The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-17 00:00:00

terror. Between her and the races she tempo-
rarily keeps down by her bloody despotism an un-
dying animosity has been engendered. This feel-
ing is increasing in intensity, and Austria is so
conscious of it that her vigilance grows with the
danger, and her rule becomes continually more
arbitrary. Is this an empire to oppose an effec-
tual barrier to Russian aggression ? Is it not evi-
dent that as respects principles of goveriment her
interests and those of Russia are the same ?
Freedom in every shape must be equally hateful
to both. They are allies by nature ; and while
Austria guards the Russian frontier, the CZAR,
safe from 'attack on the most vulnerable side of
his empire—the side of Poland—will always be
able to put forth enormous strength at the extre-
mities of his dominions.

How different would be the position were Italy,
Hungary, and Poland free, and Germany liberated
from the dead weight of Austrian despotism.
We do not speak now of the invigorating influ-
ences that would shoot through Europe, when the
vivid genius of the Italian, and the chivalric
nature of the Pole, and the highly ingenious and
enterptising disposition of the Magyar, were onee
more animated by freedom, and were encouraged
by its holy and exhilarating breath, to fertilise
countries which would then be their own, to
spread their language—to enhance their prosperity
—to multiply their numbers—to vivify those arts
and pursuits for which they have peculiar apti-
tude, bui which are now crushed by that prostra-
tion of spirit consequent on a degrading sense of
brutal domination. We do not speak now of the
bounding and elastic life which so great a change
from bondage to liberty would diffuse through
Europe—of the jealousies and restrictions it would
extinguish for ever—of the new sources of trade
and intercourse it would open to art7—.of the
fellowship between States united by one great
bond of free government it would produce. We
do not speak of these things now (though never
was there a time more favourable to the libera-
tion of oppressed races, and to their erection into
independent States, from the solid establishment
of principles of unrestricted commerce as most
conducive to national prosperity), but we want to
view the question in a political light alone. Is it
more for the security of Europe that the Austrian
empire, constituted as it is, and perfidious as it
has ever proved itself, should continue to exist, or
that the order of nature should be restored, and
that races should be called to the inestimable
blessing of national independence, whose policy
must be antagonistic to despotism, as fatal to
their life, and favourable to the closest union
with the free Governments of the West, as essen-
tial to their safety and welfare ?

This is the question for our people. Do you
prefer that that immense tract of country—fertile
in the richest productions of nature—now known
as the Austrian empire, should be under the rule
of a despotism and in alliance with Russia, or that
it should be under free and national Governments,
and closely connected by bonds of interest and
sentiment with the Western league ? We will
not believe that our people can be indifferent on
so inomentous a matter, nor shall our pen cease
its appeals to them till they return us some direct
response.

The great NAPOLEON, when pining in St. He-
lena, and standing on that threshold of Loth
worlds, whence, according to the poet, an intel-
lectual view is most wide and piercing, foresaw
the danger which menaced Europe, and predicted
the shape it would assume, and the time when it
would occur, with wonderful exactitude. In
O'MEAR4's " Voice from St. Helena,", we find
that he said in 1817 :

" In about thirty-five years the Russians will either
invade India or enter Europe with a hundred thousand
Cossacks, and two hundred thousand Russians. Russia
must either fall or aggrandise herself."

The numbers are, perhaps, very nearly those
which Russia has at present in the field against
the Allies. What follows is yet more memo-
rable :

"In the natural course of things, in a few years Tur-
key must fall to Russia. The Powers it would injure,
and who would oppose it, are England, France, Prussia,
and Austria. Now as to Austria, it will be very easy
for Russia to engage her assistance by giving her Servia.
and other provinces bordering upon the Austrian do-
minions, reaching nerr to Constantinople.
" The only hypothesis that England and France may
ever be allied in sincerity will bein order to prevent this."
Is not the man who could thus far foresee so ex-
actly the course of events entitled to some cre-
dence for predictions not yet fulfilled ? The
sentence following that above is the most impor-
tant of all :

" But even this alliance would not avail. France,
England, and Prussia united cannot prevent it. RUSSIA
AND AUSTRIA. CAN AT ANY TIME EFFECT IT."

This is the conjuncture we . have to dread.
Events are fast hastening to the consummation
NAPOLEON foresaw. Austria and Russia are
drawing together. They calculate on the effect
which a War void of decisive results, and waged
on no principle, except it be to support the old
status quo, and to maintain despotism unimpaired
—must have in wearying the popular spirit of
France and England. When this has been ac-
complished, then will be the time to strike the
world with terror by an Austrian and Russian
alliance for the partition of Turkey. The first
step has been taken by Austria's military' occu-
pation of the Principalities.
Who, looking fairly at the facts, can doubt the
imminence of the danger ? How is the full com-
pletion of NAPOLEON'S prophecy to be averted ?
We answer unhesitatingly by the immediate pre-
sence of the'Allied flags in the harbours of Venice
and Trieste, and by Austria receiving a peremp-
tory summons to evacuate the territories she has
too long usurped.

The complete -and speedy demolition of " the
Gibraltar of the North," as Sweabore, hag been
arrogantly designated
by Muscovite and pro
Muscovite Muscovite writers—the overthrow
impregnable fortifications, without
its qu
asi
impregnable
loss
oufa sai
t
single life or a single -Vessel to the assailants, must
prove how completely the
ma strongholds in
the Gulf of Finland and the B •
altic are at the
mercy of the Allied squadrons. Our Government
has only to will it, and the " standing menaces"
to the Scandinavian nations, the sources
of Rus-
sian influence with the Northern Powers, will be
numbered with the past. Let the orders be given,
and the proper means supplied, and Relsingfors
and Hango, Revel, and even Cronstadt itself, will
share the fate of Sweaborg ; and the Great
Northern Bear will learn that with kingdoms
as with individuals, " honesty is ever the
best policy." It is now, in the language
of the P. It. " Lombard-street to a
China orange," on wood versus granite ; and
although much valuable time has been wasted,
sufficient still remains to enable us to profit largely
from the results of the tardy but decisive ex-
periment.

There are still six weeks during which the ope-
rations of the Baltic Fleet may be continued,
and. as Sweaborg cost only two days, we may easily
calculate how much' may be accomplished
during that period if the parties are really in
earnest, and " work with a will " in the good
cause. Let them only go at it earnestly
and zealously, while the enthusiasm of the men is
excited to the highest pitch by the brilliant results
of their ars:- great triumph of the season, and

the enemy are depressed and panic stricken
by their easy conquest, and more will be
achieved than even the most sanguine
can venture to anticipate. But there must be no
delay nor procrastination. The time for nego-
tiation has gone by, that for action—incessant,
indefatigable action—has arrived. The success
must be not only steadily but rapidly followed
up ; and the Governments of England and
France must show their unflinching determina-
tion to spare no efforts to support the operations
of the Fleet, and to render their achievements com-
pletely decisive as to the War. It may not be
pleasing to Prussia that we should do so. Austria
may be astonished at our proceeding so rapidly
while she is willing to mediate. But it is the
course that will induce them really to strive to
bring about a permanent and honourable settle-
ment of the disputed questions, however distaste-
ful to Russia, and diametrically opposed by the
traditional policy inaugurated by PETER, and fol-
lowed by CATHERINE, and ALEXANDER, and
NICHOLAS !

From the situation of Sweaborg it was manifest
that it could only be attacked from the sea—that
no land forces could possibly co-operate in the on-
slaught. It consisted of a number of small rocky
islands, strongly fortified, and communicating
by bridges or galleries the one with the other.
The Russian Fleet lay in the heart of this series
of forts protected on every side. That fleet was,
however, transferred to Cronstadt, where it re-
mains as a portion, of the prize for the additional
work of the fleet. Sweaborg was also the defence
of Helsingfors. The only channel by which the
capital of Finland, the emporium of the trade of
Northern Russia, could be approached, lay
directly within the range of its 800 guns of heavy
calibre. So that, in fact, until Sweaborg was dis-
mantled, and its fire silenced, nothing could be
even attempted against Helsingfors. The protec-
tion, however, is withdrawn. It now lies at the
mercy of our Fleet. It is for the Admiral to de-
cide whether to strike or to spare, and we cannot
for a moment doubt his determination. The
policy that spared Odessa to be the scourge of our
troops in the Crimea, to endanger their existence
and the whole objects of the War, cannot be so
perversely pursued, as to act as a protection to
Helsingfors, now that Sweaborg has been demo-
lished. The course adopted towards Helsingfors
will probably decide the policy of the Scandi-
navian Powers, and render the Swedes, Norwe-
gians, and Danes either firm friends and faithful
allies, or worse than doubtful neutrals. It is an
important element in the calculation that must
decide our course of action in the Gulf of Finland.

It is more than probable that Helgingfors has al-
ready been bombarded ; and if so, that it has been
demolished. Day by day we may look for this
cheering and satisfactory intelligence, which will
prove the earnestness of our Government. But
when that has been accomplished—what next ?
There is still more to be done. The Russian fleet
still skulks securely under Cronstadt. It must
be destroyed in its fancied shelter. And it can
be so. Sweaborg and Helsingfors will then no
longer exist to threaten the Allied Fleets, in the
event of any unanticipated reverse. They will
be completely our own, to act as places for refit-
ting any casualties—a source of strength instead
of weakness, a cause for confidence instead of
terror. The mortar-vessels and gun-boats may,
as we have already said, run down the coast of
Finland, and take Cronstadt in the rear. That
is the vulnerable point—the heel of the Northern
ACHILLES. Thence can the fleet be destroyed,
while the men-of-war watch in front to deal with
any sortie on which they may venture. Nor need
the bombardment be restricted to a single point.
The iron shower may be hurled from every side
and on every position, perplexing and terrifying
the panic-stricken foe. it is there that the co-
operation of land troops would be peculiarly valu-
able. They could land in the rear, at the "vul-
nerable spot," where an onslaught has never been
thought of. We have seen the vast importance of
such aid at Bomarsund, but it would lead to even
more astonishing results at Cronstadt—the proper
point of attack being selected. A land force, with
every facility for transit from place to place,
would be of immense value. Twenty or thirty
thousand men, who could be landed at any point,
would create work for five times their number of
Russians, who could not tell where the impend-
ing blow might fall. The men could easily be
found. If England could not spare them they
could be obtained from France. Our faithful
ally would rejoice to participate in that which
would, indeed, be a " heavy blow and
great discouragement to Russia." A single
word to the Emperor NAPOLEON, and any num-
ber of trained soldiers will be forthcoming. Let
that word be spoken. A golden opportunity is at
hand. Our dearly-beloved SOVEREIGN will soon
be accepting his hospitalities ; she will be at-
tended by many of her Ministers ; and the deci-
sion may be arrived at within a few hours which
will crush the aggressive propensities of Russia,
and produce a glorious and permanent peace,
which it will be beyond the power of the auto-
cratic brigand to disturb or endanger.

Whatever may be thought of the leadership of
such individuals as Messrs. COLLETT, HART,
GEORGE THOMPSON, late of Tower Hamlets, DAVID
URQUHART, PA SSMORE EDWARDS, WASHINGTON
WILES, and others, most of whose names are un-
known beyond the precincts of the Peace Society's
committee room, their tactics are worthy of atten-
tion. In one point they are agreed—" Down with
Lord PALMERSTON ;" in another the men who chiefly
pull the wires are also agreed, to put a wet blanket
over the War, and to extinguish it as soon as they
can. The truth, which gives plausibility to their
language, is that which Mr. PUNCH has pictured
for us this week ; and if these gentlemen want a
flag to hang from their committee-room window,
the best device will be the "Ministerial White-
bait Dinner," and the best motto that which
appears beneath it, " I shay, ole Fellah—
what a jolly lot of humbugs we are."
We have ourselves never concealed our belief
that Lord PALRMESTON is too much of an
aristocrat himself, and too much at the mercy of
secret, but overbearing German influence, to carry
ea the War with real vigour. We have never
failed to demand definition in the place of that
wearisome cant phrase ; but catch Lord PALMER-
STON in a definition ! He sold Poland, to our pre-
sent cost, twenty years ago; he quietly acquiesced
in the Russian conquest
toefaseHduAnguasrtyri,a oanllyitttlhee,
other day, after having
without meaning the least harm to the sacred
cause of despotism; to both of which delinquencies
we owe the burdens and losses of this War. This
inconvenient truth is now brought to the surface.
It was whispered when PALMERSTON first came
in, but popular hopes made it useless to
attempt working it then. Now, however, after
time has shown that his Lordship can talk of
vigour, and yet continue the old course of sparing
Russia, can declaim about a safe and honourable
peace, and yet accept as its basis the Four Points
which even Ministerial papers now laugh at—the
time is come, some think, covertly to attack the
War through the sides of PALMERSTON.
It is diftioult indeed, even for us, to impugn