The National Register.
London, England, 1812-12-13 00:00:00

7 70

action in the prosecution .0f -a war like the present ; the
manifestation of such a spirit must derange the best war
system that can be acted upon. Measures wl;ich foreign
connexions may make it expedient or absolutely necessary to
adopt, may at the same time become impolitic or ruinous in
such a crisis at home. So circumstanced, ability mad• be
embarrassed, a war protracted for want of vigour, the confi
deuce of allies shaken, and the character of a nation tar-
nished. Fatal experience has proved that national divisions
arc destructive to national strength and national glory. Pa-
triotism, operating with public benevolrnce, ever seeks to
conciliate that influence of party which inspires animosity
and breeds rancour.

It is difficult to imagine that any man Nvho has no other
object in view but his country's honour and interests, would
purposely and industilBinly disseminate opinions and scivi-
',lents calculated to inflame the public mind, and rouse the
people to acts of hostility and vengeance. It is impossible
to believe that public virtue would prompt a man to become
the champion, the friend and protector of political incen-
diaries, traitors, and libellers. To acknowledge such conclu-

sions would be to ilernive virtue of its proper attributes—
reason of its sanity justice of its truth—and honour of its
ennobled properiieq. It would be, in fact, to change the
complexion of good to bad ; to debate viitue, and erect a

throne for vice. Yet, alas! 0 tempora 0 mores ! instances
are to be found in the present age, in which persons with
high and frequent prce..ssions, both of a political and moral
nature, have not thought it dishonourable to become the
intimate, nay bosom friend of TooKE and O'CoNt4oß, nor
disgraceful to associate with DESPARD in prison, and plead
his cause in the Senate ; nor opposite to public good to
sanction by public declarations of approbation, the writings
of every mercenary wretch, who is hardy enough to vilify
the Government, and ridicule the sacred pages of Religion.*
When individuals of exalted rank condescend to become
the supporters of a faction, their exaniple is sure to lead with
it. the ignorant and unthinking; and their sanction never
fails to embolden the dissatisfied. It is on these oceasibns
that the press becomes licentious, and the people turbulent.
Under such patronage, sedition, sculking from her dreary
lurking place, at first suspicio►►sly lifts her head, and by
cautious degrees insinuates herself into the minds of the pro-
fligate, where gaining ascendancy, on every political subject
her clamorous tongue is raised anainst the Ministry, without
distinction of tight or wrong, and her tnalicious pen then
swells the journals of the day, divested of candour, purity,
and truth. Such mischievous engines are the natural
parents of all the calamities mid confusion which now dis-
tract the world—a licentious press and profligate people
occasioned the French Revolution; the standard of liberty
was planted in its first progress, but despotism► soon gained
dominion over, and with an iron rod bath long been scourg-
ing, the sons of Francs for their fatal error.

There can he little ohj.ction in the minds of well disposed
and reasonable men to amly the correcting hand of the law
to evils which, if not sub:lmA, have power to endanger the
State. and be otherwise productive of private injury. Of all
evilE there is none pregnant with greater mi,chief than a
licentious . press through such an organ every depraved
pasbion that pervades the mind may clandestinely be brought
into action against fair pretensions and honest fame ; hr its
influence the affection 3 of the subject may be alienated from
the Sovereign; envy may wrest the laurel from the hero's
brow; disappointed ambition, without being animated by
,e, may perplex public busi-
',ual reputation, and malice
.ving.persuqs. Considering

DEC. I!

therefore the extent of the tnischief it is capable of pro.
clueing, its correction is a duty incumbent on the Govern.
ment : and however severely such circumstances may be felt
by the offending party, they aflord no cause for further
satisfaction, on the contrary, the punishment of ofii *
1(;1
which are ia the highest degree injurious to the intele-
(:f society, gives security to every good subject. The privi!
lege of fair discussion is not invaded by being confined to
that proper exercise avhich, is capable of diffusing n the
a
advantages that can he derived from it.
The people of this country enjoy more actual f.tallaal
than those of any other nation in the warld. The
laws by
which they are governed are less arbitrary, more equitable,
and afford a greater security to persons and property, than
can be found in any other state : the innocent arc protected;
the injured are justified, and in our punishment of the guilty:
" mercy seasons justice." No man ought to have a hibcr
sense than yourself of the mildness of their operation even tin-
der the mist aggravated circumstances. Every attention has
been paid by the Constitittion to render their administration
pure; and although some individuals, to whose offencti they
have dispensed a justice which the benefit of the community
demanded, may be disposed to avow " that they are venal,"
I will venture to assert, there is no honest man in the catai•
fry, who experiences the least uneasiness front such consi•
devotion, or who does not repose in them perfect confidence
for his safety. If laws are necessary, (which who will deny?)
the laws of England are most to be desired, as they embrace
advantages superior to all others ; but to the wicked, every
regulation that restricts offence will be disagreeable, and the
more salutary its influence the greater will be their hostility
the profligate only will attempt to degrade and render the
laws nugatory ;• the honest will ever uphold them as their
best refuge against fraud and violence.
It is evident by the resistance you made on a memorable
occasion, when Piccadilly became a scene of outrage, and
the subsequent legal enquiries you instituted, that you were
either grcy,sly ignorant of those laws which it w.,s your duty,
and ought to have been your ambition, as a Legislator, to
become acquainted with ; or that your disposition induced
you first to violate, and then to oppose their exectiti(ta fay:
motives either evil or contemptible : in playing a politival
game to win popularity, your intrepid spirit disibined
councils of discretion. \V ith a heated imagination yon
applied to the passions of the people, disputed the power of
Parliament to protect itself from insult, and placed yourself
in personal contention with the Law. Did it never occur to
you, that violent measures are not sanctioned by the friends
to social order? that reflecting men would condemn such
I conduct, and r"gard your public intentions with suseicion?
Tt was sail of a notorious Patriot, (G. 1.4. WA RD Lt), that
" men of morals would despise him as a profligate, men of
talents as a fool; and men of independence as the
slave of a
desperate and sinking party." The virulence of his pultlic
conduct brought a censure on him which (as the stream t.
popular prejudice subsides) by a perseverance in the saa.e
carne, common sense will apply to you.
You estimate the people too lightly; you have formcd an
erroneous opinion of the discernment of the public; to en•
.
tertain.your principles, they would become the promot:as tif
their own disgrace and ruin.- The interests of Civil s"('ielY
are never benefittea by breaking those tics upon which thry
rest. The Constitution is not rendered secure by de:vtdiii,:.
the Government. The credit of the nation is not soma); till
43, casting reflections on the Cabinet, neither is its
faun in•
! creased by a false expiasure of n'eaknesg• ;
There is an alrectation in singularity which great tme
se!cloin indu!ze, and in no species Of conceit is vanity inJe

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