The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON; TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 15, 1855.

neglected. I can recollect the apprehensions which were
froment Erzeroum
in 1829 at
of
PrinceTh e d danger et
to itscherounato h
Constantinople.
otnse advancetantinop le.
Con-
stantinople was almost as great on the Asiatic as on the
European shore. Any blow struck against Turkey in Asia
paralyses the Turkish empire. More than that—the whole
commerce between Turkey and Persia is carried on by
Trebizond and Erzeroum, and the occupation of those places
by Russia puts an end to that trade, insulates Persia, and
most materially affects her policy. But, notwithstanding
these circumstanes, we did not carry on war in Asia
as we did in Europe, with army against army. We had
in Asia nations at our disposal. We had nations con-
quered, but yet disposed to throw off the yoke. We had
still more—a gallant nation whieh has been for years in
arms, successfully defending its independence. We should
make war with theirarmy as well as by the troops wecould
detach for any operation of this kind ; but this mode of
action has been altogether neglected, and, as far as I can
collect, the appointment of Colonel Williams, who was sent
out as a commissioner, appeared about the same time that
news was received of the defeat of the Turks at liars, which
appeared to threaten Erzeroum. The Turks were only saved
by the advance of Schamyl Buc for that -advance the
Russians would have been in Erzeroum. I say then, it
being the duty of the Government to look to the whale war,
it is a most material and serious defect in the conduct of
the war that nothing should have been done for the pur-
pose of acting in Asia. But it was determined to send the
troops to Varna. I entirely approve that movement, and
I thank my noble friend the noble earl late at the head of
her Majesty's Government for having pressed that course
upon his colleagues. I think he did rightly, and for the
reasons which he assigned. Not only was it an excellent
military position—the best which could be selected at the
time—but it " gave the hand" to Austria. That was the
expression of the noble earl, and the view which he enter-
tained was perfectly just and correct. That army, placed
at Varna and at Shumla, threatened Odessa, threatened
Sebastopol, threatened Anapa, threatened every Russian
station upon the Black Sea. It was an excellent po-
sition in itself ; but no sooner was the army placed
there, and about to give the hand to Austria—no
sooner was Austria about to rest upon that hand—
than we withdrew it, and sent the army to the Cri-
mea. I think that sending the expedition to the Crimea
after Austria had invited our co operation in the Princi-
palities was as great an error in diplomacy asit was in war-
fare. I ventured to caution the Government at the time as
to the effect which it must have uponthepolicy of Austria.
We have never to this day been in the same position with
respect to Austria in which we were when that offer of co-
operation was made. What Austria say when she was
informed of the intention of sending the expedition to the
Crimea? "That alters my position. I cannot venture to
fight Russia by myself, and you have withdrawn the force
which might have assisted me." And, my lords, what is it
that we have done very recently? Almost at the moment
when we were entering upon negotiations, and it wasof the
utmost importance that we should have the cordial assist-
ance of Austria, you withdrew the Turkish army and sent
it from the Principalities to Eupatoria. The best possible
assistance which the Austrian army could have you with-
drew at the very moment when i t was most necessary that it
should have somethiug to rely upon. You denuded her alto-
gether of any extraneous assistance, and you left the Aus-
trian army with its line extended from the Pruth to the
north of Galicia—you exposed her whole line to the attack
of the Russian army, with Germany uncertain behind her.
How, then, can you complain of the conduct of Austria? If
you say that Austria has acted with undue timidity, im-
pute it rather to your own mistakes—the mistake of the ex-
pedition to Sebastopol, and the mistake of the expedition to
Eupatoria. Those two mistakes have paralysed Austria,
and until your army is in a position in which it can assist
the Austrian army you may depend upon it that Austria
never can venture to give you the assistance which you re-
quire. (Hear, hear.) The treaty between Austria and Tur-
key is dated the 14th of June. That treaty was the real
cause of the raising of the siege of Silistria. Had your army
at Varna had the means of movement, can it be doubted
that you would have attempted, before raising the siege of
Silistria, to march to support the Turks? Was it consis-
tent with your honour to allow a place which was the
great safeguard of your army to be taken under your very
eyes ? But the negligence of the Government had left the
army motionless. You could not 'advance to the relief of
Silistria; and when the Russians, compelled by the advance
of Austria, retired from the Principalities—when any gene-
ral in command of an army that could move would have
pressed upon their rear and have prevented them taking
away the plunder of the Principalities, and retiring by easy
marches into Bessarabia—your army was 'unable to move.
Why was it unable to move ? Because tie Government had
not provided it with the means. (Hear.) It was no fault of
the general; it was the fault of the Government. No-
thing sufficient was done for the purpose of making those
troops really an army ; for troops are not an army unless
they can ufove into the field. Consider only for a moment
what would have been our position had the proper means
been taken to make that army moveable, and had it ad-
vanced. You would have had united more than 120,000
men of allies and Turks, in conjunction with, and supported
by, an Austrian army. You would have had Bessarabia,
and would have commenced the campaign from the Dniester;
and the first victory would have placed Odessa, Nicolai, and
the Crimea itself at your feet. It was determined, how-
ever, to send the expedition to Sebastopol. That expedition
involved two conditions, both fatal to the efficiency of an
army. It was quite impossible to send a sufficient force of
cavalry, and it was impossible to send a sufficient number
of animals to move the army. It could, therefore, never
gain a decisive victory, or move in the field so as to destroy
the enemy. Had it had cavalry, the victory of the Alma
would have destroyed the Russian army ; had it had the
means of movement when Prince Menschikoff passed the
Belbek, he never would have been allowed to retreat. That
army has since been placed between Sebastopol and the
sea. It is now beleagured, and it cannot move in any di-
rection. It has the sea open to it, but it cannot advance.
It is placed in a position in which it cannot obtain d--
cisive success, and it is placed there by the act of the Go-
vernment. It is the Government, therefore, that I accuse
of the position in which that army is placed. (Hear,
, hear.) I say nothing of the discretion of sending an army
across the sea at the time of the equinox, in 400 vessels,
. without having sufficiently reconnoitred the place, or hav-
ing ascertained by information from any quarter what the
amount of the defeuces might be, or what force the enemy
might be able to bring into the town. If any general had
ventured to do, of his own authority on the field, that
which you compelled our general to do—that is, had he
ventured to attack a place, and hail he failed in the attack
in consequence of his not having had information, and not
having reconnoitred the place, he would have been taken
before a court-martial, and would have been dismissed the
service. You, the Government, are answerable for having
effected an operation under the-e circumstances. I will not
go into the military impolicy of it. If you had taken the
place, and had come away, and had destroyed it, you would
have had no security in peace, because it might have again
been placed in the same condition of defence as before; but,
if you remained during the war to occupy it, you would be
throwing away a great army, and would be detaining it in
a most inconvenient position for the purpose of protecting
the town, whereas a blockade would have effected all your
purpose. Upon these grounds I say that the Government
has not conducted the war well, and that it has placed the
army in a position in which it cannot obtain decisive suc-
cesses. And now, my lords, as reg ads the third point—
the exposure of the troops to sufferings which forethought
might have avoided. Is there one man in this house or in
the country who does not believe that that was the case ?
Hear Dr. Andrew Smith, the gentletnan who very pro-
perly advised the Government at a very early period of the
war. He tells you that the lives of hundreds and the
miseries of thousands have been the consequence of not
doing that which might have been done by forethought for
the purpose of preventing the disasters which have occurred.
Ask your admiral, and he will tell you that he received no
instructions for the preparation of transports. That is a
new mode of carrying on a great expedition. I recollect,
when I was engaged with the Duke of Wellington and Sir
G. Cockburn on a small expedition to China, that we did not
forget the sick and wounded. A 74-gun ship was sent from
this country fitted for the reception of the wounded, al-
though we were making war at a distance of 25,000 miles,
instead of 3,000 miles, as is the case in the present instance.
My lords, I will not go into the melancholy details of all
the confusion which we have heard of in the transport
service, the Ordnance department, the despatch of stores,
and the lateness of their arrival—three month. being the
usual period before they were supplied after the requisi-
tion was sent in. I will not attempt to harrow your lord-
ships' minds by tracing the passage of the wounded and
sick from the camp at Balaklava, carried by the humanity
of our Allies, nor will I dwell upon the state of destitu-
tion on the shore, or the horrors of the middle passage, or
the abominations of Scutari. All these things wilt be
chronicled by the faithful pen of history. They are now in
the minds of every one, and it is unnecessary for me, fortu-
nately, further to allude to them; but, my lords, we have
read that which has been stated with respect to those
calamities with which the army has been afflicted, and I
think that the opinion of all men is this, that however de-
fective may have been the system, it is not the system
alone which is to be impugned, but conduct of the men
by whom the system has been carried on. (Hear.) My lords,
to attribute anything to the defects of system is the subter-
fuge of convicted mediocrity. (Hear, and a laugh.) Medio-
crity succumbs to system ; ability dominates over it, and
forces men to a better course. Public zeal, seconded by
public ability, will drive almost any system into the right
course. But that has not been the case here ; and one of
the most distressing circumstances, in contemplation of all
that has been produced before the committee, is not so much
the defect of the system, which may be remedied, but the
extent of mediocrity which pervades the departments.
(Hear.) It is that feeling, I apprehend, which has led very
generally the people of this country to the belief that it is
absolutely necessary, for the future, to adopt a new prin-
ciple in the selection of officers for the public employment.
My lords, I entirely agree in that view. It is my
belief that the best of all Governments is the Govern-
ment which affordas the greatest facilities for obtain-
ing the assistance of the ablest men in the public service.
(Hear.) It was upon that principle that I opposed the
Reform Bill. I said it was not calculated to produce in
the House of Commons the ablest men. Was I right?
(Cheers.) Is the House of Commons more distinguished
by ability than it was in former times ? Have we not
been compelled to use up all the old men in the House of
Commons because the regenerated House of Commons has
not been able to produce young men of equal ability?
(Laughter.) I am in favour of administrative reforms
precisely on the same principle. I desire to see the ablest
men iu the public service. (Cheers.) I can recollect well,
many years ago. being much struck by the observation of
a great philosophical historian who treated of the success
and grandeur of the Roman Republic. He compared the
whole circumstances of that republic with the circum-
stances of other States which appeared to have greater
chances of progress, and he said, " The cause of the suc-
cess of the Roman Republic has been this :—the great vir-
tue and the great ability of a few great men." (Cheers.)
It is, therefore, as far as I can further the object of bring-
ing able men into the public service, that I altOgether
adopt the principle which is generally received at the pre-
sent time. My lords, I recollect having beard that Mr.
Pitt once said that in the whole course of his life he had
hardly been able to give more than three or four situations
to the persons he wished. Yet be was a most powerful
Minister, a man of a very bold, a man of a very proud mind.
One of the best securities for the proper discharge of pub-
lic duties is to have a man of very proud mind ; yet so
I his strength, such was the
result
Government that, with al
result
And what was the of his
encompassed was Mr. Pitt by the trammels of Parliameii-
reeolt of his experience.
sacrifices of the country
and all the courage of the troops,
(Hear.) Notwithstanding all the
the general character of
policy. Failure in war was the result of all his ability.
failure, and thit
to the action of that
failure very greatly to be attributed
to look abroad for the
necessity which did not permit him.
the military operations of Mr. Pitt was
t were the cha
ablest men.
He disdained those
racter and conduct of his great father?
lected the
trammels; he acted independently of them; he se
(Hears hear.) How different
he restored con-
fittest, tna-n wherever he was to ,be. fomvi • 1.1,4
who admire his
fidence to the people ;he restored victory to our a ,
and are we, who eulogise his character,
genius, who glory in his success—ire we to shrink from
great a saarifim,to the weakness of modern government ,
applying to our own times bis principles, as involving too_

(Loud cheers.) How much more powerful would be the I believe that the Reform Bill is still capable of furnish-
position of a Minister able to select men best fitted for the ing the country with men well qualified to administer
public service? How much more agreeable would be the its Government, and I am afraid that, so far at least
pcssession of office if he bad the boldness so to act ? He as this argument goes, the noble earl will find but
would then feel, whatever might happen, whatever might little sympathy from those who are otherwise asso-
be the success of his Government, he had at least performed seated with him upon those questions. But, if I mis-
the moral obligation he incurred. (Hear, hear.) But, take not, the noble earl went even further, and talked of
my lords, bow can we, sitting here by the hereditary right the contrast which now exists between public meet in Par-
conferred, for the most part, upon our ancestors, for liament and public men on the platform in this country.
their services to the State, for their fitness for public The noble earl seems to think that Parliament formerly
employment, how can we refuse to adopt that prin- led public opinion in this country, and that now public
ciple ? It is the princple of our own origin. (Cheers.) It opinion too much leads Parliament. My lords, lam one of
was because my father was a great lawyer, not because he those who think that public opinion is right in leading
was a party man, that he was selected on account of fitness both Parliaments and Governments. To a certain extent,
for a great office, that ;of Chief Justice of the Pleas. He ', no doubt, Governments and Parliaments ought so far to
had no family, no connections; he rose altogether by his understand public opinion as in some cases to forerun it,
fitness. (Cheers.) It was not favour; it was fitness that lent, according to the constitution of this country, I hold
made Mr. Yorke chancellor and earl. (Cheers.) It was that wholesome public opinion, which is formed neither
not favour, it was fitness, that male Sir James Harris, the too rapidly nor too precipitately, ought to lead both Go-
great diplomatist, Earl of Malmesbury.• (Cheers.) It was vernments and Parliaments, and I for one should be sorry
not favour which raised the father of the noble lord oppo- to see public opinion in this country taking its cue from the
site (Viscount Canning) to that office the reward for which Government of the day, or even from the dictation of Par-
was the peerage which the noble viscount now holds, liament itself. (Hear.) And now I come to consider another
(Cheers.) It was not favour which raised the brothers point—namely, that the resolutions of the noble earl seem
Cecil to be Ministers of Elizabeth and of James, and the intended to cast censure on her Majesty's Government.
founders of two great families. We are here for the services The effect of that censure upon the Government, if your
of our ancestors. Is it for us, then, who sit here by that lordships should think fit to pass it, cannot be but too appa-
great right, and enjoy dignity and honour by reason of their j rent. My lords, I think it is worthy of your serious consi-
services and their fitness for public employment—is it for deration that three months have scarcely elapsed since we
us to turn round and say, "It is true our ancestors rose by
had a political crisis of perhaps the most extraordinary de-
fitness, but our relatives shall enjoy advantages from con- seription which ever occurred in this country. During that
nectioa with us, and from favour?" (Cheers.) No ! I trust drisis the opportunity of forming a Government was offered,
your lordships will adopt a different view of the interest I think, to no less than four distinct individuals. It was
and honour of this house. I trust you will agree on this dffered, among others, to the noble earl opposite, (Lord
occasion to place yourselves in the front of the people and Derby) of whose party the noble earl who moves thisaddress
at the foot of the throne to state their complaints anti their tlhenformed a distinguished member. Three months ago the
dissatisfaction. (Hear, hear.) I trust you are fully im- policy of the preceding Government with regard to the
pressed with the greatness of the crisis in which we stem], +hole management and conduct of the war stood exactly as
and that you feel all the dangers of the contest in which it, does now. Their neglect to follow out the views of the
we are engaged. I feel myself that during this contest, Noble earl in the Baltic, and in the expedition to Gallipoli,
protracted as it will be, we shall often have need of the to Constantinople, to Varna, and subsequently to Sebasto-
support of the people. I desire to secure that support 00l itself, then occupied precisely the same position as it does
by identifying this house with public opinion. I desire to it this moment; anti so, too, the same remark holds good
place the country on our side. I desire that we should with regard to their omission to carry the war into Asia.
present to the enemy we have to encounter the aspect of a et at that time, when the Government was offered to the
united people, and that we should obtain a secure and oble earl opposite, and when the noble earl who brings
honourable peace by acting together—Parliament supported wwa,rd this resolution was to have filled a post in the
iby the general affection and co-operation of the country. linistry which would have enabled him to correct those
(The noble earl, having moved the address, resumed his rrors, or, at all events, to try and remedy them, the task
seat amid general applause.) f forming an Administration was, nevertheless, delibe-
Lord PANMURE said,—My lords, after the very consi. ately declined by the noble earl's leader • and, therefore,
hardly think it is fair now for the noble earl to pass a
derable notice which has been given of the address which is ensure upon the present Ministry for that position of
now in your lordships hands, I certainly did expect that ffairs which he himself had the opportunity to gra nple
we should have heard that address recommended to us in ith and to rectify, by being called upon to assist the
a speech of much more power and ability than that just oble earl near him, who received auth( rity from the
delivered by the noble earl. I have studied this address, rown to form a Government. But, my lords, is it, I ask,
or the good of this country is it for the advantage of the
and I must confess that seldom has it fallen to my lot to onduct of the war—is it safe, even in a constitutional point
read such a concoction of assurances as those which are f view, to be recurring within the space of three short
proposed for your lordships' adoption. They commence onths to fresh changes in the Government, and to agitate
with truisms which no man can contradict; they continue he country from the one eud of it to the other? This, my
with congratulations in which every man must unite ; they lords, is a serious question, on which, I say, you will do
Well to deliberate before you determine to adopt the address
proceed to accusations of misconduct in which those who of the noble earl. I may here just observe that, so far as
are accused are most indistinctly portrayed ; and they con. this is a matter of mere personal consideration for my
elude with representations which, I think, the noble earl, Fell and my colleagues, we would be ready to put it en-
according to his own admission, has gathered from public
tirely out of sight. The public must, I think, by this time
know that it is no bed of roses to undertake the adm
meetings lately held—that until the proper men are placed teation of the affairs of this country at any
in the proper places the hopes of the country for an ho-snore especially during the present
most
responsibleany
and
nonrable peace will never be effectually realised. Or, my eventful crisis. So far, therefore, as personal consider-
lords, to use the quaint expression of my friend, M ations are concerned in our
r.
retention of office, ,inbitsit.
they are
Drummond, until the square men shall be put into the entirely of secondarya nature. But I must take leave to
against these frequent changes of the
square holes and the round men into the round holes ; an yourgovernment.r lordships
(Hear.) I must warn you that it is not upon
or, as may be still further gathered from the tenour of this any slight or mere party grounds that these changes ought
address, until that party with which the noble earl has at such a time to take place; it is not because one party
now permanently associated himself shall turn out this would wish to +urn out . another; otherwise the public may
Speedily be led to say, " A plague on all your parties !" anti
Government and occupy their places, that nothing will be ' constitutional s
put an end to government altogether.(Hear.)
right in the conduct of the war and that no honourable I warn your lordships seriously against consequences of this
peace can be obtained. It is quite impossible for me to kind, and I think it is a sufficient argument to point to
meet the noble earl's motion with a direct negative. To a the recent changes which have taken place, and to indicate
great many parts of the noble earl's motion I can give my the dangers o your repeating those changes, with,
perhaps, results.begyour worse I therefore lordships
cordial assent. (Cheers.) But the noble earl must know •
pause before you commit yourselves to the adoption of this
that from the whole design and object of that address the address ; and I entreat you rather to seek by rejecting it
Government must dissent, and they cannot hut recognise in to calm down the minds of the people on the subject of
it a censure to which they cannot submit. It will therefore change ; to enable the executive Government to carry out
be my duty,mylords, to move that this question be not put 'stihued) ol afnteh ew
wh iacrh. itt to
has h inow view with
commanders
a rnedfeerrse n cf e to the con-
—not to give a direct negative to it, but to prove to your that they may trust with confidence in the
e your
instructionsarile armies
lordships that her Majesty's Government appreciate the which they may receive from a Government which has had
character it is intended to bear, and to give it their most ,
time to mature those plans ; and, above all, I implore you
upon no trivial grounds, es pecially at uncture as this,
strenuous opposition. Now, I beg to draw your lordships'
to give effect to a vote the result ofsuch a j
which can only be to
attention to the character of this address. Who will van- settle nothing, for the noble earl proposes no settlement of
cure to deny the justice of the phrases used by the noble
anything—but to disturb the existing state of things, to un-
earl with regard to the gallant heroes belonging to our
settle public affairs, and to jeopardise the result of the great
naval and military services who have distinguished them- war in which we are now engaged. (Hear.) The noble lord
selves in their country's cause during this war ? (Cheers.)
concluded by moving the previous question.
Who will undervalue the patience with which our army
have undergone the sufferings to which they have been ex- The Earl of HARD WICKE Said that, in rising at that
posed? Who will venture to underrate the gallantry with early stage of the debate, he felt his own incompetence to
which both officers and men have performed every duty to deal with the question before
their lordships in a manner
which they have been called ? There is no one who regrets
befitting its gravity and importance, but at the same time
more deeply than I the sufferings that have attended the
army of the East. But, my lords, I cannot admit that all .
having from the beginning been impressed with strong
these sufferings have arisen from the misconduct of the opinions, which he had never concealed, as to the manner
Government at home—l cannot admit that these sufferings in which the war had been
have pressed upon the army from the neglect of proper !availing
himself
of that opportunity of laying before the
means having been taken by the Government at home,
House his views somewhat more ,in succession and detail
We must all recollect that when out army took the field
England had been at peace for 40 years. We may remem. than he hid yet been able to do. Omitting from the reso-
ber that during that 40 years Government after Govern- lotions now under discussion that portion which touched
went have vied with each other, not in extending the 'uponagitation, out-door
or any topic of that description,
military education of the army, but in economisingeconomisingthe •
he was disposed distinctly to agree with the noble earl who
finances devoted to that purpose. We may remember that
it was only yesterday that the Commander-in-Chief of this had just sat down that the latter part of the motion ex-
army stated in evidence before the House of Commons that pressed disapproval of the conduct of the war. With that
during the Government of the noble earl opposite (the Earl expression of disapproval he entirely len y concurred. Everything
of Derby) the artillery had been reduced by that false
he thought had not been done to enable the country to
economy—(" No, no !" from the Earl of HARDWICICE and achieve success in the war in which it was now engaged.
other peers.) If the noble earl will be pleased to listen be
In the first lace, he felt convinced that if a different
will probably find that to what I am saying he ought to say
p
"Yes, yes," rather than " No, no." I was not proceeding to course of policy had been adopted by the Government be-
fix a charge against the Government of the noble earl oppo- fore Russia had crossed the
Pruth' if
they had announced
site. I said, what was stated by the noble viscount (Lordto the Emperor of Russia that a cordial understanding
Hardinge), that during the noble earl's Government, from existed betwen France and this country, and that
the false economy previously practised, the artillery bad
been reduced to a state from which the Commander-in- we were determined to form an alliance offensive and defen-
Chief and the Master-General of the Ordnance, during the sive with ranee for the purpose of preventing the over-
period of the noble earl's Government, erected it into the throw of the Ottoman Porte, and if our fleets had then en-
condition in which it was found upon the opening of the tared the sea which the Emperor of Russia considered his
war. (Cheers ) And so it was with all our military esta-
blishments. What little we had was regimentally perfect own, the war might altogether have been avoided. If, too,
in its way, but it was not calculated to undertake great after the war had begun a more vigorous line of action had
operations, and I am sure that the people of this been taken, and if, instead of indulging in bravado anti
country will make the allowanceeelece,.sary for an army in braggadocio, and unduly exciting public expectation, the
the field under the circumstances in which they were placed.
The noble earl has attached great blame to the Govern-
ment because our force was sent into the field incapable of of our fleets, a greater measure of success might have been
movement. Now, it is quite true that there was no land obtained. If the Government had conducted the war upon
transport attached at that time to the army. The old the • • principles upon which they professed to enter into it—
waggon train had been abandoned—nothing had been set for the defence of the integrity of the Turkish empire—if,
up in its place by the Government, and when the army
was called upon to take the field it was natural to suppose remembering that we were a great maritime and not a
that the means of transport would be sufficient. But, my great military Power, they had determined to exhibit
lords, lam bound to say that every means were taken to the might of Englsnd in that manner in which it could
make that transport as complete as possible, and I cannot be exhibited with the greatest effect, if they had de-
believe that it was from the want of the means of moving spatched a combined force of 10,000 British and 20,000
our army from Varna that they did not advance to the re- French soidiers to assist the Turkish army on the Danube,
lief of Silistria. I must say that in these resolutions I re- and had completely blockaded the Baltic and Black
cognise not, as the noble earl would hsve us to suppose, the seas, equipping our fleets in such a way as would enable
them to carry on a flotilla warfare on the coasts, the Con-
mere desire that the Government should be carried on
gross of Vienna would have had a better chance of arriv-
by the best men without any reference to their con-
ing at a successful termination, and our army would not
dition or party connexions, but I recognise in them a
have been placed in the position in which it now was. Our
general censure of the Government for the conduct,
fleets would have been really more useful, and there would
of the war. (Hear, hear, hear.) I recognise the resolu
have been a better prospect of bringing the war to a success-
tions of the noble earl as putting upon the Government a
ful conclusion than could possibly be the case from running
full and entire responsibility for the whole sufferings of the
our heads, as we had Bond, against one of the strongest
army, for the position in which our army has been placed, and
fortresses in the world. To institute a blockade of the
for the state in which, according to the noble earl, it lies at
enemy's ports was one of the most successful modes of
present. Now, my lords, there has been much said as to the
waging warfare which a maritime country like this could
state and condition of our army. I have already stated that
adopt, and vet, with great naval resources at their coin-
it is quite true that that piny during the winter season
mend, the Government had failed to do this in a coin-
suffered extremely in its position before Sebastopol. I have
plete and efficient manner. In the case of the White
already stated that, from circumstances over which the Go-
Sea the Government certainly had a very good answer
vernment of that time had little or no control, there e as a
in the manner in which the trade was carried on be-
deficiency of housing and of supplies of clothing and food,
tween this country and that part of the Russian do-
which, however, during the last four months has been en-
minions. It appeared that remittances were sent
tirely remedied, and at this moment I am entitled to say
out from this country one year, and the cargoes
that our army is in as good a eonditL .n as when it left this
sent thence in returnthe in the following year, and
country, and that it is as prepared to take the field and carry
there was every reason why no blockade should
on any operations which may be assigned to it as it has ever
be instituted until those cargoes had been despatched for
been from the commencement of the war. I see the noble earl c the money had been paid. In the Baltic a thorough
doubts that statement. He knows the strength of his position blockade hadc, i•tainl been established, though the It
anti the weakness of mine. He knows that he may with
of it had been to throwY the whole commerce of Russia
asuin
safety make statements about the strength and power of our
that quarter into the hands of Prussia, just as the manage-
army ; but he also knows, on the other hand, that I am
went of our armies in the seat of war ad resulted in throw-
unable, by document, to give that detailed contradiction ins two of the finest provinces of the Turkish Empire into
which
which I say, on my character as a Minister and a gentle- the hands of Austria. These two German Powers therefore,
man, lam quite prepared to give to it. (Hear.) But, my
instead of assisting to bring
lords, with reference to that army, from the beginning of ruination, US
'luon, were far more likely todesire the continuance of
February, in a great measure owing to the precautions
a state of things from which they were so greatgainers.
previously taken by my noble friend (the Duke of New-
But the • •policy ofthe Government•the
maritime
castle), and owing to the steps taken by the Government Sea
was calculated to excite the greatest dissatisfaction-
who were in power previously to the present, that army oovernment, .
The Government, indeed, never seemed to have made up
began gradually to resume its condition, and to gain in-
what eys oudo reference to the blockade
their minds ti. hld in made up
ereased efficiency. From the early part of February that .
in that quarter, fo on the Ist of Juno 18 )4, the First Lord
army began to shake itself clear from the effects of sickness,
and the supplier to the army were improeed, both in the of the Admiralty stated in the other house, in answer to
time of delivery and the quantity supplied. And, my Mr. Horsfall, that orders had been given to the admirals,
lords, it will hardly be believed, when the noble earl talks both in the Baltic and the Black Sea, to institute and en-
of the state and condition of our army, that it has not
force strict blockades, and that there was every reason to
believe that those blockades had been instituted ; and yet
only been increasing in efficiency, but that regularly
nearly a year after in that house his noble friend opposite
since the beginning of March that army has been deriv-
(Earl Granville), in answer to a question from the Earl of
ing reinforcements from this country and the Mediter-
Airlie, gave their lordships to understand that a blockade
ranean, which have put it in as vigorous a condition
as it has ever been. But, my lords, the noble earl has given had not been enforced in the Black Sea, but that the atten-
us a speech on the question of the selection for the proper lion of the admiral had been directed to the subject, and
there was every reason to believe that his measures for that
places of the fittest men who can be found in the public
Purpose wouldbe successful. Such conflicting statements
service, but during the whole of that speech, anti at its
these were calculated to ntislead the mercantile commu-
conclusion, I have not gathered that the noble earl has put .In .
laity, to induce them to take steps which hand upon a single instance —(cheers)—either in which fit
_,._
lees
did the actual circum-
menof the case not warrant, and finally to throw
are found in unfit places, or that he has convicted the B"'
• to a state of doubt and uncertainty which
them in
Government of making any selection of unfit men, which
the noble earl has thought it worth his while to adduce. entirely put an end to all commercial operations. The
(Hear.) Whether the noble earl at first intended to charge consequence was, that the trade of the foreigner had been
the Government with having selected unfit men for their conducted with facility, while it was impossible for our
places in the military direction of this war, and has since own countrymen to carry on their mercantile transactions.
changed his mind, lam unable to say. (Cheers.) But Ido Now, the trade of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azoff
most heartily congratulate the noble earl, and Ido most together was of very considerable magnitude, consisting,
heartily congratulate your lordships' house, that you are as it did, of articles which peculiarly belonged to the
not called upon to look at this question in this light—. trade of this country—of wool, linseed, and corn. In 1854
(hear)—for I know that no more unpatriotic course could there arrived at Constantinople, from Russian ports in the
be taken, or one more dangerous to a successful issue of Black Sea, 453 vessels with linseed, containing 770,000
the war, than that your lordships should by any vote and quarters, exclusive of ships containing other cargoes. It
act of yours lead the commanders of our armies, or was a singular fact that this trade was continually increas-
even its lowest heads, to suppose that Parliament is dis. ing, for in 1352 only 415,000 quarters arrived at Constan-
posed in any way to do them an injustice, or to reflect tiuople, and in 1853 640,000, while in 1854, as he had
upon their acts, while they were devoting their best ener- stated, there arrived 770,000. Out of the 453 vessels which
gies and mind to the service of the country- (Hear, hear.) conveyed these cargoes no less than 333 passed the Straits
Well, my lords, is it in civil employment that the noble of Kertch, coming from the Sea of Azoff. Now, he was
r earl finds that improper men have been selected. I think sure that if the navy of England in the Black Sea had not
' that if he advanced such a charge as that, it was his duty at been made subservient to the use of the army, it would
' least to point out some instances in support of it, that we have been enabled to perform the grekt and important
might know the direction in which the noble earl's coin. duty not only of carrying out au effective blockade, but of
plaint tends. But, however, he has chosen to lay hishand conducting upon the shores of the Euxine and of the Sea
[ upon no particular instance. It is sufficient for him to dis- of Azoff a system of guerilla warfare which would have
! parage all public men—(hear, hear)—by a vague and uni- tended to harass the enemy and to create an important
versal assertion, leaving everybody to select for himself the diversion. There was, however, one important point
instances which' the noble earl might have pointed out tons, connected with the transport service to which he
but which he has to-night utterly failed to do. But tl a hoped he might be permitted to refer. It was found
noble earl went on to express some opinions in connexion essential, from the progress of science, to conduct operations
with this subject to which I, at least, cannot give my as- with steam power, and a large expenditure was incurred in
sent. He says that he opposed the Reform Bill be- that respect. It was of the utmost importance that the &r-
-ealise he thought it limited the choice of the boat men rangements for coaling ships should be as complete as pos-
for the public service. (" No, no !" from the Bible, but at Constantinople, Malta, and Gibraltar, he be-
Earl of Elleuborough.) He said that, under the old con- lieved that the arrangements were very defective. He
stitution of this country, you had men in Parliament who would ask their lordships to consider how defective arrange-
were fit to carry on the business of the State, but that as meats in that respect entailed a heavy expenditure on the
soon as the reformed Parliament was established those men country. He would take the case of a ship of 2,500 tons,
of ability were succeeded by men who were not equal to ' engaged at a rate of 50s. a month per ton ; that was about
those who preceded them; that, in fact, the publicx e pec- 2001. a-day. When the ship arrived at Constantinople
tations had been disappointed, and that that reform which and required to be coaled, the arrangements were so bad
in its origin was a measure that was obnoxious to , had, that only 30 tons of
coals could be put on board in a
when tried by experience, proved a failure in its results. day, whereas, in a good coaling yard, the same quantity
Now, mYlords, I cannot admit that the-Reform Bill has could be shipped in an hour ; and taking the price
proved any such failure. I think that there have been I -of -coal at Constantinople at 3/ a-ton, the ship would
many men returned to Parliament since the passing of that ,be costing the country 2901. a-day, while she was urine-
measure who have taken a part in the conduct of public I cessarily detained doing cothing. It was of the utmost
Affairs which has dohs them great credit, (Hear, hoar.) . importance, not only that the arrangements for puttilsg