The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-21 00:00:00

of other countries to bear heat and cold, braie as their swords,
and obedient to their officers whenever they are paid. I most
earnestly desire to see that army officered as the irregular
forces are under the East India Company, by a commandant,
a second in command, and an adjutant ; and I feel satisfied
that, so officered, those troops would be equal to any service
to which they might be called But, my lords, there is
another Power whose assistance I think we have a right to
claim in this war—a Power most deeply interested, whose
existence as connected with India is, I will not say, dependent
on the result of this war, but most materially connected with
it—l mean the Government of India. (Hear.) Is the Govern-
ment of India to stand aloof in this war, which affects Persia
and which affects the communication through Egypt 1 Is
that Government to do nothing I Is she to be the Prussia of
the East 7 Is she to let others fight her battles 1 I think not.
I think not only that the available forces of „India should be
brought into the field, but that the Government of India
should pay for them, as it is for their interest and for their
safety that they would have to fight. (Hear.) In addition to
30,000 Persian soldiers that could with great effect be opposed
to Russia in Asia, why should we not have the use of the noblest
artillery in the world —the native artillery of India. You can
have 48 guns without the smallest inconvenience to
the service in India—not served by men who will run
away when the enemy is advancing to their muzzles, but
Who will die at their guns—(hear)—who may have their
guns taken from them, no doubt, but who will never desert
them, standing at their posts till left dead men. (Hear.)
Then there is the irregular cavalry, than which there is
no nobler body of men in the world. (Hear. hear.) The offi-
cers are selected from the whole army of India—men full of
daring, full of knowledge, genius, and zeal, to whom the sol-
diers are devoted, and who would follow them to the end of
the world. (Hear, hear.) Of those you can easily have 3 000
officered by the best men in the world, and the men, being
Mahomedans, might bring over with them volunteers from
the various regiments in the service of the Government of
India, so that thus you might have 8 or 10 battalions officered
by men—some of whom we know by name—equal to any you
possess in the army. (Hear.) Thus,. then, including the
Turkish and Persian troops, you might have an army of
50,000 men, which would be strong enough to give you Tiflis
an,t Georgia. Observe that in this war before Sebastopol you
are enclosed by the town and by the enemy, and you have no
means of contact with the people of the country. But in
Georgia you would have the feeling of the nationality of the
country iu your favour. We would have allies by our side.
We would have Schamyl and the Circassians, and would have
an opportunity of attacking Russia with the arms she has
herself used for the purpose of subjugating a large portion of
Europe. (Hear.) You would attack her with her own arms,
and you may depend it that in this war you must fail unless
you determine to appeal to nations and not alone to armies
—(hear)—unless you will avail yourselves of the means which
the national feeling of the people more rece tly annexed to
Russia places at your disposal. (Hear.) This is a war, I re-
gret to say, ad internationem, and it is absolutely necessary
that you should avail yourselves of every means in your
power, for the purpose of bringing it to a conclusion honour-
able to this country, safe for us, and safe for the rest of the
world. (Loud cheers.)
The Earl of HARROWBY expressed his concurrence in
the observations which had fallen from the noble earl who
had just addressed the house with respect to the import-
once of appealing to the feelings of nationality against Russia.
In Asia, the Georgians and Circassians had, by their own
unaided strength, almost obtained a victory over Russia, but
he believed that if we assisted them, nothing could resist
them. But it was Poland which was the one really weak
. point of Russia. He was rf►rised to hear the noble lord
who had just gone to Vienn 1k as if under no circumstance
were we to look for an alteration in the territorial distribu-
tion of the Russian empire. But in that case what were we
fighting for ? Wh it substantial guarantee could we have
against Russia except in a substantial alteration of her terri-
torial constitution. (Hear.) That, however, could not be
done except we turned our attention both to Poland and the
Caucasus. And yet, strange to say, in neither quarter had
anything been done by the allies. (Hear.) Let us raise the
standard of Poland and we should aaise seventeen millions of
men the most warlike in Europe, and the most opposed to
Russia, both in the Baltic and the Black Sea. Nor, when ho
considered what sacrifices Prince Metternich was willing to
make at the Congress of Vienna, and when he looked to what
had occurred since, could ho doubt that Austria would be
willing to make some sacrifices of territory in order to raise a
more effectual barrier against the power of Russia. Whether
our Government were or were not prepared to take steps for
appealing to the national feeling of the Poles, he did, now-
ever, hope that our minister would not go to Vienna prepared
to pledge this country that under no circumstances should
any alteration be effected in the territorial extent of Russia.
Lord PANMURE said that the noble earl who had just ad.
dressed the house appeared to think it was inexpedient that
Parliament should grant the Crown an unlimited power of
curtailing the period of enlistment in the army. And as he
(Lord Panmure) to some extent participated in the opinions he
had expressed, he should be quite willing to limit the operation
of this measure to three years. And with this amendment and
limitation of the period for which it was to be in force, he trusted
that the house would have no difficulty in agreeing to a mea-
sure the object of which was to enacle the Government to en-
list in the army men of sufficient age, with sufficient strength,
and with constitutions sufficiently formed, to enter at once
on the arduous duty of a campaign, instead of being com-
pelled, as at present, to take boys of eighteen, who had to be
fed and trained for two or three years hefore they.are fit to
undertake the commonest warlike operations. (Hear, hear.)
Passing from the bill before the house, the noble earl had
then adverted to a number of points connected with the army
in general, and had in particular adverted to the number of
recruits which would be required to fill up the army to the
effective strength voted by the House of Commons on the
previous evening. Those who were conversant with the de-
tails of the army knew that at no period was it possible to
maintain its effective strength at the number voted in the
estimates. And if that was the case in time of peace, much
more so must it be the case in time of war. In time of peace,
the casualties from sickness and otherwise reduced an army
of 104,000 men by 12,000. Of course, the casualties out of
an army of 190,010 in time of wftr must be much more nu-
merous, and a much larger number of recruits must be re-
quired to till np the deficiency thus created. He was not,
however, afraid of getting the requisite supplies of men by
recruiting ; and for this purpose the Government relied, not
only on their own measure, but also upon the assistance of
every lord-lieutenant, every deputy-lieutenant, every man
interested in the welfare of the country by the ties either of
landed or commercial property, to induce men to enter the

a conclusion be put to a state of things which disturbed all
the relations of the country, landed, conunerciala and social.