The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-18 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SlR,—Are you or any of your readers aware of the open
manner in which the Prussian Government admit Russian
agents to recruit for the army of the Czar, although every
possible difficu ty is thrown in the way of Prussi•ins
enlisting for the British Foreign Legion ? Such is Prussian
neutrality.—Your obedient servant,
ANTI-GERMAN.
London, 15th June.

WHY IS THE PRICE OF PIG-IRON

4DVANCING.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

- -
SlR,—Can you account in any way for the present
extraordinary rise in the price of pig-iron, seeing the
demand in the home and colonial markets at the present
time it: not particularly great ?
It has been currently rumoured in this city that large
quantities of pig-iron are now being- shipped from Britain
to Prussia and several of the German port:. Provided
such is the case, the public in these times ought at least
to he aware of it, and also to know whether or not it
finds its way into Russia.
If report be true it does find its way there, to be ryTain
returned tills in a manufactured condition via Sebastopol
and Cronstadt

Probably some of the patriotic iron manufacturers and
brokers of the country may be able to throw some light
on the subject.
I am, Sir, your most obed. servant,
Glasgow, June 15, 1855. S. M.

ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM, No. 2.

THE SEPTENNIAL ACT.
TO THE EDITOR OF TRH SUN.

Silt,—ln my first letter I suggested the propriety of
commencing► at the root, and that to get efficient ad-
ministraive reform you must begin with the House of
Commons. How can it be expected that the appoint-
ments will be pure if the appointers are themselves
corrupt _

I prefer to consider several organic changes as a
whole—an entirety, mutually promoting, and necessary
to each other. But of many single changes there is no
one more important than the repeal of the Septennial
Act. I love, said Dean S wift (no leveling revolutionist at
least, but a Tory of the old sort)—" I love the good old
Gothic form of an annual Parliament." And why ?
Because in his day it had been the constitution and the
law.* The Bill of Rights had solemnly laid it down that
"parliaments ought to be held frequently," and it was
only after the Act of Settlement, and the final exclusion
of the Stuarts from the kingdom, that the Septennial
Act was found useful to complete the cordon of corrup
tion that surrounded the throne, and finally deluged the
S Date.

But it was not passed without strenuous orpo3ition
and emphatic protests, nor the influence (no doubt) of
golden gifts, where fear orfanaticism did not render such
unnecessary. . _ _

It comes not to us, then, covered with that antiquarian
dust which the Conservative so dearly loves. It has not
the mildew of the centuries upon it, but the curse of cor-
ruption is on its front, and the deep brand of infamy in
its conception and design.
it was intended to prevent too frequent interviews
between the elected and his constituents ; to render th e
seat not too costly even for plutocratic bribers to buy,
lest the natioral purse it.ielf should be insufficient to
rec pup them, and places fall short of satisfaction for so
enormous a drain.

But is it for the people of England to cherish such
objects ! Events of late have tended much to bring re-
presentative government itself into contempt, if no im-
provement in its administration can be effected, and
enemies are fond of whispering, that it is on its trial.
A Ministry convicted of incompetence and miscon-
duct—a Premier wafted to power by the breath of popu-
lar and Parliamentary opinion, seizes the reins of office,
turns his back upon his makers, refuses informatio❑ eon-
temptuou-dy, and stands at bay. Here we have, then,
a defiant Minister; a House of Commons majority, c 'w•ed
by a threat of dissolution, keeping him in place ; and a
confessedly almost unanimous people without power
legally to coerce their own representatives (mark, re-
presentatives) ! or compel what they wish for three
years to come (if the Mini-ter wills it), when it may be
too late to operate upon the question of peace or war,
settled, it may be ignominiously, in spite of them, long
before !

Is not this a pretty dead-lock for a model con-
stitution ?

But without declamation or hard words, seriously as
men of business, and of ordinary prudence, is it wise or
expedient to create an indissoluble contract for su long a
period ? Would a Joint Stock Company choose its
manager, a manufacturer his foreman, or a merchant
his clerks and ag.euts for 7 years, without power to di,-
miss them meanwhile, for incompetence or dishonesty ?t
Yet this the people of England do collectively,—nay,
worse, infinitely worse !—(to use the form) they elect a
board of directors for seven years, who themselves choose
a chairman, and he hes the power (which the people who
choose them have not) to put an end to their functions
whenever he pleases ! Who cannot see that they have
a more immediate interest in pleasing their chairman
than their constituents? Far, far better would it be if
the Septennial Act is to continue that its ‘Teration
shoul,l be as ind•perlent of the will of the Minister as
it is of the people.
Then should we escape the injury of coerced legisla-
tion, against the wish and judgment of the instruments
who effect it. Then should we be spared the bad laws
•f the early sessions, and the anarchy, of increasing con-
tumacy and rebel'ion as the Parliament verges towards
its inevitable termination.

In every way, as I conceive, so long a term is inexpe-
dient. Who can provide by anticipation for :i period of
seven years?
At tho opening of the pr.lsent Parliament the great
issue was the continuance of free tride. Well, a month
settled that ;—the people had given their instructions,
and the act was duly accomplished. What then ? A.
month's mission and a six years carte blanche?
Could nothing of importance arise demanding in turn
similar authority'? Why the great() 4 event of the half
century has burst upon us like a tornoda, and no man
dreamt of instructing his representative how to act in
such an emergency ! .

A great European war and Asiatic war, is that of no
moment? Death, famine, revolution, the overthrow of
empires is in the blast of its app3lling trumpet.. Honour
or disgrace, safety or destruction, hope or despair, for a
third of the human race is in its conduct and conclusion ;
and Britain (with all her dependencies in both hemi-
spheres) has no power over it but in tht airy threats 01
public meetings, and the mutterings of a tardy retribu-
tion. Voz et prceterca ?ail. As my object is to sug-
gest, not to exnaust the subject, I beg to subscribe toy-
self—Your obedient servant,

SL. CARTER.
3, Church•court, Temple, 16th June, 1555.

* The Triennial Act was passed in 1691, the Septennial
Act iu 1716-7.
t Consider the Hon. F. Villiers' case in illustration of
this.