The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-22 00:00:00

q times and in all ont-of-the-way corners, entered the House of
Commons, cheek by jowl, like the two kings at Brentford,
smelling at one rose. No sooner had they taken' their places
than Mr. S. Herbert inquired of Lord Palmerston whether
all. hopes of peace between Uussia and the Allies, through the
intervention of Austria, were at an end. The noble Premier
replied : By no means. Thereupcn up rose Mr. Gladstone,
and adjured bis right honourable friend Mr. Milner Gibson
to postpone his motion, asserting that the terms propounded
by Russia at the Vienna Conferences for the settlement of the
third point, ought to have been accepted. This brought Mr.
Sidney Herbert-on his legs again, to declare that if Mr. Gib-
son persisted in his motion he would move the previous
question. The Right Honourable ex-Secretary at War was
followed by Lord Harry Vane, who
.had undertaken to se-
cond the motion, and who urged his principal to yield to the
appeals addressed to him. Thou followed some further Mi-
nisterial declarations, to the effect that the • motion, if per-
sisted in at the time, would materially embarrass the,negotia-
tions which are not in progress at Vienna. Mr. Milner Gib-
son was all compliance. Mr. Bright did not appear quite
certain what to think of the part takpa in these interpella-
tions by his right honourable Uobra. He would rather
have the motion persevered in ; but he was in favour of any
proceedings that would ensure peace at any price ; he would
support Mr. Gibson if he went on with his motion, and would
not oltject to that gentleman's withdrawing. it. So the mo-
tion was p9stponed till after the Whitsun holidays—that is,
ad. Gnecas lialendas.

Mr. Sidney Herbert took care to interpose a protest that
he was entirely ignorant of the course the right honoUrable
member for Manchester was likely to take in consequence of
the appeal made to him by Mr. GlaNtoue. Of course, Mr
Gladstone had told Mr. Sidney Herbert nothing of his secret
communings with Mr. Milner Gibson—political colleagues
often find it convenient not to tell each other, in express
words, what 13,th know quite well. In like manner, Mr.
Milner Gibson is to be presumed to have been quire unfore-
warned of the question to be put to Lord Palmerston by Mr.
Sidney Herbert, and the appeal to he made to himself by Mr.
Gladstone. And all the three wero-innttsr ignorance of what
Lord Palmerston would say in reply to Mir. Sidney Herbert,
as the noble viscount was, on his part, taken quite by surprise
by that gentleman's question. A more gross and transparent
farce has never been played off in the face of a conniving
House of Commons. The obvious thimblerigging of the
" Peace-at-any-price" faction, of the Aherdeenites, and Mi-
nisters, was last night palpable to the dullest understanding.
The Aberdeenif es sought to back out of the scrape, fearing
the public indig' ation that would be roused against them if
they supported the disgraceful motion of Mr. B:ight's caudal
-appendage ; Mr. Milner Gibson had no inclination to make
himself a laughing-stock by dividing without tie support of
the Aberdeenites ; and both parties bad a pretty strong con-
viction that the wishes and intentions of Ministers were in
harmony with their own.
We speak more in sorrow than in anger. It is clear that
•,, _ •

there is among our leading public men no feeling for the na-
tional honour, no power of comprehending the real interests
of the nation, There is but one wish among them—to patch
up a bungled and mismanaged war
.by a disgraceful peace.
This is a terrible state of aflitirs ; for the people are indignant
and'alarmed, unaccustomed to act for themselves, and basely
deserted by all the leaders in whom they have been disposed
to place confidence. The expedition to Kerteh has returned
to Balaklava without even attempting to land. The Premier
tells us that he is open to receive furthc,r proposals from
Russia through the tainted medium of Austria, though there
is not an Englishman worthy of the name who does not feel
that concession on the part of the Allies has already been
pushdd beyond all reasonable bounds. And the House of
Commons allows such a Rigadoon as was performed before
them—by three loudly professing factions—the Harlequin,
Clown, and Pantaloon of the spectacle—to be palmed off
upon them as serious business. We do not believe the
country will tolerate the disgraceful as dangerous winding
np of the war which the three parties to last night's con-
spiracy against its honour and interests contemplate : bat we
have ere now seek the English people obliged to take their
business into their own hands when deserted by those to
whom they had been accustomed to look as their natural
leaders ; and with • the monster meetin,s throughout the
manufacturing districts—to say nothing of the scenes enacted
at Bristol and Clumber Castle, vividly in our recollection--
we honestly confess that we view with anything but plea-
surable anticipations the inevitable repetition of such an
experiment.

(From the Morning Herald of this day.)
A visitor to the strangers' gallery, uninitiated in the
mysteries of Parliamentary warfare, might very easily have
come to the conclusion that the proceedings last evening in
the House of Commons were nothing but a farce.
The motion of which Mr. Milner Gibson had given notice
was calculated to extort from the Palmerston Administration
some explanations of the policy upon which the foreign affairs
of England aro conducted, or rather misconducted, at this
moment. The Ministers were to be tried by the ordeal of
this debate. The country was to be satisfied, not only as to
the good faith of its rulers, but as to their unanimity amongst
themselves. The question of divided as well as timid councils
was to be determined. Rumours of a division in a Cabinet that
has never yet been cordially united cannot occasion much sur-
prise ; but the danger is still more critical. It is asserted that
these divisions have assumed so important a character that only
by a disgraceful and dishonourablepeace can they be allayed.
The plenipotentiary that went to Viennabreathing defiance, has
returned with all his ferocity extracted. He can assail none
now but his immediate friends. Like a real turnspit, he has
commenced growling at his former associates. One very im-
portant point strengthens this opinion - Lord John Russell
has not given public expression to his views upon the war
since he reached England. Even last night, impelled by the
remonstrances of speakers on both sides of the house, he only
gave us a history of the conferences ; he said nothing of his
own feelings ;he talked of his instructions. The member
for London is not generally overburdened with discretion ;
and his reserve in this matter is, to say the least of it, ' re-
markable.

But we have not done with Mr. Milner Gibson yet. He
threw himself into the breach to save the Government ; they
now manage to postpone until after Whitsuntide any discus-
sion upon their foreign policy.
Inquiry the people will and must have.

(From the Morning Pose of this day.)
The House of Commons and the country had an escape last
night. A somewhat angry dis3ussion;short but the reverse
of sweet, took the place of the long debate that was expected
to develop the most energetic bitterness of Mr. Disraeli, and
to give those followers of Lord Derby who wait with anxiety
on the changes in that nobleman's resolutions the pleasure of
stating their perfect readiness to take office, and their con-
viction that, by their so doing, peace would be restored on
some or on any terms, or that war could be carried on with
the greatest advantage at no cost to the country. The state-
ments of Lord Palmerston and of Lord John Russell showed
clearly, and without a doubt, what ought to have been well
enough known before —that the discussion of Mr. Milner's
Gibson'g proposed resolutions, weak as the resolutions were,
would leave done infinite mischief to any prospects of an
honourable peace that may yet remain—to any hopes of an
arrangement through the anxious mediation of Austria.

-----
Our position is simple enough. We have held, and we still
hold, peace as too precious a gift to throw away the slightest
chance of grasping it. If the house cannot trust the present
Ministry—if it believe that Lord Palmerston has not the
vigour, ability, or experience to direct the fate of the country
—if it bold Lord Malmesbury superior. to Lord Clarendon—or
if it have a fancy to try conclusions with 3,1 r. Layard, or with
any of the volunteers of the R dministrative Reform .Associa-
tion, let it by all means says so, break with the present Go-
vernment, put in the new one, and let us 830 what will come
of it.

Mr. Milner Gibson, few (except the disappointed men big
with speeches) will question, has shown the better part of
valour by his discretion in postponing his much-talked-of
motion till after Whitsuntide. The strong Bright and the
powerful Cobden could not have shown much strength—could
not have spoken with great power on a subject so awkwardly
encompassed with ugly facts—could not have set the country
blazing against the iniquity of the Government in not having
made peace, when all the world is growing hourly to a
stronger persuasion that we have no choice left but that of
a vigorous and active war. We say that we have no choice
left ; for, as matters stand at present, we have no choice be-
tween an active war and a dishonourable peace.

PEACE OR WAR.
(From the Times of this day.)
mbeagniynnwinhgo,
doird before
beginning,
atthiet s
h oI
tt s' wasofpv er:tyzhease:l clear from
care
mpaigns
was to go to war. Themypwattehirehgoenuaghatnintngpoodssibinly affairnpaedolong
ct of
security,
execute executed
Fthonwroontderfpnal
rtd,ewspeatkchn,owanwdhatrtinamEpuhraonptelayn con-
cluded.war
had been, and what it was likely to be ; so we were in no
such hurry to get into it, and were called "Russians" and
many more hard names in consequence. It would now appear
that the war party imagined we could shift from peace to
war, pleased ;
thaart, iwd asonly anPe peace, often
of par parade aso
or of cuknliyf oarsm; we
and that
general actions admitted of as much prearrangement as a revie w
on Woolwich-common. The fact is so unlike everything they sup-
posed that they think Cloy may, without any inconsistency, ask
to be relieved of it. Like the lady in a storm at sea, they send
word to the captain, beseeching him to stop the ship. There
is, is, however, no stopping the ship so long as the storm lasts,
unless we stop it by running ashore or going to the bottom.
We can, if we please, send word to the Emperor,
quarrels
rfr;osels,
as
the Emperor, our ally, to say that we have thought better of
it, that we are wiser than last year, and beg to be permitted
to withdraw. This, however, is so very unlike what we have
ao
unlike hitherto s
schoolboys,ee n in any class
who ofa Englishmen,lwaya
figfight
0 nold orho young oulagr
long as they can stand ; it 14 so unlike our artisans, who,
when they have once "struck" for better terms, hold out
till they are fairly starved into submission, that we can hardly
believe it to be the same class that cried so loud last year
and cries so small this. Then it was all defiance, all thunder,
all splutter, all abuse, like that old Goliath or Homer's rude
heroes. Now it is all softness and civility, and we are told
we ought not to judge Russia uncharitably. Perhaps she
means well, and we ought to put the most favourable con-
struction oniher actions. So, after driving Coriolanus to extre-
mities, we are now to send processions of mothers and wives
in the shape of amiable plenipotentiaries to agree to any
terms be may please to allow us. Is this the sort of line for
England to take? Does it suit our national character, our
position, our interests, our reputation, or anything about us?
We are sure it does not.
Why, we stand mainly by reputation. What are we, a few
millions, in these two little islands, to affect to govern about
one-eighth, or one-seventh, of the whole human race,—to
hold a sort of supremacy on the sea, and to maintain a fore-
most place iu the nations of Europe ? There is an immense
arrogance, not to say impudence, in these pretensions, unless
we carry them through with a high hand and do every-
thing worthy of them. So long as we challenge no more
than we are ready to perform we aro respectable, and are
not likely to be rashly encountered ; but if we are once
found playing at the game of brag, then all our mighty
prestige will go to the winds, and we shall be left with our
two little islands, and our twenty-eight millions. We shall
then be stripped of our feathers, the bipes implume of na-
tions, the groat impostor found out, and universally exe-
crated and despised in proportion to the terror and respect
we have hitherto imposed. It, so happens that we play the
biggest part in those very quarters of the globe where people
judge by looks, and follow the loudest talker. Throughout
the East there is always a notion of some great man or some
great nation dominating over all the others, bolding the posi-
tion, keeping the strong house, and able to shut out all the
world besides. When two pretenders of this sort are at war,
Orientals very naturally believe it is a sort of cock-fight, or a
battle for the championship, and prepare themselves to wor-
ship the conqueror and trample on the conquered. Not even
money, nothing except prowess, can give us the sort of Tie-