments were subject,
of truth, if after having got into a war with their they might promise to-day that which their' succes-
most powerful enemy, they accepted any terms sore would withdraw to-morrow. (Hear, hear.) Those
of peace which Turkey herself would indignantly refuse nations who hoped for democracy must not look to
to (indorse? (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to deny that foreign soldiers, or the votes of foreign popular assemblies.
the right hon. gentleman was as anxious for the honour of They could not receive liberty as a boon or extort it as a
the country as any one of them. But he asked, did anybody right, except it was signed at their own Runnymede and
believe that a single subject of the Ottoman empire would under the shadow of their own oak. (Cheers.) Therefore,
consider that they had fulfilled their engagement if they let them confine this war to the object for which it had
consented to any terms of peace that would not take from been begun—the integrity and independence of Turkey,
Ruseitt a single fortress or a single ship by means of which with such guarantees for the future as statesmen might de-
she :now held the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) The right hon. vise, and victory might enable use teoTnodhbaettfahitnoh.ues(weHaceroaumrl.di)g
jhTlitdhgbaeet
gentleman and the noble lord who spoke last were consis- conceded, he was not going to ask what new fortress was
thatehgonaewtizwi,asnntayrtt—hhmee(eowmpcapoobrurse which they had pursued—they were to be attacked ; that was•no affair. of the House of Corn.
r bannumdte hwn eth
woc
howuo ledlreend ortethscpeomonnesieinibvtl
into
onlyemaob ni
cabinets,
a,resultsMattersand i;n
and
councils
(ni
nael strategytilhsooufg
although.
most ho settled by the allied
opposition)whie h
he i fa tnhde
yhi. his pushedeol-
for all that it hadefsrir war—(opposition
from
could now suddenly as- purely defensive, if they waatnhrt.ed to drive Russia into
sums the language of peace societies—(hear, hear)— terms they must grapple with her wherever they could.
atondahoitthat there
wTahaennoothbilnegloarod
itinhepomlietmiebaear fhourmLiyantinhgad saidf
leagues commenced with a military failure. (Renewed when you could not crush him, quoting Machiavelli
cheers.) cheers.) He had listened to the speech of the right in support of his proposition. He warned his noble
hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford friend against the attempt to reduce the grand science of
with. profound respect for his intellect and his eloquence ; 1 statesmanship to scholastic maxims. We could not, it was
but he could not reconcile the course which he hail sup' true, crush Russia, as Russia, but we could crushherat-
ported at the commencement of the war with that which ho tempt to be anything more than Russia. (Hoar, hear.
had advocated recently. There could be no doubt as to ,It might be said that William of Orange could not have
iehHheadw
what in the right hon. gentleman's eyes was the object of crushed Louis XIV., or that the burghers of the
beenas sure
givenhe twouldhate evening
acceptng
b y histhe
right
bon.
William Netherlands
of could
Orange
Louisthe house
in aogf g
re
asiyAustria—but
the
of i
tw war.h
friend the member for Southwark, and which he (Sir B. upon Holland, and the burghers resisted successfully. the
Lytton) was astonished to hear, coming as it did from so ac- house of Austria. In the, same way, his noble friend
compliehed a philosopher as the pupil of Bentham, and the might depend upon it, we. could mak Russia in her at"
acti action
military
a crimes
u success c iecnnsottshsthctheeht ehefimGeerrso wt)--v (thee; thou',r

•
tempts to injure our ancient ally. The right hon. gentle-
man the member for Manchester had asked when, if the
policy indicated was followed out, would the war end ? He
(Sir B. Lytton) believed that if we were only in earnest in
carrying it on, and limited it to its legitimate objects, it
could not last long. In these days war was money, and
it was impossible for any power to sustain a long war
with a short Purse. The pecuniary resources of Rus-
sia were already becoming exhausted—therem trade .was
almost annihilated—while her recruiting sys
carried on in a way which, besides draining the country of
its adult male population, inflicted a heavy loss upon the
lords of the soil, and incalculable misery and discontent
upon the people. In conclusion, the hon. baronet expressed
a hope that when it should be asked what service the pre-
sent generation had performed, history would reply that
it drew the sword to protect the weak against the strong,
and that it had not sheathed it until it had redeemed the
`pledge given to humanity upon the faith of two Christian
sovereigns, and vindicated the cause of justice and liberty.
The LORD ADVOCATE thanked the hon. bart. not only
for the clear exposition he had given of his own views, but
also for having successfully disposed of the arguments of
those who were the opponents of the Government in the
present debate. It had been said that the country had
drifted into war. He altogether disputed the aceuracy of
that statement. Never had a war been entered into by
the people of this country with so much deliberation. It
was not a war of passion—it was a war of dynasties—it was
a war of justice and of necessity ; and he did not believe
the country would stop in its course until the object for
which the war had been commenced had been achieved.
With regard to the origin of the war, when the right hon.
member for Manchester said it was owing to the tone of the
press and of the supposed impossibility of England and.
France entering into an alliance to resist Russian aggres-
sion, the right hon. gentleman conceded the point that the
Emperor of Russia was all along waiting for the opportunity
to attack Turkey. The interest we had in defending Turkey
'was this :—That through the sides of Turkey our own liber-
ties were menaced. We had a plain and obvious danger to
ward off, and the question now to consider was, how best
we could place Turkey in such a position that the liberties
of Europe should be secure for the future. It by no means
followed, when the war was actually commenced, that
the status quo should be the condition of peace. The
right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford had said
that we ought not to raise our terms as the war went on ;
but the principle of altering the terms according to the
altered state of circumstances consequent on the war was
admitted by Lord Aberdeen himself, who increased, the
terms upon which his Government wore
nwhich
prepared to treat
for peace as the war went on. The terms upo
peace might be negotiated on the one side and on the
other must always depend in a great measure upon the re-
sults of the war ; and the results of our military operation,
even before the recent successes, were certainly not such as
should induce us to accept lower terms than those origi-
nally proposed, but the contrary. (Hear, hear.) The main
demand was the limitation of the Russian preponderance
in the Black Sea, as embodied in the third point. The
only effectual means of carrying out that object was by
the measures proposed by th' allies, for it was clear
that if the other proposition were adopted—viz., that
Turkey should have the right to call in the fleets
of France and England if she were menaced—in the
event of France and England not being agreed, or either
of those po seers not being agreed with Turkey, there would
be no protection for Turkey. Lo.,king at the result of the
debate, he did not think the Emperor of Russia, or any
power in Europe, could now entertain a doubt that the
opinion of the House of Commons and of the country was
that we had entered upon a war upon just grounds, and
were determined not to relinquish it until the and we had
in view was attained. (He;.r.)
Mr. COBDEN moved the adjournment of the debate.
_ Lord PALMERSTON trusted that the house would
allow this amendment to be disposed of. He considered
that the amendment on which the hon. member would
wish to state his sentiments was the amendment of the
hon. member for the University of Oxford (Sir W.
Heathcote).
Mr. COBDEN begged the noble lord's pardon, but it was
on this amendment that he wished to state his sentiments.
Mr. DISRAELI hoped that there would be no difference
of opinion on this important point. There were several
amendments on the paper, but it appeared to him that this
was the real question on which the opinion of the house
was asked—whether the conferences were to proceed, or,
as it was understood, to be closed immediately—was this,
bad the best moans been employed by Government to esta-
blish the equilibrium, and put an end to the preponderance
of Russia in the Black Sea. A more important question,
or one more deserving the consideration of the House of
Commons could not wall be conceived. When the noble
lord at the head of the Government announced, before the
recess, that he intended to support the first part of the mo-
tion of the hon. member for Kidderminster, he (Mr. Dis-
raeli) told the noble lord that he must be prepared for con-
siderable debates in consequence of that declaration. Not
only was the whole question of the policy of Government in-
volved in the discussion, but much more than that—the
future means by which peace was to be maintained. He
might also take that opportunity of answering the remarks
of the Lord Advocate, and perhaps he might be able to show
him that the subject *as of much wider character than he
seemed to suppose. The learned lord imagined, acting
under the instructions of the Government, that there
were no other means by which the preponderance of Russia
could be possibly checked and controlled. He (Mr. Disraeli)
thought, however, that it was the duty of the House of
Commons to enter falls, and completely ino this discussion;
that the first part of the amendment of the hon. member
for Kidderminster was the real business before them ; and
that all the rest was " leather and prunella." (Laughter.)
The noble lord, therefore must not suppose that they
could proceed to an early division upon a subjecfr on which
it appeared to him the discussion had only commenced.
The debate was then adjourned till this day.
The Mortmain Bill was read the scond time.
TENANTS IMPROVEMENTS COMPENSATION
(IRELAND) BI LL.
On the order for going into committee on this bill,
Colonel DUNNE hoped the Chief Secretary for Ireland
and
would give the house ample opportunity to consider
discuss the amendments which he proposed to introduce
into the bill.
Mr. HORSMAN said his amendments would appear on
the votes to-morrow, and he proposed to bring them under
the consideration of the house on Thursday next.
31r. S. FITZGERALD said it was ludicrous to suppose
that the house could discuss the amendments on so early a
day as Thursday.
Lord NAAS also thought that more time should be
allowed.
Lord PALMERSTON then said the discussion would be
taken on Thursday week.
The Grants of Land Bill was read a second time.
ORDNANCE BOARD BILL.
On the motion for the second reeding of this bill,
Mr. STAFFORD hoped that a measure for the recon-
struction of an important public office would not be read
the scond time without a full discussion.
Col. DUNNE complained that no clear statement had
yet been made in the changes in the Ordnance Denartment.
Mr. MONSELL said he was anxious to make such a
statement. He would postpone the second reading till
Friday,
EPISCOPAL CAPITULAR ESTATE: BILL.
The Marquis of BLANDFORD hoped the lsouse would
go into committee pro forma upon this bill, in order that
he might introduce certain amendments and ant:rations.
The bill then passed through committee pro fol-ma, and
was ordered to be reported on Friday.
NATIONAL GALLERY, 4c. (DUBLIN) BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
EDINBURGH LANDS BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
SEWERS (HOUSE DRAINAGE) BILL.
The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered and
agreed to.
YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL.
Mr. ADDERLEY obtained leave to bring in a bill to
amend the Youthful Offenders Act.
The house then adjourned at half-past twelv clock.

,„tom`'

The departures from the port of London for the Aus-
tralian colonies during the past week have comprised
nine vessels, of the aggregate capacity of 5,270 tons.
The rates of freight exhibit a tendency to improvement.
[ADVERTISEBIENT.]—Du Barry's delicious Itevalenta A rabies
Food cures indigestion (dyspepsia), constipation, diar-
rhoea, dysentery, nervousness, biliousness, and liver com-
plaints; flatulency, distension, acidity, heartburn, palpitation
of the heart, nervous headaches, deafness, noises in the head
and ears, pains in almost every part of the body, tie doulo-
reux, face-ache, chronic inflammation, cancer and ulceration
of the stomach, pains at the pit of the stomach and between
the shoulders, erysipelas, eruptions of the skin, biles and
carbuncles, impurities and poverty of the blood, scrofula,
cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, rheumatism, gout,
nausea and sickness duringpregnaney, after eating, or at sea,
low spirits, spasms, cramps, epileptic fits, spleen, general
debility, inquietude, sleeplessness, involuntary blushing,
paralysis, tremors, dislike to society, unfitness for study, loss
of memory, delusions, vertigo, blood to the head, exhaustion,
melancholy, groundless fear, indecision, wretchedness,
thoughts of self-destruction, and many other complaints.
It is, moreover, 'the best food for infants and invalids
generally, as it never turns acid on the weakest stomach,
nor interferes with a good liberal diet, but imparts a
healthy relish for lunch and dinner, and restores the faculty
of digestion, and nervous and muscular. , energy to the
most enfeebled. In whooping cough, measles, small pox, and
chicken or wind pox it renders all medicine superfluous
by romov'ng all inflammatory and feverish symptoms.—
In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. lls. ; 121 b. 225.
The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry
Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London ; also at 182,
Piccadilly ; 60, Gracechurch:street ; 330, and 451, Strand;
4, Cheapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill ; 49, BishopSgate-street;
55, Charing-cross; 54, Upper Baker-street; 63 and 150,
Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden-town ; 18, Pall-
mall ; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, New Bond-street ; 24, Mot-
comb-street ; 13, King William-street, City 30, Conduit-
street; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, Farringdon-street ; 67, St.
Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, Portman-square.
[Aevnitrissmzsr.]— Pus WAR IN THE EAST. —POWERFUL
PATENT RECONNOITRING GLASSES.— Messrs S. and B. Solo-
mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe
opposite the York Hotel. By her Majesty's Royal
Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements
in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race"
course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the distances
of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the
army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra-
ordinary powers that some 3i inches, with an extra eye-
piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring,
and the double stars ; with the same telescope can be
seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant,
and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They are of larger and all
sizes, with increasing powers accordingly ; while their vary-
hit from 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the
above and the Georgian, with his 6 satellites, &c.—The Royal
Exhibition, 18.51.—Valuable, newly-invented, very small,
Powerful waistcoat-Pocket glass,the size of uwalnut, by which
a person can be seen and known 1 a miles distant ; they answer
every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera houses,
country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles.
They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to
sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. Opera,
race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful
power.—Newly-constructed Spectacle Lenses of the great-
est transparent power. The valuable advantage derived
from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is
preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are
enabled to employ their sight at the most minute omit-
pation—can see with these lenses of a much less magnify-
do not require the frequent changes
ing power—and they
to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Deaf-
ness—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an extraordi-
nary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness,
entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the
kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced.
Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it
enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at
public assemblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises
in the ears is entirely removed; and it affords all the assist-
ance that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemarle-street,
Piccadilly. Observe—opposite the York Rote).