The National Register.
London, England, 1820-05-08 00:00:00

WOOL TRADE.

Mr. WILSON prevented a petition from the nsannfac-
facturers, &c. resident in London, on the subject of the
Wool mole. While the tax continued, he considered it as
a bounty given to foreigners. He implored the Mi-
nisters to reconsider the wool-tax, and to repeal it before
the distress of the trade would render such a proceeding
wholly unnecessary.
Mr. BARING also begged the Government to re-con.
eider a tax which affected the oldest ntanisfacture of the
country. It had been hastily imposed, arid merely to in-
duce certain gentlemen to acquiesce more readily in par.
beater doges. If it continued, he was qu.te ante that the
English manufacturer could not meet the foreign trader.
It would most materially affect the existence of the trade.
He would take this opportunity to state, that on Monday
next he should present a Petition from Merchants of
London, on the subject of the restriction on trade and
comuue►ee in general.
Mr. WILSON said he bad no intention to move for a
Committee out the subject, as that might oc:upy the whole
year ; but lie intruded to follow np his minion by moving
that Counsel be heard at the Bar on the abject.
The Petition read, and ordered to he ;tinted.
Mr. DENNISON gave notice on Tuesday next he
should move for leave to bring in a Bill b enable Land-
lords snore easily to recover the possessios of Lands held
from them by their Tenants.
Sir M. W. RIDLEY presented a Petitim from Protes-
tant Dissenters of Newcastle-isponayue,praylog fur an
alteration of the Marriage Act,
Mr. Sheriff Bothwell presented a Petitim for enlarging
the New Post Office Act, to enable more money to be
raised.
Sergeant ONSLOW protested against my money being
raised by Coal Duty fur any such purpose
Mr. R. GORDON spoke to a similar elect, observing,
that 238,0001. bad been expended without a single brick
being yet laid. lite first estimate of Wt whole expense
did not exceed 200,0001.
Mr. Alderman WOOD said, the course to be pursued
was to refer it to • Committee. The alvantage of the
new office would benefit the whole county, not London
alone. So long as the duty continued, be Corporation
of Loudon alone paid 12,0001. a year.
The LORD ADVOCATE moved for fie report of that
office on the sixth report of the Commissiiners regarding.
the utility of continuing a fourth Baron of the Excite
quer in Scotland. He observed that the office had been
tilled on the recommendation of Commissioners Adams,
Shepherd, &c.
hlr. ABERCROMIIY lamented that the Crown had
been so ill advised as to fill up this office, when the House
had stated that the office might be dispensed with.
After remarks from Sir J. Newport and Mr. Huskissou,
the motion was agreed to.
Dr. PHILLIMORE moved for leave to bring in a bill
to amend the Mai riage Acts, again remarking on the de-
nciencies of the law as it now stood, the proposed bill
being sunilar to what bad already passed the House.—
Motion agreed to.
CROWN REVENUES.

Mr. HUME rose to move for the accounts of the Reve-
nue of Gibraltar. It had been said, that the House had
no right to interfere here—but in reply, it had only to
state, that those for 1794, 3,6, 7, and 8, had been ordered,
and laid before the House. But the most important por-
tion of the subject was, the principle on which the money
had been raised ; fur he contended that his Majesty had
no right to impose any duties on ally portion of the sub-
jects, in any colony whatever. In (our years 20,0001
bad been raised by the Crown for duties in Gibraltar,
' and appropriated to its own use. He submitted that it
was interfering with the privileges of that House to im-
pose sin+ duties. It was said that the duties were im-
posed and appropriated, according to immemorial usage,
out that he denied to be the ease, founding such opinion
on Queen Anne's declaration In 1705, to encourage set-
they, in Gibraltar. 'flee taxes now imposed were of a
heavy and disgraceful nature. After encouraging all
4.14:44.11, of whatever religion, particular duties were un-
Fused ux Catholics stud Jews waking wills, as well as a
CA1.11.01011 TAX Of Id dollars ass each Jew and Catholic—
t that e‘hdtd no where but in Turkey. He denied
Site tight of the ministers, above all of Governor Doe,
ru impose any taxes but the latter had laid on many new
fortaxes; instance 911. a year for cash wine and spit it

147

house, taxes on billard tables, besides public lotteries.—
Whether all these stems were seat house be knew not; but
they were raised to be sent home to the Ring's privy
purse•. Thus the Sovereign exercised a power of raising
money for his own private use. As to the economy of the
place, lie mentioned that in war there was one Town.
Major, now there were two; in war, there were two
Barrack Masters, uow there were three' and so on.--
Supposing the money was raised for the public service.
it ought to be carried to the public accounts, and cot to
the privy purse. If they were Crown Revenues, he con-
sidered them to have bee.. virtually given by the first of
Geo. 111., which re-settled the Civil List. Far too murk
was raised, consideriog the smallness of the place ; and
while a million was voted for she building of churches•—
■ vote which he deemed unnecessary—he regretted that
more attention was not paid to the religious establial,•
menu, schools, &c. of Gibraltar. He concluded with
moving for returns of the duties raised ia Gibraltar in
18110 and 1818; of the number and nature of the °Meta
in the Garrison Establishment; of the total amount et

seventies and how disposed of, &c.
Mr. HOBHOUSE seconded the motion.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER lamtnted
that the Hon. Member had deemed it necessary to go into
such detail, enlarging on the general governmeolof Gib-
raltar. He should move an Amendment for a general ac-
cone: for the produce during a series of years—au ac-
count that might soon be produced.
Sir J. M'INTOSH thought the Rights of the Garrison
had nut been treated with that cousideration to which
they were entitled. He hoped the auleudnient would be
accepted for the present.
Mr. HUME's two first papers were ordered, and the
third was altered as suggested by lb° Chancellor of the
Eiehequer and agreed to.
The remaining orders having been disposed of, the
House adjourned.
Isnlnalt! KAY 5.
Leave was given to bring in a Bill to light the City of
Norwich with Gas.

Mr. M. A. TAYLOR brought ins Bill to punish cri-
minally persons found guilt) of the negligent driving of
stage coaches.—Read a first time, and ordered to be read
a second time on Monday nest.
The Conisnittee of Supply was postponed to Monday
neat.
The House went Into a Committee ou the Insolvent
Debtors' Act Continuance Bill. The blanks were filled
up, and the Report ordered to be received on Monday.
Mr. W. SMITH moved fo'r Returns of all Extents in
Aid issued since January MR.—Ordered.
REVENUES OF THE CROWN.

. Mr. BROUGHAM rose to britTg forward his motion
on the subject of the Revenues of the Crown and the Civil
List. The motion had not been sought by hint ; be felt
pledged by what passed In 1812 to bring the subject be-
fore the House, in the event of Ministers, on George 111.11
death, not doing so. In bringing it forward, he did not
contemplate any degradation of the Crown, or of the
means by which its dignity was supported. 'These were
not times to tamper with such subjects ; but he desired
not the support of any mate who was nut convinced of
the expediency, as well as safety, of his motion. It was
accooding to precedent, and euolornsed to principle. It
kept within the strict lines of those priuciples which bad
been previously recognized; and he submitted that be
should be able to show that it would support the dignity
of the Crown, and advance its security. He deemed
further prelim. unnecessary. As to the King's property
and revenue, is was so unquestionable principle of the
Constitution, admitted by the ablest writes., that the
Sovereign of Eagland was incapable of holding any sepa.
rate property. He was prepared to prove this at length,
alit were deemed necessary; but the principle, he would
take it for granted, was not to be disputed. It was esta-
blished by the case of the Duchy of Lancaster, and by a
celebrated cause that arose regarding certain old stores,
reported by Lord Coke, where it was disputed bow those
stores could be granted. whether by the Kings sign ma-
nual or otherwise. Lord Clarendon also detailed a simi-
lar case. It arose in those times when there were pro.
ceedbig most important disputes between the Commons
and the Crown. It was then held to be an unnatural
doctrine to hold. that the King could have any stuns than
did not pass through the customary channels, and were
not accounted for in the usual way. Lord Clarendon
declared, that, if a contrary doctrine were held and acted
upon, the King might live to repent the day when be lie-
teased to such principles. That doctrine was long held—
till Mr. Pitt attacked it, and he was the first to attack the
principle, by the 39th of George 111. Then it was este.
Wished that the King could have separate property, by
which the Monarch might get together resources sufficient
to defeat even the voles of Parliatuent.—Further, the
King was enabled to hold copyholds, and of the subject
too; and yet those who supported this doctrine also
talked of upholding the dignity and lustre of the Crowns
(Hear, hear!)—The Constitution recognized no such
principle.—W hat constituted the Crown Revenues wire
originally granted to enable the Sovereign to catty on the
Government, and were devoted to the payment of officers,
&c. lie had to admit that a great change bad taken
plate in the anode of managing the money concerns of the
Government—the Parliament paying fur all those se' -
vices of defence, &c. which were usually defrayed by the
Crown Revenues, I)roits, &c. without wholly apptoirri-
ating the revenues,the Crown having nevertheless received
upwards of 13,000,0001. during the last reign. Nor had
such changes been confined to the Crown. The 'yaws
possessed by the Church were burdened with the ma !I•
tenance of the poor till the reigns of Alary, Elizabeth,
and Edward. Here was an analogous case. The Chinch
had tyt;tes and maintained the poor; the Crown had re-
venues, but they were burdened with expenditure. A
bargain was made with the church ; they. retained the
tythes, but were deemed lay.propto ty chargeable with
the poor like other property. Let a similar proceeding
be adopted regarding the Crown revenues. As it was. nu
one knew what the King's Income was. They knew the
amount of the King of France's—ol the Pi esident's—of
the Stadtholder's, &c.;—but the greatest adept could not
lied the exact amount of the King of Eii4l.littl's ism
'Phis exposed the Crown to misrepresentation, .ranges outs
misrepresentation.—Mr. Paine, for instance, on his book
declared, that the King of .1.:.104,111 cost the country be-
tween 13 and 90d,0001. per 11111i111.1; C'tfSC
butt strung manner, that he could got nil able h Min
to do it fur 5001. a year. (A taii4li.)—Tins oos the n
consequence of the jumblieg that now took place is the
( /'or )

I It

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; THE PRESENT SENS7WI OP PARLIAMENT.
Tor subject which first attracts our attention on
the opening of a new Parliament, and of a new
reign, is what is termed " The King's Speech,"
tit:lough we both (of course) constitutionally, and
some measure personally, consider the same as
the speeelt of the Ministers. We are glad to oh.
serve some notice there taken, at last, of the dis-
tresses of the people, and some expressions of
commiseration for them; but we are sorry to learn
that all the comfort offered to us is, the old song of
Castlereagh and Co., that they are but temporary.
Now if they are temporary (which we have been
told these five years, during which things have got
worse and worse), they must be temporary from
one of these two reasons:-1. Either the fugitive
nature of the malady ; or, 2. From some radical
measures likely to be soon adopted, with every fair
prospect of alleviations to the thing complained of.
And yet we find the wisdom and firm:less of the late
Parliament panegyrized ; a Parliament which contri-
buted, by the wisdom of their Counsels, not one
individual measure to fill the hungry mouth, or com-
fort and aid the empty belly. To frighten and
deter they au " pewit quad vivida virttts," all they
could! But whether wisdom and firmness, amid
rublic distress, be simply shewn by measures of
coercion alone, we shall readily leave Lord Castle-
reagh's friend, " Posterity," (to whom he has left
I.is treaties of peace as a kind and benevolent legacy
-ss" with all assurances of his high and continue
csisideration)," to decide.
What supple kind of a thing posterity may he,
*romped and hood-winked, as the animal will be,
%Altered into the world under the midwifery of that
astonishing accoucheur, Doctor Sidmouth Sangrado,
and dandled by Lord Castlereagh, we cannot bno-
gine; but we must own this ministerial manifesto
and panegyric, under a new reign, does not augur
any thing very good.
Thu answer of the Commons and Lords is, as
usual, an echo of the Speech; and while totems of
civility and respect, the expression of great truths is
to be sacrificed, we cannot much wonder that Princes
who live at a distance from the bulk of mankind,
and have only a bird's eye view of things below, are
continually misled.' We are sorry to observe, that it
is not Parliament alone, but public meetings called,
upon the accession of his present Majesty to the
throne, which have abstained from addressing the
throne in that language which the times imperiously
require. It is the• misfortune of the age, and the
peculiar disgrace of our opponents in public matters,
that the cause of humanity and truth, if advocated
by an oppositionist, is stigmatized with the imputa-
tion of party motive, and we know that an unwil-
lingness to do any thing which could be imputed to
so narrow a spirit, and which, from such imputation,
might have lost its practical effect, alone hindered
some individuals from making comments upon many
of the complimentary addresses lately presented to
the throne. Perpetual opposition looks like ob-
stinacy too often, instead of what it ought to be
deemed, against error, manly perseverance.
In some such language as the following we should
wish the throne to have been addressed :
" Sire,—We approach the throne, not to flatter,
and much less to insult you, but as addressing a
Sovereign who ought to consider himself as having
no rights and no interests separate from his people,
hut whose political existence ought to be identified,
as our father and our friend, with the interests anal
happiness of the community, over which, with regal
you are cv.ll4ollfteside.
Coo not deceive yourself, Sire, you have sue-
cteded under trying circumstances to the throne of
ycuiatat•stors! ond as new situations have actually
st.tne effect in modifying our proteeding., we derive
h :pes ua that score to the public councils of the
ct—ntry. Hut, Sire, we cannot conceal from you
th.tt, in Gar judgment, the true spirit of that free

itnr, NATIONAL /IF-GISTEA

Constitution, of which you are the executive head,
has been under your predecessor's reign, from one
cause or another, much impaired. Not that we
would blame your predecessor, who has paid what
Kings like subjects must pay, the debt of nature,
and with whose reign we join the recollection of
some particular acts grateful to us as freemen, and
the remembrance of distinguished private virtues,
but that we lament the general tenor of the public
cour sels to which it was not surprising your prede-
cessor should be favourable, when he saw them
sanctioned by those Parliaments, which were sup-
posed to represent the feelings and the judgment of
the British people, but which appear to have been
too compliant to the feelings of sycophants or mis.
taken men, who either to flatter power, or through
some fatal error in judgment, contributed to give
both to their Sovereign and the Parliament erro-
neous views of public affairs; and who, in particu-
lar, have dared to avow, and act upon a notion, that
the interests of a comtnunity arc chiefly cobfined to
the existence and welt-being of particular classes,
and not in the feelings, interests, sod happiness of
that multitude of reasonable beings, with the shape
and intellect of man, who are those subject* which
'the King, as the great executive bend, is designed
to govern.
" What is the consequence of such counsels? You
have great chew, in certain classes of society, of
riches and prosperity, but amid these appearances,
those classes of the community, whose industry
maintains us all, arc oppressed, and a large portion
of them utterly deprived of those comforts to which
even the humblest walk of honest industry is en.
titled; while thousands, beyond those who belong
to professions, Or who follow salaried employments
naturally growing out of a civilized state, fatten on
the labour of their fellow-creatures, amid opulence
which has accrued to them out of public pedlary and
extravagant Aissipetion of the public burthens—
burthens intended in their nature merely to supply
the necessary wants of Government, and not to op-
press the people; we are told that these incon-
veniences resulted from wars which have saved us
from revolutim, of which, if there ever has been
really any just apprehension, that apprehension
might have been much more easily removed 'by
timely congestions to the wishes of the people in
political mattes, and which ultimately, we are per-
suaded, will be made, when the necessity of those
concessions Ara us in the face, amid general ruin.
" Sire I These great truths have not been au&
eiently prase upon your predecessor! and instead
of measures of public relief; the attention of Govern-
ment seems ',holly to have been directed towards
suppressing be force the effects, and not relieving
the causes, of public uneasiness.
" The legislative bodies, and especially the repre-
sentatives of the people, were intended to establish
that communication between the people and the
Government, which should hinder such a stale of
things. Exercise, then, we beseech you, the con-
stitutional power which you possess, by calling
around you men who shall take every step to identify
those bodies (which were intended to attach and link
the people to the throne), with the feelings and the
interests of the community, and which, by modifica-
tions and changes no way endangering their exist
ence, it is both possible and easy yet to accomplish
before an entire distrust of those who govern, arises
in the hearts of those who obey."
Such is the language which we think ought,
under present circumstances, to be addre‘sed to the
throne, and we shall pursue, in our next number,
the thread of our ideas.
We have little to add at present but to look back
with pity (while we acknowledge the necessary jus-
tice of their fate) upon those unhappy men who,
goaded in their minds by a sort of insane despera-
tion, would have snatched the rap of vengeance from
the hands of God and their country, against Owe
whom they deemed objects of their vengeance.—

Thank heaven! bad as things are, there is no reason

yet to despair, that public delinquency will, wherein
it really merits, sooner or later meet with punish-
ment, without invoking the hand of the assassin to
supply its place. But what must be the feelings, if
any feelings they pwsess, of those who have been,
and who still persist, the supporters of the Pitt
system, when, as now, they view the effect of their
measures, in having reduced Englishmen to such a
state of poverty and distress, phrenry and eespair,
afforded such fi.ad for discontent to brood upon, that
thirty or forty individuals (if first accounts be true)
Englishmen, could be found worked upon, by a
sense, however shamefully directed, of public injury,
so as to handle the dagger of the assassin !
We shall drop the .subject, content with remind-
ing Pittites, wherever they remain unshaken by the
remonstrances of truth. of this aphorism, " Oppres-
sion and misery are the parents of crime;" because,
though they can never drive a good man to bad
deeds, yet they drive the evil to acts of wicked
desperation.
One more topic solicits our attention this week,
and it is " the Civil List ;" upon which %ye shall
briefly say, that we are greatly surprised (heedless
of public opinion as Ministers appear), that they
have not, in ;he name of their Royal Master, offered
some diminution of the public burthens connected
with this article, rather than put into his mouth
that he will be content with what was settled in the
year 1816, when it is by no means clear that the
mine grounds exist for the different items, and when,
if they do exist, the hourly craving necessity of the
times cries out, that great sacrifices must be made
somewhere, and where can they begin so well as at
Court?

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