The National Register.
London, England, 1815-05-28 00:00:00

NATIONAL REGISTER.

.Y 28.

power that was calculated to excite alarm ; and this alarm was
nicreased from a consideration of the power by which his usurpation
was supported. He knew that the whole nation of France was
against him ; who then it would be asked, were they who brought
him back to France? They were the persons composing the army
—persons who wanted a Military Chief, and wished for a Military
Government. He had heard something said of prospects being held
out that a limited Monarchy and a free Constitution would be esta-
blished in France. He knew there were many things ut this mo-
ment which prevented the accomplishment of such a plan ; he wish-
ed to ask, whether, with suck an army as was now in France, and
under such a leader, it was possible a free Government could exist ?
There could be none free in any country. the title of whose Chief
depended on the sword. It had been said, that peace was such a
desirable thing, that no war should ever be attempted until nego-
tiation was first tried. But with the present Government of
France there was but oue or two alternatives, either a war, or a
state of preparation for war ; the question then was, whether, with
all the dangers of such a Government before us, we should proceed
to repel those dangers at once, or wait and take the chances of
peace. Noble Lords should recollect the reason why former
efforts against France had failed ; it was because the great powers
never could be got to form a general confederation until very lately.
This grand object had nut been attained until the year 1818, and
that %sant of general confederation was the great cause ut failure.
When, therefore, we had such a great, powerful, and united league
as this bet Ore us, was it to be thrown away ? An usurping Govern-
meta, upheld by military torce, now existed in France, which was
inconsistent with the peace of &trope : we possessed all the means
of crushing this Government ; and if these were suffered to pass
sway they might never have them azain. He (Lord L.) had used
his best endeavours to ascertain the sentiments of the different
Allied Courts and of the first military officers to be employed, and
he had founil the former unanimous es to the necessity of the
greatest exertions, and the latter unanimous as to the strong proba-
bility of success with the forces to he placed at their disposal. The
npcertsinty of war was proverbial, and the event of battles was in
the hands of Providence ; but as tar as dependance conic' be placed
on human means, on the disposition which prevailed among the
powers of Europe and their subjects, and on the military judgment.
of those in whom he confided, be certainly did think that the means,
as tar as human judgment went. were sufficient and likely to pro-
duce the desired succees. Indeed, what other alternative was left
but war, or an armed peace almost equivalent to war in point of
expellee, and leaving the country in a feverish state of auxiety as to
detence?—Suppusing a treaty with Iluonaparte, could any man
Contemplate a peace establishment in the old sense of the phrase?
The Country could only have a feverish and disturbed repose. The
system of armed defence was calamitous in itself, and one of which
the country had no experience. If we went to war now, we might
hope to bring it to a happy and speedy issue : but if we began with
all the heavy expellees of an armed peace, most probably soon to
terminate in a defensive war. we should have to repent of the policy
pursned.—Whatever might be the issue of the war, never had one
been mitered into with more mature deliberation. The war on
which they had resolved was not a war of interest or aggrandi-e-
-fluen- He felt, on the part of his colleagues, and on the part of
all the powers, that they had no interest in view, but the security
of Europe and of the World. They wished not to see France aban-
doned to the ravages of war, her provinces or her resources cur-
tailed, but only such a Government existing in that country as
would afford security to the rest of Europe. In this view he thought
it would be generally admitted that the restoration of Louis XVIII.
to his throne, was au object dear to the heart, not only from feelings
of °Poliathy, but from a principle of general expediency. He
could state it as the. couvietion of his mind, founded on the fullest
enquiry (which it was his.duty to make), that the great majority of
the People of France, lie would say three fourths of them, desired
the retnrn of the King. As. -far as the weight of metal evidence
went, lie believed this to be the sentiment of theeouth of FranCe, of
the west, and of the north. With that opinion of the state of public
sentiment in that country, and looking to what was best for the
Se. neral security and repose of Europe, he was 'not ashamed av'o'w
his anxious wish for the restoration of Limis XVIII. to his throne.
-it, Was true, we had no right to dictate to an independent country
what its goventment should be, or who should be at its head; but
we had a right to interfere and say. that France shortlel not haeg, a
government which threatens the repose, the security, and the very.
existence oesurrottuding nations. The noble Lord concluded with
moving an Address, in answer to the Prince •Regent's Message, as.
eitiinß his Royal Higlineu of their cordial support in all the measures
he might deem neccsiork against the enamel) enemy. •

341

Earl GREY began by observing, that the speech of Earl Liverpool
abounded copiously iu assertion, and but little in argument ; it was
full of the confidence of success, and hardly contemplated the possi-
bility of failure ; and the speech of the Noble Lord had concluded
by moving an Address in reply to the Message, speaking nothisig
but war, although in reply to a question which he had pot to the
Noble Lord last night, he had declared wv were still at peace. The
Noble Lord had talked of the tight of making war. A war might
iudeed be just; but to be just, it must be necessary; and, on the
present occasion, he could not see the necessity which existed to
make this a just war. There must also be a demand of satiatactiou
of a wrong before we could be justified. If a right was invaded, 4
wrong was threatened. The first step was to demand satistaction
of the right invaded, and security against wrong threatened. Had
any right been at present invaded by litiontparte, or had any de-
mand of satistaction been wade from him? If not, in what did our
right of war consist ? It could only exist in the breach of some
treaty ; and lie now understood that the present war was determined
on, on the grounds of the contravention of the Treaty of Paris, the
fundamental principle of which was the abdication of Buoimparte.
The Noble Lord said, no man could hold more sacred than he did
the right of the people to choose their own Government; yet he
was ready to agree with the Noble Lord who moved the Address,
that this right should be so exercised by a people as nut to become
dangerous to others. But was it every species of danger, however
remote. that gave to other countries a right of interference in the
Government of any particular state or people ? What were the
cases in which heretofore nations had thought it right to interfere in
other Governments except their own. He bad looked carefully
into this subject, and the only case in which lie had found fweign
states interfere in the internal Government of others was, where the
particular Government, by family or other alliances, threatened the .
liberties of other countries. The Noble Lord then proceeded to
enter into a review of the Pragmatic Sanction, and the War of
Succession, and contended that such was the origin of the wars _
the first in the reign of Charles of Spain, and the other in
that of Charles the Second; those were cases which threatened
and endangered the Fireflies of Europe! and was there any such
eve existing now ? He believed it never yet was heard of before,
that the private character or person of the Governer of any
nation was to be made a plea of interminable war with that country.
The Noble Lord (Liverpool) had said, that not only on the Treaty •
of Paris but on the Treaty of Fontainblean, and the Convention of •
Paris also, were the obligations of Buonaparte to be judged of: ho •
would take it so, and proceed to examine those treaties; and to •
begin with the Treaty of Fontainbleati : Had that treaty seen ad-
hered
to? The Noble Lord did not say it had been entirely; and
lie (Lord G.)• meant to contend that the violations of that treaty
were sufficient to justify Buonaparte. First, there was an itiliinge- •
meet of the treaty, in not paying the pension; next, in the seques-
tration of Buonaparte'a effects and those of Isis family. It was at
first said, reasons of state rendered the sequestration of property
necessary and justifiable, since that it was done to satisfy Boone-
parte', debts. How should this be, since another as title :t the
treaty provides for the payment of those debts wit of the monies
1 due to the Civil List. There was also another violation of the—
, treaty. as applied to the Archduchess. Conti the !Coble Lord
deny that it was in contemplation to deprive Ituonapaelei wife
of the possessions which had been assigned to her ; and watt it not
also even in contemplation to remove Buonaparte from tbitt iselelnus .
which he hall chosen for himself. Yet the Noble Lord mid these..
regulations of the Treaty of Fontainblean were no justification
of Buonaparte ; and that he ought to have applied to the Sove-
reigns for redress. This he (Lord G ) hail denied, sauce, ac-
cording to Vattel, the breach of any particular article 'of a
treaty was a• vieation and setting ande of the whole treaty. -As to
the Treaty of Paris, was there in that treaty any as tick precluding .
France from a change of formin her Gbvernment, or excluding any
particular person by name from becoming the head Of the Govern-
ment If not, how had the people of Fralsee been guilty of any .
breach of the Treaty-of Paris in the change of Government they bad
made. Was Buonaparte named at all in the Treaty of Paris? Or
' was his abdication at all referred to? It might be said, that terms
had been given to France, under the Bourbons, in consequence of
the hopes which bad been entertained of peace for Eorope, nisder
their *wee. If it was so, all that we had a right to do was to ask
Biumatraete to.giveseciirity fa preserving the same terms as we bad
expected from. the Bourbons. The next object of consider:mini' was
the character of the war. He was surprised the Noble Lont
pool) had not said more upon the subject. To form an idea of the.
character of this war, it was only necessary to teed the declaration.
of the Allies on the 13th of March, 'which elated that by leggin'