The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-27 00:00:00

TR. R SUN, LONICOON, WEDNESDAY EVRKI.DII3-, JUNE 0, 1885,

placing 350,000 men on his frontiers. It would have
been an unpardonable want of foresight—a blander for
which Ministers would have been justly reproached—if
they had neglected by every means in their power to
secure the alliance of Austria, or if by menaces or undue
pressure they bad driven her to throw her weight into
the opposite scale, to act in the interest of Russia, or to
adopt even that system of neutrality embraced by Prus-
sia, thus relieving our antagonist from all apprehension
of hostility in this quarter. They had done right, there-
fore, to show deference to Austria, and be mindful of
the peculiarities of her position ; and he must say, after
listening to all his noble and learned friend had said, he
could see nothing to repent or regret in any of the steps
they had taken. But in no way, and at no time, had
those communications with Austria been allowed to
influence or interfere with our military operations.
They certainly had looked to the negotiations of
Vienna to restore peace, or to secure the active co-ope-
ration of Austria ; but so determined were her Majesty's
Government that there should be no relaxation of hosti-
lities, that, before the opening of the conferences, the
Duke of Newcastle, after having ascertained that the
French Government would adopt the same course, wrote
to Lord Raglan to say that he was not to clacken his
efforts, but the contrary, as her Majesty's Government
was convinced that the negotiaeions would be accelerated
rather than retarded by the vigorous prosecution of the
war, and believed that nothing would more tend than a
great military success to obtaining an honourable peace.
If, while these negotiations were proceeding, Sebas-
topol had fallen, he had little doubt that we should
either have concluded peace or secured the active co-
operation of Austria. (Hear.) His noble and learned
friend had spoken of the course of the Government as
that of men carried away in pursuit of phantom
shapes and deceived, and had argued that Austria must
have dealt insincerely with us. He believed that, as re-
spected either Governments or individuals, nothing was
more difficult than to test sincerity. If a friend whose
interests were identical with your own, whose opinions
coincided with your own, and who was prepared to make
great sacrifices to carry out those opinions, if such a
friend all at once became what his noble and learned
friend called cautious, stopped short, and, for reasons
which you could not admit to be valid, refused to go
with you any further, you might be apt to doubt that
he had been sincere in the first instance. Yet your in-
ference might be erroneous, and he might have been
sincere. All he could say was, that from the first Aus-
tria regarded her interests as identical with those of
England and France on what was called the Eastern
question ; she took precisely the same view as they d'al
of the aggressive designs and acts of Russia, and agreed
with them entirely as to the necessity of putting a
check on them. Although just before the commence-
ment of the war she had reduced her army by 90,000
wen, yet since the war commenced she had spent
16,000,0001. sterling in strengthening her army, and
placing :t on a war footing, and in erecting great barriers
against the pending invasion of Russia on the Polish
frontier. Now this large expenditure was perhaps the
best argument he could adduce with the view of proving
her sincerity, because certainly if it had been her object
to deceive us, she might have have made an experiment
with that view at much less cost. He must also say that
Austria had never required any impulse from France or
England in the proceedings of the various negotiations.
On the contrary, it was she who volunteered, saying that
she wished to confer, and who proposed the signature of
the protocol of December the 2d. When the confer-
ences opened Count Buol made the strong declaration
to which his noble and learned friend alluded, that Aus-
tria had contracted certain engagements with her allies,
and would adhere to them whatever might be the con-
sequence. If, therefore, she intended to deceive, she
went to work in a very weak and ill-advisel way, the
only result of which could have been to bring out her
bad faith prominently before the world. (Hear, hear.)
The only object she could have proposed to herself by
such a line of conduct was that of retarding or crippling
our military operations, but that evidently had never en-
tered into her views. On the contrary, any military suc-
cess we gained was received with the greatest satisfac-
tion in Vienna, and their lordships would well remember
the telegraphic despatch of the Emperor of Austria to
the Emperor of the French and the Queen of England,
coneratulating them on the great event of the victory of
Inkerman, and desiring to associate himself in its con-
sequences. The plenipotentiary of Austria brought for-
ward the same proposals, expressed the same wishes,
and supported them by exactly the same language as
those of England and France, and it was only when
the proposals made were rejected, and the English and
French plenipotentaries declared they would go no fur-
ther, that Austria then said there were other means by
which the basis of the third point might be carried into
effect, and that those other means ought to be brought
forward. The conferences were adjourned tine die, and
so they would remain, but Count Buol observed that
their remaining in that state would be the cause of great
embarrassment to all parties, and he wished to
redeem the pledge he had given at a former conference,
to make one last attempt at bringing the belligerents to-
gether. The answer to that was that we (the Ministry)
must see the proposal before we could give any opinion
upon it. The propcsal was sent us and declined, and the
plenipotentiaries of England and France said they could
only attend the conference for the purpose of its being
closed. Count Buol knew beforehand that this proposal
was to be refused, and he (the Earl of Clarendon) appre-
hended that it was only brought forward at that confer-
ence because he had pledged himself at a previous one to
do so. The conference being closed, they said to Austria
that they thought the time was now come for her to fulfil
the engagements into which she had entered. Her answer
to that in substance was, that although Russia had not
agreed to the p-oposal made by the allied plenipoten-
tiaries on the third point, yet there were other means of
giving effect to its basis by a system of counterpoise
—the opening of the Straits when the Sultan thought
himself in danger, a treaty to secure the independ-
ence of Turkey—by which arrangements the preponder-
ance of Russia would be terminated, and all anxiety for
the maintenance of the Turkish empire would cease ;
and consequently, as those terms had been rejected by
the Western Power,, Austria did not think herself bound
to co-operate with them by taking part in the war. He
need hardly say that that was not their view of the en-

gagements taken by Austria, or the mode in which. the
fulfilment of the treaty was to be accomplished. (Hear.)
But in justice we ought to consider the motives on which
the decision we regretted might be based. He thought
that when Austria entered into successive engagements
with England and France, and made extensive and
costly preparations for war—when, moreover, she ur-
gently pressed that military missions sbould be sent by
the allies to the head-quarters of General Hess, there
could be no doubt that she intended and expected
to go to war, though not. very soon. She expected
that, before the season for operations commenced, the
allied armies would have gained a decisive advan-
tage in the Crimea ; and being thus set free would have
been able to act in concert with her during a campaign
on the Danube. Let it be considered, further, that if
Austria had on our invitation, at the close of the con-
ferences, declared war against Russia, she would have
had to wage it single-handed as regarded support in
Germany. Could she have reckoned upon the assistance
of Prussia, or even upon her neutrality ? Could she have
been sure that she might not have had to deal with ene-
mies or. her flank and rear as well as in her front ? The
finances of Austria were not in a prosperous state, and
her resources were greatly crippled by her restricted
commerce. Her financial means were not equal to her
military expenditure, and on that account she did not

... ...
,
occupy the station which she ought to fill as a first-rate
power in Europe. (Hear, hear.) There were other
reasons, to which he did not think it prudent to allude,
which he had no doubt had influenced the decision of
Austria. (Hear, hear.) The noble and learned lord
had asked, what was our position with reference to
Austria? Austria had announced her readiness to con-

armed inactivity had had the effect of preserving tran•
quillity in all those countries, and also of checking the
ambition of Prussia. (Hear.) By the treaty of the 14th
of June, concluded with Turkey, and i he movement of
her army into the principalities, Austria liebd practically
effected the evacuation of those principalities. All this
had Austria done by arming herself and placing a large
military force in a position threatening to Russia. But
she offered more. She offered before our expedition went
to the Crimea to communicate with the allies, with a
view to further military operations, and in consequence
of our determination to act on our own opinions in send-
ing an expedition to the Crimea, she told us she could
meet Russia alone, and that circumstances rendered it
necessary for her to adopt a different course of action.

tinue to occupy the Principalities until peace could be
procured, in fulfilment of her treaty with her allies. To
that he did not oppose any objection, because the occu-
pation of the principalities, and the treaty on which it
was founded, prevented Austria from assuming a posi-
tion of neutrality. That possession and occupation was
an act of hostility towards Russia, on account of which
Russia would be jnstified in declaring war, and as long as
Austria fulfilled her treaty with Turkey, she could not be
acting with Russia. It should be borne in mind that, if
Austria were to leave the Principalities, there would be
no security against the return of Russia, and it would be
impossible, for the army of Omer Paella, to remain in the
Crimea. (Hear.) He had before announced that the four
bases were to be taken in their entirety, and as the third,
which was of the utmost importance, had been rejected,
and the responsibility of that rejection rested on Russia,
her Majesty's Government considered themselves dis-
engaged from those negotiations. (Cheers.) There
was not the least doubt that the great question in-
volved in the four bases must again come under discus-
sion, but England and France had announced their de-
termination, stating that they had reserved the right to
go free and unfettered to any future negotiations, and to
make peace upon such conditions as they might con-
sider most advantageous to themselves and to Europe.
(Cheers.) He was compelled to abstain from following
his noble and learned friend through his speech. He
thought it most desirable not to increase any misunder-
standing which might exist with respect to Austria, and
trusted that a still closer union would take place between
this country and Austria, which need not bo despaired
of if we should be able to achieve any great military suc-
cesses. (Hear.) He did not think the proceedings of
the Government with regard to Austria ought to sub-
ject them to any censure. At no time, and in no manner,
had their military operations been relaxed in conse-
quence of the carrying on of negotiations ; and with re-
pect to their future position, so far from being worse, it
was improved, because England and Prance were more
free and unfettered than before in deciding upon what
terms should be made. (Cheers.)

After a few remarks from the Marquis of CLANEI-
GARDE and Earl GRANVILLE, their lordships adjourned
at half-past nine.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.)

The following bills were considered and ordered to be
read a third time :—Bradford Corporation Water ; New
River Company and Trustees of the River Lee (No. 2).
.....____

NOTICE OF MOTION.
Mr. WISE gavo notice that, on Tuesday, July 10, he
should move that an humble address be presented to her
Majesty, praying that her Majesty may be most graz:ous:y
pleased to issue her royal commands for a complete revision
of the diplomatic establishments of the United Kingdom.

THE EXPEDITION TO KERTCH.
Mr. GIBSON wished to put a question to the noble lord
at the head of the Government in reference to the recent
operations at Kertch and other places in the Sea of Azoff.
Grave charges had been made against the character of
Englishmen and English officers which he did not believe,
and which. if not true, ought to receive a contradiction
from the Ministers of the Crown. He had seen statements
made in private letters and published in the public journals.
It was stated in the Times newspaper that when the allies
entered Kertch the population made their submission, and
offered them bread and salt, and they were assured they
would be protected, and their lives and property would be
spared. The correspondent went on to say that a great de-
struction of property followed, and more than that—that
towards evening Turkish stragglers from the camp, and
others who had fallen out of the line of march, flocked into
the town, and perpetrated the most atrocious crimes ; to
pillage and wanton devastation they added viola ion and
murder. The French patrols endeavoured to preserve order,
but there was the serious imputation upon the English
character that our lieutenant general was the cause of these
destructive excesses from his apathy or neglect. He did not
believe this statement, but he wished to ask whether the
noble lord at the head of the Government had received any
information on the subject?
Lord PALMERSTON—Her Majesty's Government have
received no information with regard to the transactions to
which my right hon. friend's question relates. My atten•
tion was called to the statement he has quoted from a news-
paper, and my noble friend at the head of the War Depart-
ment will, without any delay, call for such report touching
these transactions as may be given by the officers in com-
mand in that sea.

from all parts of the country being universal that there was
no rule laid down for the guidance of the publicans, and
that they did not know what to ,10. He had received a letter
from a Mr. Atkinson, detailing the operation of the bill in
Liverpool, in which the same absurdities occurred ; for
while a man going to a village abcut two miles from the town
was allowed to be a traveller, ho was not allowed to be one
if he went to a village one mile further on. As a further
illustration of the evil working of this bill, ho would men-
tion a case which occurred on Sunday, April 23. On that
day the landlord of the Angel Inn, Sutton, had his brother
and sister from London to visithini, and as the parties were
supping together, at half-past ten o'clock, two policemen
knocked at the door, and were admitted. After looking
into the parlour and other public rooms, they walked into
the private apartment where the family were at supper,
and seeing two decanters of wine on the table they de-
parted ; but, in the morning the master of the house was
taken before a magistrate, and fined 10 shillings and 15
shillings costs, although he offered to prove the lady and
gentleman were his sister and brother; the magisterial
answer to his offer being, " Then you must not have your
brother and sister to supper." He (Mr. Berkeley) be-
lieved the licensed victuallers were a very respectable
body of men, and if any of them were not so that re-
flected chiefly upon the magistracy of this country. (Hear,
hear.) But whatever they were, ho was not to be
told that any class of her Majesty's subjects was to be
treated in this way. Why, in Russia a man could not be
in a state of greater slavery. (Hear.) If the licensed vic-
tuallers were to be fined for giving a supper to their own
relations, what was the meaning of the term that an Eng-
lishman's house was his castle? (Hear.) He would now
call the attention of hon. gentlemen to those unlicensed
victuallers' houses, the clubs of this city. The hour was
past 11 o'clock, and the night was Sunday. Two gentle-
men were sitting at supper, one of whom was a magistrate.
They had been down to Richmond or Greenwich, and no-
body would presume to doubt that his worship was a tra-
veller. The parties, therefore, discussed their devilled
leg of a turkey, and washed it down with whisky punch,
and at 12 o'clock returned to their homes " comfortable.'
(Laughter.) The next morning the magistrate might go to
his police-court, and the first case brought forward might
be that of an innkeeper who had been informed against
for giving a beefsteak and a bottle of wine at half-past
10 o'clock to his own brother ; and this magistrate, with
the taste of the whisky scarcely off his lips, would hurl the
statute at the head of the unfortunate publican, and knock
him down ; fining him 1/. ss. (Hear, hear.) This tempted
him to exclaim "Handy dandy; which is the justice, and
which is the thief ?" (Laughter.) He presumed the pur-
pose for which this bill was framed was to check drunken-
ness on the Sabbath—(hear)—but he conscientiously be-
lieved it had not had that effect. They could not make a
drunkard sober by Act of Parliament,but be could tell the
house what it had done ; it had made people hypocrites.
They had created a bole-and-corner drunkenness through
the country which was perfectly appalling. (Hear, hear.)
People now got drunk in coffee-houses and in brothels,
where debauchery went hand in hand with drunkenness.
From a return which had been made of the cases of drunk-
enness occurring on Whitsunday, in 1851, in Birmingham,
Bristol, Bath, Bradford, Hull, Leeds, Liverpool, Not-
tingham, and Sheffield, it appeared the total number of
cases amounted to 8); but from a similar retur❑ made in
the present year, the total number was 118—showing an
increase of drunkenness since the passing of this act of 33
cases, or nearly double that of 1854. The great fault of
the bill was that it let the rich completely alone—(hear)—
and while it was professedly introduced for the better ob-
servance of the Sabbath, it was in reality only for the bit-
ter observance of the Sabbath. (Hear.) The act must
have been brought forward by those who were lineally de-
scended from the respectable gentleman who hanged a cat
on Monday for killing a mouse on Sunday. (Laughter.)
He hoped the house would give him a chance of proving
some of the allegations he had made. He thought he hid
laid before them some proof of the evil opera ions of the
act. All he asked was, that there should be an inquiry,
and, if the event was different from what ho supposed, he
would be the first to submit to it. (Hear.)
Mr. COBBETT seconded the motion. The hon. and
learned member referred to two cases of hardship under the
act, and said he was sure the hon. member for North Lan-
cashire (Mr. W. Patton) would be the last man who would
wish to continue the act, unless it was satisfactorily proved
that the object was so superior to the mischief and cruelty
it occasioned that it ought not to be repealed. There had
been so many conflicting decisions upon the statute that he
would ask the hon. member what was his notion of a tra-
veller, and what distinction he drew between a traveller
and a bona fide traveller? (Hear.) Some magistrates had
decided that a bona fide traveller meant something more
than a traveller; and others, that it meant a traveller tra-
velling. (Laughter.) This was a case in which the house
ought to institute an inquiry, for the reasons given by the
hon. member for Bristol.

Sir G. GREY said, that though he did not concur in all
the opinions expressed by the hon. member for Bristol, he
would consent, on the part of the Government, to the in-
quiry he had proposed into the operation of the act ; but
he must say that a very incorrect notion would be ob-
tained from the speeches of both the mover and seconder
of the way in which that act passed, and as to the motives
with which the hon., member for North Lancashire pro-
posed, and the house adopted it. It ought to be borne in
mind that a strong feeling was expressed in the country
not in favour of this bill, but in favour of the total closing
of public-houses on the Lord's-day. He was ready to
agree to the nomination of a fair committee ; but he put
it to the hon. member whether the inquiry could be bona
fide entered upon before the commencement of next session ?
Mr. BRADY was much pleased to hear that the Go-
vernment intended to grant this inquiry. He thanked the
hon. gentleman fcr bringing forward the motion, and he
gave it his best support.
Mr. W. PATTEN wished, as the author of the bill, to
make a few observations in respect to the speech of the
hon. gentleman who moved the motion, and more espe-
cially to that part of it in which he said that the effect of
the act had been lo increase rather than diminish the
amount of drunkenness. He could assure the hon. mem-
ber that if he could substantiate his case, he (Mr. W. Pat-
ten) should not only support him, but be grateful to him,
and would join him in obtaining the repeal of the act. But
that was a question which the committee would have to
decide. He was bound to say that he had carefully
watched tho operation of the bill, and he did see defects in
it, more especially with regard to the question of bona
fide travellers. The difficulty of what constituted a bond
fide traveller did not arise with him. He had intended to
define in the act itself what was meant by that term, but
he was informed that he had better make the act more
conformable with those which preceded it ; and he had ac-
cordingly drawn it not only according to the spirit, but
according to the very terms of previous acts. It had been
alleged, in opposition to the bill, that it was one brought
in by the aristocracy in opposition to the lower classes.
Never was a greater mistake committed in this country.
The circumstances were these : A committee of the house
was appointed to inquire into the subject, which sat for
two years, and before that committee the licensed vic-
tuallers were more especially represented, and their views
were considered. In consequence of the shoals of peti-
tions, signed by 430,000 persons, which were presented
during only one half of the session, he was requested to
take up the matter, and bring in a bill further to limit the
hours within which intoxicating drinks should be sold on
Sundays. He had never recei:ed one letter upon the subject
from the higher classes; they were received wholly from
mechanics, mechanic and literary institutions, and places
of that description—(hear, hear)—and from persons who
had devoted their time to the improvement of the moral
and social condition of the working classes. He would re-
peß.t, that there I ever was such a mistaken idea as to sup-
pose that the measure had originated with the upper
classes. It might be a wrong lino of legislation; but all
he said was, that it sprung from a body of men who had a
strong feeling on the subject, such as the house was little
aware of. He had had a good deal to do with the labouring
classes in connection with the present subject, and they
were as jealous as any of the interference of the rich.
Mr. H. BERKELEY explained that he did not say that
the bill was brought in or originated by the higher classes;
but it had the effect of making a difference between the
upper and lower classes.
Mr. W. PATTEN would only again repeat, that so far
from the aristocracy having taken any part, it had been
labouringiforofommthaetion. `(Hear,
h e a)H
alone o that
wished h e hadto state derived
that,hi
s
once for all, that all misunderstanding upon the subject
might be avoided.
Mr. WILKINSON thought they had begun at the
wrong end. Instead of trying to stop drunkenness by
shutting the public-houses, they should set about to edu-
cate the people, and render them less susceptible to the in-
fluence of drink.

believed
etrhe a
at
etthnoastee
dw hboy wt ebree inbe
sfavour
Sir J.
of legislatinot but think that they were very much mistaken in the
vmost o religiousinterference
but, at the same time, he could
course they were pursuing.
Mr. VILLIERS thought that the legislative inter-
ference had had the most beneficial effects. As chairman
of the committee, which sat for two years, he had gone
into the inquiry with a predisposition against any legisla-
tive measures ; but he must confess that his opinions were
changed by the evidence which was given ; and he would
tell those who were opposed to the present act, to look into
the evidence, and satisfy themselves upon the subject.
During his experience on the committee, of which he was
the chairman, he never heard evidence from., any person in
authority against the shutting of public-houses at twelve
o'clock on Saturday night. On the contrary, it was
the poor themselves who at that time prayed thu Legisla-
ture to interfere even further in the matter. The opinion
of the public, he believed, had continued in the same di-
rection ever since. He did not object to the proposed in-
quiry, but trusted it vould be conducted in a fair spirit,
and give full satisfaction to all parties concerned. (Hear.)
Mr. HENLEY was glad to hear a committee was to be
granted, and sincerely trusted it would be a good one.
Sir J. SHELLEY hoped the whole matter would be
fairly and properly inquired into. He had little doubt the
measure was to the general satisfaction of the people ; but
considering it passed hurriedly through the house,
a c om-
mittee of inquiry might adjust all matters of difficulty
which had arisen from that circumstance. He trusted
when he brought forward his motion for the opening, un-
der certain restrictions, of the Crystal Palace on Sunday,
that all those who, during the evening, had spoken in
favour of wholesome recreations on the Sabbath, would give
him their support. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. E. BALL said,•so far as his experience went, he
believed the act at present in operation had been attended
with the most beneficial results.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE was glad it had been decided to
have an inquiry, but was opposed to its adoption during
the present session.
The motion was agreed to.

ELECTIVE FRNCHIE.
Major REED moved for leave A
to bringS in a bill for con-
ferring the elective franchise upon persons (not being aliens)
who are assessed to the income tax, but are not upon a regis-
ter of electors for any part of ureat Britain and Ireland.
The hon. and gallant gentleman said he was fully aware of
theimportance of the subject. Though his intention was to
extend the franchise, he had no intention to degrade it; but
he thought it only fairthat those classes who furnished blood
and treasure for our armies should not be totally unrepre
sented in that house. Neither could he see any reason
in allowing a member of that house to derive his qua-
lification from funded property, whilst we forbade a
man out of such property alone to vote at the election
of that member. He warned the house that there was
a strong feeling of distru,t existing respecting them in
the minds of the people of England, and this was a most
fitting opportunity to do an act of common justice-
Commercial travellers to the number of 30,000 formed
another class who would be benefited by this bill. Then
there were the clerks of the Government offices, and of the
largo private establishments. (Loud cries " Divide, di-
vide.") The hon. gentleman made haste to conclude by
asking leave to bring in his bill.
Lord PALMERSTON thought with the hon. gentleman
that it was rather late in the session—(a laugh)—to bring
in a bill on a subject of this kind, involving at least ono
question which had excited great variety of opinion in the
house. However, as he brought it merely for the purpose
of recording his opinion, and submitting it for the consi-
deration of the public—(hear, and laughter)—and, as /I
did not expect to carry it through during the present see.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said he was not
about to censure the Government for having used their
best endeavours to conciliate Austria, and obtain her
concurrence in the measures which the allies had thought
fit to adopt for the protection of Turkey ; for it was of
the greatest importance to obtain the concurrence of
Austria in those measures. He was not about to cen-
sure Austria for the caution which she had exercised, for
it was justified by the peculiar position in which she was
placed. He was not about to complain of the conduct
Austria bad pursued since the termination of the negotia-

tions at Vienna. He admitted that Austria had performed
good service to the allies and to Europe. Shefound herself
at the commencement of these transactions with an army
much reduced in strength, and with her finances in a low
condition. She had made an effort to place her army on a
war establishment, and had placed it in a position threat-
ening to Russia, which had had the effect of diverting the
forces of Russia from action in the Crimea. But not only
had the armed position of Austria effected this object,
but she had to consider her own position in Italy, in
Hungary, and in Poland ; and no doubt her position of