The National Register.
London, England, 1812-04-19 00:00:00

begins to be felt, that patriots should induce discuisions
or bring forward motions calculated to heighten the fer-
ment of the popular mind. They ought to be conscious
that as self-preservation is both the natural impulse and
the first duty of man, it is also in a tenfohl degree that of
States ; because their welfare materially affects that of the
thousands of whom they are composed, whose ri4hts and
fortunes they are bound to maintain unimpaired. It is
evident, therefore, that the Government by whim) the af-
fairs. of State are administered, must, in such circum-
stances, stretch forth the arm of power with which it has
been entrusted, and by a sudden exertion put an end at
once to the existing disorders. In all cases of popular
commotions, weakness and indecision. on the part of the
Executive, have proved its ruin. Vigour must act and
punish : and when the hopes of impunity, entertained by
the factious, have vanished away ; when their audacity
melts into fear, and their turbulence into sorrow for the
past, then alone may the loud pleadings of mercy be
heard without danger. Submis ;ion mast precede pardon.
But it may be s rid, if th.,t people at a not allowed to
take the 1:1w into their own Kinds, and to do themselves
what they conceive to be justice, what provis;on ought
the Legislature to make for their relief? On this subject
we shall give the following extracts from Mr. BURKE'S
Treatise on the Duty of the Legislature in cases of scar-
city :

KOf all things an indi,,crect tamper in. with the trade
of provisions is•the most dangerous, and it is arrays worst
in the time when men are most disposed to it ; that is, in
the time of scarcity. Because there is not ling oa I,hich
the passions of men are so violent, and their judgment so
weak, and on which there exists such a multitude of
ill-
founded popular prejudices.

ga The great use of Government is as a rer:traint : and
there is no restraint which it ought to put upon others,
and upon itself too, rather than that which is imposed on
the fury of speculating under circumstances of irritation.
" We ought to guard more carefully on this point than
on any other, against legislating overmuch. My op -
nion (says Mr. Bont(E), is against an cve!.do:nz of any
sort of administration, and mu: e especially against the
most momentous of all meddling on the part of authority;
the meddling with the subsistence of the people.'
" The labouring people are only poor because they are
numerous. Numbers in their nature imply povertr. In
a fair distribution among a vast multitude, mme can haw:
much. That class of dependent pensioners called the rich.
is so extremely small, that if all their throats were cut, and
a distribution made of all they consume in a year, it would
not give a bit of bread and cheese for one night's supper
to those who labour, and who, in reality, iced both the
pensioners and themselves.
" But the throats of the rich ought not to be cut, nor
their magazines plundered; becausc, thliir persons they
are trustees for those vrho labour, and tlL:ir hoards are the
banking-houses of these latter. Whether they me.in it or
not, they do, in effect, execute their t:ust—some with mole
some with less, fidelity and judment. But on the wl:.•1•_•,
the duty is petformet.l, re:ornE., d:du,;:pc;