The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-18 00:00:00

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e-ave so promptly declared in its favour. The great Aro?.
folk meeting en Tuesday,
and the coming meeting at
r tao
Yarmouth, are cheering symptoms. -
Attempts are made in some quarters to deter Liberals
as
on
fromby representing ti forward
the movement
t o prw o t e e
o,w administrativewhich ra
ay reform,be
turned to account by the Tory or Conservative leaders.
It is true that some of these gentlemen have been trying
to coquet with the administrative reformer,. It is truly,
laughable to mark the gingerly fashion in which they-
are seeking to grapple with the question. They arerea
enough to proclaim, in vague, general terms, tie urgent
need of administrative reform ; nay, they even go the
length of talking about the necessity of "putting the
right men in the right places." But they aro careful in
the extreme not to commit themselves to any definite or
practical plan for attaining the reform they profess to
desire. They join in the railing accusations that are
brought against the more prominent administrative re-
formers they deprecate associations as "revolutionary,,,
and levelled against the legitimate influence of the aris-
tocracy. They profess to desire the end, and yet labour
indefatigably to throw discredit on the means. Their
fear of substantial, effectual Administrative Reform is
too great to admit of their entering sufficiently into the
movement to do it any harm, or to turn it into an in.
strument for promoting individual and sinister ambitions.
Let us examine a little more closely the value of the
allegation that the Tories are taking up the question of
Administrative Reform. The movement for the attain,.
rent of this reform—like the movement which had in
view the repeal of the Corn Laws—has been begun by
men who do not aim at a political career. The active
politicians in this and every country are a comparatively
small number. All men have more or less a leaning to
one er the other side of politics— to the popular or the
absolutist. But with most men these leanings are sub-
ordinate to the cares of their special pursuits in life.
They are Contented from time to time to throw their
weight into the scale of that party of active
with whose professed principles they have most sym-
pathy. With the great hulk of society politics are more
a matter of sentiment than of definite opinion, nod hence
'eg
the facility with which we see men on enr tie es
lug fro one side to the other. On rare
occasions, how.c
ever, great and resin emergencies
ies rouse this generally
passive class to act for themselves, amid to
principles irrespective of party lea.dera At such
their
nsents, the!Shibboleths of party warfare, and ti
.he prestige
of party leaders, become utterly valusaaa
bold on their own resistless way regardless es" pe;ple
those parties to which they in rt'neral leave the inaann-agof
meet of public affairs. .At such times the cause —thee
principle which the public have at heart—is eur, ulti-
mately to be victorious. All the arts and cajolery
of mere party men cannot arrest its triumphant
pregra
• or make it subssrteent to their own a
fr-
grandiQement. The Administrative Reform move.
ment is essentially a liberal one, and can only
tend to strengthen and diffuse more widely libe-
ral principles. Self-seekers may take part !in it, and for
a time remain undetected, but their influence will en-
dure only so long as they really promise it ; when they
tern to promote their own miserable ends they will be
thrown aside and left behind. Let no true Liberal be
deterred from taking part in the movement by insinua-
tions that this or the other questionable character has
joined it from interested motives. The singleness of
purpose of the great masses who lend it strength is a
guarantee that the puny dexterity of individuals can-
not convert it into an instrument of evil. Let us wel-
come every ally ; let us give bun credit for sincerity and
honesty of purpose till he shows himself unworthy of it ;
and then let us leave him to his solitary shame, and the
rankling stings of detected and defeated hypocrisy.

( From the Morning Chronicle of this day. )
Lord Palmerston's reply to the question put by Sir
H. Willoughby, last evening, indicates a fixed resolu-
tion on the part of the Government to keep the country
in the dark on subjects which it esteems of the most
vital interest. There have been " informal" communi-
cations from Austria, through France, of a date subse-
quent to the last published protocol. But of what na-
tare they were—whetherindicating on part of the former
power a meditated treason to the engagements of Dec.
last, or only honest and justifiable efforts to reconnect
the broken threads of negotiation—not the slightest in-
formation is afforded. " Peace with honour, or war
with victory !" was the highsounding phrase with which
Lord Palmerston tickled the ears of the citizens on
Wednesday evening, but at present we seem as from the
one as from the other, although laborious efforts have
been made to arrive at both.

The readers of this' journal have long since been in-
formed of ' the true position of Lord John Russell, not
only as regards the question of peace or war, but also
towards his colleagues in the Ministry. In the same
sense that Lord Palmerston was placed at the bead of
affairs that, he might proclaim our resolve to prosecute
the wtr with vigour, Lord John Russell was sent to
Vienna to represent the ultimatum of the English na-
tion, neirly in the shape formularised by Lord Palmer-
ston—" Peace with honour, or war with victory." The
contents of the protocols recently published abundantly
attest, that we are; not premature or prejudiced in at-
tributing to the noble lord a demeanour at Vienna cal=
culated to compromise the honour of his country. The
conduct of Lord John Russell since his return certainly
goes far to confirm the view we then took, and to show
that he is actuated by any motive rather than true pa-
triotism. Is is possible that Lord Palmerston's silence
Is attributable to fear of his colleague 1
Loyd John Russell is not very famous for discretion.
The Earl of Aberdeen had to deplore certain spasmodic
fits of independence on the part of the noble lord,
which, if they did not actually imperil the administia-
tion, certainly rendered it ridiculous. Such a coadjutor
is dangerous even to a strong administration—how much
the more co to one not remarkable for symptoms of sta-
bility or longevity 1 It is quite impostible to say whwt
is the cause of thei phenomenon, but Lord ..T.br, 12...._
sell is et the present moment in that state of mind which
is popularly known as "the sulks." Perhaps be did
not figure with distinction enough at Vienna. Or, al-
though unable himself to sustain an administration, he
may at least be determined to show his power to destroy
the work of another Has he never yet forgiven the ill
turn Lord Palmerston did him in February, 1852 ? Is
he discontented at not having the leadership of the
House of Commons I Does he want to be War .Minis-

ter I Or, does he see that the political interests of tho
Whig party are identified with those of the commercial
classes, and does he therefore intrigue for peace ? The
list of possible causes of the noble lord's ill humour is

inexhaustible. Of the fact of his being in a more than
usually restive state, no one can doubt who has observed
his personal demeanour in the House of Commons, and
has connected it with his puhlio conduct during his stay
at Vienna and since his return.

Even at the Mansion-house dinner, Lord J, Russell
adopted a line of conduct very extraordinary in a Mini-
ster who took so marked a course iu favour of the war
during the Aberdeen Administration, and at the moment
when he resolved on its destruction. Lord Palmerston
at least so far met the public anxiety as to string toge-
ther a few pompous phriv,es on one topic connected with
tho war, and to conclude with the safe alternative maxim
to which we have already referred. But Lord John
Russell, as if to draw a tine of demarcation between him
and his chief, only entertained his audience with a tissue
of most unnecessary praises of the House of Commons.
When a little temporary applause was to be obtained in
the House of Commons by a clap-trap about the taking
of Sebastopol, the noble lord was not so chary, even
although his volunteered declaration might then be of a
nature seriously to embarrass the Administr•it;on, and
encourage the enemy by letting him know in advance
our tactics.

The reluc' ance of Lord Palmerston to permit any dis-
cussion in Parliament upon the great question of peace
or war, appears inexplicable, except upon the hypothesis
that he wished to avoid giyine• his restive colleague an
opportunity of betraying their-doinestic differences. So
good a tactician as Lord Palmerston has proved himself
to be during the political vicissitudes of many Years,
would scarcely have provoked public censures as he has
done, save for some very overpowering reason. This,
we fear, must be sought in the leanly; of Lord
1 John Russell towards a. peace not " with honour,".as
the only means of escaping a war without victory.
The atmosphere of Vienna has produced its effect on
the noble lord. He has there seen the true cha-
racter of Russian diplomacy, and the degree of reliance
that is to be placed on German promises. . He probably
dreads the effect upon the interests of his party, of a
war which he thinks must become unpopular as soon as
the pressure of its cost shall be really felt by the people.
The party which shall be the means of effecting a peace,t
be may think, will be the really oular one in hi.:
10p,,.; run, and the people will forget how hot they
uwii,lolnthweairr,svoivseitrieniggnonthose displeasurewh oathaa
engenders. Lord J. Russell may even honest y ft
rllethbeuteve
the active aid of Austria, ought to be regarded ded by irs' as
aainst
evils which
that a war by the two Western Powers, unsupported by
a war carried on by England single•han
it ruinouswould be
country as, by our increased burdens,
our rival. All
pro-
fitable to our immediate ally, so lately .
t with the proceed-
Europe, and that such a war would be as to this
these views would not be inconsistent
his . _
on the great ques-
silence and that of his colleagues.
tion of or war since his return.
cannot last. The inte-
rests of Lord J. Russells aft.
civilisedVienna,Eourrope,.rasiunt,gtolnaort
Such a state of things olearly
rests of this empire, nay. (. ..
of
oiefdienddievtiadtueasl,sneoirLTp:re•tane:a.n
nTiohsist
willw''r' be no peace
crisis to rule England is hbeutwbbo,will
there desire
embody and effectuate the national will. That will
ibbseests,teaetiiimficeefdertoseittons.ere
fit at the present
we believe to have been pronounced for war, not be.
ltemo,3fhththisemcouthriatrty
till the disturber of the world is silenced. F
present Administration it may be too From .the
much
large and enlightened views of theto expect
national interests.
Hitherto the history of Lord pal
causetb their instincts the
peo
has been embodied in one word—
merston's Government
the same time, let us fix the blame on At
If Lord Palmerston 'a delays ame on the real offender,
proceeded from a waist of and hesitations have not
front a fear of the intrigues respect for the public, but
sooner that fact is of ,otne of his colleagues, the
the coming discussions on madeknown the better. Fortunately
Grey and Mr. Milner 1:1 on the promised motions of Earl
of clearing this er Gibson will afford an opportunity
g up I, dar - and discreditable mystery.
M.

_—ARTLEBONE ELECTION FOR
CLOSE OF THE POLL.—The election of verstryom
H behnouse's
auditors for the parish of Marylebone,
undaefternoon, and
Aet, terminated at four o'clock yesterdayeede _
d to their
VESTRYIifEN.—FINaAnaL
the inspectors of votes immediate!
scrutiny at the Court House.,' At ten
declared to be as
the numbers at the Court-117se
follows :—For the List of tohid,
propo.cd by General 8a,2-,n
the Independent Association,t Ratepayers' Association,_
1,774 ; for the List of
ytepnrOclock last night
proposed by Mr. Clement
Yreseive.
_dw_rith,l94oild applause by
majority for General Bagnold's List, 90.
George, 1,684 ; i
_-11..4115°."414 _ _
. i TthheefllinennodusnocferheelunLiercrin,•ans