The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-17 00:00:00

the propositions which bad been made by Russia in the
conferences. It was maintained by those who thought
that peace might be secured that the propositions of
Russia afforded sufficient elements upon which to
frame pacific conditions. I had entirely differed in the
conferences with respect to the first proposition ; the
second proposition was rejected by Lord Westmoreland
without discussion, as I thought, most properly, because
it appeared to me that neither of those propostions con-
tained the elements of peace, and therefore I naturally—.
and as I think inevitably—took the course I did of
agreeing with this house in supporting her Majesty in the
prosecution of the war. It has been said that at that time
the house was not informed with respect to the proposals
of Austria in the form in which they had been laid down
by her, and the answer which had been given to them.
I was not the party chiefly responsible for that commu-
nication not being made. Of course the Foreign Secre-
tary is the person upon whom that duty principally de-
volved, but I think that the Government were quite
right in not making the communication at that time.
Putting aside all question of form as to the exact
period at which those discussions could be said to
have been formally concluded, it was clear that the
mere announcement of the decision of Austria not to in-
terfere by force, not to move her armies upon then ussian
territory, but, on the contrary, to withdraw from
any prospect of a contest even to the extent of diminish-
ing and reducing her forces, could not operate favour-
ably to us. It was quite evident that the moment Rus-
sia, who bad been threatened—Russia, who had felt the
pressure of the great increase of the Austrian army from
a small force to nearly 500,000 men—perceived that that
pressure would be taken off she would immediately feel
herself at liberty to detach some of the best and finest of
her troops to the shores of the Crimea, to oppose the
armies of France and Great Britain. I think that it
would have been quite unjustifiable for the Government
of this country to state prematurely, or before it
could be known through other channels, that the im-
mediate decision of Austria was not to propose an
ultimatum, and that therefore Russia was at once
able to send her forces to the Crimea. (Hear, hear.)
I cannot conceive a greater dereliction of duty than
the premature declaration of such a conclusion to the
negotiations with Austria, and it appears to me that
it would have been quite unnecessary for the pur-
pose of informing the house upon the proposition of the
right hon. gentlemen what course they should adopt. I
can well conceive that if the Government had themselves
come forward to propose a motion in this house, they
might then have waited, they might have delayed till the
whole of the papers should then have been laid upon the
table, and perhaps about this time they might have pro-
posed a vote,upon their own responsibility. But the house
is well aware that such a course was not left to the Go-
vernment. On the contrary, first one right hon. gentle-
man, and then another right hon. gentleman, was anxi-
ous to come forward and discuss the whole subject, and
the Government were forced into that discusious in the
then state of the negotiations. But, Sir, as I have stated,
on the 25th of May there could have been no hesitation,
no doubt in the minds of her Majesty's Ministers as to
what was the result of these negotiations. The right
hon. gentleman said that I was the uncompromising
advocate of war, and he seemed to have a notion—
which, as I think, has been, as it were, adopted
without reflection by a great number of persons—that '1
there are two abstract things, one peace and the other
war, and that a person must be, under all circumstances,
either for one or the other. I myself regretted that some
years ago the persons who put themselves forward as
forming a peace society were at all events and unee.4. all
circumstances for peace. I believe that the existence of
that society and the professions they made tended to
the very opposite conclusion to that of peace—(hear)—
and rather induced foreign Powers in a hostile position
to us to think that we should be loth to take up arms in
our own defence. But, Sir, to say that because we are en-
gaged in a great war with Russia we must go on and there
must be no terms on which we can settle peace, would be
such an absurdity that no man could fairly and reasonably
adopt such a doctrine. The right hon. gentleman, how-
ever, speaks of it as if it were that absolute kind of con-
clusion. Her Majesty's Government had taken no such
views ; they had proposed a plan of limitation of the
Russian fleet, upon which they would have made peace.
They considered that that was a security ; it was in itself
an imperfect security. I never have contended it was
otherwise, but I think that her Majesty's Government
were perfectly right in saying that if they could obtain
such a security peace would be preferable to war. In
short, every one who considers the matter must come to
the conclusion that peace and war are not those abstract
things ; but that peace is not desirable at all times while
war is desirable at many times, and that the particular
circumstances of the period must be taken into conside-
ration. For my own part, there are many instances in
the history of Europe in which I think that war was a
necessity for this and other countries, and in which one
cannot but sympathise with those who were engaged in
it ; for instance, with the Dutch when they opposed the
dominion of Spain, and with the Dutch again when
they opposed the invasion of the French in the time of
Louis XIV. But no one would say, because war
was desirable at that time, that there were certain terms
on which peace might be always concluded. I
say this because it certainly seems to have been a-
reproach to me that upon the Ist of May I was of
opinion that arrangements might be made by which,
with the concert of the Emperor of the French and the
concurrence of the Emperor of Austria, there might be
terms proposed at St. Petersburg which might lead to
peace. Undoubtedly I thought so ; but when those
terms could not be proposed I naturally fell bask into
the former situation in which I had been from the com-
mencement of the war, thinking that the war must be
vigorously prosecuted until the time should come when
the preponderance of Russia should be effectually
curbed, and the events of the war should have pre-
scribed the conditions upon which a treaty might be
based. (Hear, hear.) Such was the essential part of
my conduct with regard to the speech which I made
upon the 24th of May, when the right hon. gentleman
the member for Buckinghamshire made his motion to
this house. I then advised the house to persevere in
the vigorous prosecution of the war, and I continue in
that opinion and to give that advice still. I may say, per-
haps, that during the week which I have mentioned—
beginning upon the 30th of April, and ending, I think,
with Saturday, the sth of May—there was naturally
much consideration as to whatshould be done ; but from
that time, the part of the Government being taken, there
were no questions with regard to any fresh negotiations
which created any long deliberations in the Cabinet. On
the contrary, the Government were as united as any Go-
vernment I have ever known, and were as completely
agreed as any Cabinet I have ever seen during the more
than two months which have elapsed since that period.
I come, then, to another time, and that is when the
honourable member for Radnorshire questioned me as
to a certain state paper which he had seen in the news-
papers, and when my right hon. friend the member for
Manchester made, upon what I thought a very inap-
propriate occasion, an attack upon me for my conduct.
He said that I had led the way almost in branding the
right hon. gentleman the member for the University of
Oxford as a person willing to consent to an ignominious
peace, when I myself had been willing to accept the
same terms, and was as much an advocate for that
peace as he was. I did not reply to that attack at the
time, but when the right hon. gentleman gave notice that
he would formally call the attention of the house to the
subject I thought it necessary to declare what I had-
done and that which I had thought, and not to deny any
portion of my conduct. I communicated with my noble
friend at the head of the Government and with my noble
friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs as to the
part which I meant to take in that debate. I thought
that it would have been totally unworthy of my position
if I had shrunk from these questions, and bad refused
to answer the call which was made upon me to say whe-
ther or not I was in favour of the same proposals which
my right hon. friend the member for the University of
Oxford thought contained the elements of peace. I
pointed out that the proposals which were made by
Austria, which Count Buol had shortly given in his
circular, and which I explained at, somewhat greater
length, were proposals of a totally different nature ; and
I avowed that I had been in favour of those proposals
when they were brought to this country, they having
the assent of all the ministers of France, England,
and Turkey at "Vienna. Sir, Ido not know, in looking
back to that speech, however ill I may have expressed
myself, that I could have done other wise than own the
part which I had taken. I should have been ashamed
of myself if I bad denied that which I had done and that
which was my conscientious opinion, founded upon my
views of the circumstances of the times. (Cheers,) Well,
sir, the bon. baronet opposite (Sir E. B. Lytton) thinks
that that is a ground for want of confidence in the whole
Administration of which I was a member. He is ofjopinion
because I took the view that the Austrian proposals
might have been accepted in the first days of May, that
I must be ever thereafter incapable of serving her Ma-
jesty with the intention of carrying on the war. That •
impression seems very generally to prevail. I myself
neither see the logic of that proposition, nor do I concur
in the justice of its conclusion. (Hear.) But I come
now, sir, having stated these matters as shortlyas I could,
to that last period in which I thought it necessary
that I should tender my resignation. When my noble
friend at the head of the Treasury first occupied himself
in obeying her Majesty's commands to form a Govern-
ment, he did me the honour to ask for my assistance in
office. I declined the offer at the time, and I felt con-
vinced, with the assistance which he obtained of men of
great eminence and talent, who are now present in the
house—l mean my right hon. friend the member for
Carlisle, my right honourable friend the member for
the University of Oxford, and others—that be
would carry on the Government with great advahteafeenct:
the country. Unfortunately, in a few days a difference
of views with respect to the appointment of a
thhonour of
led to a separation, and those gentlemen resigned
offices. My noble friend again did me I
believe that
asking for my assistance in office.
sir,
is his thorough
my noble friend, from his abilities, from _
this
country
relations of
acquaintance with all the
high spirit which he
with foreign Powers, from the ed°imitteei;
that my experience
I believe, I say, that m
eiVinta:jestiichu•s°leduancep
has to maintain the honour iodbielo
ghhatveitseloisecrtetadintloy carry
i;riCordntvrgya-o—Lleeeege—set
opnersoan that her pos-
sible,bad asked my assistance,
as hehad some time
in Parliament and the position
friend, and
he position which I
might be
enabling him to accomplish
a task
of some assistance
thecomplieduts.heerteofoureYno with the wish of my
held might bele:
and accepted one of the offices which was
which I think did him greatest erelit to have I
returned
then vacant. Whenfrom Vienna I told my
noble friend that I was ready to relinquish office ; but
noble friend did not think that that would be of
under-
taken.nobl fr(iffe friend,
my
advantage to the public. A. few days ago I again stated
the same thing, being only anxious to enable bim to
carry on the affairs of the country with advantage.
(Hear.) My noble friend again declined to accept my
proposed resignation. But I found that the impression,
whether founded on the errors which I haye committed