The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(From, the Times of this day.)

There seems more and more reason to apprehend that
the support of Austria, for which we have suffered so
much and made so many concessions, will, after all,
fail us. Must we, then, forgetful of all that we have
demanded, all that we have done, make peace because
Austria, after so many months of futile negotiation,
such vast preparations, and such imposing military dis-
play, refuses to support in the field the cause to which
she has repeatedly given her moral support and diplo-
matic assistance ? For her own conduct she will one
day have to answer, and sooner or later will doubtless
receive her reward. Let us leave her aside for the pre-
sent, and consider how fir her apparent intention to
stand aloof from actual conflict justifies us in withdraw-
ing from our pretensions and negotiating an ignominious
peace. The first thing that strikes us is, that we com-
menced this struggle without securing the co-operation
of Austria, confident in the might of the allied Powers,
and deeming it better to interpose an effectual barrier to
the threatened aggressions of Russia than to wait till
we had spurred into activity the slow movements of a
Power beset with every species of financial difficulty,
and supporting herself with infinite labour by balancing
against each other the jarring claims and conflicting in-
terests of so many discordant and disaffected nationali-
ties. Had we known what we now know of the dispo-
sition of Austria, should we in any way have altered
our proceedings It is certainly possible that we might
have objected to the occupation of the Danubian Prin-
cipalities by a Power so little disposed to aid in the
only measures by which those Principalities could be
placed in a state of permanent security. We might also
have paused in the expedition to the Crimea, had we
known that Austria would have contented herself
with interposing her forces between the Turks and
the Russians, and so left the latter free to pour
the whole remaining strength of the army of occupa-
tion upon the flank and rear of the besiegers. But,
having taken these steps, and having now for sixteen
months stood the whole brunt of the war without the
aid of Austria, and, indeed, with that diversion in fa-
vour of Russia which the occupation of the Danubian
Principalities undoubtedly occasioned, we ask, with
much confidence, is there any reason why we should dis-
continue a .war begun and continued without Austrian
co-operation, because that co-operation seems- more dis-
tant and more unlikely than it did at first ? Are we
prepared to admit that we were so rash and so fool-
hardy—that we so entirely miscalcuated our own force
and that of our enemy, that the aid without which we
did not scruple to draw the sword has now become in-
dispensable, and that therefore there is nothing left for
us but to beg permission ignominiously to sheathe it ?
What is this astonishing change which the 16 months
have brought about, that we should exchange our former
attitude of menace for one of crouching subserviency,
and, casting aside all self-confidence and self-respect,
abjure that noble part which in a moment of genuine,
but, as we are told, transitory magnanimity, we had
undertaken to play?
We have lost, it is true, by the disastrous effects of a
winter campaign, aided by the most murderous negli-
gence, some 20,000 excellent soldiers. The inhospitable
coast of the Crimea has shattered to pieces a consider-
able number of transports, which our commanders had
exposed to the storms of the Enxine ; we have found
the climate of the East more pernicious than we were
disposed to expect to human life, and the Turks even
more helpless, and less able to provide for the wants of
civilised man, than we could have expected. Wo find,
in fact, that the greater part of our supplies must con-
tinue to be drawn from England, and that, if we wish to
derive any help from the country we come to defend, we
must provide roads, communications, markets, and con-
veyances entirely for ourselves. We have found moreover,
that the seceond-rate States of Europe, in which class Prus-
sia must since the commencement of the present negotia-
tions and operations in the East undoubtedly be placed,
are far more overawed by the power and terrified by
the predominance of Russia than we had any reason to
imagine. It would really seem as if the frontier 3 of that
mighty despotism had advanced from the Niemen to the
Rhine, and .that literary, refined, artistic, scholastic,
metaphysical Germany was content to smoke its pipe
and drink its beer on sufferance under the shadow of the
mgis of Slavonic power. Europe has tried to be Repub-
lican, and, true to the prophecy of Napoleon, is going to
be Cossack.
We have not understated the circumstances of the'
present crisis. Nay, we would, if we could, put them
more forcibly, in order to rouse the attention of the
nation and its rulers to the gravity of the position under
which those who involved us in this war are now said
to be dreaming of a dishonourable peace. Any peace,
under existing circumstances, which should not com-
pletely establish the ability of the Western Powers to
set a positive limit to the onward progress of Russia,
would be absolute treason and perdition to the cause of
li'oerty, justice, and enlightenment throughout the world.
If the Western Powers are not able now to arrest the
onward course of Russian ambition and rapacity it is
vain indeed to expect aid from any other quarter, or to
hope that what they give up in despair to-dzy they will
be enabled by any fortunate change of circumstances to
achieve to-morrow. The favourite maxim of modern
politicians,—"Reculer pour niieux sauter," has no appli-
cation now. We cannot hope for a more favourable
time than the present. Many circumstances might occur
which would render our position less imposing than
now, but none can be suggested with any plausibility
which would be likely to improve it. In the Emperor
of the French we have a faithful and an honourable ally,
but we have recently been reminded by a lamentable in-
cident on how frail a thread an alliance rests which de-
pends on the life of a single man, and that man so daunt-
lessly careless of his personal safety, and so encompassed
by unscrupulous and inveterate enemies. From Germany
ten years ago we might have hoped something ; now
she has not the heart to stand forth in her own cause
against her oppressor, and is quite as likely to resist as
to support those who have really drawn the sword in her
own quarrel. We need not mention Spain, which, habi-
tually without money, and deservedly without credit, is
an object of pity to every one, but of terror only to her-
self. Neither can we look to the American Republic
for aid in vindicating the rights of nations and asserting
the supremacy of justice. Let any one read the letter
of the " States'-man," and say whether, under the nume-
rous and not rigidly consistent causes which he alleges
for a fact hitherto stoutly denied—the fact of the hos-
tility of the United States to the cause of the Allies—he
Thatsu wchhich circumstanceswasat first
merely
cannot trace a feeling only seeking for excuse, and ready
to find any pretext for believing England in the
choice.
wrong.
o: Under
wappeare
a struggle
to
sttor uhagvl have
no e
to prevent the Russians from occupying Turkey
and seizing on Constantinople has really become no
thing less than a struggle for life and death, which
is to decide the question between the advance of
modern civilisation and its retrogression to a state
below that of the greater part of Europe in the darkest
period of the middle ages. It is vain to consider now
whether it would have been wiser to precipitate this con-
test, or to trust to the chapter of accidents to dispel the
dark cloud that is already spreading over our beads.
The lists are prepared, and there is no escape for us ex-
cept by descending into them gallantly and fighting out
this battle as we fought out so many others with our
own good sword. Nor, if we can only prevail on our
statesmen and generals to look danger boldly in the face,
and act as men who hope for no success except in vie-
tory, have we any reason to tremble for the result.
Now that we thorougly appreciate and understand the
nature of the contest in which we are involved, we
have no reason to fear a repetition of the miseries of
the past year. Tents, and food, and clothing were
wanting, and can be supplied ; in the spirit and courage
of our men and officers there is, happily, nothing to de-
sire. An abundant commerce fills our harbours with
ships and our mercantile towns with prosperity, and the
savings of the country double, according to ordinary
calculation, the extra expenses of the war. While our
enemy is driven to such straits that he is obliged to tax
at an enormous amount those very exports already bear-
ing so heavy a burden in the shape of a land transport of
hundreds of miles, we find that our progress, though
checked, is not arrested, and that in the very midst of
war we are able to enjoy not a few of the advantages of
peace. History would present no parallel to the conduct
of a ration which under such circumstances should re-
nounce the glorious career upon which she has entered,
and prefer the certainty of defeat by treaty to the almost
equal certainty of victory by persevering in war.