The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-25 00:00:00

APPOINTMENTS.

Lieutenants—Robert B. Beale, to the Neptune ; Richard
Dawkins and George S. Naros, to the Glutton floating bat-
tery ; George J. Malcolm, to be additional Lieutenant of the
Pembroke ; James A. Poland, to the Meteor floating battery.
Chaplain Rev. George C. Williams, to the Retribution.
Second Master Dover Farrant to the Cossack.
Midshipmen—C. G. Fane, to the Euryalus; Hon. M. R.
Wingfield, to the Nile.
Clerk Henry W. Molesworth, to be Assistant-Paymaster
of the Agincourt.
Clerks'-Assistants—Hugh C. Goldsmith, to the Thomas ;
J. C. Wood, to the Belleisle hospital-ship; Warwick Woold-
ridge, to the Medusa.
Naval Cadets—H. F. Bunbury, to the Hawke ; N. A. R.
Spicer, to the Royal Albert ; M. A. Shelley, P. F. Bertie, G.
C. E. Lockhart, H. T. Skeffington, W. W. Poynder, E. A.
Ward, J. B. K. Tynte, and C. E. A. Dansey, to the Duke
of Wellington.

Orders have been issued for the immediate embarkation of
the following regiments of cavalry, and detachments from the
cavalry depots, to join the service troops of their respective
regiments at the seat of war—viz.:-Ist (King's) Dragoon
Guards, from Piershill barracks, Edinburgh, to embark at
Liverpool ; 15th (King's) Hussars, from Exeter, to embark
at Plymouth ; each of the abovementioned regiments will
embark nearly 650 strong, exclusive of trumpeters and far-
riers. Detachments from cavalry depots—via.—the 10th
(Prince of Wales's) Royal Hussars, and 12th Lancers, from
Maidstone ; the 11th Hussars (Prince Albert's), and the 17th
Lancers, from Brighton ; and the Ist Royal Dragoons, and
6th Enniskillen Dragoons, from Canterbury, to embark at
Southampton ; the 13th Light Dragoons, from Dorchester,
to embark at Plymouth ; and the 4th Light Dragoons, the
Bth (Royal Irish) Hussars, and the 4th (Royal Irish) Dragoon
Guards, from Newbridge, to embark at Kingstown.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

MR. DISRAELI'S MOTION.
( Feorn. the Times of this day. )
Had Lord John Russell remained to this day at Vienna, or
were there any reason to fear that through his ascendancy
we were drifting to a dishonourable peace, then certainly
there would be reason in an attack directed so exclusively
against this ono man. But the exaggerated personality of
the attack is itself calculated to throw Parliament and the
nation off their guard. It cannot be necessary that we should
believe Lord John Russell to have acted so important a part
as at once to have kindled the ambition of Russia, exaspe-
rated the hostility of England, and. wielded the conference
with the same steady aim to irretrievable confusion. Surely
the present crisis can be appreciated without entering so
thoroughly and with so decided a prejudice into the career of
any one man, For our part, we would rather consider what
is to be done entirely apart from any personal considerations.
We cannot give in to the cheap and politic compliments
which Lord Palmerston lavishes on his troublesome
colleague. We canna see that the latter did do
his work at Vienna with consummate ability. The proof is
not to be found either in the minutes or in the result. But,
putting his Lordship's honest endeavours wholly out of the
question, we ask for two assurances on the authority of the
whole Cabinet—the first, that the war shall be prosecuted
with the utmost vigour; the other, that England will not
listen to any nugatory and insulting proposition from the
author of that war. It is quite reasonable, after the lan-
guage that has been used in the House, particularly after
it has been asserted over and over again that the deliberations
are not closed, and the Conference, as it were, is still sitting,
that the public should have some security against what they
will feel downright humiliation. Indeed, when Russia has
concluded the Conference by simply giving England and
France leave to do what they will do without asking her
leave, or some such illusory proposal, and when in the face of
this insult the Conference is declared to be still open, it is
necessary to define and restrict the basis within which nego-
tiation is for the future to be confined.
But, seeing that Parliament is compelled to handle two
subjects at once, and to comprehend them both in one reso-
lution—for such is the double character of some half-dozen
resolutions and amendments now before the house—it were
to be wished that hou. members would say rather more ex-
plicitly what, in their opinion, the Allies should be content
with. Mr. Gladstone appears to be easily satisfied. A treaty
laying down on paper certain numbers of ships, and certain
rights of ingress and egress, will, in his judgment, amply re-
munerate England and France for some hundred thousand
lives and hundred millions of money. What terms we may
eventually have to submit to must depend on the fortune of
war. It certainly maybe in the intention of Providence, for the
humiliation and correction of civilised Europe, that, like
Greece, she should fall under the iron heel of another semi-
barbarous Macedon; but, with that example before us, it is our
business rather to be warned, and to avert the omen, than to
give way to it. If this is our intention, as wo trust it is,
all experience warns us against mere paper treaties in dealing
with a great and unscrupulous Power. If we can, and if Pro-
vidence will so far second our daring, we must obtain a better
security than words ; and, strong as Russia is, she cannot
prevent us taking this security by the destrnction or occupa-
tion of her great stronghold in the Black Sea. The enter-
prise may be audacious, and hitherto unsuccessful, but it is
only a question of time, men, and money, and the British
public will feel quite easy as to the result, if its Government
will only promise to submit to no disgraceful compromise,
and to omit no labour, ho cost, no reasonable sacrifice of an;
I kind, no appeal to the patriotism of the country, that may
be necessary for the effective prosecution of the war.