The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-21 00:00:00

PUBLIC PROSECUTORS.

tendons
flctory,

the f
obj e •

ward. the policy which

tlve, iuotio

aad 0da..0 t f tau 'louse upon it. (Hear, 'hear.) So
long as h.n. Majesty's Government were resolved to carry on
the war with vigour, he and the honourable members on
whose behalf he could speak had no desire to interfere with
them, but, on the contrary, were anxious to give them their
support. It was only in the case of their not conducting the
war in a satisfactory manner that it was necessary for the
house to interfere and demand an inquiry before a committee.
The peculiarities of their trade with Russia were well known.
It was well known that in Russia there could be scarcely said
to exist an industrial and commercial class, such as existed in
other continental countries. The wealth of Russia consisted
in the production of serf labour. It produced tallow, hemp,
linseed, and a variety of other commodities of that descrip-
tion. It was well known that for these commodities they
were the customers of the Russians to ten times the amount
of any other country. The productions were raised by the ad-
vance of the capital of English merchants, whereby they were
able to raise the production from the soil. It was by these
advances of the British merchants that the Russian landed
proprietors were able to produce a great many a the articles
he had described, and which they sent to them in spring and
summer ; and if they cut off the English capital which in-
creased the production of Russia, they would decrease the re-
sources of that country. At the breaking out of the war he
expected that as much injury would be inflicted on their oppo-
nent by the injury done to Russian commerce as by the ope-
rations of their army in the field. They had a fleet which, if
it could not destroy the forts and fleets of Russia, could block-
ade every port of Russia in every sea ; and it was anticipated
that from that blockade the trade of Russia would 1:)e so crip-
pled that in a short time it would be impossible for the Em-
peror of Russia to conduct the war. History was appealed to,
and they were reminded of the disasters which had °conned in
Russia in 1801. It was said that Russia having been induced
by Napoleon to join the continental system, the rouble had
declined in value to a very serious extent, and whenever it
had declined in value the most serious financial difficulties
had fallen on the Emperors opf Russia. On the breaking out
of ,the war last year the rouble fell from 38d., which it was
at par, down to 32d., and it was confidently expected that
before the war had lasted many months it would fall much
lower, and that a serious financial difficulty would overtake
the Emperor of Russia, that ruin and poverty would fall upon
the landed proprietors of Russia, and bankruptcy upon the
Czar. (Hear.) But how far had those predictions been veri-
fied? If their arms had hitherto failed—and he did not en-
tertain a doubt of their eventual success—their operations
against the commerce of Russia had failed as signally as before-
or more so. The desired effect was not realised, but the re-
verse ; and so far from a blockade of the principal ports of
Russia interfering with her exports, the exports from those
ports were greater than at any period before. (Hear.) The
whole case must be summed up in this statement, that the
commerce of Russia had not been injured, that ten millions of
English money had gone to Russia this year instead of eleven
in the previous year, and that the rouble, which at the out-
break of the war had descended to 32d., had risen to par.
(Hear.) When he heard that ten millions had gone to Russia
this year, instead of eleven in the previous year, he must ex-
plain that they paid for Russian produce first by exports ; se-
condly, by the consignment of foreign produce, and, thirdly,
by money ; but the two former were struck off in the present
year, and the whole of the payment was in mousy, being pre-
cisely that which it was moat convenient to the Emperor of
Russia to receive, and which enabled him to keep his force in
the field. If they relied upon putting an end to the war by
any measures that had hitherto been taken to interfere with
Russian produce, the war might last during the life of the
youngest member of that house. (Hear.) He would now re-
fer to the cause of the signal failure of the measures that had
been adopted. He believed that much was anticipated from
a blockade of the ports of the Black Sea and of the Sea of
Azof, because that blockade could not be evaded by land car-
riage, the distance being so great. Great interest was felt on
the subject, and questions were put to the right hon. gentle-
man the First Lord of the Admiralty concerning it. On the
let of June, Sir J. Graham said that distinct orders had been
sent by the Governments of France and England to institute a
vigorous blockade of the Russian ports in the Baltic and the
Black Sea. On the 13th of June he again said that orders
had been given to the admirals in the Baltic and Black Seas
to institute a blockade, and he had reason to believe that
these blockades had been instituted. On the 11th of July a
statement was made to the same effect, but it was a fact that
blockades in the Black Sea had not been instituted, and up
to that time were not instituted. A blockade had been no-
tified to commence there on the Ist of this month, but sub-
sequently it was put off to the 14th, and if there was a block-
ade there at all, it had, been instituted within the last two or
three days. What was the effect I it appeared from a me-
morial forwarded to him by the Chamber of Commerce at
Hull- -a respectable body of men, who had taken pains to ob-,

Mr. J. PHILLIMORE moved for leave to bring in
a bill for the appointment of public prosecutors. It was
most important, he observed, that every step in criminal
proceedings should be taken (as was done in every coun-
try but England) by a competent public authority ; in-
stead of which an unlimited power of connivance was
given to the police.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL did not offer the
slightest opposition to the introduction of the bill, and
was ready to admit that if anything could be done to
appoint a public prosecutor, consistently with a due re-
gard to expense and to patronage, which the measure
must extend, it would be very desirable. But the sub-
ject, he observed, Was one of the greatest ►rossible diffi-
culty, our whole criminal system being almost incom-
patible with the existence of a public prcsecntor, and be
feared the subje:•t was not yet ripe for legislation.
After a short discussion, in the course of which Mr.
Ewart, Mr. Packe, and Mr. Phinn recommended a pre-
vious investigation of the subject by a select committee,
leave was given to bring in the bill.
ARMY SERVICE ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
This bill was brought down from the House of Lords and
read a first time.

RUSSIAN TRADE,
Mr. COLLIER, in calling the attention of the house to

state of British trade with Russia, said he had put the pro-
position which he intended to make in the shape of a motion
for returns, for, in the case of a new Government, it seemed
premature to ask the house to pledge itself to a resolution on
the subject. He wished, in the first instance, to hear from
the Government 'an explanation of the past, and of their in

taro information on the subject —that shipments of linseed
had been made from the Russ'an ports iu the Black Sea and
Sea of Azof to an extent that was unprecedented in former
years, and that since the declaration of war from 380 to 400
ships, containing 700,000 quarters of linseed, and repiesentino•
in value one million sterling, had sailed from the ports of the
Black Sea. It appeared that the entire quantity exported
from those ports in the entire twelve months of 1853 amounted
to 604,000 quarters, and in the entire twelve mouths of
1852 amounted to 445,000 quarters, whereas in eight months
of last year there was the enormous export of 700,000 quar-
ters, and in the remaining four months he was told the same
amount of trade was going on. (Hear, hear.) The memori-
alists proceeded to say that much injury had consequently
been done to British merchants since the month of July, be-
cause the reiterated assurances of Ministers that a blockade
would be strictly enforced had not only had the effect of
placing the trade in foreign hands, but had induced the Bri-
tish merchants to engage in counter operations of trade.
They were now threatened with losses in consequence of the
arrival of exports from the quarters where they were
interdicted. It was further stated that although the
ports of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azof were not
blockaded, the mouths of the Danube had been blockaded,
and they had thereby been deprived of an enormous supply
of corn which they would otherwise have obtained. They
had blockaded the mouths of the Danube which they should
not blockade, and they did not blockade the ports of the
Black Sea and the Sea of Azof which they should have block-

aded, and which the country thought they had blockaded.
The consequence was that exports from those Russian ports
had taken place during the previous year, and that British
merchants, having believed the assurance of the Government,
and having made extensive arrangements to get from other
quarters the articles which they before got from Russia, had,
ou bringing those commodities home, suffered an enormous
loss. It appeared that the parties who were benefited were
the Greek merchants, who all along disbelieved in the block-
ade, and by carrying on their trade made enormous fortunes.
He (Mr. Collier) should be glad to hear a satisfactory explana-
tion on the subject from the Government, and he thought
that some explanation was due to the public. Whey the
Secretary for the Admiralty made his celebrated Serpentine
speech, in which he talked of turning that river through the
Horse Guards, he admitted the war was disgracefully con-
ducted, but said the Admiralty was blamed by nobody, and
that he had nothing to explain; but the hon. gentleman went
too far. He (Mr. Collier) was most anxious to hear an ex-
planation from the First Lord of the •Admiralty, and he was
disposed to believe—knowing his high administratiVe talents,
and knowing the way in which the affairs of the Admiralty
were administered—that he was prepared to give a satisfac-
tory explanation so far as his part of the matter was con-
cerned. But a head of a department was answerable for
failure, unless he showed who the culpable party was. If
they were informed who was the person to blame, on his
being dismissed or censured, and a better man substituted for
him, there would be reason to hope for an improvement ; but
if they were never to know on whom the blame rested, or
who the culpable person was, their affairs must be in an ut-
terly hopeless state. He applied that observation to Balaklava,
and to the culpable authoritiesthere,who, he was sorry to say,
had not been removed. They were entitled to know from the
head of a department what was the cause of failure, and if any
party was to blame, who the party was. (Hear.) Could the
First Lord of the Admiralty show there was reason to change
their policy, and that the fleet in the Black Sea was not suffi-
cient to blockade the ports in the Black Sea ? How could
that be said, when one steamer would be sufficient to blockade
the Straits of Kertch, from which there had been two millions
of exports, and when there wore the means for blockading
Odessa and the other ports of the Black Sea ? (Hear.) He
thought it would be impossible to say that they had not a
competent force in the Black' Sea for the purposes of block-
ade ; and if they had a competent force there, and if orders
were sent to the admirals to blockade, he required to know
why those orders were not obeyed ? (Hear.) He would pass
now to another portion of the subject, with regard to the
blockade of the Baltic. They had a fleet there which had in-
deed established an effectual blockade, but that blockade was
evaded by land carriage. He thought he should be able to
show that the blockade of the Baltic had been substantially
evaded in a manner that was not anticipated, and with re-
spect to wnich he threw no blame upon the Government. A
system of land traffic had been organised by the Emperor of
Russia, with the connivance and concurrence of the Court of
Prussia, and that could scarcely have been anticipated. A
commissioner was appointed by the Emperor of Russia, with
a perfectly competent staff, and good roads were made, which
were overflowing with Russian commerce. By that means all
those commodities that formerly came by sea, such as tallow,
hemp, linseed, and other articles, were carried from Russia
and forwarded to Memel. The people in the places along
which it passed were benefited by the trade, and that gave
Prussia a very good ground for maintaining her position of
neutrality. It appeared from a pamphlet written by the
hon. member for Lewes, that an extensive Russian trade
was carried on in this way through, Prussia, and at an ad-
ditional expense of no less than 2,500,000/. which sum
was paid by the British merchants, and that was exclu-
cive of goods carried to Archangel for shipment. He agreed
with his honourable friend that it was humiliating to
them to find that when they shut the front door a side door
was opened, and that their merchants had to pay for the ex-
pense of evading the law a sum of 2,500,000/. That they
should have a blockade that was ineffectual, and that they
should not take measures to make it effectual, seemed to him
to be a proposition that was utterly untenable. Either let
them have no blockade, or have an effectual blockade. If they
could not stop the transit through Prussia, why then let their
merchants have the goods straight from Constadt, and save
the demands and expanses to which they were exposed ; but
to institute a blockade that could be evaded was an untenable
measure, and one which it was impossible to defend. It was
not for him to suggest to the Government the course they
should take, because that was a matter of policy which it
would be better to leave in their own hands, but he would
state his opinion as to the mode of dealing with the subject.
In the first place, it seemed to him that Prussia had been sub-
stantially guilty of a breach of neutrality. The trade carried
ou through Prussia was not merely a trade of private indivi-
duals, but it was one which had been organised in a great
measure between the Government of Russia and of Prussia for
the express purpose of evading the blockade. A convention had
been entered into between the Emperor of Russia and the King
of Prussia for the completion of a railway. Prussia derived
great revenues from the commerce that came through it from
Russia ; and the transit trade to Memel was for the benefit of
Russia, to the detriment of this country, and was carried on
for the purpose of evading the blockade. In the year 1756 a
rule was made to this effect, that a neutral was at liberty to
carry on his accustomed trade in time of war, but should not
carry on a new trade to the prejudice of either of the belli-
gerents. On that subject he would refer to the dictum of
Lord Stowell, who said the general rule was that a neutral
had a right to carry on in time of war his accustomed trade to
the utmost extent to which that accustomed trade was ca-
pable, but the law was different in the case of a 'new trade
which the neutral had not previously carried on. Now this tran-
sit tradelthrough Prussia was essentially a new trade carried on
by Prussia, for the benefit of herself and Russia, to the in-
jury of this country, because thereby the blockade was evaded,
to the detriment of the belligerents. That conduct on the part
of Prussia formed a ground of remonstrance on their part, and
they had a right to call upon Prussia—if Prussia should join
the Western Powers, as they had every reason to hope she
might do—to seal her frontier against Russian produce ; and
he trusted that no stipulation would be made with Prussia
except such an arrangement was made by it. By the adoption
of such means the power of Russia would become so farany
crip-
pled that the Emperor of Russia would not be able
easmight
for
length of time to carry on the war. Otherbe adopted ; they might institute a search of m
neutral vessels
for enemies' goods coming from neutral pmts. They might do
so on the ground that it was necessary for the enforcement of

tare. Should such explanations be satis- I the blockade, and he apprehened that they would have a per.
of his motion would be answered. If feet right to do so. He did not put it an the footing of inter-
Qfactory, then it would he for him to con- . fering generally with the rights of neutrals, but he merely
a td lt t,„, it might be adopted in this particular ease, for •:‘
-i,..s.particular object, and in consequence of thia,particular
necossitY. There was one measure which t'tiey nndoulttedly • -
had a-right to adopt, and that was to prohibit'the irerf ors.
tion of Russian productions into this country. (An Hon.
Member—Move, move.) They had a right, without offence
to any other station, to prohibit the importation of Russian
produce into this country. The objections that might be made
to that were twofold. In the first place it might be said that
the prohibition would not be effectual, and in the next place
that they might injure themselves. They might prohibit the
importation of certain specified articles of Russian produce, for
instance tallow, hemp, and linseed, without certificates, and
the way to do it would be not to allow any such articles to be
imported unless they were accompanied by a certificate from
their consul abroad, at the port from which they came, that
they were not the produce of Russia. That statement should
be given on oath, and there should be an oath to the same
effect from the importing merchant. The house must bear
in mind the peculiar character of the Russian trade. It was
carried on by comparatively few houses, of great respectability
and with a large amount of capital. Without a large amour
of capital it was impossible to engage with any effect in the
Russian trade, because it was carried on by large advances,
and he had every reason to believe, and he was in fact satis-
fied, that if the importation of Russian produce was rendered
unlawful, the Russian merchants, as ' body, would refuse to
haye anything to do with it. The English merchants in St.
Petersburg had met and agreed to a resolution, which was
forwarded to Sir H. Seymour, that if the trade were pro
hibited they would not have anything to do with it, andlthere
was a similar resolution come to in London. The consequence
was that the rouble fell from 38d, to 32d., but subsequently,
when it was found that the trade would be allowed, the rouble
rose again to par. He was happy to say that those merchants
—one of whom would second his motion —would renounce the
Russian trade if it were declared to be unlawful, and articles
similar to those obtained from Russia could be got from other
parts of the world, There might be some smuggling, and som
might engage in a contraband trade contrary to the rule, but
the great merchants who renounced the trade could keep
agents at each of the ports to look after those contrabandista
and he was inclined to think the result would be that the
stream of Russian produce which flowed into this country
would, if not altogether stopped, be to a great extent dammed
up. (Hear.) But it was further said the prohibition would be
evaded in various ways. It was said that factories would be
established on the Continent for manufacturing Russian pro-
duce and sending it here in a manufactured state, German
tallow, it was said also, would be substituted for Russian; cut
the whole quantity of German tallow was very small, and could
not be of great importance, and to organise a new trade
against Russian tallow in Germany, and to bring the German
tallow into port, would require an altogether new system. So
with respect to the manufactories. A manufactory could not
be built in a day ; it requiredlime, and machinery, and capi-
tal ; and it was not likely that the Germans would invest
any considerable sums in those manufactories, when any
month might make their outlay unavailing by bringing either
a general peace or a general war. If the war was likely to
last twenty years, such speculations might be entered into ;
but not so now. By the time those manufactures were esta-
blished, also, arrangements might bo made for bringing that
species of produce from other parts of the world, an arrange-
ment that would render nugatory the investment of German
capital. It was further said that we should injure ourselves
by the course he recommended. He freely admitted it. Did
any man expect we were to enter into this war without in-
curring serious injury f Were we to carry on our commerce,
and to go about our affairs as usual, passing our Reform Bills,
and busying ourselves with matters of internal legislation, de-
voting only a little extra capital, if we had it, to " crumple
up " Russia. If we were not prepared for the sacrifices of the
war, we should never have gone into it, and had better how
conclude a peace upon any terms we couldget. Should it be
said of this country that we had not hesitated to sacrifice the
lives of our best and bravest to the cause of national honour
and the liberties of Ehrope, and that we could contemplate
with calmness the horrors of the field and of the hospital; but
there was one thing we could not face without being driven
into the agonies of horror and despair, and that was—a rise
in the price of tallow; Was it to be said that we were pre-
pared to take every measure to prosecute the war with vigour
except a measure which should make us pay something more
than usual for our hemp and tallow f We should, in such a
case, well deserve the appellation of a nation of shopkeepers,
and we should stay at home and not interest ourselves at all
in continental affairs (" hear," from Mr. Bright.) , He ob-
served he was cheered by the hon. member for Manchester.
The hen, member's views were quite consistent. He said
we should not go to war 'without being prepared to make
sacrifices ; and he (Mr. Collier) quite agreed with the hon.
gentleman, Either make peace at once, or be prepared to
exert your power in every direction and by every means, not
fearing a tax on tallow or candles, but carrying on the war
at every sacrifice, But, after all, we should Filet be driven to
any great stress by any loss of Russian produce we should
incur. It was not as if famine prices were likely to ensue—as
if we were to be driven to any extremities, We had much
stock in hand. (Ironical cheers and laughter.) Ho was sure
be had nothing to do with it—(cheers)—and when that stock
was exhausted, there were other markets whence we could
obtain it. He had the authority on this subject of the Eco-
nomist newspaper, which, in an article dated April I—(laugh-
ter) anticipating that the trade with Russia would be totally
stopped, went into a great many details as to the means of
procuring more than adequate supplies from other parts of
the world. It pointed out that oily substances could be pro-
cured from vegetable as well as from animal matter, and
it concluded by, saying " that art and industry would know
how to obtain from the whole of the rest of the world greater
abundance than hitherto of useful articles--sore than station-
ary or retrograding Russia] could possibly supply." He had
also noticed the circular of an eminent mercantile house who
said that they had received supplies of hemp from India of
a quality well qualified to replace and supplant that of
Russia ; but when it was discovered that the supply from
Russia would be regular through Prussia, there was no in-
ducement to them to keep up those supplies. If it were
certain, they said, that the Russian trade would be stopped
for only one year, it would give such a stimulus to the growers
in the colonies as to make as certain of having at all times
supplies of hemp capable of competing with the Russian
article even at the lowest price. Further, it was known
that hemp could be procured in any quantity from Italy,
flax could be grown to any extent in Ireland ; tallow
might be obtained in great quantities from •Australia ;
stearine and 3ther oily matters from the coast of Africa ;
in fact, there was nothing that could not be easily
got elsewhere than in Russia, and that principally
from our own colonise. The courses he ventured to recom-
mend as talculated to enforce our claims on Russia were,
either to exercise the right of searching all vessels from
Russian ports, or prohibiting the importation of Russian
goods into this country. We should not by such prohibition
give the rest of the world a gaeat advantage over us, for
we were almost the only customers of Russia. Russia could
not obtain elsewhere the advances she obtained from this
country ; and where you stopped the advances from.this coun-
try you stopped the power of Russia. If they were utterly
unable to enforce a blockade, let the blockade be given up;
but if the blockade was to be continued, let them resort to
some means for making it effectual. If an announcement of
the kind were made by the Government that night, showing
that they wore in earnest in desiring to stop this contraband
trade, he believed the effect would be serious and immediate
effect upon the finances of Russia. The rouble would imme-
diately fall. It fell the other day upon a general belief that
a recent Order in Council prohibited trade, whereas it only
prohibited contraband trade. The fall of the rouble would
immediately involve the country in financial embarrassment.
Another effect of such an announcement would be, that Eng-
lish capital amounting to millions, now in London awaiting
its destination—Russia, where it would be employed in next
year's campaign—would remain in England, to contribute, on
tbo contrary, to the vigour of our next campaign. He was
free to say that so long as the Government were disposed to
carry on the war thoroughly and in earnest, and to apply to
it all the resources of the country, they would form a strong
Government, and wodld meet with the hearty, unanimous,
and enthusiastic support of the country ; but if thoy would
go on proposing half measures, showing themselves unequal
to the occasion, and requiring to be goaded on to their duty
by the press and !public opinion, the sooner they fell the
better, He trusted they would that night give some assur-
ance on the subject, and their explanations would be such as
would be satisfactory to the house and to the country.
Mr. MITCHELL regretted that his honourable friend had
changed the form of his original motion, which was one
directly expressing the opinion of the house that the trade
with Russia should be further restricted. He would himself
luive brought the subject forward, had he not been deterred
by the sneers he had beard on the bench below, and insinua-
tions to the effect that he advocated the measure because he
held stock in London. Within the last ten days, a deputation
representing the Russian trade—gentlemen whose whole trade
was with Russia, whose commerce ceased entirely when the
trade with Russia ceased, who held stock, and who, there-
fore, had the highest interest that the war should be brought
to an end -had an interview with the Earl of Clarendon, and
but one opinion was expressed by them. That opinion was
entertained by every one who knew the trade with Russia,
and who understood the power of the lever we had to bring
the war to a termination ; and that opinion was, that more
powerful than our armies would be the stoppage of the trade
with Russia. The only lever that could effectually act upon
the Emperor of Russia was the Russian nobility and the power
they exercised over him. They were the possessors of the
military power, and a stoppage of trade would at once reduce
them to poverty, for they lived up to their incomes, and had
already been severely mulcted in every way for the support
of the war. But hitherto our efforts had been useless. It
was indisputable that, notwithstanding the enormous Rus-
sian issues of paper money since the declaration of war, not-
withstanding that the
.export of gold had been prohibited, the
exchange had been generally at par, and was very little be-
low par now. That could be accounted for only by the influx
of gold in return for Russian produce. Take the case of the
Black Sea, Before an effectual blockade of the Black Sea
was established, a million of quarters of linseed had been
shipped thence at 635, per quarter, and the whole of that
money had gone to purposes either neutral or entirely hostile
to our own, The right hon. baronet had stated distinctly
that a blockade would be established, and nobody in this
country thought of taking any steps for procuring linseed
from the Black Sea; but the Greeks were on the spot, and
they soon found the real state of matters, and they had syste-
matically gone on with the "trade. What had been the result
to'the enemy I The direct statements made by the Admiralty
caused orders to be sent to India to the extent of from
11;0,000 to 200,000 quarters, which were sold at a ruinous
loss ; and, of course, all further purchases were at once
stopped. (Hear.) But whilst this was going on, from the
month of May last there had been a most rigid blockade of
the mouths of the Danube. Bat no Russian corn came
from the Danube—the greatest quantity that had ever been
shipped thence was 50,000 quarters ; but, prier to the month
of May, the Emperor of Russia had entirely prohibited the
export of corn from any of his ports. Thus, while the Go-
vernment were allowing a million of quarters of linseed to bo
shipped under the nose of their admiral, they were shutting
up 2,000,000 quarters of Turkish corn, which were lying in
the Danubian ports. (Hear, and cheers.) The Governmento
might have been ignorant of those facts, but why werethtyo
ignorant of them (Cheers.) The late Government
blame. They should have got full information from were
those
quarters whence it was to be got, and they should then have
instituted either a real blockade or none at all. So great
set
last to
them. A
repair
fortnight,
im-
portance was attached to trade in. Russia that whenever the
the which
fromeetaßtr atsisshmia feourtshoi fp mthenethaltoePk
roads
statement go
had
tinto
ho believed to be perfectly sorrefit showing the actual quan-
dhiesooordderar
wsonldi up soldiers
wiw•ortuni o
ports, even prior to the
oh a
3)
sowe the quantity of tallow so de-
tity of goods despatchett
rusaade at
Prussian
,o bons, the average oost of which
delivered free on board at Memel was 601., making together
1,830,0001. The quantity oZ -hemp and flax was 70,756 tons,
sßpiagtae. h e d That
to 13atavetebmeeen
at 501., making 3,537,8004. Bristles, linsetd, and other
goods were stated at 1,000,;0001, The Archangel trade was
also estimated at 1,000,000 t/
remark this, that a most r!
rd
and upon that trade he might
d blockade of the White Sea was
established after everything had been exported from it.
(Cheers and laughter.) Z'ae Black Sea trade was estimated
at a million and a half, an d the total made 8,867,800/. The
average value of the totr Russian exports he found to be
10,000,0001,, independeir tof corn. Then he found the result
to be, that they had abe ,ut two-thirds of the usual quantity
of Russian produce sh ipped free on board at !a cost of
9,000,000/. Now, the cost of the whole quantity, of which
Only two-thirds had bi #3ll shipped this year, was genera;

_

-10,000,000/.' so that the effect of the blockade had only been
that we had paid 9,000,000/. sterling for two-thirds of the
quantity we generally got for 10,000,0)01. (Hear, hear.)
There could be nothing more monstrous. Now, as to the
question of the means of putting a stop to the war, the course
proposed by the hon. member for Plymouth would pretty
nearly answer. To advocate it was contrary to all the princi-
ples of political economy ; but political economy could not be
carried on in the, midst of war.- Inconvenience must fall on
all parties. Consider how many thousands of lives had al-
ready been sacrificed. If, by inflicting a slight injury on
certain merchants, the largest possible injury could be done
on our enemy, by all means let that slight injury be inflicted
at once. His hon. friend had stated that from two-thirds to
three-fourths of the trade of Russia came to this country. He
believed we had even a larger proportion of that trade. The
English merchant confided money in October, November, and
December to the Russian dealers, to entble him to make pur-
chases in the interior, and bring them down to port in the
months of June, Jufy, and August. It war a trade that re- .
quired large capital and a great knowledge of the character of
individuals on the spot. A striking proof of the value of
English capital was afforded immediately after the proclama-
tion of war, on the 28th of March. The price of goods in
Riga immediately fell 15 per cent. On the 15th of April, 18
days after, another proclamation appeared, allowing English
subjects to trade with Russia, and prices at once advanced even
more than the 15 per cent. they had before fallen. But,
assuming the prohibition to trade with Rus,ia to be again re-
pealed; and English subjects to be no longer subject to the
penalties of high treason for having transactions with Russia,
then he followed it up by the next measure of his hon. friend,
certificates of origin ; but he was firmly persuaded that the
withdrawal of British capital alone wotid have a most impor-
tant effect. The consuls at the shipping ports should be able to
prove that goods are of Russian origin, and the parties applying
for certificates should be held liable. Of course a great deal
would depend on the manner in which the consuls did their
duty. He trusted that they would justify the opinion which
the noble lord entertained of them. Up to the present year
no tallow was ever shipped from Prussian ports, and the
consuls would have no difficulty in judging, that if applica-
tions for this article were made it would be of Russian origin.
The shipments of henip from Prussia were almost nil. There
was certainly a small quantity of flax sent from that country,
and his impression was that due vigilance on the part of the
consuls and of those directly interestedin the trade would pre-
vent any smuggling to an extent which would assist the trade
with Russia, and would materially assist in bringing the war
to a conclusion. With respect to the interests at home, there
was no disguising the fact that it might do a slight injury :
but we bad shown that theinjury was not to be compared with
the national benefit of bringing the war to an early conclusion.
He had a statement of the stock of hemp and flax in London
on the let of February, 1855. On that day the quantity of
hemp was 9,844 tons, on the same daylBs4 it was 4,823 tons,
in 185 Z, 2,455 tons, and in 1852, 4,900. The quantity of flax
on the same day in 1855 was 39,536 casks, in 1854, 39,624
casks, in• 1853, 33,102 casks, and in 1852, 37,847 casks. There
never had been such a quantity in the market of these arti-
cles as at the present time. The repeal of the soap duties
had led to the substitution of a great many articles in lieu of
tallow in the manufacture of that article. The price of tallow
in London spice the declaration of hostilities had fallen 3/. per
ton, whilst the price of palm oil had risen X. per ton. With
respect to the substitution of German tallow for Russian tal-
low in this country, the Russian tallow would be sent to Ger-
many, and the German tallow would be sent to this country,
for no German tallow was shipped forthis country at the pre-
sent time or was comparatively a a very small quantity. The
expense of these operations would be enormous, and consider-
ing that the price of tallow wai failing, and the price of palm
oil was rising he did. not' think that by stopping the tradeof
itsprice they would create anY such differential value in
price as would pay for the substitution of German for. Russian
tallow. Again, taking the case of hemp. the stock at preseint
was double the stock of any previous year, and if the intention
of Government ware known, and the state of uncertainty
which prevailed was at an end, arrangements would be made
for the production of a much larger supply. He believed
that the deputation from Dundee had made a great impres-
sion upon the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
but they omitted to state that their stocks were now larger
than they had ever been, and that the price was as low as it
was fifteen months ago. He had only the day before received
a letter from Ireland in which it was stated that, in conse-
quence of the prices they were only going to sow half the
quantity this year in that cnnntry. Now the insatiable de-
sire in Dundee to reduce the price of flax wculd lead to a re-
duction of the produce in Ireland. The fact, as ho believed,
was that there was too great a quantity of machinery at
work, and that the markets all over the world were over-
stocked, and that the calamities ascribed to the Russian war
were really owing to the markets being overdone. It would
be useful to the trade to have a short supply of the raw ma-
terial, instead of !cutting their own throats in the way in
which they had been doing. He would also ask was it con-
ceivable, if the prohibition of the trade with Russia created
only a fictitious differential value of 12 or 15 pert cent., that
the flax-spinner in Belgium or in Prussia would order exten-
sive machinery in those countries for the purpose of spinning
tax—machinery which would require a twelvemonth to bring
it into operation —knowing, as he must, that a sudden ter-
mination of hostilities would annihilate his capital St a
month's notice. He, therefore, conceived that this wss a
complete bugbear on the part of? the Dundee spinners, anll. he
believed that no injury would be inflicted upon them dom-
pared with the benefit to the country from an early tefmi-
nation of the war, to procure which it was his solemn opieion
no means would be so efficacious as the stoPpoge of the t e
with Russia.
Mr. CARIIWELL—Sir, the motion brought forward , 'th
so much ability by my learned friend is a motion for pkiers
which Government has no indisposition to lay on the taible ;
with so much ability, and which excites so much intrest
but probably the.house will consider that, on a question raised
both in the house and out of the house, it is right that I
should make a more general statement than would be I con-
tained in a mere reference to the terms of the motion. Sir,
when unfortunately at the expiration of a peace of near 40
years, we found ourselves once more involved in an European
conflict, it became necessary to consider what ought to 'bathe
commercial policy of the country—with regard to the circum-
stances of the particular case—with reference to the enemy
with whom we were about to engage with reference to the
ally with whom we were about to be unitedand with refer-
ence also to the neutral powers whose good feeling it was de-
sirable to carry along with us in the contest. (Hear.) Sir,
the consideration of these • circumstances naturally leads to
these conclusions. The enemy with whom we were about to
contend was in peculiar circumstances, inasmuch as hisiports
are situated in land-blocked seas, and peculiarly exposed to
the consequences of a blockade. The ally with whom we were
about to be united had differed with us in former years'as to
the laws of maritime policy which ought to prevail during
hostilities, and the neutral powers would naturally sympathise
with us as we adopted a maritime policy less unfavourable or
less prejudicial to their interests. Sir. the declaration of war
was accompanied by a declaration of policy on the part of her
Majesty, who, not waving any of those belligerent rights for
which we had contended in former wars, but suspending the
operation of part of them during the continuance of the pre-
sent conflict on motives of policy arising from the considera-
tion of the circumstances to which I have referred, and which
it is not therefore necessary for me to pursue any further.
Sir, it naturally followed as a consequence that the order in
Council of the 15th of April, to weich the hon. member for
Bridport (Mr. Mitchell) had referred in terms of disapproba-
tion, should have been published, for if it had not been,
the consequence would have been that the enemy in neutral
ships—the property of neutrals having been left free—twould
find his trade left open through that channel, to the exclu-
sion of the subjects of her Majesty. (Hear.) However de-
sjrous we may be to carry on the war with vigour, and bring
it to a speedy conclusion, we might agree with the reason of
the honourable member for Plymouth (Mr. Collier) and
engage in a conflict which would cost us two sovereigns for
every one of the enemy's. But, sir, to adopt that course,
the consequences must be to bring injury on ourselves, and
not upon those whom they were intended to reach, would be
inconsistent with the dictates of common sense, and not in
conformity with our desire to bring the war to a speedy con-
clusion. But, says the hon. member for Plymouth, you have
adopted a course the results of which are totally ineffective.
I took notice of some of the phrases whilst he was so con-
tending before the house. He says your operations have sig-
nally failed. He says the exports from Russia have materi-
ally increased, at least from certain ports. The statistics of
the whole trade quoted by the hon. member for Bridport,
and those which it may be necessary for me to trouble the
house with, lead to a totally different conclusion. But, says
my hon. friend, the result of the proceedings by blockade
have been ineffective. Sir, with that conclusion I must most
respectfully join issue. I shall be able to show the house
that they have been far from ineffective under the circum-
stances under which they have been conducted. But what
are the circumstances ? Ho tells us, and truly tells us, that
the trade with Russia is peculiar, and in times of peace is
carried on by advances of English capital. Sir, it was so car-
ried-on ; and it is a natural corollary from that system that
when the war first broke out you should leave to those whose
property, invested in Russia, was on its return home, t e the :e
who were the subjects of the Crown, an opportunity of bring-
ing their property from the hostile ports; otherwise a block-
ade rigorously enforced would only have been an injury to
ourselves, and not to the enemy. Time was given in the
Baltic and White Sea ; and I shall not hesitate to acknow-
ledge that, with regard to the Black Sea, the blockade was
not enforced in so satisfactory a manner as might be desir-
able. I shall make this avowal frankly, and accompany
it by a statement of some of the causes which led to this
circumstance. At the outbreak of hostilities the blockade
was to be carried on by our vessels in conjunction with the
vessels of our ally. ' It necessarily followed that communica-
tions must take place between us and our ally with respect
to the terms of the blockade, and the vessels with which it
was to be conducted. It unavoidable happened that time
was lost in these communications before a blockade could be
established. At a later period it will be in the recollection of
the house, every vessel which the allied powers could com-
mand was engaged in the great expedition which took piece
in September. Up to May time was given in the Baltic for
the reasons to which I have alluded, and a longer time was
givento. in theWhiteSea on account of the difference of latitude,
bring home the French and English property there which
it was
important should be brought home ; pnd Lam going to
press it into
my argument, there was a remissnessof blockade
in the Black Sea.
the year 1855 with thepresent preceding year, as regards,the trade
vigorous operations would which the defects of
not lead you to suppose, or which
you may expect for future
making this preamble byyOujayarlief' Do not think that I am
apology for any returns the
results of which, when
net.hibefore you, may be un-
satisfactory. The hon. member for B
been paying dearer for two-thirds ot the says that we have
friend
exports than
, when it came from
we used to pay for the whole. My hon.
mud coupled that
has bean the with an argument which did surprise me
Whatever
tV'o'htlaitis time
so acute an economist as himseilifp.
be said, for
ac-
tual result of the operations
mercantile navy Russia possessed may
the pur-
pose of commerce, to have been annihilated. (Hear.) With
regard to our ships, they ride unharmed on every sea, and
do not think there is any
owner of ships or consignee of mer-
chandise who would give much to be insured from the risk of
capture by Russia. Russia had taken great pains to become
a manufacturing country. Her manufactures are strongly
protected by import duties; but I havereasoonngteocobuelnitevoefththaet
her manufactures have suffered materially
subjects of
pressure of flee blockade which our friends who insist upon a
rigorous blockade would induce us to put on the
Great Britain, namely, to prevent the supplY of raw in. ate....
rial, with which our manufactories are conducted.
bold iu hand, and perhaps I ought on au occasion like
this to trouble the house with figures, because everything u
connection with the war is of great interst. (Rear, hear.)
I will therefore state to you the facts of the case in figures.
With respect to the year 1854, as compared with the year
1853, I will take the three principal articles of exportation to
this country from Russia—flax, hemp, and tallow—to which
the hon. member for Bridport has directed particular atten-
tion, and I have already shown that much more may be ex-
pected in future years. In 1853 Russia sent its 1,287,000
ewte. of tallow; in 1854, directly, very little ; but if I take
the Prussian increase to account for the Russian decrease, you
will see that Russia has been able to send overland much less
tlntn would be-expected by means of Prussia: In 1854, the
yreissia u increase is 425,000 cwts., making an apparent Rus-
sian decrease of 676,000 cwts. or 52 per cent. of the whole
t
rade. 'With regard to hemp, 'the diminution of 1854, com-

pared with 1853, is 53 per cent. ; and with regard to tallow
it is 62 per cent. Now, sir, under these circumstances, if the
blockade has not been effectual, I think it is surprising un-
der the circumstances that such great results should have
been produced in so short a time. Now, sir, with respect
to cotton, the exportation of raw cotton from this country to
Russia has fallen 54 per cent. My honourable friend has
said that there are sources from which the vacuum created
in these trades may be supplied. He has told us that it is
quite futile to suppose that new manufactures will be esta-
blished in Germany. He either has not travelled in manufac-
turing districts, or does not know how rapidly manufactures
spring up, when money, corn, and labour are plentiful ; and I
hope that this country, neither in war nor peace, will be led
into a fancied security that it can trifle with the position of its
trade. Competitors spring up where they are not expected,
and you find out, when it is too late, the formidable enemy
you have created. With regard to the prices, it is notorious
that the tendency of war prices has been to raise the price of
those articles at London and to depress them at St. Petersburg.
I hold in my hands extracts from the two circulars published
by eminent merchants at St. Petersburg, which show the de-
crease in the prices of hemp, flax, tallow, and linseed at St.
Petersburg between the end of the year 1853 and the end of
the year 1854, and the corresponding
rise in prices at
London—

Mr. MITCHELL—Do they account for the increased cost
of carriage ? (Hear.)
Mr. CARDWELL—I will read what they state. These gen-
tlemen state that the expense, risk, and delay attending the
overland trade have caused much discouragement and dissatis-
faction, and that there is little disposition to continue it. They
state in explanation that the cost of conveying hemp, flax, and
tallow from St. Petersburg to Memel or Konigsberg, has been
as high as 251. per ton, and that goods have been frequently
three or four months on the road. Prices in the interior are
said to be low, and there is an absence of the usual demand ;
but,- it is added, a change from war to peace would soon alter
the present state of things. Now, that is the result of a block-
ade which, we are told, has been utterly inadequate, and has
produced no effect whatever on the trade of Russia. But
then we have an argument based on the price of the rouble.
It is difficult and always hazardous to argue upon the ex-
changes, because there are so many disturbing circumstances,
and where other indications are accessible I think it is gene-
rally safer to rely upon them. When the honourable and
learned member for Plymouth told you that the rouble had
risen from 32 pence to par, he doubtless intended it to be in-
ferred that no pressure had been produced upon the trade of
Russia. What is the fact? In times of peace the exchanges
are usually favourable to Russia, but ever since the declara-
tionwarfmthis country they have not
to Russianrotoncein ;dicated any movement of
bullion of
from
on the contrary, they
have hitherto indicated the export of bullion from Russia.
It is manifest, therefore, that the blockade has already pro-
duced a considerable effect upon the trade of Russia. Her
mercantile navy has ceased to exist for commercial purposes
—her manufacturers have been prevented from obtaining
their raw material—and' her producers have been put to a
much greater cost in bringing a smaller quantity of articles to
market. (Hear.) Here I must notice a fallacy that crept
into the argument of the hon. and learned member for Ply-
mouth. It necessarily followed from the system of advances
that a considerable part at least of the expenses of transport
of Russian produce should at first fall upon the British mer-
chant, because it was his interest to get home the goods for
which he had paid ; but in future years, when the advances
are put a stop to, and contracts aie made upon anew footing,
the expense of transport will always fall upon the producer,
who, coming here, will have to meet other sellers in the open
market. That being the case, the next question for considera-
tion is, was it in the power of the Government by further mea-
sures to inflict still greater injury upon Russia; and would the
effect of the measures which have been suggested this evening
have been to injure Russia in England? It is admitted thatthe
trade of both parties will suffer to a certain extent by a block-
ade, but the blockade which we have established has the effect
of putting the maximum amount of pressure upon Russia, and
the minimum amount of pressure upon England. Customs
regulations, on the other hand, would have had an opposite
effect, and that was the reason why the Government hesitated
before adopting a system of commercial restrictions at home.
Take the [article of flax, and see how that system would
have worked. What would be the comparative pressure
produced upon two countries, where one grows the raw ma-
terial and the other manufactures it ? If you keep the raw
material in the country of its growth, or, rather, if you pre-
vent it coming to England, you take from the producer his
best customer; but then he goes to his second-best customer
and disposes of his property, though I admit at a diminution
of profit, having, however, a constant tendency to regain
itself. What would be the effect upon the manufacturer ?
The hon. member for Dundee, if he were to address you with
that ability and knowledge which he possesses, would tell
you more accurately than I can what is the exact amount of
advantage between the Scotch, Irish, or Yorkshire linen
manufacturer and his German rival. I believe in an open
market that advantage is small, and if it were to be trans-
ferred from the one side to the other it would cause the orders
for linen manufactures to go to Germany, and not to Scotland
or Ireland. (Hear, hear.) The English manufacturer is now
fighting an equal battle, and he can bear no load. But the
hon. member for Bridport says that there are too many flax
mills in England, and his remedy is to make the raw material
dear to the English manufacturers, by way of enabling them
to compete with their rivals in Germany. The manufacturer
is also told to go India for his raw material. What prevents
him going to India now ? The difference in price. But what
is to be done with the Russian flax which you say
must not come here t It must ge to the German rivals of the
English manufacturers. In short, your proposed system
would cheapen the raw material to the foreign manufacturers,
and that, too, without inflicting any injury upon the pro-
ducer, beyond obliging him to sell his goods at a somewhat
reduced price. What does history say upon this subject In
1811, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who entertained the
opinions now advocated by the hon. and learned member for
Plymouth, brought in a bill for laying a duty upon the cotton
of the United States of America ; and, as if in whimsical
parallel with the argument made use of to-night, when the
late Lord Ashburton objected to the measure on the gr'bnnd
f the injury it woule do to England, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer said that our own colonies and the East Indies
would yield a sufficient supply of cotton in case we might get
none from America. (A laugh.) The Board of Trade was
of the same opinion. How were we saved from that deplora-
ble consequence ? By the wisdom of this house. The first
Sir Robert Peel, Colonel Stanley, the member for the county
of Lancaster, and the late Lord Ashburton, did not think
that the manufacturers of England should be obliged to go to
India for a 'supply of cotton, and the house agreed with
them and rejected the bill. Now the cotton trade is a very
great trade in comparison with the flax trade ; and during
the interval which has elapsed it has immensely increased;
but let me solicit you to consider what the consequences
would have been if the doctrine of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer in 1811 had prevailed. Do you think there has
been no advantage to Manchester in the fact that Liverpool
has been the cheapest cotton market in the world? (Hear,
hear.) What would the result have been if that market had
been removed to Hamburg or some other continental town ?
Would not the German manufacturer have gained by having
the market brought nearer to him, and would not his Man-
chester rival have suffered from being obliged to send to a
distance for his raw material'? It was with surprise that I
heard Ireland pressed into the case as an argument why we
should reinstitute Customs prohibitions. Let me appeal to
the Royal Society, who devote themselves with so, much
advantage to the improvement of the cultivation of flax in
Ireland. In their last report they say that when war was de-
clared against Russia, it was at once apprehended that the
interruption of our commercial relations with that empire
must seriously affect the supply of raw material to the Bri-
tish and Irish linen manufacturers, as well as of the seed,
which had hitherto been obtained from Riga for sowing in
Ireland. When it was remembered, they continue, that of
an annual average of 80,000 tons of flax from all sources,
nearly 60,000 are brought from Russia alone, and of the yearly
importation of flax for sowing in Ireland from two-thirds to
three-fourths come from Riga, it will be seen that the cessa-
tion or diminution of the supply of this article in consequence
\of the war must be productive of serious injury to the
linen manufacturers of the United Kingdom and to the
flax growers of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) But, supposing we
were resolved to prohibit the importation of Russian produce
into this country by Customs regulations, how aro we to do
it ? Are we to resist, of all things in the world, the certifi-
cates of origin ? (Hear, hear.) Not that I would not resort
to them if they were efficacious, but surely universal experience
has proved that they are useless and absurd. (Hear.) Sir
Archibald Alison, the historian, in reviewing the course of the
last -war, says that the suffering experienced by England dur-
ing the continuance of the continental system was alrhost en-
tirely owing, not to the Berlin decrees of Napoleon, but the
operations of her own Customs regulations and Orders in'
Council. (Hear, hear.) I repeat, it is impossible that we
can revert to certificates of origin ; that is to say that, Prus-
sia being a great exporting country of flax, you would ask
your Prussian consuls to say, in the case of every consignment,
' whether it was raised in Prussia or in Russia. Do you be-
lieve such a system is predicable ? Would it not give rise to
a great amount of perjury? Experience proves that if you
want an affidavit of origin you can easily get one. for not a
very large sum ; and the consequence would be, that you
would have to pay an increased price for the Russian articles
and for the affidavit of origin besides. (A laugh.) But what
is the law upon the subject ? I was astonished at the con-
struction which the hon. and learned member for Plymouth
put upon the authorities whom he quoted. It is not my in-
tention to follow him into that part of his statement. Suffice
it to say that the law of the land, as well as the law of com-
mon sense, is that partial manufactures are considered the
production of the country in which they were partially manu-
factured. (Hear.) Chancellor Kent, in his " Commentaries,"
says that it would not be just or legal for neutrals to avail them-
selves of the pressure of war to engage in any new species of
traffic not permitted in peace, and which the necessities of one
of the belligerents may oblige him to grant to the detriment
or destruction of the other. Would the hon. and learned
member for Plymouth revive the right of search ? If so, may
Ibe permitted to suggest to him that the responsibility rests
upon those who have the charge of such great undertakings
to consider what is due to our ally, and also the operation
upon powerful neutral countries of- the re-institution of the
right of search With regard to the right of search, I think
it would not be prudent to institute it in the harbours of
Prussia. If flax be opened in Prussia, it becomes Prussian
flax. If tallow be melted in Pruss ait becomes Prussian stea-
rine. Will you who so gravely condemn the policy by which
inevitably, from the circumstances of the case, the benefit of
the transit trade is conferred upon Prussia—will you contend
for a new policy which shall create manufactories in Prussia
—which shall make Prussia a comber of flax and a boiler of
tallow, knowing as you do that the Germans are your great
rivals in the linen trade, and that the countries which inter-
vene between this country and Prussia aro 'celebrated for
stearine. (Hoar.) You may depend upon it, if we want Rus-
sian raw materials and prohibit partial manufactures, unless
the Prussian consul will certify that no portion of the manu-
factures emanated from Ru sia, can you prevent its coming
from Holland and other countri.s in the neighbourhood ?
Evasion will follow enactment. (Hear.) As fast as you stop
it in one place it will break out in another, and expense will
not be an impediment, because there will be a clear gain to
Russia. We had some experience in the last war on the sub-
ject, not exactly of certificates of origin, but of licenses, and
we know that the system tried by Bonaparte partly failed.
But in the commercial policy which we have pursued there
has been one signal and conspicuous advantage. It has been
7)haccreie•nieilsognrabnyteversal rule, openly published. There has
or unscrupulous by licenses upon favoured traders
whether
rupulons tifiders. In the late war we had a system of
al
bre
abtmi
ai
nt tao you
have Privyben Caosufnrceeil,fraonmd
our
present system'?
licenses in the year (hear.) What was the case with regard to
licenses that they led to • So great was the abuse of those
Parliament, and to the stigleaete
l debates in both houses of
ciations. The matter was strongest
broughte most indignant denim-
by Lord Lansdowne, and before the House
the House of Lords
Mr. Brougham, and I will quote a few words
of Commons by
those speeches :—" Licenses have increuwedordtos
theom one of
un-
paralleled extent, and with them most a system •of immorality,
fraud,pervade the
fraud, and perjury, which whole trade of the'
And then the words of Lord Stowell wore
country." e used—
" The whole system of the commerce of the country is ono of
simulation and dissimulation." (Hear, hear.) If that was
licenses granted by the Privy Council, what
the result of the
of certificatesof origin?
(Hear,
would have been the effect
late war, and it was
But it was said during the said
hear.)ht " These are not
member for Bridport to-nig ,
-by the hon.
economy, but exceptional doc-
the doctrines of sound political
d on account of the pressure of the
trines, necessarily adopted
curate or inaccurate ?
war." But the true test is this—kit ac
e the.

_

Does it lead to a right conclusion or a false conclusion ? If
these doctrines be true, then the more important the crisis,
the more serious the consequence of departing from them, the
more you are bound in reason and prudence to adhere to
them. What might you expect to be the consequence on the
mind of the Emperor of Russia or of neutral Powers of adopt-
ing a course calculated to injure us more than Russia? Do
you think it would produce a discouraging effect on the mind
of the Emperor of Russia, and hasten his disposition to con-
clude a peace I It seems to me it must lead to the opposite
result. (Hear.) It is said that Prussia is encouraged in her
neutrality because she derives a benefit from the transit
trade. Would she be less encouraged if she derived, besides,
the profit of having your manufactures transferred to her ?
What would be the consequence upon the population at
home ? I believe the capitalists and the working men of
this country are prepared to make any sacrifice for the sake
of a vigorous prosecution of the war, but they must be satis-
fied that it is reasonably and thoughtfully done ; and when
the hon. member for Plymouth talks of our losing two sove-
reigns where the Emperor of Russia loses one, I think they
will require some proof that that is the case. (Hear, hear.)
I think our trade has kept up most remarkably, considering
that we are subject to the disasters of a war. It is astonish.
ing to think that as 1853 was beyond all precedent the
greatest year ever known in the British export trade, when
there came upon us, in 1854, a European war, a crisis in Ame-
rica, and a crisis in Australia, the falling off of our trade in
1854 was so small that, although it was two per cent. belaw
the year 1853, it was far beyond any comparison with pre-
ceding years. (Hear.) You are aware of the temporary check
which has been given to our trade in the manufacturing dis-
tricts on account of the pressure of the war • but do you
think that in furnishing the ways and means lor a vigorous
prosecution of the war it will be any satisfaction to you to
find that you have dried up some sources of revenue without
inflicting injury on the Emperor of Russia ? (Hear.) Do you
think, if we were to approach the state of things which ex-
isted in this country in 1812, when great distress pervaded
the manufacturing districts, and the price of food was high,
we should find that any advantage in the way of a vigorous
prosecution of the war ? It appears to me a most remarkable
circumstance that at the end of the first twelve months of the
war you should have been able to inflict this serious injury
upon the trade of the Emperor of Russia, with every pros-
pect of inflicting a severe blow in the coming year, and that
you should have sustained so small and disproportionate an
injury yourselves. (Hear.) I submit to the house that it jus-
tifies the course which we have pursued in adopting that
mode of repression which was calculated to inflict the maxi-
mum injury on the enemy and the minimum injury on our-
selves, and in refraining from those overt acts of aggression
which would have inflicted slight and temporary injury on the
enemy and permanent injury on ourselves. I have dealt with
the course of events during the past year, and the results
which that course of events has produced. I think I have
shown you that a vigorous prosecution of the war has been the
desire of the Government, and that if they have refrained from
adopting the measures which the hon. members for Plymouth
and Bridport have suggested, it has not been from any other
belief than the belief that these measures would have been
injurious, not to the great Emperor against whom we are
contending, but to the manufacturing population of this
country—to the agriculture of slreland—to the revenue of
this country—and, speaking generally, to the domestic pro-
sperity of this kingdom. (Cheers.)
Mr. RICARDO said he could see no difference between
the propositions which the right hon. gentleman had done
him the honour to consider and those which he had just laid
before the house. (Hear.) He did not think there could
be any policy in letting in a little of the Russian trade and
not deciding to stop it altogether, or in admitting that the
raw material is what we want, and giving every encourage-
ment to those who will furnish it for the purpose which had
been so well described by the right honourable gentlemen.
No one could attribute motives of self-interest to either the
mover or seconder of the proposition now under considera-
tion, but he thought they had done well to disclaim such
motives, and to show that they had no self-interest mixed up
with the cry for a stringent blockade. He viewed with great
suspicion the source from which that cry had come. He
could not believe that the Russian merchants were anxious to
stop the Russian trade, and when he heard it said that Prussia
was infringing her neutrality by allowing goods to pass
through that country and come to England, he must be allowed
to observe, that if Russia wanted to sell, and Prussia found it
to her interest to let goods pass, Englishmen would buy,
whether this country was at war with Russia or not. That
always would be the case, and such decrees as the Berlin de-
crees would not prevent such transactions. , The great evil
inflicted on us by France was not inflicted by the decrees by
which she endeavoured to deprive this country of bread, but
by the country itself in meeting them half way, and by the
Orders in Council in 1807. The arguments which had been
used to-night were of the most conflicting nature. One
honourable gentleman had taunted the right honourable
baronet at the head of the Admiralty with not effecting a
stringent blockade, and stated that the only place where
there was such blockade was at the Danube, and that no corn
had been imported into this country in consequence of that
blockade. This was a matter worthy the consideration of
the house. The hon. gentleman said we ought not to allow
Russian produce to come here, and the Emperor of Russia
said the same thing, for he was not anxious to feed the people
who were fighting against him. Thelhon. member for Brid-
port said tbat no tallow came from Memel or the Prussian
ports, and, therefore, the consul must know that when it was
shipped at a Prussian port it must be Russian tallow. Now,
if the Russian ports were stopped to prevent Russian tallow
coming out of those ports, or out of Prussian ports, it was
natural to suppose that Prussia would keep the Russian tal-
low and send its own. Besides, it was only necessary to
mingle a ladleful of Prussian tallow with a ton of Russian tal-
low and it became Prussian tallow immediately. He would
not' mind taking the oath himself ; and if he had a ladle in
one hand and a pat of Russian tallow in the other, he would
make it into Prussian tallow in five minutes. (Laughter.)
When an article was in the slightest degree manufactured or
mixed with other articles it was no longer the produce of the
country from which it came, and no certificate of origin
would prevent such things being done. The hon gentleman
said it was perfectly idle to suppose that we should have any
competition for the linen trade even if we excluded all the flax
which comes to this oonntry, and that no person would
choose to build a manufactory when the war might be over in
six months. But it was a very dangerous thing to teach
people to have another market, and it was well known that
when a market was once lost it was not easy to recover it.
(Hear, hear.) The great argument which bad been ad-

y.anced on the present occasion was this, that we could, by

shutting up the produce of Russia, so coerce, and intimidate,
and impoverish the Emperor as to compel him to make peace
upon such terms as we might think fit. Now what did the ex-
port trade from Russia to this country amount to? Why, only
to seven millions, and supposin g the profit to be 10 percent. the
actualprofit on the whole trade could not be more than 700,0001.,
or he would say at the utmost 900,0001. Now, was it likely
that the people of Russia would turn upon the Emperor
merely for being deprived of that amount of profit ? The
argument was perfectly contemptible, when it was recollected
that by one stroke of the pen the Emperor had shut out the
export of six millions in corn. Of this he was quite sure,
that if we returned to the Orders of Council of the year 1816
and 1817, and to the economical and fiscal doctrines which we
held then, we should also return to the same poverty, the
same pauperism, the same misfortunes, and the same ina-
bility to meet the exigencies of, and to raise the supplies for,
the war by which the country was then embarrassed. (Hear,
hear.)
Lord DUNCAN said the honourable and learned member
for Plymouth had thrown out some most unworthy taunts
against the manufacturers of linen, and he must therefore ask
the house to recollect the conduct of those capitalists, who
were so ably represented by the hon. member who had se-
conded the motion. From the time Of the declaration of war in
March to the end of autumn, nothing was heard of a blockade;
everything went on smoothly, and a very large amount of flax
was brought into this country. Then certain gentlemen were
seized with a sudden fit of activity ; they found out that the
blockade was not enforced, and deputations, not of manufac-
turers, but of merchants, waited on the Government to
induce them to enforce it. He (Lord Duncan) subsequently
waited on the noble lord the Sec etary of State for Foreign
Affairs with a deputation of millowntrs, and he stated to them
that whatever might be his desire to give all possible facilities
to the commerce of the country, he felt it to be his duty to
use every means in his power to vex and annoy the enemy
with whom we were at war. And he must say that, consi-
dering the difficulties which attended this question, he
thought tho course which had been pursued by the noble
earl an d the Government reflected the highest credit upon
them. They had heard a great deal of the state of matters
in this country, but he had received a letter from a gentleman
largely connected with the linen trade, than whom no one
knew better what was the state of Russia at this moment.
That gentleman, on the authority of correspondents in that
country, stated that the war had already produced great dis-
tress there, that business was at a standstill, that numerous
failures had taken place, and that if the war continued the
merchants there would all be ruined. Of course there could
be no doubt, on the other hand, that the population of Forfar-
shire, of the West Riding, and of the north of Ireland, em-
ployed in the linen trade, had also suffered considerably by
the rise in the price of flax. It had been said that they should
stop the Russian trade. But how could they stop Russian
flax coming through Prussia ? or even if they did, could they
prevent it going down the Elbe and coming by way of Dussel-
dorf ? They might depend upon it that if flax was wanted it
would come through some channel or other. No doubt, in-
deed, if the war continued other sources for the supply of
flax would be found, and the importation from Russia would
be gradually diminished. 'But seeing the suffering which had
already resulted from the war, he must ask the house what
would be the effect of at once cutting off the supply of flax
from the linen manufacturers of this country ? His consti-
tuents in Forfarshire were as willing as any men could be to
share in the sufferings necessarily resulting from the vigorous
prosecution of the war, but they did ask that the Government
should not capriciously aggravate the difficulties of their posi-
tion by embarking in a goose-chase, and attempting to shut
out all trade with Russia. He was glad to find that the Go-
vernment had no intention of doing so.
Mr. WATSON said that he did not distinctly understand the
policy of the Government; for while they avowed an intention
of carrying on the strict system of blockades which had been
pursued in all former wars, the argument of the President of
the Board of Trade, if good for anything, went to show that
blockades should be done away with, and that free trade
should be allowed in time of war as in time of peace. Now he
could not assent to this, for he believed that blockades, by crip-
pling the trade of Russia, were the most effectual means of de-
priving her of resources for carrying on this war. What he
complained of was, that the Government proclaimed their
intention iu that house to adopt a systein of blockade, but
did not in fact carry it out. The linseed trade with the ports
in the Baltic and Black Soa was the principal one of the town
which he represented—Hull. Now it was stated last year in
that house that orders had been sent out to the Black Sea to
enforce a strict blockade of the Russian ports there. The re-
sult of this was, that our merchants were prevented from en-
deavouring to import Black Sea seed into this country, but
embarked their capital in the attempt to procure supplies
from other sources—the East Indies, Africa, and he believed
Australia. In consequence of the blockade not having been
enforced, and linseed having been imported from the ports of
the Black Sea, their enterprises had failed, their capital had
been locked up, and they had suffered enormous losses ; while
certain Greek merchants, who were more knowing than they,
and who, disregarding the announcement of the intended
blockade, had imported Black Sea seed, had made large gains.
He could not understand why the blockade of the Black Sea
and the Sea of Azof, which was announced in July or August
last, was not enforced. Surely, from our large fleet in the
Black Sea two or three steamers might have been despatched
to the Straits of Kertch, when they might easily have pre-
vented any ships leaving the Sea of Azof. (Hear.) The
hon. member for Plymouth had read a statement put forth
in December last by the Hull Chamber of Commerce. In a
subsequent document, dated the Bth inst., it was stated that
ships had since continued to arrive at Constantinople, in con-
siderable numbers from the Russian ports in the Black Sea
and Sea of Azof ; that from May to December last 452 ships
and 770,000 qrs. of linseed had thus arrived, being in fact a
larger export than had taken place in a previous year—and
this to the prejudice of the English merchants, who, relying
oni,,,ltl:Wehlp:crihofhessions of the Government, had turned their at-
tention to other sources of supply. In fact, the last year's
crop of the
wolivasnrsoeue:d.nuagmlrlown on the shores of the Sea of Azof,
ts ehda idn
brought Sept., h
from
l been
oth exportedother
places.
d come to thyeisreexclauonnrttry to compete with the lin-
seedHe wished also to call the attention of the house to another
point. The mouths of the Danube, from which a large supply
of corn might have been drawn for our own army, had
been

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