The National Register.
London, England, 1815-05-28 00:00:00

)IAY 2S.

,Sovereigns are disposed, .as his Majesty is, to make their honour
cowist in the preservation of peace, by placing peace under the
saCeguard of hononr. Such are, my Lord, the sentiments with
vitieli Lis ,7,1'8.1e-sty is sincerely animated, and which he has com-
Immled me to make known to your Government. I have the
homier, &c.

(signed) • • CAULAINcOURT) Dake of Vicence.
His Excellency Loral Castlereagh, &c.

LETTER FROM VISCOUNT CASTLEREABH TO M. CACLAINCOURT,
DATED, DOWNOW-STREET, APRIL 8, Isls.

Strt—l have been honoured with two letters from your excel-
lency 'waling date the 4th inst. from Paris, one of them cover-
in.; a letter addressed to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent. I
2ln to acquaint your Excellency, that the Prince Regent has declined
teeeivirg the letter addressed to him, and has, at the same time'
gimi me his order, to transmit the letters by your Excellency to me,
Li a, for the Information and consideration of the Allied Sore•
.led Plenipotentiaries there assembled.

I am, ei:c.

CASTLERE4G H.

VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH TO I'HE EARL OF CLANCARTY, DATED
FOREIGN OFFICE, BTH APRIL, 1815,

11Iv Loan—l herewith inclose a copy of an Overture this day
Frei ived tom Lde Caulaincourt, with the answer return( d. You
%%di cilomonicate the same to the Allied Sovereigns and Plenipo-
tmtiioivs at Vienna, fur their inforhaition. I have the honour
to be, &c.

(Signed)

CASTLER SAG H.

Earl of Clanoarty, &e.

VIE EARL OF CL ANCAR TY TO VISCOUNT CASTLIREAGII, DATED
%I EN NA, MAY 6, 1815.

My Loan—Adverting to your Lordship's dispatch, No. 3, and
to its several inelosures, conveying a proposal made by the- existing
Government in France, and your Lordship's answer thereto, I
have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of his Ma-
jcst)'s Government, that at a conference held on the 3d inst. his
Hines Prince Metternich acquainted us, that a M. de Stress
saut, oho had been stopped on his way hither, at Lintz, from
nut having been furnished with proper passports, had addressed a
letter to his Imperial Majesty, and therewith forwarded some nn-
opened letters which the Emperor had directed him to unseal in the
presence of the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied Powers, These
Proved to be a letter (rein Bonaparte, addressed to his Majesty,
professing a desire to continue at peace, to observe the stipulations
of the Tteaty of Paris, Scc. and a letter from M. de Caulaincourt
to Prince :WM:midi, containing similar professions. After reads
these Papers, it was considered whether any, and what answer
should lhe made thereto, when the general opinion appeared to he,
the "(The slonild be returned, and no notice whatever taken of the
proposal. Upon this, as indeed upon all other occasions subse-
quent to the resumption of authority by Bunnaparte, ‘vherein the
piesunt state or the C9ntinental Po‘vers, with regard to France, has
c'''ite tinder tliscussion, but one opinion has appeared to direct the
C°ll6vik 't the several Sovereigns. They adhere, and from the
"InmcHrement have never ceased to adhere, to the it Declaration
of !:;tl, 01 March, with respeot to the actual Ruler of France.
,
+say are iu a state of hostility with him and his adherent, not from

choice, but from necessity, because past experience has sites n,
that no faith has been kept by him, and that no reliance ran be
placed on the professions of one who has hitherto no longer re.
gardtd the most solemn compacts than as it may have suited
his own convenience to observe them, whose word, the only
assurance he can afford for his peaceable disposition, is not less its
direct oppositicn to the tenor of his former life, than it is to the
military position ia which he is actually placed. They feel that
they should neither perform their duty to themselves or to the
people committed by Providence to their charge, if they were now
to listen to those professions of a desire fur peace which have been
made, and suffer themselves thus to be lulled into the supposition
that they might now relieve their people bum the hurdles, of
supporting immense military masses, by diminishing their forces
to a peace establishment, convinced as the several Sovereigns are
from past experience, that no sooner should they have been dis-
armed, than advantage would be taken of their want of preparation,
to renew those scenes of aggression and bloodshed, from which they
had hoped that the peace so gloriously won at Paris, would long
have secured them. They are at war, then; for the purpose of ob•
taiuing some security far their own independence, and for the re.
conquest of that peaCe and permanent tranquillity, for which the
would has set Jung panted. They are not even at war fur the
greater or less portion of security which France can afford them
of future trancieWity,,but because France, under its present chief,
is unable to afford them any security whatever. Is, this war, they
do not desire to interfere with any legitimate right of the French
people ; they have no design to oppose the claim of that nation to
choose their own form of Government, or intention to trench, in
any respect, upon their independence as a great and free people :
lint they do think they base a right, and that of the highest
natme, to contend against the re-establishment of an individual
as the head of the French Government, whose past conduct has
invariably demonstrated, that in such a situatiun he will not stiffer
other nations to be at peace—whose rest!ess ambition, whose
thirst for foreign conquests and whose disregard for the tights and
independence of other States, must expose the whole of Enrope
to renewed scenes of plunder and devastation. However general the
feelings of the Sovereigns may be in favour of the restoration of the
King, they no otherwise seek to influence the proceedings of the
French in the choice of this or of any other dynasty, or form of Go.
vernment, than may be essential to the safety and permanent
tranquillity of the rest of-Europe; such reasonable security
being afforded by France in this respect, as other tate.; have a
legitimate right to claim in their tiwp defence, their object will be
satisfied; and they shall joyfully return to that state of peace, which
will then, and then only, be open to them, and lay Joan those
'arms which they have only taken up fOr the purpose of acqniring
that tranquillity so eagtrly desired by them on the part of their
respective Empires.—Such, my Lord, art the general sentimects
of the Sovereigns and of their Ministers here ossembled ; and it
should seem, that the glorious forbearance observed by than,
when masters of the French capital is the eatly part of the last
year, ought to prove to the French, that this is not a war
against their freedom and Milcpenetenee, or excited by any spirit
of ambition, or desire of convest, Wit one arising out of necessity,
'treed on the prlncipki of self:preservation, and founded on that
legitimate and incontrovertible right of obtaining re .sonahle secu-
rity fur their own tranquillity and independence--to which, if

.a.L..i

(Signed)

. TS! E

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

..

'France lids on her part a claim, other nations have an equal title
'to claim at the bands of France. I this day laid before the Plenipo-
tentiaries of the Three Allied Powers in conference. the Note pro-
posed to be delivered npon the exchange of the ratifications of the
Treaty of the 23th March. After the opinions which I have de.
tailed as those with which the Allied Sovereigns are impressed,
with respect to the object of the war, it is scarcely necessary for
me to add, that the explanation afforded in this Note, as the
construction put by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent on the
eighth article of that Treaty. was favourably received. Imme-
diate instructions will consequently be issued to the Ambassadors
of the Imperial Courts of Austria and Russia, and to the Minister
of his Prussian Majesty. to accept of this Note on the exchange of
the ratifications of the Treaty in question. In order to be assured
that I have advanced nothing in this dispatch, which does not as.
cord with the views of the Cabinets of the Allied Sovereigns, I
have acquainted the Plenipotentiaries of the high Allied Powers
with the contents thereof, and have the honour to inform you,
that the sentiments contained in it entirely coincide with those of
their respective Courts. I have the honour to be, &c.

CLANCARTY.

MONDAY, MAY 2e.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL piesemed to the House the following
Message from the Priuce Regeut.
" GEORGE P. R. _ _

a His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name
mid on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks it right to inform the House
of Lords, that in consequence of the events which have recently oc-
curred in France, in direct contravention of the treaties concluded
at Paris in the course of the last year, lie has judged it necessary to
rater into engagements with his Majesty's Allies, for the purpose of
forming such a concert as the present circumstances indispensably
require, and for preventing the revival of that system and course of
(scuts ; which experience has proved to be incompatible with the
peace and independence of the nations of Europe.
" His Royal Highness has directed copies of the Treaties con-
cluded with his Majesty's Allies to be laid before the House, and he
confidently relies ou the support of the House of Lords in all mea-
sures which it may be necessary fur him to adopt in conjunction
with his Majesty's Allies against the common enemy at this impor-
tant crisis."
The Message being read, it was ordered on his Lordship's motion
to be taken into consideration tomorrow.

Earl GREY rose for the purpose of requesting the Noble. Earl op-
posite to state precisely in what situation the country stood. Were
we actually at war, or were we nob?--and in what light, with refer-
ence to the subject of war or peace, was the message and the address
about to be moved in consequence to he regarded ?
The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, if the Noble Earl wished to know
whether hostilities had really commenced, that is, whether letters of
marque had been issued and ships captured, or any blow had been
actually struck, he had to answer, that in that sense hostilities had
vtot as yet actually commenced : lmt he should deceive the Noble
Earl, and deceive the House, if he were not distinctly to avow that
this message was brought down with a view to the commencement
of hostilities against the system mentioned in the message, as soon as
it should be found expedient to do so.
. The Marquis of BUCKINGHAM rose, pnrsuant to notice, and
moved an Address to the Prince Regent, preying that l►e would he
graciously pleased to lay on the table copies of the stipulations and
arrangements made at the Congress at Vienna, and mentioned in
the treaty of the 25th of March, as stipulations and arrangements
which it was the object of the Allies, in the approaching contest
with The present Ruler of France, to support. His Lordship con-
tended, that ' 'a what these at range-
mentS were, s of the treaty of
'Vicuna..

The
in intuwer. . iessage _ compro-
mise the opinions of the House on that treAty. The arrangements
and stipulations in question, not having yet been reduced to the form
ea treaty, were not in a state to be made pnblic.—After some de.
bate, the motion was withdrawn.
The debate on the Catholic question was postponed till Friday
se'nuight.—Adjoumed.

•
TUESDAY, ItIAT 1134
WAR OR PiaCZ.
The Order of the Day for the consideration of the Prince Re.
gent's Message being read.
The Earl of Ltventotk said, if ever there had been a question
which demanded the most serious consideration of that House, it
was the present, which involved no less than the dreadful alternative
of peace or war. After such a contest as that in which we had been
so long and so arduously engaged, be had no hesitation in saying
that peace, if it could be honourably had, was most desirable to this
country. No sacrifices were too great for the preservation of
peace, as long as such sacrifices did not impeach the essential in-
terest and honour of the country. Bat the question to be considered
was, whether it was morally possible for us to continue in a state of
peace, and at the same time enjoy all its natural advantages? It was
*t that the Howe should deliberate on this question without preju-
dice, and he should endeavour to direct their Lordships' attention tit
every part of it with that calmness that was necessary to enable
them to form a correct judgment. He was aware of the difficulties
under which we laboured ; but he maintained, that no sense of these
difficulties, that no sense of present inconvenience, should deter the
country from manfully meeting the same. The first cousideratioe
that must rise on this question was, whether we had a just cause of
war at this moment. —ln judging of this, it would be necessary to
view the character of the individual with whom the war was to be
made, and his conduct with reference to the Allies. He did not
feel this to be a part of the question on which it was necessary foe
him to dwell ; for if it was to be considered solely as connected with
the individual, no doubt could be entertained of the existence of that
state of things in which the alternative of war was unavoidable, in
consequence of the violation on his part of die treaty which he had
entered into. He knew it had been said, that the treaty had been
previously violated by other parties; on this he would say, that even
if the fact of a previous Oblation by others were true, no principle
of the law of nations timid justify his conduct with regard to the
Allied Powers, unless redress had first been demanded by him and
refused. But there was no occasion to rest•tleis point on inch nar-
row ground ; there was abundant evidence to stew that Boom-
parte's violation of the treaty did not proceed from any previous
violation mi the part of others. In one of the proclamations which
lee first published on his landing in France, he did not say one word
about any violation by the Allies ; but declared he had long had in
contemplatiOn to resume his authority. If their Lordships would
look at the transactions of April and May, 1814, they wonld find
that his abdication was, in fact, the whole foundation of the treaty
then entered into with France; and on that principle the only au-
thority that remained in Frahce, pronounced his abdication. The
very preamble of the treaty of peace with France went on this prin.
ciple—that France was then under a Government which was likely
to preserve the relations of peace with other countries, and promote
the secnri ty of Europe : the peace was therefore signed on the very
idea and condition that the new Government of France would con-
tinne to afford such security. Therefore he contended, that from
the very principle and nature of the treaty, the dissolution of Bun-
naparte's Government was an indispensable condition belonging to
it. The qmstion then was, whether this war should now be entered
into? He was ready to admit that a war, in order to be justifiable,
must be necessary ; was it necessary then to go to war with the pre-
sent Ruler of France? He maintained that it was; and be would
put it to their• Lordships, whether they thought there was any pro!
spect of Great Britain being ever able to remain at peace with
France, if Bnonaparte continued to rule over that country? and if
that could not be done, was there any question as to the course that
ought to he pursued? Conk' any man for a moment hesitate in di•
termining whether it would be better to remain in a state of fearful
inactivity, or prosecute with vigour the contest, in which there
was every prospect of a successfed termination? We had the nielan-
doily advantage of 14 years experience to prove that this man never
entered into any treaty with any power which he had not broken.
Was there, he would ask, any thing in Bumeaparte's late fall, or is
his return to power, that could induce one to think that a change
was likely to take place in hit character? He could see nothing of
IOW; on the contrary, he could sec every thing in his tttutn to

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REGISTER. MAT S.
e Earl of LIIVIRPOOL •Mid. the Addre'i which hi- Ilotipt wove,
'wer to the Menage of the Prince Regent, wonlii not compro-