The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-09 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, .AUGUST 9, 1855.

ENROLMENT OF A POLLSII LEGION.

MEETING IN WESTMINSTER.

Yesterday evening a public meeting was held in st.
Martin's Hall, convened by the Literary Association of
the Friends of Poland, for the purpose of ascertaining
the public feeling respecting the immediate' enrolment of
a Polish Legion, and generally as regards the great
question of the restoration of Poland. Notwithstanding
the inclemency of the weather, the room was crowded.
Amongst the persons on the platform were—The Earl
of Harrington ; Viscount Ebrington,' M.P. ; Sir Robert
Peel, Bart., M.P.; Capt. Townshend, R.N., M.P.; Isaac
Butt, Esq., M.P.; Francis Mowatt, Esq., M.P.; Colonel
Salwey; W. Pritchard, Esq., High Bailiff of Southwark;
Edmond Beale, Esq ; Augustus Craven, Esq. ; W. L.
Birkbeck, Eq. ; T. Campbell Johnston, Esq.; General
Count Zamoyski ; Lt.-Col. Szulczewski, Secretary to the
Literary Association of the Friends of Poland ; J. Jack-
owski, Esq. ; N..F. Zaba, Esq. ; J. Terlecki, Esq. ;
Baron Colonel Wiercinski, &c.

Mr. E. BEALE, in moving that the Earl of Harrington
should take the :hair, passed a warm eulogiunn on the
noble earl, who bad long, he said, been known as the
friend of oppressed nationalities. (Cheers.) The poSt-
ponement of the meeting bad arisen solely from the re-
luctance of the committee to injure a great cause by con-
vening a meeting with defective arrangements. Besides,
they were most anxious to have for their chairman Sir
De Lacy Evans, 'a man so well qualified from his military
experience, and the fact ,of his having formerly com-
manded a Spanish legion, to initiate a movement like
the present. Their only object was that so important a
movement should be presented to our Allies and to
Europe in a form calculated to impress every one with a
due sense of its reality. He begged to move that the
Earl of Harringtim do take the chair. •
The motion was carried by acclamation.
The SECRETARY read the following letters of apology :
33, Grosvenor-street, July 31, 1855.
Sir,—l onlyreturned here this afternoon, and have an
engagement at some distance from town to-morrow, which
will prevent me attending the meeting; but I trust you
and your friends know that there will not be at the meet-
ing a more sincere well-wisher for the cause of Poland than
your obedient servant, KINNAIRD.
August 1, 1855.
My dear Sir De Lacy,--It will not be in my power to
attend the meeting on behalf of Poland, over which you
are to preside this day. But I hope you will express to
the gentlemen assembled my unabated sympathy with the
wrongs of that oppressed nation, and my full conviction
that nothing will so curb the power and ambition of Rus-
sia as the existence of a free and courageous people along
the whole line of her frontier. —Faithfully yours,
Lieut.-Gen. Sir De Lacy Evans, M.P. SHA FTESBURY.
, &c.
21, Park-lane, August 1, 1855.
Sir,—As lam prevented by illness from being present
at the meeting to be held this evening in the cause of Po-
, land, at which, I am happy to find, you are to preside, I
am anxious to express to you my deep sympathy with the
objects of the meeting, and my very great regret that I am
unable to attend.—l have the honour to remain, sir, your
obedient humble servant, BREADALBANE.
General Sir De Lacy Evans, M.P., iSic.
The CHAIRMAN then came forward, and was received
with loud cheers. He said—Gentlemen : I regret that
you have not selected a better man to preside over your
proceedings on the prese: t occasion—l mean, the man
who ascended the fortified heights of Alma, who fought
at Balaklava, and who rose from his sick bed, was lifted
upon his horse, and fought and counselled, and fluttered
the Russian eagles on the bloody field of Inkerman.
(Cheers.) But, in his absence, I must give you my best
services ; and hall commence with a few words about
Holy Russia and her mighty Emperors. (Hear, hear.)
You have all heard of that great tyrant Peter the Great,
who conceived in the depths of his able mind the pro-
ject of destroying all the nationalities of Europe, and thus
enabling himself and his successors to enslave and regi-
ment the world. (Hear, hear.) By his will, it appears
that his ambition was to entail an universal empire on
his descendants. Catherine, who succeeded him possessed
the same lust of power ; and her great object was, by defa-
!nation and conquest, to possess herself of Poland. All
the successors of his race followed the same path, even
down to the time of Alexander 11. I shall now endea-
vour to prove to you that all the great statesmen—the
great conservative statesmen—of Europe have been in
favour of an independent Poland. (Cheers.) Beginning
with Alexander I. of Russia, who was really a great and
good man, considering his position, we find him saying
that the partition of Poland was an iniquitous act, and
that bad he been Emperor at the time it took place he
never would have permitted it. (Hear.) The late Empe-
ror Nicholas, when certain propositions were made to
him in order to better the condition of Poland, drew his
hand across his throats as if the grim visaged spectre of
his strangled father appeared before him, and said,
" Beware of Moscow." Frederick the Great objected
to the partition of Poland, but he feared—and not with-
out good reason—that Catherine meant to take entire
possession of that country, and therefore in order to
preserve the balance of power in Europe, he con-
sented to divide the spoil. The Queen, I should rather
say the King of Hungary—who was also Empress of
Germany, Maria Thsaysa, was known to be, hosti:s
to that measure. The King of Prussia was fearful of
the influence of Russia, and observed that if Russia once
got to Constantinople, it would not be long until she
also reached Koninrbsbeig. Then there were two famous
officers, Knesbeck and Stein, who said that the march
of Russia was fraught with danger to- the independence
of Germany. (Hear, hear.) Stein said that whenever
Russia crossed the Vistula or the Pug, Germany would
no longer be in a state of security. (Hear.) I come
now to the period of the treaty of Vienna, and there you
will see that France, Austria. England and -Prussia re-
presented by a constellation of talent, and of conserva-
tive talent too, Metternich, Talleyrand, Castlereagh—
(hisses)—and Humboldt, were all in favour of the libe-
ration, and reconstruction of Poland. (Hear, hear.)
We next come to the greatest man of the age, the
first Napoleon. (Loud cheers.) That great man ob-
served that Russia was a mast dangerous power,
and in a most remarkable spirit of prophecy,
added that in fifty years the world would be either
republican (loud cheers)—or Cossack. Whenever,
he said, the Russians arrived at Constantinople,
neither India nor the independence of Europe would be
safe, and that such would then be her strength as a ma-
ritime power, that she would be able to take entire pos-
session of the Mediterranean. A great author said that
if he was Czar, he would march to Calais and thence
give laws to Europe. I now come down to '3l, and it
will surprise you to learn that in '3l Austria and Prus-
sia were both in favour of an independent Poland. The
Austrians went so far as to offer to give up Gallicia as a
nucleus for a nation, provided one of her own princes
should be chosen king. (Cheers and hisses.) And, gen-
tlemen, why not ? It is not the prince who rules the
people, but the people who are and would be, in such a
case, the true bases of power. (Cheers.) But it will
surprise you more when I tell you that that great states-
man and foe to Russia, Lord Palmerston—(loud cheers
mingled with some hisses)—l have great respect for pub-
lic opinion, but I have a greater respect for my own—
(laughter)—and will always express that opinion, and my
opinion is that Lord Palmerston is a true statesman and
the uncompromising opponent of Russia. (Cheers and
hisses.) As I said before, Austiia and Prussia were in
favour of the independence of Poland, but in 1831 Lord
Palmerston objected to it. (Hisses.) He objected to it,
although in my opinion he was wrong—(ieterruption
and cheers)—don't fly away until you have heard the
whole case. He objected to it on -the ground that he was
afraid France would have possessed herself of Belgium,
and thus have led to a general war. Perhaps such would
have been the case, and for that reason Lord Palmerston
said that the time had not come for England to interfere,
however favourable be might personally be to, the cause
of Europe. Now, however, I think we have no reason
to be dissatisfied with Lord Palmerston. (Cheers and
hisses.) He has acted most honourable in my opinion,
and I can tell you that England never had a better
foreign minister than Lord Clarendon. (Cheers.) I now
come to Lord J. Russell—(hisses)—who has endeavoured
to prove that Poland is a revolutionary state, and that
if we raise her up we shall have the whole world in a
blaze. (" So much the better.") Say rather that Russia
by her despotism and lust for power is the true revolu-
tionist. Lord Bacon has said that if the fuel be laid, it is
difficult to say whence the spark shall come which may
set it on fire, and such is the case with Europe in con-
sequence of the despotism of Russia. (Hear.) Gentle-
men, have you no fear of men deprived of their rights ?
Have you no fear of Russia's conciliating Poland, and
adding to the ranks of a grand Slavonic league several
millions of people? (Hear.) Have you no fear that Russia
in fifty years—l am now uttering words of prophecy in
the spirit of Napoleon the Great—will have doubled her
population and her wealth, will have constructed rail-
roads across her vast empire in every direction, and will
have quadrupled the number of those celebrated legions
which have pitted their power against even the armies
of England and France ? (Hear, hear.) Have you no
fear that the ambition of Peter will be carried out by his
descendants ? You now see four of the nations of
Europe standing shoulder to shoulder, having swept the
seas, having gained three or four glorious victories,
having de' rived Russia of her commerce, and having
likewise deprived her of her agricultural riches, by
making it necessary for her to send an enormous number
of productive labourers to her armies ; and, in addition
to all this, you may perceive that the chief part of the
resources of Russia at present consists of a paper cur•
rency, or of what has been termed a parcel of rags. Are
you, under these circumstancene waiting till the great
league, which has been formed to destroy the power of
Russia, and to promote the independence of nations and
the balance of power in Europe--are you waiting, I say,
till that great league is dissolved ? (Hear.) Do you ex-
pect that Prussia, whose princes are all connected with
Russia, will take part with you ? Have you pot lately
read of a gallant British captain who slew in single com
bat' a Russian colonel, and afterwards found in his
pocket a letter in which it was stated that the King of
Prussia had given an order of merit to 'a Russian
officer who had distinguished himself at Sebastopol I
(Hear, hear.) Dou you not perceive, too, that Aus-
tria, even, with her half million of highly disciplined
warriors, is too weak and too poor to enter into
the conflict ! Do you not also know that she requires that
half million, or a very great portion of them, to maintain
peace within- her own territories, and to keep possession
of the Prinoipelities—seeing that if Russia Were to gets
•

' the Principalities again, Austria would be in, the utmost
possible danger ? Under these circumstances, then,
gentlemen, what is to be done ? In, my opinion, the
thing to be done is this=-to enter Bessarabia, and there
to raise the standard of. -Poland. (Immense and long•
continued cheers.) Then we should see whether Austria
was disposed todo what she was prepared to do in 1831,
namely, to give up Gallicia as a nucleus for the for-
mation of an independent Poland. I will, however,
suppose Austria not to do that. I will suppose terms to
be offered to" Austria which She would be too honest to
accept. (Loud expressions of dissent.) -I know Germany,
gentlenapn, better perhaps than you do, for I was partly
educated there, and I believe the Germans to be an
honest people, though they are opposed to us at this
moment. I will suppose Russia to say to Austria,
" We are both in difficulties; you Flay keep possession
of the Principalities, and I will support you." I say,
gentlemen, that Austria is too honest to do that. (No.)
1 will give you another reason why she would not do it,
and this will pleage you • all, though the last did not—
namely, that by-that means she would only increase the
circle of her enemies. (Hear.)' That it is not her interest
to do, and therefore-she will certainly not do it. Now,
gentlemen, a few words more, I say beware of faction—
beware of faction. (Hear, hear.) I tell you that fac-
tion is in your senate: I tell you that some of the most
honest and enlightened men in the senate are hocussed
by Russian intrigue; (Cheers.) I say that the Rus-
sian serpent is everywhere to be found. (Hear, hear.)
It takes all sorts of shapes ; it goes into your pot-houses,
it goes into your clubs, it goes into your drawing-
rooms, it goes into your senate itself. (Cheers.) Let
me refer, for a moment, to a statesman for whom I
have great respect, who has rendered this country great
service, and who is one of the firmest friends of liberty
in the country, as he has proved by his actions, but
of whose late conduct
,tlfsapprove. I mean Lord John
Russell. (Groans and-Ms-es.) In the first place, let me
say that as an ola soldier I object to a man's disobeying
orders ; Tobject to a man's going beyond his instructions,
and I think Lord J. Russell did so at Vienna. (Hear.) I
think he was beguiled—l think he was possessed—l
think he was hocussed by the Russian representative.
The noble lord talks of the integrity of the Russian em-
pire. Good God, gentlemen, what are we about ? Why
have we sent out our army ? Why has that red line been
sent to gain glorious victories at the sacrifice of so much
money, and what is of much more importance, so many
lives ? While England is at peace with a country, God
forbid that she should be so dishonest as to imitate Rus-
sia by stealing in upon that country's integrity. But are
you to tell a country with which you are at war that you
will not break in upon her integrity ? Are you to tell
her that you will not hoist the standard of Poland, that
you will not declare Poland independent, and that you
will not set up in that country those liberties and those
rights of which she has been deprived, and which no
country in the world deserves more than Poland? (Loud
cheers.) _

Lord EBRINGTON, on rising to move the first resolu-
tion, was met with considerable uproar and cries of
" Beer Bill," which subsided on his observing that that
was not the proper time or place for the defence of his
recent conduct in Parliament. He then proceeded to
remark that the noble lord in the chair seemed to him
to have been somewhat misunderstood. The noble
lord was anxious to prove to them, not what it was need-
less to prove in such an assembly, namely, that the sym-
pathies of all free men were on the side of Poland, but
that even Conservatives, even members of the Holy Al-
liance, had recognised the urgent necessity, for the sake
of the safety and peace of Europe, of the restoration of
Poland as an independent state ; and in doing so the
chairman bad, as it appeared to him, rendered good ser-
vice to the cause which they were met to promote. (Hear.)
It was no slight matter to have elicited, as it were,
from hostile witnesses testimony to the importance of
putting a curb. on the overgrows and colossal empire of
itussia. (Cheers.) But they had now to consider what
was the actual position of affairs. (Hear.) They had to
ask themselves, not merely, as heretofore, what could
they do for the Poles ? but what, in the present crisis of
Europe, the Poles could do for them ? (Hear.) He
would avow that so long as the first question was the
only one to be considered, he stood aloof from meetings
which tended, as he feared, merely to excite vain hopes
among the victims of o3pression and wrong; meetings
which passed fervid resolutions, to which the speakers
themselves knew that no practical effect was likely to
be given. (Hear.) But, on the present occasion, the
practical question fir them to consider was how, in the
great contest in which they were engaged, the Polish
question bore upon their interests, and upon the interests
of Europe. They must not deceive themselves on this
subject, nor lose sight of the fact that a great change had
latterly been coming over the position of affairs. When
they first embarked in the contest they had the ap-
proval of Austria and Prussia, but now these powers
leant more to Russia. (Hear, hear.) On the other
hand, since the commencement of the war, they had re-
ceived an accessica more of moral than of physical
strength in the alliance of constitutional Piedmont, and
since then the war had more and more been assumiag
the character of a war in favour of liberal principles, and
losing that of a war for preserving the balance of power,
under the guidance of !experienced diplomacy. (Hear,
hear.) It was for no light matter that they had met
that evening. Twenty millions of people and 200,000
gallant soldiers serving unwillingly their Russian op-
pressor were interested in the discussion of that even•
ing. He knew that the course of time often obli-
terated the traces of nationality in conquered peo-
ples. Ireland, and, above all, Scotland, had com-
pletely fused with England, and some of the most
enthusiastically national provinces of France only dated
from the conquests of Louis XIV. Russia had made
the greatest exertions, and adopted the most cun-
ningly devised means, to obliterate the national feel-
ings of the Poles, and no doubt to some extent had suc-
ceeded ; but he bad it from Count Zamoyski that all the
Polish prisoners taken at Bomarsund still retained in full
fervour their national feelings and patriotism. (Cheers,)
The moment they were free they tendered their services
to fight against their Russian oppressors. (Loud cheers.)
This showed that the national feeling was still alive, and
that it was not too late to make an attempt for the resto-
ration of Poland. (Hear.) But let them not deceive them-
selves, the magic power of military influence was all
powerful, and they knew that some of the bravest of their
opponents in the Crimea were Poles. What was the talis-
man that would detach them from their oppressors and
attract them to our cause 1 Neither the Crescent nor
the banners of England and France would be sufficient
—no, their national standard must be unfurled, and then
they would rally in thousands. (Loud cheering.) There-
fore, although not insensible to the cause of humanity
and justice, and he hoped not indifferent to the
righteous canse in which we were engaged, still the
great hope he had from the formation of a Polish Legion
was that it would render not chimerical the establish-
ment of Poland as a separate independent state. (Cheers.)
Whatever might be our abstract opinions, we could not
go on a crusade whenever our notions of good govern-
ment were violated. We could not, for instance, go to
war with America on account of slavery, and althoughl
we would never draw the sword except on the side of
liberty and justice, still it was necessary that English in-
terests should be identified with any cause for which
English blood was shed or English taxes paid. (Cheers.)
The cause they had then met to promote had that ad-
vantage. It was not only one which had right and
justice on its side, but was one which it was sound
policy on the part of England to adopt. (Hear, hear.)
For these reasons he had great pleasure is coming for.
ward and identifying himself with a movement for the
formation of a Polish Legion, The noble lord concluded
by moving, "That it will afford the best security for the
preservation of the balance of power in Europe, and the
protection of its liberties, that Poland should be restored
as a separate and independent state—a measure the
necessity of which has been recognised by most of the
great Conservative statesmen of Europe:"

- Sir R. PEEL came forward to second the resolution,
and was received with tremendous cheering. He said he
bad great pleasure in coming forward on that interesting
occasion to give his support to a movement which, in his
opinion, involved not only the restoration of Poland, but
the very best interests of Europe. First he must observe
that that magnificent meeting bore a noble testimony to
the great services of the late Lord Dudley Stuart. (Great
cheering, the whole .meeting standing and waving their
hats.) They would all recollect that it was through the
patriotic efforts and liberal aid of that nobleman that the
Polish emigration had been enabled to maintain its posi-
tion in this country. As he had said before, he was very
glad to come forward here as one of the people, to give
his cordial and independent support to a movement for
the restoration of Poland ; for he was one of those who
hoped that before long not only the Polish emigration,
but the 200,000 brave men who were fighting under the
Russian banner, would rise up in their might and strug-
gle for that liberty which had been the birthright of their
ancestors. (Hear, hear.) Let him tell them that the great
war now waging in the Crimea was not only one in de-
fence of Turkey, but was one in which the interests of
Europe and of England were concerned. What was the
issue from which some men now wanted us to withdraw ?
(Hisses.) After the brave blood we had shed and the mil-
lions we had spent in fighting for liberty, there were
some men who wanted us to withdraw. No ; let them
go on manfully in the good cause. (Cheers.) The ques-
tion at issue was not whether England and France
should consent to see Turkey, which in his opinion was
an effete and decaying power—(interruption, cries of
"oh," and "treason")—he meant decaying without the
reorganisation which he believed the present Turkish
Government were most anxious to carry out. He be.
lieved there was not a patriot in that hall who would
not agree with him that up to a recent period the social
and political institutions of Turkey were in anything
but a satisfactory state. Well, the question at issue was
not whether England and France, should leave Turkey
sharing in the spoil, but whether we should
to crumble under the iron grasp Russia, with the hope
of ultimately
withdraw from the cause which was identified with the
fortunes of liberty and nationality. Speaking as a pri-
vate individual he hoped to see the causes of Poland,
Italy, and Hungary all prosper, and he should be
ashamed of the pusillanimity of his countrymen if they
withdrew from their efforts to check the aggression of
Russia in the East. (Hear, hear.) He had heard a
great man say the other day that we had met with great
military reverses. Good God ! Wliere were our mi-
litary reverses ? (A voice—" What good have we
done Well, he would tell the gentlerm ; sad tint,

he would tell him what were military reverses. It was
a military reverse that Austria suffered from
Napoleon at Marengo, or at Austerlitz, when
fifteen thousand men were left dead on the field
and 20,000 made prisoners. It was a great militaryre-
verse when France defeated Prussia at Jena and annihi-
lated the Prussian monarchy. Where were our military
reverses in the Crimea to compare with that enumera-
tion. (Hear.) Had Russia gained one inch of territory
with all her immense battalions 1 For years she had
been building fortresses continually, but with all these
advantages she had not succeeded in shaking the confi-
dence of Englishmen in their arms or their cause. Let
them read the history of Russia and see how, step by
step, she had spread in all directions for conquest or
distinction. (A voice, " India, China.") As he had
said before, he considered Turkey to be socially and
politically a decaying power. He must frankly say that
that was his honest opinion. It was very difficult for
them to ascertain accurately the condition of Turkey.
One person told them that it was rich, another that it
was poor ; one person said that it was brave, another
that it was cowardly. On the last point it must be con-
fessed that the spirit of its ancient valour still glowed in
the breast of the Mussulman race. (Cheers.) He firmly
believed that the operations of the great European powers
would produce a very great effect in the East; but assum-
ing somewhat of the character of a prophet, he fancied he
could see floating up from the abyss of futurity—and he
firmly believed that some of them would live to see this
realised —what would be the best and sole guarantee for
a permanent European peace, the establishment on the
shores of the Bosphorus of an independent Christian
kingdom. (Cheers.) Whatever might be the fate of Tur-
, key, the influence of Russia on the shores of the Black
Sea might be likened to the lava of a volcano, destroying
not only the produce of the soil, but the arts and genius
of civilisation. (Hear, hear.) Such had been the career
of Russia, but they must rise now and check that career.
(Hear, hear.) The cry heard on the shores of the
Black Sea would be caught up on the plains of Poland.
It was the cry of independence, to promote which
they wore assembled that evening. They were met for
the purpose of assisting to raise, as much as lay in
their power, a country which had, unhappily, been op-
pressed for more than 70 years ; and firmly believing
that the best security for European liberty was the re-
Aorta:on of Poland, he hoped he might live to see the
,lay when the calamities of that country would be wiped
away. (Cheers.) He hoped to see the day, and that a
day not far distant, when the sun of liberty, which was
now clouded over that unhappy and benighted country,
would regild the annals of eight centuries of power.
Poland was absorbed in a moment of profound peace ;
and it was a remarkable fact that when the sympathies
of the people of this country were being turned towards
the Polish emigration, they found themselves in alliance
for the first time with the only great power in Europe
which had never had anything to do with that most base
and iniquitous transaction. It was a good augury for
Europe that for the first time since the partition of
Poland took place this country was in alliance with
France ; and if there were any prospects of alleviating
the sufferings of the Polish nation they might rely upon
it that no German influences would be allowed to coun-

teract or impede a response to the feeling of the peo-
ple of this country. (Loud cheers.) But, after all,
what was the use of the alliance with France unless the
people of this country were satisfied that the war was
being carried on in a proper manner? (Hear.) Speaking
there as an independent man, as one of the people—
(cheers)—he was happy to say he believed there was now
confidence between the people and the Government of
this country. (No, no, and cheers.) There might have
bee❑ a want of confidence when there were men in the
Government who counteracted measures of which they
bad approved. (A. Voice—" Gladstone.") There might
have been a want of confidence when the Government
included men who by underhand insinuations and dis-
creditable shuffling attempted to counteract those mea-
sures which had been judged best for the interests of
England and for the security of Europe ; but nothing
would make him believe that a Government presided
over by a man who for forty years had dedicated—[Here
the hon, baronet was met by a perfect storm of interrup-
tions, including groans, hisses, cheers, and the question
proceeding from the body of the meeting, and repeated
several times, " Why was the garter given to Lord
Aberdeen?"] This, at all events, he would say—and he
hoped it would tend to calm the meeting—that he should
be ashamed to belong to any Administration which he
did not believe determined to carry on the war as he
himself would have it carried on. (Hear, hear.) Some
allusion had been made that evening to powers whizh
were not with them in the present war. He firmly be-
lieved that they had rather too much courted the alliance
with Austria. (Cheers.) History had taught him that
from the very commencement of the present century
down to the present time it was impossible to place con-
fidence in the assurances of pacific and friendly relations
on the part of Austria or Prussia. If, therefore, they
wanted to advance—if they had at heart the liberties of
Europe and the restoration of Poland, they must keep
straight on in the noble cause which they had espoused,
turning neither to the right hand nor to the left. There
were some who believed that Russia would swallow up
the alliance of England and France ; there were some
who regarded the huge preparations of Russia
rather as a proof of pacific intentions than as an indica- ,
tion of feelings of continued hostility. Such vain phan-
toms should be dispelled. At all events he would answer
for it that they no longer had in this country a Govern-
ment timid and weak, hesitating and obstinate, warned
yet unprepared ; on the contrary, they had a Govern-
ment which he believed to be entrenched behind the
national will, and which was determined to carry on the
struggle with that fire and determination which the
people of this country demanded. (Cheers.) In con-
clusion, let him address a few words to any members of
the Polish emigration who might be present. To such
persons he would say it was a very critical thing in that
crisis of Europe to discuss the restoration of Poland.
They all knew that Austria and Prussia were co part-
ners in that deed of clime—the partition of Poland.
There were some persons who believed that it was dan-
gerous at this time to agitate that question ; but on that
ground they asked them to forget Poland, and to lull in
the'', breasts the consciousness of the wrongs which she
had endured with such heroic fortitude. [A. voice :
"Hungary too.") They asked them to do that which
their loyal heart forbade them to entertain. Loving
liberty themselves, they would manifest a kindred spirit
towards the Polish emigration ; they would show that
they could feel for those whose political institutions, and
whose national establishments, the riches and the pro-
ducts of whose territory and the sanctity of whose homes
had been crushed, defiled, and polluted beneath the in-
dignities of Russian aggression. The hon. baronet re-
sumed his seat amid a hearty burst of cheers, accom-
panied with the waving of hats.
Mr. COLLETT then rose on the platform, and said he
wished to move an amendment. It was—" That this
meeting, cordially desiring the restoration of Polish na-
tionality, cannot forget that the destruction of that na-
tionality was mainly owing to the perfidious conduct of
Lord Palmerston." (Cheers and hisses ; the former ap-
pearing to predominate, made it impossible for the speaker
to proceed any further audibly.)

The CHAIRMAN said the amendment was beside the
question ; they were met to promote the independence
of Poland. (Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL also interposed with a similar remark.
Mr. COLLRTT having attempted to proceed,
The CHAIRMAN remarked that the amendment was a
Russian one—a remark which elicited cheers.
Several minutes were then consumed in vain attempts
on the part of Mr. Collett to obtain a hearing for the re-
mainder of his amendments, and equally ineffectual ef-
forts on the part of the noble earl in the chair and several
other gentlemen to induce him to desist ; the scene being
altogether one of the utmost confusion. Several persons
on the platform, including Lord Ebrington and Sir R.
Peel, retired from the room, evidently in despair as to
the course of the proceedings.

In the midst of the confusion Mr. TUE came forward
and claimed a hearing for Mr. Collett ; but the majority
of the meeting were seemingly hostile to the proposal of
any amendment. At last, on Mr. Tite's urgent entreaty,
a partial lull was conceded.
Mr. COLLETT then proposed an amendment to the
effect that while ardently desiring the restoration of Po-
nationality, the meeting was of opinion that the pre-
sent helpless position of Poland was owing to the perfi-
dious conduct of Lord Palmerston. The speaker then,
amid much interruption, reviewed the foreign policy of
Lord Palmerston, and contended that he had all along
betrayed Poland and abetted Russia.
A Mr. HART seconded the amendment, and denounced
Lord Palmerston as a bitter enemy of Poland, Hungary,
liberty, and progress.
The CHAIRMAN suggested to Mr. Collett as the best
mode of proceeding that he should propose his motion,
not as an amendment, but as a substantive resolution ;
but this suggestion was not complied with, Mr. Collett
observing that he loved the memory of Roland too well
to adopt such a course.
Mr. BEALES was proceeding to read to the meeting
the series of resolutions which had been prepared, as if
with a view to their being submitted conjointly, it being
then about half-past ten o'clock, when
Mr. GEORGE ThomrsoN protested against the resolu-
tions being read, and observed that as the Earl of Har-
rington would not do justice, it would be best that he
should retire, and that another chairman should be ap-
pointed by the meeting.
The uproar here became immense, and in the midst of
it the Earl of Harrington and all the active promoters of
the meeting retired, carrying off with them the resolu-
tions.

Mr. G. Thompson was then elected chairman, and
Mr. COLLETT proposed his amendment as a substan-
tive resolution.
An amendment was moved laudatory of the efforts of
the friends of Poland ; but on a show of hands Mr. Col-
lett's resolution was carried, the audience having by that

time become considerably thinned.
The triumphant party retired with their leaders at
about 11 o'clock.

CARSHALTON SCHOOL.—We are requested to state,
for tho information of all those whom it may concern,
that it has been determined by the Secretary of State
for War that no more candidates are to be admitted jag
the Orchmace School at Cart&lton.
_ _ _