The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-26 00:00:00

THE SUN LO N DON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 26 1855.

4 e.e,
right t -r-""5"''......*...•a.ar.......w .1••
41
sari gentleman gentleman was going tob moven, _a,ntyhrao, otion. He
ili,cha;:. 4,1,r.ed his place to him ee,.t,_
ehw
s_ e
ight he was
i h d the hot,
.„
diein,,:,,Lng his duty by so doing; ba h
Isoti ',."Y to nailerstand that he
take
dhnot wit; adrawn his
seere's,t,_bitl,t that he should taaeerwt
aedfiersntaoPPort,auity
oration of
%Spe a !,entide of bringin it f r
the gee . (atter.) He had certainly attendee I yesterday
the nvting tilled by the noble lord at tise head of
Sited jai ernrcent, and if the right honiigreanetle man hail in-
Areaneini to a meeting of the a t ,e'r, he should
it alioY have thought it his duty to 'nave attended
himself (Laughter.) He should enleav our to restrict
4, trustsbefore. the house, and
light(l that he should be able to threw Roe .e 'le
the
yinetbesguinbj:citth the origin of tno war.
leliteeaeilltet sin Turkeyy were a population increasing in
UhrhPartlintelligence. The Seltan. was a mild and bane-
tie eii 41", anxious to give their rights to all leis subjects.r
Petritiedn°iltntt;_en to say that acts iat tyranny viere not pe -
te! ere,„__, ea _ provinees but he denied th: A the central
11? at tc`e". 'Ad anythin;to do with them. He believed
ta„„, einam object of Russia i.n the war wi th Turkey was
Turra;an. en(l to this prosperity amongst the. Christians iri
fei.toesf' 'ail in this opinion he. was contu:rn .al b th -, ma ni-
Ileatei:ic the late Ernpertez, and the ciretularys.of Count
-chit ar'°(Le• 'ln the ultinardum presenter'. by Prince :3U.
Legee4;.,l,' was srated that Russia desired that the privi-
as tti"e Greek Christians in Tnrk shcral.l be the sa.me
legstieol enjoyed by the memb rs of all the foreign
Ilen,.°.s in Tiirkey. After that ultimatum Prince.
Isel'clcti kft Con'tantinople, and the Sult..nt. is-
to 1.11 4,,'"aatt guaranteeing to thi? Greek. Christians
eageb,i‘O'''liglous privileges and =mum. •
'lle Gra'll.• when he heard of this, wrotetiaesletter to
stilt t, `',w, Vizier, stating that this Zrman was a direct in-
Polei.,-°44sia. He did not want the roligeons, but the
t
le the Privileees- for the Greek churches. He came ilea
Lets -I,_4l_o.lificati`ns • ' h Turkey had suggested in the
'e .4
4" rI ' Vienna,t°‘‘ )fie
when C.,unt Neseelrode, said that
Ikltleint'rlpretftiaon t upon that note by Tarkey was the
.
i,ll, tti- As the interprPutation of Russia ; there w-as no power
'e ti•-pe, not exceptinge Prussia, which did not declare
at 110%: Ttuwill'aeiY a.-reed to' she would forfeit :her iedepende-
t,„ oethis rejection that the war, broke out. He
i,111,07:1 consider hew far they were !ikely to.
.obtain,
PittiV kr-the Weeks commensurate witli the Privileg,s
'gilt *ttssia insist 1 they should have, anti how far the
tli,,t tuts gave them the 'se privileges. It hail been said
*Nil aehWar wascommenced without sufflci out objects, bu
"Rat 1-9' crie fairly say that unless there, had been some
the to,,Nect at stake Russia would have gone to war. If
t. a:Acatians had been slight, would Russia have got e
t.,44t-Rat° insist upon her interpretation of the. note ?
a bad age time, he must say tlrat he thought if this ceun-
-40 have -- the first assumed a dignified tone, Russia might
'se eLe 'tone to w (Hear.) He attributed the war to
St -,Thtain and ambiguous t,ne of her Majesty's Govern-
ratiT"lhlo At sail due respect to the right hon. gentle.man
rat e. 4141 Mr. Gladstone), he attributed that tone in a
tlme to him (Hear hear.) He now came to the
ate itili_istakes which had been committed. In the first
4' coatwas atated that no territor.ial diminution. of Enssia,
e: the vietoSated. This was a premium to Russia to Ca1:1 y
iIY sii,;r' and reve ted the WestertrPowers from reaping
-'risi'e -tve benP fit fron 't. He would now go to the con-
IN' ee'
at
/lea:a I had heard that the first two points
04,.;, small importance • he totally differed from that
f?-eltsiti,,(l°n tbe first htt another capital mistake had been
s'e•re a;,," . The proposition in the first protocol emanated
eliej 4tra, ivho was desirous to mix up the
.three
telerl'alitite of.
Serv. , Wallachia. and Moldavia to;
het,ia a,/,'‘',oY did Austriala wish to mix them up, together..
'kite. --"/ eeen d' y p from the other prince,
eteeinllt AusTrianewti-sheeed to have the right of interfer-
Ll' dr etir 'la' Prin Go -tschalcoff sawthrough the scheme.
~,,o it:siiee-ecati
tilßeestehAncestereint should have a protectorate over
1 lexercise her influence over the
tsiAl ta%;atteilnilatieenwof Tu( rkey. Although Prince Gortscha-
aq7 ilia,
oar.
adid not appear that the British plenipoten-
eh, ,oe,o
po '', t. he even. knew whether there was any
'4l Aoff , Atllation at all in the province. Prince Gort-
,gthm he v 0
Cy cleveily avoided the difficulty by prop i.ss-
e(l. lathe Vestion should be settled after the treaty wa
l.' lead"' ( r.Layard) was astonished that Vile noble lord
t'qe port_ef the constitutional party in this country should
'rivetl; 'fig name t otocol like this, athich would de-
,,,kta,a-e thhabitanto afprthe principalitios of the right (if
NiaSTillig their owneineternal affairs, and would altogether
ia14,1.111 -rtritegprosperit and civiEsation of the Christians
'4ge ke'• The ServiansYentered a protest against this at-
lle,,s:ent. The
ea Yaaid theydread ed Austriaeven more than
t'wer ' a— wouldup arms if Austrie bad a three
1b or ititerference in their affairs. He would ask what
ti;kl iai:,11,4 !Ile conduct or the Porte with respect to the prine:
etta Whit The Porte hail strictly abided by
ethveer aignrteer.
eecl whi_ she hLd made The Borth had n
114 .4, the Pri c' is. IT•ii It was Russia who had
14)114''f' .ehe.ekr?? thenr.,litAloife Sp.e!ki ato the Porte on their
,t4.4l,,,,;..rbiltirtkelyte;)les,(issu cued thetl.• Int' of protectorate. In
l the 'rlights of the Principali-
ki',,' tvae ,a, a respected
had invaded them. The
tii'l^-eae. the ease in. Wallac,nia and Moldavia in 1812.
g. 0 irane na
Ttttehhd ee
deal
hadbeen
ate. Ear., Qat the right of interference was_ granted to
anti be 'Dean Pow ers, the interference of this
was
entthrye
togkti,etilibitted. to At-atria. The next point .
tiitiilleelli !retea.:tefthe
Ivl).asanube. It. was. said that Russia hadb
i the
on this point, but, as far as. e
4 .„, padrein _no
they
tnimyeraimt
IN ~la.,,,,,rib__, made, for . toe concessions
nestw he ea_ ets
pointiho au
tea 'Lie p„. .‘,l by previous treatAies
oft: 'f t"l"e•terance of Russia.
1;41'; hue cerirtesy a/J: allowing Riisseatomiafkehethwe
flirisei
tile! taade 11, would. ask any diplomatist
course a skilful (111310-
let, the first. offer?
0,,, th.a rrinee Glortschakoff uric would
tO'al at the the -first offer,
A t ia then made
0 fi', rlig h,...,•
rpfused ta do so. •
Of
and c 1 g:ruebatte,
lids i,ltyrip :•vi saes ' vas ex -
t,tt the ')ll,Cfeele.,;;hlT generally did, and Countßuol proposed
/4111 be i• as!ari, tiaidparticulairnlyt
htheagtutitheeaTguretke,iiswh ,itflhetehtes
tj, 4 lor,, leaded. Upon this, point
i11'144 o`,.o,,p(mit,e (Lord btael y%)a:vaderyth(eiiffirigehnittlitoeni.egeeenr;
it, teitsti'r• Gladstone) that it
d%
thousand ways to escape
tk qro 'Ill• Russia would fin aemd
with respect to the
Nttiltio q doubts had been expr
te,as .ti.°l the words of the noble. lord upon a former oc-
lh tell 1 'lit it was never quite clear that the meaning
e°Q", l'
(4 La yard) and others had put upon. them was
il„,V.itiZlt 4rn.e.--13Ye meant with. respect to the objects of the
1ir,,,,11,q, 41‘.1 the destruction of S b sto of and the Rus
t't lat''tle t'",,'e would quote a desep.tadchp.of the Duke of
'''''''
' t 1 Raglan upon this point. The Duke
''t
‘l':l' • ()r` Lord Raglan, say-
ths
tihY 'utilisee altil Government were of opinion tha
It"oll:)ll;a4Yhieacittehtiking Sebastopol would be increased
no hope of a safe lad
LlPsedlili,.,fleetele4se,e ttntithterheatwfaoertress was reduced and the
rr''F-11. a'•11 I,llo,,ir,°Yee• thatit was most importanwtetrheaitntshue_
eole e tira.. !,0 prevent .
111.11 t ai:t(tillikiltie,B4l be undertaken ulntlwesase
ithtehreerefore, clear
etraa (ird, If this was the meaning of the words of the
les -1' lie e eaMe to the next point—theheloisiangtofbetehee
tiloe'-',Prioo ,would say that if the straits a
ilesel),lie with 5 41-enschikeff woula have appeared ( t Constan-
d have been
slitheiht,ll,atitdatantrfiq4etria•
oinlf
ethteestraeittsanhtaidaenpoitebvieeeneicr.ose.d he be-
t-114Z Tar Porte • Asaegnreat conefetshsieon
e "rt,ey ° summon the fleets o
lie rue key
for in danger. The right hon.would
gentleman
westernß ussi
Russia
'4.Blltali,, "r 1-Wort said that by bringing fleets
/4444°411e a'-i• insult had been offered toßuasia
itv)heieerh.
,I tat Ihtlitnle +el' tlie war•
(No, no ) He Pir• LaYalt; hail
' 4 tk- "(1 ti: 4)(41 that 'the urgument was ttoat this
11:at
r,:fyob44:,,i,aentleecoluasriaiteiosn. of war. Suppose, however,that
on
14e''lii 4 'he right to a the allied fleets, would
wat r itmani
p re
11% Pelli4, If thereith respect
made w
declaration of war ? (Rear.)
I%
,4 teas it was on then par .
had been
%Pelee' la" Now for the fourth point, if it _
liee decd et would have been held up as a
°I
1'
'''
tile
st
. 8.
anY
con".t
of Turkey and
able prqte",sia, that she had conceded the rights .
greatconocfesa
11:1tot? TheerTrate• Di..l she concede a_,n_yt_b_iyag
pro-
fa
iris rate over was no treaty which gave Russia '''
Ili f lce r TurkeY. By tre Ay
apo4 enresentatio th li her ambassador, even
it was only allowed her
0* 11 1. th n.a ".)Itit
t_
1.,, auropeannotothe
A ite are', a nettans in general, but in favourf
tiglit. Ths a., Conatantinople and those who ministered
ill
atla die ordY admitted this
it, .co Dean
power., had never
r -', itue • eg the right of protectorateto the four
the' Zlie caredknew well that the Greeks would apply to
that
for the Greeks. She knew well .
Aterat 101_.3 Protectorate would work in her favour in
41,i4litte di, CLeai r e d . She wanted to have all the powers
tioit, st 4 uerent
the con-
ways, for she knew well upon
lies. It, Ithierati‘l of each of the four powers upon any q
!"4::'filtera 4.l4.ieht arise, the Porte would have to sacrifice
4i iler ta.;";tB Perplexity to meet them, and that in this
‘S tillte - "rte would be undermined, and ever y man.th ),,,,tlettli;woold be sacrificed who would govern with
or twelve
tits'‘a.a Rt." moderation, Within the last ten c
..
Itb miri,t,at change had taken place in Turkey,aa
otmiet
tell% tllovlans could be left alone the time might
to eli 4 e°lllkl be able to assume that positionietheeEhasmt
ti %ea -er9 liberal minded man Must desire titeen_
kse ~ py. fr,
'esa°' th wear, hear ) He would now call the
.a h _
tc,thli 4naethhQuee 'to the concessions which Russia ad
10, 41 i„ the e loss and gain of the different powers. con.-
L" of ,y," nog • • had been the gain and
4t it -ierkvbotiatiens. What
i.e ri,a.rY •It was said she perhaps might be ble to
‘Se f Sh6o4,t_ bank of the Danube. But what
numberwoenfldnishene
14:11aree red already lost an immense
t 4,1!, Stl,lll,,rt of her fleet—her finances had been ember-
It 1. ,la ei ';be had been obliged to have recoe.rse to loan.
t.' ee5(),1.;:,',1 have confirmed to her Circassia andsother
yelkil-r but hitherto had not been admitted. to belong
tg:l:l'd -u where she hard usrrpe an authority. What
I'ti%
bee 4
e T Greeks invaded Thessaly andi
But what bad been the con-
i
Ilri:lYtiefeereltowe:,l4. Proneuencedan act of brigandage, am
'lieu ref' sa f,..' to retire.
act of wanton aggres-
,eeed "1- es Turkey was concerned ? Turkey hat
kite artpii jail indemnity for that
She had loss
cast')4 Wanad been the gains and losses of Turkey.
e 4 hvg344 had Russia lost and gained?
pt„ Itupe , _ men and
She had given up the gua7
tkr 114
tt'."'er
of embarrassed her finances, but
Piat'e lea 44att.,_ not suffered. ,
the Leetes,t.:4l° Protectorate • but she gained an extendedi
ki `titterili'ver Servia, and the power of interfering. d
and
ahe,eoreis„llL4ies--she gained the right to Circa'
lie ‘'ll might Prestige in the East and in Centre Europe,
llie,4\greagtat..,e fatal to the interests of this country, and
RAI4) What"eP towards the ruin of Tu. rimy..?
Wee had
ehaard
ON ed had France and England gained 7 "'Li kpq l'e'llet,/,3'clrious battle or two, and met. with a gluii-
%t the ~iPee ; we had shown the indomitable hiss-coina
44bii,,e(iill b
o 3, -;gber qualities of our troops, an
toe, We kat ',Lie military reputation of our men.what
But• and
.ti,eillie,e, ' We had shown to the world corruption
lacat con within-that we have mismanaged a great rt.'
Vllv,.4444,Lltitutional government is not so good as it might
ahatt, ranee eained anything ? She had gained
'l(:et,l,oe,t,t,
tie,,ltig ejala was with Austria. (Hear.) And she had lost
SP4tiot, all, What had she gained ? She hat gained the
ttirillie p,.°l. the Danube, the right of interfering in Servina
ti,stfi'.e3,, gletpalities, a right which gave her power i
her lIIR, a, ,e retained her position at home. She had lost
'etl.l 1 Att-Rirti WaS BMA allowing us to fight her battles for
4ti,:, %tit • a could carry on conferences at Vienna,. but
%}" h 5. hail rve to keep out of the war. The difficulties of
el•tiea h been fort by the noble lord, but those dif-
eev4,ieeeexistea wo years, and they existedwlun
~e(te,:(le.l thatu treaty of the 2.1 of December. That treaty.
`is 411041 ln ease the re-establishment of the general
t 4,411 , 't not he conceded in the course of last year the
k 40%4! f\er"oll34._ deliberate without delay upon effectnal
treaty th4t I'ning the object of the alliance. But it was
anti 3'. (ei there was a secret article attached. to that.
AtOta i 1,,,,. ?a1..) Austria then entered into is hostile eimbi-
l'es4t.ri'tLat Russia. Now, he wanted to know how long
Ilski!.tetti i'° go on playiag in this manner ? It was P.rea.
111 wither this country should be placed le sucia,e
see hote _ gard to Austria. She had done us iminee..
thotinstio.'ecup ttion of the Principalities, because by 9aat ilk" Sri she she had enabled Russia to
* . littil ea' 'rho ri ht hon. gentleman Cdr. Gladstone
..hill
a tp. m..
.., g pour her troops into)
kll,`'ll I),,in ..gturicent super•tructure on the sand. 'Whit
thtt 414 hae ell'al insent in favour of peac?? Why,
th,t4ittio, gradualry made concessions until she came to
that
ber,t' betl4l. and therefore we ought not to press her fur-
that ty °ught to make her some concessions. Now Russiat
tto'" the pr',.laking preposterous demands. She deman. d
Ce he
ietußces sh I 1 1 pll d from Turkey. It was
tilt to gad left theeVrinCeipeaxliteiees, but she never had any
ks)
there.
(Cheers, And yet we were asked to

I

give up our rights in exchange for the renunciation of her : their capital. We might possibly have been obliged to
preposterous demands. She had incorporated prov:nces have afforded them militeryassista
into her vast empire in spite of us, and he would ask, if , defend the heart of
England were to retire in dishonour and disgrace;whet her :Austria - •• 1 his vain-
;eel , ''achy nit.
assistance to enable -them to
the whole of Germany woula not at once fall un:ler the able army to co-operate with the ti •o ope of England,
actual domieien of Russia? (No, no.) An hon. gentle- I France, and Serdini•t' in whatever operations they may be
man said " No, no." He was sure the noble lord at the called upon to perform'. Now, then, the Russian Govern-
head of the Government would not say " No, no." Had meat has been oblieseal to keep a very considerable army ou
we succeeded in inducing any of the minor states of Ger- the frontiers of Galicia, in order to watch the proceedings
many to take part again4.Ressia? No. And why? Be- of Austria. Austria hen therefore kept upon her frontier
cause they were afraid of Russia. If we were to fail in our a large Prussian force which_t might otherwise have been
expedition, and withdraw our troops from Sebastopol, the directed to other points-_ I is, therefore, untrue to say
be sacrificed in the East, and her that the position of Austria has been of no advantage of
honour of England would
prestige would be gone, like that of ruined Venice' or de- the allies. With regard to the negotiations, would it
serted Genoa. The right hon. gentleman admitted that as have been polite an(lri ht for Egf and France to
we had proceeded the dements of Russia had diminished. have refused the good officesright
of England
to obtain if
That surely was a reason for proceeding still further. He possible the assent of ' reussia to those terms of
hail listened with great interest to the peroratem of that peace which had been s
right hon. gentleman, but really he must say that the gen- Governments? If we had 1.1 justly
so refused, we a OD
.
tlemen of that school to which the right hon. ge aleruan have exposed ourselves to the severe censure of this
settled between b the three
belonged see:ned to fancy that the bonne gloated iu war, house and the disapprobation of the country.
and wished to snake war for war's sake. He was surprised indeed be blamed • '
to think that the right hon. gentleman, after aittiog so negetiatione we hail '
if, trustine to the chancelsVeofmigthhet
short a time near the hon. 11191131er for Manchester, shook! width are requisite for the vigorous prosecution of the war,
abstained from taking those measures
have already becorae so mu At contaminated—(laughter)— but this has not been the case. Althorn:e we have been
read he could not help Considering such contamination a negotiating at Vienna, we have omitted 'nothing that we
groat misfortune to the country. (near.) He thought could possibly have dime' to prosecute the war if no nego-
this war might have afforded a glorious opportunity of tiations had been taking place- We hive adopted every
doing a great good. England might have sustained her ureaeure which wis in our opinion calculated to place our
ancient reputation and maintained the dbaracter which was army and navy in a fit state fur operations in the cemp tiger
displayed by Cromwell when, on being invoked on behalf which is about to open, and what has oeen the result? We
of the BLa tole, ha sail, " You are a miserable people, hut have in the Baltic e fleet which as scan as the ice disap-
you are of the same religion as ourselves ; you shall not be pears is rule ty to blockade time Russian fleetin its own ports,
oppressed ; England will defend you." An hon. member as was ikine last, year. We have in the Black Sea a fleet
near him said, "That is whet Russia does in Turkey.' capable of any service which they may be called to per-
Now, he hail never known Russia interfere when there form ; and we have an army—of late exposed to lament-
was a real case of oppression, hut she generally interfered able sufferings, but whose sufferiugs are no v. over, and
when the Greeks were gaining too inneh intelligence. who are now in a state of perfect efficiency. The health of
He would state to the house what, in his opinion, might that army is 0,,,d ; its equipments are complete ; the
be done on this subject. It was admitted that the ileclara. ceuuni Es t,riat arrangements are good ; the hospital ;sta-
tion of war had put an end to all treaties. Now, why re. blishinents are excellent ; and there is nothing omitted
viva those treaties? Why not say to Russia, "The treaties to renter that army fit to undertake any service which it
are at an end—we will pat an end to all this protectorate may be called to perform. Again,, the French army has
—no protectorate is required either in the principalities or been reinforced ; we have the Sardinian contingent fight-
in Servia" ! The inhabitants of those provinces did not ins side by side with our troops ; and we have a'
dread the Porte, but they did dread Russia and Austria. large Turkish army in the Crimea. Altogether We
With regard to the Christians, the Porte could pot and have something like 20),000 men - there ; we have,
would not dare t . interfere with them. He would abolish in short, done everything which it was humanly
all protectorates. But if it should be thought necessary to possible to do to carry on the war, in addition to the nego•
have some mission at Constantinople to hold cornmunicae tiations in which we have been engaged. I deny altogether
tion with the Porte, why not authorise the representative that the language we have held has been ambiguous at all.
of smile liberal Government like Sardinia to submit to the Much criticisinhas been lavished on the conditions in re-
Sultan any act of oppression ? for when an act of .oppres- gird to which we have been negotiating. P
rkassing to the
third and most material point, I must rma on the man-
sion was brought under his notice, it was very speedily re-
roar in which my right hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone) was
dressed.
tocols whi (Hchear.had ) There
not been car was oneri eg d
out, ood proanposdathat l in tossp t
he ro-
h pleased to treat that question. He said you have come to
e
propose,' for the union of the principalities. Now if that an agreement, either actual or prospective, on three of the
Points, and now you are quarrelling about one half of the
lead been carried into effect, Russia would have ,been obliged
fourth point. That is a very convenient method of clispos-
to remain on the defensive—she would not have dared to
cross the frontiers, and Turkey would have been enabled ing of the matter. (Hear, hear.) But supposing the re-
to husband her resources, and might have been enabled maiming half of the fourth point had been the possession of
to extend her commercial enterprise. (Hear; hear.) He St. Petersburg—(hear)—supposing it had involved some
great diminte ion of the territory of Russia—(hear)—my
now refer to what had fallen from the noble lord
right hon. friend might have said the same thing. But it
(Lord John Russell.) The noble lord said that Bornarsund
is not merearithmeticalcalculations but far higherinterests
endangered the northern powers, but there was not a word
the we have to consider. Why, the third point contains two
about that fortress in the protocols. He gave a touching
portions. The one was to attach more closely the existence
description of the corruption taking place in Germany, but
(,f the Turkish empire to the balance of power in Europe.
we were going to lighten the bonds. Nay, more, the noble
lord said something about Polish nationality, and held out My right hon. friend might have treated that matter with
hopes that he was going to put himself at the head of the comparative lightness. The T urkish empire has ever since
the treaty of 1811. been recognised as a portion of the
movemept for administrative reform. Were these the
views of the Government ? If so, they 'should have his Europeah balance; but do you preserve the country from
vote. But he should like to have an assurance that all aggression by saying that it forms part of the European sys-
tem ? That is, indeed, an admission °fa, principle, but in
this was not to end in such a disruption of the calm as
point of actual value it affords littlesecurity to thecountry
they had lately seen, and in the noble lord again addressing
to which it refers. The secend part of the third point is
them from a remote corner of the house. They hail the
what is really valuable. That was, that the preponderance
same thing last year; the noble lord made warlike speeches, '
of Russia the Black Sea should. he made to cease. It
but in the dissolution of the Government it appeared that
half of it was for war, and soul for peace. Let there be was th :t., preponderance which was the great source of
either war or peace ; we could not have half of one and danger to Turkey. and it is the cessation of that prepon-
derance that would afford to Turkey the greatest security.
half of the other. Last year we commenced war with a
chvided Cabinet. Were we to carry it on under similar So long as Russia has iu Sebastopol a large fleet ready at
any moment to sally forth. an i to carry with it large ar-
urcuinstances? (No, no.) An honourable member said tides, it is perfectly evident that Turkey is exposed to a
" Last year the house could not get up the
standing danger, and that the existence of that fortress
peace party in the Government. They abstains i from
and of the fleet which it shelters is a at mnding menace to
all declarations of their opinion ; and the house had
her. It is obvious that the greatest security that Turkey
),e
declarations similar to those of the noble lord
now n ‘,:
could have, would be the reduction of the naval prepon-
from t one members of the present Government who
derance of Russia. But I understand that my right hon.
were sus cted of being in favour of peace. The re-
friend said, it would be humiliating to Russia to reduce
stilt of th .se half-and-half measures had been a certain
that preponderance. If Russia he sincere in her declare-
amount of disgrace. It was owing to them that the expedi-
tion to the Crimea had been put off until the last moment, Lions that she has no intention to invade Turkey, or to
make any attack at all on her independence or her intee-
aed the troops were sent to Malta in the expectation that
they would have to be brought back. He was in the great- pity, I say it is no humiliation to her to make that reduce.
est difficulty:ls to whatcourse to take in the division which time, (Cheers.) But it is said there would be danger to
was to close this debate. As as independent member he Russia by the dimunition of her naval power. Turkey
might brings large fleet frem the Bosphorus or from the
knew not which way to turn. That was the feeling of t
the country tie dig not know whom to trust. He has ex- Mediterranean, and threaten the Russian forces. This is
pected that th right hon. gentleman would bring on a the first time I ever heard of security being required by
definite motion, but he had been deceived. He did not the wolf from the lamb. (Laughter.) Then, on the other
attribute that to the right bon. gentleman, upon whom ho hand, we are told that the best security would ba the
believed great pressure had been exercised. It seemed to opening of the straits to all powers, and the ability of the
Sultan to call on his allies wheneverho was threatened with
him that the only way out of the difficulty was to support
the arnewiment of the hon. member for Kidderminster danger. But if you open the straits you expose the Sultan
(Mr. Lo + e), which seemed to him to cub ely the general to the pm esence of the fleets of all nations in front of hie
feeling of the house. The feeline of distrust winger ning so very palace, and to the reatest possible danger, and that
much ground in the country that there was (teg of its it a condition to which no independent sovereign would
producing the most fatal remits. He entreated hon. mem- submit. Then it is said the Sultan would always havo the
eery
on beth sides to express themselves definitely, and let power of calling for the assistance of his allies whenever be
the country know what they meant. Never, perhape, had was threatened with danger. " Thank you for nothing," I
eirsermefoerckreecrlytoto; bs,uy.ttwbi4l
man possessed more power thsn did the noble lord (Lord
'any man
aßnutsosilal .meTthbeattrietatiys
nooftl.Balml
Palmerstou) when he acceded to office. How had he
treated the country ? Had it been creditable to that if Russia is threatening Turkey, and if an expedition is
august assembly, had it been creditable to a man who was preparing at Sebastopol, any treatyisto deprive the Sultan
at the head of li great nation, which he might have led to of the power of calling to his aid the fleetf any nation
that may be ready to assist him wheneveredaertnill'a! le:-
honour and glory ? Ho would not recall the scenes h• h
heti again and agaiti been enacted in that house; th.eywweicr pending over him? But we are contemplating
too peinful. These were great times and be called up ue rangement not a period like the presen;ereie cenitseamr--
tne noble lord to show himself worthy to hold the reinseot plating a period when peace shall have reduced the navies
Government--worthy of the position in which he was of England and France to ordinary peace establishments
placed, and of the confidence which the country had re- (Hear, hear.) But if it should be the system of Russia to
posed in him. The • country would willingly go to great maintain a standing army and fleet of enormous propo •
expense in support of the war, for they believed it to be lions after the armies anti fleets of England and Francer
just, and that great results must come out of it They shall have been withdrawn, the Sultan would be at apy
time threatened with danger ; and this is the state of
were not afraid. They were not disheartened. They were
not tick of the war, but they were sick of those who had things we are providing against. (Hear, hear.) It is
the conduct of the war. (Cheers.) all very well to say—" When the Sultan is in danger let
him call you to his assistance." That argument implies
Lord PALTERS ro g—Sir, the hon, member who has
that there is to be aggression on the part of Russia. (Hear.)
just sat down has truly said that this is a groat country,
I remember some years ago, when all the armies of the
that we are at present in a great emergency, and that the
country will follow any leader who Will lead it to honour continent were swelled to an enormous amount, and when
e
and glory. In spite of what has been said by the-hon. all Europe felt that such large forces could not be brought
into the presence of each other without the danger of Zon-
member, and by any of those in this house or out of it who diet, a proposal was made that France, Austria. and Prussia
heve found fault with the Government, I venture to affirmie
that those who are entrusted with the conduct of affairs should disarm. This was agreed to by those three Powers;
means but when it was proposed to Russia, that Power sal I
will, as far as human power may afford them the i
"We think a general reduction of establishments a very
lead the country through the struggle with honour ant
glory. I cannot say that I think the motion of the right ;cod thing; but it ,does not apply to ltussi.e; we have
only 800,000 men, which is our regular peace establish-
hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) is,sone which is altogether
inent—(laughter)—aud therefore we will have nothing to
befitting the greatness of the occasion, and the magnitude
do with carrying this project into execution." That which
of the subject. I could perfectly understand a great party
appear° I to us, to France, awl to Austria, the best socnrity
should think the power ought to be transferred to them,
against dauger to Turkey from Russia was to call on
and that those in whose hands it is placed are not
Russia to renounce that local means of attack which
equal to the task which has devolved upon them, and should
created at all times danger to Turkey, whom she pretended
call upon this house to pronounce by its verdict the trans -
she had no deeire to.inj lire. (Hear, hear.) For her own
far of power from those who hold it to tleose who wish to
defence a fleet in the Black Sea had been proved to be
possess it. But if that war . the course which the part ,
wholly unnec..ssary. For the defeuce of her coasts and
opposite was prepared to take, I roust say that the mole
her ports sny amount of naval power that she hes must
to which they have resorted for taking the opinion of the be unevailieg, and must retire from the presence of I
house is, I think, one which is li tiug to the subject. I
the fleets of England and France. Against Turkey
hardly like to descend to these verbal criticisms; but, if
she needs no defence, anti as respects England and
you want to find fault with the Government, you should
France her fleet is unav iling. and, therefore, there is no
find forth with something they have done. You should se y
pretence why she should not drnit her power in the Black
that you dis oeprove of certain con Wet. But whet is it Ile (Hear.) The hon. gentleman who spoke last, and
regard to which the house ,is now called upon to express s
others, have extended their view to a wider range. They
its dissatisfaction? Its dissatisfactien is invoked upon
have imagined that any of those four points fall short of
" ambiguous language sod uncertain conduct." But, sir, what d for the future security of Tuetey. I think
could I deny that our language has been ambiguous. I deny a(,thl. i ;
mq
n ~,
lisi be snore inexpedient for a Government than
that our conduct has been uncertain. (Ministerial cheers.) u
to hold out expectations beyond what they see their way
If the party opposite are prepared to call down upon us to accomplish,
We a
o
the censure of the house, they ought to have laid down
Black Sea; we trust we shall be successful in that operation
better grounds than those stated in this reselution. How
and we think that success will lead to obtaining those cons
ever, I pass by that, and accept the challenge they have
ilitions which, in conjunction with France, we think we have
given us. I heard the speech of my right honourable
a right to demand. I think our duty is to confine ourselves
friend who spoke last night (Ar. Gladstone) with
to that ite.which we see our way—to that in which wo are
admiration no doubt, but also with considerable
now engaged—and in spite of all the mischances that have
pain ; because it appeared to me that taking the whole of
happened I think we have turned the poiut, and, with re-
his speech, especially the .concluding portion of it, his
sped, to the Government with whom we are contending,
opinions were averse to the war, elvers° to the expe d-
!ravine refused the fair conditions which were offered it,
tion to the Crimea, adverse to the terms of peace upon
we are now in a situation to feel confident that we can
which we have proposed to conclude the war, yet my right
carry on the operationsof the war with that fair prospect of
hon. friend was a party to till these thins. I regret that
success whi•eh England anti France are and must be bound
any circumstances should, since be quitted the Government,
Cr attain. (Cheers.) If it were otherwise, it would not
have so entirely altered the opinion of toy right hon. friend.
be simply disappointment in a particular object ; it would
It appears that there are those who think we have not been
be, in fact, the abdication of a proud position, and we
sufficiently vigorous in the prosecution of the war, and
should sink to the condition of a second-rate power.
these who wish to drive the country to peace upon terms
(Cheers.) No man can be insensible to the calamities
which I think were not consistent with the honour, dignity,
st-hick war entails; but I say there are things worse than
and interests of the country. With regard to the subject
war. (Cheers.) I say dishonour to a country is worse
of the war, I think it is unnecessary to go into details. .is
than war ; the physical evils which would come upon a
justice and necessity have been admitted by all but a small
country worsted in an arduous conflict would be far greater
number of the members of th R house. The necessity arose
than any which the temporary calamities of the war could
not merely from the events upon which the rupture took
indict ; and therefore I say that that party, be they whom,
place. Fora long period of time it has been the standing
they may, who would induce this country to abandon the
policy of RuFnia to endeavour to weaken anti crumble down,
contest in which it is engaged, and to make a peace on in-
ant ultimately to appropriate, Turkey as her own posses-
sufficient grounds, which are neither satisfactory to the
sion. It has been openly avowed of late that that was the
honour of the country now, nor as a security for the future
policy of Peter, Catherine, Alexander, awl Nicholas. It
—I say that that party, if their opinions prevailed, would
was the settled policy Of Russia which broke out upon a
exercise the most fatal effects on the best interests of the
particular occasion in a manner that rendered further pas
country. (Cheers.) But I say the house is called on to-
siveness impossible, and drove this country into a war for
night to pronounce its opinion on two great and important '
a just and necessary cause. I fully agree with the hon. mem-
questions. First of all, on the existence of the Ministry.
her who has just sat down that the nation feels that be- That, perhaps, would be a matter of very slight impor-
ing in the war we are hound to carry it on with energy "
tance if this was a sugar bill, the imposition of a new tax,
anti vigour, and to conclude it by a peace which shall
or anything of that kind, and it would be one on which
not only be honourable to the country, bat shall accom- Parliament might decide simply on personal grounds. But
plish the purposes for which the war was commenced. That
there is a far greater question at issue than that ; and
purpose is the protection and defence of Turkey, not merely
that is the policy of the country, the conditions on which
from any sympathy which we may feel with her as an in-
we are to stand among the nations of the world, our alli-
dependent state, but because the balance of power in Eu-
ances with foreign Governments, I could almost say the
rope—an expression which involves the great interests of
future reputation, the honour, and the deep interests of
the civilised world—is concerned in preventing the colon- the nation. (Cheers.) The obvious object of the motion
sal power of Russia from extending over those wide and
of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) is that this house
important territories. We have been told that the war
sheuld pronounce the present Government incompetent.
has been calamitous. We are ready to admit, in beginning
Well,,who is to succeed us? (A laugh.) We are told we have
suddenly on a peace establishment a war with a great an-
not shown ad ministrativeability, and thht we arena united
tagonist after forty years of peace, that it would not but
among ourselves. I deny both the one and the other.
he expected that in the administration of the different de-
(clronical laughter from the Opposition, answered by counter-
partments there should be mistakes and mischances, which
ers.) Is it in the opposite ranks that we are to look for
occasioned great evils. Bat it has been said that we made that perfection and unanimity which is to characterise a
a great mistake in going to the CriMea. I contend that
Government equal to the present emergency (a laugh)?
was precisely the expedition which we ought to here un- The Usher of the Black Rod here advanced to the table
dertaken if we meant to bring the war to a speedy and
and summoned the house to attend at the bar of the House
successful termination. It is said, " Yon ought to have
of Lords,Altlos hear the royal assent given by commission to
sent your army to Bessarabia. Yon ought to have held out
certain
On the return. of the Speaker,
your hand to Austria and gone into the field side by side with
your Austrian allies." If we had gone to Bessarabia—if Lord PALMERSTON resumed : I think I have some
reason to complain of the impatience of the other house in
gone into the interior of Russia, they would have been
your armies had entered the principalities and
-not- waiting for the censure which the right hon. gentleman
fighting far away from their communications, from opposite is deals one of inflicting, but in prematurely admi-
their basis of operation, from their supplies and
nistering the Red' ( A 'engin) I was proCeeding to say
reinforcements, and there was no point which, when thaethe question which the right- hon. gentleman has
achieved, woad have produced any conclusive result, or
brought forward is an invitation to this house to declare
led to any decisive issue of the contest. We went to the
that the present Government does not possess its confidence,
Crimea and to Sebastopol, because it was in the Black Sea
and is unworthy of its support, and the natural inference
that the danger to Turkey principally lay ; because, if we
is that some other party is entitled petferably to the confi-
had succeeded in Viking, Sebastopol and capturing the fleet,
dance of the house and the country. One reproach against
we should have given Turkey security from the impend-
those who now form the Government is a supposed want
ing danger. That being the blow which, when struck,
of unity of opinion anti a supposed disinclination to ad-
would best accomplish the purpose of protecting Turkey,
ministrative reform. Now I ask the house whether they
see on the benches opposite greater unity of opinion than
arid would,' on the other hand, deprive Russia of those
.raeacs of aggression which were most to be apprehended,
they see on this side? Why. if we take domestic affair.-,that wee the place to which' our troops could most maven
-
1 ask whether the opinion of the would-be Government
tageously have been sent. It is said that we put ourselves
upon a matter of the very highest importance, namely, that
tco much in the hands of Austria, that we trusted to no -
which relates to the mode in which the people are to be
gotiatione, aud by that means (lid not prosecute the war
educated, is to be taken'tom the right hen. gentleman
with sufficient vigour. That is totally unfounded. I think
the member for Oxfordshire •? (Cries of " oh, oh," from
it was sound policy for this country to accept to the ut-
the Opposition, and cheers front the Ministerial benches.)
most the good offices of Austria. It was good policy to en If we are to judge them by our information, by their fo-
deavour, as far as possible, to get Austria to our side—in
reign policy; I would ask whether the foreign policy of
athrme_sfiealnddiffigwbetcwouitlltil—m,and if she was not prepared to take
that would-be Government, especially upon the matters
eva have riccomptislied., now in hand, is to be inferred from the speech of the
and iu policy concurring with France and England. That
honourable and learned member for Enniskillen, or from
. Let not alttahllasev::n,
tts
stuoihteadvethheer
pfroileinetyllyo,f
that of the noble lord the member for Lynn—whe-
Austria to declare h, rself an active ally , but we have had
them it is to be war with vigour or peace at any price?
her good offices.neutratity(Loud cheers.) Again, with respect to administrative
it was not long ago that the head of that
Wthe the douse
sea t
imagineleast t.li et
that the
noefuthrear.
City has not been a powerful tnilttrydiversion in favour capacity,
party had a commission to form an Administration,
of the operations of
engagings with TurkeyEtnogldaene'elbarelydontrallnocibuleesteiaornl,ofpuptetirnsognatlhe good of his
individual
toed by anti allowed the ntal
direction, the 1 feelings, greatly to his own credit, confessed that he had
ambition, or
Russian armies to advance to-
not in the pasty that belonged to him the elements out of
wards Turkey in that
been obliged to keep an - z
principalitieseranTeue..ksfw ionossthde ea
hdha,avotfel
army on the frontier to protect

I which he could form a Government, suited to the exigencies
the times. (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition,
and cheers fr an the Ministerialists.) What has happened
since then to enable those gentlemen to present themselves
with more confidence oefore the country, and to offer to
take charge of the great interests of England ? I leave the
house and the country to determine that question of pre-
ference between them and us. This at least I will admit
in their favour, that, judging from the speeches of the
right hon. gentleman 'the member for Buckinghamshire and
the hon. and learned member for Enniskillen, I think, not- •
withstanding the very different opinion expressed by the
noble lord the member for Lynn, that if this house and the
country were to transfer the conduct .(if public affairs to
their hands, we have a pledge that to the best of their
ability they a oultl carry on the war with as much vigour
as we have done, and for the same objects for which we are
contending. .1 see no difference in that respect between
their proposition and the course which we are determined
to pursue, anti therefore the appeal which they make to the
house to transfer the conduct of the Government from us
to them is not founded upon any censure of our policy,
but simply upon the assertion that they could with more
capacity than us carry on the same system
policy of
which they approYe ; for iu fact their resolutiou—setting
aside "the ambiguous language and uncertain conduct"—
is a vote of approbation of the Government. (A laugh.)
But there is another alternative open to the house. I allude
to the right hon. geutletuam the member for Oxford Uni-
versity, and those who are going to vote with him for the
amendment. of the hon. baronet his colleague in the repre-
sentatiou of the University. That is a party who resin-
diate the notion of approving peace at any price,
but a
patty that, at all events, would be ready to accept peace
upon conditions which, I think, and which the people
think, dishommrabla. t) the country, and clangorous to
the fature interests of Europe. (Loud cheers.) I venture
to say, without any disrespect to those geetlemen—
some of whom I have good reason to hold in the highest.
respect, and whose talents are well known to the house
and the cenn try —that i a Government were now formed
of their party, I think not one of them would 'o ) re-elected
to sit in this house. (Cheers and laughter.) I say, then,
the choice lies between the two sides of the house, and I
contend that we have dome nothing to forfeit that good
opinion which the hon. member for Aylesbury was pleased
to say was formed of the present Government when first
constituted. We were supported by the good opinion of
the country because it was thought we were going to pro-
secute with vigour that war which the country • has una-
nimously declared to be just and necessary. We have
adopted every possible means for that purpose ; and I con-
fidently expect that the result will show we have not been
undeserving of that ,confidence with which the country
hailed our advent, and that we shall be able to realise the
jest expectations which the nation has formed. The fate
of war and of battles is in the hands of a higher Power.
It is not for men to command success ; they can only do
everything in their power to obtain it. That we have
done. In a cause which we consider to be just, necessary,.
anti honourable, we confidently place our trust in a higher
Power. If wo succeed we shall have the satisfaction of re-
flecting that our success has been brought about by the
perseverance with which, without proclaiming from day
to day the different steps we have taken, we have laboured
to achieve it ; while if, on the other hand, we should fail
—a contingency which I will not permit myself to antici-
pate—we shall at least have the consciousness of feeling
that our failure was not owing to any want of diligence or
exertion on our part. I am persuaded that, whatever may
be the decision of this night as to the relative merits of
parties here—whatever may ba the decision of this house
as to where rite power of the executive Government shall
reside—l am confident that the country is in earnest in
the war in which we are engaged, and that the people of
England will give their support to any Government that
will honestly and with energy execute the will of the
British nation, while they never will sanction any Mi-
nistry which will abandon its allies and desert that
policy which has !seen pursued up to this moment in
deference, not merely to the principles of justice, and
to 's
sense of the national interests and honour, but
in accordance with the will and feeliurs of the country.
Therefore, so far as the best interests of the country are
,coucerned, I look with comparative indifference to the re-
sult of this motion. I feel that, in whatever hands the
Government may be placed, the will of the people must
and shall be obeyed. (Cheers.) That will is, that Eng-
land, having engaged in a just and necessary war, in con-
cert with our great ally and neighbour, France, it must
and shall succeed • and I am confident that, although it
may be the duty Of the Government to exhaust the means
of negotiation as far as they can be pursued with honour,
the people will never give their support to any adminis-
tration that should, in expectation of the success of' those
negotiations, abandon the performance of its duty in the
preparations of the means for war. We have not shrunk
from that duty. I defy any man to accuse us with j esti.)
of such a dereliction of duty. I am persuaded that events
at no distant period will show that, in claiming from this
house and the country a vote of approbation of the man-
ner in which we have performed those great duties which
devolved upon us, I sin not overstepping the limits of the
facts, and that it, is without justice we have been accused
of shrinking in any degree from those exertions which the
country has expected at our hands. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, if I were under any necessity of
calling evidence to vindicate the propriety of the conduct
which I have pursued and the j ustice of the course which I
have taken, it would be the speech to which I have just

great share of calamities which have befallen us in conse-
quence ? (Cheers.) Sir, it has been objected to the motion
which I have placed in your hands that it is not in accord-
ance with the speech I have made. It has been said that
the motion does not in an immiet tic'eable manner express
the policy wo propose to follow, and which we am e
_pre-
pared to recommend. Well, sir, having been some time
in this house, and having seen during that time much of
the conduct of its affairs, I have had much experience in
the motions which have been drawn up in this house and
loffered for its adoption ; and I,can truly say this, that I
have bean called upon as a member of Parliament to give
my opinion upon motions that were drawn up by men of
unrivalled sagacity and experience in Parliament, and I
never knew any motion which was not most critically re-
ceived, and in which great errors were not discovered by
those who had previously resolved to vote against it
(Hear.) lam prepared to maintain the propriety of the
resolution, in every respect, which I have laid upon the
table. -• I am prepared to Maintain not only its propriety
but its frankness—(a laugh)—and precision. The hon.
member for Kidderminiter, in a speech of great ingenuity,
following in that respect some other member who preceded
him, seemed not only to intimate, but, indeed, I believe,
declared, that it was my duty to have expressed clearly the
terms upon which we held a peace ought to be obtained, or
the objects for which the war ought te be prosecuted. And
no doubt there isa upon the sayer an amendment by the
hon. member for Kidderminster, which, coming front him
as it does, I have conned more than once, for he is a mar
who does not write without thought—(a laugh)—but I am
bound to say with respect to motions of that kind, that
I see very grave objections which I cannot help think-
ing that, upon reflection, gentlemen of the talents and
isigenuity of the honourable member for Kidderminster
sill find not unworthy of their attention. Yen must
feel that it is the last thing the House of Commons
can do, in motions propoSed to be adopted by its mem- _
hors, in any way to interfere with the terms on which
peace and war should be proclaimed. Therefore, being
dissatisfied with the language and conduct of the Govern-
ment, especially with respect to recent negotiations and
the conduct of affairs with reference to the great question
of peace and war, all we could do was to ask the house, if
we proved our case, to express an opinion that there was
ambiguous language and uncertain conduct on the part of
her Majesty's Ministers with reference to the great ques-
tion of peace or war, and at th i same time to show that
there was no ambiguity in our language or uncertainty in
our conduct, we publicly declare that we are still deter-
mined to support her Majesty with all our means in the
same spirit as when we first addressed the Crown in an-
swer to her Majesty's gracious message announcing that
war had been declared. I say then that the resolution I
have moved is proper and loyal in its language, and per-
fectly adapted to meet the present contingency. If the
noble lord disapproves of the resolution because it is a vote
of want of confidence in the Government, why does not he
simplify the question at issue, and allow one of his friends
to propose a vote of confidence? What can be more in-
convenient than the position in which the leader of the
house has now placed it ? If you negative my resolution,
will the adoption of any of the amendments be equivalent
to the expression of confidence in the Ministry ? If this
motion is equivalent to a vote of want of confidence, ,
either the noble lord must meet it with a direct negative
or he does not clear himself from what he represents as
an attack on his position. Let me ask whether what has
occurred within the last two nights has not justified
the course we have taken ? Have we not had an ex-
pression.of feeling from the noble lord which a week ago
no one would have anticipated, and which is wholly in-
consistent wi h the past conduct of the Government ?
The noble limet has repeated to-night the commonplace ob-
Starvation that while carrying on his negotiations be was
also carrying on his war, but he never answered the obsor-
vstion I made yesterday on the subject. I say you cannot
e wry on negotiations permanently while you are carrying
on war, and at the same time carry on a war effectively ;
for by so doing you depress the spirit of the people, and damp
the ardour of your allies. (Cheers.) Then the noble lord
has treated us to some remarks as to who may be the suc-
cessors of the present Government if it is displaced. Ido
not know what the, gentlemen who sit below the gangway
and were recently his colleagues may think of this esti-
mate of their electioneering prospects. (A laugh.) I ob-
serve by the public prints that some of these right hon.
gentlemen attended the meeting at the noble lord's office,
and there were paraded as his most distinguished follow-
ers. Could they be conscious when he addressed them in
that animated style that the noble lord had calculated the
duration of their career? that at this very time those use-
ful, though less celebrated members of the party who are
supposed to be intimately acquainted with all the chances
of our political existence, had in fact numbered these great
lights of our assembly as dead men in their books.
(Laughter ?) Btaf the noble lord has supposed that we may
be the coming men. He thinks there may be some diffi-
culty in the arrangements from our divided opinions. He
has particularly impressed on the house the inconvenience
which her Majesty might experience in finding amongst
her councillors my two right hon. friends who differ on
the subject of education. But when I hear of a coming
Government with divided opinions, what am I to think of
the right hoe: gentlemen and noble lords before me ? They
no doubt have no questions on which they are divided in
opinion. The question of church rates is one on which
the following of the noble lord is distinguished for its irre-
sistible numbers and - influence. (Laughter.) I believe
that on the ballot they are all agreed. The division on
the motion with respect to the conduct of the consular
branch of the diplomatic service, showed what a powerful
and united Government this is I Some of his followers in
otfce, particularly the Secretary for the Admiralty, aro no
doubt bound to the Government by every do once they
have acceded to the views of the lion. gentleman with re-
spect to the necessity of army reform—(hear, and laughter)
—but I think there never yet was a body of gentlemen less
remarkable for their union of opinion than the gentlemen
who now fill the offices of Cabinet Ministers. All that is
required to show how admirably they agree is that the
.noble lord the member for London, when he has recovered
from the great exertions of his exhausted instructions
should introduce a reforiu bill, or something of the kind,
to show how compact is the alliance of their united bodies.
(Divide, divide.) That cry of " divide" must allude to the
division in the Government ; for I am not aware that I
have trespassed upon the house an unusual time. Then
the noble lord treated us with a stale taunt as to the in-
ability of Lord Derby to form a Government because he
hail not political friends competent to form a Ministry. If
'that were the case I should leave the observation unnoticed,
but inasmuch as there is no man in this house more cog •
1 nisaut that the statement he has made is—inadvertently,
I of course--erronoous than the noble lord—(oh, oh)—he
intim permit me to say that upon reflection he will see that
ho has not the slightest foundation for the assertion. Lord
Derby refused to form a Government because it was his
opinion that England was in such a condition that the gra-
tification of individual ambition was no longer to be
thought of, but that the formation of a strong Government
was an object f,r which every sacrifice should be made..
Lord Derby and his friends might hive sat upon that
bench or a similar ono in another place if they would have
taken the Government without being a,sured of that com-
manding majority which they believed to be necessary to
carry on the all tirsof this country The noble lord elected to
carry on affairs with a very weak Government. The noble
lord by suddenly avowing a policy utterly inconsistent
with the instructions which he had given to his own diplo-
matic minister—the noble lord, by suddenly taking a course
which we all know, from his own expressions, he could not
a week ago have meditated—the noble lord, by his pledges
to-night that he intends not only to prosecute the war, but
to prosecute the war for objects which last Tuesday ho
could not have anticipated, has clearly shown that this
motion of mine has extorted these admissions from him.
The noble lord, possibly, by these means, may defeat the
motion, but this is only the first of many motions which
he will have to Inset, now the policy of Government by
this discussion has become mare exp'icit. The noble
lord may rest assured that this is but the beginning of
his Parliamentary campaign. He must knew that he will
have now to marshal his forces, and to show that
he has that strong Government which Lord Derby thought
was so essential to the government of the country. An hon.
gentleman has noticed the remarks which I made on the
conduct of the recent plenipotentiary at Vienna. It was the
hon. member for Kidderminster (Mr. Lowe), who, I think,
said that these observations were not fair, and that had not
the person been a minister of state or a member of this
house they would not have been uttered. Well, sir, I will
make this admission to the hon. member for Kiddermin-
ster. It is always more agreeable to me to make remarks
of that kind upon those present than upon those absent.
If the conferences at Vienna have been conducted in a man-
ner most pernicious to the public interests, and the pleni-
potentiary has committed the most gross errors, I am pre-
pared to assert that it is not merely the right but the duty
of a member of Parliament to bring this conduct before the
house, and to ask its opinion upon it. I say that in those
observations upon the noble lord I merely did my duty.
(Divide.) • I say that the noble lord at the commencement
of these affairs committed a most gross error in acknow-
ledging the rights of Russia over the Christian subjects of
Turkey, which right Count Nesselrode now tells us never
did exist. I say that, by his false interpretation of the
treaties, the noble lord was one of the principal causes of
the war. Is it not a duty to bring these things before the
house ? Am I to be stopped by the observation of the noble
lord that he considers those remarks too strong? I say the
noble lord by his fatal admission of the protectorate of
Russia—
Lord J. RUSSELL—I. never used the word " protec-
torate." (Cheers.)
Mr.DISRAELI—I have the papers by me. I believe the
word is " protection." (Cheersfrom the Opposition.) What
difference is there between these words ? 1 say that in the
treaties no protection whatever was granted to Russia. Is
this quibbling between the words "protection" and " pro-
tectorate" to save the noble lord? I say that when Russia
found the claims for which she had not the shadow of a
basis were in this despatch acknowledged, sanctioned, and
granted by the English Minister, her course was clear,
(Cheers, and cries of "Divide, divide.") I say that when
the Plenipotentiary went to Vienna he commenced the
negotiations by another admission equally fatal to the in-
terests of this country. (Divide.) The noble lord says
because I criticised the conduct of a Plenipotentibary6
en-
gaged the most awful service that a man could possibly
gaged in, because I showed that he was utterly incompetent
for that service, and by his conduct has achieved great
disaster for his country, I have degraded the debate—de-
graded the debate on a question of peace and war mainly
dependent upon the conduct of the noble lord. [ will not
quarrel with that. I will leave it for the country to decide
on this point whether I have done my duty or not. The
noble lord says I have degraded the debate. At least I
have tried to do this—to prevent the noble lord from de-
grading his country. (Cheers.) s
The house then divided upon Mr. Disraeli's motion. The
numbers wore—
For the motion
Against it,.

listened—(cheers)—from the noble lord, who has politivey
informed us that, in the fulfilment of his duty to carry
on with effect the war in which this country is engaged,
he warns us not to be dissuaded from the course which is
before us by any hope or prospect of any negotiations.
Is this the Minister who only on Monday last—(Opposition
cheers)—evaded every inquiry—who to every question that
was urged, I will not say shuffled, for that may not be a
Parliamentary word, and I certainly do not wish to use it,
though it rose to my lips in the beat of debate—(laughter)—
but who certainly used every artifice of language—that the
House of Commons should not obtain from him a sin-
e,•le expression which should give an indication of the po-
licy of the Government, or the resolution at which they
had arrived on the great: question of peace or war. (Hear.)
Is this the Minister who only on Monday last would not
sanctien a motion that was to be brought forward by the
hon. member for Manchester, that would have given an
opportunity to the house to offer, after a proper discussion,
an opinion upon the practical results of recent negotiations
which be had placed upon the table ? Is this the-Minister
who has declined over and over again t 4 move that address
to his Sovereign which I say as a real Minister of the
Crown, and as one pretending to lead this lions°, and the
opinion of this country, he ought. in the first instance,
most sedulously to have proposed ? Is this the Minister
who for, I will not say weeks, but months, has been
the object of suspicion and distrust of the country,
because no one—(cheers)—could for a moment believe that
there was any earnestness in the intention of the Govern-
ment to carry on the war ; and who deprecated in this
house, in every instance, that inquiries, even inquiries -
(hear, hear)—on the subject should be: made, lest they'
should interfere with the course of delicate negotiation ?
(Hear.) Is this the Minister who only on Monday last pre-
vented the discussion to which I have referred on the
ground that negotiations might possibly be taking place
even at that moment, or might occur at any moment, and
who this night assured us that negotiations could not take
place, althoagh his own colleague but a few days before
had informed us that the brother Minister whom he had
left at Vienna was perfectly authorised to pursue negotia-
tions. (Hear.) Sir, I say that what has occurred in this
debate not merely on the part of the noble lord, but the
speech which we have just listened to, has fully vindicated
the course which I hive taken, and will justify the motion
I have male in the eyes of the country. (Hear.) But only
lest Monday night there was to be no discussion in the
House of Commons on this great and absorbinesubject.
Sir, I gave this notice, and there is not a shade of opinion
in the house that does not immediately, in the form of an
amendment, offer multiplied evidence that every person
in this house, and every section of opinion, wish and feel
it their duty to express their opinion definitely
upon the subject. Those who believe that peace
might have been obtained upon the conferences that
wore hold—those who believe that the war has not been
prosecuted with sufficient energy—those who, I was going
to say, have confidence in the Government—but no amend-
ment of that kind has been proposed —(hear and laughter)
but those who wish to have confidence in the Govern-
ment, all those representatives of opinion in this house
have preferred amendments which are to be placed in the
hands of Mr. Speaker. Every amendment that has been
proposed is a just vindication of the resolution I have pro-
posed ; and, whatever may be the fate of that resolution,
it has at least elicited this great good—that we have ob-
tained something definite at last from her Mejesty's Minis-
ters. (Hear.) The noble lord for some time pursued that
course of observation from ancient habit which for a long
period he has been in the custom of addressing the house
on the subject of the existing war, merely to avoid any
allusion to the future, scrupulously to shun any expression
of his opinion, but carefully to enumerate all the more
elaborate catalogue which he gives of the means which a
parvenu is in the habit of taking to recommend timself
to hie mistress. " I have a house in town, I have a house
in the country, a fine gallery of pictures, a well-Stocked
wine cellar"—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Ministerial
benches, and counter cheers from the Opposition.) In
that way the noble lord for some time has informed us of
his Sardinian contingent to assist the army in the Crimea,
a medical department which has been placed on the best
footing, and those various other things which he has so
often recounted. But the noble lord felt that the time
was come when this was not sufficient ; he felt the time
had come when he must speak explicitly respecting the
intentions of the Government with regard to peace or war;
anti the noble lord has at last made a declaration which he
has refused on every other occasion to make. He has
made declarations perfectly inconsistent with all the in-
timations that he favoured us with on Monday and on
preceding nights. The noble lord now stands forward
as a Crown Minister, who will be satisfied with nothing
but that achievement, the obtaining of which was per-
fectly inconsistent with the negotiations which he has
been carrying on during the last few months. (Hear,
hear.) Then, sir, I am told that ambiguity of lan-
gu'tge and uncertainty of conduct are expressions which it
woud be difficult for me to prove. (Hear, and laughter.)
Why, the whole course of this debate has entirely esta-
blished the accuracy of these phrases. Not a member has
risen, whatever views he may have taken, whatever policy
he might recommend, united with the noble lord in the
council, or .severed from former connection, who has not
made use of these very words. Every remark and argu-
ment has only proved how accurately I selected important
incidents of the past. " We have a fleet in the Baltic,"
nya the noble lord ;." we have a fleet in the Black Sea,
language of her Mi-
jteaiwe have a medical department, we have a commissariat
store, we have many other establishments of which we
may be proud." The noble lord reminds me always in
theca
sty,
s Ministers
. I expressionseed nota
gswhichoambiguouso ur describedthe raenvdi tdbeencl e than that whichagun
their
conduct as uncer-
n has recently passed under our eye and sounded in our ears.
Whit language can be more opposite to that which the
noble lorexpressed than that which the same noble lord
has just now uttered ? (Hear.) What conduct can be
more contrasted than that which the country had reason
to believe he was pursuing only a week ago, and that which
he now tells us is to be rule of his conduct ? (Hear, hear.)
Why,Ambiguitynot
ao f
gentlemanlanguage,who 113.8 addressed you, sir, has uncertainty of conduct not proved !
failed to use these very expressions„ They are become
" household words" among us. Now, let the house re-
member that when the first discussion began there were
several accusations urged agaiust the Government that
their councils were divided on the question of peace or
war. That was felt to be a great calamity at that difficult
period. We all knew that we were governed by men of great
ability ; still there was more thin a suspicion that their sen-
timents were not in unison upon a subject of such magni-
tude. How were we mot then ? We were told that those
suspicions were without foundation ; thatthose were impu
tations which the imagination of faction alone could make,
What has not occurred since then to demonstrate the accu-
racy of our suspicions ? 'What light has not this de bate
thrown upon the distracted councils of 12 months
ago, when
the Parliament of England was called on t 1 '
ecide upon this
important question? And who can refuse to -
attribute to
that want of union in the councils of the Queen the feeble,
uncertain, and ambiguous conduct of this war, and ,the

219
319
Majority --100
•
The announcement of the
numbers was received with loud
cheers by the Ministerial side of the house.
The SPEAKER then put Sir F. BARING'S motion, upon
which,
Mr. LOW moved his amendment.
Mr. GIBSON (amid mingled cries of " Adjourn," "
and " Agree") moved the 'adjournment of the debate
until Mo day week.
Lord GODERICH opposed the motion for adjournment,
upon the ground that it would be most improper to separate
for so long a period as a week while this subject was loft in
a state of uncertainty. It behoved them, as guardians of tho
public interests, to decide this important question before
adjourning for their own pleasure and amusement. (Hear,
hear.)
Mr. R. PHILLIMORE supported the motion for the ad-
Mr,
of the debate.
'Lord PALMERSTON said that, although the house was
late, yet, considering the importance of the subject before
them, they had better proceed. He had no objection to the
fist part f the amendment of his on. fiend tho member
fo rr
Kidderominster, which merely recited al fact, but ob-
jected to the second portion of the amendment for the same
reason as he had done to that of the right hon. gentleman
the member for Buckinghamshire, because it contained a
principle of interference with the prerogative of the

Crown,
Sir J. GRALUId observed that be had voted agehiust the