The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-20 00:00:00

AMERICAN AND ENGLISH 'SYMPATHIES.

It is alleged, and with truth, that the English public
has been in the habit of paying too little attention to
the foreign policy of its Government. True, there have
been every now and then bursts of popular indignation
or enthusiasm called forth by events in other lands, and
denunciations or applause of the Government of the
day foc the part it took in regard to them. Bat these
have been rather expressions of a vague and transitory
sentiment than of convictions based upon deliberate
inquiry. The interest taken by Englishmen in foreign
affairs has been intermittent, and the views enter-
tained respecting them variable. The events now in pro-
gress in the East have, however, awakened the English
public to a sense that, as the individual is part of a
amity, and the family part of the nation, so the nation
itself is but a part of the great republic of nations. A
stater above all a state zealous and successful in the cul-
tivation of arts and commerce, can no more remain
notated from the great community of states than the
inan can remain isolated from relations and associates in
business, or any one family from the numerous families
by which it is surrounded in civil society. A nation has
to cultivate the good will of other
_nations, and some-
times to resist their encroa3hments. Every nation
has an interest is exerting itself to insure the obser-
vance of certain principles of equity and justice
in the dealings of all nations with one another. A
nation of slaves may leave all these matters to its
rulers ; but a free nation, which every now and then
calls its rulers to account, and removes them from
power when deemed unworthy of it, is bound to exer-
cise its judgment as conscientiously and as fearlessly
onits foreign relations and policy as on its domestic
concerns.

Now that the English .public has
_been roused to the
knowledge of this truth, it is of the utmost consequence
that its application should nut be limited to the small
space of earth called Europe. We are not of those
who dream that Europe is worn out. We believe
that in letters, arts, inventive industry, Europe still
takes the lead of the earth. But we know that there
areont of Europe greatandgrowingcommunities, among
whom there are spirits as daring and energetic, and more
free, than are to be found in the Old World. We
see that every year the proportion borne by our
commerce with the Old World to that which we
carry on with the whole earth and ocean is growing less
and less—that the numbers of free, intelligent, inde-
pendent men and communities out of Europe are OH the
increase. Already the commerce of the' United States
and of the civilised communities which dot Australia,
the Pacific, the southern termination of Africa, and the
waters of the Eastern Archipelago, is more important
to Great Britain than that of the Old World; and though
we are firmly convinced that under a system of free
trade our commercial relations with Europe will be
extended and improved, there is a much wider and
more profitable field to be cultivated in other regions
of the earth. The most important foreign relations of
this country at the present moment are with the United.
States of America. These relations are many and compli-
cated; for in every quarter of the globe the citizens of the
United States and of Great Britain are constantly com-
ing into contact.
There is another reason why it is desirable that a
friendly understanding between this country and the
United States should be sedulously cultivated. In theory
one nation ought only to communicate- with another
through the medium of their respective Govern-
ments.' But, in practice, this rule cannot be strictly
observed: In all countries there are overlook-
ing minor shades of difference two great par-
ties ; the friends of free institutions and progress,
and the friends of despotism, and stationary institu-
tions, and obstructive laws. Either party in every
country naturally and necessarily sympathises with
its counterpart in every other. It is not in human
nature for the liberals of a free nation to abstain from
sympathising with and assisting those who struggle for
their own emancipation from fetters in a country subject
to despotic rule. Above all others, the despotisms of
Europe have no right to complain of this ; for the Holy
Alliance having set the example of a combination of
kings against subjects, have thereby justified leagues
among subjects against despots. It is impossible to lay
down any general rule as to how far Governments may
and must connive at co-operation among different sec-
tions of their respective subjects. The circumstances
of every special case must supply the law applicable
to it. Still it is necessary, for the preservation of
intercourse between states as corporate communities,
that some limits—narrower at one time than another—
should be imposed on the co-operation of the subjects or
citizens of one with the subjects or citizens of another.
Hence arises one great difficulty that has always beset
the statesmen of Great Britain when they have been
called upon to take part in the Congresses of the
Great Powers of Europe. In these Councils, Great
Britain has hitherto been the only free and popular
Government. The balance of interests between peoples
and princes would be more fairly held were some
other first-rate free power to take part in them as well
as Great Britain. The Republic of North America is
the only other first-class State that answers this'
description. When next Great Britain is invited to
take part in a General Congress, it will be the duty of
our Government ,to insist upon the United States being
admitted to take part in their deliberations. These
Councils would benefit in more ways than one by the
accession of the United States to them. The emancipa-
tion of American statesmen from the superstitious vene-
ration for many old routine forms, and doctrines inap-
plicable to the state of modern society, wonld immensely
improve our European diplomacy.
We do not mean that Great Britain and the United
States would invariably be found taking the same side
iu the discussions of a General Congress. These two
nations can no more- be invariably in the right then
Austria and Russia can be invariably in the wrongs But
the increased number of statesmen, bound by the neces-
sity of their position to assert popular principles, and
the admission of a body of statesmen more free from
conventianalitiee than any others, would exercise a
healthy influence over the deliberations of future Gene-
ral Congresses.
We have not far to seek for a ease in which the vice, s
of the American statez:nen might at the present moment
differ from those of the British. The case of Cuba will
serve our purpose. We approach this question without
fear, though we know it to be a delicate one. We know
that not a few Americans cherish a jealousy and ill-will
- towards England. And we are free to admit that they have
cause. At the time of the American war of independence,
and long after, most Englishmen sillily and groundlessly
undervalued the Americans. That feeling has long been
extinct ; but a belief that it survives has necessarily been
kept up by the terms of disparagement in which many
English tourists and anonymous scribblers have been in
the habit of speaking of America and Americans. That
great reproach of English journalism, the Times, has
been perhaps the greatest offender in this way. It
is to be hoped that Englishmen will be more care-
ful in future to let their kinsmen across the Atlantic
know the light in which they regard them. We are
conscious that we have nothing to reproach ourselves
with on this score. But the most sincere respect and love
for Americans are perfectly consistent with our frankly
telling them when we think they are wrong. Americans
criticise other nations freely ; they ought patiently to
bear criticism in return. It is on this ground that we
have always asserted our right to speak freely our sen-
timents on the head of negro slavery. We have an
especial right to do so when the retention of that " do-
mestic institution " begins to influence the foreign re-
lations of the United States. In the North American
Republic the people are the Government ; and to them,
therefore, .we appeal against the policy which their
present Administration is encouraging or at least con-
niving at in Cuba and St. Domingo. The questions
of the independence of Cuba, and of its annexation
to the United States, are open questions, and which
do not immediately much affect our interests. But the
object of those Americans who are now labouring by
underhand conspiracies, or open aggression to follow out,
in Cuba and St. Domingo, the policy which has proved
successful in Texas, deeply affects the honour of the
United States. Their object is not only to perpetuate
negro slavery in the United States, but to encroach
on the freedom of the negro beyond their frontier.
We suspect few even of the friends of the negro
in the Union have a just conception of what he
may and has become where he has been ad-
mitted to full political rights. Even before the
emancipation of the negroes in the. British West
Indies, free and wealthy blacks were in the habit of
sending their children to England for their education.
Throughout the: British
educated and wealthy coloateeiali there is a numerous
population. They are
members of the colonial legislatures,i
and responsible offices under and hold important
enterprising and successful traders ant. They are
wealthy proprie-
tors.havanae gohnaeveinsearch of
Not a few of this clam
there risen
fortune to Hayti and St. Domingo,
to high office. These men know their worth,
resolute to assert their-rights. Throughout the7nd are
lles
they are anxiously watching the operations of th
slavery ennexationists from the States, and resell.e 113.
resist them at all hazards. The first avowed success to
the Filibusters in Cuba, or St. Domingo would give the
signal for a war of races—of a renewal of the St.Domineo
war, with mere inveteracy and over a wider field. We
speak not now of what the European Powers might
deem it necessary to do if 'such an event occurred ; we
prefer appealing to the sober and judicious in the United
States —to the only true democrats, the respecters of
equal rights among the races of men. Are they pre-
pared to incur the guilt and opprobrium of abetting a
policy which must necessarily spread havoc and devas-
tation over the whole of the Antilles l In their hands
is the power to avert such a calamity, and awful will be
their responsibility if they do not exercise that power.—
/May News.

GREAT FIRE. —This morning
a fire, of a most disas-
trous character, and attended ltiito the destruction of se•
Neral thousand
pounds' worth of
s belonging to Mr. Win.
property, broke (Alt in the
extensive manufacturing, pro:111:4C
farr, cabinet-maker and timber ill C.ricq_litil t,....Ci
ear,T.ys
0! I],j.,
(01;1
I.u:ill:less in the Curtain-road, Shorecht •ll• .11 _ (I'.
,_,.,,Tii
'-• •-`..,;as of tne G dil,.i,i .
was..., an. de by police-Aicer .:., ,GriG, - ,
#l,, nmmise,,
041. T to the great rpiaLtity of :,tock on '"" ,L;,,, eL „ii-4.
tor:sisting of veneers and other dry
ri.ation spread with nior;..l than it:mai rapidity, firi 1,4' 1,1
tinibrs, tz ,
Nueecssion the sxhole nf the inanufictured stock " vc"
az' the In en's tools. Prom them::: the flames extended to
the timber in the open yard,
The ouLfines of the parish,
several of tho London Brigade, and that of the West pf
England Insurance Company, were soon on the spot.
A- plentiful supply of water was quickly obtained, but it
'Was found inadequate to supply bo many engines as were
ti nu
required to subdue the large body of fire, which con-
ed to spread. Property valued at some thousand
rounds sterling has been either destroyed or consider-
of t
ably
he damaged by the action of the fire. As to the cause
misfortune not the least information could be
obtained. It is understood that the sufferer was
insured.