The National Register.
London, England, 1817-02-03 00:00:00

'Or 0

No. 469.—V0t. X.

Utual 33tographp:

HemoirBofthepresentJtedges.

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
SIR WILLIAM GRANT,

MASTER OF THE ROLLS.
( Concluded from our lost.)
—lo.

ON the occasion of the impeachment of Mr. Hastings,
it became a question, whether that proceeding abated
by the dissolution of the House. The most popular
lawyer, Mr. Erskine, with many others, argued that it
did abate. Mr. GRANT, Mr. A nstruther, and Mr.. Dundas,
all supported the contrary opinion, as absolutely ne-
cessary to preserve to the people the power of bringing
great state criminals to justice.
On the first suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act
during the war with the Republic of France, Mr. GRAN?
made a very able speech in defence of that measure.
He was complimented publicly, and with great candour,
by Mr. Fox, who treated it as the ablest as well as
the most manly, fair, and open defence of that measure,
in the deprecation of which the Opposition knew no
bounds. It was shortly after this that Mr. GRANT was
made a King's Counsel, and began to attain celebrity as
a barrister.
On the Union with Ireland, Mr. GRANT spoke (April •
1800) with great ability, and supported it as a mea-
sure of wise policy, chiefly upon the principle of its re-
semblance to the happy Union between Scotland and
England.
At the Peace of Amiens, Sir Wst. GRANT (he was
then Master of the Rolls,) supported the minister, Mr.
Addington ; and it is curious to observe with what com-
placency the ministerial orator then viewed the charac-
ter of Buonaparle, whom all the Powers of Europe have
since united to proscribe. He agreed with the Opposition
as to the importance and the power of France : he
eonsilered the peace as imposed by necessity, and, ad-
mitting that the state of Europe was not to be entirely
approved, considered it impossible to change it. He did
not ask for a probability, but a chance of success in op-
posing France.
" Let him show any rational chance," said he, " on which
a sober.headed man would act in common life, and I immedi-
ately close with him. Bost, Sir, he is surely bound to point
out means which, if skilfully employed, would be in some mea-
sure adequate to the purpose he recommends.
" While we had allies, it was always possible that their
anecesses might have pot things in a more favourable situa-
tion. At the opening of every campaign there was a chance
and a hope that the balance of Europe would be restored.
We might still entertain this flattering prospect at the time
of the rejection of Buonaparte's first overture. More favour-
able terms of' peace might have been obtained then, but per-
haps we would not have been justified in aband g the
chance of obtainieg all that we wished. In such a mite of
things it was better to prekx war to such a peace as this, or
perhaps even to enter on a negotiation.
" It was possible that we might have obtained much more
than any treaty could have given us. Be that as it may,
there is no principle of any kind on which we can carry on
war for the Continent without a continental ally. We can
assist in the deliverance of Europe, but we cannot achieve it.
" Mr. Burke said it was impossible for us to make any im-
pression upon France, except in conjunction with the coin-
muuity of Christendom. This position is too broad. All in-
terests that arc British we can assert, and assert with effect.
With regard to others, it is unquestionably true. We can
calculate our efforts ; me know that there can be no 'progres-
sion in them : after years of war we should not have advanced
one step towards the emancipation of the subjugated states.
What can we do unassisted tior the t.odependence (lithe Cited-
pine Republic, or to prevent Spain from ceding Louisi-
ana to France? It is not that these objects are not great,
but that they are unattainable.
" 'the Noble Lord (Lord Hawkesbury), after whose manly,
eloquent, and nnanswerable defence of the treaty, I ought to
make an apology for at all offering my sentiments, urged the
absurdity of continuing the war, to determine whether Buo-
naparte should have a direct or indirect influence over the
Italiuni Republic, when we had consented to discontinue it
for the purpose olvvresting from France the Netherlands and
Hoolland. A Right Honourable Gentleman (Mr. T. Greu-
villej replied, that it was unfair to take articles thus in detail,
and that thoagh not for any (Mc, yet for all together, we might
be well justified in coot tinting the contest. I admit the jus-
tice of this reasoning, as receding step by step we might at
last be obliged to give op some of our own cult . ' He had
severely censured the coonduct of gentlemen on the other side
of the House, who, aooetutiog that the point on which the ne-
gotiation broke off was the only thing in dispute, asserted,
that we were lavishing our blood and treasure for a spice
" A nation must draw a line in the spirit of moderation,