The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-18 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 18. 1855.

PUBLICATIONS.

Now ready at all the Booksellers, in 2 vols.,
MY EXILE IN SIBERIA.
By ALEXA.NDER HERZEN.
"These volume, as presenting the experiences of a patriotic and
intellectual Russian in conflict with his Government, contain all the
sources of popularity. They sparkle with clear thoughts and keel
allusions; they are severe; they are ironical; they abound in ilius
trations and inciden s, and free portraits of Imperial dignities, We
gain from tti is narrative of persecution and exile a betteridea of the
governing system of Russia than from any previous work. It is
rich in curious and authentic detail."---Leader.
Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to Henry Colburn.

MR. BARNES'S NEW WORK (Copyrielkigb
Just Published, 55., cloth, •"-*
THE WAY OF SALVATION.
By the Rev. ALBERT BARNES.
Revised by the Rev. E. HENDERSON, D.D., uniform with, " Cobbin's
Edition" of Barnes's Notes. With Portrait of the Author.

" To the sinner. whether awakened or the pent
test, whether seeking pardon or rejoicing in it—to the thoughtfu',
whether a believer or a sceptic—to the intelligent mind, of what-
ever class and under whatever circumstances, this treatise on' Thy
Way of Salvation' may be heartily and hopefully recommended."—
E. Henderson.

a great proportion of our countrymen is that colonies
should be held and possessed because profit or revenue
:nay be derived from them to the mother country. This
opinion, we all know, was very popular at the commence-
ment of the American war ; but since the termination of
that terrible conflict we have not ventured to make
profit and revenue so important a consideration. Another
'pinion is that we should keep our colonies in order to
-he maintenance of England's prestige, which means
;hat the name of our country may bear an influence antd
weight with it because of its extended dominion. This
idea I emphatically disclaim, and I do so because I would
lave England to be estimated at what she is really worth
end no more. In a pamphlet published by Sir Francis
dead, another point is raised, namely that our colo-
nies should be held because of the fine fisheries, farms,
-Mils, &c., with which they abound, and which supply
us with large quantities of food as well as articles of
luxury, but which, in the event of a separation taking
place, would in all probability be cut off. Now, how-
ever true it may be that our merchants find our colonies
.!nod markets for obtaining much of what the people at
home require, and however necessary it is that these
snarkets should be kept open, still it does not seem to
follow that these are sufficient reasons for holding pos-
session of these colonies against the wishes and to the
detriment of the colonists themselves. The idea involved
n such reasoning as this might be extended, and would
,ead to territorial aggrandisement. It might be said that
Italy, France, or any other country would be useful for
he supply of food and other commodities if under our
sontrol, therefore we should endeavour to possess them ;
:nut arguments arising out of considerations of this kind
ind little favour in these times. Some have ventured as
a reason why territory should be held and multiplied, 1
that such places supply comfortable offices for deserving
men from the mother country, &c. Now this opinion, 1
observed Mr. Gladstone, is quite the opposite of mine,
?or it seems clear that as persona on the spot must be
more conversant with the wishes of the people and the
wants of the place, so such men must be the motits coin-
netent and best qualified so disall'eige-tius. titles of all
public situations. But another reason - 'entertained by
many good pious men for colonisatien is that it gives
`acilities and opportunities for conveying to benighted
end ignorant men a knowledge of the truths of the gos-
oei, and enables us to reveal to them the mysteries of a
crucified Redeemer. The reason was urged at the be-
.l44l3)3fuluon
ttcsnhi
ti) i
et naigginscen, of the
bet: herel eacfi century,ensoafilti
runheetidrsncountry
hev ae
trwny h,
ci fewr
which
impelled,hiemigrants-leaves
hashi)
ti
ya::rst
snauonl
mindccp:
shse t. itsrlaaeat
melvndeo, weight
motive.
itnet,hi , geel . hesathdToyi
shores
of respect;
thousands to the auriferous shores of Australia will doubt
'-s he found to be a love of gold—a love which always
exists, and not unfrequently leads to bad as well as go el
results. Now, there is something marvellous in this
ove of gold. Persons who could not be acted upon in
sny other way are often fund most enthusiastic in the
our uit of tl.e precious ore. The discovery of a gold mine
excites the curiosity and cupidity of thousands, while
he discovery of an ironstone mine scarcely attracts at-
ertion ; and yet the one is not more important than the
other. A n ironstone mine is useful, and therefore pia,
portionately as valuable. Without ironstone gold would
.use much of its worth, becouse, whilegold is used only
is a representative of value, ironstone is the value itself,
nnd the value of each is a relative to the other. Yet the
discovery of ironstone does not tickle people's fancy and
lesire like gold. Before the discovery of America by Co-
" umbus there was an idea floating in the minds of philo-
sophers, that on the other side of the great Atlantic there
must be a continent of corresponding weight with the
territory on this side, which acted as a counterpoise, and
kept the earth in equilibrium. The Spanish adventurers
who went out and took possession of the new world found
no gold mines, but they got what was infinitely better—
a free soil and room for active operations in commerce
and trade ; but after the governments of Europe found
the gold fields and mines the trading monopolies in-
creased. What promoted the colonisation of many of
our dependencies was, the people sought in them an
asylum from the persecutions of the dominant religions.
In the time of the Covenanters, religious intolerance
drove many good men from our shores, and such was
likewise the case in the time of the Roundheads, in the
17th century—governments at home but too frequently
making use of the colonies as a means ofdirect profit
and revenue to the mother country, little thought being
expended as to the condition of the colonists themselves, ,
who were crippled in all their efforts and undertakings ;
indeed, it was almost calculated upon how little they
could live. The inhabitants in those days were only
allowed to send to the parent country for sale what the
;tilers at home dictated, because it was argued that if
ihe American settlers sent us cotton ready manufactured,
the interest of the cotton manufacturers at home would
Lie injured ; and also if our sugar gr ming dependencies
shipped to England or any other parts refined sugar, the
.business of sugar refining, and all trade arising out of
that branch of home industry, would be interfered with ;
therefore the colonists were only permitted to send their
tommodities in the raw state ; and in all cases British
hips—or bottoms, as they were called—must be used
for the transport of colonial goods. Such were the fol
lies and fallacies that kept our colonies poor and de-
pendent, and made them a clog and a burden to Eng-
land instead of a benefit and a blessing. Bat another
evil arose out of these mischiev- els n otions —for oue wrong
often engenders another—and that was, a lust of power
grew which led to some of the most serious and disas-
trous warfaree in wheh it had been England's misfortune
to engage. Spain, Portugal, and France had suffered hi
consequence of these war ; nor did our own country
escape without ii,jury from disputes originated by the
protection we were called upon to afford to places over
which we bore sway. England, always moderate in her
warfare and magnanimous in her period of triumph,
could not come out unscathed from conflicts where
spoliatisn and rain were the characteristics. Yet 'still
-.he minds si natty might be said to be a blank as to the
principles th t ought to guide us, and the policy whie''
ought to be purl ued in regard to our colonies. The right
hon. gentleman here adverted to a controversy that had
occurred between Sir Wm. Molesworth and the Edin-
burgh Review, and then continued :—Some argue that if
our colonies were allowed to govern themselves, levy
and collect teeir revenge, they might be tempted to tax
articles which 'vs require as food. and which we now re-
ceive almost duty free. The very selfishness of this
idea made it ridiculous ; and he presumed that as long
as British merchants possessed that spirit of enterprise
that has rendered them the glory of the country, we
need be under no apprehension that the parent state
would suffer, even though the colonists should levy
texes upon the articles of merchandise in which they
deal. The English merchant might always be trusted
to find the cheapest and best markets, by using
which
alone his capital is made productive and the interests of
his country subserved. We are therefore coming round
to a better understanding of what our true advantages
are in respect to our colonies. But it has been said, and
that, too, on the floor of the House of Commons, that
strip England of her colonies, and she would inevit-
ably fall. This also is a mischievous fallacy. gngland's
greatness depends not upon the number or the extent
of her foreign possessions, but rather upon her own
internal resources. England must look to the in-
dustry of her own sons—their intelligence, Perseve-
rance, patriotism, and virtue—to maintain and perpetu-
ate her greatness and her glory. Those are the quali-
ties that have secured for her that distinction among the
nations of the earth which she at present occupies ;
and the same powers that have developed her arts, her
manufactures, and her commerce are sufficient for their
perpetuation. This idea, that our greatness dependedir
upon our colonies, was more general some years ago
than at present. It is, however, fast being dissipated ;
and the sooner it is entirely given up the better for the
best interests of our country. The best thing that can
be done for any country is to give her good laws, that
secure to each inhabitant, as far as possible, equal liber-
ties and privileges. Undoubtedly every man has a right
to go to any country where his labour, skill, or professionel
pd
will be most agreeably followed and render him the
greatest profit. If, then, this right be conceded in refe-
rence to countries over which England has no shadow of
control, surely it is apparent that, as regards our Own
immediate possessions, it is better that they be peopled
by persons who will carry with them our idiosyncrasies,
religion, and traditions ; retaining those they still re-
main our kinsmen, neighbours, and friends. England
and America are the two most influential countries in
the world, and they both colonise • but while the latter
requires only to step over her border to colonise, Eng.
lishmen must take long and hazardous voyages in order
to reach those sett:ements to which their desire may
point. Colonisation has in it a moral as well as a mate-
rial advantage. When the British labourer or mechanic
emigrates he generally selects for his new home some
place where he can obtain better wages, or what is the
himself
because
same thing, more of the comforts of life for his family.
andß yhie h
e lemigrationaur markin estUacth
ho
ze is
e ehe
alsoi improved,
the value of labour, like any other commodity, is regu-
lated by supply and demand ; so that every one who
leaves the home labour market in effect increases the
interestswages ofn
fellow-workmenhfiscapitarandla,
ur vgb
are are
bnouer
market. But, continued he, I have tdi°
spokene r
n
coloni-
sation also benefits the capitalists. By colonisation we
make sure markets for our manufactured goods, in-
crease the demand for ships for the transportsrecilpefot reciprocal, andl, so asthe
goods, and of course improve the shipping trade. The
utcs idth ofe i those
manner
ther ighvtarhioonus.
waysge
ntleiumwanhichherueolotruaiscae
benefits of col enisation—these arise out of the influence
habitswhieh and attaches
tastes tootvheer spread
thedistant
o our language and English
innb abenefits
of the moral
la
parts of the world. To
have the scions of our families planting themselves in the
colonies, rearing their offspring, and extending the area
occupied by the sturdy Anglo-Saxon race, is to increase
the moral influence of Old England, and maintain in a
f
natural and legitimate manner the prestige of her name.
The Greeks—but in pronouncing that word at so late a
period of the evening, perhaps some of my auditory may
be startled, observed Mr. Gladstone. (Cries of " No,
no," " Go on," and loud applause.) The Greeks were
the first, and probably the best, colonisers, for they
might be said to almost carry the colonies with them.
These people used to quietly settle wherever they wished,
and the home state rarely took further notice of them ;
and yet some of the colonies established in this primitive
manner grew in
• all the requisites that constitute great
states, until they became equal in many particulars to
the mother country, and were her best support. The

Romans 'in their day pursued a different policy ; their
colonisation was conquest ; and perhaps England may be
said to hlave followed too much the example of ancient
Rome in!this particular. It may be right, however, to
exclude the colonial policy of Oliver Cromwelland Charles
the Second from this remark, for the system pursued by
them was less tyrranous, and bore with less hardship
upon the colonist than the policy adopted by this country
during the last 60 years. The right hon. lecturer con-
tinued : 'Although in the present time much diversity of
opinion existed among all classes of politicians in refer-
ence to our colonies, yet all were inclining towards a
more liberal and enlightened policy, and the spirit of
prejudice which distinguished the latter end of the last
century bad given place to views, opinions, and sympa-
thies which augured well for the future. This change is ap-
parent when it is remembered that 80 years ago the Ame-
rican war took place simply because the government at
home insisted upon the Americans paying taxes which
they thotight they had no right to pay. A loud cry was
set up by the Americans, and if an Englishman ventured
to say that the Government should not epforce the tax he
was called a traitor, a Jacobin, or some other oprrobri-
ous name ; and if he had the temerity to go a little fur-
ther, and pronounce the home government wrong in
levying taxes of any kind upon the Americans, then he
was designated an absolute traitor, and a dangerous man
—and so this cout•try went oa taxing. America until a
sangnireiry and disa,trous war ensued, and it was only
when the colony was lost to us altogether that politicians
ditcovered that their treatment of the colonists had been
wrong in principle. When our dominion of the vast and
,valuable territory of America ceased we had little left
worth retaining. The West Indian possessions, it is
true, were still ours ; but the slave trade, with its blight-
ed and accursed influences, was then rampant, and our
tenure there was precarious and of little value. Respect-
ing the Canadas the right hon. lecturer observed that
our policy had likewise been harsh and unwise, in con-
sequence of which the home government had been called
upon.to suppress two revolts of the colonists. In 1837
the-Canadians were in open rebellion against the Go-
vernment of England,- and it was only after a serious
sacrifice of blood and treasure that peace was obtained ;
and yet itelrly all the claims then made by the colonists
have since that time been conceded by the Government
at home. If there concessions had been made in time,
the sacrifice of life might have been spared, and much
disaffection prevented. Let us hope, therefore, that the
experience, of the past may be of use in the present, and
that the future policy of England in regard to her colo-
nies may be candid, honest, and wise ; for it is only by
a liberal and enlightened course of treatment that the pa-
rent country can reap the full advantage and benefit of
her great territorial dependencies.
The right hon. gentleman spoke sitting, and was fre-
quently interrupted by cheers during his address.
A vote of thanks to Mr. Gladstone was moved by the
secretary of the institution ; seconded in a neat speech,
by Mr. Hickling, editor of the Chester Courant, and car-
ried with acclamation.

BOLTO N MECHAA ICS' INSTITUTION.

ADDRESS OF LORD STANLEY, M.P.

On Tuesday evening a soiree was held in the Tempe-
rance Hall, Bolton, under the auspices of the Mechanics'
Institution, to celebrate the opening of their new and
spacious premises in Oxford-street. At half-past five
o'clock upwards of 600 members and friends sat down
to tea. The company on the platform comprised Lord
Stanley, 1V1.P., T. Barnes, Esq., M.P., president of the
institution, R. Crook, Esq., M.P., P. Ainsworth, Esq.,
J. Knowles, Esq., town clerk, P. Martin, Esq., R.
Heywood, Esq., George Murton, Esq., Eagley ; J. B.
Holden, Esq., Wm. Makant, Esq., F. Bazley, Esq.,
E. Ashworth, E4q., James Knowles, E:q.' Eagley ; G.
Wolstenhoime, Esq., J. Bayley, Esq., R. R. Bothwell,
Esq., Sharpies Hall, J. Gordon, Esq., clerk of the peace,
Henry Ashworth, Esq., the Rev. R. Best, &c.
After tea the gallery of the hall was thrown open to
the public, upon payment of 6d. each for admission, and
in a short time it was crowded.

Tawas BARNES, Esq., M.P., rose and said—Ladies
and gentlemen, it is my duty to introduce the noble lord
who haa„so kindly promised to preside over us to-night.
Lord STANLEY was received with repeated rounds of
cheering. Addressing the meeting as friends and neigh-
bours all, he begged to assure them that it was with
feelings of the tame character, and more than usual in-
terest, that ho found himself then, for the first time,
present and takinga public part in Bolton—a town whose
name was connected with that he bore by historical re-
rniniseences, at once n elancholy and ennobling. He con-
fessed he could not accept the welcome offered to him by
the inhabitants of that town,in which, from the days when
the Fletnioo first settled there, and brought with them
that skill and eriterprise they were not permitted to die.
play in their own home, down to that time, within the
memory of man living, in which Ark wright and others
worked out those discoveries which directly or indirectly
had affected the life of every one iu that room, without
rayine that the borough heel not only held its ground
against competition as severe as any other town in the
country, but they had progressed with a rapidity and
progress out of the usual rate even in the county of Lan-
cashire. Looking at statistics he found that in 1773 they
had a population of less than 6,000. In 1801, as the
returns were then taken, the population exceeded 18,000,
an i within the last 55 years they had increased to more
than 61.000, or in the proportion of something more than
350 per cent. in something less than half a century. He
would say for those Lancashire towns that acknowledged
Manchester as their centre, which exceeded in popula-
tien and productive power London i self, that there was
more life and more earnest industry and independence,
that the tune of men in general was less occupied by
trivial matters, and that amongst them it was not an
honour and a distinction to be idle. They not only ad-
mitted, but they acted upon the truth, that that being
who was not inee tally or physically employed wronged his
own nature, arid failed to fulfil those obligations which
were due from him, and which all owed as members of
society. He was not there to flatter or to compliment them
upon the efforts they had or had not made, and which
might or might not be in the ratio of the commercial pros-
verity they had attained, but he would frankly say, with-
outd ispara eenient to the t fforts theyhed made,tbat enough
has not been done for the social benefit of the lower classes.
There were some public works which no well-ordered
town ought to be without. He would indicate what be
considered were necessary. No place ought to be without
accommodation for public worship. That was obvious,
and he passed it by. There ought also to be room in our
schools for every child between the ages of 5 and 15, and
not only room, but some effort ought to be made by the
philanthropist and the wealthy to get the children sent
by their parents ; and there should be local superin-
tendence, to see that the teaching was good in quality.
There, again, there could be no ground of dispute.
Thirdly, it was wrong that 30,000, or even 100,000, as
in some places, should be cooped up, without something
in the nature of parks or public grounds, where working
men and their families could take the benefit of air in
the day. Practical Manchester had set a good example
in that respect. Liverpool intended to follow it up, and
Preston had already made up its mind not to be left far
behind. Fourthly, they required a free public library, in
a good central position ; with means of selection com-
mensurate with the wants of the town in which it was
situate. On that point the people of Bolton had displayed
a large amount of public spirit. Fifthly, public baths
and washhouses. Upon that he would not dilate, for
they were already established in that town, and be
earnestly hoped they might be successful. Sixthly, they
required places of amusement and recreation for work-
ing men—a kind of poor man's club, where he could find
those comforts which he now unfortunately sought at the
public-house, which would be cheaper, and where he
would not be exposed to those temptations to which he
was now subjected. Such places of entertainment had
been established in various parts of the country, both
urban and rural. That would be an effectual plan to rival
what he was afraid was our national vice—intemperance.
Lastly, no urban community could be complete which did
not contain some institution for the promotion of educa-
tion amongst adults, such as that institution the opening
of which they had met co celebrate. (He (Lord Stanley)
should be glad to observe in every Lancashire town the
same spirit which had dictated those improvements which
that town (Bolton) exhibited side by side with the most
wonderful results of inventive ingenuity. The aspect pre-
sented by some towns was that the streets were crowded
every evening with young meri, who lounged there be-
cause they had no other place but the public-house or a
comtortlessln 'ging. He k new there were circumstances in
our mode of life which had a tendency to destroy or to
weaken local attachment. He (the noble lord) referred to
that continuous movement of the population which was
consequent upon those fluctuations which affected com-
mercial success. As an instance, the population of Bol-
ton contained 16,000 persons who were returned as born
within the limits of the county, and not of the town,
while 9,000 were not born in the county at all. He telt
sure that the caoitalists of Bolton knew both their duty
and interest too well to weaken that moral tie which re-
'Hilts from cordial and kindly connection between them
and their workmen. We were now getting into a dif-
ferent condition of society—the conditions were changed ;
there was no longer dependence of one man upon an-
other—a claim to obedience on the one hand and a desire
for protection on the other—those days had passed away.
The danger, however, of the present day was a belief in
that which was only true economically as to the relation
between the employer and the employed—that it could
be regulated by the principle of supply,and demand.
That was not morally true ; and that notion would only
last until our present relations were better understood
than they were at present. He did not mean to re-
proach the manufacturers with indifference as to the
condition of their operatives. He knew that a great
deal had been done, and that, too, in the kindest and
most beneficial manner. He rather approached the sub-
jectt in a spirit of envy—an envy of the advantages that
were enjoyed by those who could deal with a large andsr
intelligent population, and concentrate their energnese_n
good upon a tangible mass. In rural districts it was
wasilr
an easy matter to set up a library. Thedistance
wer
too great, the population too sparse, and difficulties
tefal that
presented of which they had no knowledge,
a reason, therefore, that they should beo g
0 much more.
there existed the opportunity of doing that bad brought
Returning to the immediate occasion
hreequestions . What
them together, the noble lord pat t
meant to be?
are mechanics' institutions? What were they
were at the r
And what may they become ! There P
There was