The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-11 00:00:00

THE PRUSSIAN ALLIANCE.

(Front a Correspondent of the Times.)

BMILIN, Oat. 8.--In a leading article, a few days
back, you ask, of what advantage an alliance with Prus-
sia can be to England ? Without any hesitation the
answer must be : " For the present, none." A Power
that has so entirely withdrawn itself from the commu-
nity of the great Powers of Europe, active in the pro-
tection of the general interests, and finds its satisfaction
and interest in heading an inert congeries of neutral
States, can be of no use or advantage to either of tie
belligerent Powers, and certainly Great Britain is not
that mere unit in Europe that it can gain additional
value by the addition of a cipher at its side.
The political considerations connected with this
projected union, and in favour of it, must be sought
in the probable state of things at the time when
the project will be realised, and still more remotely
at the period when the young Prince may be ex-
pected to mount the throne of Prussia. We must
hope that before an English Princess of fifteen years
of age can be led to the altar, and away from our
shores, the present war will have passed into new
and various stages. We must hope that sooner or later
Prussia will take a part in it, although for the present
her interests are too remotely affected, and her means
too deplorably inadequate, to admit of her doing so. Of
her own accord Prussia will not, either under the pre-
sent King or the heir apparent, ever declare war against
Russia. With a youthful Monarch on the throne of
Prussia, unbound by Russian sympathies and obliga-
tions, disposed, we are told, by every inclination of his
heart and intellect towards the moderate freedom and
constitutional Government of England, a Prince on
whom the whole nation concentrates its hopes and aspi-
rations, we may expect to see Prussia more alive to the
opening that a bolder course offers her for the promotion
of the national interests in Europe. But it must be re-
membered that the liberal opinions of a Prussian Prince
distant two removes from the throne, and only 24 years
of age, must always be matter of some doubt, if not of
suspicion. There are plenty of men in Prussia already
who recognise the correctness of the policy that would
summon her even now to make great sacrifices of men
and money to attain the position to which all good
Prussians believe their oountry to be destined ; but,
although these men belong exclusively to the educated
and well-to-do classes, their views can meet with no
propagation, not to say success, in opposition to a
whole hierarchy of officials, striving to outdo each other
in carrying out the views of their peace-loving King.
The press is totally under the thumbscrew of the police,
and, as yet, the Chambers offer but an unsatisfactory
arena for patriotic endeavours, from the want of an echo
on the part of the people ;—the press, that should act
as a sounding-board to reverberate the words of patriot-
ism spoken in the Chambers, is screwed down both by
police and stamp acts, and vibrates to no impulse, how-
ever stirring it be. At present, therefore, Prussia is not
'worthy of the English alliance, though she may hope to
be so at some remote period.
Prussia is, however, engaged in a struggle of which
England cannot remain an uninterested spectator—that
between constitutionalism and despotism. Prussia still
looks on France as the Englishman did 10 or 20 years
back—viz., as her hereditary foe • England and France
being intimately allied, a closer alliance of Prussia with
England confers on the former a moral security
against the hostilities of France, which security
would only gain in practical reality in case of the
Anglo-French alliance being dissolved. That is to
say Prussia has everything to gain by an English
alliance, and England a great deal to lose, if the new
alliance is contracted at the expense of her existing
happy league with France. The seafaring interest would
hail an English alliance of the kind contemplated as a
pledge that the Prusian Baltic ports will not be block-
aded, nor the valuable commercial marine be swept from
the seas ; as a pledge, in fact, that they may pursue
their profitable trade with Russia, by which she at once
derives the material of war by imports, and the sinews
of war by the export of raw commodities.
There is also another conflict " looming in the future,"
which it is hoped here may awaken England and Prus-
sian sympathies simultaneously, and confer a value for
Prussia on an English alliance. The struggle that the
Church of Rome has commenced on the continent single-
handed against Sardinia, and with the covert assistance
of Austria in the Grand Duchy of Baden, will per-
haps thrust itself on European notice before the
struggle with Russia is brought to a close. Any-
thing like an overthrow or great humiliation of the
Czar would immediately attract the Pontifical atten-
tion away from Germany to see what concessions could
be extracted from the fallen potentate in favour of the
Catholics throughout Russia. Of the contents of the
concordat lately made between the Pope and the Em-
peror of Austria there is apparently little known that
is certain and definite, but it so far seems to be beyond
doubt, that it will lead to an abrogation or great modifi-
cation of the ordinances of the Emperor Joseph, whose
wholesome measures have for a long time past supplied
the only bulwark of Protestantism in Austria against
the oppression of Catholic zealots. Among this num-
ber must be reckoned the young Emperor himself, who
was educated in the most bigoted observances of the Ca-
tholic ritual and belief in peculiar:y Romanist tenets ; it
is understood that he is conscientiously and zealously im-
pelled towards the advancement of the Romanist faith in
majorem gloriant Dontini. The recent isolated instances
of Romanist oppression in Austria and in Tuscany, and
the open struggle and drawn battle between the civil
and spiritual powers in Baden, show that, however en-
feebled and humiliated the Pope may be as a temporal
prince, be has every disposition to procure for the Papal
See its revenge, by the extension of his spiritual power
and influence. But here, again, it must be remembered
that a Protestant demonstration which should bring
England closer to Prussia would endanger the French
alliance with England, and, as England can snap her
fingers at the Pope at home, there is no reason wl,y she
should sacrifice the most important political alliance she
has ever made, merely for the Quixotic notion of assist-
ing Prussia to overthrow the balance of religion which
exists in her dominions. Here, too, Prussia might gain
much and England lose a great deal. The balance of
Roman Catholicism may be safely left to France and
Austria, whose political antipathies and religious rival-
ries will serve to keep each other in check. In this re.

sped they are like two Eagles fighting for a bone, their
bone of contention being the Pope.

TIE HARVEST ITV FRANCE.

(From Galipnani's Messenger.)

Both the Constitutionnel and the Pays contain
long articles on the deficiency of the harvest in
France, but the subject is considered by each from
different points of view. The latter journal adduces
arguments to show that there is no real cause for
alarm, the quantity of corn required this year in
France being much more moderate than previous
years of deficiency have called for. We conceive
our contemporary to be completely correct in his
views, for after all what is the state of the case, if
fairly stated ? Nothing more than this—that
whereas in 1853, ten millions of hectolitres of wheat
were required, and in 1854, six millions, the present
year calls for seven millions. If it bo borne in
mind that England, even in her productive years
such as from 1847 to 1852 for instance, is obligeci
to import 25 millions of hectolitres of bread stuffs
of all kinds, one half of which may be set
down as wheat, the amount of seven millions of
hectolitres for France ought certainly not to ap-
pear exorbitant or cause alarm. The breadth of
land sown last year in Canada and the United States
was unusually great, and the yield is described as
exceedingly fine. This year's harvest in these
countries is estimated at 64 millions of hectolitres
of wheat, of which 15 can be spared for Europe.
Spain, Algeria, and Sicily have borne more than
average harvests, and will be able to export con-
siderably—in sufficient quantities, in fact, to sup-
ply the remaining necessities of France and Eng-
land, without taking into account what the prin-
cipalities and countries along the Danube may
yield. The Pays consequently, we are inclined to
think, takes a correct view of ie question when it
represents it as holding forth no just cause for
apprehension.

The Constitutionlid, apparently considering the
question of the present harvest as disposed of, looks
rather to the future, and enters into an inquiry as
to what means ought to be adopted to make laud
more productive in France, in order to diminish
the probability of years of scarcity hereafter. The
following extract will show what steps our con-
temporary suggests as best calculated to attain
that end :
" The territory of France comprises 53 millions of
r e
xt of theom
proper passage of water. These . r
hectares (the hectare is about 2i acres English), the half
of which is capable of being considerably improved.
Among the land devoted to meadows to corn and even
therefo
s, but
to vines, there are at least 7 millions of obstaclehectares which
are of so heavy a nature as to bel
hoynidYr3aoVroilagaghent. an
rolpt is calculatewhich
d
. ds
mightbeing be
eor
ewadeitl, y producetripled
that this operation would cost f per hectare, and the
increased value of the land would be at least I,ooof.
po ws
an
re j nerds
po
or
nds cover contractors
This branch alone of agricultural, work would therefore
secure to the labouring classes 2,100 millions francs in
milliardsa
millionn et
profittogether7
of hectares, whichscarcely produce a revenue oflsf. each,
wages, aTnhdetos,,'t,ahtne
but the produce of which might be easily raised to 200 f.
per hectare. All that is required to effect this desir-
able transformation would be to drain and cultivate
this land. It is calculated that
the
draining of a marsh
would cost•6,ooofr. per hectare or 480 millions for the
800,000 hectares, and that to bring into • •
at to
one hectare of pond •
will only cost 400 francs or 80 mil-
lions for the 200,000 hectares. These two categories of
work will therefore give 500 • in
millions wages, and pro-
duce an additional value to the land of 1,500 millions.
The extent of unproductive land, which could be ac-
quired to the plough, or be covered with forests, would
be at least 0,500,000 hectares. Out of this quantity
3,500,000 hectares are covered with a deep layer of ve-
getable mould, which might be readily rendered fruitful.
At the present time this part of the territory run over
with flocks scarcely produces 15fr. a hectare, but by an
outlay of 300 fr. would readily produce 50fr. The wages
paid for the 3,500,000 hectares would be 1,050 millions,
and the net profit to the proprietors would amount to
2,100 millions. The wages and the profits would be
much more considerable for ground acquired to
cultivation on the banks of streams and rivers until
they arrive at the sea. The ground to be re-
covered on the banks of rivers may be calculated
at one million of hectares, and that which is now
overflowed by the sea, and which might be readily