The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-22 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 22, 1855.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

MR. MILNER GIBSON•S MOTION
( From the Times of this day. )

The high-wrought expectations of the distinguished au
qience which assembled in the House of Commons yesterday
evening to listen to the debate on Mr. Milner Gibsou's motion
was destined to a severe and unlooked-for disappointment.
Very early in the proceedings symptoms of a " cross," as the
prizefighters call it, began to manifest themselves, and persdni
used to such things saw clearly that the match would slot
Come off. Zealous as Mr. Gibson undoubtedly is in putting
forward his pacific notions, and vehement as the Ministry,
which exists on the vigorous prosecution of the war, is in its
anxiety to meet and combat them, it somehow seems to have
occurred to these antagonists that neither had much to gain
from the prosecution of a quarrel which was likely, to result
in greater benefit to third parties than to either of the belli-
gerents. Mr. Milner Gibson might not unreasonably think
that there was a strong feeling in the House against his mo-
tion, and our -was-like Government might believe with equal
justice that there was a considerable majority of its own. mem-
bers in its favour. Still the difficulty was where to find a
plausible pretext for putting Off a debate with regard to which
the feeling of the country certainly is that it is rather too late
than too soon, and lags behind rather than anticipates the
occasion. Many excuses, many pretexts, were doubtless can-
vassed and considered, until at last one was found sufficiently
plausible, at least in the belief of those who have a statesman-
like confidence in the gullibility of mankind. Before the mo-
tion came on Mr. Gladstone questioned Lord Palmerston as
to the state of the negotiations at Vienna in a manner which
certainly invited him not to underrate the gravity of the
difficulties which they opposed to the impending discussion.
Thus adjured, Lard Palmerston spoke. ,The congress had
adjourned sine die, .but was not dissolved. It might be called
together at any time. Austria, " our ally to a certain• ex-
tent," was making it her business to find terms of agreeiitent,
questing about for expedients to unite the incompatible views
of Russia and the Western Powers. When the required
expedients were found, it was to be communicated to
England and France, and upon. their approval of this possible
future expedient the Congress could be reassenablod. Hero
was just that siiccles of metaphysical entity in which Mr.
Gladstone delights—a future conditional, contingent, un-
realised, probably unrealisable, idea, which assumed under
his skilful touch substance and consistency, and grew and
increased till one could really almost fancy that it was some-
thing more than a vain chimaera of his luxuriant imagination.
Once possessed of this, to him, solid and substantial fulcrum
for the intellectual lever, Mr. Gladstone's work was soon
done ; and we doubt not that he would have persuaded Mr.
Gibson to postpone his motion even if Mr. Herbert had not
aided him by the throat of moving " the previous question,"
and Lord Harry Vane assisted with the menace that after
these diplomatic revelations he would not second him. The
comedy, thus fairly started, was played out, nobody seeming
in earnest in the matter except Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Disraeli,
and it was with no feeling of surprise• that the house heard
from Mr. Gibson that after the appeal made to him he could
not persevere, and must, therefore, defer his motion till after
Whitsuntide.

Thus, then, has been lost by a palpable contrivance ,of the
very clumsiest description the opportunity of taking the opi-
nion of the House of Commons on the question of peace and
war. Mr. Gibson certainly acted a part for which Ministers
cannot be sulAciently grateful. He, preoccupied the ground,
and, after Wring prevented other members from bringing the
subject forwiaq, postponed his motion just at the time when
it was impossible to give notice of another before Whitsun-
tide, and thug procured for' the Ministry another fortnight,
during which they may enjoy, without Parliamentary con-
trol, unlimited powers of truckling•to Russia. The House of
Commons has been jockeyed out of the expression of its
opinion, and, above all, the Government have been
saved for another fortnight from exposing to the world
the true secret of their disunion on the very principle
upon which they were constructed. Regarding this mat-
ter as a Parliamentary interlude, it was played off
dexterously enough ; in any other point of view the course
adopted by all parties was most discreditable. The pretence,
as we have above intimated, was of the most frivolous de-
scription. The state of things alluded to by Lord Palmer-
ston always exists in war. Wherever a Congress has been
summoned a Congress can been summoned again. Wherever
a proposition has been negatived another can be substituted.
While there are belligerent Powers and a Power between them
which makes it its business, like Austria, to find perpetually
new subjects of negotiation, there is no fear that the farce
cannot be kept up as long as required, especially if by so doing
the disagreeable necessity of explanation Ma popularassembly
is avoided. If such statements as those of Lord Palmerston
are considered sufficient to deprive Parliament of its jurisdic-
tion, we shall never want assurances that Austria has some-
thing to propose, that the Congress has something to con-
sider, that there are " bases," or " elements," or shreds, or
fragments upon which something may be constructed, or out
of which something may be extracted, if they be only sub-
mitted often enough and long enough to the crucible of di-
plomatic chemistry. The establishment of such a principle
is very convenient to a Ministry whose dissensions on peace
and war render a discussion on the subject highly unadvisable,
and equally expedient for the advocates of a craven and dis-
honourable policy, who shrink from submitting their prin-'
ciples to the ordeal of a discussion in a popular assembly, but
still wish to preserve to themselves the credit of not deserting
them under the influence of clamour and unpopularity. It is
not, however, quite so clear that this plan of eluding the dis-
cussion of peace and war, in deference to the supposed
dangers of imaginary negotiations, will be satisfactory to the
public at large, who care little for the unseen and condi-
tional, and are, above all things, absorbed in the visible and
actual. They see that we have been negotiating . at
Vienna on terms the very proposition of which is an
insult 'to "the spirit and magnanimity of the nation.
They iee • 'that our Ministry are charged to 'their
faces in the most public manner by Mr. Roebuck
with being at issue among themselves on the subject of peace
and war, and do not dare to deny It ; and they see that when
the Hou4 of Commons addresses itself to a discussion of
these subjects, which must, if carried through, dissipate all
doubt as to its own opinion and that of the Ministry, and
show clearly whether they are in unison or not, the debate
is put off on the most frivolous pretences, and the power of
contracting an ignominious peace is still left in the hands of
those who are more than suspected of a leaning in that direc-
tion. If the Government have any value for their own posi-
tion they will cease on this, the tenderest of all subjects, to
tamper with the wishes and anxieties of the people. Let the
House of Commons fairly state its own opinion, and let the
Ministry as fairly and openly state theirs. Should they agree,
both will have gathered fresh strength from the disclosure.
Should they differ, these are no times in which such a dis-
crepancy should be allowed to exist one moment after it has
been discovered.
We must do justice to the House of Commons. We fully
believe that to the great majority of them the manoeuvre by
which they have been deprived at a moment so critical of the
power of expressing their opinion is as odious as it is to our-
selves. They have been tricked out of their right by a dex-
terous stratagem, which deprived them of the power of regu-
lating their own proceedings or insisting that the motion
btheeeny mtrfeetkteodcbonystidbeerirsohwounldfobrme
sp.ersTevbeerefdssuwie tth. bat Twhaesyrahfasvede
by Mr. Gibson would have been presented to the house in
innumerable shapes, had there not been a feeling that the
mantbdethat
trquestion w e
was s
no
reason sufficientlyto
doubt iai s raised bwy hu sd f
ar e
isrol lyu tr ieodnese,
im-
plied pledge to bring them on which he gave by placing them
sounbtnah eitpfaop
be re. t
blet v ami nos f ttob bf
se dse exefne
rwo
uhse tphi ee te•
ethe ha oeut
isnegw, i l
orl
whether it will not, as we think it ought, insist before it
separates for the Whitsuntide'recess on recording its opinion
as to the future negotiations of this country with Russia in a
manner which will teach Ministers what they have to expect
if, with discordant wills and vacillating policy, they ever
again sue for that peace from the Czar which the nation is
determined to extort by force of arms, and to secure by far
different guarantees than those so idly discussed at Vienna.

(Prom the Morning Chronicle of this day. )
" I have seldom witnessed in this house," said Mr. Disraeli
yesterday evening, " a scene like that which is apparently
performing near me to-night !" and a burst of cheers marked
the instant appreciation of the remark by the House of Com-
mons. Well might the right honourable gyatleman charac-
terise the request made to Mr. Milner Gibson, that he would
postpone his motion, as " extraordinary and impolitic." Ex-
traordinary it was, considering the circumstances under which
it was made. Impolitic it certainly was, because it tends to
lead the peoploof England to believe that they are being
trifled with, and that the honour and dignity of this country
are being imperilled, for purposes the mere suspicion of which
is enough to fill them with indignation.
Some weeks have now elapsed since the public heard with
satisfaction that the solemn mockery of the Vienna Confer-
ences was at an end. Had the mission of Lord John Russell
resulted in his being able to announce the conclusion of an
honourable peace, it would have been hailed with satisfaction,
because the people of England are not enamoured of war for
its own sake, and all their material interests would be ad-
vanced by a peaceful settlement of the dispute with Russia.
Failing that desired result, there appeared at least to be
ground for congratulation that the energies of the country
were no more to be trammelled by the network of diplo-
macy, and that the sword would cut the Gordian knot of
negotiation. The mysterious relucta.nee of the Govern-
ment to enter into any discussion on the general ques-
tion of the war, although if they had been prepared
with a straightforward policy, their fading popularity
might have been restored, did, it must be admitted, some-
what damp the hopes of action to which the cessation of
talking and protocolling had given birth. Still, so many
traps had been set for the slippery Minister—there was Earl
Grey's promised motion in the Lords—there was Mr. Milner
Gibson's menaced provocation in the Commons—there was
Mr. Disraeli's positive announcement that he at least would
force a discussion on the foreign policy of the country—that
it was not supposed possible Lord Palmerston could escape,
or that if there was treason in the Ministerial camp it should
not be exposed.
Now, however, it appears that the old incubus is on us
again. The Vienna Conferences are not at an end, after all 1
The meshes are again prepared for us; the "threads of ne-
gotiation" are once more to be wound round us, and our new
resolves in favour of vigour and energy—of arriving at peace
through , victory—are set at nought. " Her Majesty's Go-
vernment certainly do not consider all the modes of solution
of the question at issue as exhausted."
Now, if Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Bright, and some other
gentlemen who helped to bring about the catastrophe of last
evening, really believe that there is any hope of a satisfactory
result from these anticipated proposals of Austria, they cannot
be blamed for the course they hive adopted. They are de-
voted, avowedly or secretly, to the cause of " peace at any
price," and they will consistently pursue their objects re-
gardless of the consequences which their limited views and
misplaced
iperseverance may bring upon the country. But
the people of England will object to be thus trifled with.
The attitude assumed by Lord Palmerston was happily
characterised by Mr. Disraeli. •
Goaded by the taunts of Mr. Disraeli, and coerced into an
explanation by the evident reasonableness of his request,
Lord Palmerston entered on a brief defence of his recent
conduct. He appears to plume himself upon its negative
character. He, forsooth, had done nothing ! Inquiry was
demanded. He did not think it desirable, yet would not
refuse it ! He did not wish to shrink from discussion,
but ho deprecated it as injurious to the public interests ! And
now he " leaves the matter in the hands of the house," well
aware that a discreditable compromise was being effected,
and that the only result of the conversation would be public
disappointment.

(From the Daily News of this day.)
Last night Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Milner Gibson, who have
for the last few days been colloguing At all out-Of-tllo•Wit7

times and in all out-of-the-way corners, entered,the House of
COmmons, cheek by jowl, like the two kings at Brentford,
smelling:at one rose. No sooner had they taken their places
than Mr. S. Herbert inquired of Lord Palmerston whether
ail hopes of peace between Russia and the Allite, through the
intervention of Austria, were at an end. • The noble. Premier
replied : By no means. Thereupon up rose Mr. Gladstone,
and adjured, his. right honourable friend Mr. Milner Gibson
to postpOne his motion, asserting that the terms /impounded
by Russia at the Vienna Conferences for the .settlement of the
third point, ought to have been accepted. This. brougbt Mr.
Sidney Herbert on his legs again, 4 declare that if Mr. Gib-
son persisted in his motion he Uould move the previous
question. The -Itrght Honourable. et-Secretary at War. was
followed by Lord Harry Vaue, whd had undertaken to se-
cond the motion, and who ufged his principal to yield to the
appeals addressed to him. Then folowed some further Mi-
nisterial declarations, to the effect tlat the motion, if per-
sisted in at the time, would materialiy embarrass the negotia-
tions which are not in progress at Vidana. Mt. Milner Gib-
son was all compliance. • Mr. •Bright did not appear quite
certain what to think of the part talom in these iuterpella-
Mons by his right honourable Uralyt. He, would rather
have the motion persevered in ; but le was iq favour of any
'proceedings that would ensure peace tt any price ; he would
support Mr. Gibson if he went on Wit his motion, and would.
not
.object to that gentleman's withdrawing it. So the mo-
tion was postponed till after the Whitmn holidays—that is,
ad GnrcaB Kalendas.

Mr. Sidney Herbert took care to interpose a 4rotest that
he was entirely ignorant of the course the right honourable
member for Manchester was likely to take in
consequence of
the appeal made to him by Mr. Gladstone. Of course, Mr.
Gladstone bad told Mr. Sidney Herbert nothing of his secret
communings with Mr. Milner Gibson—political colleagues
often find it convenient not to tell each other, in express
words, what both know quite well. In like inanner, Mr.
Milner Gibson is to be presumed to hare been quite unfere-
Warned of the question to be put to Lorl Palmerston by Mr,
Sidney Herbert, and the appeal to be mtde to himself by Mr.
Gladstone. And all the three were in user ignorance of what
Lord Palmerston would say in reply to -gr. Sidney Herbert,
as the noble viscount was, on his part, taken quite by surprise
by that gentleman's question. A more gross and transparent
farce has never been played off in the two of a conniving
House of Commons. The obvious thinblerigging of the
" Peace-at-any-price" faction, of the Abadeenites, and Mi-
nisters, was last night palpable to the dullest understanding.
The Aberdeenites sought to back out of tie scrape, fearing
the public indignation that would be roused against them if
they supported the disgraceful motion of Mr. Bright's caudal
appendage ; Mr. Milner Gibson had no inclination to make
himself a laughing-stock by dividing withott the support of
the Aberdeenites ; and both parties had a petty strong con-
viction that the wishes and intentions of Ministers were in
harmony with their own.
We speak more in sorrow than in anger. It is clear that
there is among our leading public men no fee ing for the na-
tional honour, no power of comprehending tie real interests
Of the nation. There is but one wish among them—to patch
up a bungled and mismanaged war by a disgraceful peace.
This is a terrible state of affairs ; for the people are indignant
and alarmed, unaccustomed to act for thentselves, and.basely
deserted by all the leaders in whom they have been disposed
to place confidence. The expedition to Kertchhas returned
to Balaklava without even attempting to land. The Premier
tells us that he is open to receive further proposals from
Russia through the tainted medium of Austria, though there
is not an Englishman worthy of the name who does not feel
that concession on the part of the Allies has already been
pushed beyond all reasonable bounds. And tie. House of
Commons allows such a Rigadoon as was performed before
them—by three loudly professing factions—the Harlequin,
Clown, and Pantaloon of the spectacle—to be palmed off
upon them as serious business. We do not believe the
country will tolerate the disgraceful as dangerous winding
up of the war which the three parties to last night's con-
spiracy against its honour and interests contemplate : but we
have ere now seen the English people obliged to take their
business' into their own hands when deserted by those to
whom they had been accustomed to look as their natural
leaders ; and with the monster meetings throughout the
manufacturing districts—to say nothing of the scenes enacted
at Bristol and Clumber Castle, vividly in our recollection—
we honestly confess that we view with anything but plea-
surable anticipations tho inevitable repetition' of such an
experiment.

(From the Morning Herald of this day.)
A visitor to the strangers' gallery, uninitiated in the
mysteries of Parliamentary warfare, might very easily have
come to the conclusion that the proceedings last evening in
the House of Commons were nothing but a farce.
The motion of which Mr. Milner Gibson had given notice
was calculated to extort from the Palmerston Administiation
some explanations of the policy upon which the foreign affairs
of England are conducted, or rather misconducted, at this
moment. The Ministers were to be tried by the ordeal of
this debate. The country was to be satisfied, not only as to
the good faith of its rulers, but as to their unanimity amongst
themselves. The question of divided as well as timid councils
was to be determin9d. Rumours of adivision in a Cabinet that
has never yet been cordially united cannot occasion much sur-
prise ; but the danger is still more critical. It is asserted that
these divisions have assumed so important a character that only
by a disgraceful and dishonourablepeace can they be allayed.
The plenipotentiary that went to Viennabreathing defiance, has
returned with all his ferocity extracted. He can assail none

now but his immediate friends. Like a real turnspit, he has
commenced growling at his former associates. One very im-
portant point strengthens this opinion—Lord John. Russell
has not given public expression to his views upon the war
since be reached England. Even last night, impelled by the
s. Tdhiese mreettniob7
and his reserve in this matter is, to say the least of it, ro-
markable.ne
remonstrances of speakers on both sides of the house, he only
gave us a history of the conforenc's ; he said nothing of his
forow ' London feelings
is;
he talked
not gene: ally hie
seribnustrrudenter with
But wo have not done with Mr. Milner Gibson yet. Ho
threw himself into the breach to -save the Government ; they
now manage to postpone until after Whitsuntide any discus-
sion upon their foreign policy.
Inquiry the people will and must have.

(From the Morning PoX of this day.)

The House of Commons and the country had an escape last
night. A somewhat angry discussion, short but the reverse
of sweet, took the place of the long debate that was expected
to develop the most energetic bitterness of Mr. Disraeli, and
to give those followers of Lord Derby who wait with anxiety
on the changes in that nobleman's resolutions the pleasure of
stating their perfect readiness to take office, and their con-
viction that, by their so doing; peace would be restored on
some or on any terms, or that war could be carried on with
the greatest advantage at no cost to the country. The state-
ments of Lord Palmerston and of Lord John Russell showed
clearly, and without a doubt, what ought to have been well
enough known before that the discussion of Mr. Milner's,
Gibson's proposed resolutions, weak as the resolutions were'
would la ave done infinite mischief to, any prospects of an
honourable peace that may yet remain—to any hopes of an
arrangement through the anxious mediation of Austria.
Our position is simple enough. We have held, and we still
hold, peace as too precious a gift to throw away the slightest
chance of grasping it. If the house cannot trust the present
Ministry—if it believe that Lord Palmerston has not the
vigour, ability, or experience to direct the fate of the country
—if it hold Lord Malmesbnry superior to Lord Clarendon--or
if it have a fancy to try conclusions with Mr. Layard, or with
any of the volunteers of the A dininistrative Reform Associa-
tion, let it by all means says so, break with the present Go-
vernment, put in the new one, and let us see what will come
of it.
Mr. Milner Gibson, few (except the disappointed men big
with speeches) will question, has shown the better part of
valour by his discretion in postponing his much-talked-of
motion till after Whitsuntide. The strong Bright and the
powerful Cobden could not have shown much strength—could
not have spoken with great power on a subject so awkwardly
encompassed with ugly facts—could not have set the country
blazing against the iniquity of the Government in not having
made peace, when, all the world is growing hourly to a
stronger persuasion that we have no choice left but that of
a vigorous and active war. We say that we have no choice
left ; for, as matters stand at present, we have no choice be-
tween an active war and a dishonourable peace.

PEACE OR WAR.
(From, the Times of this day.)
It was very clear from the beginning, or rather before the
beginning, that there were many who did not know what it
was to go to war. They thought it possibly an affair of long
shots, of prizes, of campaigns arranged in perfect security,
executed with wonderful despatch, and triumphantly
own
part,it con-
cluded,
we knew what a European war
as likely to lie ; so wo were in no
hade d e
been,
.
andr our u r
what
such hurry to get into it, and were called "Russians" and
many more hard names in consequence. It would now appear
that the war party imagined we could shift from peace to
war, and war to peace, as often or as quickly as we pleased.;
that it was-only an affair of parade or of uniform ; and that
general actions admitted of as much prearrangement as a review
on Woolwich-common. The fact is so unlike everything they sup-
posed that they think they may, without any inconsistency,ask
to be relieved of it. Like the lady in a storm at sea, they send
word to the captain, beseeching him to stop the ship. There
is, however, no stopping the ship so long as the storm lasts,
,
holdswho,
out
unless we stop it by running ashore or going to the bottom.
We can, if we please, send word to the Emperor, our foe, or
the Emperor, our ally, to say that we have thought better of
it, that we are wiser than last year, and beg to be permitted
to withdraw. This, however, is so very unlike what we have
hitherto seen in any class of Englishmen, old or young ; it is
so unlike schoolboys, who always fight out their quarrels as
fuonrlikbeettoeurrtearmrtissan,
.lwobn
till they are fairly starved into submission, that we can hardly
believe it to be the same class that cried so loud last year
genasthtehyeyhacv sell standon ce isttru is
"struck"
and cries so small this. Then it was all defiance, all thunder,
all splutter, all abuse, like- that old Goliath or Homer's rude
heroes. Now it is all softness and civility, and we are told
we ought not to judge Russia uncharitably. Perhaps she
means well, and we ought to put the most favourable con-
struction oniher actions. So, after driving Coriolanus to extre-
mities, we are now to send precessions of mothers and wives
in the shape of amiable plenipotentiaries to agree to any
terms he may please to allow us. Is this the sort of line for
England to take ? Does it suit our national character, our
Position, our interests, our reputation, or anything about us?
We are sure it does not.
Why, we stand mainly by reputation. What are we, a few
millions, in these two little islands, to affect to govern about
one-eighth, or one-seventh, of the whole hnman race,—to
hold a sort of supremacy. on the sea, and to maintain a fore-
most place in the nations of Europe ? There is an immense
arrogance, not to say impudence, in these pretensions, unless
wo carry them through with a high hand and do every-
thing worthy of them. So long as we challenge no more
than we are ready to, perform we are respectable, and are
not likely to be rashly encountered; but if we are once
found , playing at the game of brag, then all our mighty
prestige will go to the winds, and we shall be left,, with our
two little islands, and our twenty-eight millions. We shall
then be stripped of our feathers, the bipes implume of na,
tions, the great impostor found out, and universally exe-
crated and despised in proportion to the terror and respect
we have hitherto imposed. It so happens that wo play the
biggest part in those very quarters of the globe where people
judge by looks, and follow the loudest talker. Throughout
the East there is always a notion of some great man or some
great nation dominating over all the others, holding the posi-
tion, keeping the strong house, and able to shut out all the
world besides. When two pretenders of this sort are at war,
Orientals very naturally believe it is a sort of cock-fight, or a
battle for the championship, and prepare themselves to wor-
ship the, conqueror and trample on the conquered. Not even
money, nothing except prowess, can give us the sort Ti
of •
e.

subsidize,s
i
voont oiffori
pityh:
al
eeetheserepeatsg
ol
wr
general
people o
newpmex.
wl expect.herapaeye.edtm.
twi
expectation
dtohhn.have
transports
ieehr:Oi
sihi
eui s
:re.
8 heardoii
e.tofsi
mricitsi correspondentmod:derxlrincereaiat:cen excited
;iron:
sawt
ehat.
ele
submit
Cr
tmoNvqhn
uaaeytalnaet payabr
yet-
foreigu contingents, we 'may feed and clothe, but it will be
necessary also to keep up our army, and to conquer with it.
Wore peace now to follow upon war as rashly and lightly
as war has followed upon peace—that is, were England to
conclude- a •peace on disgraceful .terms—the British public
would soon open' their eyes to the unpleasant fact that
they had lost east& in the world. Every Englishman
would begin' to 'be ashamed' of himself, and no doubt we
should have people insisting Upon some. summary way of
wiping out disgrace and defeat. But this is not to be done.
So no peace at present, till the objects of war have been at-
tained, unless we would lose the respect of our neighbours iu
Europe, and our subjects in Asia. ' But it seems ridiculous to
talk of a discreditable peace at the very time when we are in
better condition than ever for war. Now that the whole of the
French force has sailed, and the Sardinian Contingent is on
its way, the Allies will soon have in the Crimea not less than
200,000 of the best sqldiers in the world, ready to undertake
anything, and able to do it. They cannot and must not re-
turn without taking Sebastopol, unless they would show ns
on how flimsy a basis a great military reputation can rest.
England cannot afford this downfall, nor can the Emperor of
the French. His throne rests on opinion. He represents his
people. He is of their election ; he is their idol, their voice ;
and, so long as he prospers, their pride. Should his legions
return with nothing to show for their campaigns but an enor-
mous bill of costs and list of killed and wounded, he will have
to fight .a harder battle at home than his generals have been
doing in the Crimea.. So, also, will the Government of this
country, which is on its trial, and which will not escape the
fate of its predecessor, unless it can point to some material
success and to some guarantee better than Russian words.
But there is not even safety for a nation such as ours when
she once begins to recede, for when our tide no longer flows
it will begin to ebb. The battle we are.now fighting at Sebas-
topol we shall, before long, have to fight nearer home, and
even at hOme, we confess our incapacity for war. It had
ever been the boast, and even comfort, of this country, that
whereas no other can be at war but its own territory is out-
raged, its own towns and villages destroyed, and its own
streams stained with blood, our soil is sacred. We neither
hear nor see the war others wage, and have it in our own
power to chose our battle-field. We have been rather apt to
choose it a good way from home, This requires that we keep
to the ground we have once chosen for the decision of our
quarrel. ,But, in point of fact, one place is much the same
as another in these days, and to be beaten in the Crimea
is the same thing as to be beaten all over the world.
There is no such thing as a mere geographical re-
putation, and a man may as well expect to enjoy a cha-
racter for probity in one place which he does not in
another, as to have a military reputation restricted to certain
longitudes. We have to secure not only the fear of an enemy
that is distant, but the respect of an ally that is very near,
and of neighbours that are also within reach. Even now,
when we press Austria to take the side of honour and advan-
tage, she taunts us with the smallness of our own contributions
to the war, and tells us we are not in a condition to ask the
aid of others while we do so little for ourselves. This, at least,
shows the spirit we have to deal with, and it is a spirit that
will be ready enough to assume the aggressive should the oc-
casion ever occur. We have to teach not only Russia, but all
Europe and the whole world to respect us—not for our num-
bers, not for our home territory, not even for the number of
men we can bring into the field, but for our evident determi-
nation to fight out, at every hazard and cost, the cause we
have at once embraced.

THE APPOINTMENT OF GENERAL PELESSIER.

(From the Daily News of this day.)

The Emperor of the French has given another proof of his
being in earnest in the war against Russia. The Moniteur of
Friday contains the appointment of General Pelissier as Com-
mander-in-Chief of the French forces in the Crimea. It is
said in the same official paper that General Canrobert has re-
signed the post he held in consequence of. ill-health. But as
the following paragraph announces him to have taken General
Pelissier's place as commander of a division, the Public are not,
to believe any more of the alleged reason than they like. An
officer who is too unwell to remain at the head of an army can
hardly be fit to continne ou active service at all ; and, there-
fore, it is not unnatural to conclude that General Canrobert
has received from his imperial waster a hint that he could no
longer be at the head of the French army before Sebastopol,
but that, being a bravo man and a good soldier he is unwilling
to leave the seat of war so long as there is a chance of a shot
being fired. Further than this it behoves us not to examine the
cause of so important a change. With that courtesy for which
their nation is so celebrated, the French havo abstained all
along from commenting upon the conduct of many English
General officers, who, ,although too sick to remain in the
Crimea, have been well enough for several months past to
dine out at public dinners twice and three times a week, and
to take part in every festivity'- public and private—to which
they have been invited since their return to England. Sir
De Lacy Evans is an exception to this almost universal rule,
and we wish he was not the only one. Let us, therefore,
follow the example set us by our neighbours; and neither talk
too much nor inquire too minutely as to the why and the
wherefore a General officer belonging to the army of our allies
has been placed iu an inferior position to that which he pre-
viously filled, Whatever may be the reason for the change,
it cannot be said of General Canrobert that he has made his

health an excuse , for leaving the seat of war. In his reply
to General Caurobert, the Emperor congratulates him on his
desire to remain with the army (" Il lions felicito du senti-
ment qui vous fait demander do roster h l'armec"), and names
him not merely to the command of a simple division, but to
that of the corps d'arinee which Pelissicr has been at the
head of since his arrival from Algiers. The soldier-like senti-
ment of General Canrohcrt is precisely that which induced
General Evans to rise from a sick bed in order to be present
at Inkerman, although he declined taking the command of his
division out of Major-Gen. Penuefathcr's hands. Would that we
could record a few more similar instances of devotedness to
their profession on the pa'rt of English General officers since
the war began. The Emperor of the French has now given a

fresh proof of his earnestness iu the prosecutioh of the war ;
could ho not impart a portion of his public energy to his
friend Lord Palmerston ?
•

THE VIENNA CONFERENCES.

THE RUSSIAN VERSION.

Under date of St. Petersburg, April 28, Count Nes-
selrode, has issued the following circular note to Russian
diplomatists abroad :

" St. Petersburg, April 28.

" Sir,—The deliberations of the Conference of Vienna,
without being finally broken off, remain suspended, the Ple-
nipotentiaries of France and of Great Britain having declared
their instructions exhausted.

•
" To enable the Imperial Legations to form a correct judg-
ment of the actual state of the negotiation, I make it a duty
to draw a sketch of the whole, to state the results obtained,
so as to point out the circumstances which, in arresting its
progress, have been au obstacle to its success.
" My despatch of the 25th of February made you ac-
quainted with the spirit in which the instructions were con-
ceived which the late Emperor Nicholas, of glorious memory,
gave to his representatives when the Vienna Conferences were
about to be opened. Confirmed by our august master on his
advent to the throne, those directions were faithfully acted
upon by the plenipotentiaries selected by his Majesty to take
part in that important negotiation. It comprised four ques-
tions—

1. Immunities of the Principalities.
2. Navigation of the Danube.
3. Revision of the treaty of 1841.
4. Guarantee of the religious and civil liberties of the,
Christian populations subject to the domination of the Otto-
man Empire.

" Before entering into a discussion of these articles, the
Russian plenipotentiaries made a formal declaration, as in-
serted in protocol I. It is as follows :

_ .
" Prince Gortschakoff says—"-It is only by entering into
the details of each question that it can be ascertained whe-
ther we can come to an agreement or not. We have all the
same starting point ; I also hope we have the same object in
view—namely, a general peace—a peace which can only be
solid and of practical value if honourable to both par-
ties. If from any quarter whatever it should be attempted
to impose conditions upon Russia for that peace incompatible
with her honour, Russia would never consent to them, how-
ever serious might be the consequences.'
" Such was the point of departure which the Russian
plenipotentiaries, conformably to the orders of their Court,
clearly established at the very outset of the negotiation. No
member of the Conference contested the validity of that de-
claration of principle. Far from it ; they each of them
attested that it was far from the intention of their Cabinets
to make propositions hurtful to the dignity of Russia. On
the strength of those assurances the deliberations opened on
the 15th of March.

" The sittings of the 17th and 18th of March were devoted
to the question of the Principalities. It was settled, honour-
ably, loyally, and disinterestedly, as the late Emperor wished
it. In his august thoupts he had essentially at heart to
maintain the populations of Moldavia, Wallachia, and of
Servia in the peaceful enjoyment of the religious and civil
immunities which Russia had assured to them as the price
of her blood shed for a century in the cause of her co-
religionists.

" Their immunities remain intact. The protocols of Vienna
2 and 3 have served to consolidate their maintenance, under
the collective guarantee of all the high contracting parties.
By this guarantee the privileged regime of the Principalities
enters the domain of the law of public right in Europe.
Hitherto the care of watching over the execution of the en-
gagements taken by the Porte in her quality of sovereign
Power fell upon Russia alone. Henceforth she will share
that obligation with the other guaranteeing Powers. This
community of duties will put an end to that feeling of rivalry
which the exclusive surveillance exercised by Russia gave
rise to.
" For too long a time pubic opinion had denounced that
state of things to the hatred of the stranger under the name
of the Russian protectorate. This is the proper place to re-
mind you that you will not find that expression used in any
of our treaties —either in that of Kainardji, or in that of
Bucharest, or in the convention of Akerman, or in the treaty
of Adrianople. There could be no question, therefore, of
erasing from our acts a protectorate which never existed. Rus-
sia, in the past, had contracted a promise to guarantee the
prosperity of the Principalities. The treaty of Adrianople
confirmed that promise. The Imperial Cabinet has fulfilled
it again to-day, and will fulfil it in the future, when, in com-
mon accord with all the Powers, it places the immunities of the
Principalities under the formal sanction of the law of public
right in Europe.

"In this pOint of view the Vienna protocols deserve appre-
ciation as a permanent pledge of security added to the bases
!Ton. which the political and national existence of the Danu-
bian provinces reposes. The Imperial Cabinet has the satis-
factory conviction of having loyally accomplished that result,
with the double object of assuring on the one hand the wel-
fare of those countries, and on the other of putting aside new
causes of misunderstanding, rivalry, and perturbation from
politics in general.
" It was in the same spirit that the Russian plenipotenti-
aries discussed and solved the second question—that of the
navigation of the Danube. It was the object of the sittings
of the 21st and 23d of March.
" By protocols 4 and 5 it was agreed to apply to the navi-
gation of the Danube the principles generally established con-
cerning river communications by the acts of the Congress of
Vienna, In virtue of that legislation a mixed commission
will henceforth have the task of removing the material obsta-
cles which have impeded the navigation, and on more than
I one occaidon have given rise to the complaints of commerce.
Haying happily ove'rcomo the difficulties presented by

the first two articles, the plenipotentiaries passed to the exa-
mination of the third, comprised under the denomination of
revision of the treaty of the 13th of July, 1841.
" The Imperial Cabinet calmly awaited the explanation of
the views the Western Powers held on this point. Hitherto
their intentions variously commented upon either by the
press or in Parliament, had not been clearly defined in the
preliminary meetings held at Vienna on the 28th of December
and the 7th of January. At that period the representatives
of France and England had lithited themselves to a statement
that, in the eyes of their Cabinets, the revision of the treaty
of 1841 ought to have the object of connecting in a more
complete manner the existence of the Ottoman empire to
the equilibrium of Europe, and to put an end to the
preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. AS regards
the arrangements for carrying out that object,' the 'dud-
-potentiaries declared that they depended too much
upon the events of the war to allow the bases to be settled at:
once. Public manifestations in France and England, how-
ever, sufficiently betrayed the idea which lurked behind those
words. It aimed at the destruction of Sebastopol. Doubt-
less, according to the calculations of the Cabinets of Loudon
and Paris, the military operations in the Crimea, going haild-
in-hand with diPlomatic deliberations, were to influence the
issue of the Vienna Conferences. _ _

" When they opened the anticipation was not justified by
events ; and therefo.ce the name of Sebastopol was never ut-
tered. Russia is indebted for this silence to the heroic resist-
ance of her brave generals, officers, sailors, and soldiers.
Their noble devotion has been the most victorious means of
negotiation. The Imperial Cabinet deems itself happy in
being able to say so. In its presence the combinations of our
adversaries took another shape and assumed another tone.
In the conference of the 26th of March the plenipotentiaries of
France and England advanced the idea that it was for the two
Powers possessing coast territory on the Black Sea to concert
together the means of equalising their naval forces. Abstain-
ing, however, from making a clear and precise proposal on
the subject, they left it to the Russian plenipotentiaries to
take the initiative of the measures which the Imperial Cabinet
might deem it advisable to indicate spontaneously, with a view
to establish a just equilibrium between the relative forces.
" Prince Gortschakoff and M. Titoff, without prejudging-
the intentions of their Court, thought it advisable to ascer-
tain the Emperor's decision as to the new aspect given to the
third point under discussion,
" Thus, on the 26th of March, the deliberations were ad-
journed until a reply could be received from St. Petersburg.
During the interval the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Rus-
sia agreed that it would be advisable to pass to the examina-
tion of the fourth article, relative to the immunities of the
Christian populations in the East.
" As you are aware, the national feeling of Russia attaches
so high and so serious an imptrtance to this question, that
the late Emperor had ordered his representatives to give it
the first place in the text of the treaty about to be concluded.
Doubtless all the Powers, like Russia, recognised the gran-
deur of that interest, common to the whole of Christianity,
in the unanimously-avowed object of watching over, by a
European act, the future welfare of the Christian populations
of the East, without distinction of form of worship.
" We regret to say that the plenipotentiaries of France and
England, after receiving the instructions of their Courts, re-
fused to pass on to the examination of this question as long as
the discussion on the third point was in a state of suspense.
The formalities required to state and explain that refusal oc-
cupied the seventh and eighth sitting, of the 20th of March
and 2d of April.
" The ninth sitting, that of the 9th of April, was devoted to
the verification of the full powers of M. Drouyn de l'Huys and
of Aali Pasha. The presence of the French Minister of Fo-
reign Affairs, in giving an additional degree of importance to
the labours of the Conferenct, seemed to strengthen the hope
entertained that they would lead to a pacific solution. That
hope diminished in the subsequent meetings, which I have
to describe:

"On the 16th of April the Russian plenipotentiaries re-
ceived the instructions they had demanded. They were based
upon a simple and truer principle ; the idea of submitting to
a revision the treaty of 1841 did not appertain to the Cabinet
of St. Petersburg. For its part, it would have been ready to
renew the engagements in virtue of which the former legisla-
tion of the Ottoman Empire, concerning the closing of the
Straits, had obtained the sanction of a European act. The
desire of modifying that state of things was evinced by the
Western Powers. It was therefore for them to take the initi-
ative in making the propositions for a revision, which, at the
very onset, they made one of the preliminary bases for ,the
negotiations for peace. .

" The late Eniperer, in authorising his representative to
take part therein, had deigned to provide him with precise
instructions, approved by his Majesty at the end of last
year,' in the expectation of the opening of the Vienna Con-
ferences. For the sake of more clearness I will briefly state
the exact tenour of those instructions. They start from the
principle that the Sultan, as Sovereign of the territory
touching the two Straits of ' the Dardanelles, and of the
Bosphorus, has a right to open or shut the passage. They
are not opposed to throwing open the Black Sea to foreign
flags, if the Porte itself admits the principle. In that case
they reduced the natural consequence of a perfect reci-
procity, so that the Russian vessels might be free to pass the
straits, to enter the Mediterranean in the same manner that
foreign ships-of-war might navigate the Black Sea. They,
moreover, admitted the perfect liberty of the Sultan to exer-
cise his sovereign rights to assign Turkish ports as harbours
of refuge and provisioning for foreign vessels. On these con-
ditions the late Emperor bad authorised, eventually, his
Plenipotentiaries to give their assent to the abrogation of the
principle of closing the Straits.
" Faithful to the idea of his august father, the Emperor
Alexander 11. prescribed to his Plenipotentiaries to adhere
strictly to the instructions with which they were already
provided. In making that decision known to them on the
11th of April, hip Majesty deigned to authorise them to con-
tinue the deliberation commenced in the sitting of the 20th
of March, and to discuss the matter thoroughly, leaving to
our adversaries the obligation of taking the initiative of a
revision provoked by the Western Powers, and not by the
Russian Cabinet. On the day after they received the instruc-
tions of their Court, PriU..Ce Gortechakoft and M. TitoT, in
the 10th sitting, that of the 17th of April, pat it to the
Plenipotentiaries of France and England to explain themselves
as to the modifications their Cabinets desired to have niade
in the treaty of 1841.
"Those modifications occupied the 11th and 12th sittings,
of the 19th and 21st of April.
" In the first the Plenipotentiaries of the Western Powers
explained the plan concerted between their Courts. In the
second the Plenipotentiaries of Russia presented a counter-
project, based upon the instructions of the Imperial Cabinet.
" We will briefly an dyse both.
" The first project read in the sitting of the 19th of April
consists of ten articles. (Here follow the ten articles, already
published in the papers presented to Parliament, Annex A to
Protocol XI.) After this project was read the Russian Pleni-
potentiaries, without entering into a discussion of the articles
from 3 to 10, reserved to themselves to give a reply in the
next conference as to the mode of solution proposed.
" The rapidity of telegraphic communications established
between Vienna and St. Petersburg enabled Prince Gort-
schakoff to bring the proposals made on the 19th of April im-
mediately to the knowledge of the Imperial Cabinet. They
differed essentially, prima facie, from the very remarkable
definition which. Lord John Russell established on the 2Gth of
March to serve as a rule for the solution of the problem which
formed the object of the actual deliberation. Let us quote the
words of the English plenipotentiary, inserted in the text of
Protocol 6:— , -

" Lord John Russell recalling the declaration made at the
opening of the nogotiation by Prince Gortschakoff, that he
would consent to no condition incompatible with the honour
of RusTia, maintained that in the eyes of England and of her
allies her best and only admissible conditions of peace would
be those which, being the nfost in• harmony with the honour
of Russia, should at the same time be sufficient for the security
of Europe and for preventing a return of complications such
as that the settlement of which is now in question,'
" After this declaration, made formally in the conference
of the26th of March, Lord John Russell cannot be surprised
that the propositions made on the 19th of April were not
judged by the Imperial Cabinet as the best and only admis-
sible ones,' to quote the words of the English plenipotentiary.
In sooth, to limit the number of vessels in the Black Sea
while the naval forces in the Mediterranean remained without
control ; to open the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus to France
and England while closed to the Russian flag ; finally, to stipu-
late the nomination of foreign Consuls in our ports without
the Imperial Government having in its power to refuse them
the exequatur—a right enjoyed equally by France and Eng-
land in the territories submitted to their rule ;—surely these
were not conditions of a nature to assure the blessings of a
solid and durable peace to Europe ; for a transaction to be a
permanent one between States must be mutually llonourable,
otherwise it is not peace, but an armistice.
" These considerations. appreciated in their exact truth,
will complete the proof that in reality the combinations
suggested by the plenipotentiaries of France and England
Nyould have offered fewer and less solid pledges for the
peace of Europe than the plan drawn up by the late
Emperor. He threw open the Black Sea freely to the flags of
all nations ; thereby he put an 'end to the isolation of the
Ottoman empire, and to the apprehension caused in foreign
States by the disproportion of the naval forces of the two
Powers who have territory in the Black Sea. By ceasing to
be closed it was made accessible to the surveillance and ob-
servation of all other Powers. This did away also with the
fear of the presumed danger to which the capital of the Otto-
man empire might be exposed by the vicinity of our naval
establishments. In a word, that plan, conceillid by a policy
at the same time provident and disinterested, would, on the
one hand, have afforded a permanent guarantee of security to
Europe, while, on the other, the dignity of Russia would not
have suffered in the slightest degree. On her side she would
have obtained equal rights for her flag by the openingof the
Da
perfect
we rnheral levee
eisp beenrao nc di t
yi
no, f
wt thhhiece
ha
dB; ismup
on
sn n s.
the
o f
thiso nplabnotthhe sidesmeri tthoferae
basis of international re-
lations, the immutable principle of justice, which the senti-
ment of honour of every nation approves and respects.
" Penetrated with this conviction, our august master re-
iterated to his representatives the order of adhering to the
execution of that plan as given in their instructions under the
late Emperor.
plan presented
" The telegraphic communications gave incredible celerity
to the transmission of that order. Thus thet
st.
po
at Vienna on the 19th of April, examined a
in the conference of the 21st.
i
"obeyed the orders of the Having Petersburg
on the 20th, was declined by the Russian plenipotentiaries
in the same sitting a counter-projectir
basedCourt,upon
they ptr
,
in-
structions, on the principle of throwing op
en the Straits and
eirated
the free navigation of the Black Sea.
drawn up with a view to develope the
Cabinet in the general in-
terest" In support of that plan theyreaaddv-Llta,
bination proposed by the Imperial ag
es memorandumo
f the com-
2dcOnavne convert expo-
sition containing the series of. articles
On the demand of the Russian
of the balance of poweri
he
said project into a treaty.
documents were annexed to Pro-
tocolnEurodpeest;inaneddto,
to all friendly Powers the sincerity
12. As they attesft
the efforts of the Imperial Cabinet
and the perseverance o
plenipotentiaries these two
towards the accomplishment of the work of peace by every
means compatiblewidtoheitihmeednitsotiotythoef Rpnrsesisean,twdechsapvaetctbh,Thats
andp
fit to annex these
faets
to
EcAoemepelxeetse
Athe laaeredßt,ioan of
s published papers presented to
in the
Parliament.]
"We regret to add that all the attempts opfonur,
l en
that-
tentiaries failed to procure the adoption of the la
they could not overcome the obstacles to its execution. The
first obstacle was raised by the Ottoman plenipotentiary. He
declared that his instructions prescribed the*ntenance of
_
the principle of the closing of the Straits ; that the Sublime
Porto bad ever considered that principle a guarantee of its in-
dependence ; and that it wished it to be respected with some
The plenipotentiaries of
eFranxcepeteioannsdthunatgmlanigdhtdebeelinsteidpulatoted.
discuss the Russian counter-
protect, as being founded upon a bee* entirely contrary to

/_

their instructions. Consequently, they declared that they
were not authorised to discuss the details of the plan. In
conclusion, they fleclared that their powers were exhausted.
The Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs, declaring that his
1 Court had nothing more at heart than to contribute to the
establishment of peace, expressed his regret that Russiashould
propose the principle of throwing open the Black Sea while
the other Powers unanimously maintained a contrary principle
as necessary to the tranquillity of-Europe.
" However, he did not regard the different modes of solu-
tion as exhausted, and he regarded it especially the task of
Austria to endeavour to find means for a rapproachment.
He hoped the conference would meet again as soon as one of
the members had new propositions to make.
" The day after the sitting of the 21st Lord John Russell
left Vienna for London. His departure did not put an end
sttraheitasss as assent
at
to the conferences. The deliberations were resumed on the
26th of April, at the request of the Plenipotentiaries of
Russia.
"Their t°the
give
authorising
opening of them
of the Imperial instructions
Cainet in
h to
means of arriving at a general pacifie,ation emanated from the
idea that a combination conceived in that spirit, to be carried
out, ought first to have the adhesion of the Porte in its
territories on the Straits. The
declaration made by the Ottoman Plenipotentiary
quality of Sovereign of the terri . i
It sit-
ting of the 21st put an end to that eventudity. then re-
n the
mained for the Russian Plenipotentiaries to use the latitude
1 of their powers to arrive at anew solution, in accordance with
the direct interests of Russia.
" From the very first, as we have said, the Imperial
Cabinet, without provoking the revision of the treaty of
1841, vas willing to renew its stipulations. It was only to
exhaust the means of negotiation in its power, that it thought
fit to respond to the intentions of the Cabinets of Paris and
London by
of every nation. Their refusal to enter into that means of
of to throw open the Black Sea to the flags
conciliation completely dispensed the Imperial Cabinet from
dwelling upon it. On the contrary, there were many reasons
in favour of the
seriousconsideraPtirionnscifpolr the
e of
closing
gratl welfare.
hetraits, which we had
given up, not with a view to an exclusive policy, but out of
" After the rejection of the plan for the opening of the
Black Sea our plenipotentiaries were free to propose a new
plan.

- [The note here gives a summary of what passed at the Con-
ference of the 26th of April. Protocol No. XIII.] •
" On the 28th of April M. Drouyn de Minya left Vienna.
" Such is a resume of the negotiations up to-the 28th of
April. To preserve to this statement the character of sim-
plicity and calmness which is suitable to au historical narra-
tive, we have carefully avoided recrimination. It sufficed
to establish the facts in their proper order, to make you
acquainted with the intentions which the Imperial Cabinet
made preside over each of the points under discussion. We
will recapitulate there briefly :
‘..4 The first was one of political rivalry. The Emperor took
the most exalted view of it; he resolved, it in the interest of
the irelfare of the Principalities, the prosperity -oTwhreh Rtie: -
sia had promised to guarantee. She has kept, and will keep,
her promise.
" The second was connected with general interests of com-
merce. The Emperor has decided in favour of the free trade
of all nations.
" The third concerned not only the general balance of
power, but touched nearly the dignity and honour of Russia-
sletewtiasmeteht of the el
thus that
wouhrie countryngtm will asterjrnedspegeded to his d
it. Theenehsie
national
sentiment
Tte fourth point was one of religions liberty, of civili-
sation, and social order for all Christendom. In the eyes
of the Imperial Cabinet it is that which ought one day to
be placed at the head of a treaty of general peace worthy
of being invested with the sanction of all the Sovereigns of
Europe. The plenipotentiaries of France and Englandrefused
to touch even this question of religions interest before that
concerning the navigation of the Black Sea had been settled.

" After this reflection there remains nothing for us to add
to the recital we have made.
" You are authorised to communicatit this recital to the
Cabinet to which you have the honour of being accredited. It
will judge which side was most loyal in endeavouring to pro-
cure the re-establishment of peace ; it will decide on which
side the obstacles arose which have prevented that desirable
work. If it finally fails by the rupture of the conferences,
the impartial opinion of friendly Powers will at least render
the justice to Russia to acknowledge that she sparedno efforts
to assure the success of a negotiation destined to realise the
deeply-expressed desire for a general pacification.
" Europe may count upon the constant and firm solicitude
which the Emperor will always devote to that great interest,
when the hour shall have come when Divine Providence will
have enlightened the conscience of the Cabinets whose im-
placable hostility, in presence of the mourning which covers
an august tomb, calls Upon his Majesty to defend with his
drawn sword the safety and the honour of his country.
NESSELRODE."

NEWS VENDORS' BENEVOLENT INSTI-

TUTION.

The general meeting of this praiseworthy institution
was held last evening at the Freemasons' Tavern; Mr.
Charles Dickens, the president, in the chair. The
Chairman, after describing the objects of the institution,
forcibly recommended it, and expressed his satisfaction
at the manner in which it was managed. He then drew
a humorous picture of the newsvendors' business, show-
ing how admirably they managed their affairs, in contra-
distinction to the way in which matters were conducted
in other places. From the excellent way in which this
society was conducted he had every hope of its success,
but if his friend, Mr. Wyld, had been appointed to carry
on the distribution of newspapers, simply because his
great-great-great-grandmother had been so, he should
have very little hope indeed. (Laughter.) Again, if he
(the chairman) received papers two or three years old,
with all sorts of publications which he did not want, and
if his staff could do no more than stand on their heads,
or " over" all the street-posts upon their beat. instead
of distributing papers, while a juvenile junior held their
oilskin " portfolio," he should have also very little hope.
(Laughter.) Some time" ago they had a strike of cab-
men, which caused a great deal of inconvenience ; but
ho could assure them, as an idea of their usefulness, a
cab .-trike would be a men) trifle compared to the irn•
portance ofa suspension of the labours of the di-tribu-
tnrsi of news. (L'ltigiter.) Their calling had become
of vital interest to the community in t')e assistance which
it rendered to the diffusion of that mighty engine—the
terror alike of alt humbugs and despots, the press—
(loud . cheers)—and that calling had now become
more useful than over. He remembered the period when
the s',eet of tile 7;211.C3 wool 1 have hardly furnished one
night's curling paper-fir a young la,ly's hair, particularly
if she was possessed of anything like a tolerable crop,
and he hat watched its growth up to the present day,
when every one must admit that a morning's Times would
make a moderate-sized carpet for a dining-room. (Cheers
and laughter.) Looking, then, at this development of its
power, without speculating upon the future, he thought
that the newspaper trade should, in justice to itself, rise
also in influence and position. (Hear, hear.) It rested
with themselves entirely whether their desires should be
realised, and whether they should obtain that support
from each other and from the public which he believed
their exertions deserved. Mr. Coles, the secretary, then
read the report, which was of a gratifying character, 501.
having been added to their funded stock during the last
year. Mr. Gilbert moved, and Dlr.Wyld seconded, the
adoption of the report, which was unanimously agreed
to. Mr. Terry moved a resolution tendering the thanks
of the meeting to the press for the valuable assistance
which it had rendered them. On looking over the list
of subscriptions be found that more than two-thirds came
'from the press. He was glad of that, and was also
happy to say that they were enabled to distribute the
influence of that mighty engine over the world. Carried
unanimously. Mr. C. D. Walter moved, and Mr. W.
Wright seconded, another resolution—" That the thanks
of this meeting are due, and are hereby given, to those
proprietors of newspapers and other friends who have
liberally contributed to the funds of the institution."—
Carried unanimously. Votes of thanks to the commit-
tee and to the chairman were then agreed to.

MAINE LIQUOR LAW.—Last night a public meeting,
respectably attended, was held at St. Martin's-ball, con-
vened by the " United Kingdom Alliance for the total
Suppression of the Traffic in Intoxicating Liquors
throughout the United Kingdom," in aid of their move-
ment. Alderman Sir R. Carden occupied the chair.
The Rev. J. Hansom, the Rev. Jabez Burns, D.D., and
other gentlemen, having addressed the meeting, a re-
solution in furtherance of the object of the meeting was
adopted, and also a petition to both Houses of Parlia-
ment, praying for the enactment of a law absolutely pro-
hibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors in this country.
DIPLOMATIC SPECIAL PLEADING.—The answer we are
disposed to make to Count Nesselrode's circular shall be
in a higher tone and on a broader principle. We have
engaged in this war from a conviction of its necessity,
and it would be alike ungenerous and impolitic to with•
draw' from the contest until those objects which have
obtained the universal sanction of Europe are accom-
plished. Our military honour is at stake, and at this
very moment we have reason to believe that the allied
armies are ready to open their second campaign in the
highest efficiency, while our fleets are carrying terror to
the frozen shores of the Baltic. Our political character
is not less at stake throughout the world, for this coaau-.
try would cease to fill the rank she has heretoforeraora.sen
pied among nations if she could stoop to ae_croondleP
thinks
with Russia on such terms as Count Neess_ 1
Russia would
it expedient to suggest. By such a !I,
might boast that
in every respect be the gainer ;
beaten in the field, her diplomati
of the West from
they bad driven the victorious armies which has fled
her shores ; and even the naval power
again sail forth to
would
from the sight of an enemy
ak.fore,uptehocugh constantly
We acknowledge no pro-
When that is obtained it
t the Russian Government with mo-
oapdeopt a different t
may be wise to treat
ce • but until the allied Powers
soppepertesosf and
pea peace
sbualttitah the
success.we
deration and forbearance , . .
1 rhVe er tho
the language and the attitude of a
are in a condition to dictate their own terms to Russia,
she will assume power
conceding the events of the
next ewitlol tuesa.ch
One,
and, in the meantime, it is for the operations of the
fleets and armies to reply to Count Nesselrode's last at-
tempt to impose on the credulity of Europe,` •
fewinaenpteha;
Tvin,eB.
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LAS
FLEET-STREET, LONDON.

May 21, 1855.
Notice Is Hereby Given, that, in conformity with the provisions of
the Deed "chr Settlement, a GENERAL MEETING of Proprietors
wilt be held a.t the Society's Office, Fleet-street, London, on SATUR-
DAY, the 23d day of June next, at Twelve o'clock at noon precisely,
to elect a Direcior in lieu of John Parkinson, Esq., deceased; to elect
five other Directors and two Auditors, when those who go outen
office by rotation will be proposed for re-election; and also for ge-
f
ral purposes.
The Director to chosen in the room of John Parkinson, Esq.,
Will remain in office until the 24th day of June, 1859.
By Order of the Directors.
WILLIAM SAMUEL DOWNES, Actuary.

-
THEATRE - ROYAL, DRI7R7 - LANE• - I
Lesatte, Mr. E. T. Smith.—Tbe GREAT DERRY Des fit AL
NANEE, May 23.—Mr. Smith announces to the nobility, gentrY, and
public this Grand Fete, on a scale of magnitude and expense never
before attempted. A superb Salon de Dense of 401 feet in length,
embellished and decorated with illuminated bowers, variegated
lamps. and novel devices. Enlarged orchestra, well-appointed Mas-
ters of the Ceremonies, all the new: dances, music, &c., forming a
coup d'cetl of attraction and splendour without parallel. Tickets,
lOs. 6d. each, to be obtained at the principal nauslcsellers' and libra-
rians' ; and at the theatre.
___...-----------

_._._------ •
LYCEUM THEATRE.-MADAME ANNA
THILLON'S FAREWELL of the STAGE. Owing' to toe
-tilliant reception of Madame Anna Thillon in .tuber's celebrated
Opera, THE CROWN DIAMONDS, it will be repeated TO-
MORROW EVENING. Caterina, Madame Anna Thillon; sup-
ported by Miss J. Bleadon, Messrs. Leffler, 0. Somers, Bowler, and T.
Williams, with a complete Orchestra and Chorus, conducted by M.
, . P
Minor'. To conclude with a
P new Grand Gallery Ball
Iset Divertissement.
Private Boxes.
Dress Circle, 55. ; Bo+tes, 4s. ; it, '25.;
21. 25. Tickets and places to be had at the Box-office from 1 till 6
ilaily ; and at sir. Allcrott's Office, 15, New Bond-street.

THEATRE ROYAL HAYMARKET.
Under the management of Mr. Buckstone.

THIS EVENING,

Will be performed Donizettes Grand Opera, called LUCIA ll'
LAMMERMOOR. Characters by Mr. Sims Reeves, and Mr. Weiss
Yrs. Sims Reeves, and Miss Schott.
After which, a new Extravaganza, called THE NEW HAY
21.4.R.KET SPRING MEETLiG, 1855.
To conclude with SHOCKING EVENTS.

itOYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET.
Under the Management of Mr. CHARLra Kw.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed AWAY WITH MELANCHOLY.
To ccnclude with KING HENRY THE EIGHTH• Queen Ka•
tharine, Mrs. C. Kean ; Cardinal Wolsey, Mr. C. Kean.

THEATRE ROYAL ADELPHI.
Proprietor, Mr. B. Webster.—Directress, Madame Celeste.
THIS EVENING.
Will be performed the comedy of PAUL PRY. Principal cha•
racters by Messrs. C. Selby and Wright ; Miss M. Seeley, Mrs. L.
Murray, and 311 as Woolgar.
To be followed by THE SCHOOL FOR TIGERS.
To conclude with MY PRECIOUS BETSY.