The National Register.
London, England, 1809-05-07 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL REGISTER.

MAY 7.

insport:►.ncew could possibly be subeiitted 10 the consideration
of Parliament. There could he no denying but that it was the
opinion throughout the country, that men obtained seats in that
Iloa,e by improper war's. It therefore became the duty of the
Mouse to prove that this opinion was a mistaken one, if such
were the case; but if the opinion was a true one, as he believed
it was, then he thought it was their paramount duty to remove
the abuse of hick the country so justly complained. The Right
Hun. Gentleman (Mr. Perceval), had ctrtainly not found in the
expression of the public opinion any thing particularly hostile to
hint, or very complimentary to the lion. Gentlemen who sat be-
low hint. (liere the lion. Gentlemakalluded to the Members
of the Old Opposition), He therefore thought it would be a
very mistaken fortitede for that Right lion. Gentleman to stick
to what he could not justify or defend. lie might agree with
some persons that it might he dangerous at the present time to
take out a stone from the fabric of the Constitution, but he
thought it presumptuous to say, we would not strengthen its
foundation, There was a great fund ofgood sense in thc people of
this country, and the) would not long be made the dupes of ar-
tifice or clamour; and the Right Hon. Gentleman might be con-
vinced, that if a proper attention was paid to their reasonable
complaints, they would be satisfied. As the Right Hun. (len-
lletnatt (Mr. Perceval) had promised to support a clause which
was similar to the present motion, he would be very glad indeed
that he would take this motion into his own hands. It could not
come with more propriety from any other quarter; and if such
4 measure proceeded from his Majesty's Ministers, it would go a
great way to conciliate the affections of the people, and their
respect for that House, it had appeared that one mercan-
tile house was possessed of four seats, and nobody could
suppose a commercial house would give 2Q,000t. for those seats
unless for their own private advantage. Indeed he believed he
might take it as a thing, gonerallv granted, that such abuses did
in fact exist; and therefore the .House was bound to vote for a
motion that they should he removed. lie had the authority
0F one who had the most know ledge with respect to the Cons
stitution of Parliaments (we believe ho alluded to Sir William
Blackstone), to say, " It would be much better that the oath
was taken by the elected than by the electors." if this were done,
he believed it would go near to cutting up this species of bri-
bery by Ole routs; for he never could bring himself to believe
that any gentleman of that fortune, rank in life, and cultiyated
wducation, necessary to qualify him fur a seat in that fliuse,
would deliberately take a false oath, for any advantage he could
hope from obtaining a seat in Parliament, He also wished' to
extend the bribery laws to offences committed after the election
as well- as before it; for he knew that corruption had gone to
such extent among many of the electors, that they never consi-
dered their right of voting as a trust for the public goodl but as
a private property, that they had a right tq dispose of- for their
own advantage. Many of them who would be sheeted at the
idea of receiving a direct bribe to induce theta to vote, still ex-
pected some compensation after the election was overt It
kad been voted by at former House, that the influence of the
Crown " had increased, was increasing, and ought to be di-
minished." This induence had, however, continued to increa,e
in an alarming degree since that time, by the immense
increase of the army, navy, and revenue officers, which
added so far to the influence of the Crown and the pa-
tronage of Ministers, that if they required being jealously
watched in former times, they required much stronger
guards now, or else they might completely overbear the inde-
pendence of the legislative body. Besides the increasing pre-
ponderance of the Ministers, there was another preponderating
influence now exerted in the House of Commons. lie neither
wished to depreciate commerce or commercial men, but still he
thought the landed interest should preponderate over the monied
intere:t in the House of Commons. The lauded Gentlemen were
attached to the country by a common interest ; girt it often hap-
pened that the speculations of commercial men might be in oa-
position to the interest of the country. Landed Gentlemen probably
would not, though many individual merchants might, recommend
the most expensive and burdensome wars, for the sake of securing
40 unjust monopoly, There were many abuses which the Country
might justly complain of, and if Ministers would redress them
they would he doing an incalculable service to the country, by
bringing back the confidence and affections of the people to its
public men. W hen they saw pensions of 9001. per annum granted
to persons of the highest 'rank, it was enough to make people
indignant, %%Filen every cottager in the country was obliged to
maintain his own children, it was too much that they should he
:axed to the maintenance of the children of the rich and great.
They did believe that these things were only dose to support

293

an infamous borough-monger ”stem. FLeere were taxes
also which ought to be taken away; such as the dog-tax,
and the taxing as grooms the servants of farmers. The salt tax
ought also to he much lightened ; and this v 4 as a relief which
Mr. Pitt had given notice of the last Session that he sat in that
House. Any thing which could be done to win theaffections-of
the people, would multiply in a great degree the, resources of
the country, aad thew to Bonaparte that it was not merely 011 r
army and navy that he had to contend with, but the whole col•
lected force of an united people, After npologiaiag for
digressing somewhat from the object ;tithe Motion of which he
had given notice, he concluded by moving " for !rave to bring
in a Bill for securing the independence and purity of Parliattent,
by preventing the obtainink seats by improper means, and also
to extend the laws respecting bribery."
Mr. ilibbert seconded the Alotiou.

Mr. ‘Vindham said, he had no doubt hut the house Wllll
in; and desirous to receive and discuss every question in a cause
which ought to he heard; but here'might he instances in which
a party ought not to be heard at all—instances in which, as in
the Courts of Law, the Plaintiff should be nonsuited. This was
peculiarly the case with respect to Parliamentary Reform, in
which 19 in twenty, or perhaps 900 in a thousand, held such
different, wild, nod extravagant eci; ions, that it was impossible
any man could form a just or fair !•viaion of what they would
be at. It seemed to him that the particular object which
his lion. Friend meant to correct by his proposed Bill, was to
lessen the influence of the monied interest, and to increase that
of the landed inte.rest. Before he adverted to the first or last
object, he thought this Motion ought to be rejected in the very
first instance. They Isere then at issue, hat on point
of theory, but of fact—would that measure satisfy the people ?
Among the various plans which had heretofore appeared of
Parliamentary Reform, that of universal suffrage was the most
predominant. The monied interest might then ,orty, is very
well for you who have lauded property, hut it wont do for us ;
other objections would be raised by thoe who had neither mo-
ney nor lands, and it would eventually turn ont just as the
French Revolution had done. The Bill, it appeared, went
to do away boroughsmonsering and corruption ; would it do
away the influence of property? When men lay down prin-
ciples they ought to be able to explain them. If his Hon.
Friend had a greater fortune, he would of course have more in-
terest than a forty shilling freehobler. Ile had inadvert-
ently acted contrary to the provision of an Act of Par-
liament on the subject, and he had thereby lost his seat. Was
not this guarding iigainst even the shadow of corruption? One
set of reformers say, We will go so far; another set says You
shall go farther: so that, once permitted to begin, there was ro
knowiox where, or at what they would stop. hits Hon. Friend
had doubtless proper sympathies, but he could not expect others
to have the saute. If oleo took bribes, it was not a corruption
of that House, but co-extensive w ith the people itself, so-eval
with the Constitution; such corruptions existed in times when
the country was the inost prosperous and the best governed, and
therefore, unless his Hon. Friend could shew that the country
was now worse than it had ever been, he would nut consent to a
change, If once we began, we could never stop, and if we once
made a change to please the people, they w uuld go on; they
would never know when they had enough ; and therefore he
would oppose the general principle of Reform. There were
two periods which the House ought to keep in remembrance;
the American war and the French Revolution. The former
might in some degree be forgotten, but we had still the benefit of
the French revolution fresh in our memory, and could not but
recollect the manner in which the Revolutionists had effected
their purposes. Parliamentary Reform was of this same east
and character; and it was blindness, infatuation and madness in
the people, to think of relieving themselves by pulling the Go-
vernment to pieces.

Lord Folkstone said, the Right Honourable the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer had lately introduced a Bill to pre-
vent trafficking in places. He ( Lord Folkestope) had stated
that at the Treasury there es isted a market, where a traffic was
carried on for seats in that House, ;And that in consequence
tiereof persons came into that I louze he'ind to vole as they were
ordered. There was at that zomeat an appearance on the other
side of the House, as if they meant to deny the fact; but on its
hein mare roundly asterten by an Hon. Friend of his not then
in the House (Mr. C reeve y ) Ministers reverted to recrimination.
He (Lord Folkestone) then declared !Fiat he would move a
clause on this sul!i,•et, to he •I'flocl to the Bill; but upon Mr.
Curwen's givivg notice of this n*otieu, he gave up the idea of
introducing tbut clause. His Right Hon. Friend who spilt

MAY 7. THE NATIONAL
Lnporiancew Weil could possibly be suboiitted to the consideration an
of Parliament. There could he no denying but that it was the all
opinion throughout the country, that men obtained seats in that an
Ifoase by improper watts. It therefore became the duty of the ou
mouse to prove that this opinion was a mistaken one, if such MI
were tote case; but if the opinion was a true one, as he believed Hi
it was, then he thought it was their paramount duty to remove the
the abuse .f w hick the country so justly complained. The Right ihi
Mu. Gentleman (Mr. Perceval), had certainly not found in the ail
1 expression of the public opini.on any thing particularly hostile to 1
,_ec
him, or very complimentary to the Hon. Gentlemen who sat be- di;
low him. Otero the Finn_ Cfmfintirsnia n1i..A....1 •... •k... k1_...1.__. is..