The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-16 00:00:00

and contemptible. It has actually come to this
in the opinion of the representative of Westmin-
ster that we must not venture to enrol what re-
cruits we please. iu our service through fear of
Austria's displeasure.
Captain CHAMIER relates in his recently pub-
lished travels, that a young British midshipman
once climbed to the summit of the cross on the
top of St. Peter's at Rome, stood firmly on the
summit, whence a single moment of faintness or a
gust of wind must have precipitated him to certain

death, fastened his pocket-handkerchief to the
top as a memento of his daring, and returned
from his perilous position as coolly as he went.
Entrusted many years later with the command of
a squadron in the Pacific, this same person's
moral courage deserted him, and he sought refuge
in suicide from the burden of responsibility.
Admiral PRICE felt it an easy thing to face death,
but shrunk from adopting a brave resolve. Sir
DE Lear_Ev,uis las dared the Russian batteries,
but he fears to incur so much as a remonstrance
from Austria.
It is moral courage that we so urgently need in
our public men at the present time. The mind
of so eminent a man as Sir DE LACY EVANS
should be as firm as his grasp of his sword, and
his speech be as true as its temper, and as keen as
its edge. When men like him shrink from the
assertion of sentiments with which their names
are supposed to be identified, how can we wonder
that the Government is vacillating and timid.
We cannot believe that the electors of Westminster
share his terror of Austrian resentment. Let
them call on him for explanation. Possibly he
has been misreported. In that case it is very
proper that he should have an opportunity of cor-
recting or modifying the language attributed to
him. Or he may plead that personally he has no
love for Austria, or desire to conciliate her
favour, but that it is necessary to consider the
difficult position of the Ministry, and to refrain
from any step that would be likely to widen the
range of the War, and throw the sword of Austria
into the Russian scale.
Now that is precisely the question which we
desire to raise. If such a sentiment is to prevail,
the war, in our • opinion, cannot too soon be
brought to a close, nor will it greatly matter
upon what terms peace is patched up, as we
abandon the high ground of principle, and
give up those noble objects for which our people
would be justified in making great sacrifices. The
difference between ourselves and Sir DE LACY
EVANS is this, that while he believes it desirable
we should make any concession to preserve the
pretended neutrality of Austria, we believe her
neutrality is infinitely more hurtful to us than
her hostility could possibly be. We believe that
she is powerful only so long as she escapes attacks
—and that the first blow we struck against her
would shatter her empire to atoms, prove that it
was merely a gigantic imposture, and enlist all
her real strength on our side. Let the flags of
the Allies be seen in the harbours of Venice and
Trieste, and Italy and Hungary would at once
with a shout of rejoicing spring to arms. From

that moment Europe would breathe freely. Aus•
aria
,could not resist the disruption of her empire.
She has no strength. Her best troops would
eagerly watch for an opportunity of consecrating
their arms to the service of their respective coun-

trie,4. Her perilous position is even now so well
understood that she is all but bankrupt in credit.
A. financial crisis would be the prelude to her fall.
Her army would be disorganised, and the sword
rm which she relies would shiver in her grasp.
She would be without money, without troops,
without Allies, and Germany, relieved. from her
vpresnive weight, might become, through
the freedom restored to her people, an

united and truly powerful nation.

•hall take occasion to show, hereafter, that
war with Austria would be justified on broad
;rounds of policy and international usage, and
that there are the strongest grounds for believing

that the French Government would heartily join
with this country in the movement, should the
will of our people be declared in its favour.
But on that expression of will all depends. If
the people are apathetic the opportunity will be
!ost. Heretofore distrust of Austria, and hatred
of her cruelties have been a ruling sentiment of
their friends. Is it lost now ? What a reproach
it will be to them if they entertain th°ir generous
Anger only when it must needs be futile, and dis-
card it when a fit occasion arrives for giving it
effect. How will the enemies of popular institu-
tions exult in such an instance of short-sighted-
ness. They will justly feel that they may afford
to despise the public sentiment; which never takes
A practical shape, and contrasting Sir DE LACY
EVANS'S present avowal of " great deference" for
Austria with his former denunciations of her ini-
quity, will conclude that the sympathy which in
this country has so often been manifested for the
populations who have fought to the death against
the despotism of their rulers aroA:., not from the
deliberate convictions of an earnest people, but
from the momentary effervescence of a giddy
rabble, which the grim steadfastness of tyranny
may for ever afford to disdain.

One of the first acts of Lord PALMERSTON on his
appointment as Prime Minister was to find occu-
pation away from home for Lord JoHN RUSSELL.
The new Premier felt that his quondam, superior
would be a very difficult person to deal with,
either as friend or enemy. He had just dis-
played his propensity for " upsetting the coach,"
and succeeded in hurling Lord ABERDEEN from
the box ; and although ho did not obtain for him-
self the vacant seat, Lord PALMERSTON well
knew that it possessed au irresistible attraction
Col:. his noble friend,
andleft untried to
position.attainthethcoatventoedmeans
would
Bbee_
iides, the Aberdeen' ites were furious at the deser-
tion which proved so
injurious
to their chief, and
the supposed Warlike • .
sentiments of Lord JOHN
were very distasteful to th
e pro-Muscovite mem-
'iers. His appointment would have been the
:ignal for the secession of the indispen-
;ables ;" and was therefore not to be thought
for a single moment. Nor would
tt answer to offend him. Hewas regarded by the
•ountry as the advocate fur the vigorous waging
if the War in the former Administration. The
tiler/6d cause of his resignation rendered him
iopular with the country, while he was the recog-
lised leader of the pure Whig party—the second
in numerical strength in the H, also. His opposi-
rion might at any moment prove fatal to the
overnment, and bring Lord DERBY again into
power. Thu difficulty then was how to soothe and
conciliate the noble malcontent without inviting
aim to a place in the Cabinet. _ _

The _ingetitiity, of Lord PALMERSTON speedily
,liscovered a solution to the problem. The Ceti-
ferenees Vienna were about-to take place. The.
LPPointment -of Lord JonN RUSSELL would be a
pecilliarly flattering compliment, not the less so
ou account of his ignorance of diplomacy. It
recognised his universal genius, and as ho could
carcely l'-"Teio- receive the command of the
Baltic Fleet; whigh, according to SIDNEY &Wines
esi4nate, Tnight! have been more acceptable to
himself, 'he eagerly graaped at the appointment,
irglowillg tQW-E4tal pzov vs-