The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-26 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, oCIOBEit 26, 1855.

PUBLICATIONS.

THE NEW WORK ON RUSSIA.
Now ready at all the Booksellers, in 2 vols., 21s.
MY EXILE IN SIBERIA
By ALEXANDER HERZKN.

"From these admirable memoirs the reader may derive a clear
idea of Russian political society. Mr. lierzen's narrative, ably and
unaffectedly written, and undoubtedly authentic, is indeed superior
in interest to nine-tenths of the existing works on Russia
Athenmuin.

Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to Henry Colburn.

NOTICE.
Mr. Bentley wiq publish the .ollowing Editions of
MR. PRESCOTT'S NEW WORK,
HISTORY of the REIGN of PHILIP the
SECOND of SPAIN.

I.
LIBRARY EDITION. Two vols. demy Avo., with Portraits and
other Illustriitt.ms. 28s. On Monday, the 29th.

...
CABINET EDITION. Two vols. small Bvo., with Portraits. lOs
Early next week.

CHEAPER EDITION. One vol. post Bvo., with a Portrait. 5s
London : Richard Bentley, Publisher in Ordinary to her sisjesty.

r To be published on the 30th of October, in tw.., large volumes, Bvo,
'handsomely printed, and bound in cloth, with Portraits,
Price 305.,
THE LIFE AND WORKS OF GOETHE ;
WITT! SKETCHES OF HIS AGE AND CONTPMPORAHIF.S, from
Published and Unpubashed Sources.
liv G. H. LEWES,
Author of the "Biographical History of Philosophy," Ex.
" Goethe's heart, which few knew, was as great as his intellecf;
which all knew."—Julgo STILLING.
London: David Nutt, 270, Strand.

On Nov. 3, the First Number,.pri 'e 51, or 6d. stamped, of the
IATURDAY REVIEW of POLITICS,
LITERATURE, SCIENCE, and ART.

Office, 445, Test Strand.

Just published,

KINBURN.—WYLD'S MAP and CHA RT of
OTCIJAKOV, KINBURN, N ICOL A lEV, and KIIERSON,
wan the Forts, Batteries, and Soundings, with a Map from o.:essa
to I'erecop. 1 sheet, Is. 6d., in case, 2s. Gd.
WILD'S MAP of the CRIMEA, with the Roads, Passes, be. 1
sheet, 35., in case, ss.
James ,%-yld, Generapher to the Queen, Charing cross East, next
door to the Post-office, and 2, Royal Exchange.

liIMBURN, NICHOLAIEF, &c.—Preparing
for Put lication, :tamord's lap of the Roads, &e., between
Odessa, Nicholaief, ferekop, Simpherupol, and sevastopol, with e..-
larged Plans of Odessa and Ni';holaief, comoil.d from the ltu,sian
slaps in the possession of the Royal Geographical Society, the Admi-
ralty Charts, and other documents. Price, one large sheet, 4s. ;
case, 7s. Orders r. ceived by all Booksellers ; by Edward Stanford,
6, Charing-cross ; and Letts, Son, and Co., Roy-al Exchange, Lor.dun.

The Third Edition.—Just published, price 51., by post, free, bs. 6d.
ON TRUE & FALSE SPERMATORRIICEA,
with the View of distinguishing the Imaginary from the
Real Sufferers under this disease, and Correcting of wide-spread
Errors in relation to their Treatment and Cure. From the Germs].
of Dr. PICKFOR.D. With an Introduction by the Editcr, containing
a complete exposure of the system of terrorism and extortion pursued
by the advertising quacks of the metropolis towards those who are
credulous enough to seek their aid.

".Air. Fickford to known to English readers by his frequent practi-
cal contributions to German medical literature. This is the firs,
tlne, he informs es, that ho has addressed himself to the non-medi-
cal reader. We trust this may not be the last, if he shall letect an}
other equally flagrant evil which it may •be in his .ower to cor-
rect."—London Nt edical Gazette. " The tribe of ' Quiet Sympathisers,'
and • Medical Friends,' are mercilessly exposed; and if this boot
z.ould find its way into the hands of those who stiffer from the com-
plaint of which it treats, we are satisfied that many hundreds would
be saved much needless suffering of body and mind, and what is of
lent Importance, though it Is that which the quacks most prize—
much money ......This volume is well qualified to put an end to the
empirical system of treating Spermatorrham, and to place the treat.*
moat upon a more rational and physiological basis. It is, therefore,
likely to do much good."
" London: H. Balliere, 219, Regent-street.

REPRESENTATION OF SOUTHWARK.

MEETING OF SIR CHARLES NAPIER'S
FRIENDS.

Yesterday evening a very crowded meeting of the
electors of Southwark assembled at the Bridge-house
Hotel, London-bridge, to hear an address from Sir C.
Napier on the occasion of his offering himself as a candi-
date for the representation of the borougb.
Mr. CYRUs LEGGE was voted to the chair, and in a
short speech, which was scarcely heard in consequence of
the confusion and noise which prevailed, introduced Sir
Charles Napier to the meeting.
Sir C. NAPIER then mounted on the table, amidst
great cheering and cries of " He is on the quarter-deck
now." He proceeded to say that the first and last time
that he had hal the honour of meeting the electors of
Southwark was on the occasion of the reelection of their
late lamented representative, Sir W. Molesworth. He be-_
lieved it was entirely unnecessary for him to tell them
that when he stood against Sir W. Molesworth he bad
no intention of turning that gentleman out of the repre-
sentation of the borough. He had too high a respect
for that gentleman as a Minister of State and as an up-
right and honest man to wish to turn him out ; but be.,
(Sir Charles) took that opportunity of stating to the
electors of Southwark what his political sentiments were,
and he now came forward at the request of a great
many of the electors of Southwark to offer himself to be
their representative in Parliament. (Hear, hear.) He
knew it was a very great honour which he asked at
their hands when he asked to be elected as the represen-
tative of so large a constituency as that of the borough
of Southwark. Still he felt satisfied and convinced that
many of the independent men of Southwark would not
be sorry to see him their representative. He had been
before the public a good many years, both as a naval
officer and the representative in Parliament of another
metropolitan borough—that of Marylebone. He bad
represented Marylebone for six years in Parliament, and
he was not ashamed of any vote he gave during the
whole time he sat for that borough, and he would defy
any one to say that he ever gave an improper vote. If 1
the electors of Southwark did him thehonour to send him
to Parliament, he would come back to them at the pro- '
per time, and he would then challenge any one to say
whether he had given an improper vote as their repre-
sentative. It was well known that we had embarked in
a long, and, ho feared, a dangerous war with Russia. '
The war had been going on for two years, and they all
knew, and knew full well, that that war had not been
carried on in a way that a war ought to be conducted.
(Hear, hear.) They all would recollect the sentiment
expressed by the Duke of Wellington, that "this
country could not carry on a little war." That seuti-
rent
ought to be engraved on the heart of every Eng-
lishman, for it was the sentiment of a great mar, and ,
one who well knew the art of war, and the necessity for
carrying on war in a proper manner. He (Sir Charles)
admitted that there were various excuses for the Go-
vernment with regard to the bad way in which the war
bad been carried on in the Crimea. But, though he ad-
mitted that there were excuses for the Government, owing
to the long duration of peace, yet still it was to be
blamed that, during that long peace, we were not pre-
pared for war, and our officers and our army made ready
for every contingency ; but everything had been ne-
glected, and when the day of trial came everything was
found wanting. Look at the enormous loss of life in the 1
Crimea ; did that not show negligence in preparation 7 1
(Hear.) Look at the state of the hospitals. (Hear.) But
it was no use going over all that, for they all knew the 1,
state of the hospitals in the East after the blows which ;
had been inflicted on Russia. There was no excuse for
such bad conduct as that, and the fact was simply this—
that the Government during the peace bad put the wrong
men in the right places, and so had brought on all the
misery and confusion which had occurred duricg this war.
He must say that, though he complained of the conduct
of the war, the soldiers had at Alma behaved like those
who fought in Spain ; and at Inkerman too, which,
as the Duke of Cambridge had said, was the "soldiers'
battle." (Hear, hear.) But wby was that not an " offi-
cers' battle" also ? Because the officers bad not been
brought up in peace to understand their duties in war.
Could a nation like this expect to be at peace for ever ?
But it seemed as if we did so expect ; and no military
education was given to our officers to fit them for the
conduct of war. When ho looked at the campaign in the
Crimea—when he thought of the men in the trenches,
up to their necks in water, and when they returned to
their quarters without bedding or any comforts— he •
could not but ask whose fault that was ? And be must
say that it was the fault of the Government and the
fault of our system. We had for Minister of War a very
excellent man, but one who knew nothing of war. How
should he have known anything of it, when it was our
system to pick up a duke or a marquis for such an office;
and he knowing nothing of war sent out troops and
officers to carry on the war necessarily in an imperfect
and incomplete manner. But that was all over now. The
battle of Alma was a glorious battle ; at Inkerman our
troops fought gloriously ; and at Balaklava, where our
cavalry was sent to do impossibilities, they yet maintained
the honour of England—(cheers)—but with a loss which
ought never to have been incurred. (Hear.) We had
carried on the war in the Crimea for eleven long months;
sometimes our guns gave way, and sometimes our mor-
' tars gave way, but the courage of the British soldier
never gave way. (Hear, hear.) Well ! Sebastopol fell
at last. He would not say a word about the officers of
our army employed at Sebastopol, but he lamented to
say that the British troops were not successful. He
did not blame them, for there were impossibilities in
war as much as there were impossibilities in other

things. Our troops attempted to storm the Reding and
they took possession of it, but were unable to retain it.
He would say no more on that subject, but would
pr'ceed to speak of the manner in which the war. bad
been carried on in the Baltic. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Her Majesty's Government thought 'proper
co appoint him to the command of the fleet in the
Baltic. He went there with a very undisciplined
,:ind badly-manned fleet, but with good and excellent
,fficers, and, indeed, with very good men too, though
they were undisciplined. It was new ground. We knew
nothing of the Baltic—of its harbour; or coasts, and
were obliged to search out those things ; and he would
say that during the time the fleet was there the British
navy did as much service as it was possible for it to do.
But the people of England, unused to war, looked for
the performance of services which were impossible. They
grew impatient, and he was expected to go to Oroestadt,
and to St. Petersburg, and he believed absolutely that he
vas expected to sail up to Moscow. (Laughter.) He
lid as much as he could do, and as much as the
admirals of former days would have done. They had
never heard of Nelson or (Jelling wood going into Ton-
' lon, or Cherbourg, or Brest ; but he was expected not
only to go into places like those, but even to take his
fleet overland to Moscow. (Laughter.) It was impossible
to go to Cronstadt, as there was not water to take the
ships in, and he had not a single gun-boat or mortar-
boat. In short, in 1854 the Government sent out the
fleet without &gun-boat or..mortat44l4. 'He could not
do impossibilities. The people getting impatient, the
Admiralty got alarmed, and endeavoured to put the
blame on him. He resisted that—he came home and
endeavoured to show that he had been treated with in.
justice ; and he believed that he had made out his case,
for the people of England, who were dissatisfied with
him at first, were now in his favour. (Hear.) He was
4uperseded in his command. He did not say the Govern-
ment had no right so to do, for he held they had a right to
supersede any officer if they had not confidence in him.
But he did complain that they had refused him the redress

~o which he was entitled. That was not the way in which
an English admiral ought to bo treated. If he was said

to have behaved ill, let him be tried by a court-martial,
and puniFhed if he deserved it—let him even be shot, as
they did with Byng ! But they refused to grant him (Sir
Charles) a court-martial. He remained quiet because
he knew it wa-i dangerous for the country to make
an expose of the state of things in the Baltic ; and he
waited till a new fleet was sent out and operations took
place against Sweaborg. He did not blame his successor
in any way except in this : that he was one of the board
which censured him (Sir Charles), and having censured

him, he then took his place. (Hear.) Of course great
things were expected of the new fleet. Government sent
out with it 16 or 17 mortar-boats, and the French had
four or five, and there were also some gun-boats, while
in other respects the fleet was equal to his. But a most
extraordinary thing occurred. They brought up the
mortar-boats against Sweaborg, and they destroyed the
whole of the dockyards and other buildings. No doubt
that was a great triumph. But he wanted to know why
the Admiralty, who knew from his reports the state of
Sweaborg, did not have 16 sail of the line before it at
the same time, and follow up the success of the mortar-
boats with the ships cf the line ? But the Admiralty
did not do that. He did not blame Admiral Dundas,
for the whole campaign was formed and laid down
at the Admiralty ; and he would say that they did not
do their duty when they neglected to collect the whole
fleet to follow up the success of the mortar-boats before
Sweaborg. He did not say it could have been done
easily, or that we should not have lost four or five sail
of the line ; but the people of England wanted to take
Sweaborg, and they would not have cared a straw for
that loss. You could notfight battles withoutlosingships.
If, in the exercise of that which had been so much
spoken of—his " discretion"—the admiral saw an oppor-
tunity of attacking a place, be should do it, and let the
people of England see what the fleet could do. The case
was, in fact, this—that in 1854 the Government sent
out a fleet without gun or mortar-boats, and in 1855
they sent the gun and mortar-boats to act without
the fleet. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) That was
the state in which things now were. He had advised
that 100 gun and mortar-vessels, at least, should be sent
out this year, and 16 or 17 only had been sent ; and
that was the way in which the money of the people was
`expended-I:meter:sips Next'year it was not 100
gun and mortar-boats that woulcrbe required to destroy
Cronstadt and Sweaborg, but 200, and it was possible
that even then it won't.' not be done at all. That was the
way the war was carried on. He would say that it was
necessary that there should be men in the House of
Commons who understood war, and who were bold enough
to ask the Government why they had done this or that ;
and also to tell the people that they must not ex-
pect impossibilities, such as the taking of Cronstadt or
Sweaborg with imperfect means. Look how distrustful
the country had become of Gen. Simpson. Whether that
officer had done right or wrong he (Sir Charles) was not
prepared to say. ; but be thought that after what had
been said of Gen. Simpson, when that officer came home
he ought to have a court-martial granted him. He
(Sir Charles) was as much in favour of the liberty of the
press as any man, but still he thought that officers
ought not to be superseded merely because the press
disapproved, of them ; and, therefore, he thought that
General Simpson ought to be allowed a court-martial,
at which he could defend himself on the charges which
had been brought against him. With regard to the
immediate subject of the meeting, he could only saY
that he was there to offer himself as their representa-
tive if they thought proper to elect him. (Hear.) If
they did not, all he could say was, " Choose some one
else," and he would take off his hat and wish them
good morning. With regard to the mode of carrying
on an election, there were various opinions. He thought
a candidate should hold public meetings in all parts of
the borough, and state what his political sentiments were.
It was not necessary for him to explain his. They were
well known, or else the greater part of his life had been
thrown away. He inteuded to hold a meeting to-morrow
(this) evening at the Literary Institution, and on other
days at different places, of which advertisements would
be duly published. After a few observations on the state
of political parties, in which men were one day Whigs,
another Tories, and another a jumble of both, he stated
that all he could say was that he would act fairly and
candidly if they sent him to Parliament as their repre-
sentative. He did not propose to canvass the electors,
because it was impossible to canvass personally 10,000
or 15,000 men. The other candidates acted by means
of paid canvassers—they were never themselves seen by
the electors, and they got a number of promises of sup-
port which often at the day of election turned up blanks.
He hoped the electors would not take offence at his not
visiting them, or sending paid canvasssers to them.
(" No," and cheers.) He would not have anything
to say to a paid canvasser who came to ask him for his
vote, and he held that every one should act as indepen-
dently as he did himself ; and, therefore, he did not in-
tend to employ a set of paid canvassers at 3s. or 4s. a
day. If they expected him to do that, he told them• at
once he should lose his election, for he would not do it.
He was prepared now, and would be at all meetinge of
the electors, to answer any questions which might be
put to him, and he would do his best to give satisfaction
to the electors, if they sent him to Parliament; but, at
the same time, he must say that he would not be their
mere delegate, but would exercise his best judgment on
all questions, and vote for what he thought right, and
against what he thought wrong. He would never be the
instrument of any Ministry. (Hear, hear ) In his opi-
nions he was, as they well knew, liberal to the back
bone. He approved of Lord Palmerston as Prime
Minister ; he thought he was the best we could have ;
for he was a strong man, and a bold man, and one
who would never make an inglorious peace with Russia.
He thought we were in a position that, if Russiafor it ;
sued
for peace, it might be granted ; but she must sue
and, as it were, go on her knees to ask for it. Then, and
then only, it would be the duty of the Ministry to agree
to such a peace as would be secure, and would tie down
Russia in such a manner as to prevent her again disturb-
ing the tranquillity of Europe. We all saw, since Se-
bastopol had been taken, that the navy was released, and
usnurdeerthhaist
vas going to work as it did in former days, and it
was certain that it would now do what it bad ever done.
The fleet'in the Black Sea was commanded by a most
excellent officer, a friend of his, and hewas
that commander would not let the grass grow
feet. He had nothing more to add, and he left the elec-
tion. totally and entirely in their hands. (Loud cheers,
.and three cheers for Sir Charles, which were given with
great emphasis.)
Mr. SHARPS *moved, and Mr. LAWRENCE seconded,
the f snowing resolution :—" That this meeting, knowing
the public character and conduct of Sir C. Napier, and
having this evening heard his sentiments, highly approve
of them, especially those relating to the present war with
Russiaad
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honourable peace, thinks him a very fit and proper per-
son to represent the large and important borough of
Southwark in Parliament." .
Mr. NEWMAN addressed the meeting, and urged that
it was necessary to know something beyond Sir Charles's
opinion on the question of the war ; and he inquired
whether Sir Charles was in favour of an extension of the
suffrage, and, if so, what kind of extension ? Whether
he was in favour of the ballot as a protection to the
working classes ? Whether he was opposed to church
rates, and the expenditure of public money on religious
endowments ? Whether he would support the repeal of
the land tax, and reform of taxation generally, and
would make the probate duty applicable to land as well
as to other property ? Whether be was in favour of
administrative reform ? And lastly, if he would support
the nationalities of Europe with reference to the war ?
Sir C. NAPIER said that he was always of opinion that
the suffrage ought to be extended ; but be should not be
fit to be a senator if be attempted then to point out the

exact length to which the extension shonld go. That was
a question which should be discussed by Parliament, and
all he could say was that he would go as far as any man
on that question. With regard to the ballot, he was of
opinion that the franchise was not worth sixpence with-
out it. (Hear.) With regard to administrative reform,
what was the use of asking him such a question? Did not
they all know that all the evils which had arisen from the
conduct of the Government were caused by the want of
administrative reform? He would go on that question to
the fullest extent. As to reform in taxation, he did not
know what to say about it. We were paying 7?,- per cent.
income tax now, and next year we should have to pay 10
per cent. If the hon. gentleman could specify what taxeshe
wanted to be taken off, and what pnt on to supply their
places, he might try to give an answer, but he was not a
financier, or acquainted with all the tricks and roguery
of that trade. (Hear.) No doubt they all wished not
to be taxed, but if they were determined to carry on the
war they must have taxation ; and all they could do
was, if they paid their money willingly, to see it pro-
perly expended. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) .With re-
gard to the probate duty, that was also a financial ques-
tion, with which lie could not pretend to deal. As re-
gamed church-rates, he would be always ready to con-
sider any measure which proposed to deal with that ob-
noxious import. (Hear.)
Mr. J. G. WATTS attempted to address the meeting,
but was unable to obtain a hearing.
The resolution was then put and carried amidst loud
cheering.

Mr. A. B. RICHARDS moved a resolution to the effect
that " the meeting pledge itself to use every exertion to
secure the election of Sir C. Napier, and thanked him for
his manly and straightforward address to the electors."
This was agreed to, and after a vote of thanks to the
chairman, the meeting, which had been very noisy and
confused, was brought to a close by Sir Chas. Napier
being almost carried out of the room in the arms of his
enthusiastic supporters.

MEETING OF MR. SCOVELL'S SUPPORTERS.
Yesterday evening a general meeting of the friends
and supporters of Mr. G. Scovell, one of the candidates
for the representation of the borough, was held at the
Queen's Head Inn, High-street, Southwark, to take into
consideration the address that that gentleman had issued
—Mr. Martin, who was called to, the chair, read the
address, which stated that Mr. Sewell was prepared to
vote for the ballot, the non-endowment by the state of
any religious sect, an extension of the suffrage, a reform
of our defective system of administration in our public
departments, and all the measures which would promote
the well-doing of the workieg classes,
On the motion of Mr. HAWKIIIIRST, seconded by Mr.
WARNER, the following resolution was unanimously
adopted :- -'• That the political sentiments of George
Scovell, Esq., as set forth in his address, are such as to
merit the fullest approbation of the electors of South-
wark, and therefore the meeting pledges itself to use
every possible exertion to secure his return."
Mr. SCOVELL was then introduced and the resolution
was read to him. He said it devolved upon him to re-
turn his very sincere thanks, not only for the resolution,
but else for the large and influential meeting by which it
had been passed. Before he entered upon other subjects,
there was one which was naturally paramount in his mind.
It would be unnecessary for him to allude to the feelings
with which he heard of the death of their late esteemed
member the, late Sir W. Molesworth. (Hear.) Most of
the electors knew him well, but none so well as he (Mr.
Scovell), who was in constant communication with him
en the subject of commerce. He need not expatiate upon
the loss the nation must sustain by the death of such a
man, for he was the first instance of the sincerity of the
Government in putting the right man in the right place.
They had now to look about for another right man for
the right place ; and after the very flattering reception he
had met with, he had no doubt but that he would be the
man. Considering the manner in which he was treated
when he was a candidate at the last general election, he
did not think that ho was advancing claims that could be
thought unreasonable. Much stress had frequently been
laid upon the advisability of having for its member a man
resident in the borough. As a very large employer his
interests were identical with these of the electors, and
they could never be opposed to them. (Hear.) He did
not know that he could add anything to the address
which he had issued, but he was sorry to find that he
had omitted two subjects on which he was desirous of
speaking. The first was the emancipation' of the Jews,
which he thought formed a very important element in
the great question of civil and religious liberty. For
that emancipation he would decidedly vote. Then as to
the much•vexed question of church rates, he was
decidedly opposed to that imposition, which, how-
ever, he now considered practically thfunct. He
found that he was likely to be opposed by a gallant
admiral, who certainly was not the right man to cla'm
their suffrages. He wished to speak with the highest
respect of that gallant admiral ; but he considered that,
being more_than 70 years of age, he was not qualified to
represent that borough, which required a man of great
energy and activity. Sir C. Napier was evidently desirous
to get into Parliament to avenge a personal quarrel ;
but the electors of Southwark, he was sure, would not
lend themselves to such an object. He believed that
the country was indebted to the gallant admiral for
many naval achievements, but that was no reason why
he should be elected in opposition to a resident candi-
date, and one whose interests were closely identified with '
those of the electors. Mr. Scovell again thanked the
meeting for the resolution that had been passed, and
said he would with confidence leave his interests iu the
hands of the electors.
Committees were formed for canvassing purposes, and
a series of district meetings were determined upon.
The proceedings then terminated.