The National Register.
London, England, 1811-11-10 00:00:00

the man of taste to indulge his desire of refinement, and that de-
sire to gain strength from the arts which it creates; in short, un-
til the structure of the mind be changed, it he provoked to exer-
tion. Nature gerself seems to have contemplated an union of
mankind in a commercial intercoutae ; and it has more than once
hr en declared by a solemn vote of Congress, tha we could not
relinquish our navigation, without eventually relinquishing our
independence. It would be a surrender to the most powerful
nation in Europe, of a monopoly of our productions, of controul-
ing our industry, and commanding our resources. It would
enable such a nation in the exercise of her lawful rights, without
affording us the least shadow of complaint, to stamp what value
it pleases on the motives of our indwtry, or on our industry it-
self. I fear, Sir. that a surrender of our navigation would be-
come a fire- brandk of discord among ourselves.
Let us reverse this scene. Retaining our navigation, we con-
tinue to transport our own commodities; the freight for trans•
portation, the ships, the hardy seamen who direct them, are the
property of the natioo—bearing aloft a neutral flag, we are no
leager at the mercy, avarice, or ambition of every nation who
mieht choose to disturb the tranquillity of the world. Tither) it
he impracticable to abandon our navigation without a surrender
of that independence which nature acknowledges, and which we
once so nobly asserted, it follows, than we must afford it an ade-
quate protection: the question arises, What force will be re-
gaited to afford this protection ? I cculd here quote the opinion
of the immortal Author of the Declaration of Independence in
his Notes on Virginia, on this subject. But I shall for the present
defer this discussion for another opportunity.
For the present I shall observe, that as a navy is the only na-
tural erotaction that can be afforded to commerce, so will it I;
also prove a strong bulwark of national defence: a navy can be'
employed to protect, but never to destroy our liberty ;to be use- I
ful, however, it must be permanent. ro build a navy, is not
the work of a day; nor can the time at which its service may be
reettired be always seen. Providence has blessed us with the
finest materials for constructing a navy, she has planted the live
oak, cedar, and pine trees along our coast, from St. Mary's to
St. Croix ; she has deposited in our moontains rich mines of cop-
per and iron, and cherishes in our soil the articles of flax and
hemp ; she extends our commerce through every ocean and
clime; she branches the nerves and hardens the sinews of our
seamen, and fires them with an intrepidity which BifTicultie3
serve only to confirm, and no danger can appall. And shall we
spurn these advantages, and, by neglecting to improve, cease to
deserve, and ultimately lose them?
But, it is said, " that a navy, whetvestablished, may he made
use of as an argument for extending our power." If by "power"
we are to understand the means of enforcing a respect for our
neutral rights, which, it is acknowledged, have been shamefully
violated, it is indeed the professed object of a permanent navy.
Put if by this expression we are to learn, that when strong
enough to render ourselves respectable in the eye of other na-
tions,
we shall be tempted to abuse our power, then I will
ask, would a child not laugh if he were told that manhood.
was nor to -he desired because its vigour might be abused ?
And what is not liable to abuse ?
sooner than submit to abandon the ocean, let us have a navy
to protect our commerce ; or, let us dissolve our Union and re-
turn again to the dependent condition from which the blood of so
many martyrs have so recently streamed to release us. It is not
to connect us with the balance of Europe, nor to involve us in her
destructive wars. It is to keep out of her turmoils that a navy is
desired. It is to add to the many powerful motives which the
two great belligerent nations now have to respect us, another
that would stamp an irresistible force, and prevent them from
being forgotten amidst the calculations of convt!nience and the •
violence of war. All the complicated terrors of foreign conquest
and domestic tyranny, and the artful misrepresentations of party
spirit, have been brought to ..bend their force against the esta-
blishment of a permanent navy.
It; advocates have been openly charged with a desire to accu-
mulate power in the hands of the executive, -and to feed the
ambition of a few individuals. A good citizen has little to care
who holds the reins of Government, while the constitution of
his country is maintained inviolate, and her interest promoted.
Banish suspicion, and it will be perceived that the Executive
can never derive a dangerous strength from a naval armament.
It is here indeed unlike a standing army. If it ever be convert-
ed into an engine of ambition, its object must he a foreign coun-
try, and before this can be done the will of your Legislature
must be previously perverted. A navy may be employed to
protect, but never to destroy our liberty—and happy shall we
be to maintain ottr honour and independence by an institution
which can never endanger our liberty.
I have thus far hastily collected my own ideas, and several in-
telligent writers on the advantages to be derived to our country
from the establishment of a permanent navy, and I shall feel
flattered, should you deem them worthy a place and on seeing
them inserted in your next paper. VINDIM•