The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-07 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

STROUD.

The election of a member for the borough of Stroud,
rendered necessary by the appointment of Mr. Horsman
to the Irish Secretaryship, took place to-day at the Pub-
lic Subscription Rooms in this town.
At eleven o'clock, G. Edwards, Esq., the returning
officer for the borough, opened the procedings with the
customary formalities ; and there was a large muster of
electors and non-electors from Stroud and the outlying
boroughs.
Mr. Stanton put in nomination Mr. Horsman, which
was seconded by Mr. Marling.
Mr. Clutterbuck then rose to propose Mr. Merrywea-
ther Turner as a fit and proper person to represent the
borough ; but It was not seconded. It was, however,
stated that Mr. Turner did not intend to opppse Mr.
Horsman, but merely wished to have an opportunity to
address the electors.

No ether candidate being nominated, the returning
officer declared Mr. Horsmam duly elected.
Mr. Reissman then spoke for more than an hour. It
was because in England Lord Palmerston was generally
looked upon as the most proper man to be at the head
of affairs, and because he believed that the Goveement
he had formed was the most liberal Government that at
this moment could be formed, that he had given to it
his support. With regard t ) the war, he was one of
those who shrunk from the horrors, the crimes, and the
calamities which invariably attended war, and he gave
great credit to Lord Abel deenfor his endeavours t ) keep
place by negotiation, but war having become inevitable,
Le was, for its v gorous and energetic prosecution. He
had rejoiced at the prolonged negotiations for peace,
because he had never underrated the power of Russia.
He read an extract from a work published last autumn
by Sir J. MiNeil now sent to the Crimea, which showed
that in the last 64 years Russia had possessed herself of
a larger amount of territory than she possessed in 1790.
He (Mr. Horeman) felt that the question involved in the
present war was not a Turkish, but a European ques-
tion—(hear, hear)—and that it was the duty of England
in the first place, if possible, to avert war, and if this
were not practicable, then to carry it on vigorously and
effectively. (Applause.) He dilated on the blundering
management of the war at some length, and of the glo-
rious deeds achieved by our army in site of this
blundering. He then proceeded to contend that for the
money expended on our military establishments, we
ought to have an effective army. How was it, he asked,
that voting as large supplies as any nation in the world
to keep up its army establishment, we were so much be-
hind every other nation? (A voice—" It is owing is the
cold shade of the aristocracy.") There was a great deal
of truth in that remark, and he (Mr. Horsman) hoped
that " cold shade" would ere long be withdrawn. That
was really the truth, and so it would come out in the
inquiry which was about taking place. It would be
found that we had voted as large sums as any other na-
tion, and that we had as brave men for soldiers as any
other nation, for at the battle of Inkerman 500 of the
Coldstream Guards kept 10,000 Russians at bay for
several hours, and the number which they left dead on
the field was greater than the French and English troops
together engaged in that battle. It was our system
which was in fault. He had the curiosity the other day
to make inquiries as to the ages of the French and Eng-
lish generals in the army of the Crimea, and he found
these facts, from which he would leave them to draw
their own inferences. The, average age of the French
generals was over 45 years, while the average age of
the English generals was over 65 years. (A laugh.)
The fact was, that French generals under a system of
rapid promotion, merit being the only qualification, rose
to the head of their profession in the prime of life ; but
our generals, under our system, did not attain their rank
until they bad arrived at an age at which they were inca-
pacited from attending on committees in the House of
Commons. Thus men, considered exempt by age from
sitting in a warm, well-carpeted room, were not disquali-
fied fromleirg sent cm an arduous campaign, through the
depth of winter. In the commissariat department had
arisen one of the great causes of dissatisfaction in the ma-
nagement of the war, and this was not to be wondered at
when they came to know that the present head of the com-
missariat department was in the commissariat during the
Peninsular war, and had been in that service 50 years.
Was it any wonder, then, that he should not be quite np
to his duty ? (Rear.) If they went on with the inquiry.
they would find the whole of the system the same. They
were the slaves of routine. (Hear, hear.) They were
under bondage to red tape. (Cheers.) They wanted a
younger, a fresher, and a better system, by which merit,
and merit alone, should become the first qualification for
Ir public employment. (Cheers.) He then alluded to the
death of the Czar, and expressed a hope that the event
boded some good for the future peace of the world. As
to the late Emperor's preparations for war, he stated
that he had it from one of the greatest capitalists of
Europe that the Czar had for the last three or four years
before the war been raising immense sums of money for
the avowed purpose of constructing railways, but, there
could be no doubt, for the real purpose of prosecuting
this war. In conclusion, he thanked the meeting for
the patient hearing which had been accorded to him.
Mr. M. TURNER then addressed the meeting, and ex-
pressed his approval of the choice of Mr. liersman by
the electors of Stroud, but he expected another vacancy,
shortly, when he should offer himself for their suffrages.
A. vote of thanks to the returning officer closed the
proceedings.

RADNORSHIRE BOROUGHS.
On Monday last the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the
light Hon. Sir G. C. Lewis, Bart., wgs r, -elected with-
..ut opposition for thu nadnorshiro boroughs. In 0,1-
dressing the electors, the right hon. baronet siid :
When you did me the honour, less than four weeks age,.

. _
to return toe as your represent,itive in Parliament, I toil
little idea, that I should be so soon called upon ::gain to
address you. It was my sincere will at that tone to
serve you as a private and independent member of Par-

lianunr. I has during two years ceased to have a seat
in. the House of Commons. 11Iy political habits hal
been interrupted, and it was my desire to remain for
some time rather as a spectator of the prouedings of Par-
liament than taking an active part in them—rather an.
observer than an actor. Tho-e were the sincere feelings
with which I left the country to tike my seat in the
Howe of Commons. In consequence, however, of the
sudden determination of some of the most important
members of Lord Palmerston's Government, owing to

the proceedings connected with the committee appointed
to inquire into the war—in consequence of the secession
of those distinguished members Lord Palsnerston's Go-
vernment was materially diminished in strength, and
the necessity arose of its undergoing an almost entire
reconstruction. At that element the offer was made me,
quite unexpectedly, to undertake the important office of
Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Applause.) That offer,
as I have already stated to you, was on my part wholly
unexpected. I yet felt that, however great the diffi•
culties might be which would oppose the due discharge
of the duties incumbent upon the holder of that office--
notwithstanding the critical state of public affairs— not-
withstanding the advanced period of the session, and
the necessity under which the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer would be placed within no long time of pro-
ducing a budget sad laying before the house and the
country a plea for the finances of the ensuing year, I felt
that, in the position in which I was placed, I should be
guilty of pusillanimity if I declined the offer that was
made to me. (Applause.) The offer was an honourable
one. It was the uffer of a high and important office
under the Crown. The confidence that was reposed in
me by her Majesty and by Lord Palmerston, the head
of the present Administration, raised in my mind a sense
of obligation not to shrink from the burden unless I felt
that I was absolutely inadequate to the support of it.
I Under these circumstances, I intimated to Lord Palmer-
ston my readiness, if he thought I was equal to the dis-
charge of the duties of the office, to undertake them.
The acceptance of the office vacated my seat, and it was
necessary that I should again present myself as a candi-
date for your suffrages. I rejoice to find, oa returning
again amongst you, that the resolution to which I then
came has met your approbation, and I need not say that
the approbation and support of those who hare already
returned me to Parliament, and who have the best means
of judging of my public conduct and qualifications, will
be one of the greatest encouragements and greatest sup-
ports I can find in the due and proper discharge of my
arduous duties. (Applause.) Since I last had the plea-
sure of addressing you in this hall, an event has occurred
which has arrested the attention of every man in the
kingdom, and which bids fair to make a sudden, perhaps
an entire alteration in the course of affairs in Europe. I
allude to the death of the Emperor Nicholas. Of that
event there can be no doubt, from the authentic intelli-
gence which has been received. It is an event calculated
to fill not only all England, but also all Europe with awe.
In the midst of his military career, the mighty Pharaoh
of the north, whose heart was hardened against the rest
of Europe, has been arrested in his progress by the
impartial hand of death. Like Alexander of Babylon,
he has been suddenly stopped in the midst of his great
military career. It is au event which must make us
all reflect, which will fix the attention of every politician
and of every general throughout Europe. (Applause.)
The reflection which must most naturally arise in every
one's mind is that the Emperor Nicholas was the exclu-
sive cause of the war which is now raging in the East.
It was his ambition that caused that war. By his grasp-
ing policy, by his attempt to seize the Turkish empire,
he provoked the inteiference of France and England.
We know that it has for years been the hereditary policy
of the Court of Russia to extend the frontier of their
empire to the south, and to wake Constantinople one
of the capitals of the Russian empire. We know that
at the conference of Tilsit a plan was agreed upon be-
tween the Emperor Napoleon and the Emperor Alex-
ander for the dismemberment of the Turkish empire.
That policy has become hereditary in the Court of Ra:e
is ; and the wain cause —the sole cause—of the \\ ar
hich is now raging in the Crimea was the determine-
tioa of the Western PowerS to Freveut the annexatien
of Tin key to Russia—to proven'. Con,taiit:nople from
becoming a Russian pert. That volley l.a.s been fr.
rested for a time ; but, nevettheless, it was cherished I,
the late Emperor, who now lira lose in St. Paersbur
and we hey e every reason to believe that as lono. as I,e
lived that policy would never have been abandoned. The
conitant tendency of this aggressive policy towards tire
south reminds me of the peenl'arity of the Black See,
which it Las been the policy of tNivi
ot -
convert iiAa a Russian lake, Naters
stantly towards Constantinople-- tpe;:ndCurl
Tors to

" Whose icy current and impetuous einirsa
Ne'er feels retiring ebb, but keeps due on
To the Propentic and the Hellespont." (Applause.)
We Lave now to ask ourselves what «•ill be the effect of
the death of the Emperor Nicholas upon the hereditary
policy of the Russian Emperors. We know how import-
ant an event is the death of a sovereign in a despotic
country. The death of a despotic Sovereign is not like that
of a constitutional king. In a constitutional and free coon-
try: the voice of public opinion, the opinion and the