The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-13 00:00:00

for a considerable addition to the noterieties he referred
to. o'cominertipated to us on Friday the exact nature
of the Austrian proposals, and the additional faCt that
he and, the French Minister were fully of opinion that
they contained the elements of peace. It is true that
the Austrian version of the affair was already before the
world. It is true, also, that before last Friday, before
the promulgation of the •Austrlan statement, even- very
soon after Lord John Russell'a return, the substance
of his present revelation had been whispered about.
This, however, was no eXcuSe for the alleged breach
of Ministerial secrecy, but rather 'an aggravation ;
particularly when it is found that the persons in pesies-
Sion of the secret—the people who went about London
saying that Lord John Russellisad returned from Vienna
a thorough convert to the 4:ustrian policy, and ready to
make peace on any termse--were the very statesmen
who had recently seceded from the Cabinet, and who evi
dently felt that, though they had sacrificed themselve4
their cause was triumphant, and they had,an ally in the
Ministerial camp. It cannot be doubted that the privacy
of her Majesty's Conned bad been broken in some way
or other ;• and, as Lord John Russell considerably am-
plified the disclosure, divulging • some very interesting
particulars, it. was natural to ask whether he had ob-
tained leave.for doing so. For our own part, indeed,
we think the course taken by Lord John immediately
after his return home- much more proper—viz., telling
the expectant House of Commons nothing at all except
that Russia was an ambitious and unscrupulous Power,
all the time that he was whispering to a few inquisitive
and leaky friends his assent to the Austrian proposal ;
but to say that he told the house on Friday eight no
more than it knew already 4o say the least, a most
c.eunarising - * ' --
-The second inaccuracy is the last term in a series of
self-contiadictions. Last Tuesday week Mr. Milner
Gibson called the attention of the house to the circular
in which Count Boot stated that Lord John Russell had
entirely consented to the last Austrian proposal, and that
he hadhat engaged to influence the Government at home
to adopt that proposal ; or, as Mr. Milner Gibson ex-
preSsed it in a subsequent part of his speech, Lord John
Russell, at Vienna, had informed Count Buol that the
last proposal of Austria offered the means of an honour-
able solution of the question, and that he was prepared
to influence his Government to agree to it. All the an-
swer Lord John Russell gave to this at the time was,
that Mr. Milner Gibson had totally misrepresented the
facts. This was rather hard measure for Mr. M. Gib-
son, who spoke with the circular before him, and endea-
voured to state its contents with scrupulous fidelity. On
Friday last Lord John Russell had probably given the
circular a more serious perusal, and did not think it ex-
pedient to repeat his cLarge o: total misrepresentation
against Mr. Milner Gibson. On that occasion he said,.
" I certainly thought that the Austrian plan of counter-
poise was inferior to the plan of limitation that we pro,
posed, yet that it might be a mode of concluding the
war with honour to the Allied Powers, and that it would
give—l will not say a certainty—but a very fair pro-
spect, of the duration of peace." On Mr. Milner Gib-
son calling out "" Hear," Lord John Russell proceeded,
"The right hon. gentleman asks me whether I have
changed that opinion. Sir, I have not changed that
opinion. I think that those terms were calculated
either, on the one side, to secure Austria to us in the
war, or, on the other, to obtain a peace which, although
it might be unpopular, would have been a peace that
would have afforded security for the future." Further
on Lord John Russell added, after a word on some pos-
sible difference of recollections—" I have no doubt that
the statement of Count Buol is in the main an accurate
account of what I did at Vienna. I said that I had no
instructions that would enable me to agree to such terms,
and that the instructions I had would lead we to sup.;
pose that such terms would not be accepted, but I said
that my own opinion was that they ought to be, and
might be, accepted ; and I said to Count Buol that I
could assure him, and that he could convey that assur-
rance to the Emperor of Austria, that I would lay the
case before the Cabinet of this country, and that I
would use my best endeavours to put those propositions
in such a light that they might hope for their adoption.
That promise I certainly performed." Lord John
Russell having thus explained that, though his
arguments received the utmost consideration, they did
not prevail, proceeded to account for his not having re-
signed his seat in the Cabinet. He was anxious not to
unsettle so soon what had just been settled, and there,
fore sacrificed himself to the public good, and stayed in.
If we could also think with his Lordship that his pre-
sence in the Cabinet contributed to the prospect of a
strong Government and a decided policy, then we might
also respect the sacrifice he had made to the public
good. It is because we think him a perpetual unsettle-
ment, a faulty piece of timber, an incurable leakage, a
rot in the Government, ever ready to open the passage
by which power and confidence will pass over to some
other combination, that we think very lightly of this
boasted-suorifice.

And now for Lord John's last night's addition to this
singular story. "It has been inferred and supposed,",
he now observes, "because I said that at the end of
April and in the first days of May I thought those pro-
positions might have been assented to, that I think now,
at the present moment, those propositions may form a
foundation for peace. Such a supposition would be,
totally erroneous. It is entirely contrary to the fact
that I consider now those propositions would form
the foundation of peace. It was my opinion, and, as I
stated the other day, I retain the opinion, as to what
might have been done ; but, after the events and pros
ceedings which have since occurred, I believe nothing
but a vigorous prosecution of the war will obtain
terms upon which peace can be concluded." We
can only avow ourselves utterly astonished that any
British statesman should be, or profess to be, Se
blunt of apprehension as to substitute the " in-
ference and supposition" here described for that
which the House of Commons and the whole
British public drew from his 'speech on Friday night.
We are quite sure that on this point Mr. Disraeli exactly
represents every intelligent reader of the above passage
when he says, "I do not see that the statement which
the noble lord has made at all changes his situation with
regard to the house, and as respects the narrative which
he made on Friday night. I did not hear that anybody
on Friday night hinted that, in consequence of the speech
of the noble lord, he was at this moment of opinion that
peace ought to hie negotiated with Russia upon the basis
of the propositions which he approved at the time he
has now mentioned.- That was a point which was not
at all brought into consideration." Why, of course, the
Austrian proposal has gone to the winds long ago. It is
now sufficiently clear -to the veriest peacemonger that
England will not be content even with her own plan of
limitation, but will require much stronger security. We
cannot suppose that any one would imagine even Lord
,
John Russell going about t persuade people that Russia:
might possibly consent to let the allies keep a fleet equal
to her own in the Black Sea and join in guaranteeing
the independence of Turkey. The idea is not only ex-
ploded, it is ridiculous ; nay, more, it is become a mat-
ter of surprise that Count Buol should ever have suc-
ceeded in palming so singular a conception on a British
Minister. The real "inference and supposition" that the
public draws from Lord John Russell's speech is, that on
the great question of peace or war, which must for some
time occupy the public, to the exclusion of all others,
and which on the first great reverse is likely to convulse
any-Government, there stands Lord John Russell, the
professed author of pacific counsels, the man who
brought a messsge of peace which his colleagues
thought fit to reject, the testifier to peace in evil
times, the man whose advice, it will be said, had it
been followed, might have saved us myriads of
lives, and millions upon millions of treasure. That is the
position which Lord John has obtained for himself, and
we hold it to be dangerous to any Government of which
he may happen to be a member. As for the pacific sug-
gestions of the seceded Ministers, they are set down to
the motives that usually rule the Opposition. Not so
Lord John's importation from the Austrian Chancery.
It is capital, and in the possible hour of disaster Lord
John will turn it to the best account.

(From the Morning Herald of thi& day.)

Ministers are making desperate efforts to recover
their lost ground, and to repair the mischief done by the
unhappy revelations of the ex-plenipotentiary. Certain
documents relating to the recent negotiations at Vienna
which appear to have turned up most opportunely, were
last night laid upon the table of the house, and upon
these papers—if we are to believe a morning contem-
porary—Lord John Russell relies for the defence of his
weak and contemptible behaviour. We are coolly asked
to believe that the British public have been altogether
in the dark as to the real cause of the resignation of M.
Dronyn do l'Huys, which these mysterious documents
are to explain, and we are further told that no blame at.
taches to Lord John Russell for not having followed the
example of the French envoy on his return home. In
short, that there was no parity in the relative position of
each ; for that the French minister resigned in conse-
quence of a " difference, : with the Emperor upon an
other and a distinct question.
As it is quite impossible to separate the acts of Lord
John Russell from that of the Cabinet, we presume the
Government will take its defence upon the papers in
question. Lord Palmerston rested his refusal last night
to suspend the standing orders in favour of Sir E. B.
Lytton's motion on the ground that these papers
would only be this day in the bands of members,
and that they could net get hold of their contents
in time for the debate. To such a proposition it
was not for the leader of the opposition or Sir E.
Bulwer Lytton to object, and accordingly Monday next
is fixed for a debate on which hangs mere than the fate
of a compromised Administration.
This last manoeuvre is manifestly another of those at-
tempts of the Minister. to gain. time in hopes, like Mr.
camp of some brilliant, some. decisive success, would per-
Micawber, " of something turning up."
per-
haps serve to steady News from the
for a time the present politically de-
moralised Administration, and impose it some months
longer upon the country. Those who have looked at the
latest accounts from Sebastopol must regard any such
chance as a desperate one. A dexterous use of the chapter
of accidents has kept Lord Palmerston in office for four
months. It is hardly to be wondered at that he should
cling to it still as his best if not his only resource.
It the papers laid before the house last night contain
anything approaching to the vindication of Lord John
Russell, what are we to think of his confession of last
week 3 If they cenetitnto a defence, why have they been