The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-13 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 13, 1855.

The session, which has virtually terminated,
awaiting only the formal prorogation, although
very protracted, has been singularly barren of im-
portant reforms such as the nation had confidently
anticipated and anxiously looked for from Minis-
ters. Many extraordinary changes have occurred,
but they have been rather personal than material.
Many public men have sacrificed their. characters
—have recklessly committed political suicide.
We'regrit, however, to say that -few have exhi-
bited the qualifications necessp,, to replace the
virtually defunct= statesmen, or to fill up satisfac-
torily the void occasioned in the national coun-
cils amongst the most trusted advisers of her

MAJESTY.
The Aberdeenites—we shall not desecrate the
name of PEEL by again using the designation by
which the scanty remnant of a once mighty party
weret formerly known—have irrevocably forfeited
the confidence of the comununity. The Mau-
" cheater school—that is to say, Messrs. MILNER
GIBSON, BRIGHT, and COBDEN---
have sunk them-
selves more deeply in the mire than before, and
proved how grossly Mistaken was the late CZAR
iti supposing that they .might be regarded as the
rePreeentatives of any large amount of popular
opinion in the United Kingdom. But there has
beena, more deplorable fall than .any. Lord
Joax:.11,11138k s;who,. at the commencement of
the,"
,commanded the respect and con-
fidence, of the people more, perhaps, than any
Member of either Hoise of Parliament—
who liad only Lord PALMERSTON as a rival fo,r
genei.d popularity, has fallen from his high estate,
and there are now "none. so, poor to do him
honour." His has, indeed, been the most melan-
choly sacrifice of all. For, however we may con-
dernia the truckling to Austria, the unmitigated
.
" Coburg-Germanism" into which, his consul.
'iv6:grasps for the Premiership, ho degenerated,
we cannot altogether forget the knightly service
he has so freq.n.
ntlyrendered.--the doughty deeds
he has perfoiMed in the liberal cause. A tear
unigt i464-!P*l3r fall
,for the backsliding of the
repear of the.TeetAnd Corporation Act, the intro-
ducer of ParliaMenta.rY Reform, the vigorous and
energetic-eliampion of many important principles,
tending to the good of the community. Would
that, like that of " t4e socA)r46:g Angel," it could
"blot .ont'the transgression' for
ever"-4hat in
o Oler ,won .we. could. hail- the "Lord J 01311"
of forrOor rfays. The- sacrifice,
_however, has been
Tvestige -of
40 P— I* •-•hae is hope of his
'
orirraotioL, and wa can-only;:tib*ut,
t .

the untoward termination to a once brilliant

career.

The session began in December. The Lords
and Commons were hastily called together before
Christmas—on the 12th December—to receive
the Royal, or rather the Ministerial, congratula-
tions on the auspicious Treaty entered into with
Austria, and to pass two measures of vast im.
portance connected with the progress of the War.
We confess that we did not see great cause
for satisfaction or self-gratulation in the
Treaty which bound the Western Powers to
everything, and their slippery colleague to nothing
—which compelled France and England, in the
event of War being declared against Austria, to
enter into a treaty offensive and defensive, but
bound "the Waiter-on-PnovrDENOE " to nothing
but "to deliberate" on the best course to accom-
plish the objects of the War. There can be no
doubt of the true intent and meaning of the
clause, or the manner in which it was understood
by the Western Powers. But we knew that
Austria was a slippery customer. We felt con-
vinced that she would wriggle through any loop-
hole for escaping or evading her responsibility,
however, filthy the path or disgraceful the mode.
We did not hesitate to give these - views to the
world, and, unhappily, our gloomy vaticinations, or
rather sober calculations from existing data, proved
but too well founded. Nor de we take any credit
for prescience from opinions based on the treachery
and faithlessness of Russia—the duplicity and in-
sincerity of Austria. With such doubtful quanti-
ties, how could there be a satisfactory solution to
`the EquatiOn ?
Two measures alone were brought forward and,
received the Royal Assent before Christmas. The
Militia Bill and the Foreign Enlistment Bill
ware declared by Ministers to be indispensable to
the vigorous and energetic waging of the just and
,
necessary War in which the country had engaged.
But they were of a very different character. The
I one commanded universal assent, the other almost
as general reprobation. The first allowed Eng-
lish subjects engaged in the service of the Crown
to volunteer for service beyond the limits of the
United Kingdom, in certain places where they
might relieve the regular garrisons, who would
thus become available for service in the Crimea,
or elsewhere. The other cast a alight upon Eng-
lish, Irish, and Scotch, by seeking the aid of
foreign mercenaries, for that for which our
own countrymen would gladly have come forward,
if offered equal inducements. It was a virtual ,
confession of either cowardice or incompetence—
an admission that we were either unwilling or
unable to fight, and should purchase the venal
exertions which we ourselves were afraid to make.
Such was the natural interpretation of a measure
forced by the sinister influence of an irresponsible
party on the Cabinet and Parliament of Great
Britlin. Both were hurried through with reck-
less speed. But the Militia Bill had been pre-
vionsly:fully announced, and fully canvassed_
it had received the "fiat " of public approbation
even before the delivery of the Royal Speech, and
there was nothing to complain of in the speed
with which it passed through its various stages in
both Houses. But not so the obnoxious propoai-
tion, the manner whereof was as objectionable as
the matter. It was carefully concealed from pub-
lic knowledge, not a hint was suffered to leak out,
even through the most favoured channels. It was
I known that it would occasion intense indignation
and disgust, and therefore it was enveloped in x
, dense veil of mystery until the very moment that
it was brought forward in Parliament. Much of
the virus was extracted before it was suffered to
receive the Legislative sanction. But although
it passed, it gave a death-blow to the popularity
of the Government, and paved the way for the
overthrow of the ABERDEEN Ministry, which
occurred during the ensuing month. It is only
necessary to- say that these verg urgent measures
have as yet led to no practical results. Not a
single regiment or even company of Militia has
garrisoned a Mediterranean post—nor has the
Foreign Legion, embodied under the provisions of
the Act, as yet smelt Russian powder. We have
embroiled ourselves with other nations—have
submitted to many slights from petty German
States, but the contemplated object, which
was of so "peculiarly urgent a character" that
Ministers " could not answer for the consequences
if a single day were lost," has not since been car-
ried out or materially advanced.
So much for what occurred before Christmas,
and which, as we stated, paved the way for the
fall of Lord ABERDEEN, and occasioned a general
want of confidence in the stability or earnestness
of his Government. The striking events that
followed the re-assembling of Parliament must
form the subject of another notice, as time and
space alike prohibit a continuance of the review of
the past session.

Lord STANLEY, while the light of Parliament
is still flickering, has commenced the interses-
siipal engagements, by which its leaders generally
in some measure supply its place. It seems that,
as a people, we can hardly do without a certain
amount of public speaking ; if it be true, as Lord
STANLEY remarks, that we need books more than
most nations on account of our.habitual reserve,
constraint, and reluctance to communicate freely
our views in social intercourse, the reverse is the
case with our speeches in public assemblies. In
. them our best men, and our most worthless it
must be confessed also, speak. with a freedom un-
known elsewhere in Europe. Between the peri-
odical press' and the platform, the nation gets at
the current. thoughts of all, including the wisdom
of its careful Lord .thinkers STANLEY. is himself
an exemplification, for no doubt lie feels the Eng-
lish constraint in
so frankly describes, while d' or Ina--
intercourse
ordinary
Lisw h iecnht
rhee
thoughts on. 411 important subject in apublic
speech.: To the important class • of men who have
something worth saying to others;
and, therefore,
modesty enough not to dee-m. • -
eraselves infallible
oracles, the. request to inake a spe Iv •
see ec ms to be
the very apology they need for uttering- their
though& * without reserve. • . •
In his very thoughtful speech at Hatfield,
which appeared in The Sun of Satura.
'Lord
STANLEY discussed pretty fully the value' of books
as the means of adult education for our Popula-
tion generally. He has aided in the establish-
ment of several free public libraries already, both
at Lancashire and at Lynn, in Norfolk, the bo-
rough for which he sits as a member ; a town in
which, without forfeiting the respect and support
of his Conservative friends, lie has, by his honest
and intelligent 'conduct on church rates, educa-
tion, and almost every important domestic topic,
gained the heartfelt esteem of the liberal portion
of the constituency ; so much so that they would
Probably support him generally in another elec-
tion, and decidedly prefer him to the professedly
liberal Quaker's son, whose votes have been Tory-
ism itself compared --with Lord STANLE-Y'S. The
Marquis of K-4 - • •
_ , LIBIRMY, being desirous 'to establish
a The,Libia" •
rY:at. .ataield• obtains the experienced
aid oi-Lord
Y) and the lecture of. Wednes-
day faSt is evidenti • •
• .result of much observa-
tion.ancl reflection.. . . -

Aftersho7ing ii-3-I..urdinazy, deficiency in
rog to free -11bLir'' le7Lcanaliz.rd witlkosiitMaintol

..9 i` , ,

states (Russia of course excepted), he discussed the
question of the value of books fur the purpose of
mental cultivation. " How far are books, or the
study of books, valuable in forming character ? "
Some would appear to dispute it, and no doubt
many men who have been greatest in thought and
action have trained themselves with little exter-
nal aid. Admitting this, however, the speaker
observed that a practical people, like ours, will
never be iu danger of pedantry, while books, on
the other hand, are a natural antidote to the
effect of that division of labour which is so liable
to contract the minds of all. The result of the
severe competition is, "that general development
is sacrificed to special aptitude." Each man to
succeed must absord all his energies in one limited
pursuit. Books filled with the best thoughts of
other minds are almost the only means by which
the mass of men can remedy the narrowing ten-
dency of the cause just adverted to, by imparting
a larger knowledge of human life and thought in
all its varieties.

Lord STANLEY thinks, as we have already ob-
served, that ideas in England are less freely cir-
culated by word of mouth than in any other coun-
try, which is doubtless true, if we except those
countries where the' inquisition and the spy have,
as HALLA3f observes, even changed the national
Character. Books, of course, especially free as
they are in this country from the censors, scissors,
and the index expwrgatorius, meet to a great ex-
tent this peculiarity of our national character.
The chief use of free libraries, however, is that of
inducing our rising young men to continue their
,education beyond the term of school instruction.
The want of obvious means of instruction for
those who have left school tends no doubt to
suggest to the child that after he has left school
he has nothing to do with books, and to parents
that all their children get in the way of " book-
learning " they are to get at school. The boy,
therefore, leaves off just when he is about to com-
mence the most important part of his education—
voluntary, or self-improvement ; and the parent
attempts to cram into a few years of childhood
the study of almost everything which he thinks it
desirable his child should know. It will be a
most desirable result of free libraries if their ex-
tensive adoption should counteract these erroneous
conceptions of the nature and use of the earlier
part of education.

Lord STANLEY'S travels appear to have impressed
him with a sense of our national deficiency in put--
.
41suits, pleasures, and institutions common to
"all. No doubt we are the most aristocratic nation
on earth ; and France, Germany, most nations on
the Continent, and even the United States, sur-
pass us in having more points of social union.
It is pleasing to see the son of a peer noticing
this as a grave social evil, and regarding every
'public park, and picture gallery and museum,
and free library, as a blessing to the country, from
its tendency to cement good feeling between the
wealthier and the poorer classes. Nothing tends
more to goodwill than community of enjoy-
ments.. Even uniting parties almost acciden-
tally in a public dinner has often soothed down
inconvenient asperities of feeling ; and probably
nothing conduced more to the popularity of such
a worthless king as CHARLES 11. than his delight
in the Parks and other pleasures of the people.

Those who wish to establish free libraries in

the smaller towns of the kingdom may avail them-
selves advantageously of Lord STANLEY'S remarks
and experience. He shows that for 3501. or
4001. a library, valuable for its object, may be
advantageously commenced in a small town, and
that if 401. per annum can be raised by yearly
subscriptions of 2s. or 45., it may be fairly sup-
ported. We need not, however, enter into de-
tails—suffice it to say that the speech to which by
these remarks we wish to draw public attention is
a valuable practical contribution to the cause of
free libraries. All our local contemporaries, espe-
cially in agricultural towns, who profess to take
an interest in popular education, would do wisely
to give it in full. We only add that with the
manifest impossibility of getting any general mea-
sure through Parliament, and perhaps the equal
impossibility of devising any one which shall reach
the only class for whom the State needs specially
to provide, it behoves all practical friends of edu-
cation to throw their energy into voluntary
schemes like that under consideration.

Perhaps with no other class are sober, plod-
ding men of business more at fault than
with wits. In the long run they may ap-
preciate their jokes, and by a hearty guffaw
by a Parliamentary train testify to the fact ;
but, in their secret hearts, a reputation for
wit is accounted as a proof of a disordered intel-
lect, rendering its possessor incapable of taking a
common-sense view of anything pertaining to the
serious business of life—the advancement of a
claim, in fact, which the mail-clad barons of the
past would have recognised by the bestowal of the
cap and bells.

And yet it is not too much to say there can
hardly be a greater mistake. In all times, ap-
proved wit has more or less deserved the title of
merry wisdom, and men of this sort, if they have
been entitled to carry the fool's bauble, have
shown themselves inferior to few in ready appre-
ciation of character, and profound discernment
of the signs and necessities of the times—
--v-SOCRATES, for instance, in ancient, and our own
SYDNEY SMITH in modern times, may be adduced
in proof of our assertion. Both loved dearly
their joke, and without meaning to draw a paral-
lel between them, both manifested an apprehension
in advance of. their times, together with a fine
insight into character. The one discovered be-
neath the, 'foppish inselencies of ALCIBIADES
the germs of high capacity, and the daring spirit
to affront and to command ; the other, besides
being the strenuous and successful champion of
Raligious Liberty and Parliamentary Reform,
found out Lord JoUN Rusant.r,, discerned, in fact,
beneath the dapper little statesman's aristocratic
hauteur, and sober air of self-importance, the
absence of many of those qualities for which he
gave himself credit. Everybody knows his sar-
castic illustration of his Lordship's presumption,
in his alleged readiness to undertake anything at a
moment's notice, from the oversight of a bishopric
to the command of the Channel Fleet, and coup-
ling this with his various recent appearances, the
COectness of the witty divine's appreciation of
his Lordship's political character is tolerably
evident.
A. carefully-considered if imperfect
anlysis, however, with a. contingent prophecy,
has lately appeared, in Vol. I. of the " Selections
from the Writings of the
inßev. SYDNEY SMITH,"
the "Traveller's
Library," for which, o
course, we, are indebted to the merry but-'saga-
cious Canon of St. PAUL'S. The occasion for its
appearance was Lord Joures conduct many years
ago, on the Ballot question, and it was written in
no hostile spirit :

"He givei hopee where he ought to cre'ata-abs absolute
despair. This is that hovering between two,kinchl-e
which ruins political. strength by lowering political al!
ractet, and_creates a notion that his enemies need -not
fear such a man and that his friends cannot Artist him.
No opinion could be more unjust as applied to ,Lard
John, but such an opinion will grow if he begin in -value
him4elf more upOn his dexterity and finesse thall upon
those fine, -Manly, hisiorioo-Russell qualities be mOst
y.2doubteAy possesses."
Comment on the above is almost .supelbatis.
• .