The National Register.
London, England, 1818-03-09 00:00:00

Lord Atreat.axo rose.—Notwithstanding, he said, the al-
terations, and lie was ready to admit they wet e improvements,
which had taken place in the Committee, he yet could not
bring his mind to support the Bill. At present, however,
he meow only to propose, that instead of the third reading, a
re.eommitoloot of the Bill ..1,11.1 take place for the
purpose of having it divided. There had not as yet been
laid before the House, any e.tar or sufficient dria
for the justification of his Majesty's Ministers, in their con-
duct under the recent suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act.
There was nothing advanced to support a rational call for
Indemnity. The present Bill was evidently one calculated
merely to stifle all enquiry, and to screen from blame not only
Ministers, but the lowest and most degraded underlings of
place. It was a Bill framed to pretect not only Ministers,
from inquiry, but the basest instruments acting under them
from
.proper infamy. He concluded with moving, that the
Bill, inste:al of being read a third time, be ordered to be
committed.--Negathed writhout a division.
On the question for the third reading,
Lord KING complained, that toe present Bill, although
founded ou ex-parte evidence, and originally meant to be
confined to the indemnification of the Secretary of State
was now brought fore ard as a perfect model for any future
Bill of a similar kind. It Babied Indemnity were to follow
as matters of course upon every suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act, and informers were ensured of protection en the
poising of those Bills, then the flood-gates of criminality were
thrown open, and no Bill could hereafter be more sweeping
thou the present. The Public was not long since disgusted
by informations of prism's whose only businesss seemed to
be to bring the lives of others in peril, for the purpose of
pin. If, however, it was expedient to pardon a Vaughan
and Co. the same argument might apply to Castles, and
even the scandalons proceedings in Scotland. But if
spies and informers were to be considered as prime agents
in such scenes; if, in the first instance, the Habeas Corpus
Act mason their iistbrination to be suspended, and they were
afterwards to be evidences in favour of the suspension of that
Act, it more than ever became their Lordships to he cautious
how they passed Acts of Indemnity in behalf of informers
and spies.
Earl BATHURST saw no reason, even if the Bill were divided as
• proposed by the Noble Lord, why that protection should not be
extended to Magistrates and individuals who had given information
to Government, which it afforded to Government itself. Their
Lordships would be trusted, sec the drift of the present amendment,
n hick reduced them to the dilemma of giving up the names of indi-
viduals on whose information they had acted by refusing to disclose
them, to wave that defence on which his Majesty's Ministers might
safely stand. The practice of passing Bills of Indemnity hail proved
the necessity there W3s for them;• end than necessity still proved the
responsibility of Ministers to Parliament.
Earl Gnosvrivon said, that the Noble Earl had taken a great
deal of pains to defend informers and spies, yet with all this deference
for them he would contend, that when they were brought forward as
witnesses, their evidence must be taken gran° salts, and not be relied
on. He felt great pleasure in defending the Motion of his Noble
Friend, for dividing the Bill ; and would enter his solemn protest
against the first part of it, as striking at the very roots of the freedom
or the Constitution.

The BisitoP of EXETER ord. he rose not for the purpose of
entering into the question in a political sense, but to express his con-
cern and surprise at some sentences that had fallen from some Noble
Lort:s eppmste. tie certainly was astonished at the sentiments they
had expressed on those blasphemoug publications which had disgraced
the pita:, and demoralized the poor. The publicatitms in question
had done great mischief, and he hoped to see them .coukd by all
sewn', Men.

The Lon' CHANCE t nog rose, observing that he did not mean to
trcipass on their L.orriships. time. by tollowisig the Noble Fail
(Grosvenor) through statementd and conclusions which really had net
relation to the question then Lelia,: them. Whatthat Noble Person
meant by a st rengthening thepowethtl iii opposition to die weak, and
eetttnp the rich above the poor, to trample upon them, it was
silile tor him (Eldon) to guess. NVliatt vet the Noble Fad
think respecting him, lie amid only say", that though a Inns life, he
had cnderiotired to do his duty to the entintry at large:and the Noble
Earl must pemtit him to say. noon reflection, 'hut hr really was more
;Afraid of, *ate rich permit% th:h.4ll twibr cues.—lts was NOM to hoar
the hcbte k!ari- cpealiMpon figlttiv of publications whtch went: not
1;"to 11:-.3411e1C ChU:Ch Cil:ustrini, for that was but tux channel