The Sun.
London, England, 1855-04-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC' JOURNALS.

(From, the Times of this clay.)

Although We do not underrate the importance of the
personal homage s4l-ch is paid to the Emperor Napo-
leon at the Court rftngland, or the effect of the popular
ovation which has accompanied his auspicious visit, the
festivities of the Court and the acclamations of the people
subside almost into insignificance when we contrast them
with the unparalleled and almost overwhelming magni-
tude of the political interests which must, in-the midst
of these scenes of splendour and of excitement, engage
the deliberate attention of the allied Governments. The
visit of the Emperor of the Frenchto this country would
at any time have been a remarkable and a romantic
event, but it coincides in point of time with the most
impertant crisis in our political relations and in our
military position with which the allied Powers have had
to deal since the commencement of this struggle. On
Monday afternoon, at the very moment when the Im-
perial cortege was approaching the capital, the British
Government received intelligence that the lone-expected
attack of the siege batteries upon Sebastopol bad com-
menced on the 9th inst., with as much success as
could be expected in the first few hours of such
a bombardment. Yesterday morning we learnt ttit
the Russian Plenipotentaries have received their defini-
tive instructions, and that the tenth meeting of the
Vienna Conference was about to take place ; but that
the rejection of the third proposition, and the conse-
quent termination of the negotiation, were confidently
expected. Lord John Russell has intimated that he
expects to be in London by the 27th inst., and, conse-
quently, to leave Vienna at the end of the present week.
This very moment is therefore the most critical period
in the military enterprise and in the political trans-
actions in which we were engaged ; and before the days
have elapsed which the Emperor of the French has
arranged to pass in this country, it is highly probable
that some decisive intelligence will have reached us, both
of the results of the fire against Sebastopol and of the
last conference held at Vienna. The Moniteur, as the
principal organ of the French Governmeet, has dis-
tinctly announced this momentous state of affairs in a
second article, which reviews the political conduct of
the alliance, more especially in relation to the Court of
Austria and to the four propositions of peace, in
order—to use the expression of the French writer—
that public, opinion may be alike prepared for peace,
if it be possible, and for war, if it be necessary.
Under these circumstances, we can scarcely exagge-
rate the importance cf the personal conferences held at
Windsor between the Courts of France and England and
the leading Ministers of the British Cabinet. This visit,
which wears the appearance of a holiday or a festival,
will contribute to resolutions of the gravest consequence
to the politics of Europe, and the interests of the two
great Western nations were never more intimately
united, for peace or for war, than under these outward
manifestations of ceremony or of amusement.
The events, upon which a more clear and decisive
light must be thrown before the close of this current
month of April, are indeed of the utmost importance to
the honour of our arms, to the stability of our alliances,
and to the ultimate peace of the world. We have yet
to learn under what auspices the allied generals in the
Crimea are prepared to enter upon their second cam-
paign, what results they anticipate from the powerful
fire they have concentrated on Sebastopol, and what
measures they hold in reserve should the force 'of the
batteries not subdue the defences of the enemy. We
have also to learn, if all hopes of peace from the confer-
ences of Vienna are already dissipated, on what
point the negotiation is to be broken off by the Rus-
sian Cabinet, and what pretext that Government
will use to repudiate the assent the Emperor
Nicholas had previously' affected to give to the pro-
positions of the allied Powers. And lastly, we
have now reached the point which must speedily
decide the conduct of the Cabinet of Vienna, and show
whether that Court is resolved to act up to the preamble
and the engagements of the treaty of the 2d of December,
or resort to a subterfuge for the evasion of those pro-
mises. On none of these essential points can we ven-
ture at this moment to express a positive or confident
opinion; yet they are unsettled, uncertain, and obscure;
yet they each and all of them affect in the highest degree
the continuance, the extent, and the success of the war.
Upon the last of these topics, with reference to the
conduct of Austria, the official article in the Moniteur
speaks with great confidence. It states that it was
from deference to Austria, and froni a desire to obtain
an offensive and defensive alliance with that power, that
France and England accepted this renewed negotiation
on the basis of the Four Points ; and that, in the event
of the failure of the negotiation, "the Western Powers
know that Austria will combat resolutely with them,"
and that they have obtained the co-operation of Austria
in this just and necessary war. We do not dispute the
authority of these statements, although they are not
confirmed by the language of? our own correspondent
at Vienna, and by some other csmmunications which
reached this country; but the fact is in itself one of con-
siderable importance, that the French Government
should choose this moment to publish, in terms so em-
phatic), its absolute reliance on the resolution of the Em-
peror Francis Joseph; for the same declarations of
confidence which form an additional pledge of union in
the event of Austria's joining the belligerent Powers lay
the basis of the stronge t recrimination if she should dis-
appoint their expectations. Indeed, we inter from the
publication of this document that the main object of the
French Government, and of the Plenipotentiaries of the
NVestern Powers at Vienna, is to determine the course of
Austria, and to obtain from her the complete execution-
of the December treaty, upon the falnra of the Con-
ference. Should that just demand not prevail, the con-
sequences would not be the less serious for having been
long delayed.

I The form to which the Third Point has at last been re-
duced is simply a demand upon Russia either to limit her
own nasal forces in the Black Sea or to consent to the
exclusion of all naval forces from those waters ; and, if
such a condition as this he r.jectEd, we mint hold it to
be an infallible proof of the iii-inctrity of the Russian
Government in the whole transaction. Whatever be the
result of our laud operation 4, it is certain that three or
four ships of each of the allied Powers are more than
sufficient to deprive Russia, not only of her preponde-
rance in the Black Sea, but of the power of showing her
flag there at all. Practically, we are able, without any
serious effort of war, to annihilate her maritime power
ani her commercial marine altogether, both in the
Black Sea and in the Baltic. That weapon with which
she threatened the Bosphorus has already been almost
destroyed. We consent, by peace, to give back to
Russia the right of navigating the Black Sea, which she
has de facto lost; but this concession is made on an as-
surance that she will not use that right again to the de-
triment of Turkey or of other States. By land Russia
may perhaps boast that her defence of Sebastopol has
as yet equalled the vigour of our attack, although she
has been signally beaten in two pitched battles and
many severe engagements; but the Third Point concerns
exclusively the Black Sea, and it is not amiss to remem-
ber that we are talking of a sea which is entirely at this
time in our own possession.
But, lastly, although our operations by land have not
yet bad all the success which we had at one time antici-
pated, the last intelligence from the Crimea strengthens
our hopes that from the 9th of April operations of a more
active nature have recommenced. Some days must elapse
before the full effect of the fire which has opened upon
the place can be ascertained, and the longer it can be
continued the more reason we have to expect that the
guns of the enemy will be overpowered. In any case
this bombardment must bring to a crisis, and probably
to a close, the siege operations as they have hitherto
been carried on ; for, if the place cannot be taken now
in this manner, it is high time to vary the plan of attack.
The Allied army is numerous and in high efficiency,
partly from those gallant troops who have survived the
rigour of the winter, and partly from the reinforcements
it has received. The use to be made of this powerful
force is, therefore, one of the most important suljrcts
which can engage the Allied Governments, and it is
probably for the purpose of taking part is this discussion
that the Emperor is accompanied by that able and ex-
perienced officer Marshal Vaillant. But in the execution
of these plans, whatever they may be, we have no doubt
that the Emperor reserves to hi.uself a more active part.
It is generally believed that the visit to England will be
followed by his departure for the seat of war immediately
rifler the opening of the Paris Exhibition ; and, although
we were at first opposed to chi.
such an expedition, the want of authority has since be-
come so manifest in the Allied armies, that we shall
view with satisfaction any measure calculated to give a
more active and decisive effect to the operations of the
ensuing campaign.

(Nona the Daily News of this day.)
After a world of fiddle-faidle Austria has mustered
Courage to break off from the Western Powers. Austria
cannot take an active part in the humiliation of Russia :
it must remain neutral. Nay, if a telegraphic despatch,
received in Paris from Vienna, may be trusted, even
the neutrality of Austria cannot be relied upon, unless
France and England consent to extend the interpreta-
tion of the third point. We confess that we do not believe
the Ausirian Government to be possessed of sufficient
energy and resolution to act the villain in this bold-faced
manner. The sneaking, petty-larceny spirit of that
Jesuitical Cabinet will prompt it still to attempt to play
fast and loose between the contending Powers. But this
France and England cannot tolerate. The time 7:
come when they must peremptorily declare "he who
their
not with' us is against us." If Austria stands
way, they must march over Anstria. For Irweswin
glements
we are well pleased to be finally rid of the en
of an Austrian alliance. So long as it contuluedt part,
WAS a risk of the French and English Goyer,.
ntented nationalities.
nnients beingtlir
induced to give guarantees for. uplioldin Anstriari°-
mination over some of the
abL,iestteitad.
Now of course the Austrian
TGoc:on'vete:runtingenatogwairl
settle accounts with itts_7,:re
is
no fear
01 France or
vonians, and Lallans. Th
upon to take part with the op.
England being prevailed
pressor against the opposed.
Meanwhile the position assumed by France and En,
Land appears to be clear and unequivocal. "That which
says the 7ast
onfutsheiaAlhoanB ii;e",t7," "which. it e-amot recover Pbr7waatil.:ahteilti.
eVPr 1,„,g continued, is its preponderance io the East.
That which it may properly demand is a Proper share of
influence in the affairs of the world." These are the
terms which the Allies offer to RusAa. The means by
which Ruesia is to be kept in its proper place in tte
balance of the world's power are explicitly declare-I.
‘. To demand of Russia to limit its naval forces, or to
neutralise the Black Sea—that is to Bay, to exclude from
it all ships of war, to whatever nation they may belong,
is to a,k much less than we have already acquired by
war, and which itwhe
rests with us,to keep without effort."
And what have already acquired by war,"
and may " keep
`` Sebastopol is no A without effort" is thus indicated :
longer, a' aval fortress, 'for its fleet,
which is either sunk at the mrrance of the port or
shut
withdrawn
behind that impassable barricade, has been
from the field of Struggle. Tue Back