The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-28 00:00:00

THE WAR, THE CABINET, AND THE

COUNTRY.

(From the Dispatch.)
At Exeter-hall (region of congenial cant !) a fierce lec-
ture of recommendation of peace has been delivered. Mr.
George Thompson, as "judicious bottle-holder," sat be-
hind, to pull the wires, the pacific pugnacity of Quaker.
ism being rather at a discount. A resolution was moved
condemnatory of the war ; an amendment was hoisted on
its baek, advocating a vigorous prosecution of the cam-
paign—the amendment was hitched off and the peace
motion carried. The audience was large. The chairman
of Mr, Laing's election committee procured from his con-
stituents a declaration that they condemned his cowardly
counsels—on the member presenting himself to his con-
- stituents, they passed a resolution approving of his Par-
liamentary conduct, " while reserving their own views on
the subject of the war." Now, it is high time electors
and audiences of paid peace prosers should be Assured this
sneaking and grotesque stultification will not do. The war
is the one object of real import to the condition and
destinies of the nation. In one year we have spent about
a hundred millions on its prosecution. Our honour, t e
lives of hundreds of thousands of our citizens, an e nor-
mous amount of treasure, and a fearful load of
moralore-
sponsibility,bserved are involved in the issue.
Mr. Laing himself, "was an enormous evil, and itli.Te-
hoved every man to know whether the objects to
gained were sufficient to justify the enormous outlay and
• effusion of blood. When we are making those sacrifices
we ought to have a clear idea of what we are really
fighting fur, -and see how far these objects have been
attained." The speech of the member was a truculent_
diatribe against the war policy—it was applauded by the
constituents to the echo ; and the ceremony (peculiarly
Caledonian), of "claw me, claw thee," was wound up
with a bold and manful resolution that the community of
Kirkwall had their own opinions of the war—that they de-
clined to say whether they approved of ."Sr. Laing's or not
—but that, excepting on the only topic of any itorentaece
or significancy whatever; about which they held no opi-
nions, they approved entirely of their member. Why thi
like Milner Gibson 'e joke about the Aberdeen Cabinet,
when he observedethat except on the subject of
• they were a united Ministry. • We do not want "Exeter
Haliery "to agree with us—we do not even particularly
desire that we should agree with the hyperborean sagacity
of the Bolan geese of Laing-don—albeit Wick appears to
be burning down to the socket, and going out with a
strong stink of Russian tallow ; but what the country,
the press, the Ministry, have a right to demand of ad
constituencies is, that they shall make up their minds
on the one engrossing, exclusive question of the day—,
that they shall. leave their members in no doubt as
to their convictions—that they shall not, deliberately
• and with .their eyes !open, send a man to Parliament,
to vote against, intrigue against, turn out a War
Ministry, if they themselves are in favour of the war—
that it they are in favour of peace, they will riot
mislead Ministers into the idea that their member
does not represent their opinions—and that, above all,
they will not commit the execrable folly of thinking
it a matter of perfect indifference that, on a point involv-
ing the very life of the nation, it is of no consequence
whether their representative agrees with or differs from
them. Nay, we go further, and add, that it is unjust to
Austria and cruel to Russia to do so. While they are
led to hope that public opinion in England wavers on the
subject of the war—that our representative institutions
may enable corrupt members to cheat the nation out of
its character and opinions—that faction may -overrule
public opinion to the effect of swindling us into a Peace
Ministry, Hapsburgh will continue to bamboozle our
treacherous plenipotentiaries, and Romanoff to assail our
armies and our fleets. If, on the other hand, the people
hold no strong conviction on the subject—if this be not
a people's and a nation's quarrel—if in short, they would
sooner submit to a paltry truce than part with a jobbing
Member who Prefers railway contracts and Austrian con•
cessions to the honour and interests of the country, then
let them honestly say so, and make Gladstone Prime
Minister. But let no favour of personal friendship, and
no consideration of general services, stand betwixt their
members and their duty to truth and to the country.
Be just, and fear not.
We nought can toe,
If England to herself be true.
On vital questions members are but delegates—on those
of war, foreign nations only know the convictions of
the country through the votes of its members. If these
are opposed to those,'at whatever sacrifice of feelin' or
respect, the course of the electors is clear :
Cassio, I love thee,
Bat never more be officer of mine.
It is no excuse fora representative differing from hie con-
stituents, that the difference is conscientious and earnest.
•
The deeper the source.of antipathy the moreenergetic will
be the course of practical antagonism. It is surely not for I
Mr. Laing, who has wheeled right round after a vieir, to
. Vienna and the acceptance of an Austrian concession, to
depreciate Lord Palmerston's consistency, or to declare
his confidence in Lord John Russell just for his posses-
" sion of those qualities which he has notoriously set at
hought; having, indeed, changed oftener, more &lame-
trically, more unaccountably, and more recently then
any public roan except Mr. Laing himself. It is. per-
hap, a work of supererogation to examine the elements
of the Kirkwall speeches. When Mr. `dearth assures us
that he and those precious transatlantic'Republicans who
talk so loudly Of being the eirancipritoreof king oppreie ed,
peoples, -while they are at this moment the close itonf,,dc..
rates of-Russia, are of opinion-that we would "have got
• asnateolt-ley negotiation as in the end-we might get by war,
it is enocgh to auswer that no mere negotiation cellad se-
cure the circumscription of Russian Power, theinunillati, rr
of-the aggressive arrogance of the Czar—the demonstra-
tion, essential to the peace of Europe, that England ate'
France are his masters—the proof to the Russians that tire
constables, the police, the bearers of the sword of the mice i-
strati) in. Europe, are. too strong forswindlers, pickpock*
Austrian receivers, and I?,uesien burglars. When Mr.
' Laing, with easy and impudent effrontery, asserts that,
after a single year of warfare, Rassia, did accept the
Four Points in principle, and that the five Pleniperen-
tariee agreed to a resolution for the limitation of the
Russian power in tha Black Sea, he at once furnishes a ,
triumphant justification of the war which he condem es,
and advances a proposition which is notoriously la lee. !
The German Powers,
,from the beginning, negot,ated
only on this principle—•" Heads, Russia wine ; tails, I Le •
Allies lose." Russia, from the beginning until hoe, re-
, fused either to reduce her army, dismantle Sebastoeel,
or diminish its navy, by a single ton or gun. Germeny
• declined to make that •refusal a resits belli, while she
caliet on us to make peace with Russia, notevithstaed-
iug her rejection of the conditions presented to her by
the plenipotentiaries. Because we will not degrade our
quarrel to the pettifogging quirks of a special pleader--
because we disdain to recognise the paltriness of a sell!
which labels and numbers the cause of Europe, of the
human race, divides it into eighths like the stock id' a
• share-broker, and talks of " three and a half points"
being satisfactorily settled"—because, having been
forced into war after measureless provocation and
scarcely dignified forbearance, we will not, after
an enormous expense in men and money, give up
the contest, without any redress cr. equivalent;
whenever a faithless and arrogant enemy, findieg
we are too many for him, chooses to mock us with
the form of redresS, without any substance of
retribution or security—a scandalous traitor to his trust,
to the people and to his country, presumes, with nia?cli-
lees effrontery, to arraign this Christian nation with the
indulgence of the worst passions, and of incurring the
awful responsibility of war for the gratification of tte
combativeness of our animal nature. So may the t'ilief
say when the the hangman peele his back to thrash id:e-
flees and petty larceny out of him ; or the bloo-Faiiit
eyed parricide when, from the awful bench of public
safety, the judge orders him off to the dungeon to be
transferred to the gallows. In sorrow, far more than
in anger, do we pursue the huge State criminal of
Russia to the righteous doom of offenders against
the human race—in sorrow that wretched worm of the
dust, " drest in a little brief authority," shou'al, i)y
the weakness, ignorance and barbarity of subject:,
have the power to " play such fantastic tricks bebire
high. Heaven" as to put back the progress of Europe, and
make countless thousands mourn. But—it is written
—his doomed is sealed—the finger of Providence may be
manifestly seen pointing at the crouching victim of its
awful but infallible sentence. Let our countrymen mark
the relative condition of the belligerents. The people of
France offer to lend to their Emperor far more than he
needs or will accept to carry on the war. Their h:rr-
veet is of unexampled abundance. We want five millions
for the Turks—thirty millions are offered, arid COTIFOIA
are about 91. Our own crops are of more than average
excellence, and the prices of food fall. The United States
have already gathered in a larger harvest than they ever
before secured. The cereal -.produce of Russia has
miserably failed. Her commerce is annihilated. Levy
after levy of her choicest population has drained her
serf-estates, and her troops have miserably perNfred
of disease, defeat, disaster, forced marches, and pes-
tilential encampments.- She has been ignominoredy
thrashed in every encounter—nothing has occurred chir-
ing the whole war but failure, havoc and rout, until her
soldiers and even her officers have to be made mad with
fiery rye whisky before they can "screw their courage
to the sticking place " of a fresh encounter. Yet renewed
attacks are an obvious necessity of her desperate comii-
tion, because she daily makes her assaults at a greater
disadvantage and very plainly, solely because, unless she
achieves immediate relief, she sees nothing before her
but submission, It is but yesterday that 3,000 attacked
a small force in our trenches and ran away in ten mi-
nutes without disabling so much as a sergeant's guard.
The garrison of Sebastopol is already reduced to lia:f •
rations, and it is whispered to us by' persons who should
know, that it is notat all unlikely the enemy will actually
.be starved out within a fortnight, The French are
already within 200 hundred feet of the Malakhoff
Tower, the key of the enemy's position. An enornione
destruction of warlike stores, essential to the conduct of
the war in the Crimea, has been effected in the Sea of
Azofrand along the coast of the Euxine. The exper:merr-
tal bombardment of Sebastopol has recommenced under
very encouraging circumstances, the vertical firing effect-
ing very serious destruction. Although the bombardment
Gf Sweaborg has done little injury
yto th t
foorttihfiecaitni
injury
its effect upon the enemy is really similar
which would have been inflicted on us had the whole of
the contents of the dockyards at Plymouth ann the mu- ,
tarnents in the Tower been consigned to the flames. The
victory of the Sardinians arid French on the Tchernaya
is described by General Simpson to be equal to an Alma
and Inkerman combined. The odds against the allies
were three to one ; not feWer than 10,000 Russian;
under Liprandi and their commander-in-chief have been
placed hors de combat in one way or another; 60,000
seasoned troopse have retreated, after three hours' figl'r.
ing with less "than` 20,00(7, rmne of the latterßritish ; and
above all, Italians have borne the brunt of the fight„
proved themselves equal to the best troops in the world,
proclaimed to Italy its strength, the old Roman:
spirit that still lurk beneath the euperincumbent mass of

lazy and cowed love of creature comfort and fat ease, and
demonstrated to Austria that the day on which she
shall provoke France and England to send the fiery
cross among distressed nationalities, the Italians will
cope on equal terms with the most disciplined coherts of
legitimacy. Alarmed at the success of La Marmora, it is
rumoured that Austria is about to leave the Principali-
ties, and that Omar Pacha, with the flower of the Turk-
ish army, and flanked by a French and English contin-
gent, will be made room for, there to carry the invasion
into the Russian frontier by the significant permission of
Germany, so as to force the war to a conclusion. Here
is our present stand—these are our future prospects—
who that has the spirit of a free man would talk of
patching up a peace ? Who that has the soul of an Eng-
lishman would condescend to negotiation, or degrade the
exalted attitude of his country to the sordid chicane of
paper protocolling and logomachy of obfuscated plenipo-
tentiaries ?

AUSTRIA AND NAPLES.

( From the Daily News of this day.)
An Austrian fleet has cast anchor in the Bay of
Naples. Two Austrian ships of war—one a steamer—
are riding off Castellamare : and four—two of them
steamers—are in the harbour of Naples. This is the
sequel of the remonstrance addressed by the Austrian
Government to the King of Naples, on the error of his
ways, to which we called attention on the lth instant.
The present.state of Italy has rendered Austria fidgetty
and apprehensive. Hence it comes that she is increas-
ing her military force in Lombardy and the Venetian,
territories, to prevent any rising there, and to he in
readiness to- suppress risings in any other Italian State.
And hence it comes that a fleet is sent to tie up the
hands of her crazy protege, the King of Naples, who
seems beent upon provoking insurrections in his terri-
tories. The friendly controllers of the madman who is
now giving free scope W his fantastic humours in the
kingdom of the Two Sicilies, have not arrived a mo-
ment too soon. From insulting and maltreating private
individuals—natives and foreigners—his creatures have
proceeded to provoke collisions with Governments ; and
their first insult of this kind has been directed against
the senior attaché of the British embassy at Naples, It
will require all the "soft sawder" of Lord John Russell's
friends at Vienna to prevail upon King Bornba to make
such an amende honorable as it will be consistent with
the dignity of the British Government to accept.
It is not without cause that the Austrian Government
views with anxiety the present aspect of affairs in Italy.
Such politicians as are not in the habit of allowing the
newest novelty to efface all remembrance of preceding
events will recollect what was the state of public opinion
in Italy when Pio Nono ascended the Papal throne.
The practical reformers who, at the instigation of
Balbo, Gioberti, and D'Azeglio, had emancipated them-
selves from the secret associations were busily at work,
seeking to effect such ameliorations, social and political,
as were attainable under the existing Governments,
The simultaneous adoption of a more liberal policy by
the Governments of Piedmont, Rome, and Tuscany,
imparted a national character to the isolated efforts of
the practical reformers in these states, and indeed
throughout Italy. The instinct of the people taught
them truly that so long as foreign influence predomi-
nated in Italy nothing could be accomplished, and
hence the idea of an Italian League, or Confederation.
Insurrections in Lombardy and the Neapolitan domi-
nions accelerated the march of events. Italy found
itself involved in a war with the foreigner before any
confederation of its principal states could be formed,
and whilst hostilities were actually in progress be-
tween Sicily and Naples. The only Italian Govern-
inent that stood true to the cause of Italy was that of
Piedmont, which was betrayed and deserted by the other
Princes of the Peninsula, and thwarted and hampered
by the bulk of the extreme lib erals. Austria triumphed,
and the cause of Italian unity and independence was for
the time stricken down,
But this reverse has had, at least, the good effect of
materially simplifying the politics of the Peninsula.
They who dreamed of a Federal Italy were divided be-
tween the claims of the Pope and of the King of Sar-
dinia to be President of tho Cmfederation. The course
pursued by Pio Nono—in accordance with the views of
the Sacred College of Cardinals—has put the former out
of the question. The Roman Government, when it
placed itself under the protection of the ultramontane
powers, and declared that the independence and good
government of Italy was as dust in the balance when
weighed against the perpetuation of priestly misrule,
taught every Italian that the continuance of the secular
power of the Popes was incompatible with the liberty
and good government of his country. Again, the false-
hood and chicanery by which the Governments of Rome
Tuscany, Naples, and the minor principalities sacrificed
the cause of Italy rather than run the risk of seeing
Piedmont aggrandised, showedwhat had already been
proved by the history of the Germanic Confederation—that
1 free institutions and national independence are anatt lin-
able under a confederation of princes. A federal republic
under certain social conditions is possible, as we see in Am e-
rica, because all officials, state and federal, are elected by
and responsible to, the people. But in it confederation
of monarchies, either the central Government must be
nominated by the princes, and become their mere instru-
ment, or it must be nominated by the people, and be
continually thwarted and paralysed by the powers re-
served to themselves by the sovereigns. Lastly, the
miserable failure of the extreme Liberals in Italy, after
Piedmont had been driven front the field, has proved to
sill the rea,mnable and honest adherents of republican
opinions, that mere abstiact principles, however plan.
t.ible, arid popular enthusiasm, however pure and. de-
voted, are unavailing against the standing armies of the
foreigner,.unless there be sotnevvhere the framework of a
disciplined Italian army, into which the now levies of
volunteers and extempore soldiers may be incorporated.
These important lessons have been taken to heart by the
heeler of the Italian people-Lthe educated middle and
upper cle,se.s—and will not be forgotten when the time
comes again for asserting Italian unity and independeoce.
And that time will assuredly come. With the single
exception of Piedmont, the most intolerable nii,rule
pervades every Italian state; and the Italians know
that but for Austria this misrule would be impossible.
In Lombardy and the Venetian territories Austria
tyrinnises directly ; in the Two Sicilies she upholds
tattering throne of the Bourbon's ; in the States
of the .Church the near proximity of her armies
and her insidious counsels encourage the combined
arrogance and effeminacy of the dominant priesthood ;
and in Tuscany and the minor dukedoms the nominal
sovereigns are the mere prefects of Atrria. It is im-
possible to foresee what form the first renewal of the
struggle for liberty and good government in Italy will
assume, .when it will c one, or whether it will extend
over the whole of the Peninsula or be confined to a part
of it. But 'oppressors and oppressed, and foreigners
looking on at a distance, are all equally impressed with
the conviction that come it must, and that ere long.
Hence the sleepless jealousies of Austria. She feels that
'he blow is impending, but knows not when or whence
it may reach her. Like other malefactors she startles
at the rustling of every leaf. Now, it is the nomination
of Garibaldi to the command of a Sardinian vessel ; now
it is the raising of an Italian Legion for the service. of
England in Sardinia; now it is some word dropped in
the English Parliament by a minister or by a private
member. Her prying curiosity is unable to detect the
immediate sources of danger; but her incessant suspi-
CiOnt, goad her to acts of oppression, which will of them-
selves bring about that armed insurrection against her
alien authority in Italy, of which she stands in constant
dread. ,

gABORG AND CBARLES NAPIER.

(From the Examiner.)
It. is perfectly clear that the destruction of Sweaborg
,was effeeted by means of mortars. The range of these
powerful instruments of destruction being upwards of
3,C00 yards— considerably greater than that of the guns
in the Sweaborg 'batteries—the assailants carried on
their principal operations in as complete safety as if
they had been practising against the butts at Woolwich.
The crews of the boats had in'leed their ears deafened,
and in some instances their voices and chests injured, by
the tremendous concussion to which they were exposed
from the constant discharges of their mortars in such
close proxiMity ; but tha Russians hail as good a chance
4if ' bringing down a sea-gull as one of their enemies by
a 32-pounder, and the probability of hitting by a shell
so small an object as a mortar-boat, at the range of
nearly two miles, is almost too remote for calculation.
Tt is clear, then, that without mortars it 'was not po-
sible for Sir Charles Napier to effect what by their aid
alone Admiral Dundas has been able to accomplish. Arid
it is a significant fact, to which we have more than once
directed attention, that there was not a single mortar on
beard the Baltic fleet last year.
The charge against Sir Charles Napier is therefore re-
duced.tu this, that he ought to have taken care not to
be unprovided with a proper supply of this kind of artil-
lery. But, or. the otherhan may it not be assuming a
litile too much to take fordgrantedpertfheacttlySirweClihawrilleast,
when he took the command knew ,
sort of a sea,'aNd what sort of a coast, and what sort of
harbours and forts those of the Baltic were ? We are
uiuclitothe discreditnolfadoeurn
'cli(•lumisie-
far from certain that he knew anything of this. Ile had
not, we , believe, r his captains, ever before
irna 1
thety )
Ih3aa(ittiaonTand the northern coasts of that sea are
(h(nor
so unlike all others, that without personal inspection
their .peculiarities can with difficulty be understood.
Was it not, also, at least as much the business of Sir
.Jamea Graham and the Admiralty as of Sir Charles
what sort of sea the Baltic is, and what,
Napierto know
well as the magnitudeoft
the 11 ce For the quality, as
sort of ports and harbours it contains ?
primarily responsible be no doubt that the Admiralty is
information are
which it entruststo the command of an admiral, there can
and we know that means of obtaining . .
this case that both not possibly command.' Assuming in
always open to a Government which. an individual can-
not
ni
were ignorant, .there cannot be a question where the
heaviest responsibility should fall. Did Lord Aberdeen's
Government call upon the English consuls and vice-co
suls scattered along the coasts of the Baltic for reports
touching the state of the Russian fortresses and defences?

Did the; communicate these reports to Sir Chas. Napier?
Was the Admiralty aware that Sweden always keeps on
foot a large fleet of gun-boats, and looks upon them as
the only vessels available for the defence of her northern
coasts ? The Government, it is certain, possessed facili•
ties for obtaining every necessary information of this
kicd, and it was plainly their duty to put such into re-
cf,isition. We are no champions of Admiral Napier.
We can perfectly conceive his removal to have been jus-
tified by other causes than those he is most eager himself
to put forward ; we hold his style of letter- writing for be
neither dignified nor manly; but the country ought not
to permit the heavy blame of having despatched into the
Baltic a force insufficient for the Service it was sent to
Co discharge to be shifted from Sir James Graham's to
Sii- Charles Napier's shoulders. As to making requis.-
tions.for mortars after he had arrived in the Baltic—this j
he appears to have done ; but it was then of course too