The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-17 00:00:00

LETTER-CARRIERS.

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE called the attention of the hon.
member to the fact, that his promises, on the part of
the Government, that the recommendations contained
in the Report on the Post-office, relative to the letter-
carriers of the metropolis, should be speedily carried out,
remain unfulfilled.

Mr. WILSON said steps had been taken for carrying
out the recommerviation at once, and a notice on the
subject would be issued to-morrow.

THE BUDGET.

Sir H. WILLOUGHBY asked the Chancellor of the
Exchequer if he intended to make his Financial State-
ment before Easter ? _ .

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
there were several reasons, one of which was the period
at which the financial year would terminate. That
would induce him not to make his Financial St dement
until after Easter.
GENERAL EDUCATION.

Sir J. PAKINGTON rose to move for leave to bring in
a bill for the better encouragement of general education in
England and Wales, and proceeded to address the house as
follows :—Sir, I must, in the first place, bag to express
my grateful sense of the courtesy and the fairness with
which the noble lord has permitted me to-day, a day usually
devoted to Government, to bring under the consideration
of the house the motion of which I have given notice. It
is perfectly true that after the postponement of my motion
to which I consented in consequence of the state of public
business, I might have lai I the bill of which I had given
notice on the table in the same manner in which the noble

lord the member for London had introduced his measure
upon the same subject, and that I might have reserved any
statement I might have to make until the second reading
of the bill. But I was unwilling to take that course,
partly because there are several portions of this groat ques-
tion of the education of the people to which I am very de-
sirous of drawing the attention of her Majesty's Govern-
ment and of the house in a preliminary statement, such as
I am now about to make ; and partly because I confess I
feel, that in my position as an independent member of
this house, possessing no official power or influence, to
have proposed a measure upon a question of this magni-
tude, without making any statement of the grounds
upon which I did so, and of the nature of the proposal
itself which I was about to submit to the house, would,
in my humble judgment, have been an unusual course,
and a course disrespectful to the house. I am in
T nr will consent to rith,lraw

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lieve to be ny far the I_ll.3st important, and not only the
ino4 important, but the most pressnig of all the questions
of the present day affecting the welfare and the institutions
of this country. (Hear.) I hope that after a Driel time,

perhaps after a few months, the war will have ceased, and
peace will have returned ; but unless this house will con-
sent to address itself seriously to the present state of our pub-
lie education, we should still find ourselves surrounded by
that mass of ignorance and crime which is now tarnishing
our national reputation, and, as I relieve, sapping and un-
dermining our national welfare and our national prospei ity.
1 believe there is no question to which Pas liamont is more
bound to address itself, and I think that, if the house will
favour me with their attention, I shall be able to prove this
evening that there is no question to which we as a Legis-
lature ought to devote more anxious consideration. lam
happy to say that, even from the events of this war, we
may draw some strong arguments in favour of education.
(Hear, hear.) If there still are any persons who doubt the
necessity of education, and who believe that to raise the
people of this country as human beings, to teach them their
duty towards God and man, is to unfit them for social
duties and industrial pursuits—if there still are persons
who linger in that belief, I think I may only refer them to
the position of the British soldier as a satisfactory answer.
(Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that any class of men were
ever more rapidly raised in their moral and intellectual
condition than our soldiers have been during the last forty
years. (Hear, hear.) The Duke of Cambridge, in the
course of his striking and able evidence—(Order, order.)
Sir, I really forgot, but I will put itin another way. (Hear,
hear, and a laugh.) I may say, then, I heard from his
Royal Highness that even in his comparatively short expe-
rience, short as compared with forty years, the progress of
our. soldiers in general education has been extraordinary,
almost incredible. What has been the result? Sir, I think
I may appeal to the results of the last few months, to

many of those letters which we all have read in the public
press, and then confidently assert that never at any period
did our soldiery prove themselves more worthy than during
those extraordinary combinations of victory and disaster.
(Hear, hear.) I confess, sir, I approach this subject with
a deep sense, not only of its importance, but also of its
difficulty. I feel, in bringing it before the house, and
proposing legislation on the subject, it is duo to the
house that I should give some explanations of my rea-
sons and motives to vindicate myself from any charge of
presumption. I have been influenced in this course be-
cause. itehae appeared to me that the late Government of
my Lord Aberdeen had been either deterred by the
difficulties of the subject, or else abandoned ell idea of
legislating upon it. Shortly after the formation of that
ministry, I well remember that education was put in the
very van of the professions made by the Government—
(hear, hear) and very shortly after the noble lord the
member for the City of London introduced a measure on
the subject. That bill I will not venture to discuss at the
present moment, but will venture to say there was a great
deal in it that I was disposed to cupport, and which ap-
peared to me to be well worthy of consideration and dis-
cussion by this house—(hear, hear) - bat, unfortunately,
it never progressed to a second reading. (Hear, hear.) Well,
sir, what occurred last year, in the session of 1854 That
plan, the mest important of all educational plans, in my
opinion, known as the Manchester and Salford Bill, was
brought under the consideration of the house]. That bill
was the emanation of great patience, great labour, expe-
rience, and the combination of men of all religious deno-
mit-Miens ; yet how was the measure treated ? It was re-
jected and thrown out on the petty quibble as to whether,
according to our forms, it was a public or a private bill.
(Loud cries of hear, hear.) Sir, I must also observe, that
• during the discussion on that bill the Treasury bench was
absolutely unoccupied.; and the Government having sub-
sequently given no sign, it appeared to ma as if the whole
matter of education lead been dropped. (Hear, hear.) It
was, therefore, under these circumstances, and feeling
that a subject of such importance should be dealt with by
Parliament, that, at the close of the loot session, I de-
tormiued I would make this single attempt on the subject.
and I accordingly gave notice of this bill. Iu the ses-
sion before Christmas I put my notice on the paper for
the 25th of January, and, shortly after, the noble lord
the member for the City of London gave notice of his
intention to introduce a bill, on the 23.1 of January,
two days previously, which bill has been introduced and
laid on the table. I will not say that I know not whether
but for my notice the noble lord would have introduced the
bill.: (Hear, and a laugh.) I felt, however, I would not
letS jastitied in withholding my notice—(hear)—but I can-
, clid:yesey it in no spirit of rivalry I come forward. I
recognise the exertions of the noble lord during mane-
'years its the cense of education ; and had he intimated, at
.the-elose of last session, his intention to deal with the sub-
jecte-I never would have presumed to interfere in the mat-
tare but would leave it altogether in the bands of the
noble lord. (Hear.) Now that we have embarked in the
question, I hope, with the assistance of the noble lord and
this house, that we shall arrive at a satisfactory conclusion.
(Hear:) There is one portion of this subject of the greatest
possible importance, and to which I am very desirous to
call the attention of this house, and lucre particularly that
of her Majesty's Government, because it is not embraced
either in the bill of the noble lord the member for the City
of Loudon or in that which I am desirous of introducing—l
allude to the present constitution and action of the Com-
mittee of the Privy Council. Sir, Ism greatiy dissatisfied
both with the constitution and the working of that commit-
tee. In the first place, I think the committee has become
far too important• and intrusted with functions of far too
great magnitude to continue longer without being recog-
nised as a department of the state, and consequently re-
presented in this house. ( Hear.) My objection to the
action of the committee is this, that whilst Parliament
vote: sums of money for public instruction, I veil-
tore to say that, by the present action, these sums are alto-
gether misapplied. (Hear.) Ido not at all deny that they
have effected much good ; but I do contend the sums are
badly administered and misapplied ; and that the liberality
of Parliament produces the minimum, iusteacref the maxi-
mum, of public good. (Hear.) We have increased these
grants, and risen from the sum of 10,0001. or 20,00e1.,
which used to be the amount voted in the time of the ad-
ministration of Lord Grey, until we have reached, as in the
case of last year, the sum of 300,0001. Now, is there any
case in which Parliament votes 300,0001. without having a
responsible minister to account for its expenditure? (Hear.)
There was a parallel case—the case of the Poor-law Board.
After the institution of that board gentlemen of great ex-
perience and ability were appointed commissioners. Much
dissatisfaction followed, and before many years the board
had tJ bo reorganised as a public department, and cense-
quently represented in this house. (Hear.) Why should not
education have a recognised department ? (Hear.) The time
is gone by when these important matters can be dealt with
in a half-and-half way ; and the time has come when Par-
liament has a right to see a minister in this house respon-
sible for the expenditure of this money, and liable to be
called upon for explanation at any moment. There is no
other country which does not recognise the importance of
a Minister of Public Instruction—Francis, the cantons
of Switzerland, America. (Hear, hear.) Therefore,
with these precedents abroad I will proceed to establish
the necessity for such an officer at home. (Hear.) The first
point I will take is one of paramount importance—l mean
the providing of efficient masters. (Hear.) The Commit-
tee of the Privy Council have not discharged their duty on
that point with either wisdom or success. (Hear.) I hold
in my hand the opinions of several inspectors of education,
all complaining of the want of better provision for masters.
The fact is, our masters are so overtrained that when the
time comes for their educational duties they are far above
them, and consequently they take to.other pursuits. Mr.
Kennedy informs me in a letter that many of them betake
themselves to holy orders; and therefore I think there is
strong ground for inquiry by this house on that point
amongst others. I believe it will be found that not above
two-thirds of those trained for masters actually take to
that occupation. So that we aro devoting grants of the
public money to the bringing up of parties much to their
own advantage, but not at all to the advantage of the pub-
lie. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Therefore I say the pub-
lic money is misapplied, and in, more ways than one, for
the grants are made rather to wealthier districts than to
the poorer which require them. The minute under which
the grant is made requires that two-thirds of the sum
shall be made up by the locality ; therefore, I believe,
the poorer districts got nothing at all. Now,. sir, I
will proceed to show this by contrasting four of the poorer
parishes with four of the wealthier of this metropolis.
The parish of Clerkenwell, with a population of
71,763 souls, gets 81. 17s. 4d. for books ; the parish of
St. Giles, with 37,033 inhabitants, gets 31. 13s. 41. ; the
parish of Shoreditch, with 25,000 souls, receives nothing.;
and the parish of Shadwell, with 11,710 souls, gets nothing.
Now, the wealthier parishes are these—St. Martin's, Lei-
cester-square, with 8,503 souls, gets 4651. ; St. Barnebas,
with 3,0a0 inhabitants, 400/. ; Ken.ish-town, with 5,000
inhabitants, 8161. and Kensington, with 30,003 souls,
2,1971. So that 11'4,500 persons receive 12/. OS. 80., whilst
16,000 persons get no less than 3,9081. I ask is that the
policy which ought to influence this house in voting money?
Yet that is the result of the minute under which the com-
mittee of the Privy Council is now acting. This, I say,
would be iinneediately corrected if we had a proper minister
for the department, and one who would be responsible for
tnhoewe, xspire,n;irioticrereedotf theocal
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in this country, which I regret to say is very little under-
stood. It may be said, " The question ought to be left where
it is, we aro getting on very well." Sir, I regret to say I
shall be able to show that we are getting on quito scandal-
ously; and I shall place some facts before the house of a
startling character, making, at the same time, no state-
ment without due authority. When the noble lord the
member for the Cites of London brought forward the subject
of education in 1853 he fell, and not unnaturally, into the
error Of takir'e far too flattering a view of the state of
the question. But the noble lord, whilst adverting to
the improvements that had taken place, never at all
touched upon the deficiencies of our system. (Hear.)
The statistics of the periods 1818,1833, and 1851. were very
well known. It was ascertained that in 1818 there was
only 1 in 17 of the inhabitants of this country at school; in
1833 there was 1 in 11 ; and in 1851 the proportion had
increased to lin 8 of the population. Now this appears
to be a great advance and improvement. (Hear.) But if
you analyse the figures, and keep before you the dates, you
will find that the advance between 1533 and 1851 is by no
means of equal ratio with that occurring between 1818 and
1833. My own belief is that in many important districts
of this country our condition in the period from 1833 to
1851 was worse than in the period from 1818 to 1833. York
and Liverpool may be mentioned ; for in 1833 in Liverpool
1 in 7 and a fraction were at school, whilst in 1831 there
was only 1 in,B and a fraction at school in the same town.
(Hoar.) I will now proceed to call attention to the quality
of the education, and inquire if those who go to schoolare
properly taught. On this head four views of the question,
present themselves before me; first, the number of these'
who are without education; secondly: the quality 6f the
education which they receive ; thirdly, our comparative
state with regard to the rest of the world ; and, fourthly,
the deplorable results of the neglect of this question. Mr.
Horace Mann, in his able report on the census of 1851, sets
down the population of tnis kingelone at what I shall take
to be 18,000,003. The number of children between 3 and 15
years he estimates at nearly 5,000,000. I find that of these
only 2,141,000 children wore at school. Therefore-there
remained nearly 3,000,000 of children without education.
Mr. Horace Mann made a deduction of 1,000,003 for chil-
dren at work. Now I demur to thit3eltAuatibrileeifig made
at all; for I say that in any country where education is
conducted on a sound basis children should not be allowed
to work until they were educated. (Hear.) But I find by
the statistics of the census that only 600,000 children are
employed. The report of Mr. Horace Mann showed that
of the children between the ages of 5 and 12 years, there
should be 3,000,000 at school, and yet we find only two-
thirds of that number in reality receiving education. I
now come to inquire why these children are not at school.
A common ideaprevails that they aro at work. I believe that
to be a mistake. (Hear.) In Manchester there wore 69,500
' children between the ages of 3 and 14, of whom only 32,000
were at school, 7,000 at work, and 30,000 neither at school
nor at work. The general result was, as to the whole coun-
try, that 41 per cent. were sent to school, 12 per cent. were
at work, and 46 per cent. were neither at school nor at
Y 1 work. Therefore, the children being et work could not be
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I(1 I great I 1 ,Ic, 011.1 tilt; afertled
in the schools. And let it be recoliected that the evil Rceu-
mulated evs2ry genciation—that the parents, who them-
selves were uneducated, were prone to disregard it, and