The National Register.
London, England, 1813-09-05 00:00:00

•
Our Mug, (Constitution, attivtatvs:
PUBLISHED AT NO. 11, NEWCASTLB-STBEET, STRAND.
No. 9.97. SUNDAY, SEPTEMIEIt 5, 1813. PR ME 9,1
-4,Nry, those
(.emplete-

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POLITICAL DlS:2ursmoN.

and, towards the latter end of the Directory, those two great
springs of the Revolutionary Government were so complete-
ly worn out, that the Rulers were objects of ridicule to the
people, and their power gave way at the first attack.

ON THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE.

[Concluded from our last Number.]

Buonaparte had planned that last shifting of scenes with
some of the leaders of the revolutionary philosophers, who
had duly stipulated for their share of the spoil, and he was
put at the head of the new government as First Consul for
ten years. The conclusion of a peace, of which France
stood so much in tweed, gave the Consul no inconsiderable
degree of popularity, which soon became general, from an
opinion propagated with the most anxious care, that he
meant to re-establish the Bourbons; a delusion which has
imposed even on that illustrious family. But when cau-
tiously advancing towards the supreme power, he got him'
self declared Consul for life, all his popularity vanished,
" The little Corporal," as the French called him, was the
subject of the most bitter sarcasms ; the Republicans held
again their nightly meetings, and one of those clubs in Bor-
deaux, known by the name of " La guille," even sent one
of his own countrymen, a Corsican, to Paris, to murder
him ; .of this he had timely notice, and the man was stopped
at the barricres. But he saw the absolute necessity of occu-
pying far from home, the attention of ::t•ended subjects,
as the former governments had done. The intercouic with
England, which must necessarily take place in heace- time,
was another obstacle toiii, ultimate views. The _liberty of
the English Press, and the t't cedom of speech la which
_En-
glishmen indulged in Paris, could not fisjl,4i opening the
eyes of the Ft ench to his usurpat'NT. and of reviving art their
t breasts those sentimel tt.'t fiii3erty .shich had been encouraged
to the most extrav*aut pitch anti:4 the last ten years ; for as
an jj-Lions French wriu!r observes, " Calais cannot he long
in darkness when light shines in Dover." Preparations of
war were maIL in consequence against Great Britain, and
nit& r the pretence of invading her shores, troops were col-
-I,,cted to attack successively the different Powers of the
Continent. In the mean time he assumed the supreme
power ; but a pledge was required from those who by the
murder of, their Sovereign had paved the way to his usurpa-
tion, that he never would compromise with the Bourbons,
and the Ducd'ENGAIEN was murdered at midnight. Without
following BUONAPARTE in his unprincipled aggressions on
the different States of die Continent, let us cast a view on
his situation in France. Ile had attained the summit of his
wishes; but those from vihom be inherited his power could
give him no other securities than those by which they had
themselves held it—terror and delusion. To the alle.,iance
of the people he had no more title than his prederess::rs
ROBESPIERRE and BABRAS.; nor had he any superior re-
nown, except that whic
and which he shated

In our last we stated, that one of the motives which
impelled the Revolutionary EMPEROR of FRANCE to wage
perpetual war with the rest of Europe, -was the impossibi-
lity to support in France the armies necessary to maintain
Lis power ; and, we briefly observed, that this power, the
blood-stained inheritance of Jacobinism, could be upheld
only by the same means by which it had been created.
Since his nsttipation he has evidently acted upon that con-
♦•iction; let it be our task to spew that the nature of his
rowel left him no alternative, had he not even been urged
by his uncontrolable passions.

It has been supposed by some superficial observers, that
the Revolution of France was produced by the abuses exist-
ing in the old government, and by a wish on the part of the
people to sec them reformed. That abuses existed, we will
not pretend to deny, and we are ready to admit also, that
many wished only for a temperate reform, consonant with
the principles of the ancient constitution of the realm.l
But difffirent, far different were the views of the party which
early took the lead in that-work of destruction. France, at
that time, independent of the influence which her geogra-
phical situation, her power, and her state of civilization,
naturally insure her in Europe, had acquired a dreadful
ascendency on public opinion, by perverting it, and, as the
eraddle and the focus of modern philosophy, was considered
as a common country by all its sectaries. Proud of superfi-
cial acquirements, impatient of any restraint, and harbour-
ing an inveterate hatred against all civil and religious institu-
tions, the philosopher set himself above,kitigs, and ackuow,•
ledged no God. Thus, sole judge of his actions. con.
sidered as lawful whatever was -conducive to his ends, and
hoped for no reward, nor jirentted any punishmeiit be) ond
the ttrnits of his guiltylife. Such were the men who repre-
sented themselves as called upon to regenerate mankind, and
their first measures were hailed by their disciples in the dif-
ferent parts of Europe as the harbingers of the reign of rea-
son, and of philosophy.

I

The power of men professing such doctrines could be es•
tablished only by the subversion of all received opinions, and
the destruction' of all former institutions ; and terror and
delusion were the only weapons which could be effective,
either to create or to maintain it. But terror cannot act
long on the mind unless it varies its shape, and it vanishes at
the first appearance of successful resistance; delusion, on
the other hand, especially when of too gross a nature, mint
be universal, or the charm is soon dispelled. The first ad-
venturers of the French Revolution eatly etperienred .this;
Vol. V/. No. CCXCVLT.

i resulted from his military: expkiN,
with several Republican Generals.