The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-27 00:00:00

rora it. She abstained from riding anything for several
weeks ; bat et length, when the siege of Silistria was
raised—when theßussian armies were not only in retreat,
but when they had served a notice that within a given
time they should leave the Principalities and recrose
the Pruth, and there act upon the defensive—it was riot
till then that Austria ventured to take possession,
without opposition, and without firing a shot, of the
Principalities, having previously entered into a treaty
for that purpose with the Porte. What afterwards hap-
pened ? Russia, with great skill and political address,
had stated that she would act upon the defensive—
a declaration which could be interpreted only as a re-
reqaest to Austria to act the part of a neutral at that
point. The proposition was practically acceded to by
Austria. No attempt was made to cross the Pruth—
no demonstration for that purpose took place—and what
was the consequence ? Why the whole of the Russian
armies—the army of Bessarabia and other forces which
had retired from the principalities—were sent to the
Crimea with great expedition, and there acted against
the allies with much effect. (Hear, hear.) It was not
his intention to male any statement with respect to
the conduct of the Austrian army in the principalities,
which they entered with the avowed object of protect-
ing, because he was not sufficiently conversant with
the facts of the case. But, although it was one of
the articles of the treaty between Turkey and Austria,
that the privileges of the Moldavians and Wallachians
should be strictly guarded, he understood that mar-
tial law had been proclaimed throughout the principali-
ties by the Austrian generals. Austria having taken pos-
session of the principalities in the middle of august re-
mained there undisturbed by Russia, and while we were
struggling in the Crimea in support of the common
cause, and shedding our blood, and spending our treasure
in support of an object in which Austria was more deeply
interested than ourselves, Austria was spinning innu-
merable notes and memorials and letters addressed to
Prussia and the different German Powers, and weaving
a complication of negotiations as compared with which
the complications of the Court of Chancery in its worst
days was a matter of simplicity. Such was the state of
things when the treaty of December 2 was signed be-
tween Austria and the Western Powers. Now, so far as
related to the latter, the obligations were clear and in-
telligible ; but as to the obligations which it imposed on
Austria, nothing could be more vague, undefined, and
almost unintelligible. For while the Western Powers were
bound to engage in an offensive and defensive alliance
with Austria if she were attacked by Russia ; it was, on
the other hand, only stipulated that, in the event of peace
not being concluded before the end of the year, on the basis
of the four points, Austria would simply deliberate with her
allies on the most effectual means of attaining the ob-
ject of the alliance. Now, if that really meant anything,
it meant that Austria would in that case concert with
her allies the means of giving effect to the alliance, and
would take an active part in the application of those
means. And that was the interpretation placed upon
the treaty both by the French and English Govern-
ments. But what had been the subsequent conduct of
Austria ? Russia having, after some explanations, con-
sented to enter into negotiations on the basis of the
four points, it was thought that if peace was not then
concluded on account of the disinclination of Russia to
make peace on that basis, Austria would then take
active steps in conjunction with the allies. Web, it
was proposed by the allies to come to some arrange-
ment for diminishing the power of Russia and Turkey
in the Black Sea. That proposition was supported by
Count Buol, the Austrian plenipotentiary, with the
utmost fairness, ability, and energy, but the Rus-
sians refused peremptorily to accede to it, and made
counter-propositions, which were stated by Count
Buol to be altogether unsatisfactory. Well, the casus
fmderis had surely then arisen • and Russia having re-
fused to make peace on the basis of the four points,
Austria was bound, according to the treaty of December
2, to take active measures in concert with the allies.
But those who came to that conclusion were not aware
of the resources of German negotiation. Another and
a final meeting of the conference took place, at which
Austria made certain proposals, which some people said
she did with the knowledge that they could not be ac-
cepted by the allies, and simply with a view of sliding
out of the obligations she had contracted by treaty.
He did not make any such charge, but he could not help
seeing that there were plausible grounds for making it.
The proposal was that Russia and Turkey should, by a
separate treaty, arrange the amount of the naval forces
they should each maintain in the Black Sea. Now, the
Russians had during the negotiations refused to assent to
a proposal that the Russian and Turkish plenipotentiaries
should come to an agreement on this point in presence of
the congress, and that the document containing it should
be annexed to and form part of the treaty ; and when
Prince Gortschakoff made a proposal similar to that of
Austria, for settling the question by separate treaty with
the Porte, the Ottoman plenipotentiaries refused to do
so, because such a course was inconsistent with the obli-
gations which they had by treaty contracted with the
Western Powers. How, then, was it possible that after
these proposals had been discussed, and after the confe-
rences had been terminated on the 26th April—the ple-
nipotentiaries of the allied powers stating that their
powers were exhausted—Austria could imagine that
under such circumstances the allies would consent to
renew the conferences ? It would have been as idle and
as fruitless a step as could have been taken, and he
thought that the Western Powers were therefore amply
justified in rejecting the Austrian proposals. In what
position, then, did we stand now? Was the treaty of the
2d of December binding on Austria or not ? Acting on
that treaty, we had from time to time consulted with tier,
deferred to her counsels, and consulted her interest, hop-
ing that she would eventually take active measures in co-
operation with the Allies. We had, however, been from
tittle to time disappointed, and now at the last stage we
seemed to have been supplanted by that power and left
to our own resources. It reminded him of a story cur-
rent amongst sailors of a mariner who sees what he con-
siders a friendly sail at a distance. He alters his course
and pursues it ; but she runs before him—often disap-
pearing in one part of the horizon, and reappearing in an-
other—and he does not overtake her. At last she dis-
appears finally, and the mariner finds himself in an un-
known sea, surrounded by rocks and quicksands—there
left to his own resources. The popular name of that vessel
wee well known to their lordships, but he would not men-
tion it lest ho should be considered personal. (Laughter.)
He believed that Austria had now entered into a silent
understanding with Russia is withdraw her forces from
Gallicia, and other places where they had been stationed,
and that this was no better than, in fact, a silent treaty of
neutrality. He wished now to say a few words with re-
spect to the manner in which the negotiations at Vienna
had been conducted. A noble viscount in another place
was said to have complimented the noble lord who repre-
sented this court at the conference upo n the very great
talent which he displayed there. Nov., no one had a
higher opinion than himself of the abilities of the noble
lord, or of the skill and address with which he got him-
self out of a difficulty. (A laugh.) Indeed he believed
ti,at, the noble lord would voluntarily place himself in a
position of difficulty for the sake of exhibiting his skill in
getting out of it. But he was, at the same time, bound
to say that the only power that had obtained any ad-
vantages from these negotiations was Russia. The first
two points were the only ones in which the German
powers had a direct interest. These were discussed in
the beginning of the conference ; everything went on
with smoothness and calmness in the negotiations, and
these points were settled to the satisfaction of all parties.
When the third point came on Lord John Russell,
with great suavity, proposed that Russia should take
the initiative. Prince Gortschakoff saw his advantage.
. He had, or pretended tc, have, no powers to make pro-
pssale, and said that he must refer lea his court for in-
structions. Eighteen days elapsed before an answer was
returned, and how weae those days employed? Through
the medium of Prussia and other channels, communica-
tion: were made to the lesser Powers of Germany, repre-
senting that Russia bad conceded everything in which
they were interested--the abolition of the protectorate
of the principalities, and the free navigation of the
Danube. And this was followed up by a distinct com-
munication from Russia ; to the effect, that if they would
remain quiet and not take any active part in the contro-
versy, she would adhere to the engagements she had
made with them, whatever might be the result of
the conferences. Russia thus obtained an immense
advantage, for the lesser German powers ceased to
make exertions to aid Austria, who did not consider
herself safe unless she were backed and supported
by the lesser powers. After an interval of eighteen
days these negotiations were resumed; but, although
they were apparently conducted as before with the ut-
most courtesy and smoothness, it was evident that this
was mere ou sward show, and that there was an undercur-
rent of a different character. Allusions were from time
to time mad e to the siege of Aden by the English, and
to the supported designs of France on Tunis, with an air
of triumph that peeped out now and then through the
subsequ east negotiations. Now, he must say that, ac-
cording to the best of his judgment, the propositions
made, oythe allied plenipotentiaries at the conference with
res oe ct to the reduction of the naval power of Russia in
tl ,e.rellack Sea were not worth the paper on which they were
'Neaten, for they could never have been carried out, would
las.ve been continually evaded, and must have given rise
t_o incessant quarrels and disputes, which would have ul-
timately terminated in another war. And when the noble
lord who represented England alluded unfortunately to
the treaty of Utrecht and the destruction of Dunkirk, he
thought that that might have given him a little hint as
to what was likely to be the result of the acquiescence
of Russia in the proposition of the allies. That treaty
was evaded in the most marked manner, and gave rise
to
continual dispetee, and nothing was eventually
gained by it. Meer
) As to the counter-propositions
of Russia, they were. quite wide of the mark, and he
thought that the Russian diplomatists must have laughed
in their sleeves when they laid them before the conference.
(Hear.) That brought him, then, to the question of our
present situation and future prospects. The object of the
war was clear and distinct. It was to procure the inde-
pendence of Turkey and the integrity of her dominions.
And we had been told by the principal members both of.
the late and the present Administration that no peace
should be concluded, unless in case of extreme necessity,
unless these terms could be obtained. Nor did he find
that any member of the late Government dissented from
those opinions, with which they must therefore be taken
to have agreed and be responsible. He confessed it was
therefore with surprise, and almost with astonishment,
that he observed the conduct pursued by four respectable
gentlemen who had left the Cabinet of the noble vis-
count. He admired the eloquence and ability of the right
bon. gentleman the late Chancellor of the Exchequer,
the great administrative capacity of the right hon. hero-,
net the late First Lord of the Admiralty, and the re-
spectable talents of the other two gentlemen ; but still
he did not regret, but on the contrary rejoiced, that
they had reared from the Cabinet. With all the talents
which rendered their services of the highest utility in
times of peace, they did not seem to possess that manly
character, that vigour of mind, that fixity of purpose,
which were essentials in a Cabinet Minister at a period
ilk, the present. What then was his (Lord Lyndhurst's)