The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-22 00:00:00

speak in this house for the next fifteen year; 1, if the
noble lord would undertake to bring the rtsgotia tion to
a slice t!ssful termination in the month of June. M 3 'object
is ve.ey well rpuiersteol ; but I wish the noble lord at the
head cse the Government to tell us whether the conies •ences
or neg otietions are under that form and under those.' eir-
edmstances that take them oat of that ortlinsae,r state of
things always existing during a state of war, iin which
each siao is willing to receive Nom the other; ,vhettier
the conferences let ley held may bs said to he still alive,
and whetter the noble lord the member for the city eii. Lon-
don, or the Earl of Arestmorela,nd, or anybody, is in com-
munication, and in such a manner as to afford so:ne Pro-
bability or hope that lie -c'e is not absolntely distant. "win
the noble lord allow me to observe that it is not Austria
alone which makes the observation which was quoted by
the right hon. gentleman the.
Wiltshire, tend
which It-mete:l, es)e,, that there were for
f'
the elements o . a
matisfasltory settlonv-slt hi thepropositions of Russia,
but the -French Minister for Fo,nAfr at Vienna'
also gave ewpression to a similaris Oetp7inion. aiWrsi.lf, if that
be so, what I want to
therehouse P being and
a .17 3Peopportunityt ii
Y
on f thea shre-establishing
h°ia '
pa impress
rtoirl
evenac that,won the
honourable terms, that opportunity shoeid not be en
to slip ; and if the noble lord give,
an assurance of that kind to the house, I should be
„.„dou., to abstain from urging my right hon. friend. to as
pro-
ceed wit:a. his motion as I should be anxious to abstain
propositions
my-
self under . similar circumstances. The question being, what
is most advamtageous to the interests of those mem b of
this house as-ho wish the war to be brought to a close, tend
who think th et there is something in the late
upon which a satisfactory peace might be settled, itappeare
to mo that the right hon. gentleman my colleague has that
only to consider, and not what may be the objects of those
who may either fsel, as I do, not very friendly to the Go-
vernmeut, or who are anxious to proloeg the war. The
noble lord the nremb'er for Durham (Lord H. Vane), who
was about to seared. the motion of my right hon. col-
league, and the righsklion. gentleman the member for the
University of Oxford,. if I understood what he said cor-
rectly, intended to vote, in favour of that proposition.. It
becomes a question when those who take such views, and
are anxious for the passing ,71' these resolutions, believing
that the passing of these rest, ''.,stions by this house would
be productive of great and imperlant results—when they
urge my right hon. colleague to wield draw his motion, he
is placed in that difficulty which we !rave seen many mem-
bers of this house of late placed in, r Am afraid to urge
anything with regard to it—(hear, and :faughter)—but if
anybody will say that it will be subservient to the cause of
peace, I will urge him to withdraw his motion ; but, inns-
' much as the statements that have been made appear to me
to ho vague, I shall urge my right hon. friend by no means
to suspeed indefinitely the motion which he has proposed
1 fer to-night, and I take it for granted that some time dur-
ing the week after the Whitsuntide holidays the noble lord
will be able to tell us whether there is a probability of the
conference comitis to a satisfactory conclusion. lam sure
that there is A large party in the country anxious to have
this question thoroughly debated in this house, and who
think that they will get :eon the debate a little more truth
than they have hitherto got from her Majesty's Govern-
meet, and a great deal more truth thau they have got from
the public newspapers; during the last twelve months. I
snail be satisfied if the ;notion goes on, and, under the cir-
cuinstances, I shall b equally satisfied if it he postponed.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Mr. ROEBUCK— Sir, after the speech of the noble lord
at the head of her Majesty's Government, I think the right I
hon. member for Manchester is bound to go on with his
motion. The noble lord the member for Durham kindly
informs us that he intended to second the motion of the
right hon. gentleinlie but that the circumstances are '
changed. Now, after the speech of the noble lord at the
head of her Majesty's Government, I ask, have the circum-
stances changed? The noble lord says that when the right
hon. gentleman proposed to bring his resolution before the
house he felt that it was impolitic to do so. He feels so
now, but he did not give the house to understand that any-
thing had happened to place the circumstances in a diffe-
rent position than they were at the time when the right
hon. gentleman proposed his resolution. The noble
lord says that Government is open to any proposition that
will lead to peace. Now, I ask if that is not a condition
in which every Government is at every moment of every
war which ever existed ? (Hear.) Are we not at all times
anxious for peace? Is not the noble lord at the thead of
her Majesty's Government in a position at all times to re-
ceive any proposition which would lead to an honourable
peace? If so, what is there that sae happened which in-
duces the noble lord to come to the deterrematien to second
propositions, and now to.ask the right hon. gentleman to
postpone them ? I will tell the noble lord why I urge the
right hone gentleman to bring the question before the
house. It is this—and I believe that I speak the voice of
the country—that the people of the country have no confi-
dence in the nobly lord and the Government of which he is
at the head. They are anxious for an' honourable peace,
because they have no confidence, and because the feeling
abroad is that a large portion of the Cabinet are at this
moment anxious for peace at any price. (Cheers.) It is
because I am net anxious for peace at any price, but for
an honourable peace, that I ask the house to insist upon
discussing the propositions of the right hon. gentleman. I
must tell him that he has put himself in a position in
which the house has a right to call upon him to persevere
in his motion. He has thrust himself forward. There are
other gentlemen who would come forward, but he hasfore-
stailed them, and the house has therefore a right to ask
him to persevere. We demand of him that he will perse-
vere, because we demand an honourable peace. Not a
peace at all price, but only an honourable peace. (Cheers.)
The Marquis of GILANBY said—lt seems to me of great
importance in deciding the question whether the discussion
is or is not to be postponed that we should clearly under-
stand whether the negotiations are now actually taking place
or not, and there is a prospect of peace being concluded.
It appears to me also essential to know distinctly whether
the First Lord of the Treasury is willing to entertain any
propositions that may be made by any of the Five
Powers at Vienna, or whether the propositions which are
to be made are restricted solely to the Powers of France
and England. I ask this, because the date at which the
noble lord the member for London said that he had ex-
hausted his instructions was not the 26th of April, as stated-
by the right hon. gentleman the member for South Wilts
(Mr. S. Herbert), but, as I think, the 21st of April, before
Russia had made her last proposition. It therefore seems
to me that the noble lord received instructions from her
Majesty's Government that, whatever propositions Russia
might make, they were not to be entertained, but that he
was to come hack to England. This is a point which I
wish to have cleared up before the house decides whether
the discussion is to be adjourned or not ?
Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, it is of course at the discre-
tion of the right hon. gentleman the member for Manches-
ter to choose whether he brings on his motion or not.
With regard to that point, her Majesty's Government have
no advice to give him. They will only say that they are
ready to meet the motion if it is persevered in, and to
acquiesce in its postponement if it is postponed. The hon.
and learned gentleman the member for Sheffield says that
the declaration of my noble friend amounts to no more than
what might be said at any moment in any war ; that is to
say that her Majesty's Government are ready to entertain
prepositions for peace, Now, this is not the state of affairs
as they are at present. We are bound, as far as we can,
considering the confidential nature of the communications,
to state the present condition of affairs. In the first place,
therefore, I think it right to fill up that which isnot stated
in the protocols, vrhich are merely summaries of confer-
ences which lasted often from four hours to four hours and
a half. At the last conference at which I had the honour to
be present Count Buol said that he did not think the dis-
cussions would lead to any result, or that the belligerent
Powers were likely to agree ; therefore he thought that the
conference had better terminate. Ho also »aid that he di(
not think the means of accommodation were exhausted

but as every member of the conference had a right to
bring forweisi propositions, he hoped upon an early
day the conference would again meet for the purpose of
cosksblering any propositions which might be proposed. Tc
that t answered that I certainly hoped that the means of
accommodation might not be eichausted ; but as my in-
striations were exhausted, I therefore hoped that Count
Buol would not name an early or any fixed day for the
mecting, of the conference, as I was unprovidod with in-
structions to discuss the propositions which might arise.
That was not without precedeut even during the present
conference, for during the time that.the Russian plenipo-
tentiaries were waiting for instructions from St. Peters-
burg the conferences were adjourned. There was a sub-
sequent meeting of the conference—showing clearly that
they were not entirely broken off—at the request of
the Russian plenipotentiaries, and at that confer-
ence the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, following
up wird I have stated, explained very clearly the reasons
why his instructions were exhausted. He said, with
reference to the new propositions of the Russian
plenipotentiaries, as he had already declared at the last
conference, that since the Russian plenipotentiaries had
declined in every form whatever we had proposed, there
was a limit to our instructions on the proposition relating
to the neutralisation of the Black Sea. After that rejection
we wore not empowered to consider proposals which did
not include those terms. The French Ambassador, Baron
Bourqu• ney, and Lord Westmoreland slaty agreed in this
conclusion. Thu right hon. gentleman the nlembsr for the
University of Oxford said that the plenipotentiaries differed
amongst themselves. They all three made the same decla-
ration. They said that as the Russian proposals contained
the principle of closing the Dardanelles, but not the entirs
principle of opening the straits to all the Powers, there
was an element of accommodation. Count Buol declared
that not even a basis, of accommodation was contained in
the proposals of the Russian plenipotentiaries, Again, the
conference was adjourned without any date being appointed
for its meeting; but the Austrian • Government declared
through Count Buol that, in their opinion, the means of
accommodation were not exhausted. I must say that
throughout the discussions the representatives of Austria
have shown that they agreed with the Western Powers,
and not with Russia in her propositions. (Hear, hear.)
The difference between them undoubtedly was this; Whilst
the plenipotentiaries of France and Great Britain were not
ready to listen to any terms which did not contain a last-
ing and solid peace, the Austrian plenipotentiaries were
most unwilling to put forward any grounds in such man-
ner as should immediately involve Austria in the
.dangert•
and miseries of war without being positively
means of accommodation were finally
every
spirit with which the different propositions werte,
That of.course made some difference with respeelrceteaetndvt.r.
we could
With regard to the opinion and iner:?lsup certhainsttheda.
the plenipotentiaries of Austria. Now, thin anything
not have received better than that which
_vroewpr:erceiitveidefrnoomt
only difficult but impossible
precisely with respect to
but my opinion cer-
ietiofneres
igfnorGepveearnce,.
cent
—because upon that question
the Austrian Government will,
tainly is that, whether ti.eporZoifseiteilonmsylesaeldftoqupietaeceinoreonniot.
incom-
petent to give an opinion—
perloopsoedsi,timonaakernsonmate
hpervoe-
which
elnrinnokt I,ifnrueseti comeeur from.ProsPooms
pro-
positions. I imagine.
before the conferencestharaet
fithnoaslely
of the belligerent powers, and then the ons of two resell s—either they will be rejected by one, per-
haps by both,
con-
ferences will be broken• off—it is no doubt perfectly com-
petent for any member to ask the house to declare its
opinion on the negotiation—or the negotiation will be re-
sumed, and there will be a better prospect of peace being
concluded. Ido not think it is possible for me to say
vague,nioie. thatWhetnbo
hon.
speech of
gentlemen
my
noblesayfrien n
that ourNiaateemaer me
ntsare
is
vague, it is because there is nothing definite and precise
in the situation. (Hear, hear.) Of that which is in it-
self indefinite it is impossible to give a precise and defi-
nite explanation. This condition of affairs differs ma-
taenr(ite
learnedllyfrom
Intehmb
the
supposition
for Sheffield
lna
(Mr. debyß the honourable
Roebuck), uck). which
is that at any time rim w
riming any
way be made by any of the paratirespropestren
..Thiehs ofav peace
have
been
conferences for the purpose of considering the terms of
peace. The four
belligerent powers have not agreed upon
the terms of peace, therefore the negotiations have hitherto