The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-20 00:00:00

~ •
41,y,

LONDON, MONDAY ---
AUGUST 20, 1855.

The Return Visit" is now being id. Th 4
"fair INTa pa
jesty of England" is
now accepting the
cordial hospitality of her Imperial brother, am
the warm-hearted people of France are repaying,
with ample interest, the enthusiastic reception
accoirded to their chosen ruler by the Eugii,b
community. Everything that inventive ingenuity
could. devip was put in requisition to render
sui'za.ble honour to the auspicious occasion. Bu:
thfire was something far beyond artistic skill, how-
ever brilliant, to grace the ovation of Queen
VICTORIA. It was the unpurchased and unpur-
chaseable acclamations of a mighty nation—the
heartfelt welcome of a magnanimous people to the
Royal representative of their English brethren. It
was, indeed, France bestowing the " cead mile
Mile " to the United Kingdom. There was a
glorious rivalry of hospitality, in place of the
fatal emulation that once existed, and which led
the forefathers of those who are now steadfast and
enduring friends, to sacrifice each other's lives in
the tented field, mid_
". &II the pride and panoply of glorious war."
It -was an ancient Hibernian apophthegm that
"maxi could never become fast friends until
they. head fought with each other." The "Wizard
of the North" gave expression to the same senti-
ment when he read() the stout 133rderer declare—
" I'd give the lands of Deloraine
Dark Musgrave were alive again."
England and France have through many centuries
(Darrell( K.l and fought it out, with varied success.
The hos the rivalry has, however, ceased. The
embitter, feuds have, we trust for ever, termi-
nated. We learned at the same ti
ne the folly
of these sanguinary conflicts and to respect the
chivalric valour of our brave opponents. This
respect b is ripened into friendship ; and that has
been ,ceu Loured and rendered more earnest by the
fact of .our having fought side by side, in the
same plat rious cause, in defence of " right against
mitt," land in support of justice and civilisation.
call :now mutually appreciate the noble qua-
lities of each other—can understand the glorious
destinies of united France and England—how
they can bid defiance to the world in arms, and

Tho visit was well heralded by the gird tidings
which almost simultaneously arrived flora the
Crimea and the Gulf of Finland. On the very day
her MAJESTY'S first pressing the Gallic soil,
the intelligence of the glorious victory of the gal-
lant troops of France and Sardinia over the Rus-
sian troops, led on by GORTSCHAKOFF in person,
Against the position on the Tchernaya, was pub-
lished. Admiral PENAUD'S report from Swea-
borg also came to hand, telling how French
and English valour had accomplished such
brilliant success against " the Gibraltar of the
North," crushing the frowning fortresses of
Sweaborg by their irresistible attack. The de-
molition of the buildings, and destruction of the
accumulated stores must exercise no ordinary in-
fluence in the just and necessary War in which we
Ore together engaged. That conviction, and the
accounts of the great victories by land and water
of the ♦llied forces, lent an auspicious augury to
the interesting occasion, and made QUERN VIC -
TORIA. approach as the messenger of Joy to the
people of France. The exulting paeans that greeted
her progress were perhaps increased by the felicitous
news ; and it is by no means improbable that still
nore satisfactory intelligence may render memo-
rable the visit of England's QUEEN, by its connec-
ion with some of the most glowing pages of
'reach history. It was well inaugurated by the
victories of the Tchernaya and Sweaborg. What
tf it were also illustrated by the fall of Sebastopol
or of Cronstadt, or possibly even the destruction
)f both the strongholds of Russia in the north
And the south t It required no such aids to ob-
tain a cordial reception, but they are truly grati-
fying accessories to the welcome visit.

It may be urged as a plausible objection to any
movement against Austria on the part of this
country that such movement might be disagree-
%hie to the Government of France, and might en-
langer an alliance with that country. We value
that alliance as highly as any one can, because we
believe it to be founded in the first place on the
mutual respect and good•will of the people of the
two countries, and on the substantial identity of
their sentiments and interests ; and in the second
place on the sincerity and good faith of the Em-
peror NAPOLEON 111. That alliance has been
very materially strengthened by the two nations
'►eing engaged together in a war of justice. Had
we, with France, entered into that war for any
-4 elfish or corrupt ends—to gain an accession of
territory, or divide some spoil—we should be
riopeless of the alliance lasting long. But because
it is essentially a pure and beneficent alliance,
unstained by those guilty projects of aggrandise-
cent which have often brought States together,
=re feel sure that it must last and become stronger
Ao long as the countries pursue in concert pure
Led beneficent objects. The best security we
An possibly have for its continuance is in the
,:rowing friendship of the two peoples ; and it is
gross and undeserved reflection in our gallant
neighbours and Allies to assert that they are
likely to fall from our side should a generous effort
►rise in this country for the liberation of the op-
dressed people of the C3ntineut.

Whatever force there might have been in such
to objection when negotiations were in progress
for obtaining the active assistance of Austria can-
lot apply now. Austria has deliberately declared
that she will have nothing to do with us. She
;_as deluded us with promises of her assistance,
only to gain her own ends, and to favour the ope-
rations of our enemy. Her conduct not only
justifies, but positively demands, a declaration of
War, to prove that two groat nations are not to
le deceived with impunity, and that faithlessness
n negotiation must not pass unpunished. We
tre heartily glad that we have escaped the dis-
l.raoe of an Austrian alliance, but the Go-
vernments of England and France have
got the less reason to complain that
srbile they acted towards Austria with perfect
400 d faith, and gave a substantial pledge of their
')olief in the sincerity of her professions by per-
nitting her troops to occupy the Principalities, she
nag drawn back at the decisive moment, rendering
their
negotiation vain, and exposing it to ridi-
cule.made That she refused to back the very moderate
sive power of y the Allies to limit the aggres-
b
Russia is a plain proof that her in-
But had the circumstances been widely
tentions were perfidious from
first to last.
ee never
peoplew ooufl d t
hdifferent
from what they are,
ceded the principle thate
this have
country eu-
should refrain from ceasing their honest opi-
nion in reference to the
Poi;cy of th • air own or of
any other Government. It is for theta to deter-
mine what is right, and, by the free expression of
their sentiments, to counteract that t d
ency to
sacrifice broad principles of justice to temporary
expedients which commonly prevails when the
Administration of a country like ours -- is
trolled by the popular will.

The Emperor of the FRENCH would have no
right to take exception to any manifestation of

feeling in this country for or against a particular

line of policy, and he would be the last man to

do so. He has lived amongst us. He under-,

stands our character and political system. He

perfectly well knows that our greatness is due to

our liberty, and that our people have always been
so much wiser than their Governments that all

our great social improvements and political re-
forms have originated with them, and have been
Won by their energy against the will of reluctant
Ministries and timid Legislatures. For the
public opinion of this country the Emperor has
always expressed unfeigned respect. It is noto-
rious that on his return to Paris after his late
visit he could for some tiro© speak of nothing but
his admiration of the sense and spirit of our

ldvance the prosperity and happiness of the world
by the cordiality of their union. NAPOLEON and
VICTORIA. may for the time being be regarded as
the incArnations of their respective empires; and
3.3 in April every Gallic heart responded to the
sincerity of the welcome so unanimously bestowed
on their Imperial ruler, so will every true-born
Englishman feel as if he had personally partici-
pated in the emphatic greetings rendered to his
dearly-loved Sovereign.

In another part of our impression will be
found a graphic description of the tasteful and
splendid scene, which recalled to our memories the
most gorgeous visions of fairyland. But the
" homage of the heart," of which such unequi-
vocal evidence was exhibited, far transcended,
and was infinitely more gratifying, than the mere
outward show, however brilliant and imposing.
It was far different from the splendour of the
" Field of the Cloth of Gold," which was after
All but little better than a " whited sepulchre ;'
for there the hearts were wanting, and the pro-
fuse and lavish expenditure, that impoverished
the actors in the drama, was only a substitute for
the fierce rivalry that was ready, on the most
trifling contretemps, to find expression in
deadly defiance, and war even to the knife.
Here there was solely the desire to render
the greater honour to the cherished guests ; for
every Englishman was on Saturday a guest of
France, and the feeling was, like STIA.KSPZILE'S
" mercy, twice blessed," shedding its benign in-
fluence alike on those who gave and those who
received.

people, and of the admirable union of freedom
and order which characterised all their demonstra-
tions, and which proved beyond the possibility of
doubt or cavil their capacity for self-government.
On what is his own Throne founded but on the
will of the French people ? N.►roLEoN may not
desire to anticipate any popular movement ;
he may wait until it assumes a certain de-
gree of form and consistence, but if it be
worthy of the name, and if it have
defined objects and principles, we may be sure
that he will not oppose it. We believe that any
general expression of public opinion in England
would have an immediate and decisive influence
on the policy of his Government. He well knows
how to distinguish between the sentiment of a na-
tion and the shout of a mob or the intrigues of
politicians.

There are reasons which must be weighing
strongly on his mind at this very moment in re-
ference to the policy he should adopt towards
Austria. He cannot forget that the Austrian
alliance was the fatal sunken rocks on which the
fortunes of the great NAPOLEON made shipwreck.
We speak plainly. The main error of his uncle's life
was that he had not sufficient confidence in the
principle of liberty. He used it, as an agent for his
advancement, but he did not make it the pole-
star of his course. Despotic Governments took
advantage of his fault ; they roused the spirit of
nationalities against him—wrested the sword of
freedom from his hand--and struck him down
with that invincible weapon which he should
have prized above his crown. Too late he
sought to remedy his error. He called on popular
influences when they were enlisted in support of
the legions of his adversaries, and expiated in
St. Helena the unpardonable fault in one who had
risen as he had risen, of deserting the cause of
nations who had been .willing to bail him as their
deliverer, but would not endure him as a mere
conqueror.

LOUIS NAPOLEON must bitterly remember the
treacherous conduct of Austria to his uncle. He
must understand the secret of his fall, and how it
was that the public opinion of Europe was turned
against him. He must know that his real strength
consists solely in the support of the French people.
Without that he is nothing. An alliance with
despotic Courts would much rather weaken than
strengthen him. His worst enemies would desire
nothing better than to see him in close alliance
with Austria, and engaged with her to crush the
principle of liberty in those noble countries for
the time bowed down under her yoke.