The Sun.
London, England, 1855-04-11 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 11, 1855.

not apply: We allude to the hospitals. The case .1
with respect to them—at least so far as the allega-
tions which have been made relative to their mate-
rial condition, and the physical state of' the sick
and wounded placed in them are concerned—may
be regarded as complete. Witnesses of high stand:
ing and unimpeachable charaCter have been exa-
mined upon the subject and, with the except on
of Dr. Hall, all the melical officers implicated by
the statements which have been made have bad
the opportunity of putting before the public what-
ever they had to say in contradiction or extenua-
tion. In the way of contradiction, they, appear to
have been able to bring forward remarkably little,
and the allegations with regard to the insufficiency
of the appliances in use for the treatment of the
sick and wounded, as well as- of the disgraceful
condition of the buildings themselves, must be re-
garded as fully established. But, iu the way of
extenuation, it is only just to say that the medical
officers have unquestionably advanced a good deal
to which we think the public have .not given, as
yet, either fair attention or due weight.
We cannot, perhaps, afford -better means of
measuring the amount and value of the extenuat-
ing circumstances than by bringing under the ob-
servation of our readers the organisation of the
hospitals of the French, and to recall to their re-
collection, at the same, time, the constitution of
our own. In the hospitals of the French, whether
those permanent within the empire, or those tem-
porarily established at a seat of war, the' same
principle is carried out which we have remarked
upon as governing the formation of all their
mili-
tary institutions, from the gitittd-auhy itself down
to the smallest and most insignificant of the
branches of service which emanate from it—viz.,
the principle of separating, absolutely and distinctly,
civil functions of administration from military exe-
cutive duties.

lowed to them by the privilege of unlicensed print-
ing. .Not so. The same persons who from the very
outset of this dispute have played, unwittingly
perhaps, the game of the enemy, are again helping
towards the same object, now that the slightest
want of perfect union between the Allies might be
fatal to their cause. That men should thus con-
spire, even- in the open day, in the midst of their
countrymen, seems incredible. It in fact, only to
be ac...ounte.d for by the extreme recklessness of party-
spirit iu a constitutional country, and the unbri-
dled license of publication—both the result of that
irresponsibility which seeks its own personal...ends,
and ettsts upon the country the burthen of the con
sequences. These are the anomalies of the consti-
tutional system of government ; and, if we cannot
shut our eyes to their disadvantages, we must con
sole ourselves with a reflection on the numberless
blessings with which they are accompanied.
We are now gravely told, it is in the French
councils that lukewarumess and hesitation exist.
Something of the kind was darkly and oracularly
hinted some weeks since in a confidential organ of
Opposition, but it was instantly scouted by the pub-
lic, as unworthy the known uprightness and clear
sense of the present ruler of France. To the asto-
nishment, we venture -to say, of the public at
large, this hap-hazard invention is now repro-
duced in a quarter, where, if things are sometimes
lightly said, they do not lightly fall. We are now
asked to believe that the French Minister for Fo-
reign Affairs came here prepared, on behalf of his
Imperial master and.-the nation whose will he em-
bodies, to adopt exactly the tone, with regard to the
Vienna, Conferences, which would have been the
most distasteful to the British people, and.-the
most injurious to the permanent interests of the
Western Powers.

If the Emperor Napoleon the Third has one
special mark of greatness of mind—that is to say
as a ruler—it is the deliberativeness with which he
adopts a resolution; and the indomitable persever-
ance with which he carries it out. The persons
who would persuade the British people that F: ante
wavered in her duty to her ally, envenom that
gross misrepresentation by also asserting that, on
representations by the English Ministers, a change
took place in the Imperial resolve. Seeing that
the responsible ruler of a State can scarcely com-
mit a greater error than to adopt a weak and fluc-
tuating policy on questions of a vital nature, it is
certainly ungracious thus to attribute to the Em-
peror of the French a weakness of mind which he
never yet has exhibited at any great crisis of his
career. It is, to say the least, singular that such
imputations should be thrown out on the very eve
of the Imperial visit ; as though those who had
been compelled by public feeling to assume sack-
cloth and ashes, and to confess the injustice of
which they had been guilty, were seeking, by base
and insidious arts, to neutralise the effect of their
own admissions. _ _

The medical men in the hospitals of the French
have no duties save those which attach to the care
of the patients in their character as functionaries
of health, and they have no responsibility beyond
this, except an accountability to the Officer of Ad-
ministration for the medicaments and appliances of
surgery furnished by the latter for the occasions of
the hospital. The surgeons are not used either as
clerks, or accountants, or inspectors, but simply
for the one purpose of curing sick and wounded
soldiers. Within the limits of their functions their
power is absolute. Beyond it they have no power,
neither have they any responsibility. Nobody—
not even the highest authority—is permitted to
question their orders for the provision of any ap-
pliance required for the treatment of their patients,
or to interpose any obstacles to their execution.
They are,:in all that concerns their art, independent
of authority, whether military or, administrative,
although, in all other relations, they are subject to
the control, in hospital, of the functionaries of the
corps of Military Intendants, and in the field of
the Generals of Division or Colonels of Regiments,
as the case may be ; but while they are thus made
secure and absolute within their own distinctly
defined province, they are equally precluded
from trenching in any degree upon the admin-
istrative service, and the only persons attached
to this branch who are subject to their orders are
the Orderlies attached to the sick wards, or to the
general duties of the hospital. The entire corps
attached to the civil administration, including pur-
veyors, clerks, and orderlies, is placed under the
supreme government of the Military Intendant-in-
Caief of the army, and under the immediate con-
trol of the officer or officers of his corps deputed by
him to the command of each hospital. tinder such
a system there can be none of those &nobbles be-
tween surgeon and purveyor—none of those re-
ferences to a Director-General three thousand
miles off by the one, or complaints of extravagance
and remonstrances about expense to a Secretary at
War at home by
,the other, which have so lament-
ably confused and impeded the conduct of our
establishments in the East. The seat of Govern-
ment is at the seat of war, and so absolute is it in
its nature that the Intendant-in-Chief has in him-
self the power to punish summarily by dismissal,
and even imprisonment, a negligent and culpable
surgeon, or a rebellious and troublesome purveyor.
Contrast such au organisation as this with our
muddled establis'imonts. Look at the position of
Dr. Smith under the control, more or less, of four
departinents at home, subject to the military lot-
thori ty of•the Commander-in Chief, to the military
authority of the'Aitster-Guyeral Of-ltiathic ;
to the civil auti.ority'of the Board of Ordnatie6,
and again to the civil authority of the S .wretary at
Wai. Oa nwehesu rp d that his movements are
tardy and uncertain, or that subordinates, unable
to .I.certain the extent of their piiver, or ie degree
of their responsibility,- are timid, confused, and
hesitating I
There is much in this miserable and unbusiness-
like constitution of our hospitals, and in the ano-
malous
and ill-defined position of those employed
in them, to account for their horrible condition, and
much that may be fairly urged in
justification of
those connected with their management against
whom such a storm of indignation has been directed.
And we feel this to be strongly the case with
regard to Dr. Smith in particular, that we are
induced to give a prominent position in our im-
pressionto the correspondence which
of to-day
took place between that officer and the au. horities
at home, but which, in consequence of its being
put in as -a paper, instead of read in evidence in
the course of Dr. Smith'S examination, has not
before, we believe, appeared in the iithlic news-
papers. That correspondence—or rather, we
should say; thoie letters, for the comnunication is
entirely a one-sided one—not only completely
exonerates Dr. Smith from the chargel; which have
been so repeatedly and so stroney urged against
g,
him, but show that he possessed and exhibited no
common share of forethou ht saaacity, and syst
matic arrangement, and that, Cad his represente-
-
tions met the attention they merited, a great por-
tion of the unnecessary misery and suffering to
which our soldiers were exposed would, even under
our present defective system, have been avoided.
To one of these letters the Military Secretary to
the Commander-in-Chief sent a tardy answer after
the lapse of a considerable time. Of the most im-
portant he took no notice at all, and no steps
whatever appear to have beau taken to carry out
the suggestions contained in any of them. The
public unquestionably ought to know how and why
is this, and we would suggest that the first witness
called by the Sebastopol Committee on their re-
assembling should be the Military Secretary to the
Horse Guards, and that he should be required to
produce his books showing when those letters from
Dr. Smith were received, and what was done upon
them—whether they were commanicalad to the
Commander•in-Chief, and if so, whether he gave
any and what instructions with regard to them.

What has there been in the public conduct of
the Emperor Napoleon the Third to lead to the
suspicion that at the eleventh hour he would recede
from his engagements ? From the very outset of
the dispute he took the initiative, where vigorous
action was demanded. When our Ministers, acting
under responsibility to Parliament, and knowing
the inert state of public opinion, moved with a
caution which ]ed -their motives to be misinter-
preted, it was the Emperor of the French who
availed himself of his peculiar independence to
adopt the active measures which were essential
to the interests of the two nations. Why should
he at the present moment shrink, when he never
shrunk before ? It is quite plain that this misre-
presentation of the real character and object of
the visit of M. Drouyn de Lhuys is but another
attempt to aid that policy of peace, in other words
of submission, which, from the first commence-
ment of the dispute with Russia, was adopted
in certain quarters, and the revival of which, at
the present moment, is calculated to be of service
to the plenipotentiaries of the enemy, by proclaim-
ing to them that there is a want of perfect under-
standing between the Governments of Englarid and
France.

_
We do not quite comprehend this attempt to
bolster up the reputation of Lord John Russell,
and of the Premier who sent him to Vienna, at the
expense of the Emperor of the French. perhaps
it is supposed that Lord Palmerston's former popu-
larity is not yet quite exhausted—that his failure
lia's'been relative only. If this be the motive of the
0-to- 44swikkowit_the true character of the
Fte'neh-l\liin;ter's - recent CrirnrWill.render the
f;,ilitre of that attempt only the more signal. Lord
Palmerston has failed, not because he has snubbed
commissariat officors, or refused to be dragooned
into promoting aro ~ant and ambitious young mem-
bers of Parliament into Cabinet offices, but because
he has shown himself unable to cope with the great
difficulty of his position. At present, the little
light he has borrowed from the French Emperor,
and those who from some unaccountable caprice
now desire to serve him, will scarcely accomplish
their object by calumniating his protector.

(From the Daily News of this clay.)
The internal administration of Turkey may be as
corrupt and feeble as people say ; but the Divan can
draw up and interpret diplomatic papers with skill
at least equal to that of any Christian Cabinet. The
ambiguous language in which the terms prounded
by the Government of St. Petersburg, at the first
Vienna Congress, for the settlement of the Oriental
disputes, were expressed, deluded the Ministers of
France, England, and Austria ; but the Divan de-
tected their subterfuges at once: And the instruc-
tions given by the Divan to their representative at
the present Vienna Conferences are characterised by
the utmost firmness and the most delicate tact. Not

a single phrase occurs in them that can compromise
one right of the Porte, and not a single phrase that,
by indicating distrust, can give umbrage to its
Ailies. The unaffected, quiet dignity of this docu-
ment cannot be surpassed. If the Ottoman Em-
pire is doomed to fall, as the admiring parasites of
Russia would have us believe, it will fall with the
heroic decorum of a Cesar at the base of Pompey's
statue. Aali Pacha's instructions prove that the
statesmen of Turkey are animated by a high and
delicate sense of national dignity that oughtouhtl to
command respect ; as the exploits performed by
the army under Omer Pacha—notwithstanding the
wretched manner in which it is officered—prove
that the courage and power of endurance of the
Turkish people is unabated. Though we have not
hesitated to describe the grasping and lawless am-
bition of the Russian Government, the dissolute
avarice and falsehood of its agents, and the callous
tyranny of both, in the plainest words the Eng-
lish language affords, we have omitted no oppor-
tunity of doing justice to the natural high qualities
of the Russian people or race. Rude though the
nation be, and perverted as many of its best feel-
ings are, by the influence of a bad government and
worse church, we can trace throughout its whole
history scintillations of kindly dispositions, of
daring enterprise, and of indomitable powers of
endurance. Our desire for the Russians is to see
them diverted from dreams of external conquest,
and thrown back upon their own resources, to de-
velope the natural wealth of their extended empire,
and work out their own emancipation from tyranny
and priestcraft. If the states of Islam can be
placed in safety from the aggressions of the Mus-
covite Government, and Poland and Finland res-
cued from its talons, our prayer for the Russian
nation will be, esto pefpetua. And our feelings to-
wards Turkey are the same. Widely though its
populations differ in character from the Russians,
they too have many estimable qualities, which na-
tional independence and more frequent intercourse
with peoples of the European civilisation cannot
fail to develope into excellence.
It could be wished that the friends as well as the
foes of Turkey showed themselves penetrated with
a more sincere conviction of this truth. French
and English statesmen profess to be animated by a
desire to defend the independence and promote the
regeneration of Turkey as a nation ; but it may be
doubted whether they adopt the best means to at-
tain these ends. Occasional assistance a nation
may receive from more powerful allies, but to keep
it independent, to advance it in civilisation, must
in the main be its own doidg. It must be encou-
raged to work out its own salvation ; if it is to be
allowed or obliged to remain passive while others
are fighting for it, or trying to drill it into some
alien form of civilisation, its case is hopeless. Now
t
it cannot fail to strike every one that, throughout
the whole of the present troubles, the Turai.iiiyh
kept
Go-
vernment and people have been syste,rnal at
in the background. France and Ent?nanadlic)ofiignhtt,
by
hard Turkey. When Russia seeks toit g
hard blows or diplomatic wiles,
takes
Turkey into ac-
and England, and scarcelythink of France
count. When Austria sedeks
mit itself to nothing a
ation someo
petty
sB--to toodovoamn:
nd counts upon
tnge—it, is satisfiedwi
English diplomatists, a
tlrbew—ildering the brains of
French andtheir lead implicitly. The chro-
Turkey following
niclers of the
War, and the commentators upon it,
dilate upon th weaeffrts of France and England, and
o,
zirway with a passing notice. All
rarely honour
niairPi to the imperious manner in
ihis is tiOgal -
o:eqe• 111__ tlikti theWf€4ll4

(Front the Morning Chronicle of this day. )
The permanent and persevering advocates of a
comp
successmp that their operations are carefullymasked.
remise with Russia work with a better chance
Under cover of an unlimited impartiality, and an
unbounded desire to effect such an arrangement as
may meet that more ignoble view of the Eastern
question which is likely to find favour with a com-
mercial people, they pursue steadily their object.
They do their utmost to paralyse our military
strength they sow dissension in our domestic
councils—they spread temptingly before the nation
discouragements of the warlike spirit, and encou-
ragements to peace. The cost of the struggle is
' exaggerated, its practical results depreciated, and
even although a reluctant approval is given of the
national feeling excited by the approaching visit of
the Emperor of the French, every insidious art is
used to undervalue our alliance with the nation he
represents, and impede its harmonious action.
There is some ingenUity in the attempt to misre-
present the true position of Napoleon the Third
as to the great questions which are being discussed
at Vienna. If the English people could once be
brought to believe that France is lukewarm in the
present struggle, there might be a chance of dis-
turbing the cordial amity now existing between the
two nations, by breeding mutual suspicions and
mistrusts. We have seen that one party in the
State has essayed this kind of manoeuvre, and not
without a certain success. Insinuations were
thrown out that the E. parer of the French , was
not so earnest as heretofore in hit determination to
arrive at some compensatory solution of the struggle
which has cost the two greatest nations of Europe
so much—in men, in money, and in the stoppage
of commercial and industrial progress. One effect
of such manceuvres, which might have been despised,
had they not been carried on iu the name of the
largest minority, numerically speaking, in the House
of Commons was almost immediatelyseen in the new
-diplomatic arrangements, and in the counterpoise
at once provided to the too manifest peaceful lean-
ing of the British Plenipotentiary at Vienna.
We had hoped that these manceuvres would not
have been repeated. The burst of national indig-
nation, which instantaneously followed the mere
suggestion of so ignominious a conclusion to the
war, ought, it might have been supposed, to have
suggested to the fabricators of such dangerous
dew M lag Fen 041114015 toe pt frog94l.

•to act for Turkey, scarcely condescending to ob-
serve the external decorum of consulting the views
and wishes of their protegj. This is bad policy in
more senses than one. It prevents Russia and
Austria from recognising-- Turkey as a member of
the great republic of nations. It depresses the
spirits of the Turks, deprives them of their self-
respect, and effectually deadens' that principle of
active self-reliance which is indispensable to the
very existence of a nation. •
But the dictatorial manner in which the great
European 'Powers 'presume to interfere in the
internal affairs of Turkey is more•miSchievous still.
England is, perhaps, of all European Governments
the least disposed to meddle in the cloiniestic 'con-
cerns of other states ; and yet England is reontinn-
ally interfering in the most unwarranta,ble meaner
in the internal administration of Turkey.. 'Tin re
is, for example, a circular addressed 'by Lord Strat-
ford de Redcliffo to the English Consuls in Turkey,
ou the 20th °Haat November, and which we this
day present to our rea:derafor the second time. A
copy of it was 'transmitted to every one of these
functionaries, along with copies of the firmans, in-
structions, and notes relating to the four measures
adopted about Mal time by the Divan for the im
provement of the judicial administration of the Ot
toman Empire. After expatiating on the import-
ance of these measures, and the anxjety of the
British Government to see and hon-
estly carried into effect, Lord HiTIVI)rd de Red-
cliffe thus exhorts our consular authorities in the
Levant
To the accomplishment of this grand objec,t I conceive
that your. watchful attention, and the exercise of your
influence, may be essentit.Py' t4-tlueive. The Turkish
authorities, on whom, in 'the first itilitance,'deVolves,the
faithful enforcement of the measure in question, have
some traditional prejudices to overcome, and many ad-
verse interests to withstand, in the exercise of their
duty. At a distance from the seat of Government, they
naturally stand in need of support., admonition and en-
couragement ; nor in the present most intimate and cor-
dial state of our relations with Turkey, can ails of this
kind descend on them from a better source than from
you and your colleagues elsewhere—animated, as no
doubt you are, by the spirit of that alliance which holds
the two countries together in close co-operative union.
I ought, however, to remind you that the most friendly
interference in those matters which immediately concern
the internal affairs of the empire, require to be conducted
with prudence, and a just respect for rights of sovereign
or of local jurisdiction. Your vigilance may be exer-
cised, your advice may be given, the language even of
remonstrance may be used, without transgressing the
limits of propriety ; and, in case of failure, your repre-
sentations to the Government at home, and also to the
Embassy here, will afford hat prospect of success which,
though more distant, may not on that account be of less
certain effect.
The issuing of such instructions by the English
Minister at Constantinople was a more extreme
measure of interference between the Ottoman Go-
vernment and its subjects than even Russia at-
tempted. Russia claimed only a protectorate of
the Sultan's subjects of the Greek rite : Lord Strat-
ford do Redcliffe asserted a protectorate of the Sul-
tan's subjects of every race and creed. In virtue
of his own self-arrogated authority, he established
courts of appeal throughout the Turkish Empire,
whose decrees were to be enforced with " certain
effect" by the English Government or the English
Embassy. Such conduct on the part of the English
Government seems to warrant similar conduct on
the part of every Government which has consuls in
Turkey. It dethrones the Sultan, and establishes
in his stead an anomalous and anarchical rule of five
or six Powers, independent of each other, guided by
different principles of policy. It perpetuates a state
of latent antagonism or hostility among these
Powers ; it subjects the inhabitants of the Ottoman
Empire to Governments imperfectly acquainted
with their social condition, opinions, orsentiments;
it prevents the introduction of au honest and effi-
cient system of Government into Turkey ; it per-
petuates the moral abasement of the races inhabit-
ing the Ottoman Empire ; it converts our Levan-
tine consuls into spies and irresponsible prefects of
a foreign Government ; it crushes that iudepen-
deuce, and nips in the bud that promise of future
civilisation in Turkey for which our rulers pretend
to be fighting.

( mm, t 1 Mor;ling dcatiLT of this by.)
In the current number of the IT/cJiainster
Review, there is an ahle and interesting article,
under the title of " Administrative Example of the

United States." The way in which public an-aits
on the other sine of thb Atlantic are conducted, ix
discussed in this article with much intelligence.

The evening organ of the Government takeSocca-
&Jinn last nig'it to make it • the ground work of an
exposition of its view, or, more properly speaking,
of the views of the Government, as to what course
the Palmerston Cabinet should adopt in the event
of its being defeated in the Howe of Commons.
Our contemporary is not particularly explicit in
the language he employs; but, if we understand
the conclusion of his ardele aright, he is of opinion
that Government ought not to resign when beaten
by majorities in the House of Commons.
But let us hear our con'empJrary's words.
" On the other hand," says the evening exponent of
the views of the Palmerston Administration, " on
the other hand, the responsible Executive in Eng-
land is liable, at any time, to be upset by a single
vote of the House of Commons. While this is so,

a strong Government is impossible, except at crises
(they are few) which impose forbearance•on factious.
Our Executive and Legislature, in our judgment,

both suffer some loss of respect from a state of re
lations in which a caprice of the latter is a death.

Wow to the former. -Parliament has usurped om•
nipotence ; but has somewhat survived the revel•

(mice which attends that attribute. It has too little
cohesion in its own body to exert much positive
influence over the measures of any party in power ;
and the merely negative effect of its action is, that
no party can be in power long. We, do not quit e
see that ' the administrative example of the United
States' helps us to cure this growing evil ; but
we should be very thankful to any example that
would do so. It is the weak point of our reformed
Parliamentary regimen."
It may be all very well, for party purposes, for
the Ministerial advocate to characterise a hostile
vote, as a capricious vote, but such language is
not, assuredly, in accordance with the spirit of
the Constitution. If Governments were still to
cling to office, after adverse votes of The House
of Commons on important questions, the Con-
stitution would no longer, in effect, exist ; and
the House of Commons would not only cease to
be an efficient representative of the will of the
people, but it would be an anomaly in the institu-
tions of the country. If Ministers might, with
impunity, set at defiance the votes of the House of
Commons, come to after ample discussion and due
deliberation, then the question would present itself
—of what utility is the House of Commons at
all ? It would be No better than a mockery. If
~he members of that house are not to have the

power of turning out a Ministry which is bringing
disgrace on the national name, and disaster on the
country, then why send them to St. Stephen's at
all ? But the proposition of our evening contem-
porary is much too preposterous to be seriously
discussed. And yet it is brought, forward with all
imaginable gravity.
The truth we take to be, that Ministers them-
selves are anticipating more than one defeat very
soon after the re-assembling of the Legislature ;
and, as they have no wish to resign, they have in-
structed their organ to prepare the public mind
for their retention of office, if at all possible, by
endeavouring to show that there will be nothing
wrong in retaining their places after they have
been defeated. But though that doctrine may
be all very well for them, it will not suit the poli-
tical palates of the people. The latter will still
prove staunch in their adherence to the good old
Constitutional doctrine—that when a Ministry hasd
lost the confidence of the Commons, we areebnoeueno..
to assume that it has equally lost the confidence
the country, and that, therefore, the ogey It
tive left for it to adopt, is to return _ p_aelcsi of
office to the Sovereign, that they Trythbee Vac
discharge
,Isintno6taebni
no
eest
the hands of others more qualified f
her course for them,
aorfet heendt
ruutsiteesdw. h i
Ac hl
Id epvroelvvioeotuos
cu7o
rtnomwehnotsm
ht evye
found that there we have supposed,
will find, as soon
aunndd
,trhde
witt ion
Pclaalsamoerfsto
as it is placed in a minority on some important pies_
otipoenn, that there is no other course but resin, t•

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them ? Certainly not the people of England,
whoseabt dearest interests are at stake.
Nothing can exhibit the preposterous system of secret
diplomacy in a more glaring light than the present
position of affairs. Here we have the spectacle of what
is called a self-governed people, whose honour—whose
pecuniary interests—whose positien among the kingdoms
of the earth—the lives of whose army—and whose very
existence as a nation—are all cast on the hazard of a die
—and who yet, neither by themselves nor,their represen-
tatives, can eieroLo the very smallest influsace on the
result of the. discussions. Not only that, but the . Tell
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