The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-20 00:00:00

AMERICAN AND ENGLISH SYMPATHIES.

It is alleged, and with truth, that the English public
has been in the habit of paying too little attention to
the foreign policy of its Government. True, there have
indignation
or every now and then bursts of popular
or enthusiasm called forth by events in other lands, and
denunciations or applause of the Go otvheerm Bat these
Government of the
day for the part it took in regarda
vague and transitory t
have been rather expressions of
sentiment than of convictions based upon deliberate
inquiry. The interest taken by Englishmen in foreign
affairs has been intermittent, and the views enter-
tained respecting them variable. The events now in pro-
gress in the East have, however, awakened the English
public to a sense that, as the individual is part of a
wily, and the family part of the nation, so the nation
itself is but a part of the great republic of nations. A
istate, above all a state zealous and successfal in the cul-
tivation of arts and commerce, can no more remain
isolated from the great community of states than the
man can remain isolated from relations and associates in
business, or any one family from the numerous families
by which it is surrounded in civil society. A nation has
to cultivate the good will of other nations, and some-
times to resist their encroachments. Every nation
has an interest in exerting itself to insure the obser-
vance of certain principles of equity and justice
in the dealings of all nations with one another. A
nation of slaves may leave all these matters to its
rulers ; but a free nation, which every now and then
calls its rulers to account, and removes them from
power when deemed unworthy of it, is bound to exer-
cise its judgment as conscientiously and as fearlessly
on its foreign relations and policy as on its domestic
concerns.
Now that the English public has been roused to the
is,nowledge of this truth, it is of the utmost consequence
that its application should not be limited to the small
space of earth oalled Europe. We are not of those
who dream that Europe is worn out. We believe
that in letters, arts, inventive industry, Europe still
takes the lead of the earth. But we know that there
areout of Europe greatandgrowingcommunities, among
whom there are spirits as daring and energetic, and more
free, than are to be found in the Old World. We
see that every year the proportion borne by our
commerce with the Old World to that which we
carry on with the whole earth and ocean is growing less
and less—that the numbers of free, intelligent,- inde-
ndent men and communities out of Europe are on the
increase. Already the commerce of the United States
and of the civilised communities which dot Australia,
the Pacific, the southern termination of Africa, and the
waters of the Eastern Archipelago, is more important
to Great Britain than that of the Old World; and though
we are firmly convinced that under a system of free
trade our commercial relations with Europe will be
extended and improved, there is a much wider and
. more profitable field to be cultivated in other regions
of the earth. The most important foreign relations of
this country at the present moment are with the United
States of America. These relations are many and compli-
cated; for in every quarter of the globe the citizens of the
United States and of Great Britain are constantly com-
ing into contact.
There is another reason why it is desirable that a
friendly understanding between this country and the
United States should be sedulously cultivated. In theory
one nation ought only to communicate with another
through the medium of their respective Govern-
ments. But, in practice, this rule cannot be strictly
observed. In all countries there are overlook-
ing minor shades of difference two great par-
ties ; the friends of free institutions and progress,
and the friends of despotism, and stationary institu-
tions, and obstructive laws. Either party in every
country naturally and necessarily sympathises with
its counterpart in every other. It is not in human
nature for the liberals of a free nation to abstain from
sympathising with and assisting those who struggle for
their own emancipation from fetters in a country subject
to despotic rule. Above all others, the despotisms of
Europe have no right to complain of this ; for the Iffoly
Alliance having set the example of a combination of
kings against subjects, have thereby justified leagues
among subjects against despots. It is impossible to lay
down any general rule' as to how far Governments may
and must connive at co-operation among different sec•
tions of their respective subjects. The circumstances
of every special case must supply the law applicable
to it Still it is necessary, for the preservation of
intercourse between states as corporate communities,
that some limits—narrower at one time than another—
should be imposed on the co-operation of the subjects or
citizens of one with the subjects or citizens of another.
Hence arises one great difficulty that has always beset
the statesmen of Great Britain when they have been
called upon to take part in the Congresses of the
Great Powers of Europe. In these Councils, Great
Britain has hitherto been the only free and popular
Government. The balance of interests between peoples
and princes would be more fairly held were sonic
other first-rate free power to take part in them as well
as Great Britain. The Republic of North America is
the only other first-class State that answers this
description. When next Great Britain is invited to
take part in a General Congress, it will be the duty of
our Government to insist upon the United States being
admitted to take part in their deliberations. These
Councils would benefit in more ways than one by the
accession of the United States to them. The emancipa-
tion of American statesmen from the superstitious vene-
ration for many old routine forms, and doctrines inap-
plicable to the state of modern society, would immensely
improve our European diplomacy.
We do not mean that Great Britain and the United
States would invariably be found taking the same side
in the discussions of a General Congress. These two
nations can no more be invariably in the right than
Austria and Russia can be invariably in the wrong. But
the increased number 2f statesmen, bound by the neces-
sity of their position to assert popular principles, and
the admission of a body of statesmen more freo from
conventionalities than any others, would exercise a
healthy influence over the deliberations of future Gene.
ral Congresses.
We have not far to seek for a case in which the views
of the American statesmen might at the present moment
differ from those of the British. The case of Cuba will
serve cur purpose. We approach this question without
fear, though we know it to be a delicate one. We know
that not a few Americans cherish a jealousy and ill-trill
towards England. And we are free to admit that they have
cause. At the time of the American war of independence,
and long after, most Englishmen sillily and groundlessly
undervalued the Americans. That feeling has long been
extinct ; but a belief that it survives has necessarily been
kept up by the terms of disparagement in which many
English tourists and anonymous scribblers have been in
the habit of speaking of America and Americans. That
great reproach of English journalism, the limes, has
been perhaps the greatest offender in this way. It
is to be hoped that Englishmen will be more care-
ful in future to let their kinsnlen across the Atlantic
know the light in which they regard them. We are
conscious that we have nothing to reproach ourselves
with on this score. But the most sincere respect and love
for Americans are perfectly consistent with our frankly
telling them when we think they are wrong. A • mericans
criticise other nations freely ; they ought patiently to
bear criticism in return. It is on this ground that we
have always asserted our right to speak freely our sen-
timents on the head of negro slavery. We have an
especial right to do so when the retention of that " do-
:nestle institution " begins to influence the foreign re-
lations of the United States., In the North American
Republio the people are the Government ; and to them,
therefore, we appeal against the policy which their
present Administration is encouraging or at least con-
niving at in Cuba and St. Domingo. The questions
of the independence of Cuba, and of its annexation
to the United States, are open questions, and which
do not immediately much affect our interests• But the
object of those Americans who are now labouring by
underhand conspiracies, or open aggression to follow out,
in Cuba and St. Domingo, the policy which has proved
successful in Texas, deeply affects the honour of the
United States. Their object is not only to perpetuate
negro slavery in the United States, but to encroach
on the freedom of the negro beyond their frontier.
We suspect few even of the friends of the negro
in the Union have a just conception of what be
may and has become where he has been ad.
mitted to full political rights. Even beforo the

emancipation of the negroes in the British West
Indies, free and wealthy blacks were in the habit of
sending their children to England for their education.
Throughout the British colonies there is a numerous
educated and wealthy coloured population. They are
members of the colonial legislatures, and hold important
and responsible offices under Government. They are
enterprising and successful traders and wealthy proprie-
tors. Not a few of this class have gone in search of
fortune to Hayti and St. Doming*, and have there risen
to high office. These men know their worth, and are
resolute to emit their rights. Throughout the Antilles
they are anxiously watching the operation■ of the pro-
, slavery annexationists from the States, and resolute to
resist them at all hazards. The fret avowed success of
the Filibusters in Cuba or St. Domingo would give the
signal for a war of races—of a renewal of the St.Doiningo
war, with mere inveteracy and over a wider field. we
speak not now of what the European Powers might
deem it necessary to do if such an event occurred ; we
prefer appealing to the sober and judicious in the United
States —to the only true democrats, the respecter. of
equal rights among the races of men. Are they pre-
pared to incur the guilt and opprobrium of abetting a
policy which must necessarily spread havoc and devas-
tation over the whole of the Antilles In their hands
is the power to avert such a calamity, and awful will be
their responsibility if they do not exercise that power.--
Daily News.

GREAT FIRE. —This morning a ire, of a most disas-
trous character, and attended with the destruction of
veral thousand pounds worth of property, broke outin the
extensive manufacturing premises belonging to Mr. Wm.
Barr, cabinet-maker and timber merchant, carrying on
business in the Curtain-road, Shoreditch. The discovery
was made by police-officer Nicholas, of the G division.
Owing to the great quantity of stock on the premises,
consisting of veneers and other dry timbers, the confla-
gration spread with more than usual rapidity, firing in
Brteirsion the whole of the manufactured stock as well
a
tools. From thence the flames extended to
the ) timber men's
in the open yard. The engines of the parish,
several of the London Brigade, and that of the West of
England Insurance Company,
A plentiful supply of were soon on the spot.
was found inadequate to ear was
quickly obtained, bat it
required to subdue the larugPePll so many engines as were
of fire, which con-
tinued to spread. Property valued
pounds sterling has been eithei at some thousand
,:troyed or consider-
ably damaged by the action of the As to the cause
could be
of the misfortune not the least informationre.
ohubtaurbe.
lied. .It is understood that the sufferer was

LAW INTELLIGENCE,—Jan. 19.

COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH.

THE CHARING CROSS BRIDGE COMPANY V. MITCHELL.

In this case an action was brought against the defen-
dant, who is a collector of the land-tax, for an illegal
distress. This action was turned into a special case by
consent, in order to raise the question for the opinion of
this Court whether the Charing-cross Bridge Company
is liable to be assessed to the land-tax in respect of the
tolls taken at the bridge on the Hungerford-market side.
It appeared by the case that the Hungerford-market
Company had redeemed the land-tax formerlypayable in
respect of the land en which the bridge is built on the
Hungerford side ; and it was therefore contended for
the plaintiffs that as the land-tax had been so redeemed,
the tolls raised from the bridge subsequently built on
the land were not assessable to the laud-tax. For the
defendant it was contended that the tolls in question
did not arise out of the land, but were a separate tene-
ment within the words of the Land-tax Assessment Act,
and were rateable as mucb, and this it was contended
had been decided by the Court of Exchequer in the case
of the Vauxhall-bridge, where the assessment had been
simply of the tolls, without any reference to the land.
Mr. Bramwell, Q.C., with whom was Mr. Matthews,
appeared for the plaintiffs ; Sir F. Thesiger, with whom
was Mr. Needham, for the defendants.
Lord Campbell said that it seemed to him that the
case of the Vauxhall bridge decided the present. In
that ease the tolls had been held to be assessable, on the
ground that a toll, per Be, forms an entirely different
tenement, separate from the land ; it is a new property,
created of non-Parliamentary hereditament. It is said
that in the Vauxhall case the land-tax payable on the
land was not redeemed, and that, therefore, that case is
different from the present, but I think that does not
make any difference whatever. The assessment is in
respect of the new tenement, the tolls, and not in respect
of the land ; our judgment must, therefore, be for the
defendant. • _ _

AnPt.LIN ZSQ., CHAIRMAN OP TIER
TEJEuQdrigErnßewnticforlvd. eTfe.ncdNa
SOTITM-WESTERN ItAILWAT COMPANT—XX PARTS SHILL.
Sir F. Thesiger moved for a rule calling on Mr. Chap-
lin, the Chairman of the South-Western Railway Com-
pany, to show cause why a mandamus should not issue,
commanding him to ascertain and declare the state of
the poll on a certain election of a director of the South-
Western Railway Company, at a meeting of the com-
pany on the 10th of August last.
It appeared by the affidavits on which the rule was
moved, that for some time past a great question had
arisen amongst the shareholders of the company relative
to an intention on the part of the directors to increase
the capital of the company, with a view to extending
their line of railway. This lineation had been much dis-
cussed, and muck opposition raised to- the scheme. One
of the most active opponents to the proposed increase
was Mr. Snell, the applicant for the present rule ; and
it appeared that, some time since, Sir Wm. Heatheote,
one of the directors of the company, signifying his inten-
tion of retiring from the direction, Mr. Snell was soli-
cited to become a candidate fur that office in his
place. Mr. Snell acceeded to the request, and pro.
ceeded to canvass the shareholders for their votes,
and accordingly issued a number of circulars to them,
each of which contained a letter, which was to be
returned to Mr. Snell if the shareholder intended
to support him, the letter so enclosed being an
authority to Mr. Snell to issue a proxy, and send to
the shareholder for his signature, who was then to
return it to Mr. Snell, there being a power in the
company's act for the shareholders to vote by proxy.
1,345 of these letters were returned to Mr. Snell in time
for him to send the proxies and obtain there back in
time to lodge them with the secretary seven days before
the day of election, as is required in order to authorise
the person bolding such proxy to vote for the shareholder
sending it ; but it appeared that thirteen letters were
sent to Mr. Snell too late for him to send the proxies
for signature to the respective shareholders, whereupon
he wrote to those persons, telling them that as he con-
ceived they had given him authority to issue a proxy for
them, he had done so, and had had it signed for them
by his secretary and lodged with the rest, but that he
should not use them until he received their authority for
doing so and recognising his act, and also that he should
inform the other side what he had done. In every case
he received an answer recognising his act and giving him
the authority he required. The election of the director
to fill the vacancy created by Sir W. Heathcote's retire-
ment came on at the general half-yearly meeting on the
10th of August last, the only other candidate being Mr.
Willcox' M.P. for Southampton, who was supported
by Mr. Chaplin, the chairman of the company. The
show of hands was in favour of Mr. Snell, upon which
a poll was demanded en the part of Mr. Willcox, which
was fixed for the next day, the 11th. Mr. Snell gave
notice that he should vote on his proxies on that day,
but first wrote to Mr. Willcox, stating that he should
make his declaration of having duly lodged his proxies
an intention to vote on all but the thirteen, as to
which there might be some doubt of whether he had
the strict right to vote, and he therefore stated the cir-
cumstances in respect of them, saying he did not intend
to vote on them unless the scrutineers held them to be
admissible. Mr. Snell did not receive any answer td
this letter on the 11th, so he told the scrutineers he
should not use them, and accordingly withdrew them.
' On the 12th Mr. Snell r eceived a letter from Mr. Will-
cox, saying that he had been in the country, and so did
not get his letter in time to answer it by the 11th, or
he should have been most happy to meet his wishes in
any way in respect to the proxies. The result of the
poll on the 11th was to place Mr. Snell in a majority
of 651 votes and 3,979 proxies over Mr. Willcox. The
scrutineers gave in a statement to the adjourned meet-
ing to the effect that Mr. Suell had stated that he had
authority to use some proxies which were not strictly
signed in time, and that they could not say which were
tainted proxies and which were not, and that they be-
lieved there were others tainted beyond the thirteen re-
ferred to by him. Upon this an inquiry was appointed
to be held before the scrutineers into the validity of the
votes, and counsel attended on both sides. This meet-
ing was held on the 29th of September, when Mr. Will-
cox's counsel took objections to 462 of Mr. Snell's
proxies. The effect of striking these off would only have
been to reduce Mr. Snell's majority on the proxies to
3,652. Therefore, to save time, Mr. Snell proposed to
the scrutineers to give up these votes, upon which Mr.
Willcox's counsel withdrew from further prosecuting
the inquiry. The meeting was then adjourned to the
3d of October, when nothing was required to be done
but to declare the state of the poll and the election of
Mr. Snell, for by no means could his majority be re-
duced se as to place Mr. Willcox a-head. 0a the 3d of
October, however, the chairman declined to do this, but
again adjourned the meeting, and on the 16th he wrote
to Mr. Snell, asking him if he intended doing anything
to relieve his mind from the state of doubt it was in from
the points which had been raised as to the validity of
some of his votes. Mr. Snell replied to this letter,
stating that he had nothing further to do in the matter
but to call on Mr. Chaplin, as chairman of the com-
pany to declare the state of the poll. Upon this Mr.
Chaplin again wrote to him, stating that, as he had de-
clined giving him any further explanation, he should
decline to declare the state of the poll. On the 17th of
November another meeting was held, when a great
discussion took place as to the competency of Mr.
Snell to fill the office of director, as it was alleged he
had acted improperly in regard to the 13 proxies. In
reply to this it was contended that Mr. Snell had done
everything openly, and that, if there had been any mis-
take in the matter, there was no impropriety of conduct;
and, further, that he was quite ready to leave his con-
duct in the hands of Lord Chandos, or any other unin-
fluenced person, and abide by whatever decision he
should come to. Lord Chandos was accordingly ap-
plied to, to give his opinion on the matter, but he de-
clined to interfere. Two subsequent meetings were hold
on the 14th and 15th of December last, on both which
applications were made to Mr. Chaplin, as chairman of
the company, to declare the poll ; this, however, he
refused to do, although he was informed that, if he re-
fused, legal proceedings would be taken to compel him
to do so.

Lord Capapbell—How i■ the obligation to declare th•
state of the poll cast on Mr. Chaplin ?
Sir F. Thesiger—Under the 94th section of th• com-
pany's act. _

Lord Campbell—You have stated sufficient to entitle
you to a rule.—Rule nisi granted.

COURT OF BANKRUPTCY.
IN BE BOLENO.

This was the certificate meeting in the case of Heary
Boleno Mason, tho Drury-lane clown, who kept tho
Clown Tavern, Windmill-street.

Mr. Beard, for the assignees, offered no opposition.
Mr. Chidley, on behalf of the bankrupt, asked for a
first-class certificate.

Mr. Nicholson, the official assignee, reported that the
bankrupt had a surplus, in November, 1853, of 4141. ;
he had paid 5001. for the good-will of tke Clown Tavern,
which had turned out an entire loss. He now owed
1,2151. ; the assets were expected to yield about 105. in
the pound.
His Honour said the question in this ease was only
one of class. The bankrupt might have his certificate,
but he had jumped rather qnickly from a surplus of 4001.
to a considerable amount of debt. He might be
honey a very
excellent clown, but he had acted very foolishly in throw-
ing away his
honey in a house when he night as well
have thrown it into the gutter.
The bankrupt stated, in answer to questions from the
court, that ite had saved nearly 5001. in Liverpool. He
thought of going to •France, having an engagement
there ; but when in London he was induced, by repre-
sentations as to the excellent character of the house, to
take the Clown Tavern, then called the Catherine Wheel.
He consulted several of his friends, including the trade
assignee, who all thought the house a good one. He
spent a good deal in fitting up the house, bat it had' not
turned out equal to his expectations.
His Honour deferred his judgment till the assignees
had disposed of the house occupied by the bankrupt.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.--J2n. 19.

BOW-STREET.—A question of considerable imort-
ance to the public was discussed before Mr. Jardp ine,
and may be thus briefly stated :
Mr. Tomlinson, a pawnbroker in the Strand, was sum-
moned by Mr. Wood, a barrister, of New-square, Lin-
coln's-inn, to show cause why he refused to deliver up
a quantity of linen and wtaring apparel, wiiich had been
illegally pawned by a woman named'Ann Wilkins, the
laundress having the care of the chambers in Mr. Wood's
occupation. The laundress had confessed her guilt, and
had delivered up the pawnbroker's duplicates to her
employers, but for some reason not explained to the
court, she had never been prosecuted;
fo;ar wasnindretthaiisngthe
tha
"cause" assigned by Mr. Tomlinson
property.
The complainant contended that both under the Po.