The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-08 00:00:00

THE APPROPRIATION BILL.

The Appropriation Bill was introduced and read a
first time.

The house adjourned at ten minutes past nine o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock.
Stunners' Divorce Bill was read a third time and
passed.

EXCHEQUER BILLS (7,000,0001.) BILL.
On the order of the day for the third reading of this

bill,

Sir H. WILLOUGHBY expressed his opinion that
it was impolitic to sdd such a large sum as this to the
unfunded debt, for it was only postponing the funded
debt; for instance. 2,000,0001. of the years '57, '53, and
'59 were already forestalled, which be thought a solid
reason for objecting to this bill. If the house bad
done nothing else, as some people said, it bad certainly
voted money in the most liberal manner. The house
have this year voted no less than 92,000,0001., or very
nearly so, of which 69,000,0001. are taxation ; a loan of
16,000,0001., and this additional 7,000,0001. He be-
lieved that all our expenditure, enormous as it was,
could not amount to this enormous sum. He bad
great doubts if we knew what we ,were about in voting
all those vast war supplies.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
with regard to the increase of the unfunded debt it was
not considerable as compared with the late war and
later periods, though it was larger than any one could
wish if there was any option. The house ought also to
bear in mind there was a considerable amount of navy
bills, ordnance bills, and other bills afloat in former
times, whereas now the whole of the unfunded debt
was represented by the Exchequer Bonds now ou'•
standing. In order to defray large demands upon
the finances of the country, a Ways and Means Bill was
necessary at the very commencement of the year ; and
he thought there was no ground for supposirg that
there was any error in his calculations. No advance
had been made from the Savings Banks money for those
purposes, and it was not his intention to touch that
money. (Hear.)
The bill was then read a third time, and passed.
CONSOLIDATED FUND (APPROPRIATION)
BILL.

On the order of the day- for the third reading of this

Lord J. RUSSELL rose and said he wished to offer
a few remarks to the house on this subject. He be•
lieved, whether we considered the amount of money
voted this year by the house, or whether we looked at
the prospect before us, it was a matter of deep

importance. Taking these matters into considera-
tion, if we look to the prosperity of the war, and,
looking to our navy, great as it was, it was
evident the enemy did not mean to meet us in that way.
We were now in the month of August, and the prospects
were not more favourable. With respect to our prospect
in the Black Sea, there was danger to Turkey on the
Asiatic frontier. He was in hopes there would
be some strength afforded by a foreign enlistment
bill, but in that hope he was disappointed. Still
no such force had been sent to the scene of action, and
therefore, with regard to the Asiatic frontier, we had no
decisive prospect of safety there. The force now in the
Crimea would be met by a large Russian army, increased
by large forces from Poland and other places. Those
were matters of very great importance, and such as re-
quired the utmost consideration. It would be the business
of the Government to consider the means for the next cam-
paign ; but on that he wished to say nothing, for already
too much publicity had been given to those measures.
It was not his intention to revive the discussion of the
other evening with regard to a particular proposition of
limitation or counterpoise, or any other scheme by
which the preponderance of Russia should be put an
end to in the Black Sea, but to refer partly to what had
occurred, and partly to the future. With regard to
himself, although he entirely acquiesced in the
decision of his noble friend the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, that it was advantaw
ous for the public service that his desratchea
containing an account of his proceedings at Vienna
could not be produced, he hoped the time would come
when they might be given entire, without garbling or
on:fissions—when Parliament and the country would be
enabled to form a correq, estimate of his motives and.
conduct. It would have been observed that the
Turkish Ambassador at Vienna, who was a man as
conversant with European affairs as any person he had
met with, and knew the interests of his own country,
had not stated his dissatisfaction of the terms proposed
by the Austrian Government, nor had they heard whe-
ther the proposition was received in a similar manner at
Constantinople as it was at London and Paris; and if not
the Turkish Government must have been of opinion that
the terms proposed by Austria were sufficient for the
security of Turkey. If, therefore, the course of the war
had been changed, and they were called on to continue
it for the maintenance of the military and naval reputa-
tion of England and France, and not for the security
of Turkey, no doubt Turkey, as they had. been the
means of saving her,would contribute to their assistance ;
but, in that case, there must be no more Turkish loans
and guarantees, but they must give her downright plain
subsidies. Such, he thought, must be the inevitable re-
sult, if the Turkish Government be of opinion at any
time that sufficient terms of peace had been proposed.
He was disposed to pay the utmost attention to any
o
opinion their ally, France, might give with referoenlcde
be
negotiations for peace should such arise, and it w
the duty of the English Government to connsid.euer
one
whole of the circumstances, who, he hoped,
hand, continue
honourable and safe, and, on the
be
eother,bn
hand, would not consent to any terms they did not think
ed. Carr re-
-t.hat of ying
the war when such terms couldntions
spect, then, to the three;
sanqtychee preparations for the
negotiations for peace
on the war at presnedn
future campaign, a, e could only say that there
that might arise, n
eancreinnce placed •
never could be greater in a Gt.
vernment than that reporethem by the bill
they were about to read a third time, and the house
would have a right to call on them
t at the commence-
ment of the next session to show their confidence had
not been misplaced. He next adverted to the sum of
for th
grantede
money Conveyance of the Sardinian
troops to the seat of war, in consequence of a treaty en-
tered into with the King of Sardinia, and in doing so
could not help calling attention to their gallantry and
fidelity to the cause of Europe, and the
general support
that cause had received at the hands of the king and his
ministers—(hear)—and who had waived all claims to
any concessions it might have been inexpedient for this
country and France to grant him. (Hear, hear.) He
had come forward boldly and cordially as an ally, and
had sent some of the best troops in Europe to the field
of battle, where he was certain, if occasion offered, these
troops would sustain the reputation they had acquired
during every period of European history. But if the
King of Sardinia and his ministers have acted in this
manner (whilst subjecting their country to immediate
peril) to uphold the general balance of power in Europe,
it was not to be supposed that they did not expect to
obtain the moral support of this country, in a cause
which they, as well as Sardinia, had at heart—that of
seeing a better system of government prevailing in Pied-
mont and Italy, and their anxiety for the accomplish-
ment of which he gave them great credit. Lord John
then alluded to the present state of Piedmont, the dis-
orders of which he hoped to see checked, and be no
longer consecrated as itlwere by the Government, to the
state of the Two Sicilier, to Tuscany, and to the occupa-
tion of Rome by the French. It hid, been said on the
part of the Roman Catholic powers of Europe that it
was necessary the Pope, as the head of the Roman
Catholic Church, should have 'liberty of judg-
ment and independence of 'action, but .of
R.01_1:1:
be occupied by foreign, troops, where, )al