The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-09 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 9, 1855.

Rear-Admiral Sir William E. Parry, Et., lieutenant-gover-
nor of Greenwich Hospital ...............• •.•••• • • •• • • 3 0
William Parsons, East ; Leicester
The Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company 100 0
Messrs. John Penn and Son. engineers, Greenwich .....• .. 100 0
John Diston Powles, Esq., Wimpole-street ... •
Edward J. Powell, Esq., Hydrographic Department, Ad-
miralty .
Captain William Ramsay, R.N. H.M.S. Hogue
-31esrs. G. Rennie and Co , engineers; Holland-street, Black-
friars
... .
Wi Item Rigby, Esq., Glasgow • ...... •.. • lO 0
Major P. C. Robb, B 1.C.5., Beaulieu House, Southsea
J. Scott Russell, Esq., F.R.S., C.E: (Hon. Sec.) Great
George-street, Westminster ........ ........
Messrs. Samuda Brothers, engineers, Poplar •• .••••••• • • • • 20 r
John Scott, Esq., engineer and shipbuilder, Greenock ...... 25 0
Messrs. Seaward and Caael, engineers, Lionehouse •• • lO 0
Joseph Sims, Esq., Birmingham ••..••••• • • • •• " ‘•
Messrs. Sims and Muntz, Birmingham • .
Edward Slaughter, Esq:, engineer, Bristol
Commander Luke Smithett, R.N., H.M.S. Vivid ..... ..... 2 0
It. !Stephenson, Esq., M. s• , F.R.S., C.E., Great George-
st eet, Westminster .... • 50 0
Captain Janes N. Strange, n•N ••..• .. '
John M. Sunley, Esq , insurance broker, Corrhill .. ••
William Swann, Esq., Queen-street, Westminster .. • •
James Tilling, Esq., Hendon .. 1 l
G. 11. J. Walton:, Esq., •Serle-street. Lincoln's-inn.. •• — 5 0
Captain Frederick Warden, R.N., 11.51.3. Ajax.
Thomas Waterman, jun., Esq., shipbuilder, Blackwell lO 0
Messes. James Witt and Co., engineers (per H. Wollaston '
Ftlake,Esq , Soho, Birmingham ••••• • • •• •.. •• lOO 0
I. Watts, Esq., Assistant-Surveyor H M. Navy,
house . •• ••.—. . • • • ..... 2 '2
Messrs. John and Robert Woite, shivuilders, Cowes
Joseph Whitworth, Esq., engineer. Mancliever ..... ... • •
Ne.'Wigram, Esq., shipbuilder, Blackwail
G. T. Wright, Eso., lympstime, Devon
Thomas Wright, Esq , engineer. George-yard, Lombard-st 2 2
Su' scriptions are -received by Messrs. Martin and Co., 68, Loin-
hard-sweet, London ; Messrs. Ransom and Co , 1, Pall Stall Fast,
London : J. Scott Rinse 1, Esq , 37, Great George-street, West-
minster (Honorary Secretary) and by C. Manby, Esq., 25, Great
George-street, Westminster (r. e .surer).
E. P. HALSTED, Honorary Secretaries.
4.SCOTT RUSSELL,}
31, Greatliaorg , Westminster,-1855. . -

i'4PIRIT OF TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Constantinople about the strengthening of the defences
of the city and the construction of an entrenched
camp in its immediate neighbour:lood, which, if true,
indicate a resolution to establish an army of reserve
there. But beyond what can be conjectured from
these indications nothing is known. The Allied Powers
preserve, and will very properly continue to preserve so
long as they can, silence as to the ulterior operations
they contemplate. It is right that Russia should be
kept as long as possible in suspense as to the point on
which the storm is to burst. The country between Con-
stantinople and Varna is equally well suited to serve as
the basis of operations for a campaign in the Crimea or
for a campaign in Bessarabia, with Poland as the ulti-
mate destination of the invaders. The considerations
above enumerated would appear to favour the notion
that the latter is contemplated by the Allies. A state-
ment confidently made in well-informed quarters yes-
terday that a squadron bag been detached from the
Allied fleats to occupy Kertch would lead to the infer-
ence that the Crimea is to be the scene of operations.

-
(From, the Times of this day.)
There seems to have grown up among our public
men a most unreasonable, and to us most unaccount-
able, desire for peace at almost any sacrifice. Those who
lest year could speak of nothing but humbling Russia,
circumscribing her dominion reducing her power, and
capturing her strongholds, of
opening the. Danube and
title Dardanelles, and driving her from the Trans-Cau-
easien provinces, and who took infinite credit to them-
selves for not immediately unfurling against her the flag
of every nationality she has exfinguishetb are now con-
tent with little more than the status gto ante bellum,
and only seek for a nominal limitation Cif .the Russian
fleet in the Euxine, in order to colour, by" some appa-
rent concession, their real disgrace and tergiversation.
The arguments by which this recreant policy is ad-
yocated in Cabinets and coteries are as yet little fami-
liar to the public ; but we believe that they are pretty
yearly the following —First,
it is said that all restric-
tive terms of peace with Russia are useless, since while
England and France are united they are already able to
knforce moderation, and when they cease to be united
:all stipulations of this nature will lose their cogency.
Then it is said that we are putting everything on the
risk of the life of a single man ;
and, lastly, that Russia
is inaccessible by sea, and that we, owing to the break-
down of our military system, are incapable of assailing
;her by land. At the bottom of all this there may pro-
bably also kirk a secret conviction that the duration of
;the war is encouraging a spirit of inquiry, and leading
to results unfavourable to that predominance which our
governing clique nowhere assert; sakcompletely as in the
management of the army. Thu 4rit of these arguments
, seems to suppose, and indeed' nires, as a condi-
- don of its validity, that the force of England and
France should not be diminished, nor that of Russia
increased, by the conclusion of ased,ishonourable
peace, for unless this be so it seems idle to expect
that Powers which admit themselves utterly unable to
coerce Russia will be able to do so hereafter. But will
England and France, after the conclusion of a dishonour-
able peace, be no weaker, or will Russia be no stronger?
Reputation is no trivial element in success. There is
not a petty Court in Germany, or indeed in Europe,
where the praise of the Emperor will not be sung, and
his triumph over his vaunting enemies will not be cele-
brated by sycophant kings and pensioned nobles. The
King of Prussia will become his viceroy, Sweden and
Denmark will surrender in despair the last hope of inde-
pendent existence, and Austria, exhausted by the ex-
penses of alt armed neutrality more costly than war
itself, will seek only to appease by the humblest submis-
sion the auger she has excited. Of the position of
Turkey in such a case we need hardly speak. Her re-
'ources are utterly exhausted, her national spirit is gone,
her councillors a: e venal; and her councils divided. The
continuance of the war and the presence of large armies
from the West have shaken to pieces her old system
eithout providing her with a new one, and the allies
cannot but leave her infinitely weaker than they found
her. Having, then, as we have shown, weakened Turkey
and strengthened Russia, we should retire from the con-
test with the absolute certainty that we bad greatly ac-
celerated the catastrophe which we took up arms in
1854 to prevent. Nor could it be a matter of indiffer-
ence to us that in the opinion of Asia, as well as of
Europe, Russia would have established her decisive
superiority over the Powers of the West. There is not
a tent on the steppes of independent Tartary, now. hut
that clings to the precipices of the Himalaya, not a village
in China, India, or Perna, in which would not be told the
tale of our repulse and our submission. The same races that
forgot Genghis in Timur, and Timur in Nadir, would bow
before the spell of a fiercer race than the conquerors of
Hindostan. Meanwhile how would it fare at home I
The armies of England and France would return crowned
with bloody and barren laurels, victorious in battles but
vanquished in the fortune of the whole war, ill satisfied
with themselves, and little disposed to do justice to each
other. Those bitter recriminations which ill-success
never fails to provoke would certainly break forth, and
the embers of old jealousies and heart-burnings would
certainly be °nee more fanned into a glow. Thus would
be created in either country a feeling inimical to the
other, and that cordial alliance, which may well be con-
sidered an ample indemnification for the dangers and
sacrifices of the war, would run the most imminent risk
of extinction amid the repining of peace. Nor can we
conceal from ourselvesthat, whatever be the risk to which
the recent attempt on the life of the Emperor warns us
we are exposed in relying so much on the precarious
existence of a single man, that risk would be fearfully
increased by a peace which should give the discontented
factions of France the opportunity of suggesting to a na-
tion sensitive above all things of its military honour that
the second empire had tarnished by an ill-conducted war
and an ignominious treaty the martial splendours of the
first. The steel of the assassin might still glance aside,
but there would remain the risk of the rising of that tur-
bulent population which no ruler of France since the
days of Louis XVI. bas been able wholly to tame and
to subdue. Suppose a change of dynasty, and how great
the probability that the first act of the new power would
be to direct popular feeling once more into the well-worn
channel of ancient rivalry with England f If we escape
this danger how long will such a peace last ? We- must
either be content to see province after province left be-
hind the ever-advancing frontier of Russia, or once more,
with diminished character, with impaired confidence in
ourselves, and with feebler alliances, prepare to confront
an enemy emboldened by success, and instructed alike
in his weakness and strength by the results of the former
struggle.
We have suffered in the present war ne disasters which
we may not trace to the improvidence of our councils
and the corruption of our system. It is absolutely ne-
cessary that the country should be placed in a state of
defence, that obsolete routine should be swept away,
and that an organization of thorough and business-like
efficiency should take its place. For these purposes we
need the unrelenting stimulus of war. We cannot and
ought not to trust ourselves to repair in peace those evils
that war has disclosed. Too many persons are interested
in concealing the true state of matters from us to allow
us to trust to any. except the test of efficiency, which
hostile operations alone afford. We can choose our
point of attack, and our enemy is, and must continue to
be, reduced to a defensive position. Our resources are
practically unlimited, while his must be growing scantier
and scantier every day. Our commerce is free, his is
destroyed. Our people are free from all taint of disaf-
fection, while among his ill-assorted domihions one por-
tion of the people is in actual insurrection, and many
others in a state of dangerous and chronic discontent.
We have no civil war to fear,
guard. Grant—no Poland
that Prussia
no Georgia, no
Mingrelia to watch and to
and Austria fall from our side, we have been able hitherto
to carry on the war without them, and can do so still.
There can be no greater mistake than to suppose that by
putting an end to the war the Government would put an
end to the burning discontent it has engendered. Past
miscarriages we may forgive, but any attempt to screen
them behind an ignominious treaty will infallibly pro-
duce a state of public feeling which would induce the
nation to take effectual precautions against such mis-
carriages and such disgraces for the future.

( Front the Morning Herald of this day. )
The family constitution of the present Cabinet, to
which yesterday we ventured to direct the attention of
our readers, Is a subject of much more importance than
to superficial observers it might seem. At first sight it
appears almost invidious to inquire into the relation-
ships and affinities of noble lords and right honourable
baronets. A cousin of a Cabinet Minister is not, there-
fore, unfit to be a Cabinet Minister.himself. We do not
want to establish any rule of exclusion within the pro-
hibited degrees. Sir George Lewis is not the worse
Chancellor of the Exchequer because he is brother-in-
law of Lord Clarendon. Sir George Grey is not neces-
sarily unfit to be. Home Secretary because_heitcOn:
nected, either by birth or marriage, to three-fourths of
his brother Ministers. It does not follow that Lord
Harrowby may not very gracefully fill the "otium cum
dignitate" of the duchy, even though he be cousin by
blood of one-half the Cabinet, and cousin by mar-
riage of the other. All this we readily admit. Nay,
more, we concede that such inquiries into the alliances
of inibters savour of ungraciousness. It is only when
the whole web of complicated family relationship is ex-
posed—When we find that the list of the Cabinet is no-
thing more or less than a genealogical tree—that 13i itish
statesmanship is made a matter of pedigree, and offices
are religiously distributed in due course of administra-
tion to the next of kin—it is only then that such in-
quiries are proved to be relevant and proper, as the con-
viction forces itself on the mind, that the highest honours
and most important posts of the state are made by an
adroit, although imbecile conspiracy of cousins, the pa-
trimony and peculiar of an aggregate coterie of two or
three great families.
Th...t this is the true state of the case we yesterday
established. We showed by a very cursory glance at
the materials of the Cabinet that at least ten out, of
fifteen Cabinet Ministers were allied by the closest re-
ationship to one or other of the great houses of Devon-
shire, Sutherland, or Carlisle. The close connection
between these patrician families might entitle us with
truth to dispense with the triple enumeration. Were
the Queen's Ministers assembled at a Cabinet dinner,
they would perfectly represent a Christmas family party
at Woburn or Sutherland or Devonshire Houses, with
the very natural addition of two or three old and attached
friends of the family. Almost every Cabinet Minister
recognises at the Council-board cousins or brothers-in-
law, varying in number from two or three to ten. The
man is a stranger who has not at least the smaller num-
ber. The whole affair, we repeat, is a conspiracy to mo-
nopolise in one family connection the gnat offices of
state.

PUBLICATIONS.

Now ready at all the booksellers',

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With all the late Improvements and Portraits of every Queen,
complete in 8 volumes, price 7s. 6d. each, bound, either of which may
be had separately.
Published for H. Colburn, by his successors, Hurst and Blackett.

This conspiracy was consummated when Lord Pal-
merston manceuvred Sir James Graham, Mr. Glad-
stone, and his associates out of office. Iu 1852
the cousin Cabinet fell before the contempt of the
country. To regain place, which they had lost by
their own imbecility, the family coterie entered into
a new, but it now seems a separate, conspiracy with
the followers of Sir Robert Peel. A Cabinet was formed
which included not only men outside the charmed circle
of Sutherland or Devonshire affinity, but actually men
who had no aristocratic connection at all. But the
family influences were too strong. Slowly, hut surely,
they undermined the Coalition Administration. The
first moment of popular discontent, the blow which
everyone knew was long meditated wag struck. The first
movement of the Cabinet got rid of the Duke of New-
castle and Lord Aberdeen. But the cousins were not

sure enough of their position to dispense in the first in-
stance with all "the Gentiles of the outer court." Lord

Palmerston returned to office, retaining a few of the
aliens in his service—but it was only to get rid of them
at once, and hardly had the noble and facetious viscount
kissed hands upon the premiership which he obtained on
the faith of their co•operation, than he managed gently to
get rid of the rest of the intruders, and constitute his
Cabinet a pure Whig one—which, being interpreted,
means a Cabinet selected from the relatives of the great
houses we have named.

The result is that England is at this moment governed
by a coalition of three clans. It would certainly be a
marvellous coincidence if, in a nation of thirty millions,
the dozen individuals most worthy to be the advisers of
the Sovereign all happened to be related to this singu-
larly fortunate
.family coterie. Yet to this conclusion
we must come, or we must believe that men not the
most worthy are thrust into this position because they
happen to be able to put forward the claim of consan-
guinity as their title to office.
We have said that this is a subject of much
greater importance than at first sight it might ap-
pear. This system of selecting our Ministers from
one family connection, however honourable the fa-
voured families may be, entails of necessity imbecility
and narrowness upon the national council. We do
not merely speak of the improbability that the
limits of any one connection will supply the fittest or
even fit men for the high offices of the state. But, inde-
pendently of this, we believe the tendency of such exclu-
siveness is to enervate the councils of the country. The
family group at the Council Board, however, is still the
family group. Their sympathies are those of " the con-
nection," and not of the nation. There is a law of nit•
ture which forbids the institution of a distinct family
caste. Physiologists tell us, and experience assures us,
that families which intermarry exclusively with their
own connections degenerate and dwindle away. The
law has its analogy in politic rk and Cabinets that are re-
cruited from relatives of -Cabinet Ministers become by
the very operation of the process enervated and imbecile.
But there is more than even this. This system of
government, tolerated by the habitual phlegm of Eng-
lishmen in times of quiet, will be denounced with their
characteristic resolution in times of national emergency.
In plain honest English, the country will not stand it.
Not even to the

" Blood of all the Howards"

will we concede the right to ruin us ; and in spite of co-
teries, and clans, and cliques, we are perfectly resolved,
rather than let England go to the under the pa-
tronage of great houses, to take the management of our
own affairs into our own hands. But the danger is—
and,it is no slight one—that this exclusiveness of caste
may be confounded with our whole system of govern-
ment—that the aristocratic, aye, and even the monarchi-
cal element of our constitution may be held answerable
for this vicious and selfish monopoly of a gang of family
conspirators, who for the last 24 years have well nigh
converted our constitutional system of government into
an oligarchy. The dynasty of Whig families is
an exclusive one ; but the aristocracy of England
are the subjects of its exclusion just as much, and as
completely as are those who can boast no patrician
origin. Noble blood avails nothing, nn!esi it be
allied to some one of the great Whig families, who in
the name of liberty and liberal government assume
the exclusive privilege of being statesmen. Popular in-
dignation will not be very nice in making this distinc-
tion ; and because the dynasty of the families is an aris-
tocratic one, it will be directed against all that is aristo-
cratic in the country.
The truth must be plainly told. The exclusiveness

(From the Daily News of this day.)
Count Walewski, Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. de
Persigny, Ambassador at the Court of St. James's—
these appointments appear to throw some light on the
of M.
to be
friendlyM.Drouyndel'll ouyts M. de Persigny
resignationba
. the
resuscitation
of the Kingdom of Poland, as a bulwark against Rus-
sian encroachments. A pamphlet advocating this policy,
which was published a short time before he retired from
s beee
understood
office, was generally attributed to him, and without con-
tradiction. The idea of re-establishing Polish nationality
must, however, be presumed to be inconsistent with the
views of M. Drouyn de l'Huys, if that statesman be dis-
posed, as he is believed to be, to bear still longer with the
temporising of Austria. The Government at Vienna can-
not be expected to regard a proposal for the restoration
of Poland otherwise than with apprehension. When Poland
was partitioned, Austria came in for a large slice of its ter-
ritory, which,in the eventof Poland being recalled to exis-
tence as anation,shemight be obliged to refund. True,Aus-
tria has been allowed tooccupy the Danubian Principalities,
and might hope to be allowed to retain them as a com-
pensation for any territory ceded to Poland ; but then
the re-establishment of Polish nationality would be a
"revolutionary movement, and Austria has a morbid
fear of the mere word " revolutionary." No French or
English statesman, therefore, who still hankers after an
Austrian alliance can think of calling in the aid of the
Poles. It is consequently but natural that the recent
change in the councils of Napoleon HI. should be re-
garded as a triumph of the friends of Polish nationality
over its opponents. And it cannot be denied that the
steps recently taken for the organisation of a Polish
Legion point to the same conclusion.
It must, moreover, be admitted that the history of the
more recent wars between Russia and Turkey seems to
suggest the expediency of striking a home-blow at the
former power by raising Poland against it. Sebasto-
pol is not a new erection, and the Russian fleet in the
Black Sea is not a thing of yesterday's creation. Yet
Russia has never thought of availing herself of her
naval preponderance in the Euxine to seize Constanti-
nople by a coup de main; she has always commenced by
a land campaign, with Poland for the base of her opera-
tions. This strategy was dictated by necessity ; for
though an advance upon Constantinople by the Bos-
phorus would have enabled Russia to turn the line of the
Danubian fortresses and the defences of the Balkan, the
sinking of a few ships of war at the mouth of the Bos-
phorus would have shut out her navy from the capital
of the Sultan as effectually as the same operation at the
mouth of the harbour of Sebastopol has kept out the
French and English fleets. Such being the case, it is
the reverse of improbable that the French Government
may have entertained the idea of depriving Russia of
her base of military operations nearest the Turkish fron-
tier as the best means of permanently securing Turkey
against her encroachments,
These conjectures can only be regarded in the light of
possibilities—they do not aspire to the character of pro-
babilities. That the Allies contemplate a more extended
plan of campaign than the mere capture of Sebast )pol,
scarcely, indeed, admits of a doubt. The intermission
of the bombardment, the reconnaissances on the Tcher-
nays, the strengthening of Eupatoria, and the hastening
up of reinforcements both of men and ordnance—all
point in that direction. Reports, too, reach us from

which the country cannot tolerate is one for which the

aristocracy at large is no more responsible than any
other class or section of the community. Whiggery has
become a family tradition, and Whig policy degenerated
into a family compact. In a constitution like ours the
union of any number of men, in either House of Parlia-
ment, can effect great results. Witness what has been
acomplished by a Popish Brigade. We have had a few
families banded together, having representatives in both
houses, with high historical pretensions, with large posses-
sions, great social distinction, and great personal respecta-
bility of character. Of these families a league has been
formed, of which the real principle has been to keep the
Government in their own hands. With an affectation
of popular politics—with a readiness to adopt any policy
that conciliated for the moment the support either of the
Court or the people—making all their movements subor-
dinate to their notion of the constitution, which means
to them the supremacy of the favoured families—it is,
after all, not to be wondered at that such a league should
succeed to a great extent in its design. The time is
come when national disaster has taught the country the
true effect of such a system, and in the exasperation of
that lesson the danger is, that it the aristocracy do not
head the people in breaking down the exclusiveness of
" the great families," the people may, so far a practical
government is concerned, insist on gettirg rid of the
aristocracy and "the great families" together.
Our first duty is to get rid of the family alliance.
This is the cause alike of the Throne, the nobility, and
the people. We have to vindicate the cause of freeso gv oe
vernment—to assert the right and the duty the
Sove-
reign to choose as her servants those who will
hi
best. This great—this essential principle cfa serve her
constitution we have now to vindicatean ;
aristocracy, but but we must do
monarchial
so, not against the privileges of
against the pretensions—we must say,
the insolent pre-
tensions of a family coterie.

IMOMM.•=10.01
THE REPRESENTATION OF ROCHESTER.—The Kentish,
Gazette, after observing that no ins mation
the has bee enteen ra-
e-
ceived from Mr. Villiers with respect torepr
tion of Rochester, says that the chairman of the local
Conservative committee stated at a meeting, held at the
Golden Lion, on the 2d inst., that if another election
should be necessary, and if it appeared the wish of the
Conservatives of tuis city that Mr. Bodkin should come
forward, he would be found willing as hertofore to yield
to their wishes, and represent their views and interests
in Parliament."

~~~ ~