The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-27 00:00:00

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NEWCASTLE RACES.

(THIS DAY.)

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(Br ELECTRIC TELEGRAPII.)
NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE.

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Fifteen ran.
STAND STAKES.

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Seven ran.

IMPERIAL PAIZLIAATEN T.

HOUSE OF LOUDS-(YESTERDAY.)

The Royal assent was given by commission to the
filiowing bills, viz. : The Consolidated Fund
(10,000,0001.) Bill, Education of Poor Children, Instil%
mice on Lives, Abatement of Income Tax, Continuance
of Ecclesiastical Courts, Stamp Duties, Repeal on Ma-
triculation and Degrees (Oxford), Grants of Land, Public
Libraries and Museums, Spirits of Wine, Water-
ford and Limerick Railway, St. Helen's Improve-
ment, Cron& rd and High Peak Railway,
Limerick and Castle Connel Railway, Newcastle-under-
Lyne Railway, Limerick and Foynes Railway, Mary-
port and Carlisle Railway, Newport Gas, Weston-super- I
Mare Gas, Alford and Boston Road, Wigan and Preston
Roads North of Yarrow, Lands Improvement Carn-
pany;Charlbury,Witney. eze., Roads; .Lyme Regis Roads,
Newtown and Oswestry Railway,Dundalk and Blackrock
Railway, Gloucester Water and Local Board of Health,
London and Blackwall Railway ; Manchester, Sheffield,
and Lincolnshire R;dlway (Lincoln Branch) ; Notting-
ham and Newhaven Road ; Warrington Water ; Caledo-
nian Railway ; East Kent Railway ; Regent's Canal
(Hertfordshire Canal) ; Glasgow and South-Western
Railway ; Newton and Makerfield Improvement; South
Wales Railway Consolidation ; Newcastle•upon-Tyne
Improvement.

The Lords' Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor,
the Duke of Argyll, and the Earl of Harrowby.
Their lordships adjourned during pleasure.

THIRD READINGS.
On the motion of the same noble, lord the folhawing
bills were severally read a third time and passed
Cork and Yonghal Railway ; Metropolitan. Railway ;
Goinersal and Dewsbury Road ; Basingstoke, Sto3k-
bridge, and Lobcomb Corner ; Dundalk and Enniskillen
Railway, Lightfill and Birdlip Road, Peterborough and
Wellingborough Road; Stroud, Cairncross, and Minchin-
hampton Road ' • Stroud and Charlford Road, Rhymney
Railway, and Carlisle and Silloth Bay Railway and
Dock.

FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL.
Lord PORTMAN moved that the house go into com-
mittee on this bill.
The house having gone into committee,
Lord RAVENSWORTII moved the omission of the
proviso in the Friendly Societies Bill which brought
building societies under the operation of the Stamp Act.
After a short conversation, in which Lord PORTMAN
defended the proviso, the house divided, and the amend-
ment of Lord Ravensworth was carried by a majority
of 4;

The proviso was therefore struck out.
The bill then passed through committee.
The Union of Contiguous Benefices in Cities and
Towns Bill was reported with amendments.
The Accidents on Railways Bill was then read a
second time. '
The National Gallery, &e. (Dublin), Bill was read a
second time.
Carnegie's Restitution Bill was read a third time and
passed.
The Weights and Measures Bill was read a third time
and passed.
AUSTRIA. AND THE WESTERN POWERS.
Lord LYNDHURST then rose to call the attention of
the house to the treaty of the 2d Dec., 1854, and the re-
cent conferences at Vienna, with reference to the position
of Austria in her relations to the allied powers. He had
been told thai the question to which he desired to call
the attention of their lordships was a very delicate one,
and must be treated with great caution ; but as he in-
tended to confine himself to a mere statement of facts,
he did not think that any inconvenience could result
from the discussion. Every person conversant with pub-
lic affairs must be aware that both Prussia and Austria,
but especialli the latter, had a more deep and immediate
interest in the result of the aggressions of Russia than
either of the Western Powers. If Prussia and Austria
bad acted in concurrence with the Western Powers with
energy and decision in the early period of the dispute, he
believed the effect would have been to have restrained the
proceedings of Russia, and we might not have been in-
volved in the present unhappy war. He confessed-that he
had no confidence that an active co-operation would
I taioe place ou the part of Prussia. He knew well, the
history of the last war between Russia and Turkey. Ile
observed the conduct of Prussia at that period. It was
clisractortsed by complete. subserviency to Russia, and
indeed Prussia could then scarcely be c‘insidcred in the
light of an itidependf.nt power. But with respect to
Austria be entertained different expectations. The fact
that here was a great empire presided over by a young
and high-spirited monarch, deeply impressed with the
injustice of the proceedings of Russia, and fully con-
vinced of the deep interests which he had at stake, led
him to hope that some active assistance and co-operation
might proceed from that quarter. It appeared, however,
that cautions and timid counsels had prevailed at Vienna,
and he regretted to say that the actual position of Aus-
tria was in some degree one of humiliation. (Hear.)
He had asked himself several times to what the inaction
of Austria was to be attributed. He ascribed it, as
every man who looked at the state of Europe must
ascribe it, to her actual position, and he traced that po-
sition to one of the greatest political crimes committed
in modern times—the partition of Poland, or rather the
successive partitions of Poland, to which Austria was
a party, and in the spoils of which she participated.
(Hear, hoar.) What bad been the result of that pro-
ceeding ? Three-fourths of the extensive territory of
Poland, with its enormous population, had been incor-
porated into the Russian empire, and by the last acqui-
sition, that of the duchy of Warsaw, Russia extended
her boundaries to an advanced position in Europe,
pressing upon Central Germany, and dividing the domi-
nions of Prussia from those of Austria. She had pur-
sued her ordinary course of policy with respect to that
territory, namely, constructing in an advanced position
a series of the most formidable fortresses along the banks
of the Vistula and at other points, not for purposes of
defence, but with the view of availing herself of the first
favourable opportunity of continuing her aggressions in
that direction. Any person who looked at the map of
' Europe, and took into consideration the facts he had
stated, would agree with what was stated in another
place by a noble lcrcl— that the position of Russia might
be considered one of menace to Germany, and in parti-
'cular to Austria, corresponding to her menacing position
at Sebastopol with respect to th% Turkish empire.
(Hear, hear.) He admitted that Austria could not
have taken an active part in military operations against
Russia without considerable risk. But risk must be
encountered where great interests were at stake and
great objects were to be attained, and he did not believe
that Austria, by her policy of delay and postponement,
had at all improved her position. On the contrary, he
thought she never could have had a better opportunity
of vindicating her rights, and encountering the dangers
to which he had referred, than by an offensive and dg-
fensive alliance with the Western Powers, which had
been open to her at any time since the commencement
of the contest. (Hear.) He did not mean to say that
we bad derived no advantage from the policy of Austria.
The large armies which she had maintained in Gallicia,
and at other parts of her frontier, had necessitated a corres-
ponding armament on the part of Russia. That was an
advantage which we had felt during the whole of the con-
test. But he was sorry to say that there were at the pre-
sent moment symptoms and appearances which led him
to believe that this advantage would not be continued,and
that at nodistant period we should find a great diminution
of the power of Austria upon her frontiers, allowing
Russia to detach her forces and direct them against the
allies. The moral support which we had received from
Prussia and Austria had also been a great advantage.
As far as Prussia was concerned, he believed that moral
support was 'Elsie entirely, not only to the disposition of
the Prussian Government, but to the strong feeling of
the people of that country, who were no supporters of
the humiliating course which their rulers had pursued.
With respect to Austria, on the contrary, be believed her
support had been sincere, straightforward, and consis-
tent, arising from a deep sense of the injustice of the con-
duct of Russia, and from a strong feeling of the interest
she had in restraining the ambition of Russia and check-
ing her aggressions. When he spoke of the moral sup-
port we bad received, he referred to the protocols, begin-
ning as far back as December, 1853, extending down to
May last year, stating in the strongest terms the injustice
of the conduct and proceedings of Russia, and declaring
in a forcible manner that the object of the alliance
of the four powers was, first, to procure the evacuation
of the principalities, and next, to secure the indepen-
dence of the Sultan and the integrity of his dominions.
Those documents ended in May last year. About that
time it would appear as if Austria had been conscious
that she was not aoting a very bold part, and she deter-
mined to take a step in advance. Towards the close of
May, or early in June, she required Russia to evacuate
the principalities. That demand was made in very strong
terms, with something like an intimation that, if not
complied with, Austria would resort to force, if neces-
sary, for that purpose. Now, we were not to suppose
that
,that demand was altogether a departure from the
cautious course of policy which Austria had pursued.
At that time the Russian troops in the principalities had
suffered greatly by disease ; they bad been defeated in
several encounters with the Turks ; and they were pres-
sing, not very successfully, the siege of Silistria. The
allies had advanced to Varna, and a large force of French
troops was at Adrianople. It was under these cir-
cumstances that Austria ventured, for the first time,
to make the demand to which he had referred, and he
thought, therefore, it could not be regarded as a depar-
ture from the cautious and abstemious policy which she
had attempted to pursue, (Hear.) But what followed ?
Russia refused to accede to the demand, not in distinct:,
terms, but in a counter-proposition amounting to a re-
fusal. What course did Austria then pursue ? Did she
immediately make an attack upon the Russian forces ?
Did she even attempt to enter the Friocipalitie4 f Far

from it. She abstained from doing anything for several
weeks ; but at length, when the siege of Silistria was
Iraised—when theßussian armies were not only in retreat,
but when they had served a notice that within a given
i time they should leave the Principalities and recross
the I'rutb, and there act upon the defensive—it was not
till then that Austria ventured to take possession,
il
freso,iri.ti
iiihcoajuptta.pioiutplr.
epio,ssietiil
woa nvil. and without firing a shot, of the
i pen, d ? Russia,
with previouslygreat
rs tkei.l l
aNentthearpte,
)adi ti it intoiecra a
address,
di
rl e, treatyps:
had stated that she Would act upon the defensive—
, a declaration which could be interpreted only as a re-
' preoqincite.st tTohAe Austria to acty wathse part of a neutral at that
Austria. No attempt was mapdreactt3iccariolyssactcheedePdrottohb—y ;no demonstration for that purpose took place—and what
was the consequence ? Why the whole of the Russian
armies---tne army lei Bessarabia and other forces which
hadri
aiea with g
retired front t
principalities—werethe
e tv.‘steendt
at
against
the allies with much effect. expedition,
and
statement
(aear,heamr.i)th Irtesweaesetntot) hie intention to mate any
• the conduct of the Austrian army in the principalities,
which they entered with the avowed object of Protect-
ing, because he was not sufficiently conversant with
the facts of the case. But, although it wai one of
the articles of the treaty between Turkey and Austria, that the privileges of the Moleta,vians and Wallachiane
should be strictly guarded, be understood that mar-
tial law had been proclaimed throughout the principeli-
ties by the Austrian generals. Austria having taken pus-
session of the principalities in the middle of August re-
mained there undisturbed by Russia, and while ire were
struggling in the Crimea in support of the common
cause, and sheddlng our blood, and spending our treasure
in support of an object in which Austria was more deeply
interested than ourselves, Austria was spinning innu-
merable nutes and memorials and letters addressed to
Prussia and the different German Powers, and weaving
a complication of negotiations as compared with whin
the comp:ications of the Court of Chancery in its worst
days was a matter of simplicity. Such was the state of
things when the treaty of December 2 Was signed be-
tween Austria and the Western Powers. Now, so far al
related to the latter, the obligations were clear and in-
telligible; but as to the obligations which it imposed on
Austria, nothing could be more vague, undefined, and
almost unintelligible. For whiletheWesternPowers were
bound to engage in an offensive and defensive alliance
with Austria if she were attacked by Russia ; it was, on
the other band, only stipulated that, iu the event of peace
not being concluded before the end of the year, on the basis
of thefour points, Austria would simply deliberate with her
allies on the most effectual means of attaining the oL-
ject of the alliance. Now, if that really mea it anything,
it meant that Austria would in that case concert with
her allies the means of giving effect, to the alliance, and
would take an active part in the application of those
means. And that was .the interpretation placed upon
the treaty both by the French and English Govern-
ments. But what had been the subsequent conduct of
Austria ? Russia having, after sonic explanations, con-
sented to enter into negotiations on the basis of the
four points, it was thought that if peace was not then
concluded on account of the disinclination of Russia to )
make peace on that basis, Austria would then take
active steps in conjunction with the allies. Well, it
was proposed-by the allies to come to some arrange-
ment for diminishing the power of Russia and Turkey
iu the Black Sea. That propositiou was supported by
Count Buol, the Austrian plenipotentiary, with the
utmost fairness, ability, and energy, but the Rus-
sians refused peremptorily to. accede to it, and made
counter-propositions, which were stated by Count
Buol to be altogether unsatisfactory. Well, the casus
fmderis had surely then arisen • and Russia having re-
fused to make peace on the basis of the four points,
Austria was bound, according to the treaty of December
2, to take active measures in concert with the allies.
But those who came to that conclusion were not aware
of the resources of German negotiation. Another and
a final meeting of the conference took place, at which
Austria made certain proposals, which some people said
she did with the knowledge that they could not be ac-
cepted by the alike?, and simply with a view of sliding
out of the obligations she had contracted by treaty.
He did not make any such charge, but he could not help
seeing that there were plausible grounds for making it.
The proposal was that Russia and Turkey should, by a
separate treaty, arrange the amount of the naval forces
they should each maintain in the Black See. Now, the
Russians had during the negotiations refused to assent to
a proposal that the Russian and Turkish plenipotentiaries
should come to an agreement on this point in presenre of
the congress, and that the document containing it should
be annexed to and form part of the treaty ; and when
Prince Gortschakoff made a proposal similar to that of .
Austria, fur settling the question by separate treaty with
the Porte, the Ottoman plenipotentiaries refused to do
so, because such a course was inconsistent with the obli-
gations which they had by treaty contracted with the
Western Powers. How, then, was it possible that after
these proposals had been discussed, and after the confe-
rences had been terminated on the 26th April—the ple-
nipotentiaries of the allied powers stating that their
powers were exhausted—Austria could imagine that
under such circumstances the allies would consent to
renew the conferences ? It would have been as idle and
as fruitless a step as could have been taken, and he
thought that the Western Powers were therefore amply
justified in rejecting the Austrian proposals. In what
position, then, did we stand now? Was the treaty of the
2d of December binding on Austria or not 1 Acting on
that treaty, we had front time to time consulted with her,
de'erred to her coon: el s, and consulted her interest, la,p-
ing that the would eventually take active measures in co-
operation with the Allies. We bad, however, been lum
innate time disappointed, and now at the last stage wo
seemed to have been supplanted by that power and left
to our own resources. ft reminded him of a story cur-
rent amongst sailors of a mariner who sees what he con-
siders a friendly sail at a distance. He alters his course
and pursues it ; but she runs before him—often disap-
pearing in one part of the horizon, and reappearing in an-
other—and he does not overtake her. At last she dis-
appears finally, and the mariner finds himself in an ut e
known sea, surrounded by rucks and quicksar ds—there
left to his own resources. The popular name of that vessei
was well known to their lordships, but he would not men-
tion it lest he should be considered personal. (Laughter.)
Ho believed that Austria had now entered into a silent
understanding with Russia t) withdraw her forces from
Gallicia, and other places where they bad been stationed,
and that this avas no better than, in fact, a silent treaty of
neutrality. He wished now to say a few wends with re-
spect to the manner in which the negotiations at Vienna
had been conducted. A noble viscount in another place
was said to have complimeuted the noble lord who repre-
sented this court at the conference upon the very great
talent which he displayed there. Now, no one had a
higher opinion than himself of the abilities of the noble
lord, or of the skill and address with which he got him-
self out of a difficulty. (A laugh.) Indeed he believed
that the noble lord would voluntarily place himself in a
position of difficulty for the sake of exhibiting his skill in
getting out of it. But he waa at the same time, bound
to say that the only power that had obtained any ad-
vantages from these negotiations was Russia. The first
two points were the only ones in which the German
powers had a direct interest. These were discussed in
the beginning of tse conference ; everything went on
with smoothness and calmness in the negotiations, and
these points were settled to the satisfaction of all parties.
When the third point came on Lord John Russell,
with great suavity, proposed that Russia should take
the initiative. Prince Gortschakoff saw his advantage.
Ho had, or pretended to have, no powers to make pro-
posals, and said that he must refer to his court for in-
structions. Eighteen days elapsed before an answer was
returned, and how were those days employed ? Through
the medium of Prussia and other channels, communica-
tions were made to the lesser Powers of Germany, repre-
senting that Russia had conceded everything in which
they were interested--the abolition of the protectorate
of the principalities, and the free navigation of the
Danube. And this was followed up by a distinct com-
munication from Russia ; to the effect, that if they would
remain quiet and not take any active part in the contro-
versy, she would adhere to the engagements she had
made with them, whatever might be the result of
the conferences. Russia thus obtained an immense
advantage, for the lesser German powers cea.ed to
make exertions to aid Austria, who did not consider
herself safe unless she were backed and supported
by the lesser powers. After an interval of eighteen
days these negotiations were resumed ; but, although
they were apparently conducted as before with the ut-
most courtesy and smoothness, it was evident that this
was mere outward show, and that there was an undercur-
rent of a different character. Allusions were from time
to time made to the siege of Aden by the English, and
to the supposed designs of France on Tunis, with an air
of triumph that peeped out now and then through the
subsequent negotiations. Now, he must say that, ac-
cording to the best of his judgment, the propositions
made bythe allied plenipotentiaries at the conference with
respect to the reduction of the naval power of Russia in
the Black Sea were not worth the paper on which they were
written, for they could never have been carried out, would
have been continually evaded, and must have given rise
to incessant quarrels and disputes, which would have ul-
timately terminated in another war. And when the noble
lord who represented England alluded unfortunately to
the treaty of Utrecht and the destruction of Dunkirk, he
thought that that might have given him a little hint as
to what was likely to be the result of the acquiescence
of Russia in the proposition of the allies. That treaty
was evaded in the most marked manner, and gave rise
to continual disputes, and nothing was eventually
gained by it. (hear.) As to the counter-propositions
of Russia, they were quite wide of the mark, and he
thought that the Russian diplomatists must have laughed
in their sleeves when they laid them before the conference.
(Hear.) That brought him, then, to the question of our
present situation and future prospects. The object of the
war was clear and distinct. It was to procure the inde-
pendence of Turkey and the integrity of her dominions.,
And we had been told by the principal members both of
the late and the present Administration that no peace
should be concluded, unless in case of extreme necessity,
unless these terms could be obtained. Nor did he find
that any member of the late Government dissented from
those opinions, with which they must therefore be taken
to have agreed and be responsible. He confessed it was
therefore with surprise, and almost with astonishment,
that he observed the conduct pursued by four respectable
gentlemen who had left the Cabinet of the noble vis-
count. He admired the eloquence and ability of the right
hon. gentleman the late Chancellor of the Exchequer,
the great administrative capacity of the right hon. baro-
net the late First Lord of the Admiralty, and the re-
spectable talents of the other two gentlemen ; but still
he did not regret, but on the contrary rejoiced, that
they had retired from the Cabinet. With all the talents
which rendered their services of the highest utility in
times of peace, they did not seem to possess that manly
character, that vigour of mind, that fixity of purpose,
which were essentials in a Cabinet Minister at a period
like the present, What then was his (Lords, dhurtiro)
yn

Perseverance. To accede to the proposed terms
would not only not attain the object for which the war
wee undertaken, but would disgrace ourselves in the
eyes of the world: Character was power; we should
have lowered ourselves in the sight of other nations,
whilst our rival Reessia would have ascended in the
scale. She wculd have been considered by the
Ea tern nadons as possessed of supreme power ; no
one wcull have dared to oppose her, and the k.-
fleence she had acquired in the West would have in-
creased a hundredfold. The chains of the German
States would have been rive tted, and a severe
blow would have been struck at civilisation. (gear.) He
rejeiced, therefore, that tho terms prepoeed were not
aciepted. He felt as deeply as any man could do the
arduous nature of the etruggle in which we were engaged,
but lie felt confident as to the result. In the seat of war
we now occupied, with the command of the sea, we could
maintain and support a much larger army than could be
brought against ue, and even with equal forces he did not
doubt as to the result. But what were we to do in the
event of euccess ? He ventered to say, if he might give
an opinion at the risk of some little sareesm from the
noble earl, teat we niust destroy Sebastopol. That for-
tre 'ft bad been censtructed for the subjugation of Turkey ;
for 20 years the Russian Geverronent had been expending
enormous corns of money in order to make sure of that
object. Its destruction, therefore, would be an act of re-
tributive ouAld
nebbele
Turd,
regarded by
Turkey and byjustice,h send w.
in that house for his clearness and sagacity of
t
intellect—the late Prime Minister—stated in one
e wno
of his speeches last year, that if there was one
thing more vital than another to the safety and indepen-
dence of the Turkish empire, and more fatally injurious
to the power of Russia, it was the destruction of the
fortress of Sebastopol, that this was the direct object of
the war, and that which every one must have had in
view fromits commencement. If he were supposed to
hold extravagant opinions,
it was at least a consolation
to him to reflect that he was sanctioned in them by the
most cool-beaded members of their lordships' house. The
Dike of Newcastle, in his evidence before the late com-
mittee, expressed himself in the mine terms ; and the
noble lord who conducted the recent negotiations spoke
tbreeesns
employedw hi eh
c oi nbii
impregnable,
Sebastopol, in the other house of Parliament, as a for-
o:
noafb
le, art
anda led
tshcei e nce
continu-
ancehad of which could only be regarded as a standing me-
nace to Turkey. He might be warned of the dangers
attending an eager pursuit of vengeance, but ho could
not forget that the same doctrine would apply to inor-
dinate and unmeasured ambiticn. He was not deterred
by the misfortunes which assailed us during the last
campaign, because he ascribed them to the toiseonduct-
ing of the war by the late Government. For 50,000 men,
enfeebled by disease, the cholera raging among them,
wi scanty supply of cavalry and a very insufficient
materel for operations in the field, at an advanced pe-
riod of the year to make an attack on the greatest mi-
litary power in the world, with the view of laying siege
to one of its strongest fortresses, was a most injudicious
enterprise. It was well known to every man that, as far
as regarded siege defences, nothing would be stronger
than the north side • but there was some vague surmise
that on the south side these defences were not complete.
A little reflection might have satisfied any man that there
could be no foundation for such a belief, since the com-
pletion of its fortifications was a favourite object with
the late Emperor Nicholas. The design of the Govern-
ment was supposed to have been to surprise the place; but
the Russian sovereign was not taken by surprise ; he had a
s efficient noticefrou the declaration made by the noble lord
then leading the other Houseof Parliament. Anyone who
had read the work of General Mackintosh, who had had
an opportunity of viewing the precincts of the fortress,
must have'been satisfied that there was no foundation
for the belief to which he had alluded. It was supposed,
also, that the Government were ignorant of the real
strength of the military force which Russia had stationed
in the Crimea, though they had it in evidence from the
right honourable gentleman lately at the head of the Ad-
miralty, that a person thcroughly acquainted with the
'Crimea, and with Sebastopol, informed him that it num-
bered 70,000 men, of which 40,000 formed the garrison of
that fortress. Now, it was an axiom in war that, in
order to besiege a place with success, besides a covering
army in the field, the besieging force should amount to
three times the number of the army invested. It was
hardly necessary to do more than state that proposition
in order to satisfy their lordships of the injudiciousness,
the absolute extravagance of this undertaking. He knew
ho might be reproached with rashness in giving an opi-
nion on military matters, but some points were so clear
and apparent, that even a civilian might discover and ex-
pound them, and he considered this to be one. He must
say also that he had not met with a single military man
who had not expressed the same opinion. Sir Howard
Douglas stated, while the siege was going on, that the
undertaking was hopeless, an could never succeed, and
if any person wished to know the foundation of that
opinion let him look to the excellent publication of that
gallant and distinguished officer, and the unanswerable
reasons therein stated. Having forced the entrench-
mects*of the Russian army at Alma, it was found vain
to attempt to besiege the northern side of the place,
with an army, inferior to the besieged in force, and our
efforts were therefore restricted to the southern face.
The bombardment opened, and at the expiration of the
very first day it was seen that a protracted siege must
be looked for. Then commenced that series qt teuffer-
inge, painful, horrible, heartrending, which no language
could exaggerate or oven adequately describe. Strange
to say, a Government composed of enlightened
men expected to hear from day to day of the sur-
render of Sebastopol, and the noble lord then at he
head of the Government, in an address delivered to the '
people of Aberdeen, said be thought it not improbable,
that at that vary moment the city might actually have.
fallen. The country saw with horror the indifference
manifested by the Government during the last autumn,
when, instead of every man remaining at his post to
watch over an enterprise on which the result of the war
depended, which involved the character of the Govern-
ment and the safety of our army, the members of the
Administration; with one or two exceptions, spread
themselves in all directions, some going to the High-
lands, some to their rural retreats, and a noble lord, to
whom Le had more than once alluded, lecturing upon
history to the agricultural audience of Bedford, .and
amusing with philosophical speculations the industrious
inhabitants of Bristol. He could riot be surprised at
the 'n iignetion felt by the country, or at that me-
morable outburst of aggrieved feeling which overt! crew
the lets Ada inietration. As the ancient Ror sans
elected a dictator in the crisis of their destinies, so
the people looked out flr some eminent states linen .
to repair our disasters and restore our fortunes,
and the public voice was in favour of the noble wis-
count. How far the wishes and expectations which lead
led to the noble lord's elevation had been satisfied he
would not say. But he begged to remind the noble v is-
count that those who depended on popular favour rested
on an unstable basis, and that the people were apt, sifter
a certain interval, like children, to break their favourite
toys. In a moment of indignation they had been known
to destroy the idols on which they rested for sup-
port and defence, and the hierophants who engaged to
perform a miracle were greeted, when it failed, oath
hoots and groans by the impatient populace.
The Earl of CLARENDON thought his noble and
learned friend, during three-fourths of the highly eloquent
speech he had just delivered, had deviated so far from
the subject of the motion of which he had giteer
notice, that he was warranted in calling the attention
of their lordships to this contradiction. Hfis noble
and learned friend in the early part of his speech
made, as he was sure to do, a most able and lucid
statement, though he was not aware of the practical utility
of the course pursued, nor had his noble and learned
friend offered any suggestions, or made any particular
inquiries. His noble and learned friend had, however,,,
adopted a tone in speaking of the late negotiations, and,
of our relations with foreign powers, of which he highly
approved. It was a very different tone from one that
had been too frequently held during the last few years,
both in speeches made in that house and in writings Gut
of it, and on which it had been more than once his duty
to animadvert. He was sorry to say that the course -pur-
sued by heated and over-ardent partisans in this country
had done us much injury abroad, and especially in Ger-
many. When this war began we had with us the warm
sympathies and good-wishes of four-fifths of the G-e rman
people. They were exasperated by the thraldom in wvhich
their Governments were held by Russia, whose influence
they well knew was directed to overawe Germany, to
repress progress, and to extinguish freedom in every
form. There was, therefore, at first, a feeling almost of
shame amongst the Germans that England and France
should be left alone in this contest. But he was sorry to
say that this feeling had greatly changed, in 01)12se-
quence of the tone that had been adopted here towards
foreign countries, and Germany particularly. There had
been so little cordiality on the one hand or discriminaa
tion on the other, so little care to distinguish between
our friends and our enemies, so great a proneness to conei-
der all those who were not entirely with ua as being with
our enemies, that a feeling of resentment had been en-
gendered against us, and extreme industry had been
used, especially since the termination of the late confer-
ences, to spread abroad whatever could be injurious to
this country. He rejoiced to perceive that his noble and
learnedisrnpa
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mined that he would not go beyond the strict line of his
duty, and he would rather expose himself to the censure
of their lordships for undue reserve than for indiscreet
loquacity. (Hear.) In the few observations he was now
about to address to their lordships, he would neither
be the apologist of Austria nor her accuser. He
agreed with his noble and learned friend, and he had
said so on various occasions in that house, that Austria
would have better consulted her dignity and interest,
with respect both to Russia and Germany, if elle had
from the first adopted a firmer tone and assumed a more
elevated position. He believed that she would have
greatly promoted, nay, that she would have secured, the
restoration of peace, and would have prevented those
Russian intrigues and German campliances and submis-
SiollB which we bad witnessed. But Austria was a great
and independent power, and although we might lament
that her line of policy should not be identical with our
own, we had no right and no reason to abuse her on
that account. Like ourselves, she was guided by regard
to her own interests, and we had no means of inducing
her to do that which she did not think was for her own
interest. But, engaged as we were in a great war
with the sovereign of a vast territory, the extreme
points of which only were accessible to us, it was of
the utmost importance to us to secure the alliance of
a power whose interests were identical with our own,
whose territory was contigusus to that of our enemy, and
which had the means, and announced the intention, of