The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-13 00:00:00

comes to be- the grand argument we may safely
congratulate those against whom it is used. It
was plied most vigorously against Catholic Eman-
cipation, against humanity to negroes, against
Free-trade demands, against everything, in short,
that has been done worth the doing within modern
memory. Nothing can teach some of the pursy
venerables, or some of the lean bigots, that resis-
tance till they are compelled to yield is the sure
way to lose double what would have satisfied at
first. If the repeal of Church Rates be now re-
fused, it will ere long be Church Rates and some-
thing more to boot. The secularities of the Epis-
copate are a tolerably tempting subject.

The truth i 3 the statesman has to consider how
each demand stands in the public estimation.
Nothing can be plainer than that Church Rates
are felt by all men of common sense to be an Ec-
clesiastical nuisance which must be abated. If
Voluntaryism be one extreme, Church Rates are
the other extreme. All moderate men agree in
this. The great majority who wish Church Rates
extinguished are not prepared to leave all to
Voluntaryism ; but neither, on the other hand,
are they disposed to stickle for the other extreme,
and to fancy that Voluntaryism cannot put a slate
on a church roof or wash a surplice. They leave
it, with Lord STANLEY, to the next generation to
say whether all shall be done by Voluntary effort;
but they know that, for themselves, if the nation
will find them churches to worship in, they can
at least keep them in repair, and if it will pay
their Minister they can wash his sacerdotals and
purchase the sacramental wine. They are ashamed,
in truth, of its being even supposed that such
things are beyond the zeal of those whom the
Reformed English Church has disciplined ever
since the days of HENRY VIII. and ELIZABETH.
They think, with the Attorney-General, that if
the maintenance of the fabric of the Church were
thrown on those who use it, " those who now
sheltered their meanness under the objection of
law, could not, in common decency, refuse to
contribute to it." Between this moral compul-
sion of the mean, and the ready offerings of the
willing, we are ourselves confident that money
would be forthcoming abundantly.
Mr. FOLLETT endorsed all the Eldonism of
Lord JOHN RUSSELL about the connection between
Church Rates and the stability of the Monarchy.
No doubt he rejoiced to utter in the name of
Lord JOHN what even his Toryism would have
hesitated to affirm, as its own invention. But
Lord JOHN blushes at nothing, not even when
his country is blushing for him. It is curious
that Mr. FOLLETT, and other high and dry
Churchmen, professed willingness even to make
the tremendous sacrifice of Church Rates, if
thereby they could hope to promote peace and
goodwill between Churchmen and Dissenters, but
they mournfully declared their conviction that it
would be rather throwing away the scabbard than
sheathing the sword. Now, it is obvious that it
would, at least, remove the most frequent occa-
sion of personal and parish quarrels between
Dissenters and Churchmen. We never hear of
Tithe quarrels, as we do of Church-Rate quarrels.
The reason is obvious. Tithes are recognised
as national property, assigned by the National
Parliament to Episcopalians. Church Rates, on
the contrary, are the direct infliction of a man's
own neighbours, and he can but bitterly resent
a Churchman's availing himself of antique laws
to parade his legal superiority. In however small
a minority he may be he only feels the more
wronged that the numerous and the wealthy com-
bine to force him to pay a peppercorn rent as a
tribute to a detested superiority. How the aboli-
tion of such an odious badge of slavery on the one
hand, and ecclesiastical dominance on the other,
can do otherwise than conduce to peace, no man
in his calm senses can well imagine. A few
rectors, vicars, and churchwardens may be mor-
tified tolose the right of knouting Dissenters, but
that feeling will soon subside, and be more than
recompensed by the conscious dignity of paying
their own bills out of their own pockets.

A not over-creditable attempt is now being
made to steal a march on the public and insure
the enclosure of Hampstead Heath. A bill bear-
ing the specious title of " An Act to facilitate
Leases and Sales of Settled Estates," and in which
there is not a -word about the Heath, has been
brought forward with that object, and, having
passed the Lords, comes on to-night in the Com-
mons for a second reading.
The bill, which is a public one, is based on the
assumption that the expense of Parliamentary
proceedings is so heavy that tenants for life have
a reasonable claim to be enabled to procure the
necessary powers at a less costly tribunal—
to wit, the Court of Chancery ! Plausible
enough, but unless members take care the
transference of the jurisdiction of Parliament
in these matters will result in positive wrong and
injury to the public. At present the latter have
sufficient notice of such unwarrantable attempts as
that to enclose the Heath to enable it to defeat
them, but unless special provision is made Sir T.
M. WILSON would be enabled by the bill to
smuggle his measure through the Court of Chan-
cery, and the public none the wiser until the pro-
cesses of enclosure and of building were commenced.
How monstrous, how thoroughly disgraceful, it
would be if such a measure, condemned by all the
judges, and rejected over and over again by Par-
liament, were at last imposed on the public after
a fashion like this. A measure to sanction the
perversion of a testator's deliberate and clearly-
expressed intention, and to deprive the public
by law of a legal right to wander unrestrained
over a fragrant heath, and, pallid with the unwhole-
some atmosphere of the close streets and alleys of
the metropolis, inhale throughout its wide ex-
panse the pure and life-renovating breeze. A
measure of twofold wrong and spoliation to gra-
tify one man's cupidity I Hou. Members, it is to
be hoped, will simplify matters by kicking out
the bill, as they would a mendicant appealing to
them for alms under false pretences, and at the
same time show how little sympathy they have
with the would-be oppressors of the people, and
how spiritedly they are dispos,':d to protect their
rights.

•v%
The first and most iudispensabl e step in the
cause of Administrative Reform, Tithout which
there is no possible chance of findi ug the right
men for the right places, is to free th representa-
tives of popular constituencies from tb•s degrading

Reform can only be achieved by abolishing the

system of patronage heretofore exercised by pri-
vate members, who barter their support•for places
to bestow upon their more pressing. constituents.
It is unhappily but too notorious that there is a
certain department of the Treasury in which a
regular account is kept of the votes given
by Honourable Gentlemen, and the equiva-
lents which they have received in the shape
of places for relatives, friends, or supporters,
that sometimes their credit stands high, so that
they confidently draw their cheque for a new
situation, while at another period their claims
are exhausted, and they must work hard before
they can venture to ask for the most partly prefer-
ment. This is the real evil to be assailed, the
fountain and origin from whence all others flow.

Now, Mr. V. SCULLY has judiciously lighted on
the very point. His remedy is simple, but it
would prove effectual. While there is any-Minis-
terial nomination to vacant places, Ministers and
Ministerial members will be assailed by almost
intolerable importunities, and dishonest votes will
be given, not only at the hustings, but in the
Parliament itself. If there be the possibility
of obtaining employment under Government, in-
dividual members will have no ease. The appli-
cations will be put forward in every form, and
under every possible pretext. The candidates are
invariably meritorious—all that could be desired
for the public service. The member, in pushing
forward their claims, is only doing what he ought
to do, in obtaining for the nation such highly-
qualified men. If he refuse, lie cannot hope again
to obtain the disinterested support of men on whom
he has cast so serious a slight ! Thus is he stimu-
lated on to apply to the dispenser of patronage,
and he soon learns what is expected in return—
that he must give a quid pro quo on every occa-
sion.

applications of their constituemts,
sity of becoming humble suitws to the patronage
secretary, or " whipper in" as •he is generally
termed—for the means of sa,tisf, jing
pplicants, who flatter
demands
of voracious a flatter themselves
franchise that they do not exercil;e the
as td the nem-
nchise corruptly
because they do not acceo rec uniary bribes. It
is the vile system that las been so long in
operation which has r rodu ced the deplor-
able deficiencies in our public departments,
and led to the complaints v i hich have been so
general throughout the ler vg .th and breadth of
the land.

What a farce, then, it is to speak of purity of
ele3tion, or to exhibit virtuous indignation
against the man who barters his suffrage
for a few sovereigns, while this gigantic system
of corruption is in operation. By rendering the
admission to the public service dependent on a
competitive examination, open to every man
whose antecedents will bear investigation, you
not only adopt the best possible test as to his
efficiency,- but you strike off the fercile source of
corruption that has arrived at so fearful a pitch.
We believe, with Mr. V. SCULLY, that every in-
dependent member—every man anxious to dis-
charge his duty to his country, would rejoice to
be relieved from the annoyances to which he is at
present subjected. Even under the existing
system, for one scarcely contented, nine must be
sent away dissatisfied. One grumbler, who•
does not think what he has obtained at all
suited to his merits, is succeeded by nine
who rail in round terms at the ingratitude and
misconduct of the unfortunate member, although
he has perhaps voted against his conscience, or
kept out of the way when he should have been
present, in order to promote their wishes. Let,
then, the Administrative Reformers support the
efficacious but simple mode suggested by the Hon.
Member for the county of Cork, and they will
achieve greater progress in the course which they
profess to be desirous of following than by the
most elaborate plans framed by Ministers, who
are not willing to relinquish the approved mode
of capturing doubtful votes, and rewarding the
servility of men who seek to make a trade of
politics.

Sir R. PEEL once told tb 0 nation " that the
battle of the Constitution r lust be fought in the
Registration Courts." We may, in like manner,
venture to assert that the c ►use of Administrative

toitU litYtt, LON-DON, PRIDA-V, P4VJAMINTA JULY 10, 1465,

LATEST YENITS.

DANTSIC, JULY 12.
Tho Geyser has arrived with mails.
Admiral Baynes's squadron has left Nargen to
join Admiral Dundas off Cronstadt.
The fleet is healthy.
There is no news.

A telegraphic despatch from Barcelona, dated
the 11th inst., announces that order reigns in
that city.
Some of the manufactories have resumed work.
The culprits who have been arrested will be
punished.

A letter from Trebizond of the 24th ult., in
the lifoniteur, states that the news of the death
of the celebrated Caucasian chief Schamyl ap-
peared to be positively true.

The Spanish Cortes have adopted the bill for a
loan of 230,000,000 reals, at first to be voluntary,
but a month afterwards forced.