The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-24 00:00:00

THE S

o 0 a committee of this house relative to operations at a dis-
t twee—the rebellion in Ceylon. That committee sat two sea-
s' .4103.5, yet its report was utterly abort ve, nugatory, and
a‘ Worthless. It confessed the it competency of the committee
t, )(deal with the subject, and ended by recommending the ap-
e ointment of a commission. Your committee can remedy
i frothing because its powers are limited to this coun-
t xy. Now, is it to examine into the state of the army
in the Crimea ? It has no power to do so. Its power
, toes not extend through the medium of this
I souse beyond the limits of the kingdom. You can hear wit-
r misses at home, but you have no power to compel witnesses
I a the Crimea. I will not speak of the conduct of my noble
f fiend, but it is impossible not to see the advantages of the
I aeasure which he proposes to take. He proposes to send out
eommiseioners with full powers; they will search into the
truth, and Lord Raglan will have power to apply remedies.
You must spend twice the time by means of your committee,
bi order to ascertain the truth, than will be required if the
.otb er means are adopted. It is only that the really formidable
oha ratter of this committee comes out when you come to this
poi nt. It is not a committee of punishment or remedy, but
a eeoramittee of government. It is simply the taking out of
tb,e hands of the executive government the highest and most
i i elicate of its offices. lam bound to say that I think such a
i proceeding is wholly incompatible with the real convenience
.In the part of Parliament of those who hold the executive,
: and entirely incompatible with the confidence and the credit
.'eliat should attach to a Minister of the Crown, whatever poli-
tical creed or party that minster may profess. Is the ques-
tion, then, of the transfer of public functions a great or small
eine stion ? This question is much aggrava ed because of the
fours of this select committee ; for you are by this committee
not only taking power from the Crown—you may find OM•
sion al precedents for that—but you are going to delegate that
rpoerer to a small committee up stairs. It seems to be an im-
pree,sion that this is an easy matter ; that it is easy to come
to this state of the facts, and that if the facts are not escor-
t min ed it is entirely on account of the negligence of Govern-
suen.t. I ask the house to bear with me while I give an illus-
st ration of the case. The hon member for Aylesbury stated
eme case on which it was obvious, he said, the'house could
p roceed at once. The dismissal of Captain Christie, the
h Wad of the transport service, might take place at once on
a< =count of inefficiency. Now, let me put the case to the house,
aad let us see how the matter stands. It will show how the
Government of my noble friend proceeds when the facts
are .clear. The honourable member for Aylesbury says—and
his statement was received as part of the case against Govern-
ment —why do you not dismiss Captain Christie after the
miens emagement he has been shown to have been guilty of.
Han Captain Christie been put out of office ? (Hear.) Is
that all ? Captain Christie was on his way home—he had
reached Malta -when my right bon. friend, learning he had
been charged with mismanagement, made him return to the
East.; in order that he may undergo a trial by court-martial.
Are these facts unknown to the house ? The hon. member
for e_e_ylesbury says that Captain Christie is guilty of misma-
nagement. I will practically show some of the bearings of
the question by mentioning how reports are sometimes dealt
-er',Uh. Somebody comes from the Crimea in November, and
tap so and so. Au hon. member eoines down to the house
and reports that he has seen a gentleman, who h .s told him
that our army has perished—has nearly gone. Now, apply
this to the case of Captain Christie. A gentleman (Mr. Layard)
left the Crimea in November ; but then comes the hon. mem-
ber for Linlithgow, who left the Crimea in December, who,
in a plain and manly manner, declared that he had the means
of judging of the great merits of Captain Christie, and it was
with the utmost grief he heard he hal been visited with cen-
sure. His testimony was that of an eye-witness, and we may
learn from this, owing to contradictory witnesses, that to get
at the truth 3,000 miles off is no easy matter. So, therefore,
I say it is better to have those who can exercise inquiry on
the spot than a committee who eau only inquire at a distance.
Sir, I object to the committee on constitutional grounds. It
may seem visionary and pedantic for me to, do so. I hope I
am no pedant on constitutional questions. My opinions are
of a Conservative character—{laughter, and oh) —certainly
not /of an extremely Conservative character. (Ob.) Yet my
Coeiservative feelings revolt from taking the functions of the
executive Government, with respect to the army in the
field, partially out of the hands of Government, and con-
ferring them on a committee of this house. Sir, it is
not for me to say there is almost no precedent for this
course. If you ask where is the constitution of England t s
be found, is it in Blackstone, in De Lolme, in Hallam, or in
other writers on our laws—l say, sir, without fear of con-
tradiction, that no small part of our living and working con-
stitution is to be found in the usages and precedents of the
House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) The power of the House
of Commons, if we look at it in the abstract, is sufficient to
plunge the country into confusion ; but the wise limits you
put on that power enable you to wield it without crushing
other bodies which are charged with other powers. I have
heard people say—who set aside all ideas of this kind—that
the extreme emergency of the occasion —the extreme grea.tness
of the calamity—make the present an exceptional case. I tell
hon. gentlemen that all bad precellents grow out of excep-
tional cases. But, suppose this is an exceptional case ; take
all the precedents you can on that score, and it is still subject
to that condition, that to meet calamity on the instant you
call into action an instrument more powerful than can be
applied. If we had power to fall back on an extreme case, I
could understand your argument. But you make your argu-
ment •an excuse for bringing into operation an instrument
that must prove weak and futile, as you are not armed with
power necessary for your purpose. Your whole argument
thus cuts the ground from under you. No answer has been
given, to my right hon. friend on the subject of the fearful—
the solemn consideration he has referred to—namely, what
bearing the inquiry will have on the state and discipline of
the army of the East, and its relations with our ally. The
right hon. gentleman the member for Droitwich thinks he
has distinguished between the policy of the expedition to the
Crimea, and the circumstances under which it took place.
That task, however, the right honourable gentleman found
too difficult. But suppose a case. Suppose the question
was introduced of the lateness of the season the army went
to the Crimea, and the want of information. Did those
questions apply to England alone ? (Hear, hear.) Did the
French army go to the Crimea sooner than the English army ?
(Hear, hear.) Is the right hon, gentleman aware of the
time the besieging train left Toulon ? One point to inquire
into cannot be passed by. Is the committee to inquire why
no roads were made from Balaklava to the camp ? If no in-
quiry----instead of ascertaining the state and the cause of the
state of the army, the inquiry will be a fraud. If you take
evidence on the subject and inquire —the answer will be—
want of labourers. Why so ? Because the men were em-
ployedtin the trenches. Why send so many men into the
trenches ? Because of their extent. Why such extent of
trenches ? Because the labour was divided between the Eng-
lish and French army. I hope it will not be supposed for a
moment that I wish to insinuate a doubt as to the gallant
spirit of the French, and their disposition to lend every aid
in their power to the British general. But what the French
may justly claim from us is this, and what we should assert
for them as ourselves, is that they should be indepenaenri.zt
their judgment on, such matters, and that no committee of the
House of Commons should presume to interfere. I tell you
again that the inquiry will be a mockery if you do not inquire
into the absence of the road ; and if you advance from this
and make the question turn on the distribution of labour,
and whether the road was sufficiently well or otherwise made,
with the best intention, you will find that those inqes will
run you up into questions of the most intimate relations
not be
be-
tween France and England. The step, however, shall
taken without warning. Tho patience of the British army is
great—its discipline is admirable. I will not answer
of for the
temper of the army under the protracted applicaion such
a machinery as that contemplated by the committee of in-
quiry. It is impossible to pursue this subject without touch-
ing on ground too tender and too delicate. I may, perhaps,
have already gone too far. My excuse is, that I desire to pre-
vent great danger and embarrassment. What are we to do ?
We are told we had better assent to this committee, because
if another government came in it might do something as bad
or worse. With great and sincere respect to right hon. gen-
tlemen opposite, I say, without acrimony, I have difficulty
in understanding the course they have pursued on
this question. lam quite sure they would not pursue it if
they themselves had succeeded to power. I have a suspicion
or hope that if Lord Derby cause into power three weeks ago
—or possibly now—that we should combine to get rid of a
committee—a weak and mischievous committee—and to sub-
stitute something better. But that is not our matter. Ours
is a business of the highest consequence— to sound our con-
science, and to be governed by its verdict. Still, can we
endure to be told we ought to have thought of this three
weeks ago ; that the House of Commons would not reverse
its judgment. It is not a light matter, however, to be con-
victed of levity, though it is betterqo do that than to commit
great blundersiweunderstood). Nothing, however, can justify
us in concurring in a policy we think to be false and ruinous.
Since the first vote of the House of Commons. no doubt my
noble friend would entertain the same opinion of the com-
mittee as he did before. My noble friend is perfectly aware
that before my acceptance of office became announced to the
world, that I had the satisfaction of some conversation with
him, in which I was told that the continued apposition of
Government would be offered to the Motion. This can be no
secret, for the right hon. gentleman opposite must have ob-
served this was the only meaning of a portion of the noble
lord's speech which he then delivered. So much, then, for
the personal and Parliamentary part of the question. I am
obliged to speak in a strain of egotism. I have advanced
opinions that are adverse to the views entertained
by a large maiority ; but I hope I have made it clear that
the ground by which I and my right honourable friends
were actuated was not an aversion to inquire into the cala-
mities Which had occurred in the Crimea, or the alleged
mismanagement. I . hope the house, with its own broad
field, with its own great and noble vocation—rely upon it
you have enough to do. There is the prospect of army
reform. Why not let us close with the hon. gentleman's
proposition, and prosecute inquiry 7 You will have to in-
quire into the whole system of admission of training and
promotion. The honourable gentleman said that merit ought
to be the only ground of promotion in the army. I answer
that I am bound to say, when reform in the army comes to
be practically carried out on the principle that the sole basis
for public service ought to be merit, the hon. gentleman will
find that the greatest obstacle to overcome will be found
within the -walls of this house. (Hear.) However that may
be, I hope the house will be content to deal with the great
question of the relation which the Indian army ought to bear
to the army, and I trust that question will be brought to a
successful issue. I regret on this question we are opposing
ourselves to popular feeling. I know that in times of public
:excitement lamentable scenes have occurred —blood- has been
shed, under the idea that it was a fitting atonement for the
mismanagement of the public service. When we look back,
the deeds of our forefathers fill us with horror and shame.
We live in milder times. And the fault perhaps is that public
servants are not called to an account sufficiently strict—(hear)
—and that responsibility is only made real, and not a name,
through the medium of a feeling of honour. No such scenes
are now to be apprehended ; the feelings of the people have
been aroused—they do not desire to be shocked by the repeti-
tion of scenes that have passed ; their feelings now find vent
at the first sight of Parliamentary irregularity (we under-
stood). But we shall see Parliamentary irregularity first of
all disappoint public) expectation ; next involve cruel injus-
tice ; and last of all exhibit the dark side of public disaster.
It is our duty, whether many or few, alone or attended, to
protest against this measure ; and the resistance we offer
here, with the great pain of wounded feeling, and with the
utmost respect to the representatives of the people, is accom-
panied by the fixed and unalterable determination to do that
which we conceive the public interests and our sense of justice
demand. (Cheers.)
Viscount PALMERSTON Sir, I can assure my right
hon. friends who have this evening explained to the house
the grounds on which they have separated themselves from
her Majesty's Government that I shall not utter a single
word of criticism on the course which they have thought it
their duty to pursue, convinced as I am that they acted from
the sincere conviction that their duty pointed to the path they
pursued, and that by so doing they not only intended iu the
best manner to give effect to their opinions, but they per-
formed their duty to their country. I feel the greatest regret
at having lost the assistance of the right hon. gentlemen with
whom it was my good fortune to act during the last two
years, and of whom I can say, with perfect truth, that which
they said of those they have left, that'there prevailed amongst
us the most eurdial confidence, and that on those great ques-
tions now Reding for action and decision no difference on
the great peosipies of policy whi,:ll Government pursues ex-
isted. On the other hand, I must say that at the time when
it was leer ittojesty's pleasure to command we to @IlaOAYOllr 0

form a Government, it was impossible that either I, or those
with whom I was about to act, should have shut their eyes to
the fact, that there was the committee which the house had
determined should sit, and the appointment cf; which we ninst.
be prepared to meet. I stated on a former occasion the objec-
tion to the course which the house, by a large majority, had
determined, nevertheless, to pursue. Those objections, to a
certain degree, still remain. But when .I considered what was
the real nature of the course the house followed, it was im-
possible not to see that when the question, originally passed
by a great majority, that the great majority which passed it
were actuated by two separate and distinct motives. A
great portion voted because they thought the inquiry ought
to take place. But unquestionably there was another por-
tion who, as has been stated by my right honourable friends,
supported the motion because they considered it was a vote
of uo confidence in the Government. ( Hear, hear, hear.)
Well, sir, the motion was carried. We resigned our offices.
Her Majesty then commissioned Lerd Derby to form an-
other Government. That noble lord was unable to do it.
I stated to him why I thought that under the circumstances
my junction with hint would nut enable him to form that
strong government which it is admitted on all hands the
country requires. The attempt of the noble lord failed. My
noble friend the member for London then endeavoured to
form a Government. My noble friend was equally unsuccess-
ful. Why, then, I felt having been called on, that it was my
duty to endeavour to the best of my abilities to form a Go-
vernment—(cheers)—to form that Government which the
country so urgently required. If we had not formed a Go-
vernment, the result must, I presume, have been that that
noble lord, who felt that he could not with credit to himself,
or advantage to the country, form a Government—would
have boon again obliged to make the attempt, and to present
a Government to the Sovereign the best he could find. I do
not deny that there are great objections to this committee.
But the country took it up in a different sense from that he
which many members voted for it. Many hone members
voted for it as an indication that they had no confidence in
the Government. But the country knew no refinements of
that kind... The nation having had its attention deeply fixed
on the events that had taken place in the Crimea—having
had its feelings deeply wounded by the recital day by day of
the sufferings brought on the army engaged in these opera-
tions—the country seeing that there had undoubtedly been
mismanagement in various departments concerned in the
operations, honestly and sincerely desired inquiry. (Cheers )
Men did not first stop to ask what Government was to con-
duct the inquiry, but they said " There is something grie-
vously wrong ; we insist on an inquiry into the causes of the
mischances that have taken place." That opinion of the coun-
try reacted on the house, and when we met after the Govern-
ment was reconstituted, and after other attempts to make a
Government had failed, we found ourselves in this position,
that though we might not have desired the committee,
either that it should not be appointed at all, or its appoint-
ment postponed, we had no right, any of us, to deceive
ourselves by expectations that it was possible to resist the
committee altogether, or to press the house to rescind its
former decision. I did undoubtedly think that when wo
should have stated to the house the various changes,
improvements, and administrative reforms which we were
Prepared to make, and the inquiries which we ourselves were
making into the causes of these mischances in the Crimea,
that the house, for a time at least, would have foregone the
appointment of a committee, an I would have waited to see
the result of the changes, and of our inquiries. But I never
would have undertaken the task of forming a Government,
nor would my right hon. friends have joined me in the task,
if we had endeavoured to stake our continuance in office on
the question whether this house would continue to affirm the
vote it had come to. We should have thought that we wore
not acting worthily—that we were trifling with the house and
the country if we had determined in our minds, to shrink
from oar posts if the house should not be persuaded to re- 6
scind the vote it had come to. No doubt there may be incon-
venience and evils attending the inquiry, but I think it a
greater evil if this oceasi ,npreseutedto the world the lament-
able spectacle that in consequence of personal differences i
toe departments of Government—of the division of parties—
we should for a month or six weeks be unable to find a set of
public men who could present themselves to the country as a
Government undertaking to conduct the public affairs. And
at what period does this occur ? At a period when we aro car-
rying on a great and arduous war—when we are engaged in
most important operations—when on the one hand energy and
vigour in the conduct of hho war are required, and on the
other hand a great degree of conciliation and moderation may
be required to conduct the negotiations for peace. I think,
therefore, we have followed the course which it was our duty
to pursue. I think if we had abando red our posts on this oc-
casion —if we had set our opinions up against the deliberate
judgment of the nation—if we had undertaken the vain task
of resisting the unanimous sentiments of the people by
attempting to refuse inquiry, I think we should have un-
dertaken a vain task, and should not have performed the
duty which we had engaged to perform. (Hear, hear.) I
have been asked by the honourable member for Manchester
whether we intend to abide by those prepositions of peace
which were settled by the Cabinet which existed before
the first vote of the house on the question of this com-
mittee, and concurred in afterwards by the reconstructed
cabinet. Most assuredly we do abide by those propositions.
Most unquestionably the instructions under which the noble
lord the member for the city of London is now proceeding to
Vienna are founded on those resolutions to which my friends
on that bench were parties. And when lam asked if we are
prepared to negotiate in good faith, I say wo are so pre-
pared, and that if we were not we should be unworthy not
only of holding office but of being members of this great
assembly. (Hear, hear.) We are as anxious as mon can be to
be able, in terms consistent with the future safety of Europe
—consistent with the attainment of those objects for which
the war was begun—to put an end to the war by an honour-
able treaty ,f peace. But I think if by an over-desire for peace
we were to conclude what would be more properly a hollow
and insecure truce than a safe and honourable peace, we
would be leaving open the sane sources of danger as those
which had -brought us into this arduous straggle—(hear,
hear.) If we were to agree to terms which would leave
that danger in all its former aptitude, instead of deserving.
the thanks of the country we should deserVe its censure ;
for in that case we should have betrayed the trust reposed
in us, and achieved a temporary peace while we had
laid the foundation of great future calamities. (Hear, hear.)
That then is the line Government is prepared to pursue.
We have felt it our duty, in a moment of great emergency,
when other persons who had had an opportunity of forming
a Government were unable to do so—when the question put
to ns was whether we would leave the country iu, I may
say, a state of anarchy, or whether we would undertake
the Government—we have felt it our duty, I say, to under-
take the task. (Hear.) We intend to perifirm it honestly and
conscientiously. If peace is to be obtained on terms con-
sistent with future security, it will not be our fault if peace
is not so obtained. If; on the other hand, it should happen
that the abilities of the noble lord the member for London,
and the sincere desire of the Government to put an end to
willthe war
be
oonu
rp r
dutyoper ctoon dpi
rtioosnesn,u
tsehtobuel d
wuunrl
tibl y fail,
that t hrigourit
which may be necessary for its successful termination. In
tmdhiotrailettreeeeistete,:pwtdaiertiffeaaser:eetolfpcbeetsrohseulmah.adoiyeudseext,hat we shall not appeal in vain
to the generous spirit of Parliament. I am' convinced that
or
this is not a part&equfesationas; ditsehtt that toblwhetaewtae differencesrwe en herepartiessh a lwrepresentingaliwlil—hfcofettthhianeat
el e ofould.
greatexhib ietmaPsipreecitan
jealousies
ohues
eosuonit. country—the
differences
csepse
ocwt an Europe, and that we ought not to
pfarrootinibfee humiliating and
and
iddimspgeeri
iitstcoaennf disgraceful
iuo'brtlyindinivg ,country disablingthe l
Parliament of this country
cool
those means by which alone the affaarh7oefsttiohn:
be properly conducted, and the arduous and difficult struggle
in which we are now engaged brought to a successful and
honourable result. Sir, these a.e the grounds on which we
have undertaken the duty imposed upon us. If the house
and the country should think that we do not properly per-
form the duty expected from us, and if any other Govern-
ment can present itself which will be more acceptable to
Parliament and the country, then, sir, no feeling of personal
consideration—no paltry love of power will induce us to cling
to the posts we occupy longer than we think we can do so
with advantage to the country and credit to ourselves.
But until we find that wo have lost the confidence of Parlia-
ment and country—until we find that the the nation is disap-
pointed with us, and condemnsof
p inusbtleiaedopo uicsounp,p,oarntdi ntgb
eusgood-
long as we have the supp
will of Parliament and the country, the house may
depend
isibpaolnl
nitotwqeusiht atllboexpeorettsoutorswelbvieesbttobethceruotwmnosbta,saenedleethteadt wues
to fill. (Cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI—I am quite sure that the noble lord is
correct in anticipating that the existing Government in
the present emergency-will receive a liberal and candid sup-
port from the house. But it would have been a satisfaction
to the house if the noble lord could have made it conve-
nient to assure, us and the country that the Government
was really in existence. (Cheers, and laughter.) The
noble lord has omitted in his speech to answer the argu-
ments of the right hon. baronet the late First Lord of the
Admiralty, and of tho right hon. gentleman the late Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, against granting the committee, But
the noble lord made another omission, almost as singular, for
he forgot that we had been collected together to-day to hear
.from the noble lord that he had at last been successful in
forming an Administration. (Hear, hear.) If that be the
case, I think it shows some want of consideration in the
leader of the House of Commons permitting us to adjourn
without having the gratifying information made known to us
and the country: The noble lord says, "So long as we pos-
sess the confidence of the house and the country, we intend
to do our duty, and to retain our • places." (Hear, hear.)
:apt.
Tveoehl right But what we want to know is, who are "we ?" (Renewed
l
cheers and laughter.) The moment, no doubt, has come of
national peril—the emergency is granted by all. All persons
in this house are prepared to lend the Government a generous
and disinterested support ; but it does not appear to me to
be a very severe condition that we should be acquainted with
the members of her Majesty's Government—(hear, hear)—
that we should at least know who those aro whom we shall
support in the fulfilment of a great and °herons duty in cir- I
cumstances so grave and trying. (Cheers.) In listening to
the argument—or rather to the statement of the noble lord,
ftsiaonhtniet•edaoidntin:was not an argument—l am bound to say that I find it
informed
noble
iendlcausesloeoi retridadsatisfactoryttesdwhdpi
edoewuethhhelnnodiieoo:cetihass•
ctecadololrfeoethdahahiessnairot.
sttae. Cgyhh oet noblehr osh.
nil)
attemptedso.
rdl
Administration,
eohx colleaguesop
we
answercet eved;rt,
bhtibuan ett
the n neithero
argumentativebbhfv
basedr
ese nt uepoonnd thisn o f inquiry
our
oittwheasp
avvreemrnryymeioennuittm—hie Crimea.
t(etheee,erws)b—lehbßt the
noble
soewdtoitbeilnosrd supported
language
ld t
ed opposedbt yi e his t
Gh that
mostt
strenuous, and with opposition the most uncompromising
when he formed past of the late Government. (Cheers.)
That Government, however, ceased. to exist. It is unne-
cessary for me to refer now to the circumstances which
intervened between that day and the day on which the
noble lord received the high honour of a commission from
her Majesty to form an administration ; and I only advert
to the fact for the purpose of malt iug one observation, with
the view of correcting an inaccuracy in the statement of
the noble lord, with respect to Lord Derby's attempts to
form a Government. Lord Derby never declined, as the
noble lord has stated, the exalted duty imposed on him
because he could not form a government ; he declined it
solely because he could not form a strong administration.
And, sir, I cannot admit that the noble lord, especially in
the position in which he now finds himself, after a ten day's
experience of his own most felicitous enterprise, has any
just reason or any clear right to plume himself on his success
over Lord Derby in this matter. (Cheers and laughter.)
Let us look to the noble lord's former conduct as regards
this committee in contrast with his present support
of it, and in connection with his mode of dealing
with his late colleagues. The noble lord, when a member
of the late Government, opposed the committee to inquire
into the causes which have led to the present condition of
our army before Sebastopol ; I am bound to presume upon
principle. (A laugh.) Since then the noble lord has become
the head of a ministry, on which, no later than last Tuesday,
he delivered the highest possible eulogium, congratulating
the country on its possessing men of such sagacity, such
wisdom, and such high polit cal qualities, as would live for
ever in the memory of this house. (A laugh.) The noble
lord when called upon to form an administration formed it
,upon the principle—if he formed it on,any principle —(a
laugh)—of opposing the committee of inquiry. (Hear.) There
was no other subject; indeed, which required 6ny oOmmuui.