The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-29 00:00:00

LONDON, TI! URSDAY EVENING, Al ARCH 29., :1855,

OFFICIAL DESPATCBES FROM FIELD-
MARSKAL LORD RAGLAN.

( Front a Supplement to Tuesday's Gazette.)
WAR-DEPARTMENT, MARcH 28.
. Lord Panmuro hat; this day received two despatches and
their enclosures, of which the following are copies, ad-
lressed to his Lordship by Field-Marshal the Lord Rag-

Before Sebastopol, March 13, 1855.
My Lord,:-;•The enemy commenced working upon the
mainelon in front of the tower of Malakhoff in the night of
Friday ; but the nature of the work, from the thickness of
the atmosphere, could not be distinguished.
Great progress, however, had been perceived on Sunday,
and that night a strong working party of the British troops
was occupied in commencing a parallel from the advanced
point of our right attack, with a view to form a junction
with the corresponding parallel to be made on their side
by the French, who began it on the following evening;
and much was done to forward the operation before day-
light this morning, and it is hoped that the object will be
completed to-night.
The weather is generally fine in the early part of the
day, but towards evening heavy sea fogs come rolling in,
and wholly obscure the -view of the place.
The enemy have shown a battalion and some Cossacks
on the heights above Balolidava and towards Kamara, pro-
bably with the view to interrupt the French and English
wood-cutting parties, for the construction of gabions, in
the immediate neighbourhood, but the allied detachments
have not been obliged to discontinue their'work.

I enclose a return of casualties to the 10th inst.
I have, &c., RAGLAN.
The Lord Panmure, &c., &c.

En,:losut o 1.

RETURN OF CASUALTIES FROM THE 9TH TO
11TH MARCH, 1855, INCLUSIVE.
18th Regiment of Foot--,1 rank and file, wounded.
34th Foot-1 rank and file, killed.
44th Foot-1 rank and tile, wounded.
55th Foot-1 rank and. file, killed.
77th Foot-2 rank and file, wounded.
97th Foot-1 rank and, -file, killed.
Total-3 rank and file, killed 4 rank and file, wounded.
J. B....BUCKNALL ESTCOURT,
- . Adjutant-General.
Enclosure 2.

NOMINAL RETURN OF NON - COMMISSIONED
OFFICERS AND PRIVATES KILLED FROM ElTu
TO 11Ta MAUCH. 1855, INCLUSIVE.

KILLED.
11L.413,C1i 9. •
97th Regiment of Foot.
Private John Widows.
MAIICH 10.
55th Regiment of Foot.
Private John McGuire.
Arendt" 11. ,
34th Regiment. of Foot.
Private William Callaghan.
J. B. BUCKNALL ESTCOURT,
Adjutant-General.

Enclosure a

NOMINAL RETURN OF NON-COMMISSIONED
OFFICERS AND PRIVATES WOUNDED FROM
9Ts TO 11Ta MARCH, 1855, INCLUSIVE.

WOUNDED.
MARCH 9.
44th Regiment of Foot.
Private Thomas Saddler, severely.
MARCH 11.
18th Regiment of Foot.
Private John Conners, severely.
77th Regiment of Foot. - -
Private Timothy Connell, severely.
Private James Clarke, dangerously.
J. B. BUCKNALL ESTCOURT,
Adjutant-General.
Before Sebastopol, March 17, 1855.

My Lord,—The progress of the parallel, which I reported
to your lordship in my despatch of the 13th instant (No.
205), has not been as rapid as was anticipated, the ground
.being extremely rocky, and the difficulty of procuring
cover consequently excessive, and rendering it almost im-
possible to carry on the operation during the day.
Both the English and the French have now, however,
succeeded in establishing the communication between
them. Her Majesty's troops have not been assailed ; but
our Allies have been kept constantly in action, and they
live succeeded in driving the enemy from the rifle pits,
in which they had established themselves in their imme-
diate front. with distinguished gallantry and great perse-
verance. They, however, have sustained some loss, though
not equal to that which they have inflicted upon their
opponents.
A steady fire has been maintained upon the mamelon in
the occupation of the enemy, from the guns in our right
attack; and the practice of both the navy and the artillery
has been conspicuously good, 'and reflects the highest
credit on those branches of her Majesty's service.

Although no positive attack has been directed against
our works, our approaches are carried so close to the
enemy, that the casualties are greater than they have
lately been, as your lordship will be concerned to remark
in examining the returns I have the honour to enclose ;
and it is my painful duty to announce to your lordship
the death of Capt. Craigie, of the Royal Engineers,
whose zeal and devotion to the service could not be sur-
passed, and who was killed on the 13th, after he had been
relieved from the trenches, and was on his way to the
Engineer Park, by a splinter from a shell, which burst
C:080 to him.

I have the honour to report the arrival of Lieut.-Gene-
ral Simpson, who joined my head-quarters yesterday, and
that of Sir John Al'lsTeill and Colonel Tulloch, who reached
Balaklava a few days before.—l have, &c., _

RAGLAN.

The Lord Ponmure, &c.

Enclosure 1.

RETURN OFISTIi CASUALTIES
INCLUSIVE FROM THE.
12Ta TO
OF MA,
7th Regiment of Foot-1 rank and file, wounded.
18th Foot-1 rank and file, killed.
30th Foot-1 rank and file, wounded.
34th Foot-2 rank and file, killed.
38th Foot-2 rank and file, wounded.
41st Foot-1 rank and file, killed; 4 ditto, wounded.
55th Fost-5 rank and file, wounded.
62d Foot-1 officer, 1 rank and file, wounded.
77th Foot-1 rank and file, killed; 1 ditto, wounded.
88th Foot-3 rank and file, wounded.
89th Foot-1-rank and file, wounded.
97th Foot-2 rank and file, wounded. - .
2d Battalion Rifle Brigade-2 rank and file, wounded.
Royal Artillery-1 rank and file, wounded.
Royal Engineers-1 officer, killed.
Total-1 officer, 5 rank and file, killed; 1 officer, 26
rank and file, wounded.
J. B. BUCKNALL ESTCOITRT,
Adjutant-General.

Enclosure 2.

NOMINAL RETURN OF OFFICERS WHO HAVE
BEEN KILLED FROM THE 12TH TO THE 15TH
MARCH, INCLUSIVE.

KILLED.
MARCH 13..
Royal Engineers.
Captain A. D. Craigie.
J. B. BUCKNALL ESTCOURT,
Adj utant-General.

Enclosure 3.

NOMINAL RETURN OF OFFICERS WHO HAVE
BEEN WOUNDED FROM THE 12n.i TO THE
15Ta MARCH, INCLUSIVE.

WOUNDED.
MARCH 15.
62d Regiment of Foot.
Captain J. B. Forster, slightly.
J. B. BUCKNALL ESTCOURT,
Adjutant• General.

Enclosure 4.
NOMINAL RETURN OF NON-COMMISSIONED
OFFICERS AND PRIVATES KILLED FROM THE
12TH TO 15TH MARCH, 1855, INCLUSIVE.

KILLED.
Kama 12.
41st Regiment of Foot.
Private Patrick Cunningham.
MARCH 14.
18th Regiment of Foot.
Corporal Owen Whelan.
34th Regiment of Foot.
, Private Thomas Gately.
MARCH 15. .
34th Regiment of Foot.
Private William Heritage.
77th Regiment of Foot.
Private Francis Burfoot.
J. B. BUCKNALL ESTCOURT,
Adjutant• General.

Enclosure 5.

NOMINAL RETURN OF NON-COMMISSIONED
OFFICERS AND PRIVATES WOUNDED FROM
THE 12Th TO 15TH MARCH, 1855, INCLUSIVE.

WOUNDED.
MARCH 7.
Royal Artillery.

Gunner and Driver Hugh Mcßride, severely (omitted in
return of 9th March).
• MARCH 12.
38th Regiment of Foot.
Private Francis Haynes, severely
55th Regiment of Foot.
Private John Singleton, severely •
88th Regiment of Foot.
Private Daniel Quinn, slightly
MARCH 13.
eith Regiment of Foot.
Private William Bawdrey, severely
30th Regiment of Foot.
Private John Filstead, severely
Private John Callaghan, slightly
41st Regiment of Foot.
Corporal Richard Ivers, slightly
2d Battalion Rifle Brigade.
Private James Thornelly, slightly
Private Thomas Stephens, slightly
MARCH 14.
30th Regiment of Foot.
Private Patrick Kavanagh, slightly.
41st Regiment of Foot.
Private John Evans, slightly
Private John Navin, slightly
Private James Downes, slightly
55th Regiment of Foot.
Private Janaes Lawrence, slightly
Private George Miller, slightly
Private Patrick Guering, slightly
88th Regiment of Foot.
Private John Hough, slightly
Private William Huntly, slightly
89th Regiment of Foot.
Private Jeremiah Ward, dingerougy, dace dead

97th Regiment: of Foot.
Private' Francis Carty, slightly •
Private James Hargreaves, slightly
MARCH' 15.
38th Regiment of Foot.
Private Joseph Poverett, slightly

55th Regiment of Foot.
Private Michael Farrell, severely, since dead
62d Regiment of Foot.
Private Hugh Reilly, slightly . •
77th Regiment of Foot.
Private Willis n Grange, dangerously
J. B. BUCKNALL ESTCOURT,
Adjutant- General.

OFFICIAL DESPATCHES FROM BEAR-
ADMIRAL LYONS.

(From a supplement to Tuesday's Gazette. )
ADMIRALTY, MARCH 28.
Despatches, of which the following are copies, have
been received from Rear-Admiral Sir Edmund Lyons,
Bart., G.C.8., Commander-in-Chief of her Majesty's ships
and vessels iu the Mediterranean and Black Sea.
DESTRUCTION OF THE TOWER OF DJIMITEIA BY HER
MAJESTY'S STEAM-VESSEL VIPER.
Royal Albert, off Sebastopol, March 17, 1855.
air,--I have the honour to enclose, for the information
of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, a copy of a
letter that I have received from Captain Giffard, of her
Majesty's ship Leopard, enclosing one from Lieutenant
Armytage, reporting his having destroyed in her Majesty's
steam-vessel Viper, under •his command, the martello
tower and barracks of Djimiteia, which had been recently
erected for the defence of the direct communication be-
tween Auapa and Kertch.
This very useful service has been performed by Lieut.
Armytage in the manner that might have been expected
from an officer of his acknowledged werit.—l am, ke.,
(Signed) EDMUND L YONS,
Rear-A/miral e.nd Commander-in-Chief.
To the Secretary of the Admiralty.

SPIRIT OF TITO PUBLIC JOURNALS.

VISIT OF THE. EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH.
( From the Times of this day.)
The arrangements for the visit of- the Emperor of the
French and the Empress Eugdnie to this country are
now said to be complete, and on the leith of- April the
Itnperial Court (if France is expected to arrive on a visit
to her Majesty the Queen, either at Windsor Castle or
in London. Engaged as the two nations of France and
England now aro in an intimate alliauce, end in the
Joint prosecution of an arduous campaign, no surprise
can be felt that the same courtesy and confidence which
have long been happily established between the Minis-
ters, the Generals, and the troops of these two great
Powers should also mark the personal intercourse of their
Sovereigus. Such an exchange of civilities is consistent
with propriety, with the usage of modern times, and
with good policy, fur the public will view with satisfac-
tion every incident which strengthens the ties on whicli
our success in war and our security in peace so ma-
terially depend. But this visit to England is not the
less an extraordinary occurrence in the life of an
extraordinary man. - Just seven years will have elapsed
since he who now wields with great vigour and ability
the sceptre and the sword of France took his place
among the special constables of St. James's, and mounted
guard with the population of London to protect the pro-
perty and order of this metropolis. Soon afterwards he
quitted this couniry with a Belgian passport, an tincer-
fa'n destiny, and a precarious subsistence. He returns
to it under the most opposite circumstances—the Sove-
reign of a powerful nation allied on equal terms to the
Queen of these realms—exercising a power at home and
abroad which has not only subdued nll its rivals but an-
nihilated all resistance—accompanied by his Consort, a
lady whose beauty and whose telents shed lustre on her
private rank, but whom his will alone has placed on the'
throne of 'the Empress Josephine—and received by the
people of England as a man ._who has net only elle-
cossfully ma:At:red one of the paroxyisme of the French
Revolution, lint who has established the closest unton
between the two great empires of the West, and has
drawn the sword, in conjunction with ourselves to de-
ferid the permanent interests of E"rope. In the eventful
history of these times it has not. fallen to our lot to re-
cordea more striking contrast, or an event suggesting
wore singular reflections.

In taking this retrospective glance at the career of the
Emperor Napoleon we have not forgotten, and it would
ill become us to forget, the means by which he raised
himself to absolute power, the overthrow of the liberties
f the French people which followed the revolution of
1348, and the energy with which we felt called upon to
raise our voice against acts so fatal to the cause of free
government. The opinions we expressed at that time
were, and still are, the opinions of men ardently at-
tacbed to the institutions of 'that free commonwealth in
which we live, and hardly able to conceive the perma-
nence of a government founded on a totally opposite
princip'e in such a country as France. But, whatever
may be the value of those opinions, which time alone
can definitively prove, the condition and demeanour of
the French nation for the last three years have entirely
deprived them of their direct application to that country.
The Government established by the coup _cretat of
1851 has retained the support of that national
majority to which it victoriously appealed to ratify its
power ; and from that time to the present no serious
attempt had been made to alter the existing settlement
of the emdire. Under these circumstances it would be
impertinent in foreign observers to discuss the character
of a Government which is accepted by those whom it
more particularly concerns. It would, moreover, be
disingenuous not to admit that the use made by the Em-
peror Napoleon of the absolute power now vested in his
hands does him far greater honour than the means by
which he obtained it. Ho assumed the reins of govern-
ment after a catastrophe which had for a season pros-
trated the social energy and almost exhausted the re-
sources of France. Yet, with marvellous rapidity, the
credit, the prosperity, and the productive power of the
empire revived, and the experience of upwards of three
years has shown that this astonishing development .of
wealth and activity is not due to fictitious or ephemeral
causes, but to the real progress of the nation. Public
works of surprising magnificencehave been not only begun
but completed in all parts of France, and more especially
in the capital. Reforms, salutary to trade, have been ac-
complished in the commercial system of the country. The
French navy has been raised to an unprecedented
degree of power. Loans of great magnitude have been
subscribed with popular enthusiasm, and the financial
operations of the great French companies have extended
to the most remote parts of Europe. To these facts
must be added the considerations more immediately
affecting ourselves and the political interests of foreign
nations, in as far as we and they are affected by the
foreign policy of the Emperor of the French.
When the Emperor Napoleon ascended the throne,
and found himself in possession of an uncontrolled
authority over the political and military resources of
France, he had before him two courses of action. He
might, had he been so inclined, have revived the foreign
policy of the first Empire ; he might have repudiated
the treaties of 1815, attempted to extend the territories
of France to the Alps and the Rhine, sought to avenge
the Battle of Waterloo on this country, broken up the
existing state of Europe, and obtained, without much
difficulty, the alliance of the late Emperor of Russia
in the accomplishment of these nefarious designs ; for
in the early part of 1851 there can be little doubt
that Russia would have consented to purchase the
alliance of France at any price, and the new empire
might have been inaugurated by another Tilsit. On the
other hand lay the alternative of an intimate alliance
with Great Britain. Louis Napoleon well knew the
conditions on which alone such an alliance could be
formed and maintained. He was well aware that in
connecting his policy with that of this country he gave a
pledge for the observance of existing treaties, for the in-
dependence of Belgium, Switzerland, and Sardinia, for
our own security, for the maintenance of the existing
balance of power, and for his adherence to a disinte-
rested and pacific system of government. He knew also
that the only sure ground of this alliance would be an
absolute good faith and strict veracity in all the relations
it might call into existence. Such being the option
which lay before him, we say that it does honour to his
judgment and to his character, and that it especially
entitles him to the respect and gratitude of tho people
of this country, when it appears tlint he unhesitatingly
and irrevocably chose the last of these two alterna-
tivel. It was not the course which appealed most
directly to the old associations of Imperial Prance,
to the ambition of the people, or the enthusiasm of the
army ; but it was a course dictated by prudence, by wis-
dom, by good policy, and by the desire of peace ; and
that decision undoubtedly saved this country, as well as
France and the rest of Europe, from perils and evils iu
comparison with which the events of the present war
subside into insignificance. On the grounds of practical
experience and of national interest we shall, in common
with the whole people of this country, welcome the
visit of the Emperor of the French to the Court of Eng-
land. It is a conspicuous mark of the strength and
energy of that alliance in which the honour of our arms
and the success of our common cause are so deeply en-
gaged. It is a fresh proof of the confidence and regard
with which the Emperor Napoleon looks upon a country
which he has known well under different clrcumstances
and at other times. It sheltered him a fugitive from
the fortress of Ham—it will receive him a guest from
the splendour of the Tuileries. But in either capacity
he knows that he is no stranger among us, and that no
man ever sought and held fast to the friendship of this
country in vain.

MORE HUMBUG.
(Prom, the Morning Post.)

We believe we are correct in stating- that the third of
the Four Points having come under the consideration
of the Congress of Vienna, and the Plenipotentiaries
having exchanged their ideas upon this important con-
dition, it has been found by them necessary to communi-
cate with their various Governments, and especially
with St. Petersburg, in consequence of the inability of
the Plenipotentiaries to reconcile their respective in-
structions.

The Third Point, it. will be remembered, stipulates for
the entrance of Turkey into the European family,
and for the limitation of the preponderance of Rus-
sia in the Black Sea. This point, it is true was, with
the others, accepted by that Power ; but now,
when its object and scope come to be determined,
it is not surprising that Russia should endeavour to in-
terpret them in a manner as little injurious to herself as
useless to us—whilst we are determined to see them car-
ried out in material guarantees, such as the limitation
of the naval forces of Russia in the Black Sea to a squad-
ron of a strength merely necessary for the purposes of
police, and quite inadequate for aggression.
In matters of such importance as these it was not to
he expected that plenipotentiaries would be authorised
to give a final answer. But, as the case now stands,
M. Titoff and Prince Gortschakoff will have put their
Imperial Master in possession of the requirements of
the Allies on this point, and will, no doubt, in the
course of some days receive his instructions.
Whilst waiting for these, the Congress will, pro-
bably, continue to meet, and, we may suppose,
will pursue the study of the First and Second Points,
which have not been accepted, as it has been erroneously
stated, but merely acknowledged as to their general
bearing. They have yet to be canvassed in all their diffi-
cult details, and this, if ever it be come to, will be a
work of many weeks.
We must caution the public, then, against the stories
of the many erroneous telegraphs and letters which have'
obtained currency, state-
meets and against the premature te
ments which may be made, either peaceful or warlike,
an
during the short interval which must ellipse ere
answer is received from St. Petersburg.
We wish we could entertain the hope that the GC:lN:em-
inent of the youne• Czar will submit to the terms on which
alone an honourable and safe peace can be obtained ;
but we fear that, great as our efforts have been, it may
need yet greater before we can be satisfied of the future
tranquillity of Europe. -

(Front the Morning Chronicle of this day.)

The Btitish people are growing uneasy on the subject,
of the attitude assumed by this country towards Russia,
more especially in the Vienna negotiations. Rumours,
which are unfortunately to well confirmei 137 proba.

echo, darkly but steadily, long-existing appre-
hensions. A fear is gaining ground, to the effect that
all cur boasting—all our dearly-bought alliances—all our
sacriaces of money and men—are coming to a very igno-
minious result. It is felt, by a kind of instinct which
seldom misleads ayvhole people, that we are on the eve
of some shameful compromise—some hollow, inxde-

quate, and patched-up peace.
A great national question of this kind must be looked
at without reference to party spirit. On domestic ques-
tions it is almost impossible to legislate or administrate,
except through the action of party, not seldom even of
faction. But when the interests of the nation in *the
aggregate, and our reputation in the eyes of the world,
are at stake, away with all preferences for Whig or
.Tory, for this or that statesman, for one or the other
section of the community. A considerable and clamor-
ous class at home cry out for peace, because they find
that the war interferes with their trade and manufactures.
"Perish the country," they cry, "but keep the mills
going !" The influential persons in the City, whose busi-
ness it is to deal in money, or to traffic in the pubic
fund., are also desirous of an immediate peace, becaese at
the moment things are stagnant ; and those gentlemen
seldom or never looked beyond the moment. An influ-
ential and well-iiiformed foreign writer tells the world
that the British aristocracy generally are in favour of
peace - because they fcresee that the war will be made
an excuse for demanding important changes in the con-
stitution. This may or may not be an approximation to
the truth. It certainly is justified as a surmise by the
singular silence and -apathy of the Goverament, by the
inexplicable- delays that have ocoprred in the Crimea,
and by the ardour with which various chiefs of aristo-
cratic sections of the House of Commons coquet with
the gentlemen who are generally regarded as the leaders
of the democratic party in this country.
Upon one point there can be no doubt,---thcre exists
in the public mind a feeling of deli, blank disappointment.
A free people, accustomed to the use of representative in
stitutiowe and habituated to make their will obeyed by
their ostensible ruler?, are not easily inducel to part
with a power so cherished. It is very rarely that such
a people call for a Dictator. If they do, it is because
they believe themselves in peril, domestic or foreign,
and are content to waive their privilege of talking orde-
liberating, for the sake of securingunity of will and vigour
of action. Cromwell was a dictator of this stamp. So was
Chatham. So was the younger Pitt. Each has left a glo-
rious name to posterity, as asserter and defender of the na-
tional honour; and their praises as rulers are joined in by
those who otherwise execrate their policy. The late Sir
Robert Peel was also a dictator. What gained for him
the respect even of hie political opponents ? His mor 11
courage, vigour, singleness of purpose, disregard of all
considerations except the national honour and the public
good. Once in power, Sir Robert Peel never swerved
from his object, which was to preserve his country frow
the horrors or the penalties of an internecine strife be-
tween classes ; to save alike the aristocracy and the
people from the cohiequences of inflamed passions and
antagonistic interests. He was indeed a ruler; nor
would he permit any influence whatever—whether from
above him, or beneath him, or around him—to divert
him from the point towards which all his thoughts and
purposes ever were steadily turned. And what were his
rewards ? A reputation. aggrandired-L-contrary• to the
ordinary rule with Ministers—by continuance in office,
%,nd the tears of a nation shed over his untimely death.
At a season of fearful peril to the nation, once more
a Dictator was called for. Our military reputation had
fallen, by the combined influence of false economy and
interference of civilians during a tong peace, with per-
severing misrepresentation by journalists at home. The
public had become persuaded that the policy thereto.
fore pursued had been too moderate and pacific, and
that the time for its revision was come. With the
unanimity which only prevails at such a crisis, all
eyes were turned towards ono man—all voices called
his name. By a specie's of acclamation he was voted
to the supreme power, and entrusted with that
best machine of Government, the public confidence.
Nearly fifteen years have -elapsed since any British
statesman was infested with power in the sense in
which it has been entrusted to the present Prime
Minister. even the case of Sir Robert Peel is scarcely
in point, because he first came into power as the chief of
a powerful party, and on the high tide of an almost un-
precedented reaction. Lord Palmerston was borne into
office by the public hopes. No one asked of what mate-
rials he would form a Ministry. No one reflected whether
he was a Whig or a Tory, or a man of aristocratic or of
democratic sympathies. All was • done in a spirit of
almost blind faith. There was reliance upon him as a
man-of "vigour"—as one who, by some means or other,
had been kept back, but who, if once at the helm, would
speedily set things to rights.
Above all, the public called for Lord Palmerston be-
cause he was believed to be, on principle, opposed to
Russia, and desirous of carrying on the war with energy.
A popular impression assumed that the whole of his later
policy bad been addressed to the frustration of the de-
signs of that power, and that by some means or other he
had been sacrificed in consequence. His being called by
a rare unanimity to take the helm was intended as a new
declaration of war against the Czar, as a manifesto by
the nation that the priviations endured by our army in
the Crimea, and the ostentafsious exaggerations thereof
by some journalists, had not operated on us as a " heavy
blow and a great discouragement." From a man so em-
powered and so supported much was naturally expected;
and in proportion to the excited, perhaps the exaggerated,
hopes of the nation, will be the disappointment and in-
dignation should he collapse.

It is for this reason that the proceedings of her Ma-
jesty's Government, wrapped as they are in an unneces-
sary mystery, are watched with so deep an interest and
so fretful an anxiety at the present time. Ugly'rumours
are afloat. By some means or other, they have derived
consistency and confirmation. Men talk of compromises,
compared with which those made during the decline of
the Roman Empire were honourable and glorious. We
are slow to believe all that we hear on this subject. We
do not conceive it possible that statesmen imbued with
the old spirit of the aristocracy, and sustained by the
spontaneous confidence of the country, can contemplate
the kind of arrangement which common report ascribes
to-them. Lord Palmerston, at the present moment, is
not in the position of an ordinary minister. lie cannot
fall back upoaa " party," and regulate to the influence
of their " principles" his abnegations of individual will.
He stands alone. He has been invested with a dictator-
ship in order that he may bring the whole force of the
empire to bear upon the enemy: As to him would be
accorded the glory of a succe-•r, so upon, his head would
be visited the consequences of a compromise which might
prove even worse than a failure.

THE TIVERPOOL ELECTION.
( From the Morning Herald of this day.)

The Conservatives have been soundly beater; at Liver-
'poel, and, however we may regret it, it would be affec-
tation to express any surprise.

That the Conservative party is by far the predominant
one in Liverpool has been proved so abundantly a 4 to
allow of no doubt. That party has carried every elec-
.

tion for the last 20 years with a high hand. At the last
general election the poll closed thus :
Mr. Turner (C.)
Mr. Forbes Mackenzie (C.) ......
. Mr. Cardwell (L.)
Mr. Ewart (L.)
Whereas yesterday the poll, for the first time for
many years, gave the first place to a Liberal, closing
thus : ..
Mr. Ewart 5,690
Sir G. Bonham 4,221

The very numbers themselves indicate the reason of
the change. Mr. Ewart has polled more than one thou-
rand fewer votes than Mr. Turner received in 1852.
Why, then, is he returned ? Clearly because a mistake
had been made, and the Conservatives had proposed a
respectable man, but a bad candidate.

Even this las4i expression we must qualify. A. man
may be a bad candidate at one time, and a good one at
another. Under the present circumstances, Sir George
Bonham was not the man for Liverpool. The event has
proved this.

In 1852 a great question was presented to the people
—Shall Lord Derby's Administration be supported ?
The Conservatives of Liverpool, to fight this;battle, put
forward one of their best merchants ; and with him they
associated a supporter of Lord Derby's—Mr. Forbes
Mackenzie. Thus they combined at once the town and
trade of Liverpool and the Conservative Ministry. They
went to the poll, and gained the victory by a majority
of 1,350 votes over this same Mr. Ewart, who is now
successful.
The contest did not end here ; for in 1853 another
battle was fought ; and now Mr. Horsfall, another
Liverpool merchant, defeated Sir Erskine Perry by 1,361
votes.
At the present moment the circumstances are diffe-
rent. Lord Derby is not in power ; nor is be making
any effort to return to power. Political fends are
and
not
much thought of ; and at such a moment p
e
local considerations have a preference. The Conserva-
tives committed the error of sending up to London for
a candidate ; and the second and still greater error of
accepting a gentleman
al
st
unknown
inLiverpool. They thus gawvheo wtheairs
opponent
advant-
age which he did not fail to use on the hustings, in the
following manner :
"Far be it from him to disparage the character of
his honourable opponent
electors, whether a person who bad
pponent;buthewouldput it to thea
good sen ie of th
lived here all his life, who was identified with their in-
terest", who had had abommercial education, and whose
whole prosperity depended on his property in Liverpool,
would not make a better representative than his honour-
able opponent, whose name, he would venture to say
with ail possible respect, he
positively did not believe
even fifty members of this community bad beard of be-
fore his friend Mr. Bold had brought him down as a
candidate for the vacant seat."
The result was sinoularly like that of 1853, only re-
versing the parties :
In 1853 the Whigs put up Sir E. Perry, an Indian
judge, ani were opposed by Mr. Horefall, a Liverpool
merchant. Mr. Ilersfa,ll polled 6,034 votes, Sir Erskine
Perry only 4,673'
In 1855 the Conservatives proposed Sir George Bon-
ham, en Indian Governor, and were opposed by INir.
Ewart, a Liverpool merchant. Mr. Ewart polled 5,690
votes, and Sir George Bonham only 4,221.
Sir George Doniaaril alight have been a good midi,
I

Evart..,
Bonham

had he been started; as Mr. Forbes Mackenzie was
in 1852, in company with a Liverpool merchant, and
distincttyto support Lord Derby as Premier. But at
the present moment there is no party contest going on ;
and Sir George Bonham failed in rousing the Comer-
vatives of Liverpool to any active exertion.
The soul and life of the Conservative party in Live'.
pool has always been a religious and Protestant feeling.
' Had the Maynooth question been opened in Parliament'
and had Sir G. Bonham expressed himself heartily up(a
it, that wou'd have carried his e7e.ltior. But the Prof
testants of Liverpool see no sign of motion in Parlia-
ment concerning Maynooth—they are not aware, pro-
bably, that Mr. Spooner is now seekingfor an open day
for its introduction ; and Sir George Bonham's language
on this quostion, we must be perrniAtd to saT, was no
calculated to gain the confidence of the Protestants o
Liverpool. He is reported to have said,—
"I can only repeat what, I have said again and again,
and, though I have been considerably abused, I will say
it again. I think the question is only an election prac-
tice, after all. I say it because of the party I
belong to—l will oppose a grant to Maynooth. (Great
cheering and laughter.) I have been asked that over
and over again ; and, therefore, I say what I have before
said, and what I say I mean, and what I say I will do."
The result of this coolness on the part of the Conserve•
fives was signally fatal. They would not come to the
poll. In 1852, at eleven o'clock, the poll stood thus :
Turner (C.)
E xart (L.) 3501

In 1855, at eleven o'clock, the poll stood thus :
Bonham (C.) 1426
E wart (L.) 2554
It was not, therefore, the greater strength of the
Liberals—it was the indifference of the Conservatives,
that lost this election. Could Sir George Bonham have
obtained the votes which carried Mr. Turner in 1852, or
Mr. Horsfall in 1853, lie would have bean returned.
He was not returned because he failed in obtaining that
purport. The successful candidates at these three elec-
tions were—

1852. Mr. Turner
1853. Mr. Horsf0.1 l
1655. Mr. Ewart
Finally, as a "general lesson, gathered from the result
of this contest, we may offer this :—That, in these quiet
timer, the mere name of a Conservative will not of
itself insure success. At the general election, which,
frorp the probable failure of the present Govern-
ment, may be expected before Midsummer, we must
offer to the people, if we wish to carry them with us,
some solid and enduring principles. Except some such
course as this be taken, the elections will everywhere
turn, as that at-Liverpool has just turned, upon mere
local preferences or private partialities, and we shall .
have a nosy House of Commons of which it will be ins-
•
possible, beforehand, to predict anything. Such a
result, in the present circumstances of the empire, would
surely he one of the greatest calamities which can be
imagined. Let those who have the power do their best
to shield us from it.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

HQUSE OF COMMONS —MARea 28.

,
.

VACATING OF SEATS IN PARLIAMENT BILL.
Order far second reading read. Motion made, and Question
put, "That the bill ba now read a second time."
Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now,"
and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon
this day six months." Question put, '• That the word
' now' stand part of the question." The house divided
—Ayes, 69 ; Noes, 73.

AYES-69.
dderloy,- C. Greene, Thomas
Baines, Rt. Hon. M. Grey, Sir G.
Barrington, Viscount Gurney, J.
Baxter, W. Hanmer, Sir J.
Bell, J. Harcotirt, G.
Biggs, W. Hayter, W.
Bramsion, T. W. Headlam, T.
Brocklehurst J. Hutt, W.
tlyng, G. Ingham, R.
Cowper, W. F. • Johnstone, Sir J.
Craufurd, E. H. J. Keogh, W.
Crossley, F. Kinnai rd. A.
Denison, E. B. Lewis, Sir G. C.
Denison, J. E. Lockhart, A. E.
Diaw,yn, L. M`Cann, J.
Duncan, Viscount Milligan, R.
DUncan, G. Monck, Viscount
Dundas, F. Mon creiff, J.
Emlyn, Vis. Morris, D.
Fenwick, 11. Mundy, W.
Forster, C. Nerreys, Sir D.
Forster, J. Paget, .1[,,-,rd A.
Fortescue, C. Paxton, Sir J.
Freestun, Ccl. Peelle.ll, Sir G.

NOES-7i.

Lrkwright, G. . Frewen, C.
Ball, J. Galwey, Sir W.
Bankes, Et Hon G. Grogan, Edward
Bennet, Capt P. Gwyn, H.
Bentinek, G. Hamilton, 0. A.
Blackburn, P. Harcourt, Col. F.
Brady, J. Henley, J.
Bramley-Moore, J. Horsfall. T.
Carnac, Sir J. Keating, H.
Child, Smith Knatchbull, W.
Christie, Samuel Lang. ton, H. G.
Clinton, Lord C. P. P. Lasiett, W.
Cobbett, J. Hi. Liddell, H. G.
Cobden, It Lovaine, Lord
Cowan, C. Macartney, G.
Crook, J. Macgregor, Jas.
Davies, J. L. Macki ahon, P.
Duckworth, Sir J. T. Maunsell, T.
Duncombe, Hon. A. Miles, W. I
Dundas, G. Michell, W.
Dunne, Col. Mowbray, J.
Egerton, E. C. Muni/Igs, J.
Ferrer, J. aiuntz, G.
Fitzgerald, W. Napier, J.
Floyer, J. North, Col. J.
Foley, J. Northcote, Sir S.

Philipps, J.
Pollard-Urquhart, W.
Ricardo, 0.
Ricardo, S.
R.chaxdson, J.
Roche, E.
Russell, F. C.
Sandars, G.
Seymour, 11.
Spooner, R.
tanley, W.
Strait, E.
Stuart, W.
Thompson, G.
Thornely. T.
Whatman, 3.
Wickham, H. W.
Wilkinson, W.
Wilson, J.
Wortley, J. S.
Wyndham, W.

TELLERS
Wrightson, W.
Deedes, W.

Oakes, J.
Parke, C.
Palmer, Robert
Percy, J.
Pigott, F.
Pilkington, J.
Pritchard, J.
Ricardo, J.
S-11.1),, F.
Smijth, Sir W.
Smollett, A.
Stafford, A.
Thesiger, Sir F.
Vance, J.
Vansittart, G.
Verner, Sir,Vir.
Waddington, H.
Whitmore, G.
Williams, W.
Winnington, Sir T.
Woodd, B.

TELLEIt3

Hadfield, G.
Barrow, W.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

LIVERPOOL.

The result of the polling yesterday has surprised botk
parties ; and great blame is attached to the Conserva-
tives for the apathy they are said to have manifested in
bringing up their voters from the commencement of the

contest. gr. Ewart's supporters, on the contrary,
showed a corresponding amount of energy, and were re-
warded for their exertions by the triumphant success of
that gentleman over his opponent. At the close of the
poll the numbers stood as follows :

5,690
4,221

Mr. Ewart has thus been returned by a majority of
1,469 votes. The Conservatives made a vigorous at-
tempt
between the hours of 12 and 3 to retrieve the for.
tunes of the day, but Mr. Ewart had obtained too large
a number of votes to be materially affected.

On its becoming known that Mr. Ewart bad gained
the contest by so overwhelming a majority, a dense
crowd proceeded to Clayton-square, where the Liberal
candidates are accustomed to address the electors at the
close of the poll. The assemblage, which was estimated
at not less than 10,000 people, was composed princi-
pally of the respectable inhabitants of the town, and the
decorum with which the proceedings were conducted-
afforded a striking contrast to demonstrations of -triumph
on previous occat,ions. There was apparentl3, not one
inebriated person in tho vast concour.:e, a iact unpa-
ralleled in the election annals of this borough.

Mr. J. C. EIVART briefly addressed the meeting amid
enthu,iastic applause. The electors of Liverpool, he
raid, had shown, by a majority of upwards ,of 1,450
votes, that a certain clique in the town should no longer
dictate to them in their choice of a vepreE:ontative. This
eiecion was, indeed, the greatest triumph—not only to
Liverpool, but to the United Kingdom, which could
have been achieved. He remarked that his opinions on
general as well as local subjects were very well. known.
But a few years, before he had unsuccessfully contested
the borough in connection with his friend Mr. Cardwell,
(Mr. Cardwell's name was received with great applause)
who, he was sure, would be very happy to hear the re-
sult of the election. "Gentlemen," continued Mr.
Ewart, " I shall shortly take my seat in the House of
Commons, and you may depend upon it no smiles of
Ministers, no offers of place, shall have the efiect of in-
fluencing my conduct. I will do my duty to nay native
town, and I will do my duty to my country also."
Speeches having also been delivered by Mr. Robertson
Gladstone and other prominent supporters of IVIr. Ewart,
the assemblage separated with three cheers for "the
Queen," three for " the Army and Navy," and three for
" Mr. J. C. Ewart," and three for " Mr. Robertson
Gladstone."
Sir B. G. Bonham was not present.

-:r

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 29, 1855.

Each day adds additional strength to the
sinister rumours referred to in our impression of
yesterday. It is even more positively asserted,
and there seems to be but too much reason to
fear, that the Western Powers have yielded to the
insidious persuasions of Austria, and agreed to
relinquish the demand for the destruction Of
Sebastopol ! A prima facie case has been
established, and it would be but a false delicacy
to permit the full consummation of the evil with-
out protesting most energetically, while there is
yet time, against a matter so injurious and dis-
honourable to those who have hitherto engaged
in the contest.

It is one, and by no means the least injurious,
consequence of secret diplomacy, that the
people are hoodwinked, and the voice of public
opinion silenced, until it is too late to pre-
vent an unwise and impolitic article in a
treaty. Matters that would excite the deepest
indignation throughout the length and breadth
of the land are arranged sub silentio, and com-
plaints are then hushed by an official declaration
that the mischief is then irreparable, and that
any discussion will only prove injurious to the
public service. It is through this vice, inherent
in the system, that the failures and deficiencies
of the Representatives of Great Britain have be-
come so notorious that it has actually passed into
a proverb that " what England gains by the
sword she loses by diplomacy," and that she has,
with rare exceptions, permitted others to bear
away the rewards and honours earned by the
sweat and bloodshed of her gallant sons.

It is time that this serious nuisance should be
abated—that the representatives of free and
independent constituencies should assert the
rights and privileges of those by whom
they have been selected for the discharge of the
arduous and important duties confided to their
hands. The Royal is not the only prerogative to
be respected in Parliament. At the time of the
Reform Bill a new and considerable infusion of
the democratic element was admitted into the
Constitution, and although its fruits have not yet
arrived at. maturity, although we have not yet
shaken off the family influences and red-tapist
tricks that led to such pernicious results, yet
even the most servile " waiters on PROVIDENCE"
can no longer be influenced by the obsolete
maxims which satisfied a Boroughmongering and
Tory House of Commons. For mere decency's
sake, and that they may have some prospect of
re-election whenever called on to render an account
of their respective stewardships, they must have
some more plausible arguments to rely on, some
points less subversive of the " majesty of the
people."

Two reasons have been put prominently for-
ward in favour of the course said to be adopted
by the French and English Plenipotentiaries at the '
Vienna, Conference. First, it is said that means
may be taken to render Russia innoxious for the
future, of effectually muzzling the Northern Bear
aid Paring its claws, without insisting on the dis-
mantling of Sebastopol, the destruction of the
fortifications erected with such exceeding labour
and expense. Secondly, that, under any circum-
stances, the pending negotiations
must prove
abortive, inasmuch as the new conditions substi-
tuted for those relating
to Sebastopol will prove
sso unpalatable to Russia that they must neces-
aarily be rejected, and that, by the apparent first instance, con-
cession to Austria in the in a matter
which she has taken so deeply to heart, We may
secure her entire co-operation, while neutrality
was the utmost that could be anticipated if the
destruction of the Russian stronghold were made
a sine qua non in the first instance.
Now, to the first of these arguments, we must
distinctly and unequivocally demur. So long as
Sebastopol stands with unabated strength, so
long as it is permitted to threaten Stamboul,
there can be no permanent peace. New pretexts
can easily be found whenever it may suit the
views of the AUTOCRAT to follow up the policy
inaugurated by the first PETER, and so steadily
kept in sight by his successors. Should a favour-
able opportunity arise, there will be no great
difficulty in finding some peg whereon to hang a
grievance sufficient to warrant a new appeal to
arms and new aggressions ; that is to say, to
Muscovite consciences, which are by no means
thin-skinned whet() the interests of Holy Russia
are at stake.

Taking even the most favourable view of the

case—supposing that, contrary to all former expe-
rience, implicit confidence might be reposed in the
good faith and moderation of the Russian Go-
vernment, still the Ottoman Empire would fall
by a certain though gradual decay, arising from
the incessant strain on its resources, and the ne-
cessity of maintaining a powerful armament by
land and water sufficient to repel any sudden
attack that might be made before adequate
assistance could be obtained from its distant and
not easily excited Allies. Some approximate
estimate may be formed of the annual expendi-
ture thereby rendered indispensable, and of the
formidable consequences that might attend the
undue taxation of the people. Any other condi-
tion would, in fact, seal the ruin of the SULTAN,
who, indeed, would become " the sick man"
which he appeared to be to the Autocratic vision,
and respecting the distribution of whose assets
immediate arrangements might be made.
Nor would France and England eslape with
impunity from the pecuniary consequences of the
mistake. They, too, would have to maintain
fleets, and possibly forts, iu the Euxine, and a
permanent source of expense would arise which
could not be averted until the total overthrow of
the Sublime Porte or the real humiliation of
Russia, attested by the destruction of Sebastopol.
These are matters not to be lightly encountered
from the under truckling to Germanism, and the
unreasonable deference exhibited to the wishes of
Austria.

, A 3 to the second point it is scarcely worthy
of notice. We should indeed regret to see
the English Government exhibit duplicity and
trickiness similar to that of which we have so
loudly and so justly complained when manifested
by others. We believe that " honesty is the best
policy" in diplomatic as in all other matters, nor
will the people of England readily sanction a policy
opposed to all their former notions and habits.

Let the popular representatives, then, of all
shades and varieties of political opinion speak out
boldly and unmistakeably. Let them tell the
Goverunfent some of the consequences that must
inevitably follow au unwise and dishonourable
peace, which any one must be that allows the
retention of Sebastopol by Russia, save as a
merely commercial port. The least of these
results will be the immediate overthrow and per-
manent exclusion from office of all who have
sanctioned a course so discreditable and injurious,
and most probably a public impeachment of the
parties chiefly responsible. Let us then at once
shake off the apathy by which we have so long
boon afflicted. Let the people of England assert
their own dignity, and they will cause it to be
respected throughout the whole of the civilised
world—aye, even in Russia itself.

If Poland is to be consigned to eternal ruin,
why, then, let these who consent to her perdition
do something elsewhere worthy of the crisis and
worthy of our past sacrifices. Lord PALMERSTON'S
memorable pause at the mention of Poland, and
hi 3 following declaration that its present constitu-
tion was a standing menace to Germany, must
now be interpreted by his reply on Tuesday to
Mr. PHINN. He did not, indeed, recall his
words ; he rather tacitly confirmed them. He
was not prepared, however, to adopt action in
conformity with them. We infer that he could
have had but one of two objects in view in
his first declaration —or possibly indeed
he aimed at both ono to revive the
general opinion of the boldness of his foreign
policy, the other to hint to Russia what England
would drive him to if she were not compliant
enough at Vienna. We have already stated our
conviction that Russia would give up her Black
Sea predominance, substantially as well as diplo-
matically, if she were certain that otherwise the
Allies would attack her in Poland. We fear she
knows better, and that the result will be we shall
have neither the Black Sea nor Poland. Our
clever negotiators began at the Austrian
end of the proposed stipulations ; they
have secured the Danube for her at
the cost of our sacrifices, and now that
worthless varlet will give her secret and efficacious
aid to getting rid of the War by counselling the
Allies to peace—to a peace which will damn them
to the eternal infamy of those who signed the
Convention of Ohara.

We cannot, indeed, well believe that Lord
PALMERSTON has sold himself to Mr. BRIGHT
and Austria ; we cannot conceive in that case
how he could face the present Parliament,
or any which a dissolution would substitute
for it. He was put into office, not to save
the aristocracy by huddling up this great War
for the fundamental rights of Europe, as if

it were some parish squabble ; he was demanded
as the Premier who would carry on the War with
vigour. If he will leave Poland to its wretched
fate, so much the more must he utterly crush the
Russian power in the Black Sea. This country
has set its heart on the emancipation of all the
nations better than herself, whom Russian barba-
rism has trodden under its hoof. If the noblest of
the victims is still to be left ou the rack, will it
be endured that nothing is to be done towards
thoroughly securing the last intended victim ? If
war is not to be carried to a fresh locality, are
we to retire defeated—for that would be the
fact—from the part where we have put forth our

energies ?

It is in the power of the Allies to bring Russia
to her senses in the Black Sea. If we do not
mean to invade Poland from the Baltic, at least
this year, then it would be better to send a part
of our Baltic fleet and their gun-boats to the East.
They might take with them no inconsiderable
amount of reinforcements ; our gun-boats could
even approach Perekop, and our ships could
aid, if it be necessary, in defence of Eupa-
toria, for they have done so already. But for
what earthly reason delay to attack Odessa, and
to demolish the Circassian forts ? Odessa is still
aiding the traismission of troops to the Crimea ;
still the base of Russian operations on the Danube.
It ought to be surrendered to us, or bombarded by
us. It is childish to talk of barbarity in dealing
with barbarians. Nothing but war in earnest

will bring the new CzAnt° understand his position.
It will lessen suffering, and not cruelly inflict it, to
show no mercy to anything which can aid a Russian
acroaulyd,
alOa trlnar gun-boats, too, could enter
Europe of its and pounnlyish the enemy whiclttilletaps arobbednub
e,
navigable mouths, and could
muke the navigation free by more efficient means
than diplomatic document
guns, would hot s with gun-boats anel
i
Bove, too, that We cannot easily be-
Sir E. L s.
dockyard
a good account of
yardheomf
NAS MYTH'S
ilßittia:syiar'oaodf
and of eve--./ place on the Sea of
Nicolaicif, the southern
the
''t34l°llB
oil
t
Kherson, one of
to the Crimea,
Azoff and the Circassian coast. To clear all the
coast of Russian forts and depots of
provisions is
the first great step.
The next is to make sure of the Crimea. Nov,
with gun-boats, all approach of Russian troops by
Kertch or the Putrid Sea might be completely
prevented. It would then remain to strengthen
OMER PACHA till he could prevent reinforcements
arliving through Perekop, or till both he and the
Allied Armies could commence field operations
against the Russians, and invest the town cora-.

pletely. That may now be the least costly plan
—least costly both of life and money. Supplied
by laud carriage only, the commissariat stores,
and perhaps ammunition, of Sebastopol could not
hold out for long. The Russians in the field de-
feated, and those in the town left to their own
resources, we imagine the game would be soon
played out. At least, since the generals lot slip
the opportunity of walking into Sebastopol after
the victory of the Alma, and since they have
allowed the Russians to construct earthworks
which could only be stormed at a prodigious sacri-
fice, would it not be far easier to augment our
strength till we can drive the enemy from the
Crimea, and take the town at our leisure. Of one
thing we are quite certain—that any terms, not
including the razing of the fortifications of Sebas-
topol, will be fatal to the prestige of France and
Eni,,,land, and will overwhelm with ruin and dis-
grace the authors of the peace. They would live
to point the jests of COBDEN and BRIGHT, and
sink beneath the execrations of the country they
lvd disgraced.