The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-03 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 2, 1855.

It is clear that the EXP3Ror. of the French
does not concur with Lord CLARENDON in think-
ing that "the proceedings of Austria do not jus-
tify censure." Th© simple, straightforward, and
unadorned statement of our illustrious Ally must
carry with it conviction to every unprejudiced
mind as to the duplicity and insincerity of that
vacillating and shuffling power. The strongest
vituperative language could not convey weightier
condemnation than that plain narrative of facts,
or a firmer resolution to insist on the perform-
ance of the solemn obligation from which the
Cabinet of Vienna have endeavoured to wriggle out.
It was, indeed, a model address, a
patriotism of the ppealing to the
country in the best possible
manner, and rising to sublimity in its dignified
simplicity. The most elalcorate state papers have
not placei the real questions at issueso clearly
and explicitly before Europe, so that " he who
runs may read,"
and every man may form his
own judgment as well on theconduct and demands
of the Western Powers as on those of
Austria.
His Imperial Majesty first deals with the Allies,
and boldly inquires, " Were we wanhtii:sngquienstmiZeie-
ration in settling the conditions 1" T
examines fairly, laying down incontrovertible facts,
and drawing the legitimate, and, we might add,
irresistible inferences. What was the state of affairs
at the time that Austria, by false and fraudulent
pretensions, induced us to enter into the abortive
Conferences, that reflected so much disgrace on
Russia and on Austria? The EMPEROR truly
describes it. He says :—" One year already had
passed since the commencement of the war, and
already France and England had saved Turkey,
gained two battles, forced Russia to evacuate
the -Principalities, and to exhaust her forces in
the defence of the Crimea. We had, moreover,
in our favour the adhesion of Austria and
the moral approbation of the of
fhe cEui m-' Europe."
Such was the course o.f
events—such rest
stances of the time when Austria, in the interest
of Russia, as is now but too manifest, thought
proper to interfere. She believed that, if she
continued neutral, matters would he concluded
without her assistance or co-operation, and that
she would be unable to stipulate for any peculiar
advantages to herself
which her greedy cupidity
sought for, although her contemptible timidity
prevented her adopting from
- the means by which
they might fairly be obtained. If she continued.
to hold aloof, she could
not help the twin despot-
ism, or prevent the humiliation of Russia, or the
decided diminution of the over- Brown power of
the AUTOCRAT. Then it was all: bate f dand
° u
with deceitful heart and mendaci •
r ere
a
herself into a position to which she Naas wriggled
no reason*
able claim. We shall again take the very Words
of our august Ally. His NIAJEsTY -
says
that situation the Cabinet of Vienna asked
if
we would consent to treat upon bases v iel u 3 y
for-
mulated. Before our successes a refusal on our
part seemed natural. Was it not to be supposed,
-forsooth, that the demands of France and England
would increase in proportion to the greatness of.
the struggle and of the .sacrifices already made ?
Well, France and England did not turn their
ndvantages to account, or even make the most of
the rights given to them by previous treaties, EU
much had they at heart to facilitate peace and to
give an unchallengeableproof of their moderation."
He then clearly and distinctly explains the nature
of the Four Point; proving beyond the possibility
of a doubt or dispute, that the:Western Powers
had no selfish object:, but that the two first points

were conceived exclusively in the interests of
Austria and Germany ; the third in the interests
,)f humanity, and the fourth in that of the Porte
and of Europe. Well might he term these pro-
positions "magnanimous, from their disinterested-
ness." They were unconditionally accepted by Rus-
approved of by Austria and Prussia, and yet
Russia, notwithstanding that acceptance, has per-
emptorily refused every limitation to her naval
force, and " we have still to wait for Austria to
fulfil her engagements which consisted in rendering
our treaty offensive and defensive if the negotia-
tions failed."

This is a significant sentence, and shows that
the E3TPEROR. is perfectly aware of the just inter-
pretation of the Treaty of the 2d December, and
resolved to insist on its strict and honourable ful-
filment. Austria must shake off her (espicable
neutrality—she must be either for us or against us
—must complete her engagements or endure the
penalties of their violation. This is as it should
be. This is setting a salutary example to
our own Government. It shows that France
will not submit to be made ridiculous for the sake
of Germanism or Coburgism. Why should we do
so, or refrain from pursuing an equally decided
and honourable course ? It will be for Parlia-
ment to answer that question in the first instance.
If the response be not satisfactory, the people
must take the subject into their own hands at the
next general election, or any earlier occasion that
may arise. Should they be compelled to do so,
it may startle the oligarchy and the " happy
family of Downing-street."

Although we cannot quite concur in Lord
PAN3IURE'S propositions respecting the contem-
plated alterations in the pay and condition of
private soldiers, we rejoice to find that the atten-

tion of Government has been turned in that
direction, and that there seems to be a decided
inclitation to held out inducements to a better
class of recruits to join the ranks. There is a
general feeling that we should behave with
greater liberality to those who are not merely
risking life and limb in the service of their
country, but who have endured the greatest pri-
vations and sufferings, through the carelessness
or inefficiency of some of the departments, and of
persons of high rank and position. We do
not believe that the nation will object to the re-
wards off_Ted to its gallant defenders ; or, not-
withstanding its having made pecuniary sacrifices,
will complain of the additional expenditure thereby
occasioned. On the contrary, it will bail with in-
tense satisfaction the act of tardy justice, and
only desire to see that the funds, cheerfully voted,
are judiciously and properly applied, in a manner

alike acceptable and beneficial to the recipients.
Having thus stated our gratification, at the
proposition, we must say that we are by no means
equally pleased at the manner in which it has
been brought forward, or some of the incidental
regulations. On the first point we have always
been accustomed to regard the popular represen-
tatives as the recognised and constitutional
guardians of the public purse that no
expense can be • properly incurred with-
out their sanction being first duly had and
obtained. It is true that an emergency may
arise during which Ministers must act on their
own responsibility, trusting to the feelings of the
House to confirm and sanction their acts or pro-
mises. But such steps should only be taken when
the exigency is urgent, and there is no feasible
opportunity for asking the opinions of the con-
trollers of the national expenditure in the first
instance. But here the House was actually sitting
at the very time when the announcement was
made, which, as if to cast a studied slight on the
representatives of the people, to mark how
slightly their privileges were regarded by the re-
sponsible advisers, was delivered in another branch
of the Legislature. This may be in accordance
with the new-fangled doctrines of Germanism,
which would not allow the people even to ques-

tion the acts or remonstrate at the conclusions of
her MAJESTY'S Ministers, but we boldly aver that
it is not consonant to the spirit of the British
Constitution, nor with the popular rights and
privileges which our forefathers have on many
occasions so sturdily and unflinchingly defended.
Turning from the objectionable manner which
may imperil a salutary measure let us consider
1 the propositions themselves, and see whether the
amount of money required therefor might not
be more judiciously and satisfactorily applied.
The extra pay is not, it appears, to be given to
the soldier, either on service or after his return
home. It is to be invested in Savings Banks, and on
his discharge paid over with the accumulations, and
in addition to any pension he may be entitled to ;
or, ou his death, handed over to his representa-
tives. Now, we do not think that soldiers will
like being deprived of the immediate control over
that which they have fairly and honourably earned.
They may feel desirous not of squandering it in
wanton and degrading dissipation, but in advanc-
ing the interests of their families, or of improving
their own positions, and rendering themselves
qualified for a more elevated station. Nor will
they appreciate as a very high compliment the
fact that they are to be treated as children, or
convicts, not fit to be entrusted with the manage-
ment of their
render th© own earnings. To many it may
service irksome. They will be
anxious to gain the opportunity of spending
their money, while
their claims to Jew, , manyof their
actual
r speculative vendors
cheap luxuries for a tithewillvalue sell
of
But there is another part of the Noble Secre-
tary's plan that will
more than counterbalance
any supposed benefit, and •
in Place of tempting
the youth of the country to prefer
profession will decidedly d ' the army as a
deer them doing. In place of from so
enabling married soldiers to
live with decency by increasing the barrack accom-
modation for themselves and • wives, he is cc
of those who think that the presence of
en,
Women
in barracks may be altogether d dispense with„ • '
Re
does not see " why soldiers in barracks should not
be able to do for themselves everything that i
s ne,,
&wary." There is, in fact, to be no such tl •
ling as
married privates at all. Now, we must earnestly
protest against this compulsory celibacy. We do
not want an order of military priesthood, which
we do not think would be in any degree conducive
either to morality or discipline. We trust that
the nation may emphatically protest against this
most unjust and intolerable suggestion. The
soldier has already to endure sufficient restrictions.
We must remember that we are dealing with
ordinary flesh and
blood, subject to_.the passions
of humanity, and not mere machines, who will
°l2'eY any regulations which a commanding officer
may think fit to impose.

Better late than never ! At the 1a3!., moment
Lord Roazivr GROSVENOR has deemed
it prudent
to give up his detesta.blo Bill. ii, 'd he done so
.1...
on before, the police atrocities in
Sun-
dayHyde-par—
could not have occurred, and we might
have
given him credit for having Withdrawn gracefully
session of that true
what he had advanced
foolishly, and for the Pos-
looks nobler than wh il British couraue which never
an error. e spontaneously admitting.
All that can be said in his favour ,is,.
he might- hi i.e. dOno worse, an out .oreilly or

wicked bravado proceeded with the Bill. He will
not be in a hurry, IV) imagine, to lead the Sab-
batarian van again. May his ignominious dis-
comfiture operate as a warning to legislative Lord-
lings for the future not to practise on the rights
and liberties of the industrious poor !

Grievously to blame, however, as his Lordship
is, the conduct of the Government, and more espe-
cially of the Premier and Sir GEORGE GREY, is
still more reprehensible. Their political experi-
ence and presumed knowledge of their country-
men shculd have told them that so delicate a
thing as Sabbath legislation ought not to be con-
fided to an inexperienced member, however well
meaning. But even waiving this, the bill once
introduced, instead of playing, as they have done,
fast and loose, it was their duty to have distinctly
pronounced their intentions with respect to it ;
and by no chance ought a flippant remark, or any
careless expression respecting the bill, to have
escaped them. It is no exaggeration to say that
the unprincipled vacillation of Ministers had by
no means an illegitimate, though most unconsti-
tutional and disgraceful, issue in the police bruta-
lities of Hyde Park. The liberties and comforts
—nay, the means of living of hundreds of thou-
sands, were a matter beneath their serious consi-
deration, unless it could be converted into a
means of securing political support. But let the
people, the over-burdened, much-enduring people
murmur, and meet to proclaim their impatience
of further wrong, and into the pocket goes the
ivory toothpick, away flies the insidious smile,
and post haste the Police Marshal is sent for, and
booked for the plan of a Sunday's campaign !
Heartlessness and vacillation are near of kin to
cruelty, and we will not be surprised to find that
the Home-office may fairly share the honours of
the "Bludgeoning of the Serpentine " with Sir
RicHer.n and his myrmidons.
At all events the proceedings a t the Marlborough
Police-court lend considerable colour to this notion.
The prisoners who had been savagely assaulted
and taken into custody for a word or a look, or
for nothing at all, as the case might be, were kept
waiting for several hours in a room, a sort of
Blackhole, " crowded to suffocation," until the
Home-office would condescend to appear by deputy
and declare their intentions, the police outside
agreeably employing the interval in bludgeoning
the excited crowd in front of the office. Anything
more disgraceful to Government can hardly be
conceived. It is quite evident they were unde-
cided to the last what to do, never troubling
themselves with a consideration of the rights of
the prisoners, and possibly puzzled by the trivial
nature of the evidence—for with all their libe-
rality of detail the police chiefly succeeded in mak-
ing out a case against themselves. The stones
thrown, wefancy, are generally speaking, still where
they used to be in Hyde-park, or in what other
arena policemen of imp.
,ination and taste disport.
Our opinion, formed on observation and general
report, is only confirmed by the evidence, that
the people, men, women, and children were reck-
lessly and brutally assailed, and that nothing but
their good sense and good feeling could have pre-
vented a serious riot—a collision which the police
bad adopted the most efficient measures to pro-
voke. Let the blame, however, ultimately be
distributed as it may, one thing is certain : there
must be a thorough inquiry into the affair, for
the more it is considered the more serious it
looks.