The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONYMM, FRIDAY PVISINING PERRITARY, 9, ISPIS.

alpE RI

kI°IISE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
The h
Which Which t °llse Met' as usual at five o'clock, seheoretflypaefetreer.
seeilir there was a numerous attendance el' esrantenr_ ,e the new Minister for War, tookthhiseeseehat,
seaters."B thief Ministerial bench ; mid on the
0... to the bar of the house, the Earl of Aberdeennex and
the bake of Newcastle occupied seats.
th ea 11ke of NEWCASTLE presented
-.idle New Zeslaudwa - f the claims
petition from
6tea
alineila °f Ire Zealand on the subject
Company.
•
Lord - TUE NEW MINISTRY. . ties ,
.141113IRTEST requested their lordships' atten-
tase 1114 he made a few observations respecting
which
Le ,1°11: relative to the expedition to the Crimea,
.o.
1414'1 placed on the paper of the house. The fo.llowinot,
ttliro:lie ter on
of the motion :—" Tnat in the opinion of
le'it:,,lll.,° the expedition to the Crimea was undertakeninadequate
gas rajesty's Government with very
in'tel 1414 without due caution or sufficient inquiry
Pe }the nature and extent of the resistance to be ex--
4,ea froro the enemy' and that the neglect and mil-
, ttt,,°,4le°t of te overntnent in the conduct of tilt
tti`llleiit:Oetionhiv: lel
to
the
is _ t .oraes, most disastrous results.
would observe from the terms ofn-
that it applied to the late Goverl
op s e°l!etalY and was not intended to boar ei.iclusivredy.
Ma Li/ ilegle ll'ac b as
, ,laits ni er of the Cabinet. This was in ac
' llesl s e statement made- in the other house
o si._
Vhe esi,'"unt, now theCrown,byc fle
verialc e that he considered ever membereer ofof he late Go-
11°ttri:k teapossible for the conduct of the That
, ..l'e„,,, le, li.e believed could not easily be w4r_controverted.e.e
I I
kw stric9f,' at the 'list of what was supposed tenbinettari.
li/iSre, stroistration he found that it consisted of:
111leet,
v/ii.st n oethem, including the noble, viscount
111/4/ltly iilre 'Penibers of the late Government,- and
ectonei
con-
affair ii'kered in the responsibility for
teLl,,airB, esti Zvertheless, considering the present state
tof
a?4,1411,,Y etS4'itering also that it e
rely it se ersee,„'i. than the present Aedalmeseinlearsttearad
minis 113? esatns to take any step ttioen ll
disturbefel t
in
t
ott. esetict . sirer the first movements of the new Ad-
to .'.E'lglit to'_uut, on tho contrary, he thought that every
i, seette, heart°Odeayour in the present state of things
.'lreeset,ll, and Soul, for the purpose of assisting the
4g /he 1.4,'11/ in retrieving past disasters and rester-
4erese Tit credit f the country. (Hear,
t A. 4 felt th4l. o i circumstances, he
should
e, secs, -s, ringer these _ hear.) He
mlstryOrge the duty he owed to their lordships and the , 4°ticre, Yulehaeliilleian;ss
)frern proceeding"with his intended '
The 4-1 E ARItY IN THE CRIMEL
1 4 4as„ -
said, he agreed in
i'll Iv y'll of CLANRICA.RDE
lot 11 11rd that had fallen flea, the noble and learned
a D,' 611 d he „s ,
I -asset' s 'sued to take that opportunity. of making
I;4lsey., °ll. which he deemed worthy of consi.derattiona—d.
4tlrll f„t44t, as the house was likely on its rising
4 th's 4°4le daYs, the Government should be pr.epoaerredd.
Ililk,"'elsserebling of the house to lay before their 1
ill the 411°0 ataternent of the actual .condition of the army
elah rhtea up to the latest period to which the account
eats
keareOveniently made out. If some such statement
for tt,14111:"4: '4l authority, it might save many motionsees He
Ike,' tilat4tri man
not very profitable
.discn ip:,:iley cf° ask for information respectinthsesistate and
before an
i'llt 7 *14441 art°Y engaged in eny operationsbe a very
the Ikl,
taro under ordinary circumstances,
the 4rse t 1.1; Perhaps a presspope proceeding • but at
t n would
I's ife 44°, under t circumstances, it would
tee rosei 3117 absurd to say that any info, ma ma
4:it sd'ised 10 tbe enemy by making such. state-
-15 4114 f" had alluded to. It was notorious that
hat
to
14Y4)3(4itir014
the
army,
more
or
l?" t auttilhemselves
N,teletA, of those given by the
44 epto the Way, Were made publiMc,inaniaa
it was right,
f,-ajii
~s4e.en,olY. At the same etursi.ht be-con-
tim°which must be
tQqa ort Sri ent, proceeded to. any
Mto, 'op alionNiruate of our militaryvocoten'dHiteiohn,eatrhdatwthitaht
`l4)l,lltPriee 1(1 ho accurately known. qfe,ti'ek the „a(1 considerable pleasure thatesotntmlaestet
estimated the
o,re sure Chu
of the Exchequer .
llt ''net. e$
sneder the command of Lord Raglan at
it:l4to, at thtie sincerely hoped that such wae:csireottuhhrneneetre(y.taea,sleeii
t' at' Bake hirst, he Must say that very di eeiretute-
141tta h, eared in the papers. Under th
ratltsl4 of4;ot it would bo advantageoust
'tet.,-losst•snalisreent, and satisfactory to the
real
kratrt,ifol'oe,'s're give by the Government of
the
ilt' '1 f ~taPrising all .the different underarm_s._.....
Ho
fo;4ttilt 4'1)4 1:loo General-in-Chief in the Crimea.
was
r'reost's4over4,,QlltY t make this suggestion, and. it
-.441164,111.e11t to Fiay whether they deemed it worthy
Suss
alls',4,l' sillsiiii7 lITERIAL STATEMENT.
lord h; ttillt,, ILLEIn rising for the purpose already
r
''
14te, 40bi • atnely, to move you
your
I°4l
'41411
- e marquis—namely,
da —I trust
all°
totes ailli this house to some future y teslZglii:he-stretraolsilll'irreitych yreornurunkssnawl
iktih.
ndrneesspseeatnatecomuyerteheslyft
At,-thetitali.!_ki,llist444llteinisiratio.ns itouhrasiorhdasphpiepneehdotusae.
lite (Loral'le of the 41:71.1hd a seat in y
yd ompapdee.
llik th 4-61 ..had
of my nthoobloeoforoietnr
la fiscce 411dosibt;' here position in
tatelit °//t ofparii" 'skier of the
great in-
tll ,a4d irapn, Brat his presence here gave
party he represents, both.
kiletittigAY litoshi; friends"4lle tthe the
noble
inneatrhims
oho(tushoe.EaSrilnocfe
tttll -elis vaa 4.. -0 lioo.e earl .
\ 00, °Ping his administration the moultdhopineocts
Nwt erninent ift your lordship? house..
4tli 4eth 7
th• 6 b er ' may be alloWed, seeing my noble friend
'ta 'tleh below
(lb: 4riss,, me, to take. this opportunity of saying
1 inistration, I, a- one
all
4 NI: the two years 6 h
of
his
sha( administration,
me will be said by
.
~tlobi 40104 (and I believe.4-..sa. rig us., ma), having
t 4
t ".
' -sitting
qualities of the
,ll'Llo a °Pees,' e.-- of appreciating the ;IL-I-414.1' 48;1:lit:I'm of
one of the most generous-windedl
4he ' lett; a men with whoms .
i3°AtnrtuilitOd courageous ever
* • P'st e Yor good fortune to
1/411t , "vices and - his groat wiper].
al. ns, ~, he asso.ceinaeteedg.av(eChgereer.i.t)
hear.) We
e aa‘s ' tliat him. (Hear,- •• , l
ti, st/i,e, fell from
and critics
\st '1 'O, 14. tine still more eventful
and I do
feel it bon:43- acA-A • office,
Ile tbe lc aoss„,,.° friend assumed .
of f()rtn (Qltll/)1,,,'11t% Of an incongruity thatas aI
mattershould
hY ti 0 ' owing to ''ti,ti'e Government, even .n me
'lelui'l Tee I
a:l3 accidental precedence give ,
tains,' , "t 3 cting-11. I can only say, feel I
'eer-
-4'4( ''°wareis those`"nnfairly towards myself, and
1.0.
thsl,' an 014 of :, able- men within . the . Gove
e_
that I
sae, 4,ii *1 b°s Government sitting on
thla sidelfle t 'fif I wereat4l°l4 disrespectfelly towards bean able
j'(i}: suPPert tedertake this duty without g
mar-
tale %ale, ',advice, and guidance to that noble
,t,; of this tne), whose • guidance
' nt qualities,te!
sp-,
yeahatt- 4opse h . pre-emine
87:e.net only secured to him the de:
tl'll ee, of MA Diva friends, but even du.rinhls
sit'it of this 14° Proverbial on every side and in every ,
giisse tra,,„°4oTehly
en great deal
(Cheers.). With'
tIN eeesst nee the resignation of the Cabinet
but so f those more particularly
k/''l,l4;llltlle't,'ll'ii:tlll3tPliQllll:;ete(ll4raiisact.i,;u° o now present, and In.!q..
4PfY ijflltlitiltetr VitilZr
ir la e future occasion offerip anyl elx PcIEI
lkiihtlie , trona
_tecesaary to lor•
tvi tile 4104 arid"rua gather respectingthe.Proceedings
they have
Le, tatel,,,,_ Political Parties, I (lc! not think
if H-
ikl 'or cif ''''' °Pen to
tZI4. tihr,,, au,. „...,, , _ e i
.argeo.f the want Of Se -I,PP .
6t,1T4 \lrk Aj ;ell!! °1 public sirit on_.esotcycaeshieount.
three
i
tie 43:_feres,, VTE/Sinned by her Ms
tt44lY it r') ,Aia romustration, and he bdashbaesebnesenacogersas--
't Nsttellrove 1 e Ist which ho submitted
h r ) With
4' ',Lk, the pr:' 1?)' her Majesty- (Hear' et
have very
te'neevatis,„;llt:llPles of that Administration h,4; whieh s,°. ire, site; and I may
01 ~. qt al Ai Li govern the Ad, in respect
Administration ~tik 64ii 444, • briefly state that the
khtilli e
i'
IV the ialt:vcialblibaeati,deanntdisawll,yhi the
h, kflAii,. Pert,,., 4 (If the country. .
tki e 1 vrobmio
any mat
as those
Whene.veretir
ch generall met
inter-
Sirks,•„ll,,vve Will cif
nes for improvement 1
Ili ti," 'e (11" inoBb assuiedly not neglect -
lobject to
,4tlik,,r, e 64t 0 feel that the one paramount
of
•t
-r--(hear,
thtl'iirci"Ot ahtg.Y.4 the Coverament and the wisdom
ri-
,lss, 4'ekti I.{.(ll'„C. pd is the active and vigo.
41tili41 t(te°ll'ar'i ill° beetasvare in whicheetthaencieeentnitervyeriss
ka!Stfi ''at tho: I believe that the m Ili- 'fiat NCI int ' Who thought the war most unneees-
e`e. 'l'elaki °' aNI who most anxiously desire irets_iami:
1 4 la4t aho °l-qu'ist count that itabsolutely_
war tllatbrlse'elt.,,/,helliZrtOf this ry that, while the
'l,,s Wlllll 1.-,lti. or carried on with all the energy. and
tiesll-4v;41,,,'-itetlifAPajst,s-sers•We dotfryeelgtmovaecewratayintedesgermeee,
.°4k?t,,,, ve -st:, ri this country
we are
:)'•44cc'l'Ar)tir of exultation at one moment,
iet,,tni that (iiiie deeger of giving ws,
le ''' ..4g 1,,,i "4, hear •) In saying this I assure your
4 4e(l o Net Ise' •
wishes to
4 ~, -t Croat eslsene.tolier of the Government
to too much
army has been ea-
rs -eet Cheer ose mties to which the ar---. that army
1, illatase , !apla
,° * t for , Ilk I, fortitude with wehaitcuhratly
4'4t ti
ca t1a0173 thine gear.) It would be out
'll e slise,,
o,ealttec,v,ning to them al the slightest degree
attributable either to na-
ot tti se4 0 r te tc/es inay be a- r
which has be-
vtte e Nit /It in ti" rustiness of a system No 'le it
a. 'tee of peace ; but there is no doubt
ItiQtr'o i ti',Pl.e (jot t'terne;o:flgetnhT,aranyd
tideaththe have t m a . prevailedH
ew
etvorenra.,
/4ipltlet,ile i1,,,,,', that it inis not becoming in the Gove a„.:'' th '"Oc-'" this country to indulge in feelings
,th kt that' srlli it • i n the best au ho
1114 , cib e , I am informet o
..
asleiii() BNA • tare 41111 Y in the midst of sickne.s.s.
eand
ktiAt 6. I.ltie, ts?il share! (Cheers.) We do not. litK to
N 401'. I,l•o4Pktieti
ti to any event• for the futere is ineetrehe.
tylts - tlrekt, enee, but we derive some hope.and
ere
4444 gt,,iii,s°Whadge that the resources of this countryr b('t ‘f tit'9lted• (Rear.) We are now at the vet
ti -mit_eiii gae resources and the spirit evinced by
ttNls'Y 1 list4le us t d ' long as the
h tc, 4, atia 0 raw upon them
%,t NI !liitiatere,.Bo long as they are properly and effi-
/al, Itlsei Zt that, in'., (Rear.) We also derive confidence
the disasters to which I
/llslsilil reCiln have Ysetlaah.ofved more ore than this country
I%iki laes. "fete in anycgrieeat continental war during
tit,14,4 of I°ll* to
rely with confidence that, with the
li,h,t4 *ilbtt fti°ol4ar f°treig.,„l affairs remaining in the hnds of
tt„4 11 ,t t,,,, k tie rsarl of Clarendon), Franco will. con-
te4 (eh' c,h I,a:tint ry those intimate weld cordial rela:
li:ltilei;as.,lti,stiPctiu:sti maintained so much to the advan
sh 'tiP to the present moment
tet. (W:rt of iest he same friendly feeling will exist—(hear)—
Sibi, s! ar `lnstils same on account of our relations with.
tllkt.c.4 f 'f' loase-Tit.) It was with these views, andc..ht
ebse,neetintd-
ts, Lep tenet la s which experience has tau,
/liii ti 4 Nis,' experience alone could has taught us,
(kis ostire-er,,ton and his colleagues mean to take
~144ki fk'Uit,itt '.`mit Power to carry on the p resent war
,p,.. ipt, Mei, ,2,`11,70ur and energy until that day,and not
ern/11)1T-
Vtt ' 041%170 a just and honourable peace, -- ' f•
slip,l4 tits, ""., e interaete of Europe and the honour o
q?litl, 4tti';,,BU4ll be attained. (Cheers.) With thtese
NNb4e-r'tlitl '4ll • -tthal'Peal to your lordships and the coun
ary
q ',ti,;;_it is with these sentiments that we
andcr!
0 se, lord csultfulnees such support as the noble
tls ow l'Posite has offered. us to night. (Cheers.)
ft7n_ , 1' till 1-1. 'Po
rte
by meting, that the house should
NI 'tos'll'ia' Of I‘ol,_aY, the lfith of . February, observing that
lat .r 'noon% Would, he understood, adjourn
itlke klri. :el; till the Berne day.
h, q
~,„
~ EallY.--The motion with which the no-
-I,l°Litell: !il-s'ae,b3One°ol,llcl,evd..fforda me the opportunity,. while
Lott.
gas.et, _ s itis which he has accompanied that
Irj,lehs)tiS rte ritrig rilae:: (linty, of taking the earliest op-
ii all • the,
noble n explanation of those transactions
kt 1,4 kx,,lied.. a alluded, asfar
an.
- as Iwasper-
S Isible is, 41 them. I think it right that at the e
es m'oraent nsist t with public duty, your
..., Ns, 0 .f CO en vet
-. Wn
NlitiOlSl friends, and the country at

AL PARLIANI EN• '
which I felt it my duty to pursue, and of the motives and
T , large, should have the opportunity of judging of the conies I—(hear, hear) and full of mutual personal esteem
'regard for each other. When we looked at the num-
,
1 which actuated me in taking that course. (Hear, hear.) ers of that party at the close of the last general elec-
tion, the Government then existing found that it had tho
I think that such au explanation is due from every man avowed support of about 300 members of the House of
who aspires, or whom circumstances may have enabled to Commons. I state it to the credit of that great party, and
hold, a high place in the councils of the nation. (Hear, ias a proof of the fidelity which they have exhibited in their
engagements, that at the present moment, after the ex-
hears) The country has a right to know that the duties ofpiry of two the number who were prepared to sup-
government have not been lightly assumed; or lightly or
port me in the Government is hardly at all diminished,
from slight causes shrunk from. (Hear, hoar.) The and that we can reckon on the support of about 280 memo
country has a right to know, and it is good that it should leers of the other house. (Hear, hear.) But at the same
know, what are the motives which actuate public men time, though I had a right to rely on the assistance and
whose characters are public property—(hear)—and the support of about 300 members of the House of Commons,
the Government would still be exposed to fall by a_com-
country, which alone can remove those embarrassments bination of parties such as has taken place before, and
which often occur in the formation of a Government, should might occur again at any moment. (Hear, hear.) What
know what are those embarrassments and what is the na- reason had I o suppose that the same combination would
tuns of the difficulties which frequently prevent the consti-
not arise ? It is the same House of Commons ; there
iution of an Administration. (Hear, hear.) For myself, I are the same persons; and there are the same parties, so
far as I can judge from the construction of the late Govern-
have nothing whatever to coneeal with respect tothe course
went, and so far as I can assume from the construction of
I took, and, without further preface, I will lay before your
lordships as short a statement as I can, not only of the the present Government; so that there might have been
eoureo which I felt it my duty to pursue, but, in order to the same combination of parties by which I was formerl•
y
m assa
hh,u .
(Hear.) I do not mean to say that I saw as
i
rusks that course understood, of my view generally of the
certain the combination of these parties for the same ob-
position in which 'affairs stood on the resignation of the jest, but I had no security for a day or for an hour that
late Government. At the commencement of the present . that combination would not take place. (Hear.) I know
session, and in the face of the difficulties and disc tern that it has been said that, in the present circumstances, any
wero'taking place, and which the noble earl opposite has Government accept ing the responsibilities of office and,
pre-
not sought to conceal, I and those in whom the confidence
of the the great Conservative party has been placed, felt it • pared to carry onthe war in which we are engaged with
vigour would have received the snpport, or at all events
our bounden duty to abstain from bringing forward any the neutrality, of all parties in the House of Commons. I
motion which should imply censure or blame upon the think in some circumstances that might have been the case;
Government, and which, by imposing censure on them, but I have great reason to doubt whether, if I had at the
either in this or the other House of Parliament, might
first moment accepted the responsibility sought to be placed
possibly tend to increase the disasters which were known
on me, I should have found in tne House of Commons that
to exist. (Hear.) Here I must be permitted to say, that
those who on principle are opposed to. the Government general acquiescence under the influence of which there
have, in such circumstances, no very easy task to per form would have been an abstinence from opposition. (Hear.)
—for, if they bring forward a motion that may by impli- It is no secret that the moment the Administrationof the noble earl opposite was dissolved a cry was raised
cation be regarded as' a censure with reference to some by a portion of the 'press, exercising no signant in-
matter ou whch they feel strongly the Government is to
blame, they are immediately eatie :on to move for a vote fluence over the public mind, that one thing at last was
of want of confidence, with a view to the removal of the clear, viz. that what was called a Darby Administration
was out of the question, and that Lord Palmerston was the
Government from office ; and, if a vote of direct censure
be moved by the party in opposition, then the answer man called upon by the voice of the country to take the
always is that the motion is brought forward for party ob- managetnent of affairs. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I speak
not only of the press, but of the language held by members
jests, and not for the benefit of the country. (Hear) ,of Parliament. I know there was a strong impression
If neither of these courses is taken, if those who, I may
with regard to the noble viscount— who somehow or other
say, by the constitution of Parliament, are intrusted
with the duty 'of watching over the conduct of a ' appears to have enjoyed a peculiar exemption from the
censure passed on the whole of hia colleagues—(laughter)e-•
Government in whom they cannot place confidence remain
altogether silent, then they arer charged, with somejustice, that in the conduct of the war, one of the greatest defects
as being indifferent to the enforcement of public opinion, 'that appears to have existed was a defect in the office of
u 'the noble ' viscount himself—viz. in the organisation and
and' being accessories after the fact to the felts of the
laugh-
Government. (Hear.) Yet, notwithstanding these drill-, 'embodiment of the militia. (" Hear, hear," and
culties, it ,has been the policy, as we have felt it to be the ter.) But, be that as it may, in the, public mind the
-noble viscount was excepted from the censure imposed on
duty, of the greats Conservative party to bring forward-no his colleagues ; and the. hon. and learned gentleman who
motion of censure againit the Government. But immedi- brought forward •the motion by which the Government
ately after Parliament reassembled, after the recess, notice
was given of a motion by an hon. and learned gentleman was defeated, if I mistake not, declared his opinion that
Lord Palmerston was the only person who was fit to sue-
in the other house, who I suppose was desirous to be con-
sidered-a supporter of the Government and a member of ceed. and to govern the country. (Hear, hear.) But a
higher authority still was one of the noble viscount's col-
the Government—party who can hardly call it—but of leagues, who considered the case of the late Government
that great body split into various ramifications of parties, indefensible, and their conduct to be such as to compel
and who pass by the name of Liberals in this country- him, prematurely, to send for them.' That noble lord
(Hear, hear.) My lords, I confess Ido not understand generously sacrificed himself to a, colleague, and de-
the distinction which seems to have been drawn by the dared that in his opinion the only person to conduct
noble lord the late President of the Council, in which he
stated the military 'affairs of the country was his late colleague,
that, looking at the course which, in the event of
'Lord Palmerston. (Hear, hear.) Now, I put it to your
such a' motion being brought forward, he ought to pursue, lordships and the country whether, with that feeling pre-
he had to consider not only what the nature of the motion veiling in Parliament —with a general declaration in favour
was, but what was the quarter from which it came. °fa, very distinguished member of that house —a declare-
(Hear, hear.) It appears to me that this is a distinction tion made by a large portion of the press, and by a con-
founded on no just, or sound principle. (Hear.) If the siderable amount of the members of the House of Commons,
conduct of the Government was defensible, then, whether and sustained by the high authority of Lord John Russell,
the attack was made by friend or foe, it appears to me to
—I ask what prospect of immunity from attack, or what
have been the duty of the Government to vindicate its prospect of a -sustained majority, a Government could is
own policy. If, on the other hand, the conduct of the
Government was wholly indefensible, then, my: lords, I such circumstances expect? (Hear, hear.) I would not be
misunderstood as saying that these considerations were
cannot conceive that it would be a right and justifiable
course for one who could notelefend the conduct of the Go. those alone which prompted me to be anxious to obtain the
co-operation-of the noble viscount. I readily acknowledge
vernment on its merits to resist the motion because that the great abilities, the great Parliamentary experience, the
motion proceeded from a particular political quarter. great official experience, of not less than 37 years of office,
(Hear.) But, from whatever quarter that motion pro- of the noble viscount. I readily admit the advantage of
ceeded, the result was such as, I must say, is wholly un- his personal popularity. I readily admit also—though yet
paralleled in the history of this country. (Hear.) Such is the circumstances of this case ale so peculiar that I may
the extent to which the party habitually in opposition to state it,—though the jealousy of this country—the reason-
the Government carried their resolution not unnecessarily able and well-founded jealousy— is against qualification for
to interfere with the Government, that I believe even ou office, arising out of connexion with foreign States or fo-
that motion' if the division, instead of being postponed till reign Governments, yet I must bo permitted to add that,
Monday, had taken place on the Friday, little more than in the present circumstances, it was a great and legitimate
one-half of the party would have been in their places to qualification on the part of Lord Palmerston, and should
pass the vote of censure. (Hear.) But when a motion was not be omitted, that ho was generally supposed to exercise
brought forward, from whatever quarter, which implied a
want of confidence in the Government, and which the Go- no inconsiderable influence over the councils of that noble
nation with whom wo are now on terms happily of the
vernment-themselves took care to explain was a vote in
the confidence or the absence of confidence of the strictest' and closest alliance—(hear, hear)—that he en-
whichjoyed to a great extent the confidence of that great man
House of Commons was to be testa; the circum- who by his auperior abilities and power, not less than the
stances were changed. It was impossible tho limits of name he bears, was enabled to grasp and hold firmly and
moderation and prudence could be carried to Bush an ex- vigorously the imperial sceptre of that country. (Hear,
tent that, being invited by the Government to express an hear.), I say, in times like these, and at a time when we
opinion on the question of confidence or no confidence, are engaged in a formidable and perilous war,—when we
this party should not give expression to the views which have France—though I hope it will not be long so—as our
they entertained. My lords, the result of that motion, as only ally—it is a 'peculiar qualification for holding office
I said before, is one without a parallel ;—not only that ou in this country that the Minister in question should pos-
e vote involving a want of confidence in the Government, seas the confidence of those with whom we are in that
and in the Government as a whole—not a censure given to
One or two individual Ministers, who might have become Strict alliance ; and I will acid that no party could be in-
sensible to the great advantage—or rather, I should say,
particularly obnoxious to the public—there should have to the disadvantage—of a Cabinet being formed at the
been in the House of Commons a majority exceeding two-
hresent moment unacquainted with all the details and din
thirds, but that on a question involving confidence or no ficulties of the diplomacy that has run over the' last two
confidence in the Government as a whole that Government years, or that the noble viscount would not be of peculiar
was unable to muster as a minority in its favour a greater advantage to' any Government of which he might be a
number than 148 out of 650 members of the House of Com- member, having an intimate knowledge of all the trans-
mons. My lords, I believe that such an event is wholly actions of the last two years, of the difficulties and embar-
without a parallel, More especially when we recollect that rassments that have occurred, and, at the same time, a
by the confession of many who voted for the motion it was correct knowledge of the feelings and views of those
fo-
one against which there were valid and well-founded objec- reign connexions with whom for that time we have been
tious with reference to its technical terms, and that it was were or leas engaged. (Hear, hear.) Untior all these cir-
disapproved of by many. who supported it, on the ground cutnstances—from all these considerations—l came to the
that it was accepted by the Government as a test of the con- conclusion that with the unassisted numerical etreugth of
tidence or no confidence of Parliament in the Admistration.
thole who' placed their confidence in me it was impossible
The majority on that occasion, singularly enough, happens that I could feel any assurance of forming that which I
to be, in point of numbers, to a unit, the same with the concurred with the noble earl opposite iu deeming most
majority by which, two years ago, the Government I was desirable and necessary for this country at the present period
connected with was also ejected from olliee-.-viz., a ma- —3 strong Government. It was impossible for me, with-
jority of 303—though on the former occasion it was 303 out-sou l() extraneous aid, to Hatter myself with the expec-
to 286, while on the present it is 305 to 148. (Hoar, hear.) tatton that It' ould:secure a strong Government for this
Of these 3410,4 believe tinkt . the great Conservative party,
who have acted together for a consideßible peiliodlirittrpr- country. Mlords, it was impressed with this" idea and
corniciion that, on the following morning, I obeyed her
feet and uninterrupted union, constituted something tike Majesty's command. L laid before her Majesty without
200. (Hear.) With regard to thedifferent liberal sections' reserve my views with regard to the steteset parties, with
of the House of Commons, I believe that they were pretty regard to the composition of the House of Commons, and
equally divided in this way—that 100 of these gentlemen with regard to the balance of parties in that _house, and the
voted on one side and 100 on the other, and that another psobable mode in which those parties might apply their
100 altogether abstaine from voting on theoccasion. Such powers. I did not conceal from her Ma j. sty that there
being the result of the division, and such the composition of might be circumstances under which the House of Com-
the vote, and looking at the usual course of Parliamentary mons would give to such a Government as I was enabled to
proceedings apd the doctrine of the constitution, I was cot forum, even Without extraneous aid, a generous assistance
surprised, my lords, when, on the t Rowing evening, I re- And a generous and liberal support ; but I think such cir-
ceived—though I aeknowledge I did so with deep anxiety— curnstetnces could only be those in which there would be
her Majesty's gracious commandslo wait upon her on the no alternative between the existence of the Government
4 following morning, perfectly well kuowiug and understand-
hick I was about to form and no Government at all, and
pos
ing
for what par elhad received such a communication•
that there could be security whatever for the formation—
It became then my duty carefully and anxiously and ma- nay, not only that, but no prospect of the formation—of a
turely to consider the position of the country. In ordinary Government commanding a majority in the other house,
circumstances and in ordinary times I should at once have as ion as there was a large party united in their opinions,
felt it my duty to accept the reopen ibility thrown upon some of whose members were excluded from that Govern-
me—for, though 'the gentlemen who . honoured me with merit, who, if they were included in it, would bring the
their confidence were not those who had incurred the first weight of their counsel and assistance to us. After my
by bringing forward the motion, yet, as it
responsibility
statement, to which her Majesty listened with-most gra-
was mainly carried -by -their instrumentality, I felt that it •
mous attention, I concluded the humble recommendation it
would have been my duty to accept the proposal ; but, was-my duty to submit to her Majesty with the request
under existing circumstances, I felt that I was bound to that I might be enabled to communicate with Viscount
consider carefully and deeply, without thinking of pessn• nalmerstornfor thepurpese of obtaining, if possible,his con-
nal considerations, and without reference to party objects, currence and assistance in the duty which I was about,
what course it was for the interests of the country that in with her Majesty's permission, to undertake to perform.
such circumstances I shOuld take. (Hear.) My lords, I can I stated also to her Majesty that I could not expect to ob-
conceive MO object of higher or nobler ambition, no object
.lain that concurrence on the part of the noble viscount
more worthy of anxiety by a true patriot end lover of his '
unless he were.pertnitted. to bring with him one Or two of
country, than to stand in the high and honourable post- those with whom he had recently acted. I felt, notwith-
thou of the Chief Minister of the Crown and leader of the standing some personal and political differences, that
,the
councils of this great empire, assisted and supported by abilities of some of those gentlemen might have added
colleagues combined with him by mutual sentiments materially to the strength and power of debate in the
and mutual and personal respect, and with the knees- House of Commons, and that their concurrence might
ledge that this and the other House of Parliament would be desirable, not only on account of the support and
give to such a minister the assurance that, except on most
extraordinary and unusual occasions, he would be enabled countenance which they would give to the noble vis-
count in joining the Administration, but also On account
with life and energy to carry out his plans and to mature of their own individual and personal merit and ex-
and accomplish his objects practically as well as nominally, rience. I stated to her Majesty that, in my humble
and to control and govern the legislation and internal
judgment, without such assistance—without some extra-
economy of this great country. (Hear, hoar.) Oa the neous assistance—l did hot feel myself. in a condition
other hand, to hold that highly responsible situation de to promise to her Majesty that strong Government,
pendent for support from day to day on precarious and assured of a mnjority in both Houses of Parliament, which
uncertain majorities, compelled to cut down this measure, I thought at the present moment it was most desirable, if
and to pare off that, and to consider with regard to each possible that her Majesty should have. (Hear.) I was
measure not what was for the real welfare of the country, bound tis consider, not -personal or party feelings, but that
but what would conciliate some half-dozen men here, or
some half-dozen there—(laughter)—to regard as a great which was for the interest of the Crown and the welfare of
triumph of Parliamentary skill and Ministerial strength to the country— (hear)—and first and prominently for the
scramble through the session of Parliament, and to boast welfare of the country and the honour of the Crown Ipced the necessity of having, if possible a strong and
of having met with few and insignificant defeats—l say united Government. I therefore submitted' to her Majesty
this is a state of things which cannot be satisfactory to •my huinble advice that, failing my endeavours to form such
any Minister, and which cannot be of advantage to the a Government as could hold a promise of strength as well
Crown-, or the people of this country. Bust, my lords, as of unity, her Majesty should consider whether it was
to enter on the duties of office, not with a precarious ma-
possible to form any other combination of public men by
jority, but with "a sure minority of the other house of Par- whore that object was more likely to be achieved. Where
liament —to be aware that from day today you were liable to
defeats at any moment by th combination of parties,amount- these men were to be sought for, what that combination
e pre to be, was a subject upon which, of course, I did not
ing to a sure majority, and only waiting for the moment when psume to offer an opinion to her Majesty. In venturing
it would be most convenient to introduce motions for to offer that suggestion, as one which I believed to be for
the attainment of such an end ; to be a Minster of suf- the good of the country, I concluded by assuring her Ma-
ferance ; to hold such a position without 'any security for
enforcing your own views ;with the fear of exposing your jesty, strongly as I felt the difficulties of the position, if
such a combination—giving greater strength than any
own friends and the country—your friends to perpetual
mortification, and the country to constant disappointment which I could bring to her Majesty's support—wore found
to be impracticable, then, at all hazards and under all cir-
-(hear)—to undertake the responsibilities and the duties of cumstances, her Majesty should not be left without a Go-
office in such a state of things would be such an intolerable vernment—(cheers)—but that when such other combine-
and gallir g servitude as no man of honour or character tion should have been tried and found to be unsuccessful,
could expose himself to, and such as no man voluntarily then with better hopes of parliament: of support—but
would submit to, except from motives of the purest patriot- whether with or without better hopes—l would answer for
ism and from absolute hecessity. My lords, I considered myself and for those noble lords and hon. gentlemen with
_whom I have the happiness of acting, that, at all eveets,
it then my duty deliberately to consider, before I assumed
the responsibility which I understood it to be the wish of the country should not be without a Governumet, and that
her Majesty I should discharge, in what position I should at all hazards, at all risks, and at all sacrifices our humble
be with regard to Parliamentary support—how I should
tity
services should be placed unreserved at her Majesty's
stand in this and the other House of Parliament, more ' command. (Cheers.) My lords, I may take this opportunity
especially
in the other house. It is true, my lords, that I of making a statement which lam sure, so far as your
could halve filled several of the offices of the Government lordships are concerned, is quite unnecessary, in con-
in a manner that would have commanded the approba-
occasion her Majesty sought to fetter my discretion by some
sequence of rumours which have gone forth, that upon that
tion and the support of all parties. I had reason to be
assured that in one of the offices which, above all others,
,
restriction. Those who know the respect which her Ma-
is at present the object of pro-eutinent irdportaace, and eathas for the Constitution and the strict and rigid man-
on the proper settlement of which rests the greatest norm which she walks in the light and in the pathsg of that
responsibility, I should have had the support of a noble constitution, will be well aware that such a report is un-
friend of mine, not himself a military man, but possessed founded ; but I feel myself bound in duty to state, for the
of a mind eminently military—a noble lord of vast expo- information of those who have not the same means of be-
rience, practically versed and conversant-with the
coming acquainted with the facts, that not only no obstacle
tious of war in distant countries upon a largo scalopera-
e, and whatever—that not only no restriction was placed in my
who bar proved himself to be au able anti successful Mini- way, but that not the slightest difficulty was made as to
titer of War on an extended scale—(hear, hear)— a noble any ono subject or recommendation, either with regard to
earl whose energy, whose ability, and whose eloquence, wen or measures, which I felt it my duty to submit to her
would have given ample assurance to the country of the majesty. (Hear.) In consequence of this interview, which
efficiency of the manner in which ho would have performed lasted from half-past 11 until nearly one o'clock, I called
his duties—(hear, hear)—and who, if he has one charac- uoon the noble viscount (Palmerston), whom I found at
teristic that is mere universally recognised than another, - his house. I immediately communicated to him the invi-
it is that in him*the country would have a guarantee that
t:ttion with o Lich I was charged upon her Majesty's part.
in no possible circumstances would they bear of jobbery I found, as I anticipated, that the noble viscount would
or corruption. ' (Cheers.) It is true that, in the other have been exceedingly unwilling—nay, indeed, that he
house of Parliament aa well as in this house I might have felt it would have been impossible, without the concur-
luidi recourse to a class whom, when excluded Irons
rence and co-operation of some of his friends, to give me
office, it is usual to characteriSo as a necessary infusion of that assistance and supper t which otherwise he did not
new blood, but who, when in office, are called an enlist- x rress himself disinclined to efford. I stated at once
ment of raw recruits.m (Laughter.) And, when I speak of ithalt I anticipated that feeling on his part, and that it was
new bleed, lam sure not ono of my friends in this or the perfectly natural,' amid I named to him the two among his
other helve will deem it invidious Hi me to say that, in colleagues with whom I thought he would most readily con-
office, I should have received the support and assistance, sent and desire to act, and who might have the least diffi-
the unrivalled eloquence and commanding talents, of Sir cultY , from their previous connection with the great. Con-
E. Bulwer Lytton. (Cheers.) At the same time I ,was
ry seative party, in joining the Administration, although
compelled to look not to men alone, not to the capacity of between them and that party there had been, and there
thos° who might have filled important offiees, but I was might still be, p
tomepoints of difference. I named to tho
bound to look to that more vulgai if not more important
noble viscount the two men with whom I conceived he
circumstance, the numerical strength of
ithe Government. would be most desirous of acting, and who might have the
(Hear.) I have been
toolhonoured—nd one of the least difficulty from their antecedents, in connecting them-
proudest recollections of my life ook back to that pe.
selves again with the Conservative party. I fouud—for the
riod—l have been honoured, and am still honoured, with noble viscount was good enough to state to me—that, with
the confidence of a body of the most respectable and
highly qualified gentlemen of this countryregard to any personal considerations he could have no cob.
amounting to from 270 to 280 members of a
Parliament,bin ly
I jection to act in a Government with which I was connected,
and he accompanied these obliging expressions towards me
bound together by that which is the only sure bond ,
with an allusion to the long acquaintance and friendship
of all political ties ---: namely, mutual _ confidence.. in.
Which had subsisted between us. We went so far as to dits.
Mil other, and perfect identity and unity of principle.

cuss the particularp seition in the government in which the
noble viscount should be placed, and I stated to him then,
with perfect frankness, that which I am about to state to
your lordships. I stated to him that I did not think it was
possible for any Miniater to combine with the lead of the
' HOuse of Commons the duties of extensive aid laborious
&pertinent, and I obtained from him his concurrence in
that opinion—that, with the hied of the. House of Com-
'ons, the arduous and important duties of Minister for
War were wholly incompatible. 'I Was enabled, by an act
of self-abnegation and forbearance for which I think my
right hon. Friend deserves the highest credit, to state upon
the part of 'my right hon. friend Mr. Disraeli, that; with
regard to the lead of the House of Commons, with which
he had been honoured upon a former occasion, in the pre-
sence of the noble viscount lie would waive all claim and
pretension to that position,
.and would willingly and rea-
dily act under the direction of a statesman of the noble
viscount's • ability and experience—(hear, and cheers)—
and my right hon. ' friend added, what I think hardly
less to his credit, that, not only was he willing and
ready to waive a right to which—considering his relation-
ship with the Conservative party—he was fairly entitled
in favour of the noble viscount, but that ho hoped that
such a surrender might render more easy the accession of
two of the friends of the noble viscount, who might be
willing to met under the noble viscount,-though they might
be less willing to act under my right hon. friend. 'quitted
the noble viscount after about half au horn's interview.
Her Majesty, waiting the result of that interview, made
her return to Windsor, and I informed the noble viscount
that her Majesty.would leave a messenger in waiting to re=
ceive, at the earliest possible time, the result of the cone-
inun:cation which he undertook to make to Mr. Gladstone
and Mr. Sidney Herbert. I certainly returned from the
interview with a very strong impression upon my mind
that the noble viscount was ready and willing, if he should
obtain the cell etrience of his late colleagues, to join, in
unison with them, the Administration which I was endea-
vouring to fc,rm, and the statement he made to me was,
that of course ho could give no definitive answer till lie had
had the opportunity of communicating with them, but
that he hoped in a very short time, probably before the post
went out, "Jut at all events in a very fewhoars to convey to
me the final decision at which he arrived. Idid not hear from
the noble viscount until half-past 9 o'clock at night. [A.
noble lord inquired at what time the noble earl left
atfl hlalletfpt
with:
9n, ()pull viscountad shortlywritten bteo-
fLoorer d‘i Po,aellioneekr taonna's
the noble viscount that it. was impossible for me longer to
detain the messenger if he 'Vies to arrive at Windsor that
night, I received with considerable surprise a note from
the noble viscount. lam not going to trouble your lord-
ships with the precise terms of that note, but it certainly
did surprise are to receive from the noble viscount, after a
delay of so long a time, a note 'merely stating that, upon
full and complete reflection, he had come to the conclusion
that if he were to join my Gs:recent/tent, he could not give
to it that support which 1 was good enough to think his
presence would insure,—that he hail communicated with
Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert, according to my
desire, but that they would write answers to me, and he
thought it better that they should do so. At half-past 12
that night I received a note from Mr. Gladstone, and
kind
after and
stating
be-
tween 7 and 8 the- following repelling I received one from
Mr. Sidney Herbert, both written
urtethoaut
Lord s
rerms—terms of which I certainly could have no reason
note,
whatever to complain ; but I certainly was struck with
this exprimesosirostnoin hatsnMr communicated .Gladstoneto him the wishl had'sin
expressed that he should form part of Alm Administration,
—" also learned from him (Lord Pahaerston) that he is
not of opinion that he can himself render you uslefctiolufseesr;
I some orbdleuse I had
rvicee
cieni
vtehda t
tAh
adtmni noite stratiwitohn oswu,r
pier lords,
reason to suppose that when, at. two o'clock, I left the
noble viscount, hie, consent depended in a great measure
upon the concurrence of his late colleagues ; but at half-
past 12 the same night I received a letter from Mr. Glad-
stone, stating that the noble viscount, in communicating
my message to him had stated at the same time that he
could not concur in being a member of the Government.
My lords, in that state of things—having received from
the noble viscount and his two friends the answers to
which I have referred, declining to form any part of my
Administration—the noble viscount having made no ob-
jections upon any political grounds; or ou account of any
contemplated measures, or on account of the position
which it was intended he himself should hold, or with re-
ference to any of the colleagues with whom he was about
to be connected—l was then in a position to state to
her Majesty that, the first contingency to which I had ad-
verted having taken plane, I thought it was for the interest
of the country and for her Majesty's convenience that she
should adopt the subsequent course which I had advised,
namely, that of aseeitainieg whether it was possible to
form any other stronger or more effective Administration.
My lords, further than that I hate no personal knowledge.
I quitted her Majesty with deep and very sincere expres-
sions of regret on my part that, under existing circum-
stances, it was not possible for me to do her that service
which I- would gladly have rendered—that I could not as-
sure to her Majesty that -strong Government which it was
s
absolutely essential for the interests of the country that
should have; but that, in the event of ne further com-
bination being able to be made, I was then, as I had stated,
ready to offer to her Majesty my humble _
and devoted ser-
vices. My lords, I may be asked why, having referred
had been designated merely to the noble viscount, who •
gnated by
public opinion as the person entitled to the first considera-
tion• lerable influence in the House of
Commons, I did not seek for possible assistance and co-ope-
ration in some ether quarter. In the presence of the late,
considerable
and, as I understand, the present Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs (the Earl of Clarendon), I will state to your
lordships precisely what I took the liberty of addressing to
her Majesty' upon that subject. I stated to her 'Majesty
that I conceived it would have been aa immense 'advan-
tage to any Government to have among its members ene
who is perfectly conversant with the whole diplomacy of
the'last tens years, and with the feelings and proceedings
of the various Courts of Europe. I stated that, with
that view among others, I had' suggested to her Ma-
jesty th:q I should apply for the co-operation of Viscount
Palmerston. I took the liberty to add, with regard to joy
nob'e friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord Cla-
rendon), that -1 entertained the highest opinion of the abi-
lity, the industry, and the zeal with which he discharges
the duties of his orrice. I eddcd also a hope, which I be-
lieve the noble earl will say I was justified in adding, that
there was no par. .° tal feeling which might upon any occa-
sion offer the slightest impediment to the possibility of
our acting together irethe same Government, but that, on
the contrary, I believed there existed between us a sincere

detail by the noble earl opposite 'in the speech he has
just delivered, ashaving influenced his judement and con-
duct throughout. ([Tear, hear.) Nothing court be fur-
ther from, my intention than to desire to analyse the
motive of the noble earl, or to impute to him motives
which did not actuate him. lam confident that his pro-
ceedings had their origin in the most patriotic sentiments
when he resolved to decline the task which her Majesty,
as he most properly and truly said, invited him to under-
take, unaccompanied with anything like restrictions. My
lords, still less'do I think myself competent to examine or
analyse the motives which induced a most extraordinary
majority in the other house of Parliament to combine in.
,support of what I must be permitted to call an extraor-
dinary vote, but whichhad the effect of compelling her Ma=
jeaty's late Government to tender their resignations to her
Majesty. My lords, that that majority should have existed
may be a matter of surprise to the noble earl, and may be
a matter of surprise to others ; but it was undoubtedly a
majority composed of a large number of those whom the
liable earl boast., and not unnaturally boasts, constitute
his permanent strength in tke House of COMMOIV, and
which permanent strength was exerted without exception
to make up that majority. It was aided undoubtedly by a
strong feeling in the country, of which I do not complain,,
operating upon its representatives, and which was preinced.
by the amount of distress that had' unantanately befallen
the army in the Crimea. All of 'these motives operating
together has produced that vote in the other house ; but I
shall b 3 disappointed if et some future period that house
does not regret the vote it has passed. (Hear, hear.) The
time, my lords, will come for reviewing that transaction
and its motives, and fur dissecting the principles, the
animosities, and the views by which, combined, that
large number of
_.gentlemen were brought on that
nierht only to act together. (Hear, hear.) I now come, asiy
lords, to address a few words to the house on the transac-
tions that have taken place. The noble earl has
given a full, and I am persuaded, and I have no reason to
doubt it, an exact narrative of the part he took in those
transactions; but that which I have to state to your lord-
alsipi commences whore the noble earl's statement ends.
(Hear.) My- lords, it was not until after the noble earl
hed been understood distinctly by her Majesty to have
declined the task of forming a Government at this moment,
without holding out to her Majesty the hope that he saw the
means of forming a strong Government—it was net until
after that information was laid before her Majesty that it
was her Majesty's pleasure to invite me to Windsor for the
purpose of conversing with her on the state in which the
country was placed, and of ascertaining whether it was in my
power to do that which, if it werein my power to do, lehould
not have thoUght myself at liberty to decline—namely, to
undertake the task of endeavouring to ascertain, from the
views and opinions and conversations of others, what the
prospects • were of her Majesty being extricated from
a situation not only painful to herself, but directly and
immediately injurious to the best interests of the country.
(Hear.) My lords, I had, in the course of the proceedings,
to ask the question of myself—Of what use can I be to-her
Majesty? and I had an answer from myself, and that an-
swer was,.that; situated as I was, I should undertake no-
thing, but should give to her ajesty that which it was
duo to her to give—the best advice in my .power, and to
have recourse to the best channels of communication for
the purpose of enabling her to form a Government. (Hear,-
hear.) 1 did, my lords, in consequence, communicate with
many eminent persons, all of whom were essential, in my
opinion; to the formation of an efficient Government.,
some of them being the very persons to whom the noble
earl himself looked at once, and in the first instance,
as essential to the formation of such a Government as
the country ought to possess—and to her Majesty I com-
municated the result of the conversations I had with those
various persons. (Hear.) My lords, her Majesty took
into consideration the state of parties, and above all the
composition of that majority by which the crisis was pro-
duced which had put a termination to the late Govern-
ment. (Hear.) She had already looked to the composi-
tion of that majority, and perceiving that that majority
was composed not merely in groat part, but that actually
the majority of that majority was composed of the politi-
cal friends of the noble earl, she pursued that constitutional
course to which the noble earl has borne such- just testi-
mony, and which in every crisis has characterised her
Majesty's proceedings. (Hear.) My lords, she already had
had recourse to the noble earl, and had satisfied herself
that he, as the representative of that majority, was not
prepared at that moment to tender her such a Govern-
ment as would bo capable of carrying on public affairs.
My lords, her Majesty, seeing the state of feeling that pre-
vailed, naturally looked to the next person 'who might
have been considered as combining, though in a very differ-
ent manner, and by a vary different course of conduct, to
contribute to the crisis that had occurred by the part he
had taken in withdrawing from her Majesty's service pre-
vious to the date of Mr. Roebuck's Motion. (Hear, hear.)
I am now alluding to a noble lord with whom I have been
long politically connected, and with wh- m I have been
connected by habits of honest—(from the low tone in
which the conclusion of the sentence was uttered it was
perfectly inaudible). My lords, though that noble lard,
when be withdrew from the Government, did not endea-
vour to carry with him any of its supporters;, or seek to
exert his influence to diminish the majority by which the
Government with which he was associated was supported,
still the mere withdrawal from the Government of one so
honoured and so justly di stineuiehed in the councils of her
Majesty, did certainly point atention to him as a person
to.whom her Majesty should have recourse in the difficulty
in which she was placed for the purpose of- ascertaining if
he could form a Government, and extricate her Majesty
from the difficulty in which she was placed. ' (Hear, hear.)
My noble friend took time for reflection on the subject,
and, whatever his first impression wad, I say he was right
in- taking time to consider such a proposal. (Hear,
hear.) I also think that my noble friend, now at the head
of the GOvernment, was right in taking time before he de-
clined .the proposition of the noble earl, because in the
state the country now is I think there is no public 'man
who should rashly and hastily decline such an offer to
provide for the exigencies of tha country. (Hear, hear.)
My lords,aeafter taking time for consideration; ity noble
friend also declined the task, and I certainly felt that
her Majesty exercised a wise discretion when she sent
my noble friend the noble viscount at the head of the
Government, and charged him to undertake the forma-
tion of a Government. (Ilear, hear.) By making such a
communication to my nob!o it seemed to use that
her Majesty was likely to obt tiro Government which
not only she wanted, but whiCh the country also wanted.
(Rear.) My lords, my noble friend the noble viscount Un-
dertook the task, and ha has undertakt-n it sua_.essfully.
(Hear. hear.) Ido not mean 'with any certainty of that
success at home and abroad which a, man would be a bold
man in these times to prediet of any• Government what-
ever. (Hear, hear.) I would not'say that, even if we had
a Government conducted by a person of the great talents
and the great experience of the noble earl oenosite ,him-
self; but I say, my lords, that my noble friend the noble
viscount hes undertaken the task with that degree of con-
fidence in 'success which he felt justified him in making
the attempt, and thus endeavouring to remove the great'
chasm in the Government which has been canted by the
circumstances of the last few days. (Hear.) My lords,
the noble viscount did me the honour, and did others the
honour, to ask our advice as to the course he was justified
in pursuing; and whether, with the peresons that were
prepared to act with him and for the country, he and they
ought or ought not to undertake the task. (Hear, hear.)
My lords, I am bound to state to your lordships that, so
far as I am concerned, I gave that advice without hesita-
tion ; because, my lords, the question that presented itself
to me was not what Government the country was-to have,
but whether the country was to have any Government at
all. (Hear, hear.) I felt that the state of public affairs,
the state of? all the public departments, the state of all the
pablio relations of thecountry, required not only a- Go-
vernment, but that that should be formed instantly and
effectively., (Hear, hear.) My lords, I gave that advice,
and having given it I undoubtedly feel that the Govern-
ment of the noble viscount is entitled to any humble as-
sistance and feeble support in my power to give it—(hear,
hear)—and,that. support and that assistance I undeubtedly
shall give.. (Hear, hear.) Consulting my own tastes,,
my own inclinations, and my own years, I did think
that such support could be as effectively given by me
from one bench as from another, and that 1 could give it
witkont myself continuing to form part of the Government;
but my noble friendsj edged otherwise—(hear, hear)—whe-
ther rightly or wrongly, .and I have bowed to their deci-
sion. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it remains for mee there-
fore, only to state en their behalf, and on my own that
they have undertaken this task at this moment with no
undue confidence in themselves—with no undue hopes as
to the support they will receive from the country—but
they have undertaken it with a firm reliance upon the as-
sistance of the country at large, and of the two houses of
Parliament. (Hear, hear.) What has already occurred
has from teearty 'manifested more and more the evils of a
long delay,- added to that which has already taken place ;
lam now not speaking in -reference to persons, but with
respect to -the delay that has happenel, which oinder any
circumstances, would have materially interfered with our
prospects if it had blasted the confidence of Europe in this
country. (Hear, hear.) For what. could, be a more shame-
ful spectacle to present to the eyes of the world, at a time
when there is a greater unanimity of opinion in this coun-
try than ever there had been before on any great question,
with respect to the prosecution of the war, if there could
not be found the means in England of carrying on the
Government by which that war, was to be conducted.
(Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, due to the position of the
country that, .if a Government should be formed at all, it
should be formed as speedily and effectively as the mate-
rials would admit.. (Hear, hear.) I feel, my lords, that
itlis scarcely necessary for me, after what the noble earl has
said, to add that her Majesty's Government will rely not
only on. their own exertions, not only on the support they
derive from partiSans, but they will likeciise rely upon the
feeling and patriotism of-those who aro their nominal op-
ponents. (Hear.) My lords, there will be no difficulty in
giving to her Majesty's Government that support which is
necessary for carrying on the war, without abandoning that
right which noble lords in this house and .the members of
the other house have to express their opinions upon parti-
cular subjects in connection with the mode in which the
war should, be ,conducted. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords,
it is not in the field of politics alone—it is not in this
house—it is not in the other Honee of Parliament only—
that this great duty has to be performed. My lords,_ every
person in this country has a duty to perform at this mo-
ment. (Hear.) For the issue of this great contest in which
we are engaged with one of the greatest and most power-
ful empires in the world, we must depend upon the cou-
rage-of our soldiers and of our seamen, and the ability of
our- commanders. (Hear, hoar.) But let it be remem-
bered that.itas not they alone who are actively engaged
in this contest -- that the contest is one of representative
Government against despotism ; and that if we are not
enabled to oppose to the energy of that despotism those
peculiar poavers which a representative Government con-
tains, or ought to contain, we, shall fail in that contest.
(Hoar, hear.) If too do not procure that unanimitybz
patriotism, by argument, and agreement of opinion,whi
despotism is able at all times- ausl at all periods
h
com-
mand, despotism will be too powerful for liberttoi the
moral to be learned from these transactions will be
feebleness and the weakness of A free representative Go•
vornment. (Hoar, hoar.) 'With tae character of the con- i
stitution of the country thus at stake,obers of this house—
it is the duty of
every man in it—not only
not only of the ruombere tolfieho7thneir mHeusi) of Parliament,
but also of persons exercising influence out of thotn—it is
the duty of-those very eminent and distinguished preens
who by their talents are connected with one of the noblest
institutions of the country—the free press of this country
(hoar, peer)—it is the duty of those persons—it is the
duty of all persons who by any accident of position (Jr
by their talents command the confidence and the approba=
tion of the different circles, great and smell, in which
they live—it is the duty of all those, by every act, wool,
and deed of their lives at this _moment to take care that
they say nothing, do 'nothing, write. nothing, that can
have the effect of impairing the national strength or in-
terrupting the action of the national cause. (Hear.) My
lords, if this country shall succeed in the great contest
in which it is engaged., I trust no men on reflection will be
compelled to forego his share in the national triumph—
when that triumph is established—by now-doing anything
to impede it—(hear, hear)—or, if unhappily there shall be
failure, will do anything that could sadden his conscience
and mind with the reproach, never to be effaced, of having,

and mutual regard ; but I felt it my duty to say further,
that, desirous as I might have been of obtaining the co-
operation and assistance of one so experienced and able as
the noble earl, the political connexions of that noble 'earl
—the political relation its which he stood towards most of
those with whom I was in the habit of acting, and his po-
litical connexion with others with whom I was not acting,
or about to act—did not justify me in making any- direct
application or overtures to him, even.if I had reason to
eappose those overtures would have been likely to be fa-
vourably entertained ; and that I did not • feel myself jus-
tified in -making such overtures in such a quarter—what-
ever might be my personal esteem fur the'noble earl—un-
less I could do sa under her Majesty's express injunction,
sanction, and command. Whatever might have been the
coasequonce of such an application, I must say that the
only part of the course I have pursued to which look back
bl
e from
earl peeking any such commu-
nication or to the noble
with the least doubt or incertitude is with respect to the
marquis. (Lansdowne) near him, who
I sin quite certain,
under the circumstances of the country, . would have
afforded me the advantage of his frank and frieadly opin-
eiotfhemryto abstainingth
e noble
propriety
opin-
ion. My, lords, I have now explained to you the circum-
stances under which I felt myself compelled to resign un-
dertaking the responsibility of forming a Government, for
the strength and unity of which I could see no security.
I haVa nothing to do with subsequent transactions. The
noble viscount, it appears, has found himselfjustified, and
has thought himself enabled, to submit to her Majesty
the names of a Cabinet which he thinks is more likely to
secure and to command the .confidence and support of a
majority of the two Houses of ParliaMent. It is not for
roe to express an opinion how far .the noble viscount has
judged correctly in that inference or not. I will not for
a moment suppoxe he has not believed that he was able to
recommend to her Majesty a Government possessing that
strength and entitled tdthat confidence, because any other
supposition Would lay the noble viscount open to an im-
putation which I am sure ili,
.' most unfounded-that
in declining to join the Administration I had formed
he was rather influenced by personal considerations
affecting the position he might hold than by an earnest
and anxious desire to form, a strong Government. Of
such motives I wholly and absolutely acquit the noble vis-
count, and I cannot doubt that he has full confidence in the
degree of public support and approval which the Govern-
ment, as now formed, is likely to obtain. I have now of-
fered to your lordships—perhaps at' too great length—
(cheers)
—but I thought it' deeirahl omit
which mighte throw e not t o the
slightest details light upon my motives
—an explanation
of tne circumstances under which I aban-
doned to form an . . ,
cloned my endeavours AdnunistratiOn. I en-
deavoured before I carne to e that conclusion, and in acting
Upon it, strictly and impartially to examine—as in the pre-
sence and with the aid of _ the Searcher of all Hearts—the
motives which iii!luenced my eehoie
l• . conduet—to satisfy
myself that I was influenced by no desire of unduly grasp-
ing at office, and to satisfy myself, on the other hand, that
I was not timidly shrinking from the responsibility which
fairly ought to rest upon me. _ My lerde, T should shrink
from no responsibility except from that which I felt to be
a responsibility I was likely to incur—that of having of-
fered to her Majesty's Government which had not in itself
sufficient elements of strength and firmness, thereby sub-
jecting my friends and the country. to. mortification and
at this critical moment disappointment, and adding .
.. . to the
embarrassment of the country. • My lords, I may have
erred. If I have so erred I bow. to the decision of my
friends, my party, and my..9"1-qrY• 1 reay have ex_
hibitea too great tineiditylit
_taking, upon Myself respon-
sibility, though I think thattelie 'whatever errors may have
to me in political life, they have been
been imputed
'on. (A.
rather in the opposite direct'.
may
lave
disappointed the over-sanguine and oeer-zealous expec-
tations of those over whose interestsl am hound to
watch, with whom I am connected b y every tie of polia-
cal and personal friend, but whom—much 11 em—nmee
as I desire
to please and to gratify-desire still more effectively, and
,
conclusively to serve. (Cheers.) It ,was my opinicin that,
under the circumstances, the great Conservative pally
should not piematurely and rashly undertake the respon-
sibility of administering the affairs.
.Secountry at the
th t hel•
present portentous crisis. Upon a let I acted. honestly,
judgment. t to the best of my gment.
conscientiously, an. My justi-
fication or my condemnation must rest in the mines of
those among my friends
and among my countrymen whom
ratify, at least
I have alike desired, if not to g . . , to serve ; and
all I have to add now, after thanking your lordships for the
have listened tome is rn 1 tha
t
to with which youh my hope at
moment '
to whatever hands at the present the destinies of
thiS greatempire maybe intrusted, they
ayee such as will
deliberately, efficiently, and with the full justified con-
fidence of the country carry on the great and awful war in
which we are new engaged, 1
enbring it at no distant
may be alike Ito
period to a conclusion which , nourahle to
the arms of the allied forces, foil may, at the seine time,
permanently secure and effectualyeguerantee the mainte-
nante of the independenceethe integrity, and the tranquil-
lity of Europe. I will only add further, with reference to
what has fallen from the noble earl at the head ee the pre-
sent Government in this house, that there will boa deep
'responsibility attaching to any Minister who shall conclude
i ailed fur, which doe' t a peace, however earnest.y c •
..
great Is no secure
`to this country and to Europe these resulte.- A re-
sponsibility at least as sleep, if not still deeper, will attach
to him who, after such remelts s . hall have boon Obtained,
shall continue for a single moment the miseries and horrors
of an unnecessary war. (Loud cheers.)
• The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Rehietant as I am to
intrude myself on the house, I feel called upon to address
'a few words to your lordships, having been
connected in
,some degree with the transactions of the last few days, in
obedience to an intimation emanating from the highest
authority, which obliged me to take a part in them I
should otherwise have been glad to deiline. I shall not
attempt to review the matters brought before-us in full

i by any act, word, or deed of his, contributed to that fail-
ure. ( Hear, hear.) I hope, my lords, we have more
prospect of success than of failure, and I agree with my
noble friend in the excellent statement ho has made, that
we may be at this moment-going too far in despondency,
as undoubtedly we have already gone too far in the antici-
pation of success. (Hear.) Composed, as the Government
now is, after the loss of some individuals, for whom I feel
both respect and affection, and of whom I must say that,
whatever may be the public objection to the inquiry pro-
posed to be instituted personally, they would have gained
by those inquiries, because it would be found that faults
that have been falsely, rashly, unjustly, and harshly attri-
buted to them, have had their origin in other causes ; but
without those individuals, and constituted as the Govern-
ment now is, and relying upon the assistance of this and of
the other house of Parliament, I do conceive that they have
established the means of prosecuting the war with vigour.
(Hear, hear.) I believe, my lords, that even if they were
not able to carry on this war to a conclusion, they would
only have done their duty to their country at this moment
by stepping into the gap and presenting to the enemy on
the one hand, and to the allies of this country on the other,
a patriotic front, thus relieving the coup try from the posi-
tion in which the absence of power to form an Administra-
.tion would have exhibited it to the world. (Hear.) I shall
.mention another circumstance which also governed me in
thr advice I gave to her Majesty. I hope we shall secure, by
the arrangement which has been now completed, the unin-
terrupted continuation and maintenance of these negotia-
tions with our allies which have been for the last two years
conducted with increasing success from mouth to month.
under the auspices of my noble friend near me, unimpeached
and unattacked, and which tend in every way, I believe on
my conscience, more and more to unite the whole of Europe
in that cause which is the cause of the whole of Europe.
(Hear, hear.) I hope it will lead to the union of all those
powers for one purpose, and" that whatever di.:astars we
may experience we shall ultimately effect the great object
for which we entered upon a war which has been under-
taken with the unanimous consent of us all. (Hear, hear.)
I believe we have the assent of the noble earl opposite to
the principle on which this war has been entered into.
(Hear' hear.) It was entered into solely for a great national
object, and it is pursued solely for the purpose of obtain-
ing an honourable peace. (Hear, hear.) lam ready to do
full justice to the views that have actuated the noble oarl,
and to the conciliatory terms in which he has expressed
himself with regard to individuals, and I trust he will have
reason to continue to show the spirit of forbearance to-
wards the Government which he has hitherto exhibited.
(Hear, hear.) (The noble marquis was very imperfectly
heard during agreat portion of his address.)
The Earl of MALMESBI7RY could not assent to the
motion for adjournment without congratulating their lord-
ships that the interregnum in the Government was over,
because it could not last much longer without inflicting
great injury upon the country. (Hear, hear.) He must
congratulate their lordships that the time had passed away
when they presented to the nations of Europe such un-
seemly scones as had recently been displayed in this coup- t
.. .

.• 1 ./ ... s.• ...
try. They did not present to the nations of Europe a
Government that was united in carrying on a groat war
with a powerful ally against a colossalstate, but on the con-
trary they presented to them a Government that was di-

Tided amongst itself, and was carrying on a civil war in
its own Cabinet. (Hear, hear, hear.) Ho hoped those
days were passed away, and that he might congratulate
their lordships and the noble marquis upon that circum-
stance. (Hear, hear.) There was one expression in the
speech of the noble marquis which was open to some doubt,
but which possibly was understood, as ha intended that
it should be understood, at that side of the house. The
noble marquis had made use of the expression that
the present war was a war of representative Government
against despotism. He supposed he used the observation
in reference to the unseemly and unfortunate position in
which their Government—a constitutional Government—
stood in comparison with a despotic Government while
those unfortunate scenes were taking place. That was
what he understood the noble marquis to mean ; and be
thought they were not to presume from what he said that
this was a war on the part of a constitutional Government
against despotism—

• -The Marquis of LANSDOWNE--Certainly not. What
I meant to state was, that a representative Government
was now exposed to an ordeal which would show what the
merits were of a representative Government as contrasted
with a despotic Government. (Hear.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY considered that the obser-
vation was certainly open to misapprehension, and he
thought it but fair to give the noble marquis an opportu-
. uity of explaining. He was glad to see that her Ma-
jesty had been able to obtain the services of the noble mar-
quis, and that he had agreed to take part in carrying ou
the affairs of the country. With respect to the new mem-
ber of the Government in that hous3, the noble baron op-
posite (Lord Pantnure), he must say that, whatever bis
qualifications might be, he could not have taken the office
without the firm conviction that the eyes of the entire
country and of all Europe were fixed, and would be fixed
almost exclusively, upon him. (Hear, hear). The office to
which the noble baron had been appointed would attract
the attention of the nations of Europe to him, and upon
' his very first deeds they would fix their eyes with great
anxiety. He trusted the noble lord who bad the courage
to accept at such a moment such an office would carry out
his duties with vigour, for otherwise that office would be
productive of ruin instead of benefit to the nation. Enter-
taining those views of the important duties of the noble
lord opposite, he would excuse him so soon after his acces-
sion to power for making seine observations with respect to
what he thought, perhaps erroneously, might take place.
On the other night a noble earl opposite (Earl Grey) had
referred to the faults in the present constitution of the
army, and pointed out how those faults might be reme-
died. He believed he was not wrong in saying that it had
been zi long tradition of the party to which the noble earl
belonged, that the constitution of the army was not only
faulty in many of its minor details, but that. the very
principle on which it was governed should be reformed.
If he did not aniatake the noble earl it was his impression
that they should more assimilate the government of the
army to that of the.navy, and he (the Esrl of Mahneslaury)
thought that would be the most lamentable reform the
country had ever entered uiion. (Hear, hear.) He thought
that every Conservative in the country should oppose such
a reform, because if the army were put in the same posi-
tion as the navy it would become; the same hotbed of job-
bery and trickery—(hear, hear) —which had been unfor-
tunately a reproach to the Admiralty of the country for
many years. Ho had himself, on his enti :ince into publiu
life, obtaiaod an insight into the corruption that took
place under the system by which the navy was governed.
He and Sir George -Cockburn, in the year 1837, when her.
Majesty came to the throne, the Whigs being then in
office, were candidates for the representaticn of a borough
which was under the influence of the Admiralty. It was
impossible to find a person more respected, more adored,
he might say, by the navy and all the persons connected
with it than Sir George Cockburn. If there was to be a
candidate chosen throughout all England to represent the
great arsenals of the country, it was impossible to find a
man more fitted for the purpose than Sir George Cockburn.
But what happened ? At the very first house they visited
in their canvass, the proprietor, with more sincerity than
civility, laughed in their faces at the idea of their going
there on behalf of the Tory party to oppose the Governiaient,
and said the Government influence was so great that it
was impossible for them to succeed. (Hear.) His experience
was, that whatever were the other advantages of constitu-
tional government, an election for an arsenal town was
certainly a good exemplification of its disadvantages as
could possibly be found. He trusted that if the noble
lord the Secretary at War should initiate any proposal
such as that,to which ho had alluded, that their lordships
an the public would express their decided opposition.
The Government of which the noble earl was now a mem•
ber had hitherto expressed a great deference for ono por-
tion of the fourth estate—the Times newspaper. He be-
lieved that it was that journal which was the first promoter
of the expedition to the Crimea at that most improper
season when it was made, and before the army was pro-
perly provided with transport and other necessaries. It
was that journal which urged a weak and feeble Govern-
ment to that expedition. He feared greatly that the in-
fluence of that journal would still continue to be exercised
upon what he must still consider as the same Government.
Now, what was the language used by that journal during
the past week with respect to the organisation of the
army? It had been one unvarying torrent of abuse of
' every part and parcel of the army, excepting always that
great part which nobody could calumniate—the gallant
soldiers who had fought in its ranks. (Hoar.) He cer-
tainly could not understand how any man could find fault
with the regimental officers of the army, for in every way
they had nobly done their duty. (Hear.) The song of
the journal to Which he had alluded for the last week had
been that the constitution of our regiments was too aristo-
cratic, that aristocracy swarmed in the army, and that
this was ono of the principal causes of the misfortunes
which wo had to deplore. It was diffieult for him to un-
derstand what was really' meant by this term "aristo-
cracy." At the beginning of the French revolution every
man who wore breeohes was considered as an aristocrat,
and later the term was made to apply to every who was
decently dressed. One definition of the term appeared to
be the sons and brothers of peers, members of their lord-
ships' house ; and the Times had said that any lord might
enter a regiment and buy his way up to any station in
the army in a very short period. On referring to the Army
List what, however, was the state of the facts ? In the
regiment of Grenadier Guards, of three battalions, there
were 100, officers, and of these not more than sixteen were
connected by blood with members of their lordship's house.
This was surely not a very largo proportion of members of
the aristocracy to be attached to a regiment always in at-
tendance upon the head if an old-established monarchy.
Then, again, in the first ten regiments of the line there
were altogether only seven sons and brothers of peers ; in
the seven regiments of heavy dragoons there were but
three officers connected with members of that house; -and
in the last ten regiments of the line only
connected with the peerage. At the head of the Ist Royals,
at the time of the departure of the expedition from thi
five who were
who
one of the most distinguished officers in e army;
country, stood the name of Sir James Grant, now deceased,
th
bad sprung from the humblest orders ofthe people.
bo
ards,
and medical and
departments which required reform connected.with The
the
army were those ofcommissariat
and connected with them there were certainly not many
members connected with the peerage. (Heart) He trusted
that when the noble lord intended to make these necessary
reforms in the army, he would above all things respect
that main principle of keeping the army and its patronage
in the hands of the Crown, and would not auffer himself
to
may be
see misled during the past year. (Hear )
Lord PANMURE—After what has fallen from the noble
have
doeboy any popular cry, however his colleagues
earl, I feel my lords that it will be impossible to avoid
addressing a few observations to the house before the mo-
tion now before it is agreed to. I fully concur in the ob-
servation which fell from the noble
earl, that no man
should undertake an office of high responsibility under the
Crown without endeavouring to satisfy the public of the
grounds upon which he has undertaken that office. I con=
foss that, aware of the great responsibility which attached
to that position, that the eyes of the country were turned
perhaps more to that office than to almost any other, I
shrunk from taking upon myself the responsibilitioe of the
office I now hold, until informed that it was considered that
the experience which I had had in the administratiun of
military affairs might be made conducive to the advantage
of my Sovereign and u f the country. I thiNk that the eyes
of the people, not only of this country, but of many others,
are tan ned most attentively to that department which 1
have now the honour to represent. I am, however, but
the representative of a department to which is intrusted
the administration of the army, and I shall look to the
Prime Minister of this country for support in the adminis-
tration of that department, and I trust that he will bear
with me the responsibility of the administration of those
military affairs which I kayo taken upon myself to direst.
I am quite aware that much is required
in this depart-
ment, that many reforms must take place, and that at as
early an opportunity as possible. I am net prepared at
present to enter with the nolde_earl who preceded me into
those discussions to which he has alluded, nor am I pre-
pared to state to what extent, or with what rap
or in
what order or precedence, I can take upono addressing your
myself to enter
upon the carrying out of those reforms. I
lordships, I willingly yield the palm of eloquence to the
noble earl opposite, than whom none eau address your