The National Register.
London, England, 1815-05-28 00:00:00

3t

Boonaparte had put himsellout of the pale of the law. How
could the Noble Lord reconcile this with the idea of a derlaratirn
of war made nu common occasions? This declaration,und the other
acts of the Allies, had given a character to the war unknown on any
similar occasion. Boontsparte ultimately might he triumphant, and
we nindit hereafter be reduced to the humiliating and disgrace•
$.-cesaity of treating wills a may la Isom we had thus proscribed ;
and mess what terms conkl be expected from him.—With respect to
the sermities which might have beets had from France, he should
have thought the restoring her to her original Midis, and entering
into a definitive alliance, similar to that of the Treaty of Chaumont,
mow have main yogi serntits for peace even with Bnonaparte. Lord
Grey then adverted to the reports of extensive insurrection in
France, which he considered extremely doubtful; even if it were
true t 11.4 3 lin's of the nation were inimical to Buonaparte, the best
way was to leave it to nourish and increase of itself, and not create
any external object to draw the attention of time people froni their
internal diseords.—The army of Puonaparte had been immetssely
strengthened by the return of prisoners from all countries, while on
the other hand many of those powers which had signed the declara-
tion would be able to do nothing, namely, Spain, Portugal, and
Sweden. The rest of the Allies would only move by subsidies from
this coinatry. All, indeed, would be ready enosigli to share in those
gnl•len eggs which the great Goose of Europe had so long been in
the habit of producing, but which, he feared, she would not be able
to prrelnce much longer. Was Lord Wellington now as powerthl
as he was Wien at the head of 60,000 veteran Biitish troops at
Bayonne? He wonid not have 114 co about as the Athenians did,
enquiring what was the health of Philip, and rest satisfied; no, he
would have it. prepared for any event ; hut he could not agree to
our rushing unnecessarily into war, The Noble Lord concluded by
snowing an amendment to the Address, assuring his Royal
Highness the Prince Regent, that they cordially agree to support
thlin, in conjunction with Isis Allies, in any measures likely to secure
iudependence of Europe; but that they did not think it justifi-
Inhle to enter into a war against any person the French nation
fight think proper to place at the head of its Government. •
G Earl BaTttuttsT replied at some length to the speech of Earl
trey ; in the coarse of Isis arguments he observed the Noble Earl
Fad made a statement of the comparative force of the Allies and of
Prance, which was entirely fallaci..ns. With respect to Russia,
e rus•ia, and Aoltria, the forces they were now marching forward,
/weeded those they had employed last year, and that exclusive of
the troop in Italy. many of which, from the conise of events, would
ale disposeable for the attack npiin France. The Noble Earl had
laso omitted in his statement the force of the King of the Nether-
Canis, which slid not exist in the last campaign, and he had altoge-
er underrated the whole forre.

Lord GnFrivit.LE soid, he understood Ministers to have advised
Lis Royal flightless the Prince Regent to place this country in a
state of war, and now in the coll,titutional way they Caine to the
House and asked whether their Lordships would give or withhold
that approbation aryl support which was necessary to give effect to
tie measnres adopted ; and for his part he felt that he should not,
and that Parliament would not, be doing its duty, unless they gave
evert sappro t in their power to the Government in the war which
tw;:s just entered upon---(henr, hear, hear ! from Ministers.)—The
Niiblr Baron pronounced an eulogy on Earl Grey, and lamented
that he telt a necessity to differ with him ; hut if his opinions were
erroneous, they were at least formed with integrity, and not with-
out the ~,reatest diligence and care. The first question was,
whether there Wag a just cause of war? for if, as was said by
Burke in those volumes of wisdom which afforded matter applica-
ble to almost all eases. becattse they contained true aril solid prin-
ciples ; if the cause of the war was unjust, it would render it more
I'm initial& than any evils which it was meant to avert. Now as to
the right of interfering with other Governments, as an abstract
principle, he appreltened there rould be no difference of opinion. If
any people were living in a state of nature, supposing any penple ever
to have been found in such a state—standing alone nneomoected tith
society_their right to ohoose their Government would beabsolute and
indubitable ; but when once nations become homul togeiner,the right
of ehon-ing a Government must be exercised in reference to others of
the union, and when any thing was found dangerous in a Govern.
mint, tin' other powers connected with it in society, had a right to
defend them-elves against it, and that right was as sacred as that
vhieff the ..thee. possessed. There was no period or conntry which
slid not abound with instances of the exercise nit this principle.
rvetr'Prance herself recognised' the principle in the peace she con-
chided: If this principle wire.nnW denied, all the proceedings up
to thfssmoment wonlilbe proved to have proceeded upon wrong
grotklidlt ; but uuw the principle' was teu tiuzes more strung upon

ri'

ell

France, who had honed' herself by a treaty in addition to the ori-
ginal right ; and no one would (Icily that .France contd dispose
.of
her right. The abdication of Mwonaparte was not new techenised by .
France, and the question was not whether we had a cause of war,
lint whether we had not a right to compel her to fultil her treaties ?
On this point he would rest the question of right. The treaty wish
France excluded Buonaparte, and the moment it was violated there
was a just cause of war with France: The Noble Baron further
illustrated this position in a variety of ways, and having designated
Caulainconrt's proposal for peace as the most insulting document
ever published, he said there was one cause to prevent negociatimi,
which was, that from violating all treaties, tuoneparte was unable
to give any security for peace by negociation. nuonaparte's beau t
(continued the Noble Baron) may be changed, but in a case where
the existence of my country is at stake, I will not look at possibili-
ties, but at what is probable ; and where is the probability, that
such is the fact with respect to him. The very plot and contriv.
ance of his return to France prove that such a presumption would
be unwarranted. It is difficult to ascertain the proportions availing
sentiment in a nation, but we know enough to prove that Bilona-
' parte is not at the head of the French people by the suffrages of the
• people of France ; he ham been placed upon the throne by a mere
• military authority, and without any other intervention. All the
Recoiling I have heard, and all the information from every Retiree
' which I have obtained, completely justify this conclusion, and
prove that during the reign of Louis XVIII. discontent was the
feeling of the French army, because their country was at peace, and
they had no pretext or opportunity to pursue their wanted system
of rapine or spoliation. The very reason why they wished to depose
their King was, because he wished to preserve peace. He was the
victim of peace and good Wile— (Hear, hear)—He suffered not for
any designs against the liberties of the people, but because he was •
the friend of social and political order. Those who have an of
in making out a case against him, have not been able to publish one
fact to answer their purpose. Look into all the publications upon
the subject, and though you may fluid sweeping allegations, you wilt
not meet with a solitary fact in support of them. No. Ile was
exiled because he was the friend of peace, and Bwmaparte has re.
gained the throne by the same means which at first pla•!ed Inns
there. Dependance is placed upon the power of the Republicans
over thionaparte ; but it'the Republicans have the power of fetter-
ing Bnottaparte, Bnonaparte has the remedy in his own hands, and
he will use it, by placing himself at the head of his army, where he
will smile at the wishes or councils of a Jacobin Cabinet.—(llear,
hear !)—The amendment assumes, without proof, that Buonaparte
is ready at this time to conclude a peace upon such terms as ought
to satisfy this country. The overture that he made soon after he
got to Paris, contained no mention of terms, and that sent by hies •
to Vienna merely embraced an offer to adopt the Treaty of Pai is.
But that treaty left unsettled almost every important point.• I
consider, indeed, that it is a :great misfortune, that the Allies did
not, in the moment of success, lay down the grand basal of a per.
manent arrangement for France. You have no security that lino.
naparte will agree to the only terms upon which you can hold peace
with France, and you %soul(' only be opening the flood-gates of a
discussion of which you would not see the end.—l sin glad that a
Noble Relation of mine took the opportunity of eliciting an expla-
nation, that the Address of this night will not at all commit your
Lordships to an approval of the proceedings of Congress. I know
not what has been done there, and therefore it would be premature
to pretend to an opinion upon it, awl especially premature to give
it an implied sanction." The Noble !Until was proceeding to recas
pitulate the points of his speech, when lie maeitested symptoms of
indisposition, and was ender the necessity of abruptly drawing to a
close.—Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided--