The National Register.
London, England, 1817-03-24 00:00:00

1:4.9
it II

No. 476.—V0L. X.

POLITICAL DISQUISITIUK.

NATOLEON BUONA P A RUE'S MEMORIAL.

Tr is distressing that public attention should ever
be directed towards an unwerthy object, and that a
man, whose name alone conveys an idea of all that is
vicious k amhition, and all that is abandoned in policy,
should, when he is removed from the high station that
he hail 'tEsgraced, not sink into the oblivion he had
merited But such is the perversion of the 'human
mind, that it continues la admire the .glare that suc-
cess may have cast upon infamy itself, even after the
flame to which it was indebted .for .o.ll.its brilliancy
hal expired.
We are led to the ac observations by the publication
df a letter addressed by Count Montholon to Sir Hud-
son Lowe, Governor of St. Helena, by the direction of
Napoleon Buonaparte. From this document it appears
that Napoleon, long -accustomed to command the admi-
ration of a band of base sycophants that surrounded his
venal court, could no longer brook the silence and con-
tempt that attended him in his exile ; and, as a last
effort to attract the regard of the English nation, has
presented an al•stract of his former exploits, in the shape
of a memorial to Sir Hudson Lowe.

This paper is in itself of little importance, unless
riewed as proof—nay, as a positive proof of the restless
disposition of the author, and the vexation he expe-
riences from blighted hopes. There can at present
exist no doubt that from the moment he surrendered
himself a prisoner to England, he cherished the idea of
being able to deceive her generosity, to evade her vigi-
lance, and again to appear upon the great stage of life.
The prudence of Government prevented the evils he
medidated ; andhy fixing upon St. Helena as the spot
destined f.r c fotore residence., at once destroyed the
plans his duplicity had formed.
He commences his Memorial by asserting that he is
•not the prisoner of England, and that she can have no
,power, nor right, to enter into any treaty with respect
to his person. Here let it be recollected, that the tom-
Vned Powers of Europe declared war against their
.common enemy, then stiled the Emperor Napoleon ;
that after being defeated in a great battle, and deserted
1w France, he decimal it prudent to surrender himself
into the hands of the English—the unconditional pri-
s iner of England. But this pupil of Alachiavelli
maintains, that a nation possessing the power, should
never exert it in effecting any purpose contrary to
establis3ied custom, however expedient or politic it
might be For our part we should feel happy if every
T;overnment would adopt a principle so just and so
!veil tunneled ; but until it is generally adopt,llit would
1,•• rank fhlly not to oppose folly by folly. But can we
admit this argument for one moment to be offered by
Napoleon. He, who did not shrink from the violation
oC neutral territory, who seized the person of an un-
fortunate Prince, contrary to the Law of Nations, and

ca..se,l him to be shot with the precipitancy of military

ciu_cution, in opposition to honour and justice. Can
we admit an argument from one who in the garb
of friectdship, invited an unfortunate Monarch and his
son to an interview, and then made them both pri-
soners, contrary to the sacred rules of hospitaiity—oc-
copied their kingdom with his arms, and placed his own
brother on their Throne ? Can such an argument be
admitted from one who persecuted Sir Sidney Smith
rind Captain %Wright. Where was then the pride of
rectitude, that should ever grace a Monarch's brow ?

Where was then that sense. of morality that now seems
to warm his breast ? Where that pure spirit that now
AIM 111 S at supposed injustico ?
Alas ! like other tyrants, in his career he crushed all

that opposed his ambition ; tlirgctful that the lustre of
great acidevc-rnenta cannot excuse mural delinquency,
and that the most brilliant succe% luso is fix ever
obscured, if stained by cruelty.