The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-10 00:00:00

would seem to have waged a purposeless war, and
after proclaiming high principles to have been con-
tent with military glory. Russia with her moral
strength unbroken would believe herself victorious,
and find others to agree with her. We have now
an opportunity to inflict on Russia deeper wounds
than any made by sword or shot. There are in-
' testine forces at work in that vast- empire which
compression will develope into activity. Even if
after the enemy's expulsion from the Crimea the
allies never fought another battle, they might con-
quer the Czar by isolating him :frOna_ the world.
To blockade Russia, to keep her under the ban of
Europe, is the policy of the allies, perhaps even
more than expeditio s and battles. Financial ruin,
intestine discord, must follow when the empire is
shut out from commerce and civilisation. But, if
we palm now, it is useless to think that we can
commence again. A war like the present is not
likely to be renewed after a first failure. If such
opportunities and such efforts shall have so mean a
conclusion, what statesman will be responsible for
renewed hostilities ? The three men who are
pointed put as the leaders of this coalition must in-
deed be sanguine if they expect that any large sec-
tion of the House of Commons will acknowledge
their guidance. The country is in an earnest nclood,
and though, with instinctive toleration, it suffers
and even desires the expression of unpopular ,
opinions, it will not calmly see the birth of a dis-
honourable cabal, which will lower us in the eyes
of our well-'wishers and strengthen the hands of
our implacable foe.

(From, the Times of this day.)
Prussia rejoices. - Upon what foundation the
universal hilaritylfpf all good Prussians at the pre-
sent moment, rests Europe is somawhat at a loss
to discover. Isit that therllratft7theVlCltig.
not.having despaired of the Russian cause ? Hence
the beer-drinking and bumpers of sparkling Rhine
wine; hence the illuminations and festive artillery,
and the splendid strains of the Concordia Club,
while the easy King saunters about from Berlin to
Stoltzenfels, and from Cologne to Aix-la-Chapelle,
and then back to Cologne, receiving as he passes
the homage of every true Prussian heart. The in-
telligence which we publish this day from Berlin,
to the effect that in many important quarters the
elections have gone against the Court, would seem
to offer a contradiction to this conclusion. If this
be,so, why has not the public opinion of the coun-
try produced some impression upon the action of
the Government ? All we know is, that when the
most important interests of Europe were at stake
Prussia was unfaithful to herself, and to he cause
of humanity and - civilisation. Again, the Kreuz
Zeitung, which faithfully represents the opinions
of the Camarilla which governs Prussia at the pre-
sent time, has let slip no occasion for pouring forth
abuse upon the Allies. It is all well enough to
talk of peace and good-will, but we find very little
evidence of these•feelings in the practical action of
the Prussian Court, whatever its professions may
be. We would, therefore, invite attention to a
letter, which we publish this day, with the signa-
ture of "A Traveller." Our correspondent writes
from Konigsberg, and informs us that, whatever
the feeling may be at Berlin or on the Rhine, the
people in that part of the country appear to him to
he as Philo-Russian as their rulers. The port of
Menitil is full of shipping busily engaged in taking
in cargoes of flax and hemp. The stores and
warehouses are crammed with Russian goods,
the produce of Courland and Livonia. Thus
one of the chief objects of the Baltic block-
ade is defeated through the agency of our
hind Prussian friends. When we turn from
the acts of his peOple to the language used by the
Sovereign himself in his Royal progress, we find
nothing but expressions which warrant us in ad-
liering to the conclusion that Frederick William is
determined still to wait upon Providence) and let
Ills fellow-creatures destroy each other, that Prus-
sia may reap the advantage, and " flourish under
the golden horn of plenty." At Cologne, when he
was. laying the foundations of the bridge on Thurs-
day last, thus it was that the Monarch addressed
his people :
The mercy of God has permitted us to comm nice
this work in peace. Let us pray Him to grant that it
may be continued in peace. Let us entreat of Him that
it may flourish under the golden horn of plenty (goldene
fullhorn) of peace ; that it may remain for ever and
ever untouched (unantastbar); anti that long before the
last stone is laid all Europe, in peace, may be once more
reunited."
All this time the air was ringing with the accla-
mations of thousands, who seemed at least to be
of the same mind as their King. What their real
thoughts may have been, of course it would be
difficult for us to say. We are prepared to make
large allowances for the sentiments of a nation who
duller from ourselves in many respects, although
their patient loyalty to such a Sovereign rather ex-
ceeds the measure of English forbearance; but the
enthusiasm with which Frederick William has been
received during his recent progress we did not ex-
pect. Can it be all irony ? We may be doing our
-
Prussian friends injustice. The whole of their
festal display may have been nothing but that
self-mockery in which a proud spirit, subjected
to undeserved humiliation and outrage, loves to
indulge. The King, we read, at Aix-la-Chapelle
occupied a room which opened out upon a garden.
The grounds had been converted into thesimili-
tude of Cremorne or Vauxhall. While the Monarch
was busy with his feast within the musicians out
side struck up the fearful chorus of Meyerbeer'
Benediction des Poignards. The front of the ca-
thedral was decorated with festoons of vine-leaves.
In every window might be seen transparencies of
the King's 'genial face, not crowned with laurel,
but with myrtle. Every emblem was typical of
love and wine.
According to our correspondent even the ele-
ments seemed to concur in the bitter irony of the
loyal display. For hours the Sovereign was lost
in a fog upon the breast of that great river so be
rhymed and betoasted by the German student.
Rabelais, in his happiest mood, could not have
done better than throw in a heavy fog at such a
time, and represent Frederick William IV. as
feebly groping his way to dinner through the im
penetrable mist. Cologne, as our reporter writes,
instead of Aix, enjoyed the honour of satisfying the
Royal hunger, and assuaging the Royal thirst. He
arrived at Aix, as his wont is, too late, but in time
to see his busts crowned with the leaves so dear to
Venus and her Doves. Did not a reminiscence of
Charlemagne, who sleeps in the Minster hard by,
or; est least a thought of stern old Fritz and the
glories of his race, intrude itself upon his mind at
a moment when, as he well knew, the other na-
tions of the world were celebrating their triumphs
or mourning for their dead? Did not the chill
recollection of former days come back upon him
when he, by a word and an act of resolution, could
have saved Europe from this Russian war, and all
the miseries it has entailed upon the world ? Had
he consented to share his power with his people his
responsibility would have been less ; but let the
man who will bring the will of his fellow-creatures
in subjection to his own see that he makes no mis-
take. " I, the King, will it," is a formula which
carries with, it some little danger to the mortal who
is bold enough to use it, and to abide by the result.
This is what the King of Prussia has done ; and
mainlyopatheh policy he thought fit
toe Western world are
ti n
the consequence
Eastern
and of the
now offering up their human hecatombs on the
shores of the stormy Euxine. The aggregate of
States which, united under his dominion, bear the
name of Prussia • have become the byeword and
mockery of Europe. Men talk of the country of
Frederick the Great and of stout old Blucher as of
an outlying province of the Russian Czar. Without
there is nothing, but contempt—within suspicion,
and, we believe, despite of all these myrtle-wreaths
and festoons of vine leaves, bitterness and discon-
tent. The police of Berlin appear anxious to fol-
low in a humble way in the steps of the great Nea-
politan professors of the art. We hear at one mo-
ment of espionage, and political arrests, and forced
elections, and other incidenes which are not very
suggestive of domestic tranquillity ; at another we
are surprised with theatrical displays and shouts of
" Es lebe der Konig r as though it were Frederick
William IV. who had taken Sebastopol and made
his country famous. And yet be is the man who is
answerable for two out of three of Prussia's great.
mistakes. First, there was the tortuous policy
pursued by his predecessor at the beginning of the
century, which resulted in the fatal day of Jena—
the annihilation of the Prussian army—the occu-
pation of the Prussian territory by a foreign con-
queror, and the unutterable misery of years. From
the blame of that event Frederick William IV is
clear. Next a time came—that was in 1848-9
when, had, a man occupied the throne of Prussia.
he might have been the honoured head of the Ger-
man race, and saved that vast country from the
horrors of the reaction which has since ensued.
Not only Germany paid the penalty of that irreso-
lution, but in consequence of it the swamps cr
Hungary and the rich Lombard plains were
drenched with human blood. For that mistake
Frederick William must answer. Again, a moment
came when, by a decisive union with the Western
Powers, he could have arrested. the course of the

At the opening `of the Birningham Court of Quarter'
Sessions, held yesterday, 4r. N. D. Hill, Q.C., the Re 4
corder, delivered the following charge to the rgraci
jury 1
Gentlemen of the Grand Jtvry,--I have chosen for the
subject of my present charge that mode pf, treating ctimit
mils which has been called " the ticket-of-leave system.
Of late this plan has attritaed much attendee in Perlis/
rant, in courts Of justice, and in the public journals. The
general impression seems to be that it dues not w ork well.
For myself,: I am disposed to think that the effect of its
operation, so far as it has hitherto been tricd,lias been
aggerated both for evil and, for good. But I should be
grieved to find the system condemned in its theory, eyed
supposing its practice has hitherto been open to some anif
madversion, because it embodies what I hold to be two
most salutary principles that the criminal should
have the opportunity of working his way out of gaol ; and
second, that he should for a limited period be liable to be
deprived of his liberty so regained, if his course of life
should be such as to give reasonable ground for belief that
he had relapsed into Criminal habits. To understand the
trn

ke bearings of the questions which I intend to raise for
your consideration, it will be necessary to take a cornprer
I &waive view of that general treatment of criminals
results from the operation of a publioopinion making
making itself felt in the Legislature and the executive Go.
-for

:went, and often, -unconseioaely, to the agents dictat.
ing the verdicts of juries, and qualifying the sentences of
our courts, combined with other circumstances over which
none of these authorities have any effective control. Time
was—and the era is not so long past but that many of us
have a vivid remembrance of its horrOre—when our penal
code was the most sanguinary of the civilised world.
The list of offences punishable with death presented
a fearful catalogue, descending from wilful mur-
der down to privately stealing in a shop to the
amount of five shilling. 4. Nor were the terrors of the
law permitted to sleep.; so that when the feelings-of the
people at last awoke to the cruelty of these inflictions they
wale outraged, at every turn with appllling scenes of legal
vengeance. •As might have been expected by reflecting
minds conversant with history, and learning. from its
pages the vicissitudes of public sentiment, an overwhelm-
ing force of opinion became directed against the ferocious
policy which had so long prevailed ; and as you know the
list of capital offences was not only promptly reduced to
the narrowest limits, but the disposition towards lenity
outstripping the course of legislation, we are at length ar-
rived at the point when even' in deliberate murder it is
not au inflexible rule that conviction should be followed
oy execution. Gentlemen, during the period while so many
offences were punished with death, the commutation of-
the capitalsentence one of transportation being an act
of mercy,' the minor, though still heavy penalty was not re-
garded as severe ; but when capital punishment became
applicable only to a small class of crimes, transportation
began to be looked upon in a different light; and now,
that by the refusal of all our colonies, except oue, to ad-
mit convicts among them, transportation has bean in great
part abolished. A similar feeling begins to prevail against
long terms of imprisonment, which makes way all the more
quickly, because long imprisonments not being imposed by
sentence during the period that capital punishment and
transportation were freely resorted to, present a deceptive
aspect of novelty, since a large Proportion of couvicts sen-
tenced to transportation were at all times left in the hulks
to he punished .by imprisonment which might extend
through the whole period for which they were. adjudged to
be sent abroad; although it was and is usual to discharge
them after a detention of much inferior length. How far
this disposition gradually to lessen the amount of punish-
ment will be carried it is impossible to predict. All I
can say is, that its progress is very rapid, and that it
shows no sign of having approached its termination.
We might suppose at first sight that shortening terms
of confinement would furnish a means of relieving the
pressure on the capacity of our prisons, and would
enable them to provide for the saiplus numbers caused by
the stoppage of transportation. But those who are practi-
cally acquainted with the subject, know that a short im-
prisonment is likely to be followed by a speedy relapse,
and that the prisoner oftens returns to captivity, bringing
with him companions who in the interval of liberty he has
seduced into crime. Recollecting these difficulties, gentle-
men, yon will not perhaps be surprised that the Govern-
ment has not yet discovered a perfect solution of the hard
problem—what are we to do with our criminals ? In this
state of perplexity it resolved on adopting to a limited ex-
tent the first principle to which I have adverted—that of
making the duration of the imprisonment dependent on
tne conduct of the prisoner. It did not apply the princi-
ple universally, possibly because it was not prepared tc,
contend with the strong, although, I must think, morbid,
feeling in favour of slight imprisonments under which the
culprit remains too short a time to benefit much by any
' reformatory system, however potent. Thus it restricted
the experiment to the cases of such convicts as had in-
curred the penalty of transportation. Gentlemen, I spea't
upon conjecture, but I must presume the existence o
some strong reason which dad aces the Government to deny
to the lesser offender the privilege of earning his discharge
ey his own exertion, while it concedes it to the greater
iriminal who has incurred the heaVier punishment; and
L am not aware of any other reason than the one which I
nave pointed out. If, however, the reason suggested
should be that on which the Government is really acting
I trust it will be remembered that many convicts not
liable to transportation or penal servitude are sentenced
o imprisonment for as long a period as two years, and
.bat many instances may be found in the returns made
3o the House of Lords in which a less time has been held
to furnish a sufficient length of probation to justify the
grant of tickets of leave. But, gentlemen, if you desire,
as I most earnestly do, to see this principle universally
adopted, you must be prepared to strengthen the hands
of Government by advocating such a change in the
law as will enable those who administer the criminal jus-

ace of the country to retain in custody all such as are con-
victed of crime until they have, by sure and unequivocal
tests, demonstrated that they have the will and the power
to gain an honest livelihood when at large. You must be
content that they shall be retained until habits of industry
~reformed—until moderate skill in some useful occupation
is acquired—until the hard lesson of self-control is mas-
tered—in short, until the convict ceases to be a criminal,
resolves to full his duties both to God and to man, and
has surmounted all obstacles against carrying such resolu-

'ions into successful action. But as no training, however
enlightened and vi_ilant, will produce its intended effects
on every individual subjected to its discipline, what are we
to do witu the incurable ? Geatleinen, we must face this
question. Wo must not flinch from answering, that we
propose to keep them in prison until they are released by
death. You keep the maniac in a prison (which you call
an asylum) under similar conditions. You guard against
his escape until ho is taken from you, either because he
is restored to sanity or has departed to another world. If,
gentlemen, innocent misfortune may and must be so treated,
why not thus deal with incorrigible depravity? This is a
question which I have asked times out of number without
ever being so fortunate as to extract a reply. It is always
tacitly assumed that imprisonment must not be perpetual ;
but whether that assumption is founded on any reason sup-
posed to arise out of the nature of things, or whether it
only rests on the present state of public feeling, I know
not. If the former ground is taken, I would give much
to learn what the argument is. When disclosed, I must
either answer it or yield to it ; but while lam kept in
the dark each alternative is shut against me. If, how-
ever, this assumed inadmissibility of perpetual imprison-
ment is rested on the present state of public sentiment,
I have seen too often the change from wrong to right in
that great power to despair of its becoming an ally in-
stead of an opponent. It is my belief that if long
terms of imprisonment, even to perpetuity, were placed
before the public mind as indissolubly connected with
the privilege to the convict of working out his own redemp-
tion from thraldom by proving himself fit for liberty, it
would require no great lapse of time to produce the change
in opinion which I contemplate. Alarm on the score of
expense ought not to be entertained fur two reasons. First,
because no unreformed inmates of a prison, however ex-
travagant its expenditure may be, cost the community so
much as they, would do if at large. This fact has been so
often proved that I must be allowed to assume it as unde-
niable. But the second reason is, that prisons may be
made either altogether or to a very great extent self-sup-
porting. In some of the western States of the North
American Republic this important object has been more
than accomplished, as the labour of the prisoners yields a
revenue greater than is required for their food, lodginF,
and clothing, their government, and their instruction ; in
short, for all the various items which form the total ex-
pense of a gaol. It is quite true that labour is more valu-
eble and that food is cheaper in those States than it is with
us. But, notwithstanding these facts, it was shown by the
evidence which Mr. Charles Pearson adduced before the
committee of the House of Commons appointed to investi-
;ate this subject in 1850, to be in the highest degree pro-
bable that similar results might be obtained here. wh,,_
ever shall read that valuable testimony will, I cannot but
think, even if not perfectly convinced, arrive at the con-
clusion that sufficient proof has been given to justify, it
. not to demand, such an experiment as would set the con
call your atten.
troversy at rest. Let me now, gentlemen,