The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-28 00:00:00

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r axtt ltaireed iaetabile Stated tl,et a relt neAll444l‘o!i at e
eulty in bringing this question under the notice of the
house, because in the first instance a very strong opimon
appeared to prevail that the idea of restoring Poland to its
former rank and independence was a Quixotic notion—a
speculative and theoretical notion, more fit for Utopia
than for the calm, careful, and deliberate consideration of
' thinking men; and also because there had always been a
certain amount of ridicule thrown upon those who had
formed strong and decided opinions upon the subject. He
felt, however, supported in his attempt to bring the matter
under the consideration of the House of Commons by the
numerous petitions which bad been presented on the sub-
ject, and by the declarations of able and distinguished
members on both sides of the house, among others by the
hon, baronet of an illustrious name who now held an office
in her Majesty's Government, and also by the declara-
tion made the other night by the noble lord himself
at the head of the Government, to the effect that he
considered the position of Russia in Poland as a stand-
iog menace to Germany. If that were so, if Warsaw
were a " standing menace" to Germany, as Sebastopol
was to Constantinople, it became a question of the
deepest importance, and one which must have a prac-
tical effect upon all the nations of Europe. (Hear.)
But another difficulty which stood i❑ the way of bringing
this subject mid& r Parliamentary notice was the opinion
that questions of this sort ought to be left entirely in the
hands of the executive Government, that they were ques-
tions too delicate for discussion in the House of Commons,
and, if debated, very serious consequences might ensue.
He was of opinion, however, that those who adopted this
line of argument were very insensible to the tie uses of
that house. It was, he conceived, a morbid and most un-
founded feeling that the discussion of foreign affair's ought
not to be permitted in Pailiament. tt appeared to him to
be a fatal error. We had a free press, the right of pets.
tinning—of which a great community had largely availed
itself—the right of public meeting, where strong and vicee
lent inflammatory harangues, all upon one side, were con-
tinually addressed to most susceptible assemblages—end
we had not the antidote of free discussion upon both sides
of the question in the House of Commons ! Bydelegating to
the press the duty of leading the public mind they exposed
it to being very frequentlymieled, and, when so misled pub.
lie opinion was too often used as a lever against the execu-
tive Government. At the present time the people of this
country were really not in the mood to accept from states-
men the solution of every question according to their mere
arbitrary Rill. He believed that the partition of the king-
dom of Poland would never have taken place had the at-
tention of the House of Commons been fairly directed to
the subject. It was his firm conviction that that gross
violation of public law, that invasion of the rights of states
and nations, which had been the source of so many of the
evils which had since afflicted Europe, would not have
taken place had a sound and healthy public opinion fornd
its expression in the Parliament of this country. There
was a document which was supposed by some to be apocry-
phal—the will of Peter the Great—which developed in a
wonderful manner the policy of Russia, and which foresha-
dowed history in a remarkable degree. That policy was that
Russia should keep up a large army, should continually ag-
grandiee itself, at the expense of Poland especially—should
make alliances with the States of Germany—and should, by
every underhand means, set the States of Germany ono
against the other. Within 50 years from the death of
Peter, Poland was partitioned between the three great
Powers, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, and thus a gross
violation of the public law of Europe was perpetrated,
and by the same means as attempted during the last two
yeoas with Turkey. He might be toll that the effect of
bringing forward that motion before the house would in-
jure our alliances ; but, in answer to that objection, he
would draw attention to what had been the pokey of Aus-
tria, France, and England in relation to Poland. His
opinion was that Austria he l soon repented of the part
she had taken in the original partition of Poland, and that
she had since sought the restoration of the independence
of that kingdom. The Empress Maria Theresa expressed
deep regret at the partition, and truly prognosticated that
her empire would be left, by the denationalisation •of Po-
land, at the mercy of Russia, when she considered that
there was no line of demarcation between Warsaw and
Vienna, and complained that for a wretched piece of Poland
and Wallachia she had given up her honour and her fame.
The hon. and learned member quoted a variety of docu-
ments to establish that, in a short time from the first par-
tition of Poland, Austria was deeply sorry for the pat i she
bad taken in that transaction, that on the second partition
she received nothing, and that on the third partition she
only obtained a sma" peat, while she saw Russia possess
herself of three-fifths of the spoil of Poland. But what was
the declaration of the Austrian plenipotentiary, Prince
Metternich, at the Congress of Vien a in 1814? He said
that the partition of the ancient and valuable kingdom of
Poland had been the prelude to, and in some sort the cause
of, the dangers which had since agitated Europe. (Hear,
hear.) After the revolt of 1831 a circular had been ad-
dressed to the agents of the Austrian Government through-
out the Courts of Europe, conveying too sincere desire
of that Government for the settlement of the Polish
question in the sense of a restoration and security of
Poland's independence. Such had been the policy of
Austria, and he bad every reason to believe that her
policy at the present day was similar in its character.
(Hear, hear.) What had been the policy of France and
England? Despite the ridiculous prejudices of George 111.,
all the statesmen of his time were favourable to the cause of
Polish independence. Mr. Burke, in 1772, attributed to
that act of partition the immediate evils which affected
Germany, and the destruction of the political equilibrium
of Europe. Mr. Fox, Lord Grey, and other statesmen de•
nounced that partition, and described our acquiescence in
it as a grievous political crime. At the Congeess of Vienna
remarkable correspondence took place, which added to
Lord Castlereagh's ferns and glory, and which placed his
anxiety for the maintenance of the rights of public law and
the interests of humanity in a light that it was difficult to
appreciate. What Lord Castlereagh then wrote described
as clearly as if written at this day the effects of that parti-
tion ; no description could have been more circumstantial
or paint iu more distinct colours the evils which had since
occurred. M. de Talleyrand, too, said that of the ques-
tions to be discussed at the Congress, the King, his master,
would consider the question of Poland as one of the most
important. The policy of France on this subject had
been invariable. Napoleon restored a considerable poi lion
of Poland and erected it into a grand duchy, and promised
repeatedly that Poland should be restored to its nationality.
The Chamber of Deputies and Louis Philippe upheld the
principle of the maintenance of the treaty of Vienna and
of the nationality of Polan I. He (Mr. Phiun) had, ha
thought, proved that the three powers, two of which were
now united in arms and alliance, and the third of which
had used her good offices in the present quarrel, had always
been of opinion that the maintenance of Poland as a dis-
tinct nationality was not only necessary for the interests of
Get aeany, but for the public law of Europe. lint there
was another power whose vacillation was described in another
place in suitable terms by "the old man eloquent." Circum-
stanced as that power was, he should think that she would
iind it her interest to support the representations of her Ma•
jesty's plenipotentiary now at Vienna, if urged with firm-
ness. It might be said what would he have the Govern-
ment do? This question did not come within the four
points, did not relate to the independence of Turkey and the
equilibrium of Europe. But the four points were only the
bases of the negotiations, and there might be alternatives
proposed. All negotiations kept something in reserve.
Poland was first a menace to Germany, but then it was a
menace to Europe. He cos'ld not imagine how the dis-
cussion on the motion could have a bad effect en the ne-
gotiations. The independence of the Circassian tribes was
not one of the four points, yet that was a question which
would form part of the negotiations. He had introduced
an unpleasant question to the house, and what, perhaps,
was au unpleasant question for the Ministry; but he felt
bound to call on the noble lord, whom the people looked
on as—

" A daring pilot in extremity ;
Pleased with the danger, when the WaYOS ran high,
Ho sought the storm."
The noble lord might say he bad no moans of raising the
Poles into a nation; but the noble lord was a greater
kingdom-maker and king-maker then even the great War-
wick himself, as witness his exploits in Belgium, Greece,
Spain, and Po-_;,ugal. He (Mr. Phinu) did not wish to
place the question before the house as one of sentiment, but
one of policy, affecting Europe and the law of nations, and
he would leave it in the hands of the noble lord, corfidont
that be would take such steps as were in his powor to eflect
the object which they all had in Niew. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD seconded the motion.

The question having been put from the chair, a parse of
some seconds ensued, and no member rose to speak. A cry
of " di‘ide" followed, and the Speaker was about to close
tho debate, when

me3rlr.o.cMca.siMonlsle, NwhEeSn rthosee.quellsteiosnaiwd
aist bwroaus ghhi st
floort w oa
rnaf obrys
his noble friend the late Lord Dudley Stuart, whose mi -
mory was linked to an unselfish devotion to the cause, to
express his opinions en the question of Poland. Bat he was
anxious, before the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) spoke— (a
laugh)—to say two or three words on the subject, for he
thought his hon. friend was right in bringing the subject
before the attention of the house. Taking the words of
the resolution, they enunciated facts on which a'l were
agreed. The historical summary which his hon. friend gave
to the house was also such as they could r" agree upon,
and he could not see how his hon. friend was wrong in sug-
gesting to her Majesty's Government that this was a ques-
tion which should obtain serious attention tinting the nego-
tiations which were now proceeding. At the same time he
was bound to say that this was a question which was d'ffi•
cult to deal with at the first partition of Poland, which
was more difficult at the second partition, and yet more
difficult at the third, and wbich at the present moment was
surrounded with many perplexities. Ho thought that this
should be considered as a Gerenan question, because, if the
Polish question was of im
• portance to Germany in earlier
times, it was a little more so at present. If there was danger
in former times from it, what was the danger now ? W hat
was the state of Russian Poland? It was one enormous for-
tress. Russian Poland, at the present moment, threatened
Germany with exactly the same kind of menace asSebastop_ol
people
threatened Turkey. (Hear.) He did not wish the 1
•
of. England should be deceived on this point, and he
thought that in the case both of Poland and Sebastopol
they s mild make no demand requiring the cl;sarmameut of
the one or the other, unit -.5 they were prepared to conduct
the present war otherwise than as they had conducted it—
unless they could conduct it with military genius and offi-
cial aptitude. (Hear.) It was idle to talk of Sebastopol
on the one hand, or of Poland on the other, unless they
could show that they could back up brave words with
brave deeds, maintain their armies in the field, and protect
their soldiers under the misfortunes of war. (Hear.) If
they could not do these thine, the sooner they made peace
the better. (Hear.) He believed the effoi Ls that had
been made on the part of Poland, and the firm faith of the
Polish emigrants in the reef notion of their country,
afforded an eateest of the futeee destiny of that country,
and that it would yet play a great part either for weal or
for wee. (Wear, hear.)
Lord R. CECIL could not agree in thinking that the pro-
posed measure was required, or that the reconstitettion of
Poland was just or necessary in itself. If they could not
take a town six miles from the shore, or send au army that
distance front their ships without being starved or nearly
decimated by diseeee, how could they attempt to restore
the independence of ae. eat ieland couetry, or to under-
take an enterprise before wl‘'clr the genius of Napoleon
j had failed ? The provze awtieb sieetrie gained by the
partition cf Poland were extensive and fertile, and it was
scarcely to be expset: 1 that she would yield them up with-
out a struggle.' He scarcely thought that they were pre-
pared to embark in a struggle for the reconstitution of Po-
land, with Austria, Prussia, and Russia. They should
look to the progress of their own country within the last
century before they accused others. There was not a quar-
ter of the globe in which England had not increased its
territorry by some aggression—(cries of " No,l no,")--and
obtained dominion by the repression of oppressed nationali-
ties. They had taken the Cape and Canada, and had ob-
tained possession of India and the lonian Islands. They
hail gone to war to defend a power that was itseilf the
great oppressor of nationalities. During 4GO years the
Turks had oppressed the greatest nation in the word, and