The National Register.
London, England, 1815-01-29 00:00:00

( From a Correspandent.)

Still let us hope that we may avail ourselves of those relations
which ale described ar " most binding amongst men," and behold
reality given to the picture drawn by the eloyient Gibbon. of the
Itomon colonies. 44 Their partial distioletions were obliterated, and
they incessantly coalesced into one great nation. united by language,
malmers. and civil institutions, and equal to the weight of a power.
ful empire, Tile Republic gloried in her generous pnliey. and was
Pegileidly rewarded by the merit and the services of her adopted
bow."

" Domestic peace and union were the natural consequence.% of
the mmkt :sty a►rrl et)mptebeil.i ye t►oliey e►nhraced by the Rowans."
- ( linyhce M Tolleyrinue.s 11.1cntoir ea the United States and Colonies,
roysi at lie National Institute.)

IUESPECTFULLY ADD REssED TO HIS ROYAL !UGLINESS
' THE PRINCE it F. ENT.
" The barrier of prejudice is shaken, and the spirit of mo-
nopoly is rapidly giving way to juster principles of trade."
Such were the wo, ds of the eloquent Lord Irenville, in his
speech on the late India Bid, and such are the ideas we en-
tertain u to the approaching revolution in the great princi-
ples of colonial policy.
It should he recollected, that the loss of the (now) United
States arose from this " Wilier of prejudice, ibis spirit of
nionopedv."
Whether in defiance of the mass of prjraii-e thzt has hi-
therto clouded our intellect, contracted our best affections,
aid injured, most essentially injured, our most important in-
terests or not, remains to be proved ; but, at all events, there
are strong symptoms either of a disposition having already
arisen, or being about to arise, which will at last enable the
British Government to avail 'itself of the in sense resources
of the more distant branches of the British Empire.
•In our paler of the 15th January, we alluded to the Cape
of Goad Hope, and attempted to give an outline of the con-
siderable benefi,s it had derived under the administration of
its Government by Sir J. Cradock.
That Governor really appears in the tight of a " rara axis"
—a sort of phenomenon in colonial government. Like the
saviour of India; we apprehend that he either must have burst
the fetters of his instructions and have given full scope to
-the judichtp: suggestions of an intelligent head. and the best
feelings f a generous heart; nr was fortunate in having acted
under men who were willing to leave it to him to chuse the
mode of conduct most proper fort the government, with the
'trusted. But an enquiry
sy he acquired the power
and bitnsclfso,inueh ho-

t9.#

nour, is useless. For us and for him it is sufficient. 'hat .:,00d
and honour have resulted from his acts, and that he has been
the first Colonial Governor that has dared to break the bar-
rier raised by prejudice, and sustained by selfishness, the two
great sources of human misery.
The services of Sir J. Cradock were of no ordinary me-
rit. lie has opened new channels of trade, new vents for
manufacture ; he has made some progress in the great work
of cleansing the Aegean stable of the law, by throwing open
the doors of the Courts; he has endeavoured to abolish tor-
ture ; in short, he has sought to make the erection of the
British standard, a signal for the annihilation of oppression,
and the approach of genuine liberty. But Sir J. Cradock
has done still more : he has been the means of convincing
his Maj,sty's Government, that it is possible the interest of
the colony and the metropolis may 'be identified, and that they
are co-existent.

Sir J: Cradock,' we repeat, has given them a practical
commentary on the theory of M. de Talleyraud, that " there
should be no domination, no monopoly ; always the force
which protects; never that which oppresses ; justice, kind
offices ; these arc the true calculations for States, as well as
individuals ; these arc the true sources of reciprocal prospe-
rity. In short, experience and reason unite in rejection of
those pusillanimous doctrines, which suppose a Loss where-
ever them' has been made a GAIN. The true principhs tr=
con:mu-cc are the opposite of these prtjudiccs. They pros
mise to all people mutual advantages, and they invite them
to enrich themselves mutually by the exchange of their pro-
ductions., by liberal and amicable communications and by
the useful arts of peace."
It should seem that in consequence of convictions, natu-
rally arising from the truth and justice of this theory, 'the
duty on the wines produced at the Cape of Good tiope
have been reduced, and in so great a degree as to afford. the
.most reasonable expectation that in a few years we shall
be able to draw all our table wines, and possibly others of
a superior quality (for there is no knowing how far the im-
provement of the 'culture of the grape may be cart ied) from
the itish colonies—thus keeping the capital of the country
to enrich our own subjects rather than those of other States.
Tbis 'is one among the many objects of commerce that Sit
J. Cradock has offered for the benefit of the British mer-
chant. Numerous and valuable as are the other sources of
commercial gain, and, in the instance of the whale fishery,
of national strength, it would here be irrelaveut to go into
detail's, particularly as so copious and instructive an accoubt
has been furnished by Mr. Fisher in his pamphlet on' the
importance of the Cape.
Let us contemplate Sir J. Cradock leaving the shore,
of the " broad Tagus," the command of the 13i Irish ttriops,
and the direction of its efforts to expel the ruthless inva-
der quitting tills scene, which enabled the illustrious
Wellington and his gallant baud to reap such a harvest
of glory., in order to pursue a citver 'of' honour and 'use-
fulness in a distant settlement, and lay the corner stone
of a new and beneficial sys'em of colonial policy—of a po
licy, the memory of which will be ever present, because
ever advantageons—of akolicy, in the benefits of which the

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