The Sun.
London, England, 1855-12-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEIViIVER 8, 1855;

flying till the boat touched the jetty—the mus- I in a large measure to the manner in which lie has

kets were, by order, not loaded, and under the
luggage, and the ammunition chest was locked—
no flag in reply could be looked for, for not a
soul was to be seen by good glasses at the station
—the five captains to be generously liberated were
landed under the flag of truce—then the reason
appeared why the flag, sacred all the world over,
was not answered—human tigers lay in ambus-
cade, and sprung upon their unarmed victims
with the weapons of civilisation and the
ferocity of cannibals. As an exemplifi-
cation of the quality of Russian officials,
a military and a naval officer, actually with their
own hands, bind an English officer with cords,
as if he could or would run away, and convey
him twenty-five miles, with others similarly
treated, lying on his back is a cart, and tied to
it ! Cossacks boat him on the back with their
lances, while driving him to the cart ! It is but
justice to the officers at Eckness, to which town
they were thus driven, to state that they indig-
nantly cut the small ropes with which they were
bound. This does not alter the fact, however,
of the behaviour of which other Russian officers
were capable ; and though Lieutenant GENESTE
had reason to believe the Hango officer was
placed under arrest, he had equal reason to
know that superior orders soon liberated him.
Throughout, the highest authorities appear to be in
disgusting harmony with the lowest. Prince
DOLGOROUKI approves and defends Russia at
Hango ; General MoLLAR, the commanding offi-
cer of the district, appeared to be ashamed of it.
Whenever terms of peace may be fairly offered,
?LEAVEN forbid that we should remember revenge-
fully the outrage at Hango. It is too disgraceful
for punishment ; its own infamy is its proper
penalty. The Czar, ALEXANDER IL, and Hango
will go down to posterity together, just as
FRANCIS JOSEPH and ARAD will be associated
for ever. Political or military reverses may
chequer each of their reigns ; monarchs, however,
may be great under these, but nothing can dignify
the hangman ofsurrendered patriots, and the assas-
sins of men liberating prisoners tinier a flag of truce.
If, however, it be sufficient to leave the CZAR and
the EMPEROR to the pillory of history, we are not
to forget that terms reasonable with Governments
not lost to all shame will be insufficient with
Russia. All her bluster about honour and dig-
nity is mere bluster for sinister ends. She has
no sense of humiliation but that of losing mate-
rial power. Loss of territory, loss of troops, loss
of military funds and resources, she can feel ;
but of honour, the impartial DE CUSTINE being
witness twenty years ago, she has not the concep-
tion. Hango has proved that to all Europe. There
is no other State, Austria probably excepted,
who would not instantly have sent back
the survivors, and have righted them-
selves with all Christendon, and we may
add, with all Mahomedanism too, by punish-
ing the guilty. It is, therefore, we affirm, essen-
tial to bear in mind, whenever peace is thought
of, that we have to deal with a Government
which is not ashamed of Hango.
With regard to the Peace rumours still afloat, in
one sense there is room enough for them. The un-
conquered Crimea must naturally wear that aspect
to most minds ; and the more it is considered
the more will it appear impossible that orders from
head-quarters did not arrest the victors of the Bth
of September. Add to this the certainty that Rus-
sia is suffering dreadfully, that the Allies will be for-
midable indeed in the Baltic next spring, that the
German Governments are uneasy, that fresh alliances
bid fair to strengthen our hands in the North, that
Poland will soon be mixed up in the question—
and if ever a country had an interest in getting
timely peace it is Russia. Thus, the half mea-
sures of the Allies, with the necessities and inte-
rests of Russia, equally point towards peace. But,
on the other hand, Russia may be calculating on
the peace-men here, on Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S de-
claration, on the possibility of dissension between
her chastisers, on the chances of war, on the un-
pleasantness of war to commercial nations, besides
the danger at home of confessing defeat, and hence
she is little likely to agree to terms such as the
Allies ought to demand—such as they must de-
mand, if Louis NAPOLEON and Lord PALMER-
STON are not to be remembered with con-
tempt for losing in negotiation the fruits of vic-
tory. The real object of Russia we take to be
a repetition of the Vienna Conferences. She
well remembers how cleverly she has by that
means delayed the fall of Sebastopol, and slack-
ened the preparations of the Allies this spring,
and it is natural she should try the same game
again.

The true policy of the Allies, even if they wish
for peace, is to set their demands high--never to
flinch from them, and to make their preparations
accordingly. We have often enough indicated
the securities, which at the present stage of the
War we are entitled to demand. The way to ob-
tain them is to show that, if not conceded next
summer, we can take them. Russia, if dis-
posed fur peace, may then save herself
the consequences of resisting again, and
finding our demands as much increased next
autumn as they are now in comparison with
those of last spring. A vast fleet of gun boats,
of floating batteries, and of boats with monster
mortars, coupled with an adequate increase of our
army, is more likely than anything else to be the
precursor of peace. Fur ourselves, however, we
decidedly, though reluctantly, retain the convic-
tion that another and an efficient campaign is in-
finitely more desirable for the future security of
Europe. We may add that we regard it as pretty
certain that we shall have another, and that we
had better all of us brace ourselves and our
Government to it.

To say that your English farmer is a true JOHN
BULL is hardly to do justice to his character. He
may be more correctly described as JOHN BULL
under aggravated circumstances—Jonx BULL with
many virtues, more than a fair share of national
prejudices, and an intense desire to be let alone.
Noll me tangere is to be read in his face, and if
you meddle with him he bristles up like a porcu-
pine. Prove to demonstration that you do so for
his good, still he does not thank you—nor,
if he is in a manner compelled to adopt your
suggestion, and is benefitted thereby, is lie dis-
oacknowledge his obligation, however
well satisfiea he may be, in a pecuniary sense,
with the result. Not more anxious is the politi-
cian to maintain the balance of power in Europe
t
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concerned, with these exceptions—he would like
a lease, and has no objection to his landlord mak-
ing improvements provided the expenditure in-
curred does not come out of his pocket. Hence
he will seldom be found ahead of his land in cul-
tivation, but at best keeping pace with it. Of
course we would not have it understood that this
is invariably the case, or that there is not a con-
siderable number of enlightened and enterprising
individuals to whom these remarks do not apply.
Neither are we disposed to deny that much might
be said by way of extenuation on the part of the
great majority to whom they do. The farmer,
whatever be his faults, may ascribe many of them •

been victimised by his " natural leaders."
Our business, however, at present is not with
the causes, but the effects, in part, of this ill
usage on his peculiar idiosyncrasy, and that
simply in relation to agricultural statistics. The
absolute necessity of the latter we have already
insisted on, and now that we come to the mode
of obtaining them with an approximation to ac-
curacy, "JoRN Bina, under aggravated oircum7
stances" stares us in the face-..a formidable ob-
struction. That lowering brow, that penetrating
eye, and general air of incredulous stolidity, give
but little promise of getting anything respecting
his affairs out of him. Ask the price of
" whoats" or other cereals, and he may con-
descend to tell you, but extend your inquiry
to the quantity of grain he has on hand, what
amount of acres he has devoted to cereal or other
growth, and the probabilities are as a thousand to
one he will tell you, however flattering may have
been your introduction, "It's no busine,s of yours."
Indeed it must at the outset be taken for granted
that it were utterly useless to seek the statistics
required from him, unless armed with the autho-
rity of law backed by penalties, and it is by no
means certain you would get them then.

Had, however, agricultural statistics must be, and
the question consequently is—how shall they be got?
After the manner adopted experimentally by the
Highland Society; viz., by means ofdistrict commit-
tees (legally appointed), whose task it shall be, the
acreage being obtained, to make observations in
their respective districts, witness experiments on
thrashing, &c., and finally meet and compare
notes before fixing the estimated produce per acre
in bushels for each union or district—that amount,
when applied to the acreage, giving the required
return ? Or shall each farmer be called upon to
make an accurate return, under penalty, to an
authorised official ? Or after what other fashion
may the required statistics be obtained ? As a
matter of choice we would prefer the first of the
above•described modes as the most likely per se to
accomplish the desired end; and for these reasons
—it is obviously the least offensive, will have
most suffrages, and we are disposed to think is
most to be relied on. Absolute accuracy is of
course out of the question, but of the t wo modes
this appears most likely to insure the nearest ap-
proximation to it. Against the second the
' agricultural mind would rise in the sturdiest
revolt, and it may be left to conjecture with
what results. How strong the feeling is
likely to be may be gathered from the fact
that, chief among the objections to any statistics
at all is the assertion that, to seek for them is a
retrogression to heathenism, involves a self-reli-
ance and a distrust of PROVIDENCE resembling
that displayed by the builders of the Tower of
Babel. The first mode, however, is not so free
from objection as not to suggest a third, in which
a resort to the second in particular localities,
where circumstances might seem to require it,
might not be authorised in connection with it.
The subject, however, will be brought pro-
minently forward for discussion, when we will
have an opportunity to deal with it more at large.
This much is certain, the adoption of the first
mode would prove a great boon.