The Sun.
London, England, 1855-12-14 00:00:00

RUMOURS OF PEACE.

A letter from Munich of the 7th, in the Pays,
says :
"The question of the peace of the werld, which now
engages the paramount attention of the public mind, de-
pends in a great measure on Germany freely and spon-
taneously throwing her reason, her interest, and her
4rength into the struggle. Such is the opinion of our
Cabinet, and it is this which induced MM. de Piordien
and De Beust to bring forward the idea, not of a con-
gress, as has been said, but of simple preparatory con-
ferences, either here or at Dresden, to afterwards lead
to the official and public constitution of a congress.
Conferences are less significant, arid pledge parties
less strongly. This independent attitude of the in-
termediary powers of Germany has caused a censi•
derable sensation in the Cabinet of Berlin, which
fears that they will have a serious influence on the
Diet. The King twice in ono week gave audience
to Count Bismark Schcenhausen, his Envoy at
Frankfort, and once made him dine at the royal table.
That diplomatist is to leave Berlin immediately after
Christmas, for the Cabinet of Berlin does not shut its
eyes to the fact that Prussian influence in the Diet is
gravely menaced, and the wish is naturally felt to save
it by every means of diplomatic action. But why are
so many efforts made when there is a means so simple
and so sure of acquiring and preserving a just and ener-
getic action on the Get manic Diet ? That means con-
sists in favouring the young and German spirit which
could prepare such high destinies for our noble nation.
At Munich, in our fine city of the arts, wo have better
understood the great part which belongs to Germany.
M. de Fonton, who visits Munich and Vienna, before he
returns to St. Petersburg, may convince himself of the
real tendencies of the Governments and of the people. M.
de Fonton is not only a man versed in French literature,
who writes your language with great purity, but
is also an exact observer, and who was treated with
;;teat consideration at Vienna, where he resided before
he went to Hanover. It is not without a serious motive
that lie is recalled to St. Petersburg. In some quarters,
either superficially informed or interested in concealing
the truth, the reason of his recall is said to be that M.
de Fonton is to be with Count de Nesselrode, in conse-
quence of his being the best qualified as a writer, to re-
place M. de Laderniti, who is represented to be ill and
to require repose. It is, however, well known that
M. de Ladenski is not as he is so stated to be, and
that even were he so, the Chancellery of St. Peters.
burg possesses three or four excellent writers, who
drew up the last circulars of M. do Nesselrode, and
his most elegantly-composed protocols. The Rus-
sians have never wanted good diplomatic colourists.
If therefore, M. de Fonton is recalled to St. Peters.
burg, it is because it was wished to consult his
experience, and to examine with him the true spirit
of Germany, and perhaps also as Minister at Hano-
ver be has bad some special mission, for no one can be
ignorant of the close bonds, which unite the interests of
Hanover with those of England. The journey of M. de
Fonton is thus regarded as a fresh indication of pacifi-
cation; as far greater confidence is felt in his sagacity,
and in his moderation of his sentiments than in the
haughty, passionate, and perhaps a little too warlike ap-
preciations of MM. do Beckendorff and Stakelberg, who
rather write military bulletins than just and conscien-
tious examinations of the opinions and interests of Ger-
many. These opinions, I tell you sincerely, are in fa-
vour of peace, and they even express a kind of angry im-
patience against events and the men likely to prevent it.
No one can affirm that peace will be made, but there
exists a universal tendency and an irresistible impulse
in Germany towards pacification, and in the end the
Governments must yield to the sentiments of the people.
This will explain to you the attitude of our Court and
of that of Dresden in the present question, and the wish
which they both feel to interfere efficaciously."

THE BILLETING SYSTEM.—Yesterday afternoon a
meeting of the licensed victuallers was held at the Prince
of Wales Tavern, Harmood-street, Hampstead-road, for
the purpose of taking into consideration the evils arising
from
is the present billeting system. The following re-
solution was carried unanimously :—" That this meet-
ing of opinion that the present billeting system is op-
pressive to the licensed victuallers, destructive to good
discipline, and unfair to the men, in exposing them to
temptations of the worst character, and hereby appoint
a committee to draw up a memorial to Sir G. Grey, pray-
ing the abolition of the present billeting system, or a
more equal distribution of the militiamen hitherto bil-
leted on the licensed victuallers of this district." An-
other meeting on the above subject was held at the
White Horse Tavern, Long-acre, Mr. Ambler, of the
above tavern in the chair, when the following resolution
was agreed to :—" That this meeting strongly condemns
the present system of billeting, and pledges itself to use
every constitutional means in order to obtain an altera-
tion in the existing law."
THE HACKNEY CHURCH-RATE.—The poll which com-
menced at the Parish House, or Town Hall, closed yes-
terday as follows : —Against the rate, 425 ; for the rate,
329 ; majority against it, 96. The poll will remain open
to-day and to-morrow (Saturday) till five in the after-
noon, when it will Dural), close.

Spirit of the Public Journals.
(From the Times of this day.)
Scarcely more than three years have elapsed
since it was our duty to take part in a discussion
of the most delicate and invidious character. The
Duke of Wellington was dead, and the question
was warmly agitated who was to be his successor as
Commander-in-Chief. Much was said at that time
in favour of her Majesty's Consort, and we showed
ourselves better patriots than courtiers in combat-
ing the arguments put forth on behalf of his
Royal Highness. Now, however, that time has
been given to estimate the results of such a pro-
ceeding, we think that every well-wisher to her
Majesty and to the Prince has great reason to re-
joice that the less courtly but sounder counsel was
followed, and the direction and management of the
army placed in other hands than those for which
report had originally destined them. During the
period of trial and suffering which has since
elapsed our whole military system has been
subjected to the most hostile criticism, and has
been unable to vindicate itself from the strong-
est and most universal censure, criticism and
censure to which the whole feeling of the coun-
try has cordially responded, and which yet
await their accomplishment in what must sooner
or later be a complete military revolution. Had
the husband of the Queen been placed in those
evil days at the head of that system, had his
name been identified with the blunders, the
favouritism, the anarchy, the disasters, and the
disgraces which roused the whole nation to a frenzy
of anger and of impatience, how many of those
arrows which were intercepted in their flight by
the breasts of less prominent persons would have
struck the Throne itself There was a lamentable
sacrifice of private reputation ; but, had the Crown
through its first, its most trusted, and most na-
tural adviser, been involved in the confusion,
something far more important than the reputation
of a few public men might have been placed in
jeopardy. It is said that the Prince, though feel-
, ing a natural ambition to fill this high office, had
yet the good sense and moderation to see the dan-
gerous incompatibility of such a position with that
which he so worthily occupies as the Consort, the
friend, the counsellor, or, as Lord Campbell hap-
pily expressed it, the alter ego of the Sovereign.
It is hard, no doubt, for a Prince of active mind
and undoubted talent to find himself in this busy
and energetic community the only person to whom
the opportunity of turning his talents to the active
and public service of the country is denied, but
this is a sacrifice which the very eminence of his
position exacts, and which cannot be dispensed
with without a serious compromise of duty. The
place of the Princp is, as we have said, at the
side of the Queen ; to him she must neces-
sarily look in those numerous delicate and
difficult conjunctures among which the lot of
Royalty is cast, as her truest guide, her best
adviser, and her most trustworthy friend. What-
ever office of honour or emolument is not incon-
sistent with these duties forms a suitable addition
to the dignity of this high post, but it were well
never to forget that in all substantial matters the
Prince is identified with the Queen, and cannot
assume to act an independent part towards her in
public without either abandoning his position as
her natural adviser, or drawing her name into dis-
cussions in which the exalted impartiality of the
Crown ought on no account to be involved.
No one can for a moment object to Prince
Albert's holding the Colonelcy of the Grenadier
Guards, except on the ground which we do not
now wish to press, that this lucrative military
sinecure was expressly reserved for the reward of
officers of long and distinguished service in the
field, but it is a very different thing when the
Prince employs this high military position to come
before the Queen as a petitioner to urge claims on
behalf of the regiment he commands inimical to the
interests of the army, which has served her Majesty
with so much loyalty and devotion. Stimulated by
the immediate prospect of the war and by the strong
consciousness of abuses which had grown up in our
military system, a Royal Commission, composed of
men by no means favourable to rash innovation, re-
commended that breach of routine to which we are
inelohted for the appointment of a general in the
full possession of his mental and bodily faculties,
and also the discontinuance of those invidious pri-
vileges which had given the Guards a preference
al °Ts the rest of the army. Naturally enough,
these distinguished regiments feel the loss of the
advantages they had heretofore enjoyed, and de-
termined not to lose them without an effort, they
have petitioned her Majesty to reconsider the de-
cision of her Commissioners. Against this course
we have nothing toisay ; but the case is very dif-
ferent when at the head of the list of petitioners
appears the name of her Majesty's Consort. Of
course, as Chancellor of the University of Cam-
bridge, the Prince must occasionally present for-
mal addresses to I.er Majesty. Even in this there
may occasionally be some inconvenience ; but what
is that inconvenience compared with the absolute
incongruity or impropriety involved in the Prince's
islcing himself at the head of a species of military
sect, whose privileges have always been regarded
with jealousy by the army and with unrepressed
disapprobation by the non-military portion of the
community ? Are we to suppose that ist thus
taking the part of the Guards against the army the
Prince is acting against or in accordance with the
wishes of her Majesty ? If, as we aro bound to
hope, entertaining the feelings we have expressed,
the former be the case, no position can be more
unbecoming than that of the Consort of the
Queen pressing upon her Majesty, at a highly
critical moment, a step eminently invidious ; while
if, on the other hand, we are to suppose that the
views of her Majesty coincide with those of her
Consort, it would have been much better to reserve
that declaration until the petition bad actually
been presented. If the petition be rejected, the
Queen will be placed in the ungracious position of
refusing the prayer of one who ought to be careful
hew he sues where he should not sue in vain ; and,
if it be granted, an unpopular act will be rendered
doubly unpopular by involving the Court in the
movement against the recommendation of the
Commission, as well as with the reversal of its
j udgment.
The appointment of a Minister of War has
already altered, though not to the full extent that
it will alter, the relation of the Crown towards the
army. In matters of this kind the Queen must be
content to act, as on all others, by the advice of
her responsible Minister. We have little fear that
Lord Panmure, or any Minister holding an office
responsible to Parliament, will advise her Majesty
to annul those recommendations of the Commis-
sion of 1854 which did a tardy justi2e to the great
body of the army, and in some degree remedied
the inequalities established by au ill judging par-
tiality in favour of the Household Troops. Iu
these matters now as in all others, her Majesty is
provided with that constitutional shield which
should protect her against criticism or censure.
But what avaihs this protection if her Consort be so
ill-advised as to enter into that arena of open dis-
cussion from which his exalted position should ex-
clude him, and throw the influence of the Court
and the Crown into a scale which the great mass of
her Majesty's subjects assuredly do not wish to
preponderate ? The glory of the present reign has
been to have broken down monopolies and scattered
to the winds one-sided laws and invidious privi-
leges. We breathe a freer air, we enjoy more un-
restrained liberty of action, wo are less galled with
a sense of inequality and partiality, than any race
of Englishmen that has gone before us. Legisla-
tion, opinion, practice, have all gone in one direc-
tion. It were not well that the nearest and most
trusted of the counsellors of the Queen should lr 3
the first to set the example of a return to what the
judgment of the nation has so emphatically re-
jected.

(From the Daily News of this day.)
Our anticipations regarding the imperfect and
fashioned measure of last session relating to the
question of Limited Liability have been fulfilled.
Government were warned at the time that their
piecemeal legislation would prove abortive, and
their random attempts at the reform of an old and
tough system of injustice, barren of practical re-
sults. But in the heat and hurry of the last
weeks of a wasted Parliamentary year, it was
deemed of Ministerial moment to have something
to make a show of business capacity in the statute-
making line ; and so, hit or miss, it was resolved
that some bill about Partnership should be forced
through both Houses. Forced it was, accordingly,
amid a hubbub of conflicting cavils and a perfect
din of unavailing prognostications of failure from
all who really understood or cared about the ques-
tion ; and now, as a matter of course, every one
admits that the Act, as it stands, will not work,
and that the whole discussion will have to be re-
opened next year. Lot us hope that when itis it
will be guided under very different auspices, and
carried on in a tone very unlike the feeble and
foolish flippancy, by dint of which the present
scrap of a remedial statute was passed last July.
It may be recollected. that when Parliament was
first invited to deal with the subject, two Bills
were laid upon the table, the one proposing to
have relation to joint-stock companies of persons
desiring to trade upon the condition of " limited
liability," the other proposing to put an end to the
absurd anomaly which prevents a trader from bor-
rowing money at a rate of interest fluctuating
w4h. his profits, although the lender may be
nay anxious, to enter into such a bar-
gain, provided he is not to be considered and
treated as a partner. To all who aro ac-
quainted with the real working of humble enter-
prise in this country, and with the difficulties it
/ has to encounter, it is clear enough which of the

two Bills touched most nearly the point where
wayworn industry is pinched. The former is in
truth neither more nor less than a supplement to
the Joint-Stock Companies Act—itself requiring
many modifications and reforms—from the very
nature of the thing not likely to be of any advan-
tage to one in twenty of those who would gladly be
allowed to have the benefits of the other. If a
choice between the two was to be made, the latter,
which proposed to deal simply with the artificial
impediments thrown in the way of contracts be-
tween two individuals, was plainly the one which
ought to have been proceeded with. It had the
merit of carrying the assertion of a corrective and
salutary principle, and when disencumbered of
some old-womanish conditions with which the pro- •
ject, as brought in by Mr. Bouverie, was burthened,
might have been made a measure complete in itself,
and requiring no other or further legislation to
make it bear good fruit. Unfortunately, however,
this was the portion of the ministerial project that
was dropped by the way, while the other portion
to which we have already adverted was pressed
a l'outrance. How it fared in the fray, and how
much of its original framework was left at the end
of the conflict, we need hardly pause here to ex-
amine. Our immediate purpose is rather to inquire
what has become of the more valuable and less
crotchet-laden part of the general scheme ; and to
ask whether there is any serious intention of re-
producing it early in the coming session ?
Having already adopted the principle of free
trade in the law of borrower and lender, by the in-
troduction of the bill above alluded to, Government
can hardly hesitate to adhere to it in future ; and
they owe it to themselves, as well as the country,
to obliterate as soon as possible the traces of their
blunders and abortions in this particular. The
existing state of the money market will drive men
to think more than ever of the matter, and to look
round for alternatives that may mitigate the
bondage to caprice and chance, beneath whose
pressure half the small traders of the king-
dom are compelled to lie. In times like the
present, when the ordinary use of money is vir-
tually denied to thousands of honest, thrifty, and
punctual traders, owing to the operation of the
Bank Act, it is notorious that numbers of opulent
persons are as much at fault as ever in searching
how to lay oat their floating capital to advantage.
The max who suddenly finds himself unable to get
the bills discounted which in the regular course of
his business ho is obliged to take in payment from
his customers, would be only too glad to give his
neighbour, the retired manufacturer, a rateable
proportion of his yearly profits for the use of a
thousand or two, which he would invest in the
concern, and so be enabled to keep his customers'
bills in his pocket-book until they were within a
few days of maturity. Could ho do this he would
thenceforward be more independent of the banker,
and by degrees ho would become altogether so.
Who does not know (who has ever had any real
acquaintance with trade) that this is the condition
to which every prudent and successful man con-
tinually aspires—to be, as it is truly called, " his
own master," instead of being the slave of another,
over whom he has no control ? Well, the wealthy
neighbour who lives hard by, and who has noted
the diligence and industry of the shopkeeper in
question, would be willing enough to lend him
1,0001., or say 1,5001., after they had talked it
over confidentially, for a commensurate share of
the profits. The house has a good frontage ; the
street is a very fair one ; the tradesman is doing so
far a safe and an improving business ; but he has
hardly capital enough to keep him all right in times
of pressure, when long bills won't be done at any
price, and Lombard-street asks and gets ton and
eleven per cent. for short ones. Why then do not
these parties deal—the one being desirous to bor-
row, the other being ready to lend ? Because an
iniquitous and idiotic law interposes and says,
"No ; or, if you do, the lender shall by way of
punishment be held accountable to the extent of
his whole fortune which be has not agreed to risk,
for any liabilities or misfortunes the borrower may
incur." Was ever grosser absurdity or hardship
than this? Did evsr practical grievance call more
loudly for a remedy ?