The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-13 00:00:00

FOURPENC E.

FOR THE THIRD OR LATEST EDITION.

In consequence of the abolition of the Stamp
Duty on Newspapers the public in all
large cities and towns to which parcels
are forwarded by the News-Agents, The
Sun, which formerly coat Fivepence-half-
- penny for the Latest Edition, containing
Parliamentary Debates of the same even-
ing, together with the List of Army and
Navy Promotions in the London Gazette,
with Official Despatches from the Seat of
War, the Latest Sporting, and all other
Commercial News, List of Bankrupts,
drc., ch., can now be had for Fourpence,
being a saving of nearly one-third.
Hitherto the price of the paper was nomi-
nally Fivepence, but all Late Editions
posted after six o'clock were charged a
fee of One Halfpenny by the Post-office,
which made the price to the Subscriber.
Fivepence-Halfpenny. This charge must
still be made to those in remote places
unless the Postmaster-General have the
magnanimity to forego such a paltry
source of revenue.

Bun-office, 112, Strand, London,
9th July, 1855.

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,53431,
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LONDON, MOND&Y, AUGUST 13, 1865.

The session, which has virtually terminated,
awaiting only the formal prorogation, although
very protracted, has been singularly barren of im-
portant reforms such as the nation had confidently
anticipated and anxiously looked for from Minis-
ters. Many extraordinary changes have occurred,
but they have been rather personal than material.
Many public men have sacrificed their characters
—have recklessly committed political suicide.
We regret, however, to say that few have exhi-
bited the qualifications necessary to replace the
virtually defunct statesmen, or to fill up satisfac-
torily the void occasioned in the national coun-
cils amongst the most trusted advisers of her

MAJESTY.
The Aberdeenites—Ne shall not desecrate the
name of PEEL by again using the designation by
which the scanty remnant of a once mighty party
were formerly known—have irrevocably forfeited
the confidence of the community. The Man-
chester school—that is to say, Messrs. MILNER
GIBSON, BRIGHT, and COBDEN—have sunk them-
' selves more deeply in the mire than before, and
proved how grossly mistaken was the late CZAR
in auPPesing that they might be regarded as the
representatives of any large amount of popular
opinion in the United Kingdom. But there has
been a more deplorable fall than any. Lord
JOHN RIISSELL, who, at the commencement of
the session, commanded the respect and con-
, fidence of the people more,, perhaps, than any

Member of either Rouse of Parliament—

who had only Lord PAimERsTON as a rival for
general popularity, has fallen from his high estate,
and there are now " none so poor to do him
honour." His has,
indeed, been the most melan-
choly sacrifice of all. For, however we may con-
demn the 'truckling to Austria, the unmitigated
" Coburg-Germanism" into which, in his convul-
sive grasps for the Premiership, he degenerated,
we cannot altogether forget the knightly service
he has so frequently renderecl—the doughty deeds
he has performed in the liberal cause. A tear
must necessarily fall for the backsliding of the
repealer of the Test and Corporation Act, the intro-
ducer of Parliamentary Reform,
the vigorous and
important energetic champion of many principles
tending to the good of the community. Would

that, like that of "the recording Angel," it could
"blot out the transgression for ever"—that in
another session we could hail the "Lord JOHN"
of former days. The sacrifice, however, has been
too complete. There is no vestige of hope of his
political resurrection, and we can only lament

the untoward termination- -to a once brilliant

career.
The session began in December. The Lords
and Commons were hastily called together before
Christmas—on the 12th December—to receive
the Royal, or rather the Ministerial, congratula-
tions on the auspicious Treaty entered into with
Austria, and to pass two measures of vast im•
portance connected with the progress of the War.
We confess that we did not see great cause
for satisfaction or self-gratulation in the
Treaty which found the Western Powers to
everything, and their slippery colleague to nothing
—which compelled France and England, in the
event of War being declared against Austria, to
enter into a treaty offensive and defensive, but
bound "the Waiter-on-PnovrnEricE " to nothing
but " to deliberate" on the best course to accom-
plish the objects of the War. There can be no
doubt of the true intent and meaning of the
clause, or the manner in which it was understood
by the Western POwers. But we knew that
Austria was a slippery customer. We felt con-
vinced that she would wriggle through any loop-
hole for escaping or evading her responsibility,
however filthy the path or disgraceful the mode.
We did not hesitate to give these views to the
world, and, unhappily, our gloomy vaticinations, or
rather sober calculations from existing data, proved
but too well founded. Nor do we take any credit
for prescience from opinions based on the treachery
and faithlessness of Russia—the duplicity and in-
sincerity of Austria. With such doubtful quanti-
ties, how could there be a satisfactory solution to
the Equation ?
Two measures alone were brought forward and
received the Royal Assent before Christmas. The
Militia Bill and the Foreign Enlistment Bill
ware declared by Ministers to be indispensable to
the vigorous and energetic waging of the just and
necessary War in which the country had engaged.
But they were of a very different character. The
one commanded universal assent, the other almost
as general reprobation. The first allowed Eng-
lish subjects engaged in the service of the Crown
to volunteer for service beyond the limits of the
-United Kingdom, in certain places where they
might relieve the regular garrisons, who would
thus become available for service in the Crimea,
or elsewhere. The other cast a slight upon Eng-
lish, Irish, and Scotch, by seeking the aid of
foreign mercenaries, for that for which our
own countrymen would gladly have come forward,
if offered equal inducements. It was a virtual
confession of either cowardice or incompetence—
an admission that we were either unwilling or
unable to fight, and should purchase the venal
exertions which we ourselves were afraid to make.
Such was the natural interpretation of a measure
forced by the sinister influence of an irresponsible
party on the Cabinet and Parliament of Great
Britain. Both were hurried through with reck-
less speed. But the Militia Bill had been pre-
viously fully announced, and fully canvassed—
it had received the "fiat" of public approbation
even before the delivery of the Royal Speech, and
there was nothing to complain of in the speed
with which it passed through its various stages in
both Houses. But not so the obnoxious proposi-
tion, the, manner whereof was as objectionable as
the matter. It was carefully concealed from pub-
lic knowledge, not a hint was suffered to leak out,
even through the most favoured channels. It was
known that it would occasion intense indignation
and, disgnst, and therefore it was enveloped iu a
dense veil of mystery until the very moment that
it was brought forward in Parliament. Much of
the virus was extracted before it was suffered to
receive the. Legislative sanction. But although
it passed, it gave a death-blow to the popularity
of the Government, and paved the way for the
overthrow of the ABERDEEN Ministry, which
occurred during the ensuing month. It is only
necessary to say that these very urgent measures
have as yet led to no practical results. Not a
single regiment or even company of Militia has
garrisoned a Mediterranean post—nor has the
Foreign Legion, embodied under the provisions of
the Act, as yet smelt Russian powder. We have
embroiled ourselves with other nations—have
submitted to many slights from petty German
States, but the contemplated object, which
was of so "peculiarly urgent a character" that
Ministers " could not answer for the consequences
if a single day were lost," has not since been car-
ried out or materially advanced.
So much for what occurred before Christmas,
and which, as we stated, paved the way for the
fall of Lord ABERDEEN, and occasioned a general
want of confidence in the stability or earnestness
of his Government. The striking events that
followed the re-assembling of Parliament must
form the subject of another notice, as time and
space alike prohibit a continuance of the review of
the past session.

Lord STANLEY, while the light of Parliament
is still flickering, has commenced the interses-
sional engagements, by which its leaders generally
in some measure supply its place. It seems that,
as a people, we can hardly do without a certain
',mount of public speaking ; if it be true, as Lord
STANTEY remarks, that we need books more than
most nations on account of our habitual reserve,
Constraint, and reluctance to communicate freely
our views in social intercourse, the reverse is th©
case with our speeches in public assemblies. In
, them our best men, and our most worthless it
must be confessed also, speak with a freedom un-
kdniocwain
perlsees:haenr:
tihneEurope.
platform, Btheetwneaetnionthgeetpsearit-
othe current thoughts of all, including the wisdom
of its careful thinkers ; Lord'STANLEY is himself
an exemplification, for no doubt he feels the Eng-
lish constraint in ordinary intercourse which he
so frankly describes, while he gives us his entire
thoughts on an important subject in a public
speech.. To the important class of men who have
something worth saying to others, and, therefor©,
modesty enough not to deem themselves infallible
oracles, the request to make a speech seems to be
the very apology
they need for uttering
thoughts without reserve.
In his very thoughtful speech at Hatfield,thei
Lord
which appeared in The Sun of Saturday,
STANLEY discussed pretty fully the value of boots
as the means of adult education for our popula-
tion generally. He has aided in the establish-
ment of several free public libraries already, both
•
at Lancashire and at Lynn, in Norfolk, the bo-
rough for which he sits as a member , a town in
which, without forfeiting the respect and support
of his Conservative friends, he has, by his honest
and intelligent conduct on church rates, educa-
tion, and. almost every important domestic topic,
gained the heartfelt esteem of the liberal portion
of the constituency- ; so much so that they would
Probably
support him generally in another elec-
tion, and decidedly prefer him to the professedly
liberal Quaker's san, whose votes have been Tory-
ism itself compared
with Lord STANLEY'S. The
Marquis of SALISEVRY,
being desirous to establish
a Free Library at gatfield, obtains the experienced
d the lecture of Wednes-
aid of Lord STANLEY, an
day last is evidently i4ie result
of much observa-
tion and reflection.

After showing our extraordinary deficiency in
regard to free libraries, compared with continental.