The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-13 00:00:00

ettrl) -
-
✓ -

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JIINE 13, 1855.

Although our attention may, for the most part,
be engrossed by this European struggle with
Russia—let us not forget Poland, let us not forget
Hungary. Comparatively speaking, it matters
nothing that Hungary and Poland are little better
than the Shibboleths of Diplomacy. Neither is
it anything seriously to the point, as to the hope
of ultimate liberty to the Poles and Hungarians,
that the two most conspicuous among our living
English statesmen have very recently scouted the
notion of the revival of those oppressed bui not
extinguished nationalities. True, that Lord JOHN
RUSSELL only the other day intimated it as his
opinion that the restoration of Poland was nothing
more than an idle day-dream—a brilliant impossi-
bility—the merest fats morgana conjured up by a
distorted credulity on a distempered imagination.
True, that Lord PALMERSTON avowed his earnest
desire that he should never witness the day when
the Austrian EMPEROR should be deprived of his
kingly authority over the Hungarians. We count
these declarations made by noble lords from be-
fore the Treasury Bench in the House of Commons
as, comparatively speaking, of no intrinsic value ,
whatsoever. They are the mere servile babblings
of the advocates and mouthpieces of an obsolete
system of diplomatic hocuspocus and political
legerdemain. We count them, we repeat, as
nothing. Hungary and Poland—we knew as much
long since—have to look elsewhere for their future
than to the present Prime Minister of England
and is sagacious colleague, 4',e Colonial Secretary.
We cannot forget so very how it came to
pass some years since, when their positions were
reversed, when Lord JOHN RUSSELL was Premier,
and Viscount PAL3IERSTON Secretary of State--
they connived at the suppression by foreign arms
of the patriotic Junta of Oporto, at the re-estab-
lishment by foreign aid of the misrule of MARIA
DA GLORIA and her German consort, at the over-
throw from without of the internal triumph
achieved by Saldanah, at the renewal by constitu-
tional England of the unconstitutional maladmi-
nistration of the Portuguese Government. We
should as soon expect to see the Noble Loid the
Member for the City of London, and the Noble
Lord the Member for the borough of Tiverton,
expiating their conduct towards Portugal by the
repudiation of their policy, in reference to that
country in 1847, as we should seriously look to
them for the encouragement (even by a passing
word) of tin, noble and patriotic, and, let us add,
the sacred and glorious, aspirations still cherished
by the Poles and Hungarians. No, the Poles
and Hungarians must turn elsewhere than to the
Cabinets of Europe for any such encouragement.
They must look for that to others, rather than to
to the effete oracles of a grey-grown diplomacy.
They must look to GOD. They must look, under
GOD, to themselves. They must look to the jus-
tice of their cause, to the strength of their aims ;
above all, to the fitness of the first opportunity !
For Hungary we have but small solicitude—
remembering that she at least possseses a hero
worthy of her glorious cause, a chief among men,
the very incarnation of her unconquerable love of
independence. So long as Kossi-AH lives there is
visible hope for Hungary. And when that hope
again begins to be realised for Hungary—that
time there will be no mistake about her complete
and permanent emancipation. Has not KOSSUTH
himself declared as much in words, and with a
manner sufficiently impressive ? Did he not pro-
claim to the world in one of his many memorable
transatlantic speeches—in his notable answer to
the Address of the Baltimore Delegation "I have
had all in my own hands once,
and if I get in the
same position, again, I WILL ACT ?" Did he not
preface that declaration by acknowledging that
formerly he was not master of the practice and
and
of war, was
strategythereby consequently
compelled " thus far" to give the cause of his
country into other hands ?—into hands such as I
those of the infamous traitor, who delivered over
for a bribe the liberties of twelve millions into
the grasp of the Russian PA SICIEWITCH. Adding
the avowal has some importanc3 surely, as fall-
ing from the lips of the once irresponsible Dicta-
tor of the Magyars—" Since I have been in exile
I have endeavoured to improve my intellect from
the movements of the past, and to prepare myself
for the future, and I rely
en my people, whose
confidence in me is not shaken by my
misfortunes,

nor broken by my calumniators who have misre-
presented me." Following up the promise
already quoted that the next time he " will act "
—with a sentence no less significant than this—
" I will not (then) become an ALEXANDER, and
labour for the sake of my own ambition, but I
will labour for freedom." No—again we say—
so long as KOSSUTH lives there is hope, visible
and reasonable hope, for Hungary. Nor, less
scarcely, hope in like manner for Poland. Though
Poland nowadays has no patriot in any way com-
parable to the leader of the Hungarians, no one
like KOSSUTH to concentrate her energies as the
thunderbolts were grappled by the gods of old—
to scatter destruction amongher foes, and vindicate
her ancient glory by the fullness of her reani-
mated independence.

It may not do for prophets of the old-world-
diplomacy to imagine to themselves the bare pos-
sibility, of Poland and Hungary yet achieving
their emancipation. Yet such futures may be in
store for those great nationalities nevertheless.
We believe in our heart of hearts that the time
will come when the reasonableness of hopes like
these will be clearly enough demonstrated. Kos-
SIITII has only to watch with vigilance for his
opportunity. Poland has only to await hers
with patience and faith, and, when the time
comes, she, too, will find a KOSSUTH of her own
among her children. It may so prove, moreover,
that that twofold opportunity may not be so far
off at this moment as some may feel disposed to
conjecture. The contest NAPOLEON predicted has
already commenced. The world remembers the
alternative for Europe—" Cossack or Republican "
—otherwise a choice presented to the European
nationalities of Despotic or Constitutional Go-
vernments !

The brilliant and exciting events which have
just taken place iu the Crimea and the Sea of
Azoff have, to a certain extent, distracted public
attention from the scarcely less important move-
ments in the Gulf of Finland. We must not,
however, forget that the Allied fleets have been
for some time in the immediate vicinity of Cron-
stadt, within a few hours' steaming of " the Gib-
raltar of the North," that the Russian fleet, afraid
to exhibit its blood-stained standard on the sea,
or to meet on anything like equal terms the chal-
lengers, are still sku'ling beneath its fortifications,
and that at any moment a blow may be struck
of the most vital consequence to Muscovite power.
The experience of last year teaches us that
the Russian navy will not dare to respond
to the manly defiance of our gallant tars, and
that we must consequently be contented either
with a blockade or attack them under every pos-
sible disadvantage in their own stronghold—the
robbers' den—where our " wooden walls " would
not merely have to encounter forces similar to
their own, but should have also to set at defiance
granite and earthworks, which our Crimean expe-
rience teaches us to be perhaps the most formidable
of all.

While we feel, then, the vast importance of a
decisive blow we cannot blame our commanders
for avoiding a reckless effort that might lead to
very injurious results. It is known that a large
proportion of the squadron under his orders draws

too much water to come into close collision
with these fortresses, the strength of which
has been greatly increased during the past winter.
For such a service we should supply every requisite
to effect success. There should be an adequate
force of gun-boats and batteries, properly con-
structed, and capable of being navigated in shoal
water, so as to come to close quarters with the
boasted forts. The co-operation of a land force
would also be indispensable. We trust that these
matters are not to be a second time neglected
until " too late"—that the golden opportunity is
not to be suffered to pass by through the apathy
or over-confidence in the friendly professions of
other Powers. We can no longer be "waiting
for Austria." That delusion has happily vanished.
We know that if the blow is to be struck at all it
is by France and England, who must rely solely
on their own prowess for the result.

Why, then, we ask, while there is yet time,
while the season is propitious, not send out a
body of French and English troops to co-operate
with our ships ? We saw the benefit arising from
such a course last year in the comparatively blood-
less destruction of Bomarsund. Unfortunately
there was too :much procrastination to enable
them to accomplish all thaw was required. The
advocates of peace at any price or on any condi-

tions who then presided at the Admiralty with-
held the instructions until " too late" to act with
any degree of prudence. Let us profit by the
lesson, and for once take " time by the forelock,"
and avoid the repetition of a similar mistake.
Members have now no excuse. They have,
albeit at the eleventh hour, spoken boldly,
and seen that any peace worth having
must be conquered. A blow aimed at the
very heart of Russia will manifestly be more
formidable than any, however stringent, inflicted
on one of her extremities. The destruction of
Sebastopol and the fleet in the Eux in°
will prevent the possibility of a future
onslaught on Turkey ; that of Cronstadt, and the
Baltic fleet will humiliate the pride and paralyse
the energies of the Northern despot—will induce
him to make a speedy submission, and to give
ample security against a repetition of his aggres-
sions. He will not merely be bound over to keep
the peace towards Turkey, but also towards Sweden,
Norway, and Denmark, and the German Powers
will no longer be his obsequious tools, afraid to
call their souls their own. The time has arrived
for a great exertion—one worthy of France and
England. Let it be made, and we shall speedily
attain that great desiduaturn, au honourable and
peace, Wi" "Lur` against any
wanton disturbance of the tranquillity of Europe.

There can be no doubt whatever as to the ad-
vantages arising from a judicious and well-con-
sidered system of decimal coinage. That is ad-
mitted by acclamation, and there is also a general,
if not an unanimous feeling that England has
shamefully lagged in the rear of other civilised
nations in so long postponing even the attempt
to introduce a more convenient and scientific
numismatical system. But there the agreement
ceases. On other points there is a great diversity
of opinion ; and we believe that if the community
at large were called on to express their opinions
on the subject there would be a very decisive
majority against the plan advocated by the
Honourable Gentleman the Member for South
Lancashire.

The great question is, as to what shall be the
"Modus decimandi," as it was happily designated
by Mr. Low; the course by which the maximum
of convenience can be achieved with the minimum
of inconvenience. On these points we must look
not merely to the interests and wishes of the
great merchants and bankers, but also of the work-
ing classes. We must take care that while they are
assisted, so far as practicable, in the important
task of simplifying their accounts, and economis-
ing the labour of their offices, it shall not be ef-
fected at the expense of the latter—that the
labouring man shall not be taxed for the benefit
of the merchant princes. Hitherto the interests

of the many have always been sacrificed to those of
the few. When the Court of Wards was abolished
in the reign of CHARLES the Second, the Monarch
was compensated for the pecuniary loss by a
tax on beer. Every " thirsty soul" who
quaffed a glass of malt liquor had to defray the
cost of a great boon bestowed on the territorial
aristocracy. The many derived no benefit from
the change for which they paid so heavily. The
gross injustice of such an arrangement is now
universally recognised. It is asserted that such
favouritism would not now be tolerated. And
yet we see a similar attempt made at this moment,
and likely to be successful if the friends of the
people do not strenuously exert themselves to
prevent the palpable wrong.
When the Report of the Committee was pub-
lished last year we were the first to point out
the advantages of a smaller " unit " of account,
which would not render a fourth column of figures
indispensable, and which would occasion no change
in the smaller denominations of coins, the pence
and farthings, in which the great majority of the
transactions of the working classes are now con-
ducted. This, as we explained, would be accom-
plished by rendering the unit a franc, or a florin,
worth two francs, or Is. Bd., and not of 2s. as at
present. In addition to the advantages arising
from this, it would be a graceful compliment to
our tried and faithful brethren in arms, with
whom we hope to maintain a perpetual alliance
and largely to extend our commercial intercourse.
There can be no question that even for the
purposes of merchants the " pound unit" is much
too high. Even the American dollar, which is
but the one-fifth part of the amount, prevents the
introduction of the very small denominations of
coin, which, though never taken into account by
wholesale dealers, are yet of vast importance in
all retail transactions, as it is by their means
alone that the benefit of any changes of value, or
taxation, can be made available. In speaking of
the last budget, we showed that the 3d. addi-
tional duty on tea would be equivalent, so far as
the poor sempstress was concerned, or others who
only bought an ounce at a time, to at least Bd.
per lb. increase of price, and the 3d. per cwt. on
sugar to at least a penny per lb., or Os. 4d. per
cwt. ; a quarter pound being the largest quan-
tity purchaseable by those living " from hand to
mouth," who could not provide for a single meal
in advance.

Mr. LowE, in his very clear and able speech,
established the impolicy of " a pound unit."
Even so far as merchants and bankers were con-
cerned, he showed that accounts would be com-
plicated in place of simplified, and the labour of
clerks increased in place of being economised by
the introduction of "mi/s," which might lead
to many "mi//s" of a very different character.
But the Hon. Gentleman did not enter into by
far the most important phase of the matter. He
did not show, as he might have done, that five
cents would be invariably charged in place of a
penny, and that all the retail dealers would follow
the example of Government in taking 20 per cent.
additional rather than surrendering 4 per cent.
The Report of the Committee very significantly
hinted at the increase of postage to five " mils ;"
it would be the same in all tolls, where a
halfpenny or a penny is now charged, and thus
great loss would be occasioned to those who count
their daily incomes in pence and shillings rather
than in florins and pounds.
All this loss and inconvenience would, how-
ever, be avoided by retaining the penny intact,
and making the franc or florin of is. Bd. the
unit ; in the former case the penny would be
equivalent to •10, in the latter to .5. We
must, however, express a preference for the
former, which would not only assimilate our cur-
rency to that of France, but would likewise give
a smaller cent, and allow the farthing to be still
used, until it could gradually be withdrawn from
circulation.

The division of last night binds the Govern-
ment to do something. We trust, however, that
they may avoid the serious inconveniences so
clearly pointed out, by making the franc and the
pound the unit of acoount, and looking to the
interests of the many rather than of the few.