The National Register.
London, England, 1812-12-13 00:00:00

LEI L'ER I.

Sot—To an honest representative of the people no apo-
logy is necessary for a political address ; if you think other-
wise, being one of your constituents, I claim the licence as a
constitutional privilege granted by yourself.—But why should
vot' object? Infamy and imprudence only shrink from in-
icitigation—virtue and honour arc ever candid ; and
though modesty may screen them from observation when
unu,s,iiled, the proud emotions of rectitude—the impoitance
ci character—and a just regard for a fair estimation in so-
cioty, will force them into notice when the cloud of suspi-
cion would orer-shadow them.—An upright man, therefore,
fears not the result of enquiry, like the sun at noonday, be
.Lines with greatest brilliancy, when you arc most sensible
of his effects—when the radiance of his mind is most public,
and the genial warmth of his heart laid operr—like a star in
the firmament, he gains additional lustre from strietinvesti-
cation.

The pure exercise of virtue regards not the applause of a
mob; as whether of a public or private nature, the. only ele-
vation it Leeks is a mind ennobled by its influence—general
good is its object—humility its.Rusign. Good men seldom
abke professions ; " they work their works in secret," and the
plea,ore of reflection is their reward—the trout honourable
neve' boast—and, the ?Tally wise do not court opportunity
Ito make long speeches.

These inferences are not, however correct, universally
admitted. The generally received adage, " that there is no
rule without an exception," is opposed to the certainty of
such eoncluions; and you, Sir, who appear to bask in the
sunshine of popularity—to make frequent declarations of
your public spirit—to rriprobate vice in others—to give un-
ceasing assurances of the purity of your own mind, and
'hose orations are both long and frequent, ate cited as an
inctance of the little dependence there is to be placed on
them in forming a jud4ment of mankind.-- Y-, u, Sir, who
ale heard, loud in your own praise, and reht.ment in your
censure of others, are extolled for your humanity, pa-
riotisna, and liberality—looked up to with confidence as
t.c saviour of your country—the idol of your constituents—
the pride of England.

I am ctedulous enough to believe (notwithstanding the
Pains taken to convince people otherwise) that exalted
virtue may be found in the higher class of my countrymen—
wany you are allowed to possess it—by my many, also, it
is denied you ;—public report is noisy in your praise—public
eport is also strong in your dements. An expression of
opinions, and conduct, on some occasions opposite to the
aarnr:ter of o
our general professions, have dor' ived. you of
N CCL/Xt

the sanction of sober judgment, and reduced you to a con-
temptible and precarious political dependence on an untu-
tored, unthankful rabble, whom caprice varies as the wind.
Your partizans arc industrior s in their eflbrts : they check
the progress of your shame; they are anxious to confine the
knowledge of your disgrace to the dark recesses of their own
hearts ; they fear lest yourself should know it ; surrounded
as you are by political zealots, and duped by knavish pall.
tic;ans, I am solicitous to point out to you the rued 'senti-
ments of the people, to recal you from that state of error
which mistakes the vilest party motives for such as are of a
general and patriotic nature, and by making you sensible of
the injury your reputation has sustained, bring into action
those reasoning faculties in your mind (to produce a new in-
fluence) which have hitherto been kept dormant 11 the mis-
representations of unprincipled demagogues.
An attentive observer of you during the time you have
had a scat in the Commons llou,e of Parliament, cannot
easily mistake the nature of your: politics : the friend and
advocate of DESP A RD, you deprecated his confinement as
an infringement on the liberty of the subject, and a gross vio-
lation of the law of the land, and reprobated Ministers for
having recourse to a measure which the complexion of the
times rendered necessary. Every man must regret that
there should exist a necessity fur suspending the Habeas
Corpus Act, but no reflecting individual can think such
proceeding inexpedient, when resorted to for the public good;
neither can it be supposed that humanity is outraged by an
arbitrary influence, when its operation is confined to per-
sons whose infamy is notorious--traitors ready to lift their
impious arms against sacred majesty, and, by their infernal
machinations, subvert the glorious constitution of our fa-
voured isle—miscreants who, by sowing the seeds of rebele
lion, would bring the curse of civil war into the country--
give a reign to anarchy, and let loose all
,the hideous train of
violent dotructive passions, which depravity engenders to
create di.:sentions among the people, nod embrue their
hands in the blood of their kindred—men with whom li-
centiousness, is liberty—outrage, political freedom ; and,
Sir, I defy you to particularize a sing,le'instance, in which it
has been exercised against a per son v ho was not deserving of
greater severity.

To mislead and divide the people sire ricked expedients
and will never be attempted by any who have not eii -er
weak heads or corrupt hearts. Public honesty revolts at the
infamous task, and true wisdom despises it. The po tve
strength and political influence of a nation del:ends on he
unanimity of its inhabitants. The most splend nts in
the government of a country may be rendered ineffi ;..
tutimient spii it in the subjects, and the n-o :a oi!,
circumstances may result from their being deprived of