The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-22 00:00:00

MR. MILNER GIBSON'S MOTION.
(From the Times of this day. )
The high-wrought expectations of the distinguished au-
dience which assembled in the House of Commons yesterday
evening to listen to the debate on Mr. Milner Gibson's motion
was destined to a severe and unlooked-for disappointment.
Very early in the proceedings symptoms of a " cross," as the
prizefighters call it, began to manifest themselves, and persons
used to such things saw clearly that the match would not
come off. Zealous as Mr. Gibson undoubtedly is in putting
forward his pacific notions, and vehement as the Ministry,
which exists on the vigorous prosecution of the war, is in its
anxiety to meet and combat them, it somehow seems to have
occurred to these antagonists that neither had much to gain
from the prosecution of a quarrel which was likely to result
in greater benefit to third parties than to either of the belli-
gerents. Mr. Milner Gibson might not unreasonably think
that there was a strong feeling in the House against his mo
tion, and our warlike Government might believe with equal
justice that there was a considerable majority of its own mem-
bers in its favour. Still the difficulty was where to find a
plausible pretext for putting off a debate with regar I to which
the feeling of the country certainly is that it is rather too late
than too soon, and lags behind rather than anticipates the
occasion. Many excuses, many pretexts, were doubtless can-
vassed and considered, until at last one was found sufficiently
plausible, at least in the belief of those who have a statesman-
like confidence in the gullibility of mankind. Before the mo-
tion came on Mr. Gladstone questioned Lord Palmerston as
to the state of the negotiations at Vienna in a manner which
certainly invited him not, to underrate the gravity of the
difficulties which they opposed to the impending discussion.
Thus adjured, Lord Palmerston spoke. The congress had
adjourned sine die, but was not dissolved. It might be called•
together at any time. Austria, " our ally to a certain ex-
tent," was making it her business to find terms of agreement,
questing about for expedients to unite the incompatible views
of Russia and the Western Powers.- .When the required
expedients were found, it. -4 tc- be communicated to
England and France, and upon' their approval of this possible
future expedient the Congress could be reassembled. Here
was just that species of metaphysical entity -in which Mr.
Gladstone delights—a future conditional, contingent, un-
realised, probably unrealisable, idea, which assumed under
his skilful touch substance and consistency, and grew and
increased till one could really almost fancy that it was some-
thing more than a vain chimaera of his luxuriant imagination.
Once possessed of this, to him, solid anal substantial fulcrum
for the intellectual lever, Mr. Gladstone's work was soon
done ; and we doubt not that he would have persuaded Mr.
Giheon to postpone his motion even if Mr Herbert had not
aided him by the threat of moving " the previous questions"
and Lord Harry Vane assisted with the menace that after
these diplomatic revelations he would not second him. The
comedy, thus fairly started, was played out, nobody seeming
in earnest in the matter except Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Disraeli,
and it was with no feeling of surprise that the house heard
from Mr. Gibson that after the appeal made to him he could
not persevere, and must, therefore, defer his motion till after
Whitsuntide.
Thus, then, has been lost by a palpable contrivance of, the
very clumsiest description the opportunity of taking the opi,
nion of the House of Commons on the question of peace and
war. Mr. Gibson certainly acted a part for which Ministers
cannot be sufficiently grateful. He preoccupied the ground,
and, after having prevented other members from bringing the
subject forward, postponed his motion just at the time when
it was impossible to give notice of another before Whitsun-
tide, and thus procured for the Ministry another fortnight,
during which they may enjoy, without Parliamentary con-
trol, unlimited powers of truckling to Russia. The House of
Commons has been jockeyed out of' the expression of its
opinion, and, above all, the Government have been
saved for another fortnight from exposing to the world
the true secret of their disunion on the very principle
upon which they were constructed. Regarding this mat-
ter as a Parliamentary interlude, it was played off
dexterously enough ; in any other point of view the course
adopted by all parties was most discreditable. The pretence,
as we have above intimated, was of the most frivolous de-
scription. The state of things alluded to by Lord Palmer-
ston always exists in war. Wherever a Congress has been
summoned a Congress can been summoned again. Wherever
a proposition has been negatived another can be• substituted.
While there are belligerent Powers and a Power between them
which makes it its business, like Austria, to find perpetually
new subjects of negotiation, there is no fear that the farce
cannot be keptup as long as required, especially if by so doing
the disagreeable necessity of explanation in a popular assembly
is avoided. If such statements as those of Lord Palmerston
are considered sufficient to deprive Parliament of its jurisdic-
tion, we shall never want assurances that Austria has some-
thing to propose, that the Congress has something to con-
sider, that there are " bases," or " elements," or shreds, or
fragments upon which something may be constructed, or out
of which something may be extracted, if they be only sub-
mitted often enough and long eningh to the crucible of di-
plomatic chemistry. The establisfiment of such a principle
is very convenient to a Ministry whose dissensions on peace
and war render a discussionon thesubject highly unadvisable,
and equally expedient for the advocates of a craven and dis-
honourable policy, who shrink from submitting their prin-
ciples to the ordeal of a discussion in a popularassembly, but
still wish to preserve to themselves the credit of not deserting
them under the influence of clamour and unpopularity. It is
not, however, quite so clear that this plan of eluding the dis- I
cussion of peace and war, iu deference to the supposed
dangers of imaginary negotiations, will be satisfactory to the
public at large, who care little for the unseen and, condi-
tional, and are, above all things, absorbed in the visible and
actual. They see that we have been negotiating :it
Vienna on terms the very proposition of which is an
insult to the spirit and magnanimity of the nation.
They see that our Ministry are charged to their
faces in the most public manner by Mr. Roebuck
with being at issue among themselves on the subject of peace
and war, and do not dare to deny it ; and they see that when
the House of Commons addresses itself to a discussion of
these subjects, which must, if carried through, dissipate all
doubt as to its own opinion and that of the Ministry, and
show clearly whether they are in unison or net, the debate
is put off on the most frivolous pretences, and the power of
contracting an ignominious peace is still left in the hands of
those who are more than suspected of a leaning in that direc-
tion. If the Government have any value for their own posi-
tion they will cease on this, the tenderest of all subjects, to
tamper with the wishes and anxieties of the people. Let the
House of Commons fairly state its own opinion, and let the
Ministry as fairly and openly state theirs. Should they agree,
both will have gathered fresh strength from the disclosure.
Should they differ, these are no times in which such a dis-
crepancy should be allowed to exist one moment after it has
been discovered.
We must do justice to the House of Commons. We fully
believe that to the great majority of them the manoeuvre by
which they have been deprived at a moment so critical of the
power of expressing their opinion is as odious as it is to our-
selves. They have been tricked out of their right by a dex-
terous stratagem, which deprived them of the power of regu-
lating their own proceedings or insisting that the motion
they met to consider should be persevered with. They have
been tricked by their own forms. The issue that was raised
by Mr. Gibson would have been presented to the house in
innumerable shapes, bad there not been a feeling that the
question was sufficiently raised by his resolutions, and that
there was no reason to doubt he would fairly redeem the im-
plied pledge to bring them on which he gave by placing them
on the paper. It remains to be seen whether the house will
submit to be the victim of this dexterous piece of acting, or
whether it will not, as we think it ought, insist before it
separates for the Whitsuntide recess on recording its opinion
as to the future negotiations of this country with Russia iu a
manner which will teach Ministers what they have to expect
if, with discordant wills and vacillating policy, they ever
again sue for that peace from the Czar which the nation is
determined to extort by force of arms, and to secure by far
different guarantees than those so idly discussed at Vienna.
---
(From the Morning Chronicle of this day. )

" I have seldom witnessed in this house," said Mr. Disraeli
•yesterday evening, " a scene like that which is apparently
performing near me to-night 1" and a burst of cheers marked
the instant appreciation of the remark by the House of Com-
mons. Well might the right honourable gentleman charac-
terise the request made to Mr. Milner Gibson, that be would
postpone his motion, as " extraordinary and impolitic." Ex-
traordinary it was, considering the circumstances under which
it was made, Impolitic it certainly was, because it tends to
lead the people of England to believe that they are being
trifled with, and that the honour and dignity of this country
are being imperilled, for purposes the mere suspicion of which
is enough to fill them with indignation.
Some weeks have now elapsed since the public heard with
satisfaction that the solemn mockery of the Vienna Confer-
ences was at an end. Had the mission of Lord John Russell
resulted in his being able to announce the conclusion of an
honourable peace, it would have been hailed with satisfaction,
because the people of England are not enamoured of war for
its own sake, and all their material interests would be ad-
vanced by a peaceful settlement of the dispute with Russia.
Failing that desired result, there appeared at least to be
ground for congratulation that the energies of the country
were no more to be trammelled by the network of diplo-
macy, and that the sword would cut the Gordian knot of
negotiation. The mysterious reluctanee of the Govern-
ment to enter into any discussion on the general ques-
tion of the war, although if they had been prepared
with a straightforward policy, their fading popularity
might have been restored, did, it must be admitted, some-
what damp the hopes of action to which the cessation of
talking and protocolling bad given birth. Still, so many
traps had been set for the slippery Minister—there was Earl
Grey's promised motion in the Lords—there was Mr. Milner
Gibson's menaced provocation in the Commons—there was
Mr. Disraeli's positive announcement that he at least would
force a discussion on 'the foreign policy of the country—that
it was not supposed possible Lord Palmerston could escape,
or that if there was treason in the Ministerial camp it should
not be exposed.
Now, however, it appears that the old incubus is on us
again. The Vienna Conferences are not at an end, after all 1
The meshes are again prepared for us; the "threads of ne-
gotiation" are once more to be wound round us, and our new
resolves in favour of vigour and energy—of arriving at peace
through victory—are set at nought. " Her Majesty's Go-
vernment certainly do not consider all the modes of solution
of the question at issue as exhausted." •
Now, if Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Bright, and some other
gentlemen who helped to bring about the catastrophe of last
evening, really believe that there is any hope of a satisfactory
result from these anticipated proposals of Austria, they cannot
be blamed for the course they have adopted. They are de-
voted, avowedly or secretly, to the cause of " peace at any
price," and they will consistently pursue their objects re-
gardless of the consequences which their limited views and
misplaced perseverance may bring upon the country. But
the people of England will object to be thus trifled with.
The attitude assumed by Lord Palmerston was happily
characterised by Mr. Disraeli.

Goaded by the taunts of Mr. Disraeli, and coerced into an
explanation by the evident reasonableness of his request,
Lord Palmerston entered on a brief defence of his recent
conduct. Ho appears to plume himself upon its negative
character. He, forsooth, had done nothing ! Inquiry was
demanded. He did not think it desirable, yet would not
refuse it 1 He did not wish to shrink from discussion,
but he deprecated it as injurious to the public interests ! And
now ho " leaves the matter in the hands of the house," well
aware that a discreditable compromise was being effected,
and that the only result of the conversation would be public
disappointment.

(From the Daily News of this day.)
Last night Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Milner Gibson, who hue
for the last few days been colloguing at all out-of--the-way