The National Register.
London, England, 1812-04-26 00:00:00

A pRi i, 26•

A Petition from the University of Oxford against the Catholic claims
was read, and ordered to lie on the Table.
Mr. BRA ND postponed' his motion on Parliamentary Reform, which
stood for this day week, to this day fortnight.
Mr. WELLESLEY POLE obtained leave to bring in a Bill to prevent
the distillation from Grains in Ireland, for a time to be limited.—Ad-
journed.

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 22.
This day the House was called over, previous to the discussion of the
Catholic Question to-morrow.
A Petition being presented from the City of Waterford against the
renewal of the East India Company's Charter, some conversation arose
between the the/
-oa of the EXCHEQUER and Mr. BROUGHAM,
in the course of which the former declared he knew nothing to the
contrary at present, but that be should bring the measure forward this
Session.
Mr. Rost moved the re-committal of the Parish Register Bill, and
proposed some amendments. The Report was received, and ordered
to be taken into further consideration this day week.

THURSDAY, APRIL 23.
CATHOLIC QUESTION.
Mr. GRATTAN, pursuant to notice, called the attention of the House
to this important subject, and, in doing so, stated, that in consequence of
the late discussions, and the line of argument his Majesty's Ministers
had pursued, he had been induced to change the ground of his motion,
and should merely move, that the laws relative to Catholic disqualifica-
tions should be taken into consideration. On this extended basis, every
person who thought that these laws might he revised with advantage,
and who did not wish to shut the door against all discussion, would rea-
dily vote for the motion, as not pledging them to any decided proceed-
ing, but merely to a fair and candid examination of the question. It was
now to be decided on its fair principle. The doom of Ireland was now
before then'. It they determined that Ireland should not be free • if
they were deaf to all prayers, to all entrraties, and all reasonings on this
subject, they would deprive three-fourths of the population of Ireland,
and one-fourth of the population of the empire, of their rights and liber-
ties for ever. He did not know what they might mean by their claims
not being taken into considerations, by not granting Ireland a participa-
tion of British privilege now. If he could attach any meaning to it, it
eras that they were to he denied these priviledges for ever.—(Hi:ar/j
If such was the case, the sentence was not only impolitic, but abomina-
ble. Were three-fourths of the country of Ireland to be doomed to per-
petual and unceasing oppression, and to be deprived of the rights of
na-
tore,and the priviledges of civil society, because they followed the reli-
gion of their ancestors ? Let them recollect that religion was of the na-
ture of the most sacred and inviolable property. Revelation was the
gift of God, to be interpreted by man according to his best under-
standing. Was not the Irishman to explain this without a license from
the King ? If Parliament said otherwise, they would offend both against
their fellow-creatures and against God. In circumstances not religious,
the State had a right to interfere: allegiance, and not religion, was the
object of Legislation. It was not any description of religion, but the
want of allegiance that the State had a right to punish. Was the want
of allegiance complained of in the Irish? On the contrary, they knew
that the Irish were dying every day in their service. Those very
Rcanan Catholics to whom they refused the rights of citizens
were now fighting the battles of the country, and,' sustaining the
honour and glory of the British name, both at home and abroad.—
Did they say that no Trish Catholic could be true to a Prince of the
House of Hanover. The enemy knew and felt the contrary, and
guided by a wiser policy, had admitted men of all religions to a pa.rtici-
pation of privilege, as the best mode of making their efforts applicable
to the support of the state. Did they say that the Roman Catholic reli-
gion referred all power and authority to the Pope, that it relaxed all al-
legiance and duty to the sovereign, and that it was impossible that ever
the Protestant and Catholic religions could amalgamate. Were this
true, the Catholic religion could not have existed, and every Catholic
country rmust have been long ago dissolved. This doctrine the Catho-
lics themselves denied. The most enlightened among them, their uni-
versities abroad, hi.cl given the most solemn opinion to the contrary.
'The Universities of Douay and Valladolid, and others, had declared
that the power residing in the Pope was not of a temporal but spiritual
nature, and had satisfactorily answered the question respecting oaths
and allegiance to a Protestant Sovereign.. They had thus the
strongest practical proofs that the Catholics were capable of al-
legiance, and that nothing was to be feared from an opposi-
tion of interests. Of this the Protestants of Ireland themselves
were also convinced. They had not only Petitions from the Ca-
thodes, but also Protestant Petitions innumerable in their support.
Before they dismissed these petitions, they were to consider under
shat circumstances Ireland now applied to them. They had deprived
Ireland of her Parliament, and now she appeared before them in person
wi'sh her Imperial Crown, and appealed to their honour and justice.
the pays you in trade ten millions a year; she assists in all your strut:-
Bits. Your enemies are her's, and she sends forth the best pact of her
PoPulation to fight your battles; and would they now send away that
kingdom from their bar, embcdicd as it was in these petitions, without I.

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