The National Register.
London, England, 1808-05-23 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL REGISTER.

544

all noised eases. The Catholics were charged with denying the
right of the Established Clergy to tithes; they were charg, d
with claiming them for themselves. They were charged with
den ing a legal existence to the Established Church t they wen•
accused of a design to make their own the religion of the State;
now, against all there charges, they have protested in the most
solemn public manner. They renounce, in the most unqualified
snowier, ttie temporal power of the Pope, and they explain th,
extent of tt,c• spiritual authority which they recognize in him.
With respect to their Bishops, they say the Pope only institute•.
and give• n spiritual capacity, and that they nominate. But it
this snook! be thought dangerous, he was authorized to make a
proposition which must remove the possibility of any appre-
hen,oia respesiing the abuse of sr.ch a power. The Catholic
Cler,:.% were willing that his blajeAy should exercise a negative
upon the affirmative of their Bishops ; so that no person could
be elecated to that rank without the previous approbation of
the Sovereign. if, therefore, there was any truth in the asser-
tion that Bonaparte influenced the Pope—that the Pope influ-
enced tUe Clercy—that the Clergy iefluenced the people, and
that, by means of this gradation of iatluence, a great part of the
army and n,tvv was devoted to Bonaparte, here was an oppor-
tunity to get rid of all this intlaenee, and the danger resulting
from it. By the fundamental laws of this country, the Catho-
lics form a part of the Constituent body. If they looked to the
Constitution, thin. must agree with the petitioners ; if to the
principals of the Revolution or the Declaration of Rights, they
must agree with them ; and if they looked to the duration of
the Constitution, they must agree with them, because whenever
danger should arise, w here were they to look for assistance and
support, but to the Petitioners. It is said, that if' the Catholics
are admitted to tte• privileges of legislation, they would endea-
vour to establish their own relig' . But how were they to
establish it i Circumstanced as property was, was there any
likelihood that the Catholics would heroine the majority of that
House ; and if they were not, how were they to pull down the
Protestant Establishment, and erect their own in its place ? To
hear some of the opponents of the Catholics, one would suppose
that they were a race incapable of any virtue, and capable of
every vice. lie entirely agreed that the two Churches should
be separate, and that the Catholics should pay their own Church.
It is said, the oath of the King is incompatible with the ad-
mission of the Catholics. Their enemies first condemn the reli-
gion of the Catholics, and next apply to the piety of the Sove-
reign. The King, he would admit, was sworn to maintain the
Constitution in Church apd State, but he was not sworn to the
eternal maintenance of the penal laws. lie was sworn as to his
executive, but not as to his legislative capacity. When Henry,
VIII. assented to the Reformation, he departed from his oath.
So did Elizabeth. So did his present Majesty, when he gave his
consent to the Quebec Act—when he admitted the Catholic to
the right of inheritance in l7B2—when he admitted him to the
'professions in 1791—when he admitted him to the constituency
to 1793--so that, according to the mat- of reasoning employed
by the opponents of the Catholic, all the best and the most gra-
cious acts of his Majesty's reign were hut a succession of perju-
ries. The experience of a century had shewn how foolish it
far to think of governieg such a country- by a system of hig,tory ,
or any ',stem but the principles of a legitimate, emistitutional
Government: The Catholics did not more before that llouse
a few individuals, but as a people. They did not come with
alfectFd huntiljty, to implore a favour, hut to claim what they
conceived to be aright. If. in stating their ease, he had repre-
sented th in any other light, he had done them wrong, and he
begged their pardon. 'They apply to you as freemen should to
freemen. r Austria had deserted you ; Russia is your enemy.
What do they ask but to share your dangers, and to go to the
grave with you, should the fate of the battle be against you ?
It %vas lipen these grounds he would move that the Petition on
the table be referred to a Committee of the whole litany.
SECitET/hy CANNING said, he must agree with the Right
Hon. t tentleman in all the ;As-tract principles which he had laid
down, of the necessity of civil concord and union, and more par-
theulorly in the present situation of the Country, anti the circum-
etances of the war ; hut lie could not agree with him entirely as
to the practical r►`sult of those principles. That it would be
happy now, and that it was desirable at all times, to come to
practical unanimity; was a question that no man could doubt.
Ile must say, that he saw serious obstacles and objections to the
measure at the present period; and so did the Right lion. Gen-
tlem►an who brought it forward. 'lle appeared to despair of
success, and facrefore took a second course—tnat'of giving ad-
vice and admonition to the Gentlemen of Ireland. His advic,
and admonition was, uudoubt.Ally, of the hi,hest value and


MAY 30.

portance ; and he bad no doubt, but that if it was followed, it
would produce more real good than even the penal statutes now
in force. If, however, the obstacles to the Petition were in-
urmountahle, or if they could not be surmounted without oh.
jections greater than any practical good which could now be
derived from the measure, he thought the Right Hon. Gentle-
man would do well to return the Petition to those from whims
he received it ; and he could now return it unsullied with any
improper observation, and certainly without any injury having
been sustained by the cause from the manner in which it was
brought forward. The cause of his clients was certainly not
deteriorated in his hands; and if the example of the Right lion.
Gentleman was followed by his friends, the discussion, if it did
no good, would certainly do no mischief. Although he felt it
his duty on the present occasion, to vote against the motion, vet
ne hoped the Right lion. Gentleman would not suppose him ac-
tuated by any spirit of illiberality, or that he did not sincer:ly
wish the question to remain as it is now, and without pri;jue,
to a future and more favourable opportunity. Ile gave the
Right lion. Gentleman credit for having stirred a dangerous
, question in a manner as little dangerous as possible, and con-
cluded by deprecating a protracteediscussion.
LORD CASTLIRREACH said, that he must, on public grounds,
strongly deprecate the present discussion of this question, as
tending, in the present state of the country, to inflame and irri-
tate the public mind when every means should be taken to ap-
pease it, and prepare it for the trial it might expect. It was
highly impolitic and indecorous to make a question at such a
crisis, whether the Irish Catholics were depressed, or partici-
pators in the benefits of that Constitution which it was their im-
perious duty to defend. lie had set his face against the discus-
sion of this measure before, as tending to create a ferment, w
out any hopes of success, and on the same principle he should
oppose it now.
Ater several Members had spoken, a motion was made to
adjourn the debate, but it was negatived by a majority of I
Upon the division on the main question, that the !louse re•olse
itself into a Committee, for the purpose of taking into conitlvra-
. tion the l'etltimis of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, there w ere,
for the Committee, 12S—Against it, 281—Majority for the
Maio), 153.-Adjourned.