The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-05 00:00:00

TRJ SUN, LONDON TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 5, 1855.

we were not prepared to carry on the war for mere
empty military success and glory, he called upon the
House of Commons to deliberate well before it gave its
deliberate sanction to a motion which might commit the
country to an indefinite war, and bring upon it the most
formidable disasters. (Hear, hear.)
Sir W. MOLESWORTH, after adverting to the terms
of the amendments before the house, said it would appear
from those amendments that the real question for its con-
sideration was whether we ought or ought not to have made
peace on the Russian proposals on the third point? The
opinion of the sight hon. gentleman who had just sat down
was that we ought to have been satisfied with the Russian
proposals, and that, in fact, they were better than our own-
The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of
Oxford said that Russia had conceded all that was asked
for before the commencement of hostilities, and that we
ought to be satisfied, for that a nation once having engaged
in hostilities ought not to enlarge its demands. Were such
a principle to be generally adopted it might lead to the
most pernicious consequences, for what greater inducement
could be held out to the wrong-doer to persevere in doing
wrong than the assurance that he would not by doing so
be placed in a worse position ? (Hear, hear.) In order to
maintain the peace of the world we had lowered our de-
mands to the utmost; but having been forced to draw the
sword, we had a right to stand upon our rights, to require
that they should be fully secured, and even to enlarge our
demands in proportion to the success of our arms. (Cheers.)
The right to increase our demands had been distinctly as-
serted by Lord Aberdeen's Government in its communica-
tions with foreign Governments. In his opinion we engaged
in this war to prevent the dangerous aggrandisement of
Russia at the expense of the Ottoman empire—an aggran-
disement which menaced the stability of the system of
European States--to enforce the obligation of the Euro-
pean law of nations, and to inflict punishment upon Rus-
sia for her wanton violation of the law by the unjust
invasion of the Danubian Principalities. In order to
avenge that invasion—to avenge the closing of the Danube
and the outrage at Sinope—in order also to take security
against future danger from Russia, we declared that it
was indispensable to put an end to the Russian preponder-
ance in the Black Sea, which was a standing menace to
Turkey. These were the objects to attain which we went
to war with Russia, sent an expedition to the Crimea, and
consented to negotiate upon the four points at Vienna. Two '
of these points had been granted, but why had Russia come
to terms upon them so readily? Simply, if possible, to de-
tach Austria from the Western alliance, and to secure the
neutrality of Germany. With regard to the third point,
which contained the security for all the others, and with-
out which their concession would be perfectly useless, Rus-
sia used every art of diplomacy to avoid the honest fulfil-
ment of her engagement to put an end to her preponderance
in the Black Sea. She rejected our most moderate terms,
and proposed others, the adoption of which would, in his
opinion, be worse than the abandonment of the third point
altogether. He was quite at issue with his right hon.
friend the member for Manchester, who said that there
was no substantial difference between the propositions
made by the Western Powers and those of Russia. The dif-
ference was a very substantial one. It was all the difference
between a war establishment and a peace establishment,
between a state of ever and a state of peace. According to
our terms Russia would be bound by treaty not to maintain
in the Black Sea more than a certain moderate number of
ships, not exceeding the number which we ordinarily main-
tain in the Mediterranean ; and if she exceeded that num-
ber we should be entitled to call upon our Allies to assist
us in compelling her to observe the treaty. The Russian
proposals, on the other hand, would compel us to run a
never-ending race of war expenditure with Russia in the
Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Her first proposal was
the opening of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. This
was universally condemned by the allied powers—by
France, England, Turkey, and Austria. The effect of
such an arrangement would have been to extend the
preponderance of Russia to the Mediterranean and
the Neapolitan waters, and would have been at once
an abandonment of the object of the war and a sur-
render of important Turkish rights which we were
bound to do our utmost to maintain. The second proposal
of Russia was that the straits should remain closed, but
that Turkey should have the right of calling up the fleets
of her allies at any time when she thought herself
threatened with aggression. According to these terms,
Turkey would be entitled to summon the fleets of England
and France whenever she thought herself menaced by Rus-
sia, and the fleet of Russia whenever she thought herself
menaced by England or France. England and France
would therefore be morally bound to maintain in the Me-
diterranean fleets capable of coping with that of Russia in
the Black Sea ; while the latter power would have a right
to re-establish, and a plausible reason for extending to any
extent she pleased, her fleet in the Euxine, in order that
it might be able to cope with the fleets of England and
France if it should be summoned to protect Turkey.
Peace on such terms would, in fact, be founded upon pro-
visions for the immediate renewal of the war. It would
impose upon us the chief burden of war by requiring the
maintenance of a police in the Black Sea, and would leave in
existence the Russian fleet and Sebastopol, which we had
so often declared to be a " standing menace to Turkey."
Such a peace would be worse than the present state of
things, because we had for the present put down the prepon-
derance of Russia in the Black Sea, and it would be better
to keep it down, than to allow it to rise again. His right
hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford (Mr.
Gladstone) had defended the expedition to the Crimea,
and then had arrived at the conclusion that we ought to
abandon the chief object for which it was undertaken. He
said that we had got, or might get, three points, and half
of the fourth, and asked what we were quarrelling about?
We were quarrelling about that without which there would
he no security for any of the points, about that for which
the expedition to the Crimea was undertaken, viz., the de-
struction-of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea.
He had never for a moment regretted the expedition, but
he had never concealed from himself that it irretrievably
engaged us in a contest with Russia, from which there was
no possible honourable issue for the allied powers, except
by putting down the preponderance of Busaa in the Black
Sea. Without such a succes.4, the expedition to Sebastopol
would be an inglorious failure. Without such a success, the
lives of those who had fallen in the contest would have been
uselessly sacrificed ; we should have no security fur the
first or second points, or the first half of the third ; and all
the concessions of Russia would be valueless. The conces-
sions of Russia ought therefore to induce us to persevere at
least in the demands which the Government of Loid Aber-
deen conceived it to be just and reasonable to make. Whit
had induced Russia to make these concessions ? Was it
repentance ? She was incapable of the feeling ? Was it
shame? She was ignorant of the meaning of the word.
Was it the public opinion of Europa? That opinion was
expressed against her long ago, and she remained unmoved,
and defied it. What, then, had induced her to yield ?
Fear. Fear founded upon the conviction that her resources
were being exhausted and her armies were perishing, while
those of the allies were rapidly increasing. Fear founded
upon the conviction that if we persevered we must bo suc-
cessful. For this reason she had hail recourse to diploma-
tic wiles and intrigues, and had endeavoured by a show
of moderation, combined with deceit, to sow dissension
amongst us, to cajole the weak, to frighten the timid,
to strengthen the peace party, to create a Russian
party ire the house and in the country, audio trick us as
she did the diplomatists of Europe in 182 i!. Let the his-
tory of the campaign be a warning to us, and let U 3 not by
timid councils enable future historians to tell a similar
tale of this war, and to record that the Parliament and the
statesmen of England ended a war of success by an ignomi-
nious and dangerous peace. Peace on the terms advocated
by the member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson) would be dan-
gerous, because it would be a confession of defeat on thepart
of England and France, and would elevate Russia to a pre-
ponderanee alike menacing to Europe and to Asia. Such
a peace would embolden age to fresh aggressions and
teach her to despise the threats and menaces of. the Western
powers. It would make Austria less ill-disposed, Prussia
more attached, and all the 'petty potentates of Germany
more servile than they are now. It would lessen the repute
of both England and France. It would cover with disgrace
our brave armies and navies, and would produce feelings of
recrimination between the commanders, the officers, and
the men. It would weaken the alliance between France and
England—would be a great discouragement to western civi-
lisation, and a great triumph to the barbarian of the north
—and would render it necessary for France and England,
ere long, to seek new battle-fields on which to avenge their
loss of onour and renown. Such a recreant peace would,
in his opinion, be dangerous to England. It would shake
our Indian empire—an empire founded upon the opinion of
our irresistible might entertained by a feeble and excitable
oriental people, easily moved from the extreme of fear to
the extreme of audacity—an empire encircled by bitter ene-
mies, who were watching with intense anxiety this contest,
ready to attack us if it should prove adverse. It would make
every man of British descent throughout the we rld—it
would make all the colonies of Great Britain—ashamed of
the humiliation and pusillanimity of the mother country,
and would convert those feelings of affection 'which were
displayed towards us at the commencenae, t of the struggle
into sentiments of contempt, dangerous to our colonial do-
minion. (Hear, hear.) The strength of the British empire
depended upon the absolute belief in our undaunted
vigour, our ceaseless energy, our invincible courage ; but
if we consented to an ignominious and inglorious peace,
we should have but our reputation for these qualities ; we
should have become the degenerate sons of those yeomanry,
gentry, and aristocracy who half a century ago bid defiance
to Europe in arms. If we showed that, by the long con-
tinuance of peace, we had become craven and faint-hearted,
our mighty empire would speedily crumble into pieces, our
external dominions would be torn from us, and we should
sink to a second-rate state, and lose our position among the
nations of Europe. Such a peace as that advocated by the
right hon. member for Manchester would, in fact, give a
triumph to Russia—would he to make the British soldiers
and sailors abandon their colours, though they had suffered
no single reverse. We had endured no defeats, In the
Baltic we had swept the mercantile marine of Russia
from the sea, and compelled her fleet to skulk ing'o-
rionsly behind fortifications. In the Black Sea we
had compelled her to commit naval suicide, and to destroy
a fleet which she could never re-establish without
our sanction. We could, without detriment to the resources
of tho country, repeat the naval, military, and financial
efforts which we made last year, and are making this, for
half a dozen years to come ; and he believed that, if we
were bold and courageous, if we were not faint-hearted
and timid, long ere that period expired we should bring
this war to a satisfactory termination, and conclude a peace
alike honourable, satisfactory, and worthy or the allied
powers of France and England. (Cheers.)
Mr. JOHN M`GREGOR said that the war lead been com-
menced by the Government in ign°l2ace of the power of
Russia, and the difficulties and lecessities of the campaign.
He denied that its object 'wee merely to defend Turkey.
There was a much gre-
ter question involved in it, and that
was the checkine
...
-„, of the aggressive policy which had been
pursued-.P.assia for several centuries. From the treaty
of the
P .... by
ath,
the first that was made with Russia, down
to 4.,tte present time, he found nothing but perfidy on
per part. It- was matter of notoriety that she had
always been regardless of her treaties. He believed there
never was so great a delusion in the world as the notion of
destroying the Russian dominion in the Black Sea. It was
in fact a wild chimera, and we had better keep our ships on
the stocks till they were wanted. The only real and wise
course was to insist upon making the Black Sea perfectly
free to the ships of every nation in the world. He did not
think the country ought to be greatly elated by its recent
successes in the Sea of Azoff, for, but for the lamentable
want of forecast and sagacity which the Government had
all along shown, those successes might have been achieved
eight months ago. We had entered into this war nosy,
and he contended that it was absolutely necessary to any-
thing like an honourable or lasting peace that we should
destroy Sebastopol. He went further. Considering the
political crimes of Russia, England and France should in-
sist, in justice to themselves, upon a full indemnification for
the whole of the expenses of this war. He trusted that
the Government would endeavour to preserve the French
alliance intact, since it was the most gratifying feature
of the present war • and that they would not conclude
a peace upon any terms except those which would ntainr

that either was in possession of any definite views as to the
ultimate objects of the war. It appeared to him that
the objects of both parties was analogous to what was
cleverly said of two celebrated literary Reviews, that they
were "two opposition conveyances, both raking a great
dust, but both travelling the same road and to-
wards the same destination." (Hear, hear.) But
he should not be doing justice to his own
opinions if he did not say that there were views enun-
ciated in the speech of the right hon. member for Bucks
which did not entirely exclude all hope of au early and
satisfactory peace as compared with the announcements
contained in the speeches of the Government, which
indicated a policy that would lead them to a
war of thirty years' duration. (Hear, hear.) The
hon. gentleman then proceeded to read the amend-
ment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, who, he
said, professed to be the mouthpiece of the so-called war
party, contending that, after all, the hon. gentlemaia
scarcely represented the expressed sentiments of that
party in the terms of his amendment. But, he continued,
was the house prepared to agree to the proposition
of the hon. gentleman which pledged the house to the
principle of the limitation of the maritime force of Russia
as the only sine qua non of peace. Lord Palmerston said
that he would agree to the first part of the hon. gentle-
man's amendment, but that he should object to the latter
portion as interfering with the prerogative of the Crown.
Now he (Mr. Gibson) thought a doctrine of that sort
ought to be received with great caution, as the preroga-
tive of the Crown was exercised under the advice of its
Ministers. He could not agree to this doctrine himself,
and he would advise the house not to give way to it.
He brought forward a motion converse to that of the
hon. member for Kidderminster during the existence
of the Conferences, the withdrawal of which had
subjected him to the charge of having entered
into some intrigue for party purposes to avoid a
discussion on the subject ; but he begged to
state that the responsibility of withdrawing that motion
rested with himself, never having had any communica-
tion with the Government respecting it, and because he
thought that by so doing there would be some risk of
his injuring that cause he was professing to support, and
therefore his sole object in not going on with it was that he
conscientiously believed he would be injuring the cause
of peace. He viewed this war to be a war in support
of a political theory, which he took to be that the rule
of the Sultan in that particular part of Europe where
he now exercises his power as a political neces-
city, and that this country was bound to de-
fend him against his enemies, and which
was totally apart from the consideration of the question
whether Russia was right or wrong in the commence-
ment of hostilities, and which, if they adopted, they
came to the conclusion the Turk could do no wrong.
(Hear.) He was not strongly impressed with
the faith of that necessity, and without de-
parting from the soundness of that theory,
on which the war was undoubtedly placed, he would say
that he thought the theory of always supporting Tarkey
against all enemies, and that they meant from all time
to support the rule of the Sultan in those dominions,
would have the effect of alienating from them the
sympathy of the whole of the Greek Christian
population of that country, and drive them into the arms
of Russia and the allies, and of enervating the Turkish
Government, and removing it from the obligation of
attending to those duties of good government, and
the necessity of producing contentment amongst
the people, which was the only way, in fact,
of forming a peace upon which the strength and
independence of Turkey would permanently rest.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The honourable gentleman
then referred to the statements made in that
house by the honourable member for Aylesbury
and other members, that the war was caused
by hon. members sitting on that side of the house pro-
ducing an impression that the people of England were
averse to the war, which he said was not the fact, and
adverted to the statements which had appeared in the
public prints as being the most likely cause, and
asked the noble lord at the head of the -Go-
vernment if he bad not himself advocated peace notions,
which he found on a correspondence bearing the name of
Mr. Addington, which had emanated from the Foreign-
office, from which it would appear an engagement had
been entered into by the noble lord with M. Wikoff to
represent to the world that the policy of the British
Government was liberal, but especially pacific—thereby
producing an impression throughout Europe that Eng-
land was disinclined to engage in war, and would' not
defend Turkey. The noble lord the member for London,
in order to distract their attention, stated in his speech
before the recess that when Turkey was secure we ought
to have no hesitation in making peace with Rus-
sia, so that he would have us believe the
war was carried ou for Turkey alone. He
was surprised to have read what passed in another
place, uttered by the Foreign Secretary, upon the sub-
ject, that while Europe was really standing upon a mine
the influence of Russia was extending, her minerals were
increasing, and her interests progressing. Now he be-
lieved that this country was interested in Russia carry-
ing out her railways, as the brotherhood of nations re-
quired it. Why then were they to be frightened by the
statement that Russia s, as able to overbear all Europe? He
believed that Russia had no such intention, because he
bad invariably noticed that when Russia came to the
west and interfered with that part of Europe it had
always been in consequence of an invitation that she
had done so. Had not this country requested
Russia to bring her arms here to pievent French
invasion, and had not France upon several
occasions sought her assistance also ? The truth was,
and it must be told, that Russia bad never forced her
alliance upon unwilling Government., but had been
drawn into all she had done by the solicitations of the
Western Powers. No man had praised the policy of the 1
late Emperor of Russia more than the noble lord at the
head of the Government ; and was it to be permitted
now that he should come down and discard all he had
said before ? The noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs had adopted a similar course. It was clear that
neither party believed the rumours that had been spread
far and wide, that it was the interest of Russia to extend
her territory to Turkey, and it was too bad to frighten
the country with such idle notions as bad been put forth
as to the intentions of Russia. Then, with respect to
Poland, he thought the noble lord at the head of the
Government ought not to hold out any hope to the Poles,
or to allow misunderstandings to be circulated, be-
cause it was clear that this country could do
nothing for her at the present moment at least,
because if the Western Powers were to reconstruct
Poland, they would be bound to preserve her inviola-
bility, which they could not do. A celebrated Pole had
said, that the reconstruction of Poland and the regene-
ration
of Turkey were events far distant. He believed
them to be so ; but Russia, in his opinion, was
not to be blamed for thaf, but Turkey herself.
The noble lord said he did not wish to diminish the cha-
racter of Russia, and it had been repeatedly said that
they were proposing no jurisdiction for Russia. But
how did they reconcile that with the demand that Russia
should only keep a certain number of ships in her ports.
The noble lord said we should still leave Russia
a great power ; but he (Mr. Gibson) could not
understand the doctrine of two great countries nut pro-
posing to disarm themselves going to a third great
power and saying that it was consistent with its honour
that the two countries in question should decide what
should be the amount of her maritime force. He thought
the proposition was puerile, but insisting upon it
as a sine qua non was placing a great war
upon a foundation as narrow and unworthy as it was
unheard of in history. But the noble lord did not go to
Vienna to negotiate---be went to decline an ultimatum.
To negotiate implied to treat on both sides, to give
and take, in order to settle some common ground.
(Hear, hear.) But the nobie lord's instructions were
to do nothing of the kind ; he went there with
something to be agreed to or rejected ; or that when
Russia refused to accede, he said his instructions were
exhausted, and he did not stop to consider the plans
' proposed by the Russian plenipotentiary. He trusted the
Government would give the house some clear and defi-
nite statement as to their intentions. (Hear.) The
house had a right to know what England was fighting
for, and what object the Government contemplated ef-
fecting by the carrying on of this new war. (Hear.) If
the Government could penetrate into the mist ahead,
they ought to point out what was not clear to the vision
of others who bad as deep an interest as themselves in
the fortunes of their country. It appeared to him that
we were embarking in a war which could only end by
what was called a state of exhaustion. Unless a definite
object could be pointed out, we must go on crippling and
humbling as long as there was anything left to cripple or
humble. If we should take the Crimea there would al-
ways be something left to do, until, by the conquest of
Russia, we could entirely reduce that Government to sub-
mission. If the four points were abandoned the noble Jore
and his Government ought to state the advantages 'eney
proposed to confer on the people of this country as an
equivalent for the large sacrifices it was called upon to
make. The noble lord, in reply to a deputation which
waited on him with a memorial in favour of negotiation,
said that the Government would not make war for glary ;
they would only make it for the interest of England. If
Turkey was now considered safe, let the noble lord show
the country how its interests were consulted by the pro-
tly
femoaniadg an,tthal ohntnd
toi
3hfoa
Its hae ekwsi eahvhoao
fsdotiiudl igtnhi eotst .t
the
eeTe
dhh
aef
rt ntelosehbs eogfl looArrydi.mhaaT, s
Then,
enunks
Turkey was as safe as feveaerwoerfednioagrt carrlyin on this war for glory, was it from
of the original damn What disgrace had been incurred ?
Ttehgerirteywoasf Ti2uortkeata Rs
we could make her. The whole
made had been conceded by Russia.
tan soldier on he Turkish wouldbindter.ri-
fthe herself to respect the in-
tegrity and Russia
rO.l Wes no fear of disgrace, and

tain the'clignity of the country and give satisfaction to the ,
people at large. (Hear.)
Mr. G. VERNON said the chief fault he had to find I
with the late proceedings was, that the course pursued by
the Government did not appear to him to be one which he
could really understand. He could understand that mat-
ters might have be en either ripe or not ripe for negotiation.
It was for the Ministers to decide that. If they were not
ripe, then, no matter how delicate our relations with Aus-
tria might be, nor how complicated the position of our
alliance, it would have been our duty and our policy to
have declared distinctly the only terms on which we were
prepared to negotiate a peace. (Hear.) We should have
made known our intentions to Russia in a manner which
she could neither misunderstand nor misinterpret. If, on
the other hand, we thought the time was come when we
might enter upon negotiations for a peace not dishonour-
able to ourselres—if we were ready to accept conditions
infinitely more favourable to us than those for which
at the commencement of the war we professed to ask—
then he said those negotiations ought not to have been
broken off. So long as Governments as well as men
were influenced by human passions and human in-
terests, so long would armaments be necessary
but he was of opinion that this war was both just and ne-
cessary, for it was undertaken for the protection of an op-
pressed ally, in defence of violated treaties, and in the
vindication of personal good faith and international law.
In warring with Russia we warred more with a dynasty
than with s nation ; and the more he was convinced that
this war was just and necessary, the more was he appre-
hensive that we might take any false step which might
lead to any misinterpretation of the motives with which
we were carrying it on. If in the origin of the war we
had no definite object, we were committing a great crime;
and if we had a definite object, so soon as that object was
adequately attained, peace ought to have been sought for.
He did not go the length of saying that we ought not, in
the course of the war, as our military successes became
great, to increase our demands'. He simply said that we
ought not to go the length of asking for greater conquests
because we had gained greater successes ; though he ad-
mitted we ought to ask for greater securities for the at-
tainment of the objects we had in view. He trusted the
time was not come when we were going to set " nation
against nation," or to fight for the partition of Europe. He
I hoped what we wanted was simply the settlement of the
matter of the Black Sea between Turkey and Russia, on a
fair and solid footing. He believed there was no problem
so difficult of solution as this balance of power that was
talked of in the Black Sea. The mode in which the Russian
proposition was treated reminded him of the hackneyed
expression so often quoted in that house by the gallant
member for Lincoln :
" Timeo Danaos et done ferentes."
He believed the course we were adopting was the one least
likely to disappoint Russia and to serve Turkey. We
might go on from victory to victory, but when We had la-
vished our treasure and our blood we might perhaps find
that we had destroyed the finances of Turkey and the bone
and sinew of the country, and that when we expected an
ovation, we would receive the curses of a beggared and de-
solated people. He thought the time would come when
reflecting men would feel that we were fighting more for
success than for any definite object.
Lord DUNGARVANthought that the tone of the speeches
recently made by statesmen who had lately been high in
office must have a pernicious effect both on the people at
home and upon our brave allies abroad. (Hear, hear.) He
much regretted that those statesmen who had been in
office when war was decla ed, and who had taken an active
part in the prosecution of that war, should now advocate
on such slight grounds as they did a departure from a
policy they had been concerned in originating. (Hear,
hear.) For himself, he was inclined to rejoice that the
Russian plenipotentiaries did not accept the proposed
limitation of their fleet in the Black Sea, for that would
have been a condition for England or France to carry out.
That condition couldhave been no guarantee againstßuasia
having a number of ships on the stocks in every port in that
sea. Russia proposed that the straits should be open at all
times to the ships of war of all the nations, and that the
Porte should have the power at any time to call in the
fleets of France and England to its assistance. The noble
lord at the head of the Government had ably pointed out the
danger attaching to the first of these propositions, and the
latter was no concession at all, for ever since the treaty of
1841 the Porte had been in full possession of the power of
calling for the assistance of the fleets of the 'Western
Powers whenever it judged that assistance necessary. The
desire of Russia was in the eyes of the German Courts to
throw upon the Western Powers the onus of carrying on
the war. That was a challenge which he hoped those
powers would accept, for he believed that England and
France united could fail in nothing, and the more so when
right and justice were upon their side. No doubt many
misfortunes had befallen us—no doubt many faces formerly
well known on the benches of the house would never more
I be seen there • yet nothing, he felt sure, would abate the
resolution that England had taken in this case. Forbid it
that England should rush into war for the sake of prestige
alone ; still it could not be denied that prestige untar-
nished and unbroken was one of the mainstays of a kingdom,
and, careful as this country should be of her commercial
interests, if she wished to continue in her present proud po-
sition, she must not refrain from putting forth her strength
to support the cause of liberty against force and injustice.
He could have wished to have been able to give his whole
vote in favour of the anieudment of the hon. member for
Kidderminster ; but he should be acting better if he only
supported the first part of it, for it was, he thought, highly
improper in any way to fetter the hands of her Majesty's
Government in the present important struggle.
Mr. BAXTER objectel to any vote that v4nld hamper
the Executive Government, and this objection, he thought,
applied to both amendments now before the house. They
were both instructions to the Government— the one to
make peace on liussien terms ; the other, to refuse all fur-
ther negotiations. He could not agree to either of them,
and especially he could not agree to the amendment of the
hon. member for Kidderminster, that they would accept
of nothing but the diminution of the Russian fleet in
the Black Sea. He could imagine many other pro-
positions which would be even more acceptable, as,
for instance, the destruction of Sebastopol itself.
While he gave full praise to the eloquent and logical
speech of the right hon. member for the University of Ox-
ford made a few nights since, ho thought the right lion.
gentleman, in his laudable and Christian desire to stay the
effusion of blood, overlooked the fact that, if the allied
armies now retired from the Crimea without having ef-
fected its object, Russia would be more feared than ever
her prestige would be greater—her invincibility confirmed.
He individually, and all his constituents, had a direct in-
terest in the establishment of peace;' but he bad come to
the cqnclusion that any peace made now would not con-
tinue long. Under these circumstances, he was willing to
leave the question in the hands of Governm&at, having
full confidence in them that they would conclude, not a
patched-up peace, but a peace that was not likely to be
broken during the present century.
Mr. HENRY BAILLIE condemned the conduct of the
Government in not having kept our army up to an
efficient point, and in not drawing upon the resources
of our Indian empire. He was against making peace on
Russian terms, as he considered the terms proposed by the
allies wholly inadequate to the exigency. • ,
Mr. M. MILNES thought the best solution of the diffi-
culty would be to prohibit any vessels navigating the Black
Sea except for commercial purposes and purposes 'of naval
police.
Sir E. DERING had supported the motion of the right
hon. member for Bucks the other evening ; but after the
explicit declarations of the Government, ho was satisfied
of their sincerity ; and he now hoped that Ministers would
insist upon higher terms than they had yet demanded.
Lord ELCHO was anxious to mark his dissent from the
sentiments expressed in the eloquent speech of his right
hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford—a
speech which lie deeply regretted, as he believed the country
would accept it as a sufficient explanation of the blunders
that had ocaurred, and would consider " lukewarm" as
the reason of " too late,' but which he regretted still more
because he believed it would tend indefinitely to postpone
the prospects of peace, which the right hon. gentleman
was so anxious to attain. He maintained that there was
great dancer in Russian power unless it was checked in
time ; and the propositions commended by the right hon.
member for Manchester were intended not to chock Rus-
sian power, but to leave it as it was. He was in favour of
the Government propositions, which, he believed, con-
tained the principle of limiting Russian power. But for
himself he believed that the road to a secure peace lay
through Sebastopol. Therefore, though it gave him the
greatest pain to separate himself from his friends on this
question, yet he was prepared to leave the question in the
hands of? the Government, believing that they would not
continue the war a moment longer than was necessary to
secure a lasting peace.
Lord C. HAMILTON defended the Russian propositions
as more effectual for the maintenance of peace, while it
would not needlessly humiliate Russia. He could not
therefore vote with the hon. member for Kidderminster,
as he did not believe the rupture of the negotiations was
attributable to Russia.
Sir B. LYTTON said the right hon. gentleman the
failure. (Renewed
t
member for Manchester had summed up his objections to
the continuance of the war by asking how it could subserve
the interests of England. He (Sir B. Lytton) would answer
that question by reminding him how eloquently, on a for-
mer occasion he declared that he and the party with whore
he acted were not anxious for any terms of peace which
were not consistent with the honour of the country.
(Hear, hear.) On that point the right hon. gentleman
should observe this distinction, that with individuals
with nations it was something more—it was a condition
jealousy of honour might be a Mere sentiments, whereas
tects my person ;"
of greatness. (Hear, hear.) If the position of an
individual were lowered, he might still say:, "My estate
is unimpaired, the law still maintains my rights and pro-
lowered in the eyes of other stales, more especially the
hmiont of a nation like England, which owed its,position
not to its territory but to its character--(cheers)---nob to
but if the hononr of a nation were
the numerical aiiimint of its armies, but to a belief in its
spirit and its indomitable will, the consequences would
affect its solid and vital interests. (Cheers.) Its credit
would suffer—its commerce would indirectly be damaged
right:
even in peaceful negotiations its claim would not lie re.
cognised, and never again would it interfere with effect
against violence and, wrong, and on behalf of liberty and
which would affect the interests of this country, if, other
nations could say—whether justly or not—that England
(Cheers.) These were some of the consequeneei
bld grown unmindful of her honour. And he asked
his right honourable friend (Mr, M. Gibson) whether
other countries would not say this with every appearabde
most powerful enemy, they
of truth, if after having got into a war with their
accepted any terms
of peace which Turkey herself would indignantly refuse
to endorse ? ,(Hear. hear.) He did not mean to deny that
the right hon. gentleman was as anxious for the honour of
the country as any one of them. But he asked, did anybedy
believe that a single subject of the Ottoman empire would
consider that they had fulfilled their engagement if they
consented to any terms of peace that would not take from
Russia a single fortress or a single ship by means of which
she now held the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) The right hen.
gentleman and the noble lord who spoke last were consis-
tent in the course which they had pursued—they were
against the war from the first ; but he could not conceive
how any member of the Government who led them into
the war—(opposition cheers)--a,nd who were responsible
for all that it had cost them, could now suddenly as-
sume the language of peace societies—(hear, hear)—
and hold it a brittle in them (the opposition) if they pushed
to a military success the war which ere and his col-
lbheouantg
.uh
gentlemanees 0 uld
n commencedotth reconcileo member
withemb e ar
the
er militaryctoh ure
st
re
cheers.) He had listened to tho speech of the right
with profound respect for his intellect and his eloquence •
University of
e(oßfh eaondxe
sfwouerpcdl,
ported at the commencement of the war with that which he
had advoclted recently. There could be no doubt as to
what in the right hon. gentleman's eyes was the object of
the war. He was sure he would not accept the definition
of it which had been given that evening by his right hon.
friend the member for Southwark, and which he (Sir B.
Lytton) was-astonished to hear, coming •as it did from so ac-
complished a philosopher as the pupil of Bentham and the

editor of Hobbes. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentlenaen tempts to injure our ancient ally. Te riht, hon. gentle-
said the ,objett was to. punish Russia for her insolein a. Man the member for Manchester had-asked when, if the
Neither in war nor in legislation eauld punishment ever be policy indicated was followed out, would the war end? He
an object—(hear)—though it was sometimes the only means i (Sir B. Lytton) believed that if we were only in earnest in
of preventing the repetition of crime. He took it for granted carrying it on, and limited it to its legitimate objects, it
that the right hon. gentleman the member for the Univer- could not last long. In these days war was money, and
city of Oxford would say that the object of the war was. to it was impossible for any power to sustain a long war
maintain the independence and integrity of the Ottoman with a short purse. The pecuniary resources of Rug-
empire. Well, but if that were the object, how in Septem- sic were already becoming exhaasted—her trade
bwngas
ber, 1853, when addressing an audience at Manchester just almost annihilated—while her recruiting
system ei
before the commencement of the war, did the right hon. carried on in a way which, besides draining the country 'of
gentleman speak on that subject ? He 'said " Remember its adult male population, inflicted a heavy loss upon the
that the independence and integrity of the Ottoman em- lords of the soil, and incalculable misery and discontent
pire are not like the independence and integrity of Eng- upon the people. In conclusion, the hon. baronet expressed
land and France. The government of Turkey is a govern- a general that when it should be asked what service the prat
gent full of anomaly, full of difficulty and distress." Was sention had performed, history would reply that
it likely that one who at the commencement of the war it drew the sword to protect the weak against the strong,
took that chilling view of all the great human interests and that it had not sheathed it until it had redeemed the
that were involved in the struggle would now give unpre- pledge given to humanity upon the faith of two Christian
object?uded counsels with a view to the attainment of the sovereigns, and vindicated the cause of justice and liberty.
c The right hon. gentleman complained that the The LORD ADYOCA.TE thanked the hon. hart. not only
terms of peace had been unwisely extended. Who was for the clear exposition he had given 9f his own views, but
it that taught them ,to extend the terms ? (Hear, hear.) also for having successfully disposed of the arguments of
Was it not the head of the Government which the right those who were the opponents of the Government in the
hon. gentleman adorned? (Hear.) When Lord Aber- present debate. It had been said that the country had
deep was repeatedly urged to say to what terms of peace drifted into war. He altogether disputed the accuracy of
he would attach his favourite epithet—" safe and honour- that statement. Never had a war been• entered into by
able"—he said it was impossible to state them, as the people. of this country with so much deliberation. It
they must vary with the fortunes of war, and it would was not a war of passion—it was a war of dynasties—it was
make a great difference whether they were accepted at Con-
stantinople or imposed at St. Petersburg. Now he (Sir B. a war of justice and of necessity ; and he did not believe
the country would stop in its course until the object for
Lytton) never approved of that answer- He )lad always which the war bad been commenced had been achieved.
held the doctrine that if they made war it should be for no-
With regard to the origin of the war, when the right hon.
member for Manchester said it was owing to the tone of the
thing less and nothing more than justice—(cheers)—and if
' the right hon. gentleman held it when out of office, why, press and of the supposed impossibility of England and
' when in office, did he sanction Lord Aberdeen's making France entering
' the terms of peace dependent on military success ? How into an aclliance to resist Russian aggres-
sion, the right hon. gentleman conceded the point that the
could he continue to sit in aca.binet which changed the cha- Emperor of Russia was all along waiting for the opportunity
meter of the war, and made it one of aggression ? He did to attack Turkey. The interest we had in defending
not say whether the strategy of the invasion of theCrimeaTurkey
was this:—That through the sides of Turkey our own libel,
was right or wrong, but the moment the army landed, the ties were menaced. We had a plain and obvious dan w
ger
best
to
conditions of peace were necessarily altered. The right hon. ward off, and the question now to consider was, ho
gentleman was a party to the campaign in the Crimea,how we could place Turkey in such a position that the liberties
then, could he shrink from its logioal consequences ? (Hear.) of Europe should be secure for the future. It by no means
s
Why was Sebastopol besieged ? Was it not because it was followed, when the war was actually commenced,
tha
the fortress which secured to Russia exclusive preponder- the status quo should be the condition of peace. The
ance in the Black Sea, and because itscapture was the ma- right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford had said
terial guarantee by which they had pledged themselves that we ought not to raise our terms as the war went on
to maintain the independence of Turkey and the safety of but the principle of altering the terms according
Europe? (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him very strange to the
to what double uses the right hon. gentleman could put altered state of circumstances consequent on the war was
an ally. When the house desired to inquire into the 'admitted by Lord Aberdeen himself, who increased the
causes of the calamities of the army, the right hon. son- terms upon which his Government were prepared to treat
for peace as the war went on. The terms upon which
tleman said, " Take care what you are about; to inquire peace might be negotiated on the one side and on the
on such a subject may offend and alienate your ally, other must always depend in a great measure upon the re-
Trance ;" now, when the question was how a peace could suits of the war ; and the results of our military operation,
be patched up, he seemed to forget that they had an ally even before the recent successes, were certainly not such as
on th© face of the globe—(hear)—and recommended them should induce us to accept lower terms than those
to creep creep out of the quarrel in a manner which would ex- nally proposed, butthe contrary. (Hear, hear.)
The main
pose them equally to the charge of desertion by Turkey demand was the limitation of the Russian preponderance
and of perfidy by France. (Hear.) He would put it .to in the Black Sea, as embodied in the third point. The
any advocate of peace in that house whether a peace which
would have excited the indignation even of a commercial only effectual means of carrying out that object was by
the measures proposed by ' the allies, for it was clear
people like our own would not have mortified the pride
of that gallant nation of soldiers with which the name that if the other proposition were adopted—viz., that
Turkey should have the right to call in the fleets
of Napoleon was associated, and shaken the stability of
a throne which seemed essential to the safety of social of France and England if she were menaced—in the
event of France and England not being agreed, or either
order throughout the whole civilised world? (Hear.).
The right hon. gentleman had reminded the house how if those po .vers not being agreed. with Turkey, there would
be no protection for Turkey. Locking at the result of the
Russia had come down in her own terms. Buthovv was this debate, he did not think the Emperor of Russia, or any
change effected ?By diplomacy and negotiations, by notes power in Europe could now entertain a doubt that the
and protocols? No, it was effected by the sword—it was
effected on those fields of Alma and I k n erman, to which opinion of the House of Commons and of the country was
that we had entered upon a war upon just grounds, and
the right hon. gentlean had so touchingly referred. Should were determined not to relinquish it until the end we had
gentlemen
all this blood have been spilt in vain ? With the soil of the
Crimea filled with the bones of our soldiers, were we to in view was attained- (Hear.)
Mr. COBDEN moved the adjournment of the debate.
leave the fortress of Sebastopol untouched, and the Black
Sea to the Russian navy, in order that they might con- Lord PALMERSTON trusted that the house would
lineally threaten the independence of that ally for whom allow this amendment to be
that the amendment on which the hon. member would
so many of our countrymen had already perished? If we
permitted this blood to be shed in vain, it would be mere wish to state his sentiments was the amendment of the
for the % University of Oxford (Sir W.
member
quibbling to talk of effecting our objeCt by negotiation. Let hon.
Heathcote).
them for a moment examine the question. What was the
object for which the affair had been undertaken ? Was it not Mr. COBDEN begs®d the noble lord's pardon, but it was
to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black on this amendment that he wished to state his sentiments.
Sea? A.nd that involved'another question, whichwas the best Mr. DISRAELI hoped that there would be no difference
means of proienting the outbreak of a new war that might of opinion on this important point. There were several
arise from the future position of Russia. (Hear.) One amendments on the paper, but it appeared to him that this
means proposed was to overasee Russia by the presence of was the real question on which the opinion of the house
an Allied fleet in the Dardanelles and the right hon. mem- was asked—whether tho conferences were to proceed, or,
ber for Manchester approved of and
course. He (Sir E. as it was understdod, to be cloied immediately—was this,
B. Lytton) should be induced to agree with him, but for had the best means been employed by Govern
the prement
deto
rance
one thing, thing, and that was, that while the Allies had only blish the equilibrium, and put an end to pon
three ships in the Dardanelles, Russia would- have the of Russia in the Black tea- A miderationore important
the quousestion o,
whole coast of the Black Sea bristling with her fortresses, or one more deserving
consf He f
and conld thus unceasingly increase her maritime force be- Commons could not well be conceived. When the noble
hind the shelter of these strongholds, while England and lord at the head of the Government announced, before the
France would have to keep up a constant system of surveil- recess, that he intended to support the first part of the mo-
lance on a sea where they would find neither ports of refuge, tion of the hon. member for Kidderminster, he (Nr. Die-
ner arsenals in which to refit. (Hear.) This plan then raeli) told the noble lord that he must be prepared for con-
would not put an end to the preponderance of Russia. siderable debates in consequence of that declarallon. Not
All that it would do would he to guard at a great cost only was the whole question of the policy of Government in-
against Russia abusing that preponderance, and so far volved in the discussion, hute
was muchto ber
mai thntained an that—the
He
from putting an end to the possibility of a new war, you future means by which peac.
would keep Russia perpetually threatening Turkey, and might also take that opportunity of answering the remarks
England and France perpetually threatening Russia. of the Lord Advocate, and perhaps he might be able to show
He could fancy nothing so. bad for the independence of him that the subject was of much wider character than he
Turkey as such a system of chronic protection established seemed to suppose. The learned lord imagined; acting
within her own waters. The second proposition was that under the instructions of the Government, that there
of the mare elausu,a, with power te the Sultan to call were no other means by which the preponderance of Russia
in the aid of the allies when necessary. But there would could be possewevyr, that it was the duty ibl checked and controlled. He
t(heMr.House Disraelof
i)
be this difference, that Russia would constantly maintain thought, he of
her strength, whereas the others might be unprepared, and Commons to enter fully and completely ino this discussion;
whereas now there was not a Russian flag flying in those that the first part of the amendment of the hon. member
waters, and her ships had been even chased from the Sea of for Kidderminster was the real business before them ; and
Azoff, you would find, on the arrival of your contingent, that all the rest was " leather and prunella." (Laughter.)
her flag flying on the walls of Constantinople. The hon. ba- The noble lord, therefore, must not suppose that they
rouet having quoted the opinion of Marshal Marmont as to could proceed to an early division upon a subject on which
the facility with which Russia might at any time make tide- it appeared to him the discussion had only comnienced.
scent from Sehestopol on Constantinople, while at the same The debate was thilenwas r adjoeadurnethe d till this
ti day.
time she marched an army against the Balkan fortresses, The Mortmain Bill scond me
proceeded to say that, under such circumstances and with TENANTS IMPROVEMENTS COMPENSATION
such dangers, the proposition of tho mare eausum would (IRELAND) BILL.
be untenable. The right honourable member for On the order for going into committee on this bill,
Manchester complained that the conduct of the Colonel DUNNE hoped the Chief Secretary for Ireland
Western Powers with respect to the third point had been would aive the house ample opportunity to consider and
very unsatisfactory. He did not dispute that proposition, discuss the amendments which he proposed to introduce
into the bill.
and all he could say was, that it only proved how fortunate
it was that the negotiations had been broken off. He Mr. HORSMAN said his am?ndments would appear on
lamented to hear these praises of Russian moderation the votes to-morrow and he proposed to bring them under
from some of the most conspicuous members of the popes- the consideration (Alm house lit
Thursday
lar party in that house. Would not such expressions en- Nr. S. FITZGERALD said it was ludicrous to suppose
courage Russia to hold on, and persevere in the war, in that the house could discuss the amendments on so early a
the hope that the opinions of such influential persons
would have their weight with the English people ? (Hear.) Lord NAAS also thought that more time should be
day as Thursday.
Every speech made in such a strain might be read by a allowed.
Russian general to his troops ; and Russian ministers
might translate it for the benefit of trembling merchants Lord PA LMERSTON then said the discussion would be
taken on Thursday week.
and discontented nobles, if they desired to animate them The Grants of Land Bill was read a second time.
.to resistance against this country. He honoured their bold- - ORDNANCE BOARD BILL.
ness iu taking so unpopular a view of the question, but he On the motion fo r the second reading of this bill,
implored them to reflect whether they rightly exercised
their powers, when in a war undertaken to protect weakness public office would not be read
Mr. STAFFORD hoped that a measure for the recon-
struction of an importe•nt
against aggression they took the part of the ono mies of their the econd time without se full
that no clear statement had
l discussion.
c mutry. (Cheers.) He now came to the amendments, Col;' DUNNE cOmplair, ed
and it was with great regret he found there was not one yet been made in the chase gets
Vas anxious in the Ordnance Depart
make sucment.
Mr. MONSELL • said he to h a
with whom he could coolially agree. He could not agree
to 'the me amendment of the hon. baronet the member for Ox-
statement. He would postpoie'
ford, much less to that of the bon. member for Kidder- e the second reading till
Frii3av,
minister, and as to that with which the right hon. baronet EPISCOPAL CAPITTILAR e.
the member for Portsmouth had supplied him, it. would The Marquis of BLANDFORD booed the house would
;STATES BILL.
have been much more complimentary to the quarter from eo into committee pro forma upon thi;e bill, in order that
which he had stolen it had "not the right hon. baronet 7 pro forma, and
6 ;Ma alterations.
he might introduce certain amendmeni!'
added the crime, of murder to that of theft. Taking the The bill then passed through committee
bantling out of the cradle the right hon. baronet cut it in was ordered to be reported on Friday.
two, and the part which ho presented to the house had not .
NATIONAL GALLERY, &c. (DITBL
a leg to stand on. (A laugh.) Now the motion of his right . Tyr) BILL.
This
hon. friend the member for Bucks, by implying a censure bill passed through committee.
EDINBUIV.4II LANDS BILL.
on the Goverement for ambiguous language, offered a sub-stnl reason why they, the House of Commons, should This bill was read a third time and passed.
volunteer to her Majesty the assurance of their co-operation SE ERS (HOUSE DRAINAGE)' BILL,
in the war, or in the negotiation of a peace which they The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered and
should consider honest. But the moment you omitted agreed to.
YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL. •
the censure, you implied that you found no fault what-
ever with the conduct of the war, a with the language Mr. ADDERLEY obtained leave to bring
in a bill to
that had been held by the responsible advisers of the Crown, amend the Youthful Offenders Act.
' half -Past twelve clock.
and the resolution became an unnecessary platitude. The house then adjournea at h a -pas
(Cheers.) It was with great satisfaction he found that the e --.......••••• ••••••••••
Aram the port I
motion of his right hon. friend had effected an object which
amply compensated for its defeat. It had not changed the , o
past
Government, butit had changed the tone of its members. oenies during there
(Hear.) 'He had no hope that this beneficial change would '
_..seg
e vessels, of the aggate
last, but he hoped the tide would not ebb as fast as the The rates of freight exhibit a
suddenly galvanised zeal of the noble lord the member for r A
L.,..DVERTISEMENT.I—Du Barry
London, who expressed so much before the division, and Food cures indigestion (dys
explained go much awayimmediately after. (Cheers) The them, dysentery, nervousne
motion of his right hon. friend had been conceived in rtes no plaints, flat
t, ulency, distensi
headfe
party, spirit. It had, on the contrary, cleared the grain of the hear nervous
from all party influences, and had allowed them to discuss and ears, pains in almost
the question, not as Englishmen against Englishmen, but reux, face-ache, chronic '
as citizens of the same State discussing the policy which of the stomach, pains at
ought to be adopted in a case of common danger. the shoulders,, erysipe-
(Hear.) Much reference had been made to Austria— carbuncles, impuoitie
that power which was always ready to negotiate while it cough, asthma eon,
hesitated to act. The time had now come for considering nausea and sickness
what was the next position we could hold with reference low spirits, spasm
to that power ; and he earnestly entreated the house to dig- debility, inquietr
tinguish between the friendship wishedhat country and its paralysis, tremor
alliance. (Hear, hear.) If they to limit the war of memory, delve
within narrow bounds, he thought they ought to maintain melancholy, f
friendly relations with Austria so long as she remained thoughts of
neutral, because they could not injure that state without It is, moreo
injuring the balance of power in Europe. It was easy to generally, r
say that Austria might be reduced to a fourth-rate power, nor interf
but her answer would be this—lf you go to war to pre- healthy r
serves the balance of power, remember. that Austria is as of eugesi
necessary as a dountorpoise to France, as Turkey is as a most es)!
connterpose to Russia. For these and other reasons he thicker
would friendly relations with Austria, but he by
dotibtedpreserve the wisdom of that policy which had so earnestly In cre
solicited her alliance. Suppose you had attained that The
alliance, what -would you have gained ? He said " Better Dr
leave Austria alone, bide your time, don't offend or irritate p;
her, and inevitable events will bring her to your side." 4
He thought that our attitude towards Austria had been
much too supplicating. (Hear.) He now came to the pro;
blem laid down by the right hors, member for Manchester
—if tc were to continue this war, of what shape was the
war to be ? Was it to be of a large slid comprehensive
character, ultimately involving changes in the governments
of Europe ? He warned them against raising hopes which
they might not be able to satisfy. (Hear.) He would not
admit that there was no hope of the restoration of Poland.
He would not prejudge what might be done with the
Crimea when we got it ; but he would not encourage
vague language which it might suit one minister to use,
and his successor .to repudiate. Woe and shame to the
British statesman who should raise nations against
their rulers, not foreseeing that in those constitutional
changes to which ' their governments were subject
they might promise to-day that which their elbow
sore sore would withdraw to-morrow. (Hear, hear.)
nations who hoped for democracy must not look to
foreign soldiers, or the votes of foreign popular assemblies.
They could not receive liberty as a boon or extort it as a
right, except it was signed at their own Runnymede and
under the shadow of their own oak. (Cheers.) Therefore,
let them confine this war to the object for which it had
been begun—the integrity and independence of Turkey,
with such guarantees for the future as statesmen might de-
vise, and victory might enable us to obtain. (Hear,) That
conceded, he was not going to ask what new fortress was
to be attacked ; that was no affair of the
leHd ous
th e of
allied
Com-
mons. Matters of strategy must be sett by e
cabinets, and in councils of war. That house could judo.
only of results ; and although the end of the coW might be
purely defensive, if they warted to drive. Russia into
terms they must grapple with her wherever they could.
(Cheers.) The noble lord the membaser for Lynn had said
oe
that there was nothing so impolitic humating a f
when you 'could not crush him, quoting Machiavelli
in support of his proposition. He warned his noble
friend against the attempt to reduce the grand science of
statesmanship to scholastic maxims. We could not, it was
true, crush Russia, as Russia, but we could crush her at-
tempt to be anything more. than Russia. (Hear, hear.)
It might be said that William of Orange could not
of have
crushed Louis XIV., or that the burghers
Netherlands could not crush the house of As
act —but
William of Orange did crush Louis in aggressive on
upon Holland, and the burghers resisted successfulli fryend
flig
house of Austria. In the same way, his noble
;night depend upon it, -we could crush Russia in her at-

Malt

The departures from the port of London for the Aus-
tralian colonies during the past week have comprised
nine vessels, of the aggregate capacity of 5,270 tons.
The rates of freight exhibit a te.ndency to improvement.
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—Du Barry's delicious Revalenta A rabies
peed cures indigestion (dyspepsia), constipation, and diar-
rbcea, dysentery, nervousness, biliousness, and liver com-
plaints, flatulency, distension acidity, heartburn, palpitation
of the heart, nervous headaches, deafness, noises in the head
and ears, pains in almost every part of the body, tic doulo-
reux, face-ache, chronic inflammation, cancer and ulceration
of the stomach, pains at the pit of the stomach and between
the shoulders, erysipelas, eruptions of the skin, biles and
carbuncles, impurities and poverty of -the b
lo
ut o
isd, scrofula,
gout,
cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, rm,
nausea and sickness during pregnancy, after eating, or at sea,
low spirits, spasms, cramps, epilepticfits, spleen, general
debility, inquietude, sleeplessness, involuntary blushing,
paralysis, tremors, dislike to society, unfitness for study, loss
of memory, delusions, vertigo, blood to the head, exhaustion,
melancholy, groundless • fear, indecision, wretchedness,
thoughts of self-destruction, and many other complaints.
It is, moreover, the btst food for infants and invalids
generally, as it never turns acid on the weakest stomach,
nor interferes with a good liberal diet, but imparts a
healthy relish for lunch and dinner, and restores the faculty
of digestim2, and nervous and muscular energy to .the
most enfeebled. In whooping cough, measles, smallpox, and
chicken or wind pox it renders all medicine superfluous
by romov-ng all inflammatory and feverish symptoms.—
In canisters, lib. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 45. 6d.; 51b. ; 121 b. 225.
The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry
Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London; also at 182,
Piccadilly ; 60, Gracecburchrstreet ; 330, and 451, Strand;
4, Cheapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-street;
55, Charing-cross ; 54, Upper Baker-street ; -63 and 150,
Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden-town ; 18,- Pall-
mall; 7, Pall-mall-East; 132, Now Bond-street; 24, Mot-
comb-street ; 13, King William-street, City 30, Conduit-
street ; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, Farringdou-street ; 67, St.
Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, Portman-square.
LATMERTISENENT.] THE WAR IN THE EAST. --POWERFUL
PATENT hECONNOITRING GLASSES.— Messrs. S. and B. Solo-
mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe,
apposite the York Hotel. BY- her Majesty's Royal
Letter Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvementsq
in the Most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race-
course, Opera, and PerspectiieGlasses, to know the distances
of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the
army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra-
ordinary powers that some 3,i inches, with an extra ?ye-
ring
piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moens, Saturn's
and the double stars ; wlth the same telescope can be
seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant,
and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They are of larger. and all
sizes, with increasing powers accordingly ,while their vary-
iisPg from 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the
above, and the Geer an, with his 6 satellites, &c.—The Royal
Exhibition, 1851.—Valuable, newly-invented, very small,Powerful waistcoat-pocket glass,the s.z(/ of a walnut, by which
a person can be seen and known' 1 miles distant ; they answer
every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera houses,.
country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles,
They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to
sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeeirrs, and tourists. Opera,
perspective glasses, with wonderful
racecourse,
ecnamtlepTeaTd
power.—Newly-constructed Spectacle Lenses of the great-
est transparent power. The valuable advantage derived
from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is
preserved and strengthened, and very abed persons are
enabled to employ their sight at the most minute occu-
pation—can see with these lenses of a much less magnify-
ing power—and they do not require the frequent changes
to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Deaf-
ness—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an extraordi-
nary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness,
entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the
kind that las been, or probably ever can be, produced.
Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it
enables'deaf persons to hear distinctly at churcii and at
public assemblies; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises
in the ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all the assist-
ance that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemare-street,
Piccadilly. Observe —opposite the York Hotel.-

CHELMSFORD—J-13/M 1.
Great dullness in the wheat trade, and whilst the better
samples barely maintained last week's prices, a reduction
of is on second-rate qualities was necessary before
salesoats couldanapebaesefiffremet,evd.ithßoaurryaitaenrltbioeno.n. s 1s per qr. dearer.
Wheat, white, old, per s. s. ;
qr.6l 84
n0w....61 84
red, old ..... 57 77
new.... 57 77
29 36
....29 37
...25 32
..68 72
..70 74

Barley
Chevalier
Grinding

Chevalier ..

s. 0.
29 3g
Oats, per qr ............ 39 43
Peas, Partridge ....... 42
Waiite ............ :19 2
48
Boiling ........31 40
Dun .............
Beans,
Tlicat:zkt.ao°g,wa"intei.wel ik:.6.lJ

---
. . COLCHESTER.— JUNE .
A. small supply of wheat, taken at fully last week's
Very little spring corn, and no change since SaturdaY•
. - 843;
P4-ices to-daywere as follow :—meat, white 763 to s
red, 72s to 80s ; barley, 32s to 34s ; oats, 30s to'34 , ; be 313..
Mazagan, 40s to 428 ; middle and small, 44s to 48s ; P""
white, 46s to 48s ; grey, 42s to 443. pices.

Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &c.
in the port of London, from the following
the 28th May to the 2d *June, both inclusive p(.

• a
4
----------440(
24 0 - ( 300, -- 73
1
, 244 - _ _
_52
\
650 - ( 233
_.--
991 • s__L 20-----

Colchester
Harwich
Leigh
Malden

received
;rte, IN°

840

weekg'soordat KIRKCALDY—JUNB 2.
fat
were 16 per qr. higher than last week. car
Barley.
essu.ppolyatosfinwfhaeirats,uwpphliych;
bsoalrdlesylovwerlyysata 8
t
Wheat. 1 Oats. i os
First BO6 Od 39s 03 1 35s Od Oa 0,1
Second
Od (1 I
05 ocl
70s Oct I 31s 04 30s

COAL'MARIKET.—JIINN 4. t•
Prices of Coal per ton at the dose of tbe lose°
Wylamwausena, -1176Walisencl, . 3,
e. d.
Sartori 2O 0
Ships at market... 1
66 Cliaeia::'°siVert. :::::::::::

:0I Sold ........

SEABORNE .MAILS.

4ftce

(IT signifies that the malls are sent froM the
h. GO
by the night—and la by the morning—despatc

------- WO'
'lst la
Jay when ra a rrons X 24
la
General Post- Fort,. pitlll7;
Office, London.*
Vett •*-

C OUli TRXE3.

--------tttt---1.--------
America(byßrit.pack)N /:very Friday .• \Liverpool • 1 6
America (by United Sta.
packet) ..... .....N •••••• •• • • it•t\ _
America*(by U. Stat. ...s etor.;
packet) .. • • ......N .. •••••• • • Southaoi. , 14
Australia (via South- •or, /44• C
ampton) ..........Td kouthaolp.
Ditto (via Marseilles) N .. ...... ... DoVer "" • I e•tala
Ditto (via Cape of Goad •••.
go 6
FloPe) ............N1
__.....,eb •• , .
Africa (West Coast) ..N.23d of the month .. ?Ir.:. - . .
Alexandria.... • ... ..N 8, 9,_`24, 35 30 otin• Dove' .;;;;lii
Alexandria.... •.....m 4th & Nth of 111o:hist-Attila, -;,,,,,,
.0
Bahamas
Belgium .......... „11 Daily . • • • • • " • • 'Peva ...:t0.,,,,
016
Brazil ............ • •M 9thof the montlt..lsounro°!.„,, JallAlta
Buenos Ayres ........M 9th of tsse mouth.. Sonny
tfac.—
Cape of Good Hope ..N variong ports
Cape of Good Hope ..N staptOr
Cape de Verds ......11 9th of the month '3outh
" .•erpool ... JO
a
Ceylon (see India) 'fa 213*—
Ceylon.. —. • • ......N l,3,optorl'• •
Channel Isles .... ..N Mon.,Wed.,&l"rid.,Cout _„„too,010, 90
Chi1i,.......• .... .... lki 28 & 17th of month laeaths...r
1
China .• .. t Once a month •• • • ~ „ ••', ,Aly
Constantinople .... ...e,18,13,18,23,60:8 ot teu Dov •_,,ott;,,icee,-
Constantinople .. 4th &. 20th of Mon. SoathawL
.., .. -
•• • • —.,16111'
Cont. of Europe M & NI Twice daily • • • • • • DoT
" . i'°-
Egypt (see India)
France ...... .. M& N Twice daily .• •• • • B°ver, p10"1
Gibraltar ----DI 4,7, 17,20, 27 of ru. South t
Greece (see India) 1800.,:350°"1
Greytown ..........M.2od & 17th of mon• - .•
..
Ilamburgh ...:......NiTuesday & Vridayiliond,oarlirip**o;
Bavannan • • • • • ..... M 2nd of the montilSoulir
.......1
Holland .. —DI Daily _ _ • • .... IP, orloptOr '
Honduras .......... M 17th of the month.ltyout ,
Otis ~
India (via & 20th of rnen.,.FIVII: ....1
...... 11011., _7.,ptittai
ll(r)ellianiand
India (via Marseilles)M 9th&2sth of montli,DoT' .* •• I
15.1!5..(.5.e5..2.11n5,diaN) \7T,w4l7c,e&da2i7lyof molt 'Dovet•:.•,Y...l
f*isb°n• • •• • • •• •• .. ..Ml7, 9, 17, & 21 of .fi.tSootlit--plosi
Madeira ............Ml9th of the montil'Soutoaloixt,..
Madeira .... Ni23d ot month •• • •I`WerP
Malta (see India). •• • 1 1 vat '"
Malta .... • • NB, 19, &29 of mon. De
Mauritius (see India)
Mauritius N I4th of the month _.,,,,t00,
Mexico ... ... M 2nd of the month- ,Soatar.
.. ~
Naples •• • ..• N 5015th2bthofsnor-•11
New Granada M 2d& 17th of :tooth, S-,,,, pery
Mew Zca1and.......... By private ship .. iVar'',:-. ..
.:
Papal States ...• N sthlsth2sthefrnon.lDov:t:iviptv
Peninsula ...... • 5l lthi7th27titoftnon.lSO „opt'''.
Peru .......„ ~.„ 34 2d & 27th of mon.lSout
us pats
yem—en*:"B.L..and.
Port Natal —— • NlBy private ship. •••11TaLifi. ••••
TvusancaDni
Sicily ........ • ... • ..Nlsl.lll6th2sthotmon,lDo"; .•
..:;1
Venezuela . . ...... .M2d& I7th offnonthlSorl'"
( seNOl5. COS.)", 5 thofinon.Doc.;.e:gijoH
Australia) .... .•• " 1 optall
West Indies .... • • lial2dtt.:. 17th o: montlt 'SOO"-

Ifool
101362
veili
JO

1 lio
110016
rid

p9Ol

cest#

i
!la°

I Juno 1

ifill,o
'4lO
ilk A O-
-0
ho "08 tie'
Wlaen any of thine dates fall on a Sunday, te tel
''
patched on the following day. with the excep
Sonthamptor), and the Malta, both of which will w"
Dreced,ng day.

_....—....—.---.—.....e di 0141
coroner DEA T llf 0
rT %nth
eoU:itity
0.3-fCrir
Westminster,. —O n Satu
_rd.--; 3n9q.
Itrae.tsraellii4c:rtril°il
cause of the death of Mrs. Harriet Di.orrisi 00. fier
the Grange Tavern, Queen-street, Piitilie°4,t tbeilVer
said he was the deceased's husbarid, and 0;10 It °,,e, °° ea
servants to her Majesty. About eight °froic:a t"-cej
day evening one of their daughters calve, .t: De re,
try, and unexpectedly paid them a fisi od aPPio ~,
received her daughter with great affection,r 105e0300..
overjoyed, when suddenly she sank On be ,'Ol/ 0 e,,
passage, near the bannisters, exlaiming,ssistoactly iiv
and never spoke afterwards. Mcdie',ll: From
immediately sent for, and Mr.‘licale t,'"f:re 13° 'fiit°;,,'.
attendance, but deceased bad expired 'e elece' poet °"-;
Mr. William Michael Neale, of Virestbell the , pc,
square, surgeon, described this as nne;, the
gular cases he had ever witnesod. 0. so el"' v.:
mortem examination, and found theirills illigeorPri4l4'
diseased as positively to break dit orag 60 esl:.,,
diseace had been going on for years, 0 i, sob 0006' e,
she had lived so long, the heart beingo frightaged :ba
.ordinary softened state. Any ha Pr°,7ty of s 1
or excitement, might at any time, " tbe croe''°.;oll
death. The rapture of the aorta 10 na this collide
heart was the distinct cause of death' A colls.4tit the
probably occasioned by the sudden Kona that 0,
'the visit of her daughter. The jurY 1
.4(001 foe'
ceased died from disease of the heart.,llo 00'008'00
[ADYEUTISEDIENT.]—HeIIoWAYS 111 grs..l3:lovg typ‘t
caaious in curing Liver Complant°' for a ferloaft, r
of Bark-street, Hulme, was afflicted , ace ~,a 01)00
with a liver complaint, palpito,tion.d%ooo4 Ll-1„ per,ccio.
pains of both shoulders, headache, gl .th °t villaid
tite, and restless sleep, together wsit ecerlbtit koj
symptoms, for whicl, she took
generally recommended for such ,
_l.O 0-110 veristlerfect
unable to derive any benefit from tu.bcr poiseto ti P. 0).,/
them for a few weeks, al:ordc'''' jetetu'ii it.b
state of health, which
to give Holloway's pills a trial, and
T.:stored to eljoilno'
Sold by all. medicine vendors. eacir oao '
way's' establishments, 244, Straja '
Maiden-lane, New York.
00
BIRTIss. o 4
sisibne,fiaostillieecianvit2ntierofeiroa 0
0 i . wife o
On the Ist inst., at Wootton, the iestoe )01
mi. A 800' . f Ce°ll°,o,lo;
Luttrell, Esq. c,,ei,010 _,,,4,
On the Ist inst., at St. George'sifoof .A, t.o.r-
London, the wife of Lieut. G-11 izeie 11'
Cavalry. ester ,
On the 4th inst. at 4, Gloceste reet,
the wiLe of Robert 'Phillips Estl• scrgt
On the 3d inst., at 50, 'Ore°cooCltre, 534. 4011'
square, the wife of Joseph Percy (Pl° " 4
or A DAITCOOS°‘ ifife 0- ~ r
the vi
On the 12th March. at Shangloatt fdo t,
of
n e
or ,
nEtehqe. ,3olfstthtdet o.,raietn
33t ail
,„ Dfl* I('
Harts.,e,roo ,(0,
On the 2(1 inst., at ', Glengao ' 01;., 7
Dettmar. flicle-P
J. Jarvis.
On the 3d inst., in Oxford-terrace,
nndafuorkd, that Wife e 11,Ii

F'

k.^nt.k
11,1,iirf:141

\ 411,1

,01,1
D. ~ PS, 10to°
BosnirOrloymjnaartinahttioeegns2h.d inst., still. t 21031":: --tore::::0°:‘ tP:(' '3
E x''
West 13r°tPoo u t.Pf 01
Ingham Morley, Esq., of Thurloe:7 brr,l' f,Scr' r,
George Morley, Esq.,' of BroniPlio'bovelh liftioip
Emilia, second daughter of E.
ocb, Joe ob
On the 2d inst., at goly Trini3O moo
.0o le
E. Probst, Esq. of Clapham, !'
s ordot, 9'l Col°"ersi
be.Vl3ls'olajPs
tn's"irrt i• to Pjt of t Oleo
rommon.
Dennis,terofohn James :11 eh
a'
cl;Pcl:69:
On the 2d inst., at St. gar 3. f the 't clic 03 113
L. Dennis, 94th Regt. eldest son no Allay, root, Or of
1. C. 8., to J-Darla segiolforraer Y
Lieut. John Elliot, 3a West In
ra, _boi,
daughter of Captain Robert et, P all
49th Regiment. OP
'et r
p I D. 05,. Otirc'
bert,r
On the 15t inst., at Virokingblpoadortroy f;oeti.o,
co
daughter. of Henry, sth Dlik°l°,a.place, ...off of 11 A
On the 3d inst. *t 27, Plitobert SeciiwsVl., .4,0111 r
mour, relict of the late Lor otoolon t
.1, y 1,
On the 3d inst., Viragileldiaa
treat, . O,IJ,
square, Bloomsbury', Pc° o 5
On the Es
inst. at l3olton's oP° too'
Bartrmn, q., aged 75. _,.. I,anoftsil '
ofpoc ~
On the 31st ult., at Ellerbeus4 , _., ,35,
a q ' r 0
well, Esq., aged 76. . Jowl poou- Iv ,1
On the 31st ult„Wilhan3 1 PIP A,0011,,
commons, aged 63.
On the 2d inst. at Itead!rig,.• Savltie 0, sotl'
Esq., barrister-at-law,
On the 233d.vin‘s,to,,f sit
ftobradeg:..,;(.....,.,:roaiekiesr!io'Vototbho.°ool:4:lCi fljoi:°;?1:i ttl:,511%,1004:
and Regius Professor of pr. joetj'' 0:2,
ford, agel 75. Portsiniouth' ouoti of
On the 28th ult., at_....for to c
Surgeon Royal Navy, J•r• _,
' ' #llf
aged 65. - 414 /,
------
LasDoir : Printed('
of No. 112, Straw
t'itrand, in rho Pr'
Middlesex, "Tees'

:1: J•Y* ''- 4
0 •
'' /
Vel;
; ;Oth,,tt'i
~g6RI3 11 qiN ,
Ib° '''' OtPle' C, V,7,1 ii
slid publi9,l3o`. Mil' , 0 tile '.1.1.1,
la, Printer, lit Savoy.
i ‘th a
,a
recinct of riB;
,day Jae
' ~
.i• d'
- : -
, , .