The National Register.
London, England, 1815-10-29 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL REGISTER.

690
-
'When exhausted by her own efforts, she bent beneath the
•words of the foes whom the storm of her rage had failed
to overwhelm, and looked for relief from the friends she
had invested with superior dignity and augmented power,
every head she had crowned, every hand she had armed,.
appeared in hostile array against her. Late benefits
were forgotten. old grievances rose in all their deformity,
and the shout for vengeance grew universal, till it sonttded
ever the ruins of the offending Power. As conciliation
between the victor and the fallen is never sincere among
states, and seldom amongst men, the prudence of the one
must build its security on the helplessness of the other.
There is even more than prudence in such policy—there is
mercy. To prevent offence, is also to prevent punishment.
Let not then afalse magnanimity once more endanger the
peace of Europe. If France cannot purify herself from
the stain of so many crimes, let her at least reject, or be
made to reject, those who wish to draw her into fresh enor-
mitie.. If she cannot become innocent, let her grow
'harmless. She will then cease to be dangerous : for the
time she will spend in recovering her prosperity and
power, will enable the Continent to settle on its new basis,
antl to acquire a degree of solidity which all the future at-
tacks of her ambition will attempt to shake iu vain.

New York papers to the 48th ult. were received Tuesday.
The following extract from them announces the arrival in
America of Joseph Bonaparte:-'—" Trenton, Sept.4s.—On
Thursday evening last, Jssepli Bonaparte. formerly King of
Naples, and late pretender to the Crown of Spain, arrived
here. attended by a 'United States naval officer, who went on
with him to the southward a fortnight since ; Governor Pen-
nington, and one other admirer of crowned heads (provided
the head crowned be a Bonaparte), we understand paid their
personal respects to him, with bows, scrapes, and shakes ofthe
hand—and thus welcomed his Majesty to Trenton. Theyi,
could not talk to his Majesty, but they could make signs!
The Ex-King went on to the eastward next morning.
From a late AmeriCan Paper %re have extracted the fol.'
lowing article relative to the Treaty of Commerce with this
cou.ntry:—
" The people of the United States mulct feel more than commonly
impatient to learn what they are to get by the new Treaty of COW-
merer. To express my unfavonrable anticipations respecting it
vould took more like party malice thin genuine patriotism—more
like what the democratic gentry would do—indeed what they have
actually done--than the workinrs of sound, faithful American
hearts. Long before the terms of Jay's Treaty were divulged to
thee. public, it was attacked by the whole FrCliCl4 faction, upon
)Direr mirru'le.°
The writer then, forgetting his preface, attacks this Treaty.
Ile says,—
" Eiro—That if the expected Treaty be nyt rery much more
tdvantagenn. to America than the Ttealy which Government
might have had. but refused to accept, their delinquency with re-
spect to flowiparte, and his influence over them is proved beyond
Wn:Ilion; and they stand accountable to the Country for the ruin—
ous expenditures anti various evils of the war, and to God for every
life that has been lost in it.
Sueondly,—.That if it be not a better treaty than that trade by
es,l.. Monroe and Pinkney, it affords the most satisfactory proof,
it' ',lnked pre% i proof were wanting, that the war which has been
Isteki lei ate.i. so tar from being, even in the opinion of the
.n.efutive, honourable or advantageous,. his Produced only whit
might have been had without it."

I

FOREIGN INTEUIGENCE.

FRENCH PAPERS.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.

OCT. 2 9

SITTING OF OCT. 21.
M. Bellart, in the name of the Commission to which the
law for punishing seditious persons, proposed by the Mi-
nister of Police, bad been referred, presented the Report.
44 Gentlemen—You all know that amongst the freest
people in the world, amongst the Romani, when the factions
dared to conspire, recourse was had to one formula alone to
defeat their criminal projects. Among our neiehbonis in
that country which I shall presume to call the Classic Land
of Liberty, the law, which directs that no one shall be de.
tained without legal forms, is very often suspended And
yet the Constitutions of Rome and of England seemed not to
admit such measures; but those two people felt that vie ..ds
are nothing when it is necessary to act, and that in of der to
preserve freedom, we ought first to preserve society. They
felt that there are none but madmen who, in order to remain
faithful to simple forms, would make it a question whether
they ought to defend themselves against their enemies. The
Prince to whom we owe the Constitutional Charter, has been
' more provident than the Legislators of these two countries,
for he introduced into the Charter the means of public
safety; and if the judicial power has alone the right to dis-
pose of persons, the fourth article of this great Charter
leaves nevertheless to the law the right of regulating every
thing that is necessary in difficult circumstances. Without
doubt, it is requisite to have a special law, to give to that tu-
telary disposition an indispensable latitude; but no where
does that Charter prohibit the law from extending its power
as far as the public safety may demand.
It is to conform to those legitimate scruples that the law
now under discussion has been proposed to the Chamber;
and in the present state of legislation several functionaries
are charged with what is called the Judicial Police. They
have the right to seek after and seize the accused. After a
fixed time they are obliged to send him to the Tribunals, or
set him at liberty. It is this preliminary delay which we may
tall a delay for the purpose of collecting proofs, that the
present law proposes to prolong indefinitely when it relates
to the charge of a state crime. On one side, a rapid indict-
ment exposes you to the danger of letting a guilty person,
whom you have not had time to convict, escape the applies.
tion of the law. On the other side, there are guilty persons
who know so well how to surround themselves with cunning
precautions, that, however strong the moral conviction may
be against them, they are able to struggle with success against
the mass of proofs that accuse them, and often even are able
to escape a too just punishment. Must we hasten to restore
to liberty such a dangerous man, rendered still more dan-
gerous by impunity? Persons who do not suffer themselves
to be misled by vain words, will not deny that under certain
circumstances it is necessary to give a discretionary power to
Government, in order to prevent the dissolution of society.
Do these circumstances exist now'? That is the only questioo
that remains to be examined. Is it one for you, Gentlemen ?
See, hear, and decide. Ido not hesitate to say, that there
are none but the play themselves, or their accomplices, that
can'doubt the fact. Never were Rome or England in a posi•
1 tion in which it was mote urgent to proclaim the formula--
I Cared:lnt Consuleil
s• There will be men who will hypocritically groan over
what they call an attack upon individual liberty, and will
cflottinias a meature which every honest man fdels to be iii!

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freest
factions
alone to
wins in
,ic Land
I be de.
And
!d not to
sat vt, 'As
older to
They
o remain
whether
ies. The
, has been
:ountries,
of public
,ht to dis-
t Charter
ting every
Without
to that tu-
no where
its power
sat the law
Chamber;
nctionaries
ice. They
I. After a
ihunals, or
ich we may
a, that the
n it relates
apid indict-
iilty person,
the applica•
silty persons
itti cunning
viction may
ccess against
ven are able
en to restore
more dan-
r themselves
'rider certain
ary power to
n of society.
mly question.
Gentlemen?
y, that there
,inplices, that
Ind in a posi•
)e formula—,
y groan over
arty, and wilt
ktis W be ig'.`