The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-12 00:00:00

NOTICE TO MARINERS.

The Minister of Marine hereby gives notice, that in con-
sequence of the depth of water on the Westplaat, situated
between the beaconed channels of the mouths of the North
and West Maese, having been found to equal the depth of
water in those mouths, the following buoys will be taken
up on the first suitable opportunity after the 15th of June
next, namely :
The white buoys, Nos. 1 and 2, of the North Maese, and
the black buoys, Nos. 1,2, and 3, of the West Maese, by
which measure this whole expanse of water will become
one channel.

The outer white buoy will then be situated about one
and a half cable lengths to the N.W. of the spot where that
of the West Maese pow lies in these courses.
The steeple of Goederede a handspike's length to the
east of the large wood, and the steeple of Brielle two ships'
lengths to the eastward of Oostvoorne ; in bearing—
Goedereede S. S. W.
Brielle S.E. by E.

in 50 palms' depth of water.
Somewhat to the N.W. on so called West-plant, a
wreck-buoy will be placed to indicate a sunk wreck, the
masts of which remain about 15 palms below low water
mark ; the wreck buoy will be painted in black and white
checks, in the following courses :
The steeple of Brielle in the easterly white spot of the
high sand hill, and the high steeple of Delft, in a small
wood to the east of Steilduin, in bearing S.W. S. (Gode-
reede), S.E. a E. (Brielle), in 24 palms' depth of water.
And further that the white buoy, No. 4, lying dry
inside the shallow, will be placed 1i cable lengths more to
the S.S.W. in this course.

The steeple of Maasland a little to the north of the stone
beacon, in 29 palms' depth of water.
In consequence of this change in the buoys, the lights of
the Maese will be so regulated as to illuminate the entire
span of the horizon of this channel from north to west,
that being the situation of the black boys lying from the
north side to the N.W. W., whereas the white buoys are
situated on the south side.

The bearings mentioned above have been taken by un-
adjusted compass, and the soundings at ordinarily low
water.

The Hague, 26th May, 1855.
The Minister aforesaid,
(Signed) DE SHIT V. D BROECKE.

BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHALL, JUNE 12.

The Right Hon. the Lords of the Committee of Privy
Council for Trade and Plantations have received, through
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, a copy of a de-
spatch from her Alajesty's Minister at Rio do Janeiro,
iuclosing the translation of an extract from a report of the
Head of the Pilotage Department of Rio Grande do Sul,
relative to the state of the Bar at that port, copies of which
are s übj oi aed. .

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
THE IRISH PEERAGE.
The Earl of DERBY rose to call the attention of the
house to the circumstances attending the creation of the
barony of Fermoy. The noble earl said thht the peerage
had been created to serve political purposes, and de- I
scribed the exercise of the prerogative as a contravention
of the Act of Union. It was very singular that the first
of the three vacancies which gave rise to the new crea-
tion should have fallen vacant so far back as 1802, and
that in all the successive creations which had taken place
since that time, amounting to fifteen or sixteen, no one
bad ever dreamed of the earldom of Mountrath being
vacant, so as to give the Crown a right to create a new
peer. It was somewhat curious, remembering that the
right of creating a peer accrued to the Crown at the ex-
piration of one year from the death of the last of the three
peers, that the two last peerages which perfected the title
of the Crown to create a new peer became vacant on the
26th and 29th of January, 1853, consequently that the
right of the Crown accrued in January, 1854, and yet
that it was not until the end of March, 1855, that
the Government exercised the right which clearly
belonged to them, according to their own interpretation
of the Act of Union in the beginning of 1854. The noble
earl concluded by moving that the circumstances of the
creation of the barony of Fermony be referred to a com-
mittee of privileges.
Earl GRANVILLE agreed with the noble earl that
the question was one of great impoitance to the house,
as affecting its privileges, and also as involving the pre-
rogative of the Crown. He was quite willing to as-
sent to the motion to refer it to the committee of privi-
leges.
Lord ST. LEONARDS thought the Government were
seriously to blame for the course they bad pursued on
this occasion, even if they had deemed themselves in the
right.
Lord BROUGHAM said the motion had been adopted
by the house without any difference of opinion, and he
asked their lordship to consider the position in which
they would be placed if the discussion was to be con-
tnued.
The LORD CHANCELLOR—His noble and learned
friend was altogether wrong if he supposed that in the
few observations which he (the Lord Chancellor) was
about to address their lordships he meant in the slightest
degree to diverge from the very wholesome rule his noble
and learned friend had laid down, and which his other
noble and learned friend (Lord St. Leonard's) com-
menced by stating that he should follow, though the
whole tone of his speech was eminently, in point of prac-
tice, at variance with the principle on which he set out.
He by no means wished to say that his noble and
learned friend had not taken a right view of the law ;
but upon that point he must reserve to himself the exer-
cise of the most unbiassed and unfettered judgment
when the case came judiciallybefore him. He trusted
that their lordship', and especially the law lords, would,
when they came to Wear the arguments upon the ques-
tion, decide calmly and dispassionately, looking at all
the clauses of the Act of Union, and that nothing which
had passed to-night would tend to prejudice the right of
any party.
Lord ST, LEONARD'S.—According to this method
poor Lord Fermoy would have to battle the case in
order to try the rights of the Crown. (Hear, hear.)
Lord CAMPBELL said the Earl of Derby was justi-
fied in proposing his motion, as years might perhaps
elapse before Lord Fermoy caine forward and made his
claim.
The motion was then agreed to.
LEASES AND SALE OF SETTLED ESTATES
BILL.
The house having gone into committee on this bill,
Clauses up to 10 were agreed to,
On clause 11,
The Earl of DERBY moved to omit the words " the
whole or," his object being to deprive the Court of
Chancery of the power of ordering the sale of the whole
estate--which he thought would be a most dangerous
power to give the court.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said the noble earl took
a very extreme view of the matter. The intention was
to enable the Court of Chancery to sell such portions of
the estate as it might deem neces',ary, with the view of
improving the property tfonerally.
The Earl of WICKLOW reminded their lordships that
the great object cf the measure was to provide against
the necessity of an application to Parliament for a bill
to empower the sale of every estate, as was heretofore
necessary. He thought that the omission of the words
referred to would probably mar the object which they
had in view.
The committee having divided, there appeared for the
amendment—
Contents
Nan-contents
Majority against the amendment —4
The clause was then agreed to, as were the remaining
clauses, and the bill passed through committee.
BRIGHTON INCORPORATION BILL.
This bill was read a second time.
Their lordships adjourniid at ten minutes past nine.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
EDUCATION (No. 2) BILL.

The order of the day for resumin'g the debate on this
bill, which had teen adjourned on the 2d of May, having
been read.

Mr. ADDERLEY resumed the adjourned debate.
He replied to the argument 3 Mr. Henley had used at ainkt
the bill, and cmdetnted the assumption of the right
hon. gentleman that schools established on the system of
this bill must necessarily be irreligious in their character.
He did not attach much importance to the statistical
dispute whether the number of children educated was
one in eight or one in nine, but he thought no one could
be acquainted with the condition of the poorer classes
without knowing that there was a lamentable want of
education. He admitted that the Continental system of
education had failed in acting upon the morals of the
people, but he traced the reason of this to the system of
State patronage on which the Continental schools were
founded, and argued that no conclusion could be drawn
from this against a system of local rating by which the
people would pay for their own education. He was for re-
jecting Mr. M. Gibsol's bill, but he believed that the
bills of Sir J. Pakington and Load J. Russell were iden-
tical
in principle; hni, upon the whole, he preferred the
religious clauses of the right honourable baronet to
those of the noble brd. He believed, however, that
if both bills were sent to a select committee, a valuable
measure might be compounded out of them. In conclu-
sion, he urged upon the extreme parties en all sides to
accept the practical and practicable compromise which
was now offered then.

.Alin E. DENISO objected to the plan of sending,
these bills to a select committee, as one unworthy of
Parliament. On the general question he called the at-
tention of the house to the present phase of the educes
tion question, as showing the difficulties encountered in
the progress of the work. It appeared that the pupil
teachers, trained at great expense by the State, were
found in great numbers to desert the work of education
for commercial pursuits, while, on the other hand, the
children were sent to school at an earlier age than for-
merly, and were sooner taken away for work, so that
the necessity began to be pressed upon the school in-
spectors of having a compulsory system of educa-
tion. His own opinion inclined in that direction,
for he could not understand why a country gentle-
man should be allowed to employ uneducated children
while a manufacturer was forbidden to do so. Another
argument in favour of this plan was that when industry
and education were carried on together, the tendency
was to improve both, as any hon. gentleman teight see
by a visit to that most interesting institution, Price's
Candle Factory?

Lord J. MANNERS rose very reluctantly to oppose
the bill, which he said would not meet the great difficulty
of educating poor and populous districts. The difficulty
at present was to raise subscriptions in these districts ;
and how would that be met by leaving it to the option
of these parties, as the bill proposed, whether they would
rate themselves or not. Neither would it have any
effect in compelling the attendatice of children at
school, though it was reported on the authority of
Mr. Moseley that of every 100 children in England
fifty-seven absented themselves • from school for no
assignable reason but the indifference of their pa-
rents. He objected further to the bill that even if
it were passed it would not be found to work. English
society was at present convulsed from one end to the
other on the subject of church rates, which had a pre-
scription in their favour of more than a thousand years ;
and he could not believe that the people would
patiently submit to this new education rate. He ob-
jected also to the machinery provided for in this bill,
which seemed calculated to introduce endless confusion
and religious bickering into all the parishes of England ;
in this respect he said he preferred the Manchester bill
to both the other two, as the simplest and most straight-
forward of the three ; but he hoped the house would
deal one vigorous blow, and reject them all.
Mr. W. J. FOX argued that the effect of this bill
would exercise a beneficial effect upon the indifference
of the people towards education ; for when people were
rated for an object of which they were to have the con-
trol, they were sure to take a deeper interest in the ques-
tion than they had done before. He supported the send-
ine of all these bills to a select committee, on the ground
of many features which they had in common, and
regretted that Mr. Adderley was in favour of excluding
the Manchester scheme. He thought the time had now
come when all the parties in the country felt they must
give up their extreme views on the question, to agree to
some compromise, and to put an end to the present
transitional condition of the question.
Sir J. PA KINGTON rose to address the house under
very great disadvantages. He did not not impute any
blame to the Government. On the contrary he had re-
ceived from them every possible courtesy and kindness.
But he thought there must be something wrong in a mode
of proceeding in which an assembly could adjourn a mat-
ter of such vital importance, and six weeks should elapse
before the debate could be resumed. He wished now to
take the first, opportunity of answering the able and
remarkable speech delivered by his right hon. friend (Mr.
Henley) six weeks ego. His right hon. friend avowed that
he was replying to his (Sir J. Pakington's) speech.
Now his answer to his right hen. friend was this—that
he either omitted or evade ellthe stroc ;eet points on
which he (Sir J. Pakington replied in introducing this
bill. The noble lord near him (Jord J. Manner) had
followed the course taken by hie right hon. friend. They
did not object to one bill or another bill, but contended
that no change was required. His right hon. friend
said, " Beware hew you adopt a system which is produc-
ing such good effects ; it has not failed, is not failing, and
will not fail." Now, that was the proposition with which
rfiernsitaidnutiyn
o their
lef2i pre
i a
he (Sir J. Pakington) had to grapple, and which he in-
tended to contravene ; and he contended that if Parlia-
m senten tsctoatnes,enthtee(yi twooaulll
would abandon
rnat matters
tlrst] to remain
tors, The question at issue was not to be decided by sta-
tistics of Austrian crime to which his right lion friend had

TEE SIINs LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 12, 1855,