The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-18 00:00:00

Ihave so promptly declared in its favour. The great Nor-
folk meeting on Tuesda_.y, and the coming meeting at
Ya-rmouth, are cheering symptoml. -
Attempts are made in some quarters to deter Liberals
from coming forward to promote administrative reform,
by representing the movement as one which may be
turned to account by the Tory or Conservative leaders.
It is true that some of these gentlemen have been trying
to coquet with the administrative reformers. It is truly
laughable to mark the gingerly fashion in which they
are seeking to grapple with the question. They are read
enough to proclaim, in vague, general terms, the urgent
need of administrative reform ; nay, they even go the
length of talking about the necessity of "putting the
right men in the right places." But they are careful in
the extreme not to commit themselves to any definite or
practical plan for attaining the reform they profess to
desire. They join in the railing accusations that are
brought azainst the more prominent administrative re-
formers ; they deprecate associations as " revolutionary,"
and levelled against the legitimate influence of the aria.
tocracy. They profess to desire the end, and yet labour
indefatigably to throw di-credit on the means. Their
fear of substantial, effectual Administrative Reform is
too great to admit of their entering sufficiently into the
sntlrolvnenalenetntfotropdroomitotazihmalrivmid,
ultoandtusrinnisitterinatmobaitnioning:
Let us examine a little more closely the value of the
allegation that the Tories are takingup the question of
Administrative Reform. The movement for the attain-
ment of this reform—like the movement which had in
view the repeal of the Corn Laws—has • been begun by
men who do not aim at a political career. The active
politicians in this and every country are a comparatively
small number. All men have more or less a leaning to
oos , r the other side of politics— to the popular or the
absolutist. But with most men these leanings are sub-
ordinate to the cares of their special pursuits in life.
They are contented from time to time to throw their
weight into the scale of that party of active politicians,
with whose professed principles they have most sym-
pathy. With the great bulk of society politics are more
a matter of sentiment than of definite opinion, and hence
the facility with which we see men on emergencies pass-
fag fro ii one aide to the other. On rare occasions, how-
ever, great and pressing emergencies rouse this generally
principles irrespective of party leaders. passive class to act for themselves,and to
erB
AatssseurtehthD3eo.ir
ments, the Shibboleths of party warfare, 'and the prestige
of party leaders, become utterly valueless.
hold on their own resistless way s The people
those parties to which they in generalr
leaveer tsh ofanyof
manage-
ment of public affairs. At such times the e the
principle which the public have at heart--is surf to be victorious. All the arts and
of mere party men cannot arrest its triumphantje
progresq, or make it ' subservient to their own
ag
grandisement. The Administrative Reform move:
ment is essentially a liberal one, and can only
tend to strengthen and diffuse more widely libe-
ral principles. Self-seekers maytake part fin it, and for
a time remain undetected, but their influence will ea_
dure only so long as they really promise it ; when they
turn to promote their own miserable ends they will be
thrown aside and left behind. Let no true Liberal be
deterred from taking part in the movement by insinua-
tions that this or the other questionable character has
joined it from interested motives. The singleness of
purpose of the great masses who lend it strength is &-
guarantee that the puny dexterity of individuals can-
not convert it into an instrument of evil. Let us wel-
come every ally ; let us give him credit for sincerity and
honesty of purpose till be shows himself unworthy of it ;
and then let us leave him to his solitary shame, and the
rankling stings of detected and defeated hypocrisy.

( Prom the Morning Chronicle of this day. )
Lord Palmerston's reply to the question put by Sir
H. Willoughby, last evening, indicates a fixed resolu-
tion on the part of the Government to keep the country
in the dark on subjects which it esteems of the most
vital interest. There have been " informal" communi-
cations from Austria, through France, of a date subse-
quent to the la,t published protocol. But of what na-
b] re they were—whetherindicatingon part of the former
power a meditated treason to the engagements of Dec.
last, or only honest and justifiable efforts to reconnect
the broken threads of negotiation—not the slightest in-
formation is afforded. " Peace with honour, or war
with victory !" was the highsounding phrase with which
Lord Palmerston tickled the ears of the citizens on
Wednesday evening, but at present we seem as from the
one as from the other, although laborious efforts have
been made to arrive at both.
The readers of this journal have long since been in-
formed of the true position of Lord John Russell, not
only as regards the question of peace or war, but also
towards his colleagues in •the Ministry. In the same
sense that Lord Palmerston was placed at the head of •
affairs that he might proclaim our resolve -to prosecute
the wr.r with vigour, Lord John Russell was sent to
Vienna to represent the ultimatum of the English na-
tion, nearly in the shape formularised by Lord Palmer-
ston—" Peace with honour, or war. with victory." The
contents of the protocols recently published abundantly
attest, that we are not premature or prejudiced in at- •
tributing to the noble lord a demeanour at Vienna cal-
culated to compromise the honour of his country. The
conduct of Lord John Russell since his return certainly
goes far to confirm the view we then took, and to show
that be is actuated by any motive rather than true pa-
triotism. Is is possible that Lord Pa'merston's silence
is attributable to fear of his colleague 1
Lord John Russell is not very famous for discretion.
The Earl of Aberdeen hail to deplore certain spasmodic
fits of independence on the part of the noble lord,
which, ii they did not actually imperil the administra-
tion, certainly rendered it ridiculous. Such a coadjutor
is dangerous even to a strong administration —how much
the wore -o to one not remarkable for symptoms of sta-
bility or tongevity ? It is quite impossible to say what
(is the cause of the phenomenon, but Lord John Rus-
sell is at the present moment in that state of mind which
is poPularly known as "the sulks." Perhaps he did
not figure with distinction enough at Vienna. Or, al-
though unable himself to sustain an administration, he
may at least be determined to show his power to destroy
the work ofanother - Has he never yet forgiven the ill
turn Lord Palmerston did him in February, 1852 ? Is
he discontented ut not having the leadership of the
House of Commons T Does he want to be War Minis-
ter I Or, does he see that the political interests of the
Whig party are identified with those of the commercial
clasies, and does he therefore intrigue for peace ? The
list of possible causes of the noble lord's ill humour is

inexhaustible. Of the fact of his being in a more than
usually restive state, no one can.doubt who bas observed
his personal demeanour in the House of Commons, and
has connected it with his public conduct during his stay
at Vienna and since his return.
Even at the Mansion-house dinner, Lord J. Russell
adopted a line of conduct very extraordinary in a Mini-
ster who took so mat ked a course in favour of the war
during the Aberdeen Administration, and at the moment
when he resolved on its destruction. Lord Palmerston

at least so far met the public anxiety as to string toge-
ther a few pompous phrases on one' topic connected with
the war, and to conclude with the safe alternative maxim
to which we have already referred. But Lord John
Russell, as if to draw a line of demarcation between him
and his chief, only entertained his audience with a tissue
of most unnecessary praises of the House of Commons.
When a little temporary applause was to be obtained its
the House of Commons by a clap-trap about the taking
of Sebastopol, the noble loid was not so chary, even
although his volunteered declaration might then be of a
nature seriously to embarrass the Administration, and
encourage the enemy by letting him know in advance
our tactics.
The relueance of Lord Palmerston to permit any dis-
cussion in Parliament upon the great question of peace
or war, appears inexplicable, except upon the hypothesis
that he wished to avoid gieins, his restive colleague an
opportunity of betraying their domestic differences. So
good a tactician as Lord Palmerston has proved himself
to be during the political vicissitudes of many years,
would scarcely have provoked public censures as he has
done, save for some very overpowering reason. This,
we fear, must be sought in the leaning of Lord
John Russell towards a peace cot " with honour," as
the only means of escaping a war without victory.
The atmosphere of Vienna has produced its effect on
the noble lord. He has there seen the true eha-
racter of Russian diplomacy, and the degree of reliance
that is to be placed on German promises. He probably
dreads the effect upon the interests of his party, of a
war which he thinks must become unpopular as soon as
the pressure of its cost shall be really felt by the people.
The party which shall be the means of effecting is. Peen.
he may think, will be the really popular one IlkwelD7 ,
long run, and the people will forget bow hot they
_.
er.e_
upon war, visiting on those who have but exeoot.edla___ir
will their sovereign displeasure at all the evils
t_ which,, war
engenders. Lord J. Russell may even bon: iy nen
that a war by the two Western Powers, no_
j:cr brwuy
axuais
e
fiist ne. t the ihmpeae
1 statef: oerp ostl
Administration
ere' woacfis rhl tn ith Bhilis of-thingse them
it t ha
mayt there
be t 0 will i ii"
muchb e
the active aid of Austria, ought to bereged against
a war carried on by England single-hall_
it would be pro. •
cressed—burcleug, .
country as, by ouriii
lately our rival. All
fitable to our immediate ally, o
Bsistent with the procoed.
Europe, and that such a war wc!ulclbess
these views would not be inacot nvieona,
work his singular
ings of Lord J. Russell
on the great ques.
ruinous to this •
silence and that of his colleagues.wsreturn
,
cannot last. The intr.
tiosnuoefi:
a civilised Europe, must not
rests of this
ay:empire,h.seof ndividuals or of parties.
ciccecdul e statesmen.antrriyY
This
be sacrificed to t
but hhecau.se
resent crisis o
isthe silenced.
rule Edengsilarenwdair, s e w o will
nd effectuate the national will. That will
best embody a
believe to have b.een pronounced for war, not be-
causew the
noto 1 nel:6:eemet
their instincts
nationalFirn6teritshts.
Presentltarillgethaend disturbereniighteonf worldedtheviews
of
Hitherto the history of Lord Palmers t '
has been embodied in one word—cit(3ll 8 Government
appointament. At
the same time, let us fix the blame on the real offender.
If Lord Palmerston's delayso and hesitations have not
proceeded from a wantrespect for the public, bat
from a fray of the intrigues - of some of his colleagues, the
sooner that fact is made known the better. Fortunately
the coming discussions on the promised motions of Earl
Grey and Mr. Milner Gibson will afford an opportunitY
of c,earing up this dark and discreditable mystery. .

MART LEBONE ELECTION FOB VESTBYIifEN.—FINAL.
CLOSE OF THE POLL. —The election of vestrymen and
auditors for the parish of Marylebone, under Hobhouse's
Aet, terminated at four o'clock yesterday afternoon, and
the inspectors of votes immediately proceeded to their
acrutiny at the Court House. At ten o'clock last night
the numbers at the Court House were declared to be as
follows :—For the List of the Ratepayers' Association,
proposed by General Bagnold, 1,774 ;. for the List of
the Independent Association, proposed-by Mr. Clement
George, 1,684 ; majority. for General Bagnold'a Listy,oo.
The announcement sass received with. loud apiame b.
the 440 d* FA.elareP: #.4lt#ltia. '
, _ ..._