The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-20 00:00:00

an extreme and vigorous account might bo the more politic
alterua ive of the two. We have to contend against an enemy
who, with whatever qualifications ho may be endowed by na-
ture, has full scope and play given to all his faculties and
views, by the unlimited power, the irresponsible freedom
with which lie acts. He asks no consent, he renders no ac-
count. He wields at will the population and re-ources of a
mighty empire and its dependent states. His successes are
magnified with enthusiasm, his failures slightly passed over.
An .I against this unity of counsel and this liberty of action,
we have to contend under the disadvantages of a mixed and
complicated Government. Disadvantages in this respect
they undoubtedly are, though happily and gloriously re-
deemed and compensated by the great and manifold blessings
of a cohistitution unequalled by any other system of human
policy in the history of the world. Secrecy of design, cele-
rity of execution, A boldness of adventure arising from fear-
lessness of responsibility for ill success, arc the qualities the
most useful for the vigorous prosecution of military operations.
They are advantages which our despotic adversary enjoys in
the most eminent degree. They arc those which a free Go-
vet nment necessarily wants. I doubt whether it be politic
to aggravate the inequality of such a contest, by a severity of
scrutiny, and a hardness of animadversion upon failure, which,
by making responsibility too heavy to be borne, has a ten-
dency to make all enterprise too hazardous to be attempted.
Neither, again, while I a 'mit and lament the failure of this
expedition, can I agree with those who consider the disap-
pointment of a great object of national policy as synonymous
with national disgrace, and as pregnant with national ruin."
Sir, so say I. cannot consider that what has happened
is synonymous with disgrace, or is pregnant with national
ruin. I believe that in going to war suddenly with our
organisation v ry defective; in undertaking an enterprise
more than usually hazardous, we have suffered more than
ordinary calamities. Bet I look to many things which are
sound, both iu our military anti our political constitution.
I cannot but believe that an army which stood, I will not
sty the battles of Alma and lukerman, but which with-
stood the hardships of a winter siege of Sebastopol un-
brolun, and with its discipline unimpaired, must be formed
by a military system equal to its object, a system which
to ,ehes men to endure hardships and to meet not glorious,
but inglorious death with calmness in the service of their
country. (Cheers.) I cannot but think that an army so or-
ganised, when reinforced, and with less arduous difficul-
ties to contend against, will he sure to give to their country
victory, and to Europe safety and repose. I look to our
political constitution. I see in that political constitution
defects. Is e moreover, some circumstances which were
not the case when Canning spoke—which afford great ob-
stacles to the efficient operation of the war ; but believe
there is a vie tue even in the worst of those defects and in
the most cryi g of those evils. I believe that which has
been found faulty will be repaired, owing to the general
spirit which prevails of looking into every branch of the
administration eith the view to correction. I believe
likewise, that the spirit of the people of this country is as
high as ever it was in war— (hear) —and that it will stop
short of no sacrifice in carrying on any enterprise neces-
sary to maintain the character of the country. (Hear, and
sheers ) I hold, that under these circumstances, anti with
these prospects before us, with this organisation both mili-
tary and political, that vote which shall displace the ail-
ministration by an assertion that the war was not well
conducted, and above all, that it was rash to underteke
the expedition to the Crimea—l believe that such re vote
of the House of Commons, far from aiding—far from pro-
moting the success of the war, will, on the contrary, tend
to damp the spirit an-1 confuse the minds of the people of
this country. (Hear.) I believe that this house will best
perform its duty by giving no countenance whatever to the
motion 1 the hon. and learned gentleman, which I be-
lieve w+s conceived in malice, and can tend to no object
useful to the state. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. BRIGHT would occupy the house only a few
minutes while he explained his views on the motion of the
hon. and learned member. He did not vote for the previ-
ous motion of the hon. and learned gentleman on this
ground—he perceived in the words of the motion a one-
sidedness with regard to its application to the different
members of the Government, anti he thought that indi-
cated something like conspiracy towards the noble earl
then at the head of the Government, anti that portion of
the Cabinet supposed to be particularly associated with
him. On that ground he refused to give his vote, though
he approved of the constitution of the cons 'ate° when ap-
pointed. He now gave his entire approbation to the labours
of the committee and to their report, which was both ad-
mirable and judicious; but when the house had the report
iu their hands, they were bound, according to all ordinary
proceedings, to take some step with regard to it. The
noble lord (Lord J. Russell) had been severe on the hon.
anti learned gentleman, but he did not blame him, as the
hon. and learned gentleman dit not spare the noble lord
the other night. (Hear.) The noble lord said the speech
of the hon. and learned gentleman was good at the corn-
in ncement and the end, but the middle was left out. Did
the noble lord think that the hon. and learned gentleman
ought to have read the whole of the report? The hon. and
learned member reasonably thought that the house had
made themselves fully acquainted with the facts in it, and
that t facts were to be taken as not disputed. Did
thenotseelord lord intend that the facts should be dealt
with as antiquaries deal with curiosities ? Put into a mu-
seum for the curious to gaze at. It was the duty of the
house to take further proceedings, in case the allegations
which had been made were substantiated. Had not all
the case against Government been more than made out by
the committee ? There could not be a doubt it had. No
member of the past or present Government could deny
fairly that those statements which had so alarmed the
country had been proved to be correct by evidsuce before
the committee, which evidence was now laid on the table
of that house. And were they to say the whole end of the
matter was to be this, that there was to be some change in
some of the departments—the Ordnance to be extirpated,
and a better concentration of offices established ? Why,
the noble 'ord (Lord John Russell) and the noble lord the
head (Attie Government (Lira Palmersteu) knew for years
before that these offices required change. The late Mr.
Hume had over and over again proposed changes should
take place, and that proposition found no stronger oppo-
nents then the noble lord the member tor the City of Lon-
don and the noble lord the head of the Government. (Hear,
hear.) lend now those noble lords wanted to ride off on
the plea that the departments were guilty of the evils com-
plained of, anti not the administrators of them. The hon
and learned gentleman the member for Enniskillen had
indicated the come Parliament ought to take in respect to