The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-11 00:00:00

THE PAPACY IN PIEDMOMT AND

SARDINIA.

While the Church of Rome is putting forward pre-
tensions such as may remind us of the days of Hilde-
brand or Innocent 111., and settling, by a simple act of
assumed authority, a controversy which dates from the
scholastic era of the middle ages, she is menaced nearer
home with a danger which all her art and all her in-
trigues will scarcely suffice to avert. Considering the
rapid and simultaneous progress which. the reformed
opinions made in so many parts of Europe, it is remark-
able that they should have taken so little hold on the
soil of Italy, where the abuses of the Church were most
rife and most notorious, and where, by a series of satiri-
Cal writers, from Dante and Boccaccio downwards, they
Were most, completely and thoroughly exposed. There
were circumstances, too, in the then condition of that
country—broken up into a number of small States, each
warring and intriguing against the other—which -might
seem not unfavourable to the espousal of the new ideas
by princes seeking protection against a powerful neigh-
bour, and anxious for new strength, from whatever quar-
ter it might be gathered. The failure of the Reforma-
tion in Italy is probably to be attributed-to the circum-
stance that, owing to the scandalous state of the
Papacy and the notorious corruption of the Church, it
broke out prematurely, and was extinguished before it
had time to spread to other countries. Had the move-
ment of Savonarola been contemporaneous with that of
Luther, who can say how large a portion of the Italian
peninsula—nay, of the patrimony of the Church itself—
might have been snatched from the grasp of the Court of
Rome ? But, as it had been with the Albigenses, in the
thirteenth and the Lollards and Hussites in the fifteenth
century, so it was with the Italian Protestants. The
Reformation was quenched in the blood of the first Re-
formers, and those people who were the first to rise
against the tyranny of Rome have been unable up to the
present day to cast her yoke from off their necks.
It is, therefore, with no common interest that we wit-
ness in the constitutional country of Piedmont the pro-
gress of a contest which that little State is carrying on
with a brave and steady resolution against the domi-
neering power of the Papacy. The able men into whose
hands the conduct of the first attempt at rational and
moderate freedom which has been made in Italy since
the fall of the Republic of Florence has fallen seem fully
to have apprehended the truth, taught no less by reason
than by history, that 'the predominant influence of the
Church of Rome is:inconsistent with the permanence of
liberal and enlightened institutions. We do not mean
to say that countries professing the Catholic religion
have not at different times possessed some share of free-
dom, but that such freedom is inconsistent with the
active interference of the Court of Rome in the affairs
of the national Church.

It is very hard for institutions whose essence is free-
dom and publicity to co-exist with the dark and despotic
influence which the confessor exercises over his penitent;
but this difficulty becomes an impossibility if the con-
fessor, instead of being actuated by the feelings of a
citizen, is the mere servant and enii,sary of a foreign
Power. Had the tendencies of the King of Piedmont
been less consistently and uniformly unconstitutional he
would have found, as so many other princes have found,
in Rome an ardent and unscrupulous ally, ready to over
power the wisdom and patriotism of the middle and upper
classes by an appeal to the fanatical ignorance of the
lowest of the people ; but as a constitutional King, Vic-
tor Emmanuel has nothing to hope from Rome, and from
this acknowledged incompatibility of interests rather
than any wish on his part to precipitate a rupture have
arisen those contests with the Papacy which have dis-
turbed the commencement of his other a:ise calm and
prosperous reign. Tue point at which the quarrel has
arrived is not one of doctrine, but of internal policy.
The question involved is, whether the Government of
Piedmont has the right claimed by every independent
State to regulate the ownership and distribution of pro-
psrty within its own dominions, or whether that right is
to be exercised only with the alldwance and subjeet to
the veto of a foreign Power.
This is no insignificant question, but one going to the
root, not only of internal liberty, but of external inde-
pendence. Sardinia is, in fact, passing through that
stage of her history which corresponds with the period
of our' own when ' the Government, not assuredly with-
out the consent and approbation of the best and wisest
in the nation, broke up the establishments of monasteries
accumulated by the superstition and avarice of 700
years, a change not necessarily implying a complete
reformation of doctrine, but certainly an indispens-
able step towards it. We do not presume to judge
how far the existence of monasteries in Piedmont
may have impeded the accumulation of wealth and
cu=rsed the land with the evils of pauperism and
indolence ; but we cannot be wrong in thinking that
this is a question which the Piedanontesa Parliament.
ought to be allowed to decide without the interference
of any foreign priest or potentate, and in this conviction
we heartily wish success to their labours. The struggle
must needs be an arduous one. In addition to the in-
fluence of large and wealthy corporations contending for
their very existence, the fanatical spirit of the moun-
taineers who people the high valleys of Savoy and the
southern side of the Alps is sure to be stimulated against
the Government. From the Republican party in Pied-
mont, at least from so much of it as is under the control
of Mazzini, the Government of the King has little but
hostility to expect. They hate constitutional monarchy
even more than despotism, and have ever been ready to
plot against the only State in Italy which respects per-
sonal freedom, administers justice with impartiality, and
allows free and fair discussion on all matters of public
interest. From France, of course, whatever support
they may receive on other matters, they have on this
none to expect, and Austria must regard with the
utmost disapprobation a policy which stands out in
such marked contradistinction to her own. When we
see these things we aro at a loss which to admire
most, the clear discernment which has enabled the
statesmen of Sardinia to discern the absolute neces-
sity for vindicating, at whatever risk, the indepen-
deace of the nevvly-established monarchy from the
interference and dictation of the Roman Pontiff, tha
boldness with which they have entered on a struggle so
arduous in itself, so liable to misrepresentation, and so
beset by powerful and opposing influences, or the discre-
tion with which they have gone steadily forward, and
without heat or violence matured the measures they
deemed necessary for the public safety.
Let them be assured that in this great crisis of their
destiny, in which they are contending for the perpetua-
tion of their dearly-won constitutional privileges, while
asLerting their independence of foreign dictation, and in
which also they aro virtually fighting the battle of all
Italy, whose future destiny is involved in the fate of the
Sardinian monarchy, they carry with them the hearty
sympathy of the English nation, and of the true friends
of constitutional freedom all over the world. It is doubly
pleasing to us to give utterance to this sentiment, because
we are aware that expressions of English sympathy are
not merely a relief to our feelings, but a powerful stimu-
lus and encouragement to exertion and perseverance. It
is natural that the country whose institutions have been
modelled on our own, hitherto with such happy results,
should feel not indifferent to our approbation. Pied-
mont is now passing through that state of probation
from which no nation in its pursuit of freedom can hope
to be exempt. Let her go on and prosper but a few
years longer, and we are convinced there is reserved for
her a position which will more than reward her for all
her exertions and sacrifices.—Times.

AMERICAN GROUNDS FOR PRESERVING
FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA.

(Front the New York _Herald of Decentser 27.)

The British press has been loud in its abuse of "Ame-
rica siding with Russia." As republicans, we have been
accused of sympathising with despotism, and enjoying
its success over the so-called liberal powers of Europe.
But is it so ? We Lave certainly expressed our con-
viction that Russia must prove victorious in the end.
We have also pointed out the advantages to be derived
from maintaining peaceful relations with that empire,
but in all this we have done no more than give an opi-
nion, and reciprocate, in a measure, the kindly feel-
ings extended towards us by the Czar. From the supre-
macy of the allies we have much to dread—for war,
to a commercial and progressive nation like ours, may
reasonably be dreaded—while, on the other hand, from
the supremacy of Russia we have much to expect. By
the latter the right band of fellowship has been
held out to us, and we see no reason to refuse it,
though its government be despotic, and its Empe-
ror the enemy of our own immediate rival. Rus-
sia seems, as it were, to have just sprung into life,
and is no doubt advancing fast along the path
of greatness. We have now the opportunity of esta-
blishing with her a close commercial intercourse, which
will be greatly beneficial to both countries, and, as
we hope, be the means of spreading for the first time
a liberal influence among her people. With her des-
potism we do not sympathise, and with the cause ?f
the present quarrel we have nothing to do ; but it is
incompatible with our republicanism, and far less with
our material interests, to destroy the friendly feelings
at present existing between us.
Let us illustrate this last assertion with a few facts.
At the present moment the earnest desire of the Czar
is to connect by telegraph and railroad all the im-
portant points of his vast dominions. Hence the faci-
lities afforded to Mr. Shaffner, who lately visited St.
Petersburg, to settle preliminaries and otherwise further
the grand enterprise of " placing a girdle round the
earth." It is intended to traverse the Russian empire
from the capital to Sitka, and the line, throughout,
will run south of 60 degrees, with the exception of a
small portion, which diverges north, for the purpose of
reaching Yatousk, on the river Lena. It has also been de-
termined to build 2,300 miles of railway—the principal
road being from Moscow to Odessa. Iron is required for
this—the natiee metal being too soft—and to procure it
(the trade with England being stopped) the Czar must
necessarily turn to America.
Again, he has seen the destruction caused among his
troops by the screw ships of the allied fleet in the Cri-
mea. Both at Eupatoria and the Alma, the English
vessels as they lay along the coast, beyond the range of
the enemy's guns, did fearful damage with rocket and
bomb shell. The Emperor has already been taught a
r lesson from experience. To be even with his oppouent3

(PRICE SD.

he must have a steam navy. The Russian pine is not
to be compared to Great Britain's oaken walls, and the
Czar must turn to America for timber and for ships. In
working out her destiny Russia will, therefore, assist
America in realising her own. Nicholas has already
shown not only a willingness, but an eagerness to im-
port American enterprise into his empire, and neither
our interests nor those of the republican principles we
uphold require us to draw back. We know that
a wide field has been opened to physicians, engi-
gineers, mechanics, and manufacturers from the
United States ; and who can foresee all the nume-
rous benefits that will be derived from such a con-
nection, to the furtherance of liberalism in one
country, and the progress of commerce in both I Nor
is this all. We noticed some time since that the Rus-
sian boundary in Asia had lately been extended to the
River Amour, which empties itself into the North Paci-
fic Ocean. This new accession of territory, as large as
the whole of the New England States, was at first ne-
glected as unprofitable. But it was subsequently found
to be a splendid tea country, and now the Czar wishes
to throw it open to American trade. Protected by the
Island of Sagalin from the ice which flows from the Sea
of Okhotsk, the mouth of the Amour—navigable for four
hundred piles—is open during the whole year. To the
north is the fur region of Kamtschatka, and the advan-
tages of trade here are scarcely inferior to those recently
acquired by the opening of Japan.
Are we, then, to throw away such benefits as these
for an empty bedew ? Surely not. Our admiration
may be excited in favour of the heroes who toil and
bleed and die in their country's cause on the frozen plains
of the Crimea. As men, our sympathies may be espe-
cially roused for those whose Anglo-Saxon names sound
familiar in our ears, God forbid that we should fail in
doing every justice to the enduring courage of that race
from which we ourselves have sprung. But with the
cause of the war wo have no concern ; and with the re-
sult. it is to our advantage that Russia should preserve
the integrity of her empire, and drive back her opponents.

SINGULAR RESULTS OF RECENT OPE-
RATIC SPECULATIONS IN AMERICA.

(From the New York _Herald, of Dec. 27-)
During the past six months we have been called upon
to record the ariiral of three musical expeditions from
Europe. The first was the Italian Opera Company,
with Grisi and Mario, under Mr. Hackett ; the second
was the Pyne and Harrison English Opera Company,
under Mr. Barry, and the last was a sort of Anglo-
French troupe, under Mr. Niblo.
We have no doubt that each of these parties expected
to reach the same pitch of success as that achieved by
Jenny Lind, whose path from city to city, and from
town to town, was paved with gold. But things have
changed since Jenny Lind's time. Those halcyon days
will come no more. There has been a revulsion of popu-
lar feeling in musical as well as other matters. In fact,
in this country, we are always going through some sort
of a revolution in politics, society, business, music,
fashion, and everything else. The times have become
very hard lately, and there is not much of a rush for
seats at the opera, kid gloves, bouquets, and attendant

The probable results of the late musical speculations
will be extremely curious, and will go far to show the
European artists what they must expect in America.
The first of these results is the entire and complete
failure of Grisi and Mario—those great artists whom all
Europe was delighted to honour. We understand that
Grisi and Mario are very much disgusted with this glo-
rious country and with the indifference that is manifested
by the people, who should, as they think, rally to their
support. They are desolate—nobody comes to hear
them—nobody cares anything about them—and they are
preparing to leave the country, i❑ which they have failed
to make a profitable sensation. The barbarians of the
Fifth avenue will not pay for Grisi's notes ; and even
Mario's title of Marquis of something or other fails to
bring out the Mrs. Potiphars in sufficient numbers to
pay the Academy's expenses. The enchanting Miss
Coutts alone sticks to him.

In this respect it must be acknowledged that our mu-
sic tl people—our first circles, or our cod-fish aristocracy,
are utterly destitute of taste, and Grisi and Mario will
go back to Europe circulating the utter ignorance of the
higher classes of this country, and thus put an end to
the contemptible cant which we have heard of the ap-
preciation of high art by the wealthy parvenues of New
York.

Another singular result of the musical season is found
in the remarkable fact that of the three companies the
English opera troupe—known as the Pyne and Harrison
troupe—is the only one that has the remotest chance of
making any money. This company came here entirely
untioralktal-611eir princlr.•l_ sincvere had never bean
heard of on this side of the ACtrantie,- and although
they have been for the last three or four years at
the head of their profession in England, they
were altogether unknown to the New York public.
They never had a lawsuit, as Jenny Lind did—they
never ran away, breaking an engagement, and making
a tremendous excitement—they never committed a faux
pas, the delicate details of which were eagerly snapped
up by voracious penny-a-liners, and duly digested as a
portion of the dear public's breakfast. Of course they
were never heard of !

Notwithstanding all these drawbacks, we find that
the Pyne and Harrison troupe have thus far, in New
York, Philadelphia, and Boston, achieved a degree of
success unprecedented since the furore created by the
Woods. The music of their English operas goes direct
to the heart, aad brings out the people of the great mid-
dle class who do not affect to be pleased with that which
they cannot understand, and who are always ready to
pay for that which pleases, excites, refines, and amuses
them. This is the true secret of the success of the Pyne
and Harrison troupe—a success which' is owing to the
merit of the principal singers, and the popular character
of the music which they give.
But let all the European 11,1 tista who intend coming
here with the expectation of receiving the applause, the
support and the dollars of the cod-fish aristocracy take
due notice of this fact. No matter how great they may
be in their particular role, they cannot hope to be suc-
cessful unless they are notorious for some little faux pas
—some elopement—some passage•at-arms with a ma-
nager—some great sensation created by them outside of
professional triumphs. The single exception of the Pyne
and Harrison troupe owes its existence to circumstances
which will not probably occur again, and all great ec-
centric artists dcspise the people and devote their talents
to the amusement of the aristocracy. Now our aristo-
cracy pays for notoriety—not talent ; and managers
know very well that the article of modest merit is
not one of those commodities which are precious on
account of their rarity.
The European artists have now the benefit of our ex-
perience, gratis. Let them beware how they neglect
such good counsel.

LETTERS FOR THE TRANSPORT SER-
VICE IN TURKEY AND T.Tllii BLACK
SEA.

In accordance with the provisions of a Treasury war-
rant, the postage upon a letter, not exceeding half an
ounce in weight, posted in the United Kingdom, ad-
dressed to any seaman serving on board a transport em-
ployed by her Majesty's Government in Turkey or the
Black Sea, or forwarded by any such seaman, ad-
dressed to the United Kingdom, conveyed by direct
packet (which term includes a ship of war, or any vessel
employed by, or in the service of, her Majesty) or via
Malta, but without passing through France, has been
reduced to One Penny.
To entitle such letters to corveya.nce at this reduced
rate, however, the following regulations must be ob-
served :

Ist. The penny must be paid at the time the letter is
posted. . . _

2d. It roust be stated in the direction of the letter
that the person to whom it is addressed, or by whom it
is sent, is a seaman serving on board a transport.
3d. 'When the letter is from a seaman serving on board
a transport the officer having the command must sign his
name, and specify the ship to which the seaman belongs.
4th. The letter must not exceed half an ounce in
weight.
sth. The letter must relate entirely to the private
concerns of the seaman.

The foregoing particulars must be given in the follow-
ing form :
From A. 8.,
Seaman on board•the Transport ---

(Here the direction of the letter must be inserted.)
C. D., captain pr other Commanding Officer
Transport ship -----
To A. 8.,
Seaman on board the Transport ----
(Here the direction of the letter must be finished.)

Upon letters sent to a seaman serving on board a
transport, if the postage o£ one penny be not pre-paid
in the United Kingdom, the letters cannot be forwarded,
but will be returned to the writers.

Letters sent by seamen, upon which the penny has not
been pre-paid, will be liable to a charge of 2d. each on
delivery ; but to enable seamen to pay the postage of
their letters in advance, they will be permitted to use
postage stamps, which may be obtained from the Post-
masters of her Majesty's forces in Turkey.
Letters addressed tocr sent by officers serving on board
transports, when forwarded by direct packet or via
Malta, will be liable to a postage of 11d, the half ounce,
which postage, upon letters sent from the United King-
dom, must also be paid in advance.
It must be distinctly understood that the reduction of
postage hero authorised applies exclusively to letters
sent by the direct sea route between this country and
Turkey, and that letters sent via France will be charge-
able with the following rates of postage, viz. :
Not exceeding I ounce, is.
Exceeding f oz., and not exceeding 1 oz., 2s.
Exceeding 4 oz., and not exceeding oz., 3s.
Exceeding oz., and not exceeding 1 oz., 4s.
Exceeding 1 oz , and not exceeding 11 oz., se.
And so on, increasing is. for each I oz.
ROWLAND HILL, Secretary.