The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-12 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, DIARCH. 12, 1855.

shall be efficiently performed ; second, that the '
burden shall be alleviated by every possible
means. Our men must be properly fed, clothed,
and lodged—must have weapons and tools of the
best description, so as to be enabled to fulfil the
most sanguine expectations that have been formed
respecting the results of their exertions, and there
must also be plenty of men and materials. No
deficiency in the personnel or materiel of war can
be tolerated. This will unquestionably be ex-
pensive. But we must, in order to meet that
expenditure, abandon an unjust and impolitic
system, which even in times of profound peace has
occasioned intense misery and privation to a large
proportion of the working population. There must be
a thorough revision of our fiscal and financial, but,
above all, of our monetary laws. The Act of
1844 must be totally repealed ; that of 1819
materially modified. We must have a really
national bank, and an adequate supply of small
notes of 1/., 2/., and 3/. Thus alone can we ob-
tain a circulating medium adequate to the wants
and exigencies of the country, and supply the
necessary life-blood to industry.

The fate of the War depends not merely on the
men and money devoted to its maintenance, but
in no small degree to the measures of the late
editor of the Edinburgh Review, the now Financial
Minister of the British empire.

What are we to think of Austria ? Always on
the verge of acting, but never even declaring her-
self ;, getting diplomatic praises, we regret to say,
in some instances the praises of the English press
also, and satisfied with renewing her drafts on
our credulity. We may reasonably ask our com-
mercial peace-at-any-price men at what rate they
would discount bills like hers ; or at how much
they would estimate them in examining the con-
dition of a firm whose liabilities and assets they
had to state ? Such bills would fare worse in
the market than the Russian 5 per Cents. at
Hamburg, which the other day were scarcely
worth 80, when our 3 per Cents. were above 90.
It is now, if we remember rightly, two months
since. Austria was to have been in action ; four-
teen days were allowed the GORTSCHA KOFF of
Vienna from the end of December ; if no deci-
sive acceptance of the Allies' terms arrived at that
time Austria was to come out, and we should see
what we should see. Promptly, a favourable
telegraphic message came from the CZAR, antici-
pating even the fourteen days ; yet, nothing is
clearer now than that the all-important point of
the Black Sea was intentionally left vague. A
phrase was ingeniously hit upon with which
Russia could play, as she did with the celebrated
Vienna Note, by which she could gain a chance
of paralysing somewhat the energy of the Allies,
while she could make sure of keeping Austria
from active measures.

The result fully justifies the view we now give
of Russian and Austrian concert and duplicity.
The former soon complained that her assent to
the Four Points was not followed by cessation-
from aggressive action on the part of the Allies ;
that was what the late CZAR had chiefly in view.
Luckily, even our Ministers dared not to appear
so easily cheated. We may even hope that they
did not wish so to degrade themselves in the
eyes of the whole civilised world. The other
object, however, Russia gained to her heart's
content. Austria lay to again most willingly,
instead of venturing to face the danger ; and there
she lies still, one sail blowing her towards the
Allies, the other towards Russia ; while it is to
the latter that her course is really turned. The
alliance that " defensive to-day might become
offensive to-morrow," which seems even to have
suggested such a hope to the cautious Emperor of
kilo FRENCH, is still a genuine Austrian alliance,
one as remote as ever from any result but that of
taking the best possible care of Hapsburg des-
potism.

The intention of the Four Points was discernible
enough to every honest mind at once. The last
and all-important one might have had a definite
minimum assigned. It might have run thus :
The cession of the Crimea, or, at least, the perpe-
tual dismantling of Sebastopol ; the restoration
to the Circassians of their sea coast, and the with-
drawment of Russian troops from every inch cf
their territory; the engagement to reduce Nicolaieff
and Odessa to purely commercial ports ; and that
none of the Allies should be allowed more than a
limited naval force in the Black Sea. Even with
the miserably paltry views which would leave
Russian territory undiminished thus much might
have been insisted on ; it would then have been
seen how far Russia relinquished the thought of

The new Chancellor of the Exchequer will find
It no easy task to make " both ends meet" this
year. The country will no longer allow " the
War to be starved," in order to keep the national
expenditure within the national income, nor will
az enormous pressure on the present generation
be sanctioned for the mere purpose of protecting
posterity against any additional burden on
account of a war undertaken not on our
own account, but solely for the protection of
future generations. He must distinctly and
unequivocally abandon the GLADSTONE policy if
he desire that the public approbation should
crown his labours. The extraordinary indulgence
afforded to every Ministerial proposition will ne
longer be exhibited. We stood almost single
handed in opposition to the principle, that
because it was war time Ministers should be
allowed to act as they thought proper, without
let or hindrance. It is by no means impossible
that Parliament may now fall into the other ex-
treme, and more strictly scrutinise every proposi-
tion. It would unquestionably be a safer course—
one that could not possibly produce such disasters
as the blind and unreasoning confidence formerly
demanded, and so unhesitatingly conceded.
The guardians of the public purse will now
require that the financial position of the country
shouli be fairly and candidly placed before them,
that there should be no deception of any kind.
The estimates should, therefore, be framed in the
first instance with some degree of approximation
to truth ; and no Financial Minister will hence-
forward be permitted to put forth palpably
erroneous accounts for the purpose of inducing
the representatives of the people to follow a par-
ticular line of policy, which would unhesitatingly
be rejected if there were the slightest notion of
the supplemental demands.
Let us now look to the estimates brought for-
ward in the first instance last year, and compare
them with the actual expenditure. The original
claim was 17,621,3121. the real outlay,
27,153,931/. ! There was thus an error of
more than 54 per cent., and that on the
wrong side of the account ! We should
williiley • have allowed an ample margin
for any mistakes, considering the want of experi-
ence and system, that characterised our public sex-
la too bad, especially when
so many glaring deficiencies are to be accounted
for as those which have led to the appointment of
the Select Committee on the State of the Army
before Sebastopol.
But the first estimate of last year is
already
In place of 17,621,3121
more than doubled.
.1
we have 37,427,0031. now demanded ; and if that
should be exceeded in a similar ratio, 50,000,000 i.
sterling will scarcely defray the actual cost for the
year ending the sth April, 1856 ! ! !
We are not discouraged on that account. If
more were required it should be freely forth-
coming. In order to maintain the honour and
dignity of -the British empire not only will our
purse-strings be readily unloosed, but the thews
and sinews of the adult male population will be
applied to the same cause. But we ask for—nay
more, we demand—fair play. We insist on the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.
We wish to have the merit of any sacrifices that
may be required—not to be cajoled or Jaumbugged.
Ws points are inclippensable—first, tli4 the work

injuring Turkey.
Our readers well know how much more we
deem it the duty of our statesmen to demand.
At Vienna, however, the point was so adroitly
stated that NICHOLAS might give as his views of
the proposal, that Turkey, and her Allies, if they
wished, might go to the enormous expense of
erecting and maintaining another Sebastopol, per-
haps, at Sinope ; that Turkey, like Russia, was to
waste her future revenue in a race with the latter
in fort-building and ship-building. Turkey was to
become as barbarous as Russia—the SULTAN to
sink to the counterpart of a CzAR
Ever since the showy offer of the Four Points
to Russia, and the pother of diplomatists and cer-
tain journalists about it, all has gone on most
smoothly with Austria and her Western Allies.
She has traded for two weary months on her
wordy virtue ; but there she is still, an ally who
fights with words merely, and whose words in the
end always turn out to have been selected for her
own convenience and that of Russia. It seems
folly to expect that such an ally will ever join us
in fighting. Probably Lord JOHN RUSSELL does
not expect it,. and may be prepared to patch up a
peace which will leave Austria possibly a terri-
torial gainer, without firing a gun. It is perhaps
too hard to suspect the leading Whig statesman
so far. Vienna is, however, a seductive capital.
Lord JoHN is by no means insensible to flattery
when Courts, for Court purposes, are the flatterers.
Austrians and Russians may well prove more than
a match for the statesman who allowed NICHOLAS
to absorb Poland, and who more than tolerated
his armed suppression of what ho shamelessly de-
signated the " Hungarian rebellion." When the
interests of German despots are at stake, Lord
JOHN borrows his words, and his thoughts too,
from CLARENDON.

The last little movements of Austria are all
pro-Russian. There was a needless ostentation of
condolence over the death of ' the modern Nmsu-
cluniutzzsn ; and, worse than all, a decree that
a regiment was still to retain the name of
"NienoLns," because of the CZAR'S services in
Hungary. This
for the Alma
anything was, we suppose, to make amends
congratulations. We can hardly
imagine, however,
motretosetrhvieileAalnlidesdoef-
grading, setting aside the insult
Sonnlyanitells°4thethAe mbea3ntnhearts ot
hf aat
parading thletCnZeotn'
rub
regiment can never fight against the regiments of
NICHOLAS, but it brands on the regiment itself
the disgrace of the Austrian army. NICROLAS
helped it only because the Hungarians had beaten
it. The NICHOLAS regiment is the memorial of
A Wan cowardice,
flungariau bravery a" -7'15

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1855.

LATEST NEWS.

BERLIN, SATURDAY, MARCH 10.

It is said that Prussia will not sign a separate
treaty with the Western Powers, but that she is
ready to adhere to the Protocol of the 28th De-
cember last, on condition of being admitted to the
conference of Vienna. With this ob •In view
M. de Wedell's instructions are to delay as long
as possible the opening of the Conferences. The
mobilisation of the Federal Army, with the ex-
ception of Prussia is probable. M. de Grune-
wald, sent by the Emperor Alexander to notify
his accession, had an audience of the King to-day.

VIENNA, MARCH 11.

Accounts from Kischeaeff, dated 3d inst., state
that the Russian General commanding there had
issued an order of the day, announcing that the
Austrian troops would shortly advance to the ex-
treme frontier, and inviting the garrison of the
fortress of Choczin to give them a friendly recep-
tion. The Russian magazines are to be trans-
ferred to the other side of the Dneister. [lt is
as well to add that this despatch comes from
Czernowits, and requires confirmation.]

MANIFESTO OF THE EMPE-
ROR OF RUSSIA.

We have received the Journal of St. Petersburg
of the 3d, which contains the following Manifesto
of the Emperor Alexander IL :
" ST. PETERSBURG, FEB. 18
(M4uon 2.)
" By the grace of God, We, Alexander 11., Em-
peror and Autocrat of all the Russias, King of
Poland, dm. dP3.
7 _

" We make known to all our faithful subjects :
"In His impenetrable ways it has pleased God
to strike us all with a blow as terrible as it was
unexpected. Following a brief but serious illness,
which at its close was developed with an unheard-of
rapidity, our much-loved father, the Emperor
Nicholas Pavlovitch, has departed life this day, the
18th Feb. (March 2). No language can express
our grief—which is the grief also of our faithful sub-
jects. Submitting with resignation to the impene-
trable views of Divine Providence, we seek consola-
tion but in Him, and wait from Him alone the neces-
sary aid to enable us to sustain the burden which it
has pleased Him to impose upon us. Even as the much
loved father, whom we mourn, consecrated all his
efforts, every moment of his life, to the labours and
to the cares called for by the well-being of his sub-
jects,—We, at this hour so painful, but also so grave
and so solemn, in ascending our hereditary throne
of the Empire of Russia, of the kingdom of Poland,
and of the Grand Duchy of Finland, which are in-
separable, take, in the face of the invisible God always
surrounding us, the sacred pledge, never to have any
other end in view but the prosperity of our country.
May Providence who has called us to this high mis-
sion, so aid us, that guided and protected by Him,we
may be able to strengthen Russia in the highest
degree of power and glory ; that by us may be ac-
complished the views and the desires of our illus-
trious predecessors, Peter, Catherine, Alexander
the much-loved, and our august father of imperish-
able memory.
" By their well-proved zeal, by their prayers ar-
dently united with ours before the altars of the Most
High, our dear subjects will come to our aid. We
invite them to do so, commanding them to take, at
the same time, the oath of fidelity both to us and
to our heir, his Imperial Highness the Cesarewitch
Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovitch.

" Given at St. Petersburg, the 18th day of the
month of Feb. (March 2), of the year of grace 1855,
and the first year of our reign.
(Signed) " ALEXANDER."