The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-15 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 15, 1855.

" What England gains by arms she loses by
diplomacy." The observation has so frequently
been verified that it has passed into a proverb,
and we greatly fear that it is about to receive
a new and very powerful illustration. We hear
very significant intimations of a General European
Congress (!), of new conferences and diplomatic
movements. We cannot anticipate any beneficial
results from renewed negotiations ; on the con-
trary, we feel satisfied that they must prove
seriously prejudicial to the interests and security
of the Ottoman Empire, the great end and object of
the Western Powers, who have no selfish purposes
to promote, but who have reluctantly unsheathed
their swords in the cause of justice, humanity,
and civilisation. If ever nations entered into
hostilities with pure and unimpeachable motives,
if ever States could defy the breath of calumny
to cast even the shadow of a doubt on the in-
tegrity of their views, France and England can
do so at the present moment. Their acts are
conceived in the unalloyed spirit of chivalry. To
protect the feeble against the tyranny of
the powerful, to defend right against might,
is the godlike mission on which they have
entered, and they should suffer nothing to divert
them from the straight and narrow way in which
they are travelling.
They have stated what they require. They
have put forward their demands, which have been
conceived in the most moderate spirit, and they
cannot agree to vary or modify in the slightest
particular a single stipulation. They have asked
only for what is absolutely indispensa'ble to the
future peace and tranquillity of Europe. They
require the general disturber, the despot whose
unconucientious and unwarrantable conduct has
left him without a single real friend, to be bound
over in adequate securities to keep the peace.
They have from sad experience ascertained that
no confidence can be placed in his professions--
that merely verbal promises are not worth
the air expended ; and therefore, wisely
following the precedent which he himself

has established, they demand " material gua-

rantees "
---the surrender of territory which he
had unfairly acquired, and which he most unwar-
rantably used against the lawful proprietor, or at
least the reduction of the power which he had
grievously abused. The demand is simple. It
requires no lengthened discussions, no protracted
negotiations. Does Russia accept the Four
Points in their integrity, according to the plain
and simple meaning of the language in which they
are expressed ? Is she satisfied to prove her sin-
cerity by the only conclusive evidence—the Tolun-

tart' surrender of the power of effecting future

mischief? If so, well ! The arrangement may
be effected at a single meeting. The Western
Powers, having been exceedingly moderato in

heir demands, hare put forward nothing

that they can relinquish or even modify
in the slightest degree. The issues must
be materially narrowed before they can rofer them
to arbitration, or consent to the meeting of a
General Congress, in which the would-be Judges
may arrogate to themselves powers of which their
previous conduct has not justified the as-
sumption.

Should we submit to it, who will be placed in

the situation of umpires ? France, England, and
Russia as belligerents, as the parties litigant,
would necessarily be excluded. Even the claim
of Austria might be disputed, in consequence of
the Treaty into which she has entered, although she
has certainly given no practical proof of the sincerity
of her co-operation up to this period. To Prus-
sia, then, or rather to its weak and -vacillating
Monarch—to " the good CLIQUOT," the Angel of
Peace, the friend and brother-in-law of the CZAR,
who has exhibited such decisive proof of blind
and unreasoning nepotism—would the matter
mainly be referred. We say "mainly," for
whatever might be the honesty of purpose exer-
cised by minor potentates, could we be certain
that the Muscovite influence so painfully percep-
tible at sundry Courts would be dispelled, and the
Russian element eliminated from the calcula-
tion, Prussia would still predominate, where
the four great Powers were excluded from the
judgment seat.

But could we even trust Austria as a judge ?
We think not. On Saturday we pointed out the
meaning of the alleged representations of Baron
HESS, " that he could not undertake to operate
against the Russians unless assured of a Prussian
army of 100,000 men ;" and we showed
that the despicable " timidity"--we might use
a much stronger phrase—Ktarcely came from
any soldier, but rather from the Civil
Government of Austria. If her Ministers in-
tended to act decisively there would be no mur-
mur from the army, who would rather desire to
be led against the foe, and to have the opportu-

nity allowed of gaining verdant laurels by their
conduct.

miry:
astruswte,llthaesnt,htehaint
jwarye moafy
abgeesnpearraeldctohnegirgnesos:
Should such a step unfortunately be assented to
by Our Ministers, we should have but one remain-
ing hope, viz., that the insanity of the AUTOCRAT
would abrogate all the effects of the efforts made
on his behalf. Even at this
ness is manifestin moment his mad-
g itself in the invasion of the
Dobrudscha, and the menacing movements in the
direction of the Austrian frontier. Re has
hardened his heart in its wickedness, and is wil-
fully sacrificing every chance of regaining the
position he has forfeited by his gross misconduct.

1 We invite attention to the Bridgwater public
• meeting in favour of Polish independence. It
may mean more than what Mr. CARLYLE deno-
minates " fiunkeyism" supposes. We well re-
member that far-seeing men pronounced the fate
of the Corn Laws sealed, not when tens of thou-
sands were subscribed by the cotton lords, but
when a number of rustics met with a bankside
and hurdles for their platform, Lind a lantern to
read the resolutions by, and voted against them.
Now we would not wound the pride of the Bridg-
water burgesses and their chief magistrate ; but,
knowing that many will sneer at the west country
borough, although ryttimin two monabors -for j

Parliament, we will give them the benefit of
their sneers, and still reply, let Bridgwater
be as obscure as you please, it only proves that
Polish independence is understood, is appreciated,
and is enthusiastically cheered, even in the obscurer
towns of the kingdom. It points the same moral
as the Lincolnshire farmers' loudly cheering allu-
sions to it in the speech of Sir JOHN TROLLOPS.
The subject is understood everywhere. We believe
there is not a town in the kingdom—no, nor an
agricultural district either where competent
speakers on the subject of Poland would not fill
the largest public room, and obtain a unani-
mous vote. We incline to think that such
meetings would vote in favour of the largest
loans needed for such a struggle, especially were
the loan to be like the French one, offered to the
public rather than to the " Great Houses."
Bridgwater is, however, no such insignificant
town ; it is just a fair sample of intelligent, well-
off, but not overgrown, English boroughs. It is
midway between the purely county town and the
restless manufacturing city, a kind of place less

easy to stimulate to political action than ouz

Manchesters, Birminghams, Rochdales, and the
like. We may well hope, therefore, that the
example will be contagious. Will our great
towns and metropolitan boroughs, and our metro-
polis itself, proud of their energy and their po-
litical zeal, sit clown quietly while Bridgwater is
ahead of them ? It will be seen that the
business was done efficiently. Besides reso-
lutions asserting the common-sense view of the
necessity of Polish independence to the perma-
nence of any peace which could be made, the
burgesses voted an address to Lord PALMERSTON,
and another to Prince ADAM CZARTORYSKI, ex-
pressive of their sympathy with the exiled Poles.
A petition to Parliament was also agreed to, and
left for signature, the Mayor himself urging the
crowded meeting severally to call their neighbours'
attention to it. It is not too much to say that
a similar course adopted in all the boroughs—and
why not comities too?—of the kingdom, would, in
all probability, settle this great question for the
future of Europe. It is generally, and with
reason, believed that the French EMPEROR is
favourable to the object. The one thing needed
is for Englishmen to exhibit their undoubted
sentiments strongly enough to overrule and
override all the influence of all the COBURGS-; and
to embolden our Cabinet to act as the Ministers,
not of petty German or Belgian Courts, or of
cousins in Austrian military service, but as the
Ministers of England.

If there be one thing of which every sensible
and upright Englishman is convinced, it is that
Polish independence is at once our most prudent
and our most righteous demand. Most prudent,
because the present War is due to Russian absorp-
tion of Poland, without which it would never
have been thought of, while innumerable and
murderous future wars must result from Russian
barbarism remaining triumphant over Polish
Liberty and Civilisation. Most righteous, because
the passive sacrifice of Poland was England's great
sin at Vienna, as well as previously, and
the first NAPOLEON'S great sin, when he, seeing
far ahead, would have taught Russia her place in
time. Moreover, no one can doubt that now is
the precise time to press the demand. First,
these crafty conferences at Vienna crafty on
one side or on both—warn us that an extinguisher
may be put any moment on all that we thought
worth fighting for ; next, we have now an oppor-
tunity such us we may look for in vain again.
We are at war, not hesitating about beginning
one—a War the origin of which authorises us to
say to its ambitious author—.We demand, as a
guarantee for the future, no conquest for our-
selves, no part of Russia at all ; we demand
Poland for herself ; we demand what you stole
before our eyes, what we ought never to have
permitted you to steal, what you have used as the
means of ondloss other theft; and what, there-
fore,
we will see restored to its owners before we
hush up your last villanous affair. You have no
right to Poland, and we will hoist her flag ; so do
as you please. Then, again, we want help. Our
Ministers are running all over the Continent for
mercenaries, and—we use the word advisedly
wickedly ignoring the legion which a word might
evoke, which would have stormed Sebastopol two
months ago, and which now would make the
ranks of Russia quail with worse than bayonet
wounds—with the consciousness that kidnapped
Poles would be dangerous comrades
Let our Ministry, however, look to their places.
It is high time. Here is an orator in a third-rate
English borough arraigning them, and demanding
a Polish Legion, iu this style—
" Mr. Rossitor, in seconding'the above, attributed the
whole of the bungling and mismanagement during the
present campaign to these who held the reins of Govern-
ment. Was the Earl of Aberdeen—who was the known
friend of our bitterest enemy, the Emperor of Russia—
a fit person to be at the head of the Government 2 Was
Sydney Herbert, who is the son of a Russian lady, fit
to be the Minister of the War Office, who had remained
inactive till the war was commenced by Turkey herself,
and England was obliged to help her ! The speaker
then drew a melancholy picture of the state of our
troops after the battle of Inkerman, and ridiculed the
idea of employing foreign mercenaries when a legion of
Poles, who had an interest in the cause, could be easily
called around the English standard,—a noble legion
who would be fighting for their fatherland."

It is well for our Cabinet and our Houses of
Parliament to know that nothing disgusts the
English people generally more than this same in-
decent postponing of Poland and Polish aid to the
odious predilections of the German Court mercena-
ries. Nothing will wash a certain lucky little
German family from inevitable suspicions of the
most damaging character but a policy worthy of
the Queen of England, and of the free country
over which she rules, or should rule, and in which
she received her education.

VISIT OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON
TO ENGLAND.

We have great pleasure in stating that the name
of La France is to be given to one of the first-
class men-of-war now building, to commemorate
the cordial and warm intimacy that now exists
between this country and our allies the French.
The magnificent screw three-decker, the Marlbo-
rough, of 121 guns, building in Portsmouth dock-
yard, will be the vessel selected to receive this
name.

She will be ready for launching in March, and
there is a probability that the Empress of the
French will, with the Emperor, be present at the
launch, and perform the ceremony of naming this
splendid ship.
A. more expressive memento of the alliance now
existing between the two nations than the giving
to the greatest man-of-war ever built for the Bri-
tish or any other navy the name we have men-
tioned, the ceremony being performed by the illus-
trious consort the Emperor of the French, could
hardly be conceived.

The Queen's new Royal yacht, to be called the
Victoria and Albert, is to be launched to-morrow
at Pembroke dockyard.
The Prussian steam gun-boats Nix and Sala-
mander were undocked at Plymouth on Wednes-
day, and were received en Friday from the Prus-
sian Government, in exchange for the frigate
Thetis.

TURIN, Jan, 12.—Her Majesty the Queen Dowager
Maria Theresa, widow of Charles Albert, and mother of
the present Ring of Sardinia, died this day at noon, of
inflammation of the Pleara, after an illness of seven days.
Her Majesty was an archduchess of Austria, and a
daughter of Ferdinand Grand Duke of Tuqeany.