The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-06 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST' 6, 1855.

Nth. ALBERT SMITEI:I MONT BLANC,
and every evening at 8 o'clock (except Saturday). The Morning
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at 3 o'clock: stalls can be taken at the Box-office every day from
Eleven till Four, at the Egyptian Hal , Ficcadilly.

W ONDON and WESTMINSTER BANK.—
On 111() DAY next the busines4 of the Temple-bar Branch
will be removed from the temporary offices No. 211, Strand, to No.
217, Strand, the house recmtly occupied by .Messrs. Stratum, Paul,
and Bates.
_ _ _

J. W. GILBARr, General Manager.

Lotlibury, August 6, 1855

CIRCULA.R NOTES, LETTERS of CREDIT,
and BILLS of EXCHANGE.— The LONDON and \VEST•
NiTElt BANK issues Ci cular Notes of 101. each, payable a
every imporiant place in Europe. These Notes are issued without
charge, and th,,y are cashed almost free of commission. The Bank
also issues, free Of charge, Letters oi. Credit on al the principal cities
and towns in Europe, and upon New York and Chicago, United
Sta'es, Cape Town, Graham's Town. and Port Elizabeth, Cape Co-
-I.ny. Letters of Credit and Bills of Exchange arc likewise granted
upon Melbourne, Geelong, Belfast, Ballarat, Cartlemaine, Sandhurst,
And Hobart Town, Australia, AT PAR. The Circular Notes may
be obtained at the Bark or any of its branches. Ihe Letters of
Credit and Bills of Exchange are issued only at the Plead Office In
Lothbury.

J. W. GILBART, General Manager.

GENERAL STEAM NAVIGATION
COMPANY.
Incorporated by act of Parliament.
71, Lombard-street, London.
NOTICE IS' HEREBY GIVEN. That the HALF-YEARLY
GENERAL MEETING of the Proprietors of this Company will be
held at the Company's Office, 71. Lombard-street, on TUESDAY. the
28th instant, at Two o'Clock precisely, pursuant to the Act of Parlia-
ment, to transact the usual business, and to declare the Dividend for
the half-year ending the 30th June, 1855.
MARTIN PRATT, Secretary.
London, August Ist, 1855.

ALLSOPP'S PALE ALE, in Casks or Bottles.
—HARRINGTON, PARKER, and CO., are still Delivering
the BREWINGS in Casks of 18 Gallons and upwards.
Also in Bottles, imperial measure.

Address : —BARRINGTON, PARKER, and CO., Wine and Beer
Merchants,

QIR WM. BURNETT'S DISINFECTING
FLUID, for destroying alt Offensive Smells and purifying .Ick
Rooms, &e. Its cost is less than One Farthing per Gallon when
diluted for use.
Sold by all Chemists, and at 18, Cannon-Areet, City.
• Gallons, 53. Quarts, 2s. Pints, Is. Half-pints, 6d.

TO-NIGH T. Admission, One Shilling.—
SOIREES DASSINTES a la CASINO on TuESDAYS and
Tit URSDAYS, under the direction of lir..T A..Tarvis, M.C. of the
first est,blshments In Lfindon, who respectfully Invites his frier.ds
and patrons, aid trusts he will meet .Pettit the same patronage that
usually a tenon his entertainments La Varsoviana each evening.—
Parthenium Assembly Rooms, St. Martin's-lane. Doors open at 10
o'clock

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

( From the Times of this day.)
In common with the whole of our countrymen,
excepting half-a-dozen, if so many, we are under
the impression that we are repelling an invasion
made by Russia upon the territory of our ally, in
spite of our protests, in mockery of our threats,
and in order to show. that negotiation was fruitless
where Russia was in question. We believe our-
selves to have been dragged most unwillingly into
the quarrel, to have let the sword sleep in the
sheath till it must either be drawn or rust there
'for ever, and to have been at last placed in such a
position that we and our gallant neighbours must
either surrender a feeble ally to the cupidity of a
Power which for a century had been contriving her
destruction, or go to war in her defence. We hold
that the exact locality of the war is a matter of in-
difference, and that we are still fighting on the
defensive, even though the eddy of the struggle
has carried us into the enemy's country. With the
greatest simplicity and an undoubting conscience
we pray every Sunday to the Almighty to " save
and deliver us from the hands of our enemies ;"
and to "abate their pride, .assuage their malice,
and confound their devices." We truly and
honestly believe the Russians to be our most dan-
gerous enemies, to. be the proudest, because most
possessed with the lust of dominion ; the most
malicious,. because the most ready to shed blood ;
and the most indifferent to tho repose, the
character, and the interests-of .Europe. If two
powerful States bordering on Russia, and with
all sorts of dangers within and without, after
professing to sympathise with the oppressed, and
doing all they could to stave ,off the evil day, have
fought shy of the quarrel since it came to blows,
we can understand, and, to a certain extent, make
allowance for their backsliding, but we cannot ad-
mit that it throws any light on the merits of the
question. In common, then, with all England,
Ireland, and Scotland, excepting just the aforesaid
half-dozen persons, if so many, we have a right to
he indignant at the total surrender of our cause and
the utter betrayal of the British name volunteered
by Mr. Gladstone on Friday night. We have a
right to protest against being shown up to the
world in the most odious colours, and drawn as the
enemies of the human race—quarrelsome, vain-
glorious, greedy, unforgiving, and a great deal be-
sides, all for protecting a feeble ally against au un-
provoked aggression. Loth as we were to enter
the quarrel, we may well be angry to find ourselves
so soon set down as responsible for a war that
threatens the impoverishment and desolation of
Europe.
Mr. Gladstone informs Europe—and the princi-
pal points of his speeches are carefully extracted
in the foreign papers in the interest of the Czar
—that it is England and France who are now
prolonging the war, and that they are doing
so for certain objects which they choose to
require, and which they stand to with wanton
obstinacy. One of these alleged objects, indeed,
Mr. Gladstone boasts the British Government has
at length been compelled to give up, whether owing
to the terror of his eloquence or our recent
" reverses" in the Crimea he leaves us to guess.
Having asserted on a former occasion, with the
most absolute disregard of facts, that the British
Government had made a particular scheme of nu-
merical " limitation" a sine qua non, ani having
received numerous contradictions to a statement
really too groundless and worthless to call for
contradiction, lie now affects to chuckle over his
country for 'bating that demand. He charges her
Majesty's Government with "au accumulated and
peculiar responsibility ;" " not purely the respon-
sibility, although, God knows," Mr. Gladstone
piously ejaculates, " that is great enough, of
having chosen the alternative of war and rejected
the alternative of peace," but the terrible respon-
sibility of having made themselves, the British
Parliament, and the whole nation, the principals,
and all other parties only secondary and accessory
to the prolongation of this war. This " peculiar
responsibility," which Mr. Gladstone re-asserts
a hundred times, he endeavours to fasten on the
British Government alone, which he alleges is only
dragging the French Government after it into this
Slough of Despond. He makes it no error of
temper or inadvertency, for he finds in despatches
of the Foreign Secretary " a disposition to raise
every possible objection against, to anticipate
every reasonable hope of a settlement, to place facts
and opinions in such an order, and to handle them
in such a manner, asr.it- -possible,- to justify the
carrying on of the war." In fact, whatever
crimes we have been accustomed to charge upon
Russia in its negotiations with Turkey, and upon
the wolf in its cause with the lamb, Mr. Gladstone
charges on Lord Clarendon in his dealings towards
Russia. Mr. Gladstone tells us, or rather Europe,
that after what has happened "it is vain for us to
think of regaining the opinion of Europe." That
opinion cannot be on our side, lie says, after the
weight of evidence disclosed by one particular fact.
We are making, he says, " a gigantic war for the
most paltry differences." These denunciations he
naturally follows up with the gloomiest forehod-
ings. Great as is the power of England and France,
he defies her Majesty's Government, speaking, as
it were, from the very ranks of the foe, to turn
the course of nature and of events so as by the
efforts of the two Western Powers to control the
" paramount destinies of Russia." Even if, by
gigantic and unheard-of efforts, they succeed for a
moment—which, however, he doubts—he tells
them it will be for a moment only. Should we
flatter ourselves, as we do, that the justice of our
cause and the downright iniquity and violence of
the Russians make a difference in our favour, Mr.
Gladstone takes care to disabuse us of that conceit,
by intimating that the policy of Russia in Europe
is at least not worse than our policy in India. He
says, further, with immense iteration and increas-
ing fury, that for the sake of a worthless stipulation
the British Government is dissolving the combina-
tion of Europe, breaking the last link which unites
us to Germany, reducing us to a state of compara-
tive insulation, and "rejecting the golden oppor-
tunity which the mercy of Providence has placed in
our way to enable us to restore peace to Europe."
0 urcomplaints against Russia are, he says, so forced
and frivolous that if Russia had only done what we
are doing, in guaranteeing a Turkish Loan, we
should probably have made it the occasion
of a fifth point. We have, lie says, regularly
duped poor Sardinia by professing to en-
gage her in an European quarrel, and then
making her an adjunct merely in promoting French
and English policy." Having enlarged on the sa-
crifices with which these two countries are carrying
on the war, and predicting that the French will
not stand it much longer, he warns us not to rely
on "the broken reed of speculation" in this country
as' to the probable financial exhaustion of Russia.
Then, after an insinuation that the press of this
country is lie longer free on the subject of the war,
lie fitly concludes with a glowing picture of Russian
religion and patriotism.
We have given all the noise, all the smoke, all
the dust, all the stench of the petard. We have
faithfully quoted the pious grimace and the vin-
dictive howl. We have given specimen denun-
ciations, curses, and forebodings. Granting that
this were a true picture of England, she never
had so candid a friend as Mr. Gladstone, and, to,
use his own words, there never was "a more con-
spicuous instance of the length to which freedom of
speech is carried in this glorious country." And
now for the pretence for all this declamation, splut-
ter, and bombast. On what ground does this
prophet of ill proclaim that the sun of England's
honour and glory is set for ever, and that it is
time for us to hide our diminished heads before just
and holy Russia ? The whole and sole ground is as
follows,—fortunately, we are able to cut it very
short, for we have Mr. Gladstone himself as ac-
complice up to the bare proposal of the plan of
limitation ;—The six columns of abuse from which
we have given the above extracts rest on the rejec-
tion of a certain offer made by Austria, to give
Russia, with the consent of the Western Powers,
the choice between two proposals, on the rejection
of both of which she was prepared.. to draw the
sword. With regard to the first of these proposals
Austria would give no such promise, ;.therefore, to
that the whole of Mr. Gladstone s argument about
our having lost the opinion and support and com-
bination of Europe does not apply. We have dis-
cussed the proposal itself before, as also has the
House of Commons. We believe it to mean about
as little as words can possibly mean, which is say-
ing a good deal. But, :as it is the combination of
the second proposal with the first that Austria
was prepared to back up with something in the
nature of an express promise to fight for us, it is
all we have to do with. " The golden opportunity
offered by the mercy of Providence " to this
wicked nation, through the instrumentality of
Count Buol, was the following proposal, as stated
by Mr. Gladstone :—" That the original parties to
the quarrel, Russia and Turkey, should in the first
instince agree between themselves, and should
subsequently propose to the Conference the amount
Why, the proposal was utterly nuga- I war.
oßflafockrceSewal.l'i'ch they
were
each to maintain in the

tory for all purposes of peace, and efficient only in
compromising the allies to principles and practices
they were bound to repudiate. Mr. Gladstone had
no occasion for his extraordinary prophetical powers
to divine that Russia would accept this proposal,
and release Austria from her engagement to the
allies, for Russia has all along demanded this very
thing—viz. that she should be allowed to negoti-
ate with Turkey alone. What that negotiation
would come to, or how it was to be conducted in
the present situation of Turkey, or how far an
agreement extorted from the fears of Turkey would
bring us nearer peace and security, we leave to
' the common sense of our readers. The proposal,
however, amounted to nothing at all, excepting
only that the Western Powers were to surrender
their position as protectors, and leave Turkey
for the present to deal with Russia alone.
That is all- the proposal amounts to, and
the evident intention was, that we_ should let
the negotiation slip away into the most objection-
able form, and founder, as it were, in the shallows
of diplomacy. Yet, for avoiding this shoal, and
for insisting upon distinct and intelligible proposals,
Mr. Gladstone denounces her Majesty's Ministers
as the obstinate, wilful, and deliberate protractors
of the war, as the objects of Europe's just suspiciOn
and hatred, and all the rest that we have quoted
above.

(Prom, the Times of this day.)
After Mr. Gladstone had proved, on Friday
night, in perhaps the most unpatriotic and un- '
English speech ever heard within the.. walls of.
Parliament, that we were a set of barbarous and
sanguinary wretches against whom Russia was
instituting a crusade, sanctioned alike by the
ceremonies of religion and the dictates of
patriotism. Mr. Cobden, despairing, doubtless, of
rivalling his promising ally, or willing to leave him
all the glory that such an exhibition might bring
him entirely to himself, or possibly remembering
that, though an advocate for peace, he was after
all an Englishman—Mr. Cobden, we say, re-
solved to have a little crusade of his own, and '
singled out from the hostile ranks for deadly
combat his old friend and associate Sir William
Molesworth. Little reeked that peaceful man for
such consideratiom ; he saw before him one who
is not an advocate for peace, and, in the true inte-
rests and according to the invariable practice of the
pacifleators of the House of Commons, addressed
himself to battle, not such as politicians wage, but
the bitter and envenomed conflict of personal hos-
tility and invective. Sir Win. Molesworth on the
hustings at Southwark bad spoken of the combina-
tion of parties against Ministers on the Turkish
loan in terms of strong reprobation, and ev n cha-
racterised it as a nefarious enterprise. A man of
war, such as are those ordinary mortals on whom
Mr. Cobden looks down with so much philosophical
contempt, would probably have thought it scarcely
iu the interests of concord and good fellowship to
drag hustings speeches before the House of Com-
mons, and to make terms in themselves sufficiently
acrimonious the gratuitous cause of a still more
acrimonious discussion. " The beginning of strife,"
says the wise man, "is like the letting out of water,"
and in this case the head of the peace party officiated
as turncock. But, as if there was not bitterness enough
as the matter stood, Mr. Cobden was careful to intro-
duce into it other irritating ingredients. In a con-
versation between Sir William Molesworth, Mr.
Cobden, and other distinguished patriots the cen-
tre of the hall of the Reform Club—some time, we
suppose, in the month of December, 1852—it ap-
pears that, being asked who was a fair representa-
tive of his opinions, Sir William Molesworth said
" Mr. Cobden." We will not stop to consider how
far such a statement, made in such a place, and
probably with that mixture Of jest and earnest by
which inconvenient questions during the formation
of a new Ministry are generally parried, binds Sir
William Molesworth to follow Mr. Cobden through
all the inexpressible absurdities which have illus-
trated his public career from that time to this, and
gradually reduced his position to one which it is
easier to pity than to envy ; but we would put it
to Mr. Cobden and his friends whether, because
they love peace above all things, they are by this
exercise of superhuman virtue in any degree dis-
charged from the ordinary obligations which attach,
we do not say to gentlemen merely, but to respec-
table members of every civilised society. Mr. Cobden
felt himself authorised to repeat on a recent occa-
sion in the House of Commons what passed in a con-
fidential meeting of members of Parliament held un-
der the express understanding that it was babe secret.
We should like to know what theory Mr. Cobden
adopts with regard to personal honour, or how he
can make out that any man can, without loss of
reputation, enter into contracts, and then delibe-
rately violate them. At the meeting at the Foreign-
office the contract was express, at the conversation
at the Reform Club it was implied, but, express or
implied, Mr. Cobden makes no scruple of violating
them. We are fortunate that the Peace Party
does not increase in this country, for we cannot
but feel that such increase must have been counter-
balanced by a corresponding decrease in the ease
and confidence of social intercourse, so that what
was gained in peacefulness with regard to foreign
nations would be dearly purchased by an increase
of envy, backbiting, malice, and uncharitableness
among ourselves.
Neither was Mr. Col,den very happy in his extracts
from a speech, the main point of which was that it
doubted the existence in Russia of those aspira-
tions and tendencies towards the subjugation of
Europe which everybody is since convinced, on the
most unquestionable evidence, that she really does
entertain. Mr. Cobden says that he has done as
ho wishes to be done by, but, little as we admire
his proceedings in this matter, we sincerely trust
that he will never be the occasion, by anything, he
may do, of provoking any other member of the
House of Commons to betray the confidence of
private intercourse or the gossip of clubs in the
manner which he has done himself.
The next assailant was Sir James Graham, who
rises to deny the charge that he and his friends
entered into a combination against the Govern-
, ment with regard to the Turkish Loan ; but, so
far from supporting this denial, the statement with

which it w-a;i accompanied goes, as seems to us,
directly to refute it. Of the support of the Peace
Party, of whom he says nothing, Sir James
Graham could not be doubtful. He learnt, he

says, before the debate came on, from the member
for Horsham, that many members of the Opposi-
tion intended to support Mr. Ricardo, and there-
fore the movement was commenced with full know-
ledge that it would have the support of the three
parties indicated, and Sir James Graham, in co-
operating with that movement, did, to all intents
and purposes, combine against the Government on
the Turkish Loan question. When he went to a
division be knew the support be would have and
the probability of success, and did not scruple to
put the permanence of the French alliance and the
very existence of the Turkish empire at issue on
a vote supported by these three parties, and on
which Government was undoubtedly surprised. It
may not be Parliamentary to call such a proceeding
" nefarious," but the public conscience, we ?ppre-
head, is not much startled by the epithet. More-
over, it should be remembered that these words
were not used in Parliament, and that Parliament
is neither the arena in which their propriety should
be discussed, nor the tribunal by which their re-
tractation should be demanded. It is the duty of
the House of Commons to keep order and decorum
in its own proceedings, but it is as little compe•
tent to measure the propriety of epithets employed
in election harangues as to keep Mr. Cobden within
the honourable understanding which among less
enlightened persons insures the freedom of social
intercourse.,
Then we have Dr. Phillimore, who is very angry
with Sir William Molesworth for having edited
Hobbes, and Mr. Gladstone, who with characteris-
tic dexterity converts the question by a wave of
his wand into one of the most abstruse metaphysics,
and invites the House of Commons to discuss, at
half-past one in the morning, after a week spent in
incessant labour, whether the " nefarious combina •
tion" was a fact, or merely an impression or idea
left on the mind of the Secretary of State for the
Colonies—in fact, not to adjourn until they had
settled the question between Locke and Berkeley,
; of subjective and objective materialism and ideal-
ism. This the house &clind'. to do, and so ended
. this remarkable squabble, with little damage to
) the accused and little credit to the accuser, leaving
the matter pretty much as it found it—commenc-
. ing in malice and concluding in metaphysics.

WAR MOVEMENTS IN LIVERPOOL. —On Saturday
Lieutenant-Colonel Haythorne of the Ist Fr)* Captain
Davie and Lieutenant Gascoyne of the Grenadier Guards,
and the Lord Viscount Stonor, with Brevet Major the
Hon. P. Feilding of the Coldstream Guards, Major
Street of the sth Foot, Citptain Gloster of the 38th Foot.
and the Rev. J. Pantin, together with 1 officer, 44 men,
and 39 horses belonging to the let Dragoon Guards,
embarked on board the Resolute. Immediately on their
embarkation the Resolute sailed for Kingstown, where
she will take 11 officers of the sth Dragoon Guards, and
the Ist, 13th, 15th, and 19th Foot, together with 400
men and 77 horses ; she will then proceed to the seat of