The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-22 00:00:00

opinion upon its own part, the inference drawn out of doors
would justly be, from the silence of the house, that it con-
curred in what had taken place and made itself virtually a
party to the declaration of the British plenipotentiary on
the 26th of April, that his instructions were exhausted,
which of course, if it stood alone, would mean that
the discessions of the conference were at an end, and
that there was no prospect of a settlement being
arrived at by what had already passed between the
powers. We have already heard, and it is unnecessary for
me again to repeat, the answers just made by the noble lord
at the head of the Government to my right hon. friend ;
but it is plain that those answers leave the case in a posi-
tion different from that in which it would have stood had
it rested on the declaration of the Earl of Westmoreland on
the 26th of April that his instructions were exhausted. I
will not enter now upon a discussion of the declaration of
the noble lord, that no proposals incompatible with the
honour of the Government or the country will be accepted
or entertained by the Government ; but I, for one, feel very
deeply the responsibility of interfering withthe proceed-
ings of her Majesty's Government in matters of
negotiation
which are still open, and Ido not think that over-in er-
pret what has fallen from my noble friend when I say
that these negotiations are still .open,
and that these
the powers, or
ne-
gotiations do afford, in the opinion of
some of them, the materials of a satisfactory settle-
ment. There is no reason why advantage should
not be taken of those proposals for the purpo,e of
seeing what could be made of them. Convinced as
I am that the right honourable gentleman has no other ob-
ject in view but the restoration of peace to this country
upon honourable terms—convinced as I am that he cut irely
disclaims all motives of party, all disposition to distm b the
Government, or to weaken its plans in the proceedings it has
been or may be carrying on, I venture with great respect,
having no title I am sure to assume such a function, to put
it before his consideration whether he would not exercise a
wise discretion in refraining from asking the House of Com-
mons at the present moment for any definitive judgment
on, the subject of the negotiations that are virtually still in
progress, and whether it would not be fairer to all parties
and all opinions, as well as more conducive to all the objects
which every patriot must have at heart, if he would forego
the occasion he claimed, and which had been offered
to him under circumstances materially different, and
exercise his own discretion at a future period, when these
circumstances may call for an appeal to the house upon the
question, to make a motion of this description or any
motion at all upon the subject—at all events, whether
it would not be better to leave the matter in the hands of
the Government, in order that they may not be embar-
rassed by our discussion in this place, which would cer-
tainly have an embarrassing and weakening effect on the
Government—to leave them free from any difficulty of
that kind to conduct to its legitimate conclusion the task
they have taken in hand. Sir, I beg leave, with reference to
what I have stated, to move that this house do now adjourn.
Mr. S. HERBERT—I take this opportunity of stating,
having no knowledge of what course the right hon. gentle.
man the member for Manchester is about to take in conse-
quence of the appeal that has just been made to him by
my right hon. friend—l wish to state that should he think
it his duty to persist "in bringing forward his motion, I
shall consider it my duty to move the previous qnestion"
as an amendment. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.)
Lord H. VANE said he found no difficulty, having en-
gaged to second the motion of the right hon. gentleman
the member for Manchester, and having come down to
the house with the intention of doing so, in urgiflg upon
'him to acquiesce in the suggestion made to him by the right
• hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford.
(Laughter from the Opposition benches.) He would put it
to his right hon. friend whether it would be wise, in the
interest of peace, in the interest of that cause he had so
deeply at heart, to persevere after the declaration which
had just been made by the noble lord at the head of the
Government. It was quite obvious the question would be
discussed under great difficulties, and as negotiations
might be said to be still going on, that course would be
very embarrassing for the Government.
Mr. DISRAELI—I have seldom witnessed in this house
a scene like that which is apparently performing near me
to-night. (Loud cheers.) At the first blush of the ques-
tion, it appears to me that if the extraordinary, and as I
believe most impolitic, request of the two right hon. gen-
tlemen who have so suddenly risen this evening is to be
acceded to, the House of Commons and the country

have a right to demand a much more explicit declaration
from the head of the G-overnment—(Loud cheers from
the Opposition)—as to really what position the country is
now placed in with respect to recent negotiations, and as
to that which the noble lord and his colleagues apparently
seem to consider amply sufficient to satisfy the demands of
the two right hon. gentlemen. Now, what is the *ate of
the case? The noble lord tells us that he believes he can
venture to say that he supposes that it is not impossible—
(langhter)—that peace may result—that all the means of
solving a difficult political problem have not been ex-
hausted by those distinguished men who have devoted their
abilities to the service of the Government and the country.
But has the noble lord stated any circumstances which may
induce us, as representatives of the people, to suppose that
there are any grounds by which we may guide our conduct at
a moment so criticalas the present in order to j ustify a strange
forbearance from expressingouropinion upon public affairs?
The noble lord has done nothing of the kind. While there
is life there is hope; that appears to be the policy of the
Government. lam sure, sir, I am the last man in this
house who would strictly define the limits to which for-
bearance might reach in the conduct of Parliament or of
the Opposition while preparations for war or negotiations
for peace were taking place. I think it our duty to place
in the Government a very wide confidence under such cir-
cumstances. Had the noble lord come to us when the un-
successful plenipotentiary had made his re-appearance in
the house, and said to us, " Although my baffled colleague
has returned to resume his duties as a Secretary of State
for the Colonies, I have the satisfaction of informing Par-
liament that the means of solution of this difficult pro-
blem are by no means exhausted, and that I have reason
to believe we will yet succeed in accomplishing a solutio❑ ;
and, therefore, I trust to the generous confidence of Par-
liament and to the patriotic spirit of the country not to

press me to lay upon the table the records of the hitherto
unsuccessful negotiation ;" then the noble lord might have
appealed, aro not in vain, to the forbearance of Parliament.
But what has been the conduct of the noble lord ?
The noble lord has placed upon the table of Parliament
the records of negotiations which have been undertaken by
his colleague anti by other representatives of her :4 jesty,
under instructions which they had formerly in those pipers
acknowledged to be exhausted. For what were these papers
placed upon the table? (Hear.) Surely they were placed
there to elicit the opinion of Parliament upon the conduct
of the negotiations, and to ascertain the precise position in
which our country is now placed. (Hear.) I said then,
as I now repeat, that it would have been well if the noble
lord, following the authority of precedents, had been him-
self the leader to elicit the opinion of Parliament under
the circumstances. But the noble lord forbore to fulfil
his duty, and an independent member, a gentleman not
connected with the Government, exercising a legitimate
and, as I think, a very proper duty, gives notice that
he will propose, instead of the Minister, an address to
her Majesty expressing the opinion of Parliament upon
those papers. Did the noble lord rise then and say,
" I have, perhaps with too much readiness, placed
these State papers upon the table, but do not, under any
consideration, press the opinion of Parliament upon these
negotiations, because the means of solution are by no means
utterly exhausted ?" The noble lord said not a word of the
kind. He gave no discouragement to the motion of the
right hon, gentleman, but on the contrary, the noble lord
disturbs the natural order of the business of the house, and
facilitates the course which the right hon. gentleman pro-
poses to take ; and when the whole country is expectant—
when this room is filled as it has seldom filled for years,
then the noble lord, having himself given a day to the
right hon. gentleman—having himself created the occa-
sion and framed the opportunity—then the noble lord, by
some mysterious and sinister means, as rapid and unex-
pected as that wire which now communicates from Bala-
klava to Downing-street, and which passes the gangway as
unseen as that wire passes the Black Sea and the Danube—
(langhter)—the desire of the noble lord comes from an un-
expected but influential quarter. And now, when we are
assembled to give an opinion upon these unsuccessful ne-
gotiations, the records of which have been lying for a
considerable period upon our table, and in reference to
which a privy councillor has given a notice to which the
noble lord has given precedence, then the noble lord rises,
and without the communication of any particulars, and
without any unequivocal statement that there is any
chance of negotiations being carried on, but by a vague
declaration, which he wonld have been justified in making
if there never were a more favourable prospect of bringing
affairs to a more happy conclusion, it is expected that, in
silence—without a murmur, and without a protest—this
great discussion should not occur. lam not aware what
course the right hon. gentleman the member for Manches-
ter is going to take ; but, judging from the remarkable
promptitude with which the noble lord who was going to
do him the honour to second his motion—Oarighter) —re-
sponded to what I have described as the most unreasonable
suggestion of the two right hon. gentleman the members
for Wiltshire and for the University of Oxford—judging
by that extraordinary promptitude, one is almost afraid
that the proposer as well as the seconder of the motion has
fallen into this position, which is much more convenient
than honourable to the individuals (hear) and to the Mi-
nisters. But, sir, is there nothing to consider in the matter
but the convenience of the Ministers? What is the
oountry to think of this exhibition ? (Hear hear.) The
country- will surely require some information, at least some
rational explanation why-, when negotiations have been
carried on until they have arrived at a termination of
failure, when their records have been placed upon the
table of Parliament, when a right hon,, gentleman has
given notice to ask the opinion of Parliament upon these
negotiations, when the Minister rises, and only rises to
facilitate that discussion, and yields the highest possible
favour to a private member of Parliament, viz., a Govern-
ment day, in order to take the opinion of Parliament—the
country will at least expect that the Minister should make
a declaration, clear, unequivocal, explicit, to show that we
are not trifled with under those circumstances. But if we
renounce, as a Parliament, one of the highest, one of the
most solemn duties a House of Commons can perform,
which is to express its opinion upon negotiations that have
failed in accomplishing their object or objects, let it be
shown that we have done it upon great and sufficient
Founds, and in a manner and spirit which, whatever may
"'tile condition of the Ministry or of their official or non-
,ointinaiirtupporters, will at least leave the House of Corn-
Cheer,.) a clear and honourable light before the country.
Lora
- l'A-131ERSTON—Sir, in reply to what has fallen
from the courserho
that the c 41 gentleman, lam prepared to maintain
hones
I have taken in regard to the pro-
oeedings of the
upr this matter has been uniform
and consistent. Th*ce
gentleman upon a former
occasion called upon megtot 111°°.
n the table of the house
the proceedings of the conference upon
would do so. I think the hoaaeof Vienna. I told him I
country were
entitled to have
rtihgobsteiplornoc. e;lnitnigesmiaati:tilii:t'phrieehasaenatlts..s?aTi;lotz
laegotia.tion.
proceedings the
rgetie•titest
unsuccessful or failing
ttbed
records of an
are the records of a negotiation conducted with the iv.' they
ability by my noble friend ; and if they have not
in a termination favourable to the objects of Peat
fault has not lain with the noblelortbl,ethfau the flan„ ,u as
mt, lain
with her Majesty 'e Government,
te
with our ally the Emperor of the French,
lain with our ally to a certain degreel may
say_
(laughter and cheers)—that is as far as
moral
political sentiment goes—(laughter) i say fault has
not lain with the Government of Austria, the
but the fault
has rested with the Government of Russia, to whom we are
°Pl''tel- But the right hon. gentleman then called upon
me to do that which he said had been done on similar oc-
cafearirvB_,_' to come down with a message from the Crown
beau ..n_.l_l7aillament approving of the course that had
geitZah.". what t was the answer I made to the right hen.
holm recollects that answer. It ref aped

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