The National Register.
London, England, 1816-06-03 00:00:00

JUNE 3.

POLI T/CAL D/SQULSIT/ON.

CONSIDERATIONS ON TIIE ALIEN BILL

THE Alien is now removed to the Upper Iluuse.
Notwithstanding repeated efforts to soften its provisions,
it has passed through the Commons as it came from the
hands of Ministers, in umnitige.tod severity. If mnjori-
tier were always the test of excellence and of popularity,
this measure ought to be considered both faultless and
generally approved ; fer it was ihreed through all oppn_
sition by a superiority of numbere, which has not been so
constantly displayed on any other question. Much may
certainly be attributed to the late period nf the session
when it was proposed, and when a full attendance of
members is with difficulty procured, even on questions
entirely British; but more, perhaps, to that indifference
to the private interests of foreigners, with which it is
customary to charge Engliehmen abroad. From what-
ever cause, however, the Bill is proceeding trimnphantly;
and although it may be delayed in its completion by the
activity of the Opposition in the Upper House, there is
no prospect of its experiencing the slightest alteration
kfore it is stamped into a law by the Royal Assent.
We have already stated the arguments used by the
antagenists and the defenders of this measure. The
former oppose it, not only On the grounds of common juse
tice and common right, but on principles of national
honour, and cosmopolitan generosity. Necessity is the
principal weapon of the latter : because the bill was ,
once found necessary, and was introduced on that ground
by men who- admitted that it could be justified on no
other, as contrary to ancient British practice and policy,
they consider that the same plea will serve fie. its revival.
Let us then eeamine whether it be now equally well
founded. Under what circumstances was the measure
enacted ? When Europe was in a state of convulsion;
and when our shores, though unpolluted by the feet cf
revolutionary hosts, had not as successfully repelled the
invasion of revoluti,onary doctrines—when a fire was
burning silently within our own island, which only
wanted the stirring of a few hands to blaze on high, and
answer the beacons of devastation that glared through
every continental state,—the sacred right of self-pro.
servation, no less inherent in nations than in individuals,
then demanded the suspension of all firreign rights, and
the exclusion of the agents of ruin. When the scene
was changed, and the continent, wedded to the fortunes
of its conqueror, presented a firm, united, and awful mass
of hostility against us—when the powers of the Atlantic
joined their menace to the storm, and the East shook in
its fidelity—when, looking over the broad extent of the
universe, we saw bus ourselves against an 01)h:oiled
world—when every duty was defence, and every post a
post of trust, we well might guard against the admission
of foreign betrayers. One treacherous hand might have
defeated the noblest efforts of the country, and by their
triumph over us nations would have sealed their ever-
luting servitude. But now do such dangers exist? Is
not our only dreaded enemy a captive in our power?
Is not France our friend ? or, supposing that she cast
off the Bourbon yoke imposed upon ler, is she able to
effect any thing by her hostility against us ? Exhausted,
both by her conquest and her defeats, chained to the
ground by the residence of foreign armies in her for-
tresses and her riernest provinces, surrounded by states
restored to the plenitude of their strength, and keeping
the scale of Europe in a just equipoise, she is as impo-
tent in arms as in intrigue. What other nation do we
dread ? They are all our allies in council and in action.
Our gold, our talents, and our blood have fought their
patties, broken their fetters, redeemed their independence,
and re-edified their power. A stronger tie than gratitude
—interest—binds them to our cause. Do we fear any
peril at home ? Arc corresponding societies revived ? Are
revolutionary doctrines so much in fashion, that a spark
will set the train on fire, and destroy our constitution
and our peaces—No; a revolution, still snore complete
than that which has liberated the continent, has united
MI political sects of Great Britain in a deep and firm
sentiment of loyalty and satisfaction. All noW feel the re-
mits of those measures which they saw adopted with
stredety and &sees, and long followed without hope.
'flee find that they have conducted the country ti un-
boanded success, and to an unprecedented height of
power and of glory ; and, exulting in the greatness of
their native land, they sanction with their gratitude and
their admiration the system front which flume measures
have emanated. At home and abroad we have there-
fore no cause of fear. How then are we called upon to
exert the right of self-preservation, that right which
:done can justify the suspension of other rights, and a
departure Erten .established principles of justice and po-
licy Without an ellen. bill, we arc told, the country