The National Register.
London, England, 1809-04-02 00:00:00

'have displayed, since a short time, such an abominable relax-
ation in their private conduct, that we have rather reason to he
surprised that their public is not more infamous. It is a truism
almost too trite to repeat, that a bad private man can never be a
good public one, and the wretch who is callous enough to abundoa
a wife and eight children, in order to live in illicit intercourse
with the wife of his friend, will likewise be base enough, if au
adequate price be offered, to betray the interests of his country.
These are the Jacobins, these arc the conspirators against tip
House of Brunswick; for they debauch the state, and undermine
its security. The mass of the people, who form their judgment;
more from feeling, than elaborate reflection, naturally cease to
venerate, and confide in men, who do not even affect to lay any
claim to their respect. The same conduct and sentiments pro-
duced the misfortunes of the continent ; and we shudder least,
when the crisis arrives, they may occasion similar disasters in
this country. '
Our voice and exertions shall never he wanting to scare, or
drag back our countrymen from the precipice on which they are
standing. We will touch every string, to hear if a generous toile,
will vibrate. We will remind them of the glory and virtue of
their ancestors; we will contrast England, powerful, opulent,
free, and respected, with her situation as an abject, plundered,
and enslaved province. How ! are these reflections too gloomy !
are our apprehensions exaggerated ? The same fatal security,
the same indifference to exhortation, were equally prevalent
three years ago at Madrid, Berlin, and Stockholm. Awl what
• has been the consequence? a foreigu usurper is lording it over
one. whilst the legitimate Monarch and his family are pining in
French captivity. The nobility, whose vices, intrigues, and
pretensions hastened the catastrophe, are now converted into
i the suspec ed slaves of an Upstart they must hate and despise,
or paying with their blood the forfeit of their former remissness.
The cowariliee and treachery of the Prussian Nobles occasioned
the overthrow of that celebrated monarchy ; and the Swedish
capital has lately witnessed the atrocity of seeing its young So-
vereign dragged from his throne to a prison by the very same
order. If a generous sacrifice has been made in apy of these
countries, it was almost solely performed by the people. Their
affection and loyalty:for their sovereigns increased is proportion
to their misfortunes ; and calumniated and oegleeted as they
were, they adhered to their establishments, when they mere
betrayed apd abandoned by the rich.

The views of modern statesmen are limited and formal ; they
administer by mere rote, according to ordinary forms, without
diverging into eccentric suggestions, or hitting on uncommon
expedients. They form some vulgar plan, and they vulgarly
pursue it. The finesse which distinguished the ancient school is
unknown to ours. Force or money, (persuasion Meyer), arc the
two great springs which move at present the whe.ls of govern-
ment; and this clumsy, grating operation, is the primary cause
that the people begin to display so frigid an indifference far
national concerns. There is something in it of the brutality
with which a haughty individual confers a favour; it alienates,
instead of conciliating gratitude or. applause. Tit?. harshness of
the manner precludes the possibility of affeetionon the part of
the people, who judge actions tuore from appearance than
their utility. In free states, the secret of government is atrec-.
tion; in despotic ones, terror. The latter has been frequently
the former, for the last fifteen years, never applied ; and from
that time may be dated the apathy of the multilutle. They
must likewise have a material object of their affections, and vpt
an abstract one. The ancients, who, excelled us as much in the.