The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, A.t'GrUST 4 1.855

that it had the appearance of a humiliating protection to- justice or necessity of the war, but also from those who,
wards Turkey, and that, after all, it would be nothing more having at first concurred in the justice and necessity of the
than an armed truce. He did not say there was no weight in war, and having been parties in the embarking, in it and
these argainentt, but he thought th(y had 13.)eit winch over- in‘proi,,oliti Litz it no „oeertain point, after ,v,it ihouf,hr
rated, gild cit Lainls- they did notjustify the continuance o Ifit
the war. As to the first, that of expense, we had to keep a
Mediterranean fleet at any rate, and he apprehended that
in ordinary circumstances our course would be, whenever
we beard that Russia was increasing her fleet beyond the
specified number, to send one or two of our ships upon a
cruise in the Black Sea. Ho did not think that would im-
volvo us in very great expense; but even supposing we
were obliged to create a naval depot at Sinope, or some-
where opposite Constantinople. he asked, what wore we
spending in the present war ? Why, we were spending about
50 millions extra every year of the war, and would not the
interest of that sum suffice for a naval station in the Black
Sea ? As regarded the protectorate, he was afraid that was
an unavoidable condition, and that Turkey could not hope
to exist as an independent power, without a certain amount
of protection.' With respect to the third argument—that the
presence of several fleets belonging to different nations in
the Black Sea would only be an armed truce—he could not
see why it applied with more force to the Black Sea than
to many parallel cases elsewhere. For a considerable time
after the Syrian war our relations with France were not
in a satisfactory condition ; large fleets on both sides were
kept in the Mediterranean ; but that state of things did
not last long--it went off very quietly ; and he did not
see why a different result should follow in the Black
Sea. Besides, nobody could suppose that English captains
and officers were so little subject to discipline that for any
or no cause they would run the risk of plunging their coun-
try in a war with Russia. (Hear, hear.) At the same
time he was bound to state that if limitation could be car-
ried out as a general rule, it would be the best security for
the peace of Europe ; but he saw no reason why it
should be adopted in the Black Sea rather than in the
Mediterranean or the Baltic. Turning to the plan of coun-
terpoise, he thought the arguments in its favour were over-
whelming. In the first place, it was eminently a practical
plan, and it made it the interest of Russia herself to limit
her forces in order Co get rid of those of the allies, while
the plan of limitation made it her interest to evade its sti-
pulations, Again, under a proper plan of limitation, if 10
years hence Russia were to build more than the specified
number of ships, he did not think we could act upon that
information and make it a casus bell; whereas, under the
plan of counterpoise, the moment we hoard that Russia
was increasing her fleet, we should send a corre-
sponding number of ships into the Black Sea, and thus the
danger would be met at once. It was likewise important
to observe that the difference on which the Vienna nego-
tiations were broken cff was one of detail and not of prin-
ciple. In the instructions given to the British plenipo-
tentiary, the plan of counterpoise was referred to as an
alternative, though not a desirable one, and therefore it
was unjust to assert that the noble lord acted at Vienna
without authority. The conclusions of the noble lord
throughout had been those of a statesman; and, so far
from estimating his own position too highly, as had been
alleged against him, the only fault to be found with him
was that he did not always* act with sufficient firmness
and vigour upon his own judgment. Upon the whole, the
preponderance of argument was in favour of counterpoise.
Russia, indeed, could not be expected to submit to the plan
of limitation ; and there was great justice in the remark of
the British plenipotentiary, that it would not be expedient
to press galling conditions upon Russia, or to leave her in a
discreditable position. But let them look for a moment
at the consequences which followed the rejection of the
Austrian proposal. If we had accepted that proposal we
should have had either peace or the co-operation of Aus-
tria; for, notwithstanding the remark of the Home Secre-
tary, that Ministers rejected the proposal because they be-
lieved Austria was not sincere, there could be no doubt
that when the proposal reached the shape of a mature pro-
position, the Austrian Government had made up their
minds to submit it as as ultimatum to Russia, and, in the
case of its rejection, to withdraw their ambassador from
St. Peterriburg, and at once declare the rejection a casza
belli. That really involved the question of the good faith
of Austria in those transactions. On that point there
could be nothing more distinct than the testimony of the
noble lord, who ought to know most about it, and who
said that although she had not acted the part he could
have wished, 'still her conduct had been straightforward
and intelligible, and there could be no well-founded
complaints of treachery against her. Austria said she
was as much opposed to Russian aggression as any
other power could be; but if the ends to be attained
by-war could be obtained without war, she would infi-
nitely prefer that arrangement. That was an intelligible
and honest proposition on the part of a power like Austria,
situated as she was with an exposed frontier, with ooliga-
tions to Russia for interference in 1848-49, and with a Most
painful financial position, which would be seriously aggra-
vated by the consequences of even a successful war, seeing
that even in peace she bad an annual deficit of from two
to three millions. Besides, Austria was engaged in the
emancipation of her millions of peasants from their state of
serfdom under the feudal system, and in other internal im-
provements, which required a state of peace and tranquil-
lity above all things, Her Majesty's Government, then,
arrived at the conclusion of rejecting the proposal. Had
those who advocated that cause fully considered the enor-
mous risks to which England and all the other powers of
Europe were exposed by the continuance of the war ? He
would not dwell on those personal risks which might ap-
pear to civilians of much greater magnitude and import-
anee than to those who looked at the question from a
military point of view. The resources of France and Eng-
land, there could be no doubt, were greater than those of
Russia, and if we would only submit long enough to the
de-snorer-liens of war, we should carry our point. (Hear.)
The expense incurred by the war was, however, a plain
and tangle sacrifice, which every ono would appreciate.
If the war were indefinitely continued for an indefinite ob-
ject, we should undo all the good that the last many years
had clone, and we should load ourselves with the burden of
a second national debt to no purpose. It must also be
obvious to every one that the continuance of the war must.
finish in the exhaustion of the ally we undertook to suc-
cour. But was there no danger, also, to our alliance with
France to be apprehended from a prolonged contest?
Were there not to be seen in the war very obvious
germs of dissidence between the two Western Powers?
Even the late unsuccessful attack on Sebastopol suf-
ficed to produce grounds of mutual recrimination. Ent
if the war should extend to Germany, there would arise
the danger to be apprehended from the French people
getting inoculated with those ideas of ambition and mili-
tary conquest which formerly inspired them. The French
people might naturally finish by saying that they were
making enormous sacrifices of all kinds in the war, and
they must have some advantage more material to them-
selves than could arise from the questions of guarantee and
counterpoise or limitation in the Black Sea. His (Mr.
(Laing's) opinion was that the war was looked upon as just
and necessary by all classes generally in Freese, yet he
could not look without apprehension to results that might
arise at any time from a continuance of the struggle. And
if danger was to be apprehended to our relations with
Francs, much more was to be apprehended to our relations
with Germany, and to those alliances which mast always
be the shell-stone of any successful resistance to Russian
aggression. It might be said, indeed, that we had brought
the war upon ourselves by driving Germanyinto the hands
of Russia by our system of amateur patronage of the
revolutionary troubles of 1848. Did then the people of.
England seriously believe that it was worth while to en-
counter those enormous difficulties merely for the question
of counterpoise or limitation ? He could not believe that
such a notion could be entertained, and if any man thought
that war should be made for its own sake, that war should
be made as an end and not as a means, that man must have
degenerated to the condition of the savages in the wilds of
American backwoods. He had thought it better to bring
the question before the house in a form which would not
give rise to any party questions or party discussions. He
had, therefore, merely moved for any correspondence with
the French Government relative to the rejection of the last
Austrian proposal. Until those communications were
produced, he should feel inclined to believe that if insu-
perable objections to that proposal had not been offered
by her Majesty's Government no insuperable objection
would have been urged by the Government of France.
Sir. G. GREY said he was ready to admit that neither
the Government nor the House of Commons had any right
to complain either of the course the hon. gentleman had
taken in bringing again before them the important sub-
ject to which his speech related, or of the manner in which
he had done so. At the same time the motion he had placed
in the hands of Mr. Speaker was objectionable on two
grounds. It was a motion to which, so far as related to the
production iS correspondence with the French Government
with regard to the last Austrian proposal, the hon. gentle-
man himself must have been aware that it was impossible
her Majesty's Government could accede; while, on the
other hand, it was a motion which afforded the hon. gen-
tleman an spporcunlty of raising most important questions,
calculated to excite public feeling, without at the same
time affording any opportunity for an expression of opinion
on the part of the representati% es assembled in the Com-
mons House of Parliament. The hon. gentleman calle.i the
attention of the house to the course pursued by her Ma-
jesty's Government with regard to the last Austrian pro-
posal made after the Conferences of Vienna had been sus-
pended, and asked for the communications which have
taken place between' the Governments of England and
France, in considering that proposal jointly to-
gether, as,they were bound to do for the honour and inte-
rest of their respective countries. But the house was in
Possessiontat of
Vienna, ample
withinformation
regard
twith h
eregard
proposalto them dneeghoy-
fAwohuteisetthrhiihyaawitteeprrertohfioes negotiations were suspended, but be-
possession of theposdeal
ellyeisci;oosiased, and also of the arguments by
o f supported.
the
all the protocols relating proposal,They
Governmentw eurepeanl o
thatin
and the grounds of that decision, besides having
breaking through the r to the transactions at the confer-
ences themselves. Then again her Majesty's Government,
to the house, at the reserve usual on such Occasions, gave
requestgiven to
the hon. gentleman, copies of
the instructions noble lord the member for the
city of London on leaving
fo E
England gland for Vienna; and now
the hon. gentleman asked
further communications of
such a character and of such a nature. that the honourable
gentleman must himself have felt it would be impossible
tfhore Gwoavrerenemreeneetrvteod produceoomm lla them.icatiene In the course of
with had taken place
reference to every
negotiation. It was
between the two Governments
great operation of war as well as of
eettit
y.o findispensable that there should be an unembarrassed inter-
change of views and sentiments between the
, in order to insure unity of action apialdlli
instruction, whether to commanders or to
ries ; and the result of the production of the corm
tions asked for would be that such unreserved interchange
of views must in future cease, for those communications
were essentially of a secret. character. No doubt in the
cousre of that interchange there were sometimes impor-
tant modifications of views upon certain questions, in
the same way as there would be in communications between
two individuals in pursuit of a common object, but the re-
sult, always was that the Governments arrived at the same
decision with regard to the practical result. When the
hon. gentleman thus asked for the production of what ought
to be kept secret, he showed little regard for the mainte-
nance of that happy alliance, a termination of which his speech
seemed so rauchtodoubt. The hon. gentleman ought to have
considered what the feelings of France would be with .re-
gard to the conduct of this country, if, without communi-
cation with her, and without obtaining her opinion or con-
sent, they should produce to Parliament, and circulate
through Europe the confidential communication of her Go-
vernment with regard to the important questions thatcarue
before them. But that was but an unimportant part of the
speechouogfhtthteohen. gentleman. He had adapted his form of
course Government
order' to enable him to state his views on the
had pursued, and on the course he thinks
Austria.
vernment had billie
ktle
The
ho, have pursued with regard to the proposal of
ings, viz ,in gentlemaneel impugnedyoethe
las etegteheefcothuerisreptrheeeeGedo:
refusingrin concert with France to accede to
the proposal of Austria.h But the hon. gentleman, in con-
cert with thosenear
the fullest and plainest ter
whom he sat in the house, admitted in
the country
justice and absolute ne-
cessity of• the war in whichre
admitted also that the prinei plea ee was engaged. He
moulliertaZed in the four points
were principles it was the duty of th
upon. But the hon. gentleman went furthervernmanendt t o insistte
himself not only from those who originally desneYeair the

t 8 lux

Cher efesJcution. The e
both these pertieseund declared that in both the proposals
that were made, or in either of them, there were contained
satisfactory bases upon which negotiations might have been
renewed with a prospect of arriving at a safe and honoura-
ble peace. The Government were justified in rejecting both
proposals, and toprove that he need only refer to thepapers
before the house. These papers not only showed the decision
which the Government came to, but gave in a clear and ex-
plicit manner the reasons which-influenced that decision.
But as between the principle of limitation and the princi-
ple of counterpoise the hon. gentleman admits that the ba-
lance of argument is in favour of the former. He admits
that there was a great deal to be said on both sides ; while
it was equally clear that Lord Aberdeen, when in office,
went for the principle of limitation, to which at that time
even Austria professed to give the preference. True enough
Austria never declared that she should make the principle
of limitation an indispensable condition of peace ; but over
and over again she declared that the principle of limitation
vele the one she desired to see adopted, because it would
lead to a satisfactory and complete solution of the Eastern
difficulty. The house was not now called upon to decide
upon one principle or the other—the only question before
them was whether the Government did right in refusing
to adopt a system of counterpoise, and in considering that
it would be necessary to turn to the views which the Go-
vernment had expressed all through these negotiations.
It would be found, then, by a reference to Lord John
Russell's instructions that the Government had always
viewed the existence of a great naval power in the
Black Sea belonging to Russia as a standing menace to
Turkey—(hear)—and therefore the reduction of that naval
power was the only means of preventing future aggres-
sion. There were two modes by which the preponderance of
Russia in the Black Sea might be reduced—one was to adopt
the principle of limitation, the other a system of counter-
poise ; but without expressing a decided opinion one way or
other, the instructions issued by Lord Clarendon limited
Lord J. Russell's mission to the principle of limitation.
No defence of Lord J. Russell was rectesary for having
brought the proposal of Austria under the consideration
of his Government, because, in strict conformity with his
instructions, he stated to the Conference that his instruc-
tions were exhausted when Russia refused to consider the
principle of limitation. But that did not preclude him
from receiving and considering the proposals of Austria.
His instructions fully disclosed what were the views,
opinions, and feelings of the Government in entering into
the negotiations ; they did not hesitate between the ques-
tions of limitation and counterpoises, but the instruc-
tions showed distinctly that they thought the argu-
ments were conclusive in favour of the first, and equally
conclusive against the adoption of the other. Those
arguments were urged with great force and ability by
France, who concurred in them, as well as by Turkey;
but Russia strongly resisted them, and for very good rea-
sons—she was aware of the efficiency of the means pro-
posed to be taken by the allied powers to prevent future
aggression upon. Turkey, and pertinaciously refused to en-
tertain the principle of limitation. The question then arose
as to whether these was any prospect of successfully con-
tinuing the negotiations; the Government were blamed at
the time for not at once breaking them off; but on the other
hand Austria indulged in the hope of peace. It was her in-
terest to remain at peace with Russia so long as she could
do so consistently with honour, and therefore she requested
permission to lay before the allied Governments some other
proposals which she conceived might lead to a satisflictory
termination of the war. At this time nothing had occurred
which could justify the Government in abandoning the
view which they had before taken on the subject of a sys-
tem of counterpoise, and when it was proposed to Lord J.
Russell by Count Buol, he showed it would be ineffectual
if adopted, nor had his noble friend said since, that he
was aware of, that a system of counterpoise could lead to
any satisfactory result. No doubt he, subsequently to the
time when the proposal was first made, modified his opi-
nions, not as to the abstract merits of the proposition it-
self, but as to the expediency of the course to be taken
under the circumstances which then addressed themselves
to his mind. He thought, for instance, that the Austrian
proposal was worthy of consideration, and accordingly he
recommended it to the consideration of his Government,
from whom it received a careful and matured consideration.
France having had the seine propositions made to them
directly from Austria, gave it the same mature, calm, and
deliberate consideration, and in the course of the few days
that it was under consideration no doubt communications
did take place between the two Governments. The opi-
nions which France expressed, however, could not be
disclosed, but Parliament had a perfect right to know
the grounds upon which her Majesty's Government
came to a decision, and no one could impute to the
Government the slightest concealment in the matter.
They had laid before Parliament the grounds Which in-
fluenced them ; while Lord Clarendon had stated fully,
clearly, and explicitly the reasons which induced them to
reject tho proposition. They had no assurance in writing
on the part of Austria that if her proposal were accepted by
the allies, and afterwards rejected by Russia, she would
make the refusal a casus belli against Russia, at least they
received no such assurance previous to the period when
they 'were called upon to consider the proposal. The bon.
member seemed to think there would be great hazard to
the alliance with France in a long war, but he (Sir G.Grey)
saw no cause for alarm. The hon. member considered that
in March, 1834, the war was just and necessary, and re-
joiced that it was entered into in conjunction with France,
but now he seemed to be of opinion that, although the
terms of peace were not such terms as ought, under the
circumstances to be accepted, they ought to be accepted
now because of the imminent hazard to the alliance be-
tween this country and France. He was astonished to hear
such an argument from the lips of the hon. member
and would ask him if be had any right to assume that
France would be willing to make peace on the terms pro-
posed by Austria. The alliance with France would be
much more endangered by the course suggested than by
going hand in hand with France in the vigorous prosecu-
tion of the war; for France had shown her determination
to exert all her powers to bring the war to a safe and
honourable termination. (Hear, hear.) With the immense
resources of two great countries like England and France
there was no reason to be discouraged because the war had
not been brought to a successful termination within twelve
months. He had a right to assume that whatever could
be effected in the'field by the gallantry of the allied troops
would be accomplished. At all events lie felt convinced
that the country and the majority of the house did not
share in the discouragement and gloom which it was
the object of some hon, gentlemen to instil into the
minds of the people. (Hear, hear.) They knew that the
war was just and necessary, and he did not think they
would concur in the censure cast on the Government for not
accepting terms of peace which would have left in the
hands of Russia those means of aggression which Russia
seemed determined not to part with, and which, if she re-
tained, would be used on the first favourable olsportunity
for 'the prosecution of those designs which were inimical to
the existence of Turkey and the permanent peace and se-
curity of Europe. (Cheers.)
Mr. GLADSTONE entirely agreed with Sir G. Grey in
thinking that the production of the papers was a question
for the decision of the Government. With regard to the
speech of the right hon. gentleman, it was moderation
itself, and contained this important admission—that the
principle of limitation was not henceforth to beeleemed
sine qua non in the event of future proposals, for peace
being made. The speech of the right hon. gentleman
had made more apparent the false position in which he
was placed. Nothing could be more distorted or untrue
than the representation he had given of the 'facts.
Mr. Gladstone proceeded to recount the circumstances
connected with the rejection of the Austrian pro-
posals, and gave it as his opinion that it was not to the
French Government, but to the English Government, that
the responsibility of rejection was to be assigned. He com-
plained that the house had been misled in its previous dis-
cussiteie by imperfect information. No intimation was
given of the Austrian proposals ; all that the house had to
guide it were the statements connected with the Russian
propositions. He was prepared to give Lord Clarendon
every credit for ability and power in• writing his des-
patches, but one thing he (Lori Clarendon) lacked—the
spirit of a desire for peace. Entering into details, the
right hon. gentleman reviewed the leading proposals, in•
eluding those triads by Austria. In these proposals, limi-
tation, deemed so valuable by the English Government,
was involved. As to the principle of counterpoise, which
formed the principle of the first of the Austrian proposals,
long as the war may last, this fact would not be got over,that
the Plenipotentiaries of all the Powers had agreed to urge it
upon their respective Governments. With regard to the se-
cond proposal, he was astonished at the cavalier manner in
which it was rejected, for it combined limitation with
counterpoise. As to Austria, he was prepared to maintain
that she did give a pledge that, in a certain case, which it
was in the power of the Allies to conform, she would go
to war. What she said was, that if Russia rejected both
propositinna, she would draw the sword. His belief was,
that Ministers looked a, good deal further than limitation.
In his opinion the best security for Turkey was a peace
which would secure the united support of Europe. He was
at a loss now to understand for whom Austria held the
Principalities. The result of recent proceedings hard libe-
rated large bodies of Russian troops, and the effect would
soon be seen in the Crimea, and all had arisen from miserable
quibblings about limitation and counterpoise. The aspect
of the war was no longer European. It had been changed
into an isolated conflict. As to France, the avidity
with which the loans had been subscribed was no evi-
dence of enthusiasm in favour of the war. (Hear.) So far
as an opinion could be formed, there was no reason to con-
clude that Russia was suffering from financial exhaustion.
Mr. Gladstone then proceeded to speak in an extraordinary
strain about the endurance of the Russian soldier, his de-
votion, his fanaticism, his hatred to the invaders of his
soil, and other things, which evidently took the house by
surprise. He thanked the house for having given him
liberty of speech. He still entertained the opinion that
the war was just, but his conviction was that it ought to
have been brought to a close. He denied that the war as
it now stood was the war into which he entered.

Mr. LAYARD thought that the hon. gentleman (Mr.
Laing) who had addressed the house that evening on a
subject which had been discussed over and over again must
have been lately living in some land to which the Times
had not access. (Laughter.) The question had been so
often discussed, that he would not trouble the house if he
did not desire tnat what had been said that night should go
forth and create a wrong impression at a most important
period in the history of the war. The hon. gentleman had
said that he had had opportunities abroad of te: ting public
opinion on this war. To whom had he referred ? To those
connected with public enterprises; but doubtless, of all
men in the world, railway contractors and bankers were
unfavourable to the war. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentle-
man had also said that the opinions which had been ex-
pressed by the noble lord the member for the City of Lon-
don, who had been a Minister, should have some weight
attached to them but he forgot that in that house the
noble lord had stated opinions much stronger than those
of any one else in favour of the war. (Hear. hear.)
He wished to say a few words on alithe four points—more
especially the first point. It would be recollected that he
had, from the first, protested against the settlement. They
would recollect that the Danubian Principalities had been
independent kingdoms, and that they havolantarily sub-
mitted to the Porte, and that Russia had never but once in
this centuryobtained access to them, when she had done all
in her power to destroy their free institutions. In 1848,
when the revolution in the Danubian provinces changed
the character of their institutions, Russia compelled the
Porte to interfere. They had altogether misunderstood the
question. They should have treated Moldavia.and Wallachia
as independent States, whereas they had treated them as if
they entirely depended on the Porte, and the noble lord the
member for the City of London, by protocol, gave the Port„
the power o)' interfering, and
ofintroducing any new laws
or form of government, in accordance with the spirit of the
age. Russia had made no conce,sion, for she materially
gained in the power of interfering in those provinces. As
to the second point, Russia had madean important conces-
sion in removing the barriers to the free navigation of the
Danube, but Moldavia and Wallachia wive equallyinte-
rested in the navigation of the Dandbe, and yet they were
not represented at the Conference. And now, as to the

third point. He would at onco admit that a difference be-
tween counterpoise and limitation was not one worthy of a
war, but he baloved that the country had long ago made
he four points could :lead. to no

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with him in any agitation on that stihj,...t. ,The non. gen-
tleman had alsoreferred to a speech he (the right hon.bart.)
made some 15 years ago, but in 15 years a very consider-
able change might take place in one's opinions. Itwas true
at the period in question he underrated the ambitious
designs of Russia, and he had altogether changed his opi-
nions since, and one reason for such change was the know-
ledge he acquired as a member of the Government of the
secret correspondence which had taken place between the
Emparor.of Russia and the English Government. He was
not aware that he had anything,more to say on the subject,
further than that the alterations which had taken place in
his opinions were the sincere results of careful consideration.
Sir J. GRAHAM said the right hon. gentleman had
stated, in reference to the speech made by him at the late
election, that he had nothing to retract. He was sure,
however, that the right hon. baronet would be ready to do
so when he was shown that he had violated fact and truth
in a portion of the statement in question. He understood
the right hon. gentleman to have said that he considered
the conduct of certain parties in the house unpatriotic, dis-
creditable, and nefarious, because they surprised the Go-
vernment by a combination in respect to the vote on the
Turkish loan. Ho begged to assure the right hon. gentle-
man that he (Sir J. Graham) had no knowledge whatever
of what were the intentions of hon. gentlemen opposite
with regard to the vote in question. (Hear, hear.)
Sir W. MOLESWORTH explained that, in his mention
of a combination of parties to vote against the Govern-
ment, he had intended to describe the impression produced
on his own mind by the event of last Friday week. (Hear.)
On that occasion the Government were surprised, not by
the peace party, who wore, in fact, at open war, but by
the right hon. gentleman who sat on the benches below,
and by the simultaneous attack of hon. gentlemen oppo-
site. The right hon. gentleman was proceeding, when,
The SPEAKER said the right hon. gentleman was not
entitled to make a second speech.
Mr. R. PHILLIDIORE begged to tell the right hon.
gentleman that he had voted with a perfectly conscientious
conviction that he was doing what was right and best for
the country. The right hon. baronet would do well to ac-
quaint himself perfectly with facts before he made such
assertions as he had done.
Mr. BRIGHT sail the right hon. gentleman had Lad a
fair opportunity of retracting his statements to-night. He
thought it would have been an advantage if the right hon.
baronet had been allowed to continue his explanation, and
make the retraction which was expected of him.
Sir W. MOLESWORTH—I did not make a retraction.
Mr. BROTHERTON here moved the adjournment of
the house. . . .

ferencee at Vienna was never intended to lead to a peace
based on those four points. The instructions which had
been given to the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) stated that
the project of counterpoise was impossible, for it could give
no hope of bringing the, war to a satisfactory conclusion.
Such were the instructions given by Lord Clarendon to the
noble lord on the 22d of April, and on the 10th of April,
when the project of counterpoise had been proposed by the
Austrian Government, the noble lord wrote expressing
'his opinion that such a project could not be entertained.
while, on the 18th of April, he was found proposing that
very project of counterpoise which he had rejected on the
10th. Let them suppose Sebastopol was taken, and would
there then be any greater chances of peace? He believed
not. Could we blockade Sebastopol continually, Russia
would wait, and the time must come when she would re-
gain the Crimea. He would ask, with the right hen. gen-
tleman the member for the University of Oxford (Mr.
Gladstone) what end we proposed to ourselves by this war?
We had allowed Austria to occupy the Principalities.
Suppose she had not dons so, or that she had carried out
what was intanded by the treaty of the 2d of December,
we might have raised a very large body of men—per-
haps 100,000—and those men would have fought our
battles, but by the position which Austria had taken,
we 'were precluded altogether from availing ourselves
of the national feeling of the Principalities. He was
told that, if Austria had not occupied the Princi-
palities, Turkey would have been compelled to keep up
a large army there, but that was a mere fallacy. He
could not but express his anxiety upon the condition of
our army. Some improvements had taken place, but they
were in general the result of some pressure from without.
He saw the same neglect of the interests of the army, and
he believed there was a very general and very great discon-
tent amongst our officers in the Crimea. Within the last
few days they had seen rewards given to men who had not
any claim to them, and even the highest honour of the
State were given to those who had not distinguished them-
selves, as well as to those who had. The result of this
system was, that at this period of the campaign we had
not one man capable of commanding our army, or of un-
dertaking any military operations of magnitude. He de-
nied that they had shown any specimen of military genius
in the operations in the Crimea. There was no signs of
improvement. At Kertch the expedition had been mis-
managed in a most extraordinary manner. One transport
had carried the horses, and another the saddles. (Hear,
hear.) If there was one thing which rendered the pros-
ep
nen° tr s
eo pros-
of
hpieeahc e
hadm obreeenremote
btyh at
hn e
rainsohtth ehr
0,
ei.tg
ewnatlsemtahne
(Mr. Gladstone). The speech of the right hon. gentleman
was calculated to destroy almostexery hope which theyhad
of peace. If the right hon. gentleman read Le Nord, pub-
lished at Brussels, which was the great Russian organ, he
would see that he was looked upon as the advocateof Russia
in England. He (Mr. Layard) did not insinuate that he or
those who acted with him were traitors to their country,
but they could seein that publication the effect which their
speech's had in Russia. (Cheers.) The speech just made by
the right hon. gentleman was calculated to encourageßussia
to reject every reasonable proposal for peace. He believed
that no Russian could have made a speech more likely to
raise and animate the spirit of Russian soldiers to resistance.
He had given the house a picture of the endurance of the
Rossi In soldier. Was not a Power to be dreaded which had
' a million of such men, devoted, as the right hon. gentleman
had described, to their Emperor ? (Hear.) He (Mr. Lay-
ard) listened With astonishment to the speech of the right
hon. gentleman. He who had led us into this war hail
Pointed out a disaster—a reverse ;he said that we had
been beaten. Were these the words of an English states-
man, or of an Englishman. (Hear, hear.) Was it because
we had met with a reverse that we were to retire from the
contest ? Were we to sacrifice that honour and character
which it had taken centuries to establish ? Were the
words national honour extinct amongst the right hon.
gentleman and those who sat with him ? It was but a
small failure. We had had failures ten times greater during
the Peninsular war, and yet we had come out successful
from that great contest. He believed that it world be
impossible to conclude a peace whilst the question of
Sebastopol remained unsettled. France was a great mili-
tary power, and she could not submit to any loss of her
military reputation. This was a great national question
with France. The right hon. gentleman said that the
war was not popular in France. He (Mr. Layard) be-
lieved that the greatest ardour prevailed in France on
• the subject of the war, and this hid been shown by
the manner in which the people had responded to the
demands made by the Government, end had subscribed a
• sum far exceeding the highest anticipations. (Hear.) The
war must be carried on with vigour, or the country would
become dispirited and hopeless, and then terms of peace
might be accepted which would be no compensation for
the sacrifices which it had already made. He believed
that the four points would be utterly inadequate for a
satisfactory settlement of the question—they would only
lead to a hollow and short truce. He must again implore
the Government to carry on the war with vigour. in order
to satisfy this jest expectations of the country. (Hear.)
Mr. CORDEN said that he did not intend to delay the
house for more than two or three minutes, for after the
able and exhaustive speech of the right hon. gentleman
(Hr. Gl.,astene), he should consider that it would be an
• unwarrantable waste of time to say one word on the
same side of the question. It might be his (Mr. Cobden's)
utter want of the reasoning faculty, but he listened
sometimes for an hour to the hon. gentleman who had last
spoken (Mr. Layer-1), and at the end he was totally at a
loss to discover what his policy was, or if he had any po-
licy at all. The lion: gentleman had charged the right hon.
member for the University (Mr. Gladstone) with encou-
raging Russia because be hod pointed out the necessity of
• making peace wis h Russia on some terms. Why, the hon.
• gentleman never made a speech in which he did not find
fault with everything. Many months ago he predicted
that all Asia Minor would speedily be overrun by Russia.
He was the last man in the house to accuse the right hon.
gentleman with giving encouragement to Russia. ' He (Mr.
Cobden) rose to speak on -a totally different question —one
which he approached with great reluctance and pain, as it
was personal to himself. They had been discussing the
weight of authority of public men in reference to the
policy to be pursued with regard to this war. They had
been told how the great negotiators at Vienna had been
in favour of peace on the terms of the four points. He
attached much weight to that influence and authority in
matters of this kind in the uninitiated public mind, but
when he found a right hon. gentleman holding so high an
office as that of a Cabinet Minister uttering the most un-
measured sentiments of denunciation to a large hotly of
the public, he (Mr. Cobden) could not consider it a subject
which could be treated lightly either in the house or the
country. (Hear.) He of course alluded to the right hon.
bart. the member for Southwark (Sir W. Mclesworth). He
, called upon the right hon. bert. to explain himself with
regard to the remarks which he had made, at the late
election for Southwark, upon the right hon member for the
University of Oxford, upon the peace party, upon other
parties in the house, and upon himself (Mr. Coben.) The
right hon. member had designated these various parties as
a nefarious and unpatriotic body, who were carrying on
the war by means of ambuscades, which he (Mr. Cobden)
supposed meant that they were sharpshooters. (Hear, and
laughter.) He (Hr. Cobden) was not a peace-at-any-price-
man, but he was for a peace at an. honourable price.
(Hear, hear.) He wanted to know when the right hon.
bernost first adopted political sentiments contrary to his
(Mr. Cobden's). Two and a half years ago, when an office
in Lard Aberdeen's Government was offered to the right
hon. baronet, he said he had no &ejection to accept it if the
sentiments of Mr. Cobden were represented in the Cabinet.
(Laughter.) That was no secret, for on the very same
evenisig on which the offer was made, the right hon. baro-
net communicated it to himself (Hr. Cobden) and six
others in the central hall of the Reform Club, two of whom
were then in the house. He (Mr. Cobden) wished to know
how it came to pass that the right hon. baronet now
ad we ited• principles so widely different? It would
not do for the right hon. baronet to say that, on gene
ral politics, lie still concurred in his (Mr. Cobden's)
views, but differel from him upon the war question,
because it was well known that he (Mr. Cobden) had
for years identified himself with the peace party. Enter-
taining great apprehensions that, when the free trade
measures were passed, and the country had thereby waxed
fat, it would most certainly kick, he attended public meet-
ings in England and abroad for the purpose of imbuing
the public with peace principles„ and instilling into them
a horror of war. The Chobham camp, the outcry about a
French invasion, were sure symptoms that the country
was fat, apd about to kick; and he felt that he could do
nothing better than endeavour, by agitation and getting
up petitions in favour of peace, to divert the public mind
from war. And if the right hon. baronet and himself
entertained identity of views on any suhjeot more than
another, he thought it was on the question of the foreign
policy of this country. His (Mr. Cobden's) first appear-
ance in public life was the publishing of a pamphlet. 20
years ago, in answer to the public harangues Of Mr. Ur-
quhart in favour of war with Russia. That war had at
last arrived, and it was groat injustice to Mr. Urquhart
not to have conferred upon him the Premiership, to
enable him to carry out his policy against Russia.
(Laughter.) In reply to an attack which was made upon
the right honourable baronet the member for South-
wark, some time ago, for his advocacy of the war,
instead of the peace principles, be (Sir W. Molesworth)
read an extract from a speech which he had delivered at
Leeds, in 1840, for the purpose of showing that the course
which,he was now pursuing with respect to the war with
Russia was quite consistent with the principles which he
held in 1840. He (Mr. Cobden) had since referred to that
speech, and he found that, instead of being a war, it was a
peace speech, and that the extract which ho had read was
only his reply to a hypothetical case, as to Russia seizing
upon Constantinople, which, he said, was a most :}lesurd
notion ; but supnosing even that such a seizure should take
place, the right hon. baronet thought we ought not to en-
danger our alliance with Russia by opposing it, as her aid
might be most important to us in the then dreadectwar be-
tween England and France on the Syrian question. He
(Mr. Cobden) did not think that the right hon. baronet
would have resorted to such sophistry as he had done with
regard to that speech, for the purpose of deluding the house.
What the right hon. gentleman said was, that all these
suppositions of the power of Russia with regard to the
posse,sion of Constantinople were utterly absurd, but Lord
Clarendon had defended the war on the very supposition of
all these things which the right hon. gentleman declared to
be utterly absurd. He had no hesitation in saying that for
upwards of the last 18 months he was persuaded the right.
hon. gentleman had entertained precisely the same opi-
nions on these questions which he did 15 years before.
By what process of reasoning, therefore, had he changed
his convictions upon the subject ? In dealing with
the right hon. gentleman he (Mr. Cobden) had only done
as he would be done by, for if he was ever found holding
systematically, on great questions of policy, one language
to his friends in private and another in puolic, he should
expect to be denounced as utterly unfaithful.

At,an

Mr. WALPOLE said he must call upon the right hon.
baronet to retract the phrase of " an unscrupulous Oppo-
sition," which he addressed to hon. gentlemen. When
the debate upon the Turkish Loan commenced, his (Mr.
Waipole's) impression was, that the proper course would
be to take the convention as a separate, instead of a joint,
guarantee. Ho was not aware that he had ever offered
the Government a factious opposition, and the vote he
gave on the night in question was as honest a vote as he
ever gave.
Mr. BROTIIHERTON again rose to move the adjourn-
ment of the house.
Mr. GLADSTONE said ho had listened with great sur-
prise to what had taken place during this conversation.
He was fully persuaded the right hon. gentleman uttered
the languago ho was said to have used at the hustings
without much consideration. The right hon. baronet had
said there was a combination to take the Government by
surprise, and he further said that he did not make any
retraction ; but at the same time, he stated his intention
was merely to describe the impression on his own mind.
It was perfectly clear to him (Mr. Gladstone), however,
that the language used did describe the actions of others.
If he had previously agreed te vote with certain gentlemen
on a public question he should certainly not for one mo-
ment shrink from avowing it, but, as it happened, there
was no concert whatever with regard to himself on the oc-
casion
Lord PALMERSTON said that his sight hon. friend
had be-n accused of having taxed hon. gentlemen in the
house with combination on a particular question. (Cries
of "No, no," and " Nefarieue.") He was not talking of
epithets ; he was merely talking of charges. His right
lion friend who had just sat down .had put it upon the
ground whether it was an impression of the right hon.
baronet's own mind, or whether he had stated it as having
been a positive fact, and he should not be put off the scent
by the "noes" of hon. gentlemen opposite. (Laughter.)
NJ man could state more than the impression on his own
mind of a fact that had taken place. (Hear.) If such was
the impression of his right hon. friend, all he (Lord Pal-
merston) could state was, that it was his impression also,
and he believed that impression was shared in, not only
by many members of that house, but by almost every rea-
sonable man in England. (Hear.) The Combination might
have been fortuitous or accidental, and without any pre-
vious concert, but a combination it was in the strictest
sense of the word—(hear)—because there could be no doubt
that several parties did combine. (Hear.)
The Marquis of GRANBY thought the right hon. gen-
tleman, after what had passed, ought, as an honest man,
to express his regret that an erroneous impression had got
upon his mind. He hoped he would even then get up and
say he had been labouring under a mistake.
Sir W. MOLESWORTH said, when he was stopped by
the Speaker, he was proceeding to state how he came to use
the words. He described simply the effect produced upon
his own mind by the events of last Friday week. He said
that the sudden and unexpected attack of the right hon.
gentleman beyond the gangway, and the simultaneous at-
tack of the right hon. gentleman opposite, induced in his
mind a belief that it was a skilfully combined movement.
The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of
Oxford and the hon. member for Tavistoek had nowdeclared
that there was no previous communication between them
and the right hon. gentleman opposite. He (Sir W. Moles-
worth) firmly believed thatwas a fair statement, and there-
fore, he would only say it was an accidental union of parties
to attack the Government. (A laugh and Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI said it appeared to him that the issue
had been changed within the last few minutes. He thought
the noble lord, the First Minister, rose to extricate his
friend and colleage from his discreditable position by that
dexterity which he could always command ; but instead of
doing that, he raised an argument merely on the abuse of
the word combination, and left out of sight the epithet
which had given such great offence. He was astonished to
hear the noble lord defend a colleague in the use of such a
word as nefarious, as addressed to a large party in that
house, and to some of its most distinguished members.
The motion for'adjournment was then agreed to.
The house adjourned at 25 minutes to 2 o'clock.

Sir W. MOLES WORTH said-that having been person-
ally attacked by the hon. member who had just sat down,
he hoped he might throw himself upon the indulgence of
the house for a few minutes. The bon. gentleman had
called him to account for a speech which he delivered to
his constituents in Southwark. He did not regret one
single sentiment he had uttered on that occasion. Ho had
merely stated, in order to allay and tranquillise their alarm,
that if an improper peace were attempted to be patched
up, it would pot be sanctioned or brought about by the:
Government of his right hon. friend (Lord Palmerston).
(Hear.) The hon. gentleman had also thought proper to
refer to certain conversations which bad passed between
him (Mr. Cobden) and himself (Sir W. Molesworth) about
the period of the formation of Lord Aberdeen's Go-
vernment. No doubt very friendly relations bad existed
between them. He had had the honour of the hon. gentle-
man's acquaintance for many years, although he had all
along disagreed with the hon. member upon the subject of
his extraordinary and peculiar views with regard to the
possibility of universal peace. He was never offered a seat
in the Government except a seat in the Cabinet, but he re-
collected having a conversation with the hon. gentleman,
upon which occasion they talked over the various combina-
tions of parties which might be united in the new Govern.

ment, and it was 'wiry true he had said to the hon. gentle- number had increased to 532,544, representing a value /
man that he certainly agreed with him on many subjects of 20,604,5771.
and on many gnestioos—for instance, with regard to free Lieutenant-General ATTCFITSON, in s3conding• v'- of
- , r
~vpfvn.ced with thollon. membp,-- • I:Tr_ GeonLe Kniczt,'

7

Directors, expressed the sati::factioll he kit at L.
sive benefit the bank had conferred upon a class of
traders who were not, previously to its institution, in the
habit of keeping a banker's account. Many tradesmen
who bad risen to comparative wealth, were ready to ad-
mit that they owed a good deal of their success to keep-
ing such an account. Increased employment to labour
had followed as a necessary consequence.
The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, assuring the proprie-
tors that the directors would make every effort to dove-
lope the peculiar features of the bank, being confident
that, in doing so, public as well as individual benefit
would be the certain result.

SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY.

The following is the directors' report, submitted to the
meeting on the 10th inst

The half-yearly accounts now submitted show a net re-
venue for the six months ending June 30, 18:;5, after de-
duction of interest on loans and all other preferential
charges, of 146,8081. 4s. Bd. ; add the surplus at December
31, 1854, less dividends on capital since paid up, 2,6541.
14s. 3d. ; balance available for dividend,l49,462/. 183. lid.
From this sum the directors recommend that a divided for
the half-year, at the rate of 41. 7s. 6d. per cent. per annum,
be declared, amounting to 6,741,4'18/. 6s. Bd. to 148,32 'l.
14s. 11d. ; and on 113,1921., on calls on the 4QI. and 501.
shares for the 26 days, to 3521. 143. 11d, ; leaving to be
carried over to the next half-year, 7871. 9s. ld.
The increase in the gross revenue for the half-year, over
the same period in 1854, is 20,6331. 18s. ld.
The following table shows the actual and relative values
of the traffic for the two periods :
Half-year Miles Total Working ' Net
ending. Open. Receipts. Expenses. Revenue.
£ s. d. s. d. £ s. d.
June, 1854.. 251 347,601 5 2 131,043 11 4 188,432 19 9
June, 1855.. 268 368,233 3 3 139,613 3eo 205,696 5 9
Increase•• 17 20,633 18 1 1,569 11 8 17,263 6 0

The continued increase of traffic shown in the foregoing
table, although moderate in amount, affords a renewed
proof of the sound and satisfactory character of the corn-
pany's position, particularly when the- state of affairs in
the commercial and political world is taken into conside-
ration. It will be observed that, although the gross in-
crease of the revenue for the half-year is 20,633/. 18s. ld.,
the amount of increase under the head of working ex-
penses is only 1,5691. 18s. Bd.
The local taxation on the company has increased during
the half-year by the large sum of 1,178/. Bs. 4d., and
would have been much more so had not the directors re-
sisted several most unwarrantably high assessments on
the company. The rating on railway companies has
now beoome a grievous burden, and imperatively calls on
the legislature for an early consideration of its injustice,
with a view to that relief which was long since promised
by the authorities of the Board of Trade.

-The usual report from the company's locomotive super-
intendent is appended; from which it will be seen that the
rolling stock is in good working order. Three new engines,
six carriages, and 31 waggons have been built during the
last half-year, at the expense of revenue.
The directors have ordered about three miles of the line
below Kingston to be relaid, in continuation of the por-
tion completed to that point last year. They have also
ordered additional sleepers to he placed throughout the
whole of the Southampton and Dorchester line, to afford
greater strength to tho road. The increased weight of the
trains and engines, caused by the additional traffic on that
line, rendered this advisable. The expense of these im-
provements will be charged against revenue, dividing the
amount in a similar manner as before, over a lengthened
period. . _

Pursuant to the resolution of the proprietors at the half-
yearly meeting in February last. the sum of 41,7731. 93.
10(1. exPended during the year 1354, and then standing to
the debt of " Suspense Plant Account," and 31,0031.
16s. 3d. standing to the debit of " Extension of Stations
and Sidings. Suspense Account," have been charged to the
capital account of the company; and during the past half-
year au additional amount of 7,977/. ss. 9kr. has been ex-
pended for sidings and stations, and 11,8861. 63. 31. for
plant, which has been placed to a suspense account, to
await the future determination of the shareholders.
A new steam-ship has been built during the past half-
year for the Havre station, at an expense of 19,4601., to
replace fhe Grand Turk, which had 13.)cotne practically un-
qualified for the service. DO., amount isin course of being
repaid hv a Renewal Fund idse..l f r that purpose, and the
Grand T will be disposed of. _ _

So much has recently been communicated to the proprie-
tor's respecting the Company's Amended Bill, which was
introduced into Parliament in the beginning of the present
year, that it is unnecessary to say more than that it has
passed into a law, and to make the following statement re-
lating thereto ; the act provides, in a satisfactory manner,
for every point which it was originally introduced to sanc-
tion, and considerable advantages may be anticipated from
the powers which it confers. Those po were which effect a
consolidation into stook of the amount paid on the 7 per
cent. preference share capital will be immediately acted
upon ; and henceforth the right of voting in respect of such
stock will be the same as the right of voting in respect of
the company's ordinary stock. With reference to the
clauses compelling the company to apply to Parliament for
an act to make an extension railway to Exeter the direc-
tors feel that it has been passed in the shapebest calculated
to make this obligation as little onerous as possible, be-
cause, in addition to the option as to the course of the ex-
tension, power had been acquired to borrow the necessary
funds, or to raise the amount by shares, as the proprietors
may deem most advisable. It will be the duty of the direc-
tors to give their immediate consideration to the subject,
and a special meeting of the proprietors. will be called to
lay the matter before them for their decision as early a
period as possible.

RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.

TRAFFIC RETURNS FOR THE PAST WEEK.

Miles Receipts.
opened. NAME OF RAILWAY.
1855. 1854. 1855.
- i
saiTimi.
72% Aberdeen ................ •••• •• 2 £ .£
,324 2,463
37% Belfast and Ballymena ••••..•••• •• •• 833 955
17 Belfast and County Down.- •••••• •• •• - -
32 Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire 2,331 2,703
26% Bolton,
Blackburn, and West York .... -
-
103% Bristol and Exeter • • ....
189% Caledonian..., .........- ........ - - 11,805 13,084
94'4 Chester and ..............3,986 •• 5,986 5,742
614 Cork, Bliekrock, and Passage •• •••• 252 255
20 Cork and Bandon .. • • • • •• - • • • • •• • • 210 245
56 Dublin and Belfast Junction ••.• • • .• 993 1,319
63 Dublin and Drogheda• ••••••- • • • • • • 1,486 I,eoo
7% Dublin and Ringstoven .............. 1,134 1,547
16% Dundee and Arbroath ••••••• • • • .. • • 707 701
31 Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen Junction 921 1,061
25 Dundalk ling Enniskillen.... • • • • • • •• 280 418
68 East Anglian.. ..... ................. 859 914
8134 East Lancashire .• - .... :. -:• ...... 5,878 6,057
1
417 Eastern Counties and Norfolk •• .! 23,373 24,638
Eastern Uni0n...... ........ -
142 Edinburgh and Glasgow ..... ........ 5,855 5,785
78, Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee.... .. 3,323. 3,625
6 Exeter and Crediton.. • • ...... •.• • • • - , -
22 Furness Railway ... .............. - -
183 Glasgow. and South-Western •• • • .... 6,068 7,018
283 Great Northern and E. L.• • • ..... .. 23,6'7 21,775
188 Great Southern and Western (Ireland) 5,742 6,441
342 Great Western --• • • • .........- 24,0J9 ' 27,538
25 Irish South Eastern • • • • • • • • - •• •• • . - -
90 Lancaster and Carlisle • . • • .......... 5,839 6 285
260 Lancashire and Y0rk5hire............ 21,106 22,774
- Leeds Northern ...• .. • • • • • • •....... - -
16 i Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport •• .. - -
553;4 London and North Western :- ...... 58 853 60,159
8% London and 81ackwa11........ .... 1,939 1,506
174 London, Brighton, and South Coast.. 20,999 15.902
267 London and South We5tern......... 16,214 ' 16,790
60 Londonderry and Enniskillen ........ 501 390
- Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, &c. - -
171% Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire 8,193 3,104
934 Manchester and South .Tunction .... •• 804 871
28 Maryport and Carlisle ....- „, ~ ,„
.. 956 962
498% Midia.nd '•••••••••• • • • • • .. • • •.... 28,214 28,148
12634 Midland Great Western (Irish) ...... 2,832 3,076
3/ Monklands • • • • • • ....., ~ _
........
78% Newcastle and Carlisle.. • • - „ .„ ~ .. - -
149 North British • • ...... • • •........... 5,504 5,813
- North Staffordshire .... ~ „ „„ „ , _ _
4614 North-Western • ........... „„.. „ 1,077 1,132
82% Scottish Central ........., ~ ~ ...... 2,751 2,862
32 Scottish Midland ...............- ~939 1,099
sni‘ Shrewsbury and Birmingham •• •• .. 964 1,526
48 Shrewsbury. and Chester - .......... 2,021 2,4 8
30 Shropshire Union ...... • • ......... 896 920
57% South Dev0n....................., , -- 2.521
289 South Eastern - .................... 21,448 21,644
162% South Wales ... •• ..• • • • ............. 5,114 5,640
97 South York., Doncaster, and Goole •. 1,632 1,076
38 Taff Vale ........„., „„,, „ ...... _ 3,877
- -
/7 Waterford and Limerick ............ 804 1,039
25 West Cornwall ...... .., „-„ .. Et 2 . 648
12 Whitehaven Junction ............... 407 338
652 York and Newcastle, and Berwick &
York and North Midland & Leeds.. - -
FOREIGN.
57% Dutch Rhenish -.. ................ 2,272 2,255
262 Lyons and Mediterranean ... ..... .. - -
63 Monterean and Troyes .............. - -
63 Namur and Liege .................. - -
445 Northern of France ..........
697 Orleans and Central*.. - --
240 Paris and Lyons .......... • • --
82 Paris and Rouen. .. - - • • •• • • • • • • :' - -
392 Paris and Strasburgh • • - -
59 Rnudn and Havre.. .... ..... • •• • •• .-
157 Western of France - -

The half-yearly balance sheet of the London and
County Bank states the profits at 34,8941., of which a
dividend at the rate of 10 per cent. per annum will ab-
sorb 21,2011., leaving a balance of 13,6931. carried to
profit and loss new account.

[ADVERTISEMENT.] THE WAR IN THE EAST. --POWERFUL
PATENT RECONNOITRING GLASSES.— Messrs. S. and B. Solo-
mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe
opposite the York Hotel. By her Majesty's Royal
Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements
in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race.
course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the distances
of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the
army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra-
ordinary powers that some 3i indict, with an extra eye.
piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring,
and the 'double stars ; with the same telescope can be
seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant,
and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They aro of larger and al:
sizes, with increasing Powers accordingly ; • while their vary-
ing, from 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the
above, and the Georgian, with his 6 satellites, &c.—The Royal
Exhibition, 1861.—Valuable, newly-invented, very small,
powerful waistcoat-pocket glass,the size of a walnut, by which
a person can be seen and known 1i miles distant ; they answer
every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera house.,
country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles.
They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to
sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. Opera,
race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful
power.—Newly-constructed Spectacle Lenses of the great-
est transparent power. The valuable advantage derive(
from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is
preserved and strengthened, and very aged Persons aro
enabled to employ their sight at the most minute ocek-
pation—can see with these lenses of a much less magnify-
ing power—and they do not require the frequent changes
to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Bea'.
nesS—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an ex traordi-
nary Powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness,
entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the
kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced.
Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible it
enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at
public assemblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing oises
in the ears is entirely. removed ; and it affords all the assist-
ance that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemarle-street,
Piccadilly. Ohservo—opposite the York Hotel. -