The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-16 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, AUGUST 16, 1855.

We-have read with great regret the speech de-
livered by Sir DE LACY EVANS, immediately pre-
vious to the prorogation of Parliament. It is
pitiable to see a man distinguished for physical
bravery give way to political timidity. His
speech shows either the weakness of his moral
nature, or the extent to which lie has been influ-
enced by the faint-heartednesS prevailing in the
Ministry and the Legislature. Ho called for
more vigour in the prosecution of the War, but
waB careful to intimate that he did not wish any
step to be taken to offend the jealous suscepti-
bilities of Austria. Nothing was to be clone that
could lead to a supposition that we sympathised
with the sufferings of the people she oppresses, or
would in any way tend to give them freedom.
Here are his words :

" I see that an Italian legion is about to be formed ;
and something is likewise said as to enlisting German
and Pone!' legions. I for one cannot understand the
extreme delicacy felt as to raising a Polish legion. AU
Poland does not belong to Austria. You might have a
Polish legion from Russia, and thus you would give to
those Poles will are anxious to raise the standard of
their country the nucleus of a force that would mate
rially assist you. If you wish, to show great deference for
Austria. let there be a special proprovision that no subjects of
the oallician provinces shall be enrolled, but that you
will only enlist Russian Poles. Surely there cannot be
the slightest objection to an organisation of that
character."

There is the point. " Great deference" is to
be shown to Austria. We must do nothing to
which she can offer the " slightest objection."
This is the-language used after Austria has be
trayed us—after she has expressly declared that
she will have nothing to do with our cause,
though we have been dangling attendance on
her for more than two years past, and have
given her possession of the Principalities—the
very -territory in dispute between Turkey and
Russia—on the understanding that she was to
afford. us her active assistance. She retains the
bribes but refuses the service, and now has the
audacity to Complain that the Turkish troops act
independently of her consent and control.
We call on the electors of Westminster to take
some notice of the strange language of their repre-
sentative. His 'expressions would have been
fitting-in the mouth of seine slavish adulator of
kustrian tyranny, but they must not be permitted
to pass marebuked from the lips of one of the most
popular Of the Metropoliu xnerob4s-. How he-
nonsistent-.i his speech with his .-Positio_n and
character: The slegislator should never lose sight
of the sentiment, "Be just, and fear
the sqldier -should consecrate his flashing sword
, .
with the motto, "GOD defend the right." But,
according' to Sir "DE LACY EVANS, justice and
right, when Anntria is concerned, are to. give way
to the mean maxims of shameful expediency. Is
it to be supposed that the flimsy disguise we are
asked to adopt will escape the Machiavelian cun-
ring of 'Ailstria 7 Can 41-ere be a Russian Poland
free,• and' an 'Austrian Poland enslaved
Ridi-
culous; • The Gallant General -has said enoue
150 show Austria that she may presume upon. our
:assn, though she must guard against our schaal.
77 ure-4 Z,Z.03
.44 .60 ..""

and contemptible. It has actually come to this
in the opinion of the representative of Westmin-
ster that we must not venture to enrol what re-
cruits we please in our service through fear of
Austria's displeasure.

Captain CNA MIER relates in his recently pub-
lished travels, that a young British midshipman
once climbed to the summit of the cross on the
top of St. Peter's at Rome, stood firmly on the
summit, whence a single moment of faintness or a
gust of wind must have precipitated him to certain
death, fastened his pocket-handkerchief to the
top as a memento of his daring, and returned
from his perilous position_ as coolly as he went.
Entrusted many years later with the command of
a squadron in the Pacific, this same person's
moral courage deserted him, and he sought refuge
in suicide from the burden of responsibility.
Admiral PRICE felt it an easy thing to face death,
but shrunk from adopting a brave resolve. Sir
DE LACY EVANS has dared the Russian batteries,
but he fears to incur so much as a remonstrance
from Austria.

It is moral courage that we so urgently need in
our public men at the present time. The mind
of so eminent a man as Sir DE LACY EVANS
should be as firm as his grasp•of his sword, and
his speech be as true as its temper, and as keen as
its edge. When men like him shrink from the
assertion of sentiments with which their names
are supposed to be identified, how can we wonder
that the Government is vacillating and timid.
We cannot believe that the electors of Westminster
share his terror of Austrian resentment. Let
them call en him for explanation. Possibly he
has been misreported. In that case it is very
proper that he should have an opportunity of cor-
recting or modifying the language attributed to
him. Or he may plead that personally he has no
love for Austria, or desire to conciliate her
favour, but that it is necessary to consider the
difficult position of the Ministry, and to refrain
from any step that would be likely to widen the
range of the War, and throw the sword of Austria
into the Russian scale.

Now that is precisely the question which we
desire to raise. If such a sentiment is to prevail,
the war, in our opinion, cannot too soon be
brought to a close, nor will it greatly matter
upon what terms peace is patched up, as we
abandon the high ground of principle, and
give up those noble objects for which our people
would be justified in making great sacrifices. The
difference between ourselves and Sir DE LACY
EVANS is this, that while he believes it desirable
we should make any concession to preserve the
pretended neutrality of Austria, we believe her
neutrality is infinitely more hurtful to us than
her hostility could possibly be. We believe that
she is powerful only so long as she escapes attacks
—and that the first blow we struck against her
would shatter her empire to atoms, prove that it
was merely a gigantic imposture, and enlist all
her real strength on our side. Let the flags of
the Allies be seen in the harbours of Venice and
Trieste, and Italy and Hungary would at once
with a shout of rejoicing spring to arms. From
that moment Europe would breathe freely. A us-
tria could not resist the disruption of her empire.
She has no strength. Her best troops would
eagerly watch for an opportunity of consecrating
their arms to the service of their respective coun-
tries. Her perilous position is even now so well
understood that she is all but bankrupt in credit.
A financial crisis would be the prelude to her fall.
Her army would be disorganised, and the sword
on which she relies would shiver in her grasp.
She would be without money, without troops,
without Allies, and Germany, relieved from her
oppressive weight, might become, through
the freedom restored to her people, an
united and ti uly powerful nation. We
shall take occasion to show, hereafter, that
war with Austria would be justified on broad
grounds of policy and international usage, and
that there are the strongest grounds for believing
that the French Government would heartily join
with this country in the movement, should the
will of our people be declared in its favour.
But on that expression of will all depends. If
the people are apathetic the opportunity will be
lost. Heretofore distrust of Austria, and hatred
of her cruelties have been a ruling sentiment of
their friends. Is it lost now ? What a reproach
it will be to them if they entertain their generous
anger only when it must needs be futile, and dis-
card it when a fit occasion arrives for giving it
effect. How will the enemies of popular institu-
tions exult in such an instance of short-sighted-
ness. They will justly feel that they may afford
to despise the public sentiment, which never takes
a practical shape, and contrasting Sir DE LACY
EVANS'S present avowal of " great deference" for
Austria with his former denunciations of her ini-
quity, will conclude that the sympathy which in
this country has so often been manifested for the
populations who have fought to the death against
the despotism of their rulers arose, not from the
deliberate convictions of an earnest people, but
from the momentary effervescence of a giddy
rabble, which the grim steadfastness of tyranny
may for ever afford to disdain.

One of the first acts of Lord PALMERSTON on his
appointment as Prime Minister was to find occu-
pation away from home for Lord JoHN. RUSSELL.
The new Premier felt that his quondam superior
would be a very difficult person to deal with,
either as friend or enemy. He had just dis-
played his propensity for " upsetting the coach,"
and succeeded in hurling Lord ABERDEEN from
the box ;
and although he did not obtain for him-
self the
vacant seat, Lord PALMERSTON well
knew that
for his noble friend,
it possessed an irresistible attraction
l
and that no means would be untried to attain the
coveted position. Be-
sides, the Aberdeenites were furious at the deser-
tion which proved so injuriCus to their chief, and
the supposed warlike sentiments- of Lord JOHN
were very distasteful to .the pre-llascovite mem-
bers. His appointment would have been the
signal for the secession of the cg indispen-
sables ;" and was therefore not to be thought
of for a single moment. Nor would
it answer to offend him. Hewas regarded by the
country as the advocate for the vigorous waging
of the War in the former Administration. The
alleged cause of his resignation rendered him
popular with the country, while he was the recog-
nised leader-of the pure Whig party—the second
in numerical strength in the House. His opposi-
tion might .at any moment prove fatal to the
Government, and bring Lord DERBY again into
power. The difficulty then was how to soothe and
conciliate the noble malcontent without inviting
him to a place in the Cabinet.

The ingenuity of Lord PALMERSTON speedily
discovered a solution to the problem. The Con-
ferences at Vienna were about to take place. The
appointment of Lord Joint RUSSELL would be a
peculiarly tattering compliment, not the less so
on account of his ignorance of diplomacy. It
recognised his universal genius, and as he could ,
scarcely hope to receive the command of the
Baltic Fleet, which, according to SIDNEY SMITH'S
estimate, might have been more acceptable to
himself,
_be _ eagerly grasp eci at thi, appointment,
'24-,,t,.1,3 1,4;0741.1 1.; ow :441141 it wou:(1 roge to bit repii•-

tation. He thus voluntarily went into a species of
honourable banishment, which had the effect of
getting rid of him at the most critical period for
the Administration. The selection, too, was ra-
ther popular than otherwise with the country.
We ourselves felt some misgivings on account of
his ominous declaration some time previously, that
" the power of Russia ought not to be diminished,
or any of her dominions taken from her." Still,
however, there was a reasonable expectation that
he would endeavour to retrieve his damaged re-
putation, and acquire the popularity necessary to
aim at the chief place in the Government.
Scarcely, however, had he left England when
the secession of the Peelites removed the chief
obstacle to his acceptance of a seat in the Cabinet.
The Colonial Seoretaryship was accordingly offered
—not the less willingly, perhaps, on account of
his absence on the special mission to Vienna,
which would prevent the possibility of his inter-
meddling or intriguing for some two or three
months at least. It was accepted, and the Noble
Lord was elected for the City of London during
his absence on his important duties.
At first all went well, but sinister rumours
speedily got into circulation respecting his truck-
ling to Austria, and the manner in which he was
desirous of sparing the honour of Russia. He was
seen walking arm-in-arm with Prince GORTSCHA-
KOFF on the glacis, holding confidential and
friendly intercourse with the Russian Plenipoten-
tiary. It was after this significant circumstance
that he became a convert to the Austrian propo-
sition of "counterpoise," which, notwithstanding
his very decided instructions to the contrary, he
told Count BUOL ought to be accepted, and that
he would use his best exertions that peace should
be established on that basis. This vacillation
not only ruined his own reputation, but
proved to Austria that she might safely dis-
regard the solemn pledges she had given,
a conviction of which that treacherous and double-
dealing Power was not slow to take full advan-
tage of.
How narrow was the escape of this country
from that humiliating and impolitic termination
of the War, is not as yet fully understood. We
know that the question was argued in the Cabinet
for a week—that the result was doubtful from the
30th April until the 7th of May. It was on the
morning of the latter day that the resignation of
M. DROUYN DE L'HITYS became known, and on
the same evening the English Cabinet decided
against the Austrian proposition, although up
to that moment there had been so many
deprecatory observations as to not " closing the
door of peace," and so late as the 4th of May the
Premier had declared that " the Government
would entirely violate their duty if they stated
that all hopes of accommodation were at an end !"
What could this mean but that there was an
inclination to accept the terms suggested by Aus-
tria. It was therefore the unbending resolution
and honourable determination of our Imperial
Ally that saved England from what would have
been almost universally felt as a national calamity
of no ordinary magnitude.

The delay in the publication of the papers re-
lating to the Vienna Conferences, through the
opportune illness of a clerk in the Foreign Office,
prevented any Parliamentary discussion on the
subject. The moment, liqwever, that,they appeared
Mr. MILNER GIBSON occupied the ground by
giving notice of motion, to the effect that the
propositions of Russia respecting the third article
contained elements for renewed negotiation, and
might Offer the means of concluding an honourable
and satisfactory peace. This motion was, however,
withdrawn at the last moment, with the
manifest intention of tiding over the approaching
recess, and waiting the events of the War, which
might satisfy the people. The "dodge," although
(artfully contrived, was ineffectual. The with-
drawal of Mr. GIBSON'S motion produced that of
Mr. DISRAELI, which threatened the existence of
the Government, and which would probably have
proved successful but for the very decided and
manly speech of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who, not-
withstanding his private feelings, clearly showed
that the propositions of Russia were totally inad-
missible, affording no security whatsoever to Tur-
key ! It was a bold and manly speech, which
probably saved the Ministry, by satisfying the
nation that there was every reason to anticipate a
vigorous and energetic carrying on of the War.
How that can be reconciled with his subsequent
confessions of having advocated the principle of
counterpoise, and been willing to accept an " im-
perfect security for Turkey," is a matter which
the Noble Lord will find it difficult to explain.
It proved that his political morality had been
seriously damaged by his diplomatic lessons, and
that the people could not again rely on his can-
dour or sincerity. At all events, it got
over the difficulty for the time being,
but brought the Government into a
much greater one sometime afterwards, from
which they were only saved by flinging overboard
the political JONAH—a process effected at the
special instance and request of some of those who
had previously been his most devoted followers.
We have thus pointed out the career of the
quondam Whig Premier during the session just
terminated—a career that will preclude the pos-
sibility of his ever regaining the confidence of the
people, which he once enjoyed to a great extent,
but wantonly abused and recklessly sacrificed,
possibly in the hope of obtaining a higher place
through German influence, of the efficacy whereof
in the English Councils he seems to be fully
aware.

The new competitive examinations for appoint-
ments in the East India Company's service,
although the examiners are most of them new to
the very special duties, and the topics of exami-
nation are in some points exceptionable, have, as
a commencement, been highly satisfactory in
immediate results, and 'much more so in
promise for the fu ure. As precedents, they
are entirely corroborative of the yews of
official as well as non-official Administra-
tive Reformers, for the general application of the
principle of competitive examinations for which
they contend. For twenty writerships, 140 can-
didates were entered, and 113 underwent the
ordeal. Cambridge University sent 32 candidates,
and got six of the prizes ; Oxford sent 19 candi-
dates, and got eight of them ; the London Uni-
posts ; the
versity contributed six candidates, and got two
King's College, which sent two, got
one ; the Queen's
whnitch five,s entobl obtained n
wed e one.are
College, Galway, which sent
two, got one ; the
Queen's College, Cork, which
se
gpail fromed by the Theerry
te
eertdUernk University of
one, which was in
Edinburgh,A pupil
stood at the head of all the competitors.

The results ans wer those opponents to competi-
tive examinations, and to Administrative Reform,
who declared that they would give the appoint-
ments to mere snobs. The public have got_
India has got twenty good officers, the best out of
111 competitors; mora than half the usual numbers
of inferior appointments, or positive failures, have
been averted, and a greater proportion of positive
political jobs have been extinguished. 'amine
tkeifTect, oar Kie v:--tlio-Foosua of