The Sun.
London, England, 1855-04-02 00:00:00

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LONDON, MO

NDAY EVENING, APRIL 2, 1855.

Tin APPIN'S "SHILLING" RAZ OR.
Soli everywhere. Warranted good by the makers, JOSEPH
APPIN and BROTHERS, Queen's Cutlery Works, Sheffield ; and
37,"Moorgate,street, City, London.

No. I.—An Abstract of the Net Produce of the Rover= and other Recci
the correspon,

ITAPPIN'S SUPERIOR TABLE KNIVES,
I' .5 as made for the Crystal Palace, Sydenbant handles cannot
possibly become loose : the blades are all of the very first quality,
being the;r own Sheffield manufacture.
Buyers suppled at their London Vt'arehouse, 37, Moo rg,ate-strc t,
City ; and Queen's Cutlery Worts, Sheffield.

T0TAL5........

£4,381,303
Net Therea.e.

£6,312,624
Net Increase.

Surplus 13a7alce beyond the charge of the Consolidate...l Fund, for the Quarter ended
Jan. 5, 1855, viz. :

Balance of Instalment.; of Exchequer Bonds appropriated by Parliament to Supply
6eryices, remaining unissued on Jan. 5, 1855

Income received in the Quarter ended Mach 31,•1855, as shown in Account 1....•

Amount received in the Quarter ending March 31, 1855, for Exchequer Bonds Issued ..

Amount of Exchequer Lills (Supply) issued 1n the Quarter ending March 31, 1855 ....

Amount received in the Quarter ending March 31, 1855, in repayment of Advances for
Pub Works ......... •••.•• • . • • •

B.llance. bein; 'he deficiency upon the charge of the Consolidated Fund in Great Britain,
and for which Exchequer Bids (Deficiency) will be issued • •

THE COMING WONDER.

•
(From the Times of this day.)
In a few days we are to have that very rare
spectacle in this metropolis,—an Emperor, and
that still rarer, if not altogether unknown, an
Empress. The event is so strange that people ask
what it means, as they would of a comet or an
earthquake. We need not, however, go further
than the first meaning, which is, that there is pro-
bably more real unanimity and a more thorough
resolution to continue friends than there has been
at any former period of our history. Our dynastic
relations with France are singular. Her last five
sovereigns, including the first and the present Na-
poleon, have visited this country iu their adversity,
either before or after their enjoyment of power.
Of these five the three Bourbons certainly might
be regarded as under deep obligations to this
country. Yet Napoleon 111. is the first Sovereign
of France who has neither. been at war with us,
nor obliged to give in to an anti-Anglican agitation
to the very verge of war. While, however, the
Sovereigns of France seem to have thought a
quarrel with England the last and best stay of a
tottering throne, there exists no proof of a national
antipathy. There is no reason to doubt that the
mutual feelings of the two nations conspire with
their interest, which certainly is on the side of
peace. It is from France, that is from the Nor-
man element, that we have derived no small part
of that ambition and that versatility, that combi-
nation of the mercurial and the martial qualities,
which has given us so much success, and entailed
on us so much. envy. Our continual wars
may be traced to a series of unfortunate acci-
dents ; to the French possessions of our earlier
kings, to their subsequent conquests in France,
to their final expulsion thence, to religious
feuds, and to the ambition of this or that
man on either side--causes, latterly, as the light
fu©l that falls on the embers of a recent quarrel,
and blaze up into sudden fury. But, if we go
either to the solid interests, or to the great mind
and warm heart of either nation, there is ample
material and security for an alliance beneficial be-
yond all conception to both countries and to the
world. So, if we are asked the meaning of this
new prodigy, we are ready with an answer. It
mugurs that England and France will henceforth
Act together as they never before acted • and that
they will see more of one another, and learn more
from one another, and impart more to one another,
than they ever did before. Why, indeed,
should
we think such a friendship, lasting possibly for cen-
turies, more incredible than the fact of the former
long alienation ?
But, to come to a question of more immediate
interest—what are we do with our Imperial visi-
tors ? How are we to entertain them ? What arj
we to show them? As it happens, they are both
pretty well acquainted with almost everything
that they would care to see in this metropolis.
This being the case, it is rather a fortunate circum-
stance that they have not yet seen the interior of
our Court and that the Emperor can have only
the faintest recollections of any other Court, ex-
cept that which he has been obliged to create. If
they are taken in succession to London, Windsor,
and Osborne, they will see British Royalty under
the convenient, the grand, and the comfortable
aspect. There is a very proper variety even in
Courts. Non, omnia pOSSILMUS °mazes. The Em-
peror of France has not a marine palace in the
midst of thick groves, smooth lawns, and green
knolls, that sees the finest fleet in the world at
anchor or manoeuvring before it. Nor has the
Emperor that combination of the Norman fortress,
the mediaeval palace, and the modern mansion, that
all foreigners admire in Windsor Castle. On the
ether hand, we have no miles of marble columns,
inlaid floors, statues and paintings, as at Versail-
les ; no Louvre, no Tuileries. Very desperate at-
tempts are in progress, as we hear, to furbish up
the Royal upholstery for the occasion ; canopies
and thrones are in demand ; old embroidery has
been cut out to be appliqued, if we may Anglicise
the word, to a new silk ground ; the Court func-
tionaries are anxiously looking out precedents and
settling the paces of Royalty. Curious people are
impertinently expecting the results of a meeting
between potentates so different, yet with so much
to say for themselves. On the ono hand, there is
the half-feudal, half-constitutional Queen ; on the
other hand, the self-raised, army-named, people-
elected Caesar of the old Roman sort. The Emperor
has done a great deal ; the Queen has happily no
need to do much. She has only to be good, and
kind, and wise, and the work is done for her ;
although it is not easy even for a sovereign to be
always prudent and amiable. Their consorts are
both handsome, agreeable, and accomplished ; and,
when a fair lady is in the case, we need not attempt
to strike a balance between German sovereignty
and Spanish nobility. Heaven has made our Queen
the mother of a family. Her guest has yet to make
his heir as well as he can by force of testaments,
edicts, senates consultor, and we know not what
machinery of empire. It really is some comfort to
think that, strange as it may seem, the whole four
have some important qualities in common. They
have all common sense and good temper ; so what
but good can come of a meeting in which the first
conditions of mutual benefit are the most promi-
nent qualities?
But how is the Queen to amuse her guests ?
Well. It's only a week or ten days, and, as the
time is to be divided between three palaces, and the
work is already cut out for several long days, there
will not be much time even for princes to feel dull.
There are, as it happens, a few things our Imperial
visitors have not seen. There is the Crystal Palace,
which, of course, they will see, for no king or em-
peror can see the like in his - own country. Will
they pay a visit to the Great Globe in Leicester-
square, or to the Panopticon ? If they venture on
theatricals they will have to choose between Chas.
Kean in Sardanapalus and Mr. Robson in
the Blighted Being. They are to go to Woolwich,
and by the way will probably see Mr. Scott Russell's
leviathan ship, already showing its proportions.
The Great Western station, pretty as it is, hardly
Northern,
some French ones ; but the Great orthern,
in vastness at least, has no rival at home er abre.el.
What other new sight can be suggested ? The .Ern-
p aw. lam done a goocl deal ig new streets, new.

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604,300

docks, new buildings for the working classes, new
sewers, new barracks, and other splendid, or grim,
utilities. Will Aldershott be ready for a visit? What
is left of the Guards, or what has been found of the
militia, will hardly supply materials for a review. '
Diving into precedents, one remembers that the
Allied Sovereigns dined in Guildhall and paid a visit
to the University of Oxford. In case Napoleon 111.
should think he has something owing to him in that
quarter, happily the whole programme exists,
speeches, poems, and all. It so happens, indeed, that
throughout these pompous documents a certain
personage is described as the pest of the earth, a
torch of war, a fury of hell, a forger of chains for
mankind, a restless demon ; but the word Russi
fortunately possesses the same number of syllables
as Galli, and neither the scanning of a verse nor
the flow of a sentence would be disturbed by a
substitution. Why should not the Emperor of the
French be made a D.C.L. as well as ? Ho
has evidently studied the civil law to some purpose
in his own case. But he is also a mathematician,
and Cambridge may put in its claim for a day. But
what a change since this day forty years, when
Europe was preparing for her last struggle with
Napoleon, and had just pronounced him out of the
pale of social order and civilisation ! How have
we boxed the whole compass ! So true is it, that
we should always remember our enemies may one
day be our friends, and our friends, if we don't
take care, may one day be our enemies. We may
forget the past if we please, but now is the time to
think for the future. Surely something may now
be done—something more effectual and lasting than
combined fleets and armies, to remove for ever the
old wall of separation between England and France.
Here Russia has been our ally for half a century,
and not an idea, not a thing have wo got from her,
except hides, hemp, and tallow, and a few bits of
malachite. How much more have we got—how
much more can we still get, from the bugbear of
our infancy—lmperial France I

THE GOVERNMENT AND THE
NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE.

(From the Morning Chronicle of this day.)

The sinister rumours—on the subject at this moment
of the greatest interest to England, nay to the civilised
world—which for the last few days have been current,
are receiving confirmation in various ways. Even the
most sceptical persons begin to believe that this country
—at least, in so far as it is represented by its Government
—is about to be led into concluding a doubtful if not a
dishonourable peace.
There is but much reason to suspect that those who
are officially responsible for the interests of the people
are bartering them away for a renewed lease of power.
The present Prime Minister was played where he is
that he might perform one great duty. imme-
diate predecessors had a very difficult game to play.
Their pledged devotion to the commercial principles
with which their party had been identified led them to
desire that the peace of Europe might be preserved and
the development of civilisation assisted. There were
many reasons why they could not contravene the deep
faith of the permanency of a peace which already had
endured hard upon half a century. The peculiar state
of our diplomatic relations with some of the chief Euro-
pean States compelled them to proceed with the utmcs,
c sution. While they were steadily preparing for war,
they were obliged to maintain at least the formal sena-
bia.nce of pacific purposes. Indeed, with the exception
of a few persons, of whom still fewer could be suspec'el
of a sound judgment, neither the public nor the Parlia-
ment believed it possible that Russia could withstand the
formidable coalitioa organised against her, or that moral
influence which hitherto has been found to be binding
on the rulers of civilised communities.
Rightly or wrongly, the public at home condemned
this our policy abroad, although it was both wise and
timely. Multitudes do not reason—they act on im-
pulses. Because at last Russia threw off the mask, and
stood confessed an unprincipled aggressor, the British
public forgot all the antecedents of the question. A
prudent reserve, adopted more from necessity than
choice, was interpreted as moral cowardice ; and in-
evitable delays were charged as a kind of crime against
the national interests. When, at last, we were hurried
into the attack on the Crimea, the public took no nute
of the material difficulties that stood in the way of suc-
cess. An outcry raised against the mismanagement of
our army caught the public feeling at the critical mo-
ment, and then came the crash which resulted in the
elevation of Lord Palmerston to the post of Prime
Minister.
Why was he placed in that proud position ? Was it
to effect a peace at the expense of the national honour ?
Was it to leave the army precisely in the same position
as before, trusting to the change of season for a remedy
of the evils complained of I Lord Palmerston was placed
at the head of the Government, because it was thought
that the country had shown too pacific a temper. The
policy of the Aberdeen Administration was not con-
demned by that choice, because Lord Palmerston had
been a not unimportant member of that Ministry. But it
was considered that an open manifestation of the altered
feeling of the nation was necessary ; and there was no
mode of denoting that change more effectual than put-
ting at the head of affairs a man whose name had be-
come identified with all that was anti-Russian in the
recent policy of England.
How is Lord Palmerston discharging the duty thus
confided to him ? Hitherto he has disappointed the ex-
pectations of the public. In what respect has he de-
parted from the policy of his predecessors ? Scarcely in
any. Talk of " vigour 1" Where has the present Ad-
ministration shown vigour ? Except in a species of poco
curante flippancy, the Premier scarcely condescends to
address the House. A few high-sounding but most
hollow phrases, as to the necessity for an " honourable"
peace, as distinct from a " hollow truce "—this is all the
enlightenment of the public mind the noble viscount
deigns to offer ! Sometimes, indeed, some misplaced
and untimely joke, on subjects the most serious, indi-
cates that the lev:ty for which Lord Palmerston in for-
mer days was noted is in no way changed by his new
and grave responsibilities.
All Europe knows by this time that Lord Palmerston Ministry is prepared to conclude a peace on telss which
fall very far short of the standard usual with thisltco our
enemies, We have not been accustomed thus to yir
hiu'hs
e d
old chivalrous sentiments. It is quite
invited this
in the State have in a great measure
eotohuerr
conspiring to form a condition
catastrophe, by openly co
true, th t having
It is equally as,
against the Government.
parties or allow our commercial spirit ttorueevetrhruiclt
ernsel
novr congratulating I of h •t
It is one of the great evi st e consti u-
rnanceeei is.
tional system of Government,
et:euuo jealousy t
he
souf party,s
s o t they e
ir are
in
afiaGromvienrgnment, that party spirit thus pra-
AdaW2l.4OE4 '1" ggle for power the great
svuacilese.ieiade.tdirle councils of a nation whose affairs are so

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IPnIcE SD.

THE REVENUE FOR THE YEAR AND QUARTER ENDING MARCH 31, 1855

of the United Kingdom, in the undermentioned periods, ended 21arch 31, 1855, compared
ding periods of the preceding year.

QUARTERS. ENDED , -YEAR QUARTERS ENDED I EAR
./..__ ------, ended ,- _____, --, ended
,---_-_-
July 5, 1 Oct. 10, ' Jan. 5, March 31, march 31, July 5, Oct. 10, I Jan. 5, March 31, March 31,
1854 I 1854 1855 1855 1855
----,. --
£ 1 £ £ £ £ £ £ £ X
-
£
5,513,076 A 466,304 4,424,15' I Z 0,496,658 5,452,437 5,663,113 4,882,292 4,203,091 21,200,933 CUSTOMS.
EXCISE
CUSTOMS ' 4',°09925 137 :113 5,163,915 4,537.610 , 2,384,416' 16,179,169 4,183,688 4,810,083 3,934,688 2073,132 15,101,591 EXCISE.
• .
ST.' MPS 1,•29,459 1,748,269 k 1,719,017 1,577,771 16,96 i,516 1,790,807 1,736,173 1,639,578 1,622,827 6,789,385 ST A 31PS.
TAXES• 1,438,927 116,680 1,288,632 191,897 3,036,130 ' 1,510,443 129,219 1,402,690 99,302 3,141,694 TAXES.
PROPERTY TAX
lOST- FFICE
'
CROWN LANDS
MISCELLANEOUS ...... ....... ....... 198,204 149,163 163,800 240,411 731,578 349,233 165,447 307,801 284,520 1,107,004 MISCELL,I NEOUS.
-- -
OR OINARY REVENUE I . • • • • • -
.. , - • • • • • • .. :
ORDINARY REVENUE.
IMPREST A ~,TD OTIIER MONEYS.
••••••• • • • .. '
IMP REST AND OTHER MONEYS . • " ' •
1Z...P AY3.IENTS OF ADVANCES - • • • . • • • i REPAYMENTS OF AUVANCE•3.
_
--- -
'14,453,177 15,02 i,276 59,19 6,154 14,791,563 14,737,389 13,017,510 10,636,968 53,183,5:30 ' TOTALS.
TOTALS
March 3', 1855.
Qaart:r ended March 31, 1855. Year ended
and DECREASE In the Quarter and
IL-INCREASE
Tear ended March 31, 1815 ; as compared with
1:14,421,976 19,594,75
Year ended March 3t, 1853 ; as compared Iv .th
the corr. sponding periods of the preceding year. • the corresponding periods of the preceding year.
Increase. Decrease. Increase. Decrease. Increase. Decreame.
_ .-------- ---- - -
CU ;TO MS - .... •• • • .• •• CUSTOMS.
EXCISE • • • - EXCISE.
sr.imrs . .• •
95,595 .. • • .... , 105,558 • • .. TAXES.
TAXES PROPERTY TAL
PROPER fY TAX
45,922 .... 230,15 G • • • • .... ... • POST-OFFICE.
I'-0 FFICE
1,600 .... .... 123,316 • • .. •••,‘
CROWN' LANDS
MISCEL LANEOUS •••• 44,109 • • • • 375,426 .. • • .. • MISCELLANEOUS.
ORDINARY REVENUE .• • • .... 1.... .... .... .... ORDINARY REVENUE.
[WE'RE ST AND OTEIER MONEYS
..
REPAYMENTS OF A DVANCES .d•• • . ...... ... •• • •• • • .... 1
_ -
I 1 i
TOTALS .........................•.. 4,428,417 1- 44,109 1 6,916,924 604,300 .... 1 .... TOTALS. -

-_,....,...... , , . .
111.A.n. Account showing-----thsLAit-,Stexenw an' other-lleceipts of the Quarter ended Niirch 31, 135"; ; the Application. of the same, and the Charge of the
Consolidated Fund ai: the sei(l it darteY; t4pthearceii-thaaisksaurpleys—ses Dadeieacy. u.plu suck Charge.
i-... •.., . ,- . ..
ins Baialce beyond the charge of the Consolidated Fuild, for the Quarter ended £ Amount a?plied out of the Net inzome for thu Quarter ended Mar eh 31, 1855, to l• '- .‘
fan. 5, 1855, viz. : redemption of Exchequer Bills (Deficiency) for the Quarter cuthel Jan. 5, 3835, 1,5:9,534
Great Britain £ Amount applied to Supply Services in the Quarter ended March 31, 1853:
Out of the u., nsolidated Fund .C 10,006,259
Ireland
469,993 Out of Exchequer Ellis
--- 11,684,627
nee of Instalments of Exchequer Bonds appropriated by Parliament to Supply Charge of the Consolidated Fund for the Quarter ended Mach 31, 1833, 'VIZ. :
Services, remaining unissued on Jan. 5, 1855 250,466 Interest of the Permanent Debt £5,602,431
Tel minable Debt 1,344,690
me received in the Quarter ended March 31,• 1855, as shown in Account I. .... 15,021,276 Interest on Deficiency Bids
The Civil Lint ........................... . • •
unt received in the Quarter ending March 31, 1855, for Exchequer Bonds issued .. 407,902 Other Charges on Consolidated Fund .. • 315:108
Advances for Public Works, &c. .• • . • • ..... • . .
•
unt of Exchequer Ellis (Supply) issued in the Quarter ending March 31, 1855 .... 1,00,003 7,577,933
ant received in the Quarter endlng Marcia 31, 1855, in repayment of Advances for Surplus Balance beyond the charge of the Consolidated Fund, for the Quarter ended
Mlle Works • •• •• —...
17,339,231 Ireland .........,.,.•...... • .. •• .•••••••••.• ' 72,8
ace, bein; 'he deficiency upon the charge of the Consolidated Fund in Great Britain, ---- '2,831
end for which Exchequer Bids (Deficiency) wilt be issued .. • ..... ........... . 3,495,615
--- 25,834,896
20,831,896

interests and the honour of the country are too
&ten lost sight of. Lord Palmerston is not the first
Whig chief who has thus "given up to party what was
meant for mankind," nor are the present chiefs of the
Tories the only leaders of an opposition who have forced
the Government of the day into unpatriotic courses by
menacing them with defeat. The only difference con-
sists in the gravity of the issues at stake. The British
people expected something better from Lord Palmerston
than that lie should forget the interests of his country
in the petty manoeuvres of Parliamentary tactics. Had
he fulfilled his mission in the spirit in which it was con-
fided to him, no one would have asked of what materials
he had composed an Administration of which he was to
be the chief and guide. But if Lord Palmerston has
only taken office in order to " let down" his country,
by effecting a peace on conditions short of those de-
manded by the necessities of the case, the public will be
very ready to inquire why the late Ministerial chsnges
were made at all. Indeed, if we reflect that to Lord
Aberdeen was owing the Austrian alliance—the only
positive gain we can count since the commencement of
this dispute—it is difficult to comprehend why that
noble earl was driven from office, and why Lord Palmer-
ston was placed at the helm.

We perceive, on the part of the organs of the Oppo-
sition, a great desire to hold up the Emperor Napoleon
the Third as having " consented" to conditions which this
country will regard as something only short of ignomi-
nious. They are chuckling over the disgrace which such
a peace would bring on the British Ministry which would
' agree to it. Those who have attentively watched the pro-
ceedings and policy of the French Emperor, since the
commencement of this Eastern question, will be slow
to believe that at the eleventh hour he has changed the
one or will arrest the other. Anxious he naturally will
be to protect the interests of those of his subjects who
are engaged in commerce, but he will not sacrifice the
military honour of the French nation to so temporary
an object. Unlike Lord Palmerston, he has not to fear
the loss of position, because tEe French people have
unbounded confidence in his firmness and sagacity.
He, at least, is not so placed as to shrink froma threat-
ened coalition of political gamesters and fanatical or
interested advocates of peace for the mere sake of peace.
It is a melancholy position for England when her
honour is neglected by henown rulers, and she is com-
pelled to look for its protection to the chief of a foreign
people, the successor of her fiercest foe !
What may be the fate of this attempt at a compromise
cannot yet be known. That the Emperor of the French
does not rest bis faith on the hope of peace may be in-
ferred from the state of his preparations. Perhaps the
most favourable result that could be desired for England
would be that which would nevertheless discourage large
classes of the community, buoyed up by expectations of
peace. Painful as it is to contemplate war, especially
such a war as would be required to humble Russia, the
dignity and the permanent interests of the countitywould
best be served were the Emperor Alexander 11. arrogant
enough to refuse the offers so humbly made to him, and
thus to force our Ministers to do their duty in spite of
themselves.

THE EFFECTS OF LORD ABERDEEN'S
HOSPITALITY TO PRINCE RADZIVIL.

In the course of last summer, when Lord Aberdeen
was premier, a lieutenant general in the Prussian ser-
vice, the Prince von Radzivil, visited England. Not-
withstanding that this general's master, the King of
Prussia, was all but openly siding with England's
enemy, the Emperor of Russia, the authorities of this
country did not think the moment inopportune to grant
the general permission to inspect the dockyards and
arsenals of Great Britain, and afford him opportunities
to review the newly-embodied militia regiments,
almost the only military force then left in the
country. It was muttered amongst observing people at the
time that this officer did not observe much delicacy in
the appropriateness of his visit. But the General's
bearing was so itonclicd«pt, and exhibited such utter un-
consciousness of any impropriety or want of good taste
in what he was doing, that the authorities to whom he
was introduced appeared to be thrown off their guard,
and treated him with that deference ordinarily due to
his military rank. It is true the general commanding
the western district, the renowned hero of Aliwall,
after passing two militia regiments in review before
the Prince, observed to his Highness in hearing of
all present, " that braver troops did not exist in the
world than;the Prussian troops, that they stood heroically
at the side of the English in the well-fought field of
Waterloo, and no doubt would do so again if occasion
should require it." This allusion of Sir Harry Smith to
Waterloo was considered by many bystanders as inap-
propriate, injudicious, and indelicate towards our brave
allies the French, and thus public attention was drawn
from canvassing the indelicacy of the general's visit. Let
us now pass over these few months in which the British
army in the East has been enduring unparalleled horrors
in the support of its country's honour, and we shall
discover, by the merest accident, that the gentlemen
at whose disposal were placed the means of acquiring
the most accurate knowledge of our defences, has carried
that information to the service of the Czar, where he is now
employed, commanding a Russian army in the Crimea. In
the correspondence from Eupatoria we learn that in a
parlementaire with one of Omer Paella's generals and the
Russian commander, theformer discovered in the latter an
old comrade officer, one Prince von Radzivil, a German
officer. The same correspondence goes on to whatdetail
messengers passed to and fro between the distinguished
parlementairiens, exchanging civilities, coutesiesand ac-
ceptable presents for the table, whence it mays be
in-
ferred that the Prince von Radzivil is a
Cmano tanayc coo mn
e-
plished diplomatist, politician,
inform the public who it was thator es.npsiaytioltehdethdeefiCenienegs of?
Prussia's envoy extraordinaire to
hvei
England and report to the Czar treotnhrlowSshoirugldatrhrye
fortunes of war, at some future day,
Smith into the bands of Princeyou Radzivil
Crimea, it is to be hoped h tterillin
tbtelar
in mind the civilities of
which he
e h iwmasse 1 f the
on
object when, last summer, he l)
Mount Wise parade, armed with a ministerial introduc-
tion, and requested to examine the efficiency of the
landeeltr of England.
discovered If
it
tt
bee
soe,fatcoilteh;oa twhing, dust in
a sithhies
German prince
eyes of the ministerial officials at home, it can hardly be
wondered at that the lines of the British camp before
Sebastopol should be visited and penetrated by the ene-
rny's emissaries, and the acuteness of British officers
evaded.—Daily News.

AUSTRIAN FINANCE.--it is supposed in political cir-
cles at Vienna that the mission of Field Marshal Degen-
feld to London relates to a loan of 60 millions of florins,
which the new finance minister, Baron de Bruck, has,
it is said, proposed to contract abroad. The Weser Ga-
zwe in mentioning the subject, states that to this sum
will be added another of 20 millions, to be employed in
withdrawing from circulation the paper-money issued by
the Bawl,