The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-31 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 31, 1855.

The most bitter pang sustained by the sick
lion was the insult inflicted by the ass, when he
thought that he might do so with impunity.
The quondam monarch of the woods keenly felt
the indignity. Then, indeed, he deplored his
lost strength, and would have endured his other
sufferings a thousand times over for the power of
avenging the foul wrong offered by a creature so
degraded. How joyously would he have hailed
returning strength to teach asinus a salutary
lesson ? How freely would he brave the tiger—
the bear—in conflict, if he could afterwards have
met his contemptible assailant? The British lion
is in somewhat a similar position; but, fortunately,
his strength has not altogether departed. He has
been muzzled by injudicious keepers—he has been
taught to beg where he might command, but he
has merely to exercise a simple act of volition
to shake off the incubus by which he has long
been oppressed, and to stand forth in all his
native majesty and power.
We are threatened by Austria. Ominous hints
have been put forward respecting the possible con-
sequences of our daring to dispute her proposi-
tions. Count BuoL has published a circular, in
which he strongly censures the conduct of the
British Government in presenting to Parliament
the protocols of the Vienna Conference, in making
public "the negotiations for peace when they
cannot be regarded as terminated." The German
Minister then states that Austria had resolved
"to recommend confidentially to the Courts of
Paris and of London new propositions, which
the EMPEROR thought of a nature to be presented
to St. Petersburg as an ultimatum." It seems
that the suggestion is still to be made, but not as
an ultimatum to Russia, but ratherto the Western
Powers. Notwithstanding the misconduct of Eng-
land she has not yet publicly expressed "any opinion
upon the situation of affairs." She is contented,
for the time being, with the caustic and stringent
censure conveyed, and the significant intimation
that "the reply of the Cabinet of Paris, and the
proposals alluded to, cannot fail to exercise some
influence" on her views !
And this is what we have gained by " wait-
ing" for Austria. This is what our truckling to
"Germanism"—our toadying of Coburg—has
produced for Britain. (we cannot add the usual
prefix " Great"). This is what we have "starved
the War" for, and complimented Russia to obtain.
However unskilled in the arts of secret diplomacy,
every man of ordinary capacity can understand
the nature of the menace conveyed in the closing
sentence of Count BuoL's Circular. It is plainly,
"Accept our proposal, or —." The alternative
is not expressed, but cannot be mistaken. It is
plainly that Austria will disregard her professions
and violate her solemn obligations, unless we sub-
mit to her dictation—and submit to the terms
which she thinks proper to impose ?
Let her do so ! We never reposed the slightest
confidence in her promises. Never believed that
she had any intention of taking an active part in
the contest until it had been virtually decided,
and she might, after all the danger was over, step in
to obtain a share in the distribution of the spoil.
We are, therefore, by no means disappointed or
surprised at her present conduct, when she has,
at length, thrown off the mask, if not completely,
at 'eclat so far as to afford no further
saveexcuse—
as . to the wilfully blind—for doubt or hesitation
to her ultimate objects. Lord JOHN RUSSELL
candidly acknowledged in his speech on Mr. ars-
RA ELI'S motion that he
had no hope of obtaining
the co-operation of Austria. The same matter
has been reluctantly admitted by France, and
what remains but to shake off the fruitless inter-
ference
that cannot lead to any beneficial
results,
and to permit Austria—if she thinks proper—to
place herself in a state of isolation similar to that
of Prussia ; or, should she deem it more expe-
dient, to array herself, in congenial society, under
the double eagle of Russia.
We confess that we are profoundly indifferent
as to the result. Far better an open enemy than
a treacherous and deceitful friend. We can
easily decide on the steps to be taken when
Au"4tris is in the reverse scale, but it is more
&Meat to determine the course to be pursued
while she
promises to be our "faithful ally .1" We
can easily detect traces of her handiwork in the

annex to protocol 6, where the depriving
our real Ally, the Porte, of the Danubian Prin-
cipalities is more than hinted at, where it is sug-
gested that " there would be two courses to fol
low ; either to confine ourselves, for the moment,
to proclaiming the principle of hereditary succes-
sion, conferring the sovereignty (of the United
Principalities) on a Prince of the country, or else
(and this measure would, perhaps, be the best)
to decide at once the question by calling upon
a Prince of one of the reigning families of
Europe." Here the cloven foot is plainly dis-
played. Here we see the palpable inten-
tion of defrauding our friend, in order to
aggrandise, if not an open enemy, at least
a sneaking neutral. It was this folly (we might
use, perhaps, a harsher term) that induced Austria
to believe that she could venture on threats. When
we have suffered ourselves to be so far dragged
through the mire she must have considered that
we would submit to any indignity. But she may
be mistaken. The question is now before the
British Parliament, a body not so entirely de-
voted to Coburgism as the Cabinet. Mr. Lowf s
amendment declares, " that the means of coming
to an agreement were exhausted." If England
be true to herself, or rather if the representatives
truly represent the wishes of their constituents,
that proposition will be affirmed, and the Aus-
trian menace will receive an answer befitting the
honour and dignity of the United Kingdom.

We would once more entreat attention to by far
the most important question which can be brought
before Parliament, which must be decided during
the present session, and of which no mention has
as yet been made, although more than four
months—or two-thirds of the time devoted to
the entire business of the country—have elapsed
since the meeting of the Legislature. We have
as yet had no intimation of the Ministerial inten-
tions respecting the renewal of the Bank Charter,
or the provisions to be made for the monetary
supplies of the nation. The fact cannot be too
generally known that the Bank Charter of 1844
will continue in operation unless notice of its dis-
continuance be given during the present year.

Where, then, are the monetary reformers ?
Where are the men who have so emphatically pro-
tested against the innumerable evils arising from
that highly injudicious, we may say iniquitous,
code, that produces a plethora of money when it
is not required, and diminishes the supply when
there is a scarcity—that, stimulates speculation
when it should be repressed, and starves industry
when it requires to be fostered and sustained. Ex-
perience, painfully bitter experience, has proved that
the so-called " self-acting regulator" of the cur-
rency has produced the most disastrous conse-
quences. The well-digested Report of the Lords'
Committee on commercial distress shows that the
earliest opportunity should be seized on to pro-
cure an alequate remedy for the monstrous grie-
vance under which industry has so frequently
languished, and the productive powers of the
country been impaired and deteriorated ; and
yet the time is suffered to elapse, and nothing
will probably be done until the fag-end of the
session, when the most incompetent financier that
ever mismanaged the national finances will step
forward with some crude measure, which must
be accepted or rejected, inasmuch as there will
be no time to examine its provisions.
This is another result of the oligarchical sys-
tem, of the attempt to reduce the representatives
of the people into political ciphers whose only
function is to register the ukases of the Cabinet
for the time being. Lord PALMERSTON wishes
that they should not in any degree interfere in
relation to the terms in which peace may be ob-
tained. His Chancellor of the Exchequer desires
that they should have no voice in the regulation
of the national currency. As he acted in respect
to the Loan he wishes to act in reference to the
Bank Charter, viz., to make his bargain first, and
call on Parliament to sanction it at a moment's
notice, without discussion or consideration ! No w
we most emphatically protest against such a pro-
ceeding ; we call on the independent members of
the House to assert their independence, and to
insist on ample and timely information before
they permit the currency quacks to reduce and
render stagnant the circulating medium—the very
life-blood of the national industry.
The people are called on to endure greatly in-
creased impbsts. More than 25 per cent. has
within the last year been added to the taxation of
the country, but no step has been taken to miti-
gate its pressure, or " to fit the back for the
enormous burden." With Mr. GLADSTONE'S pecu-
liar notions respecting the War—with his avowed
anxiety to render the people dissatisfied with the
privations and sufferings incidental thereto, we
can easily imagine why he would not seek to alle-
viate the monetary trials that must be endured.
Sir G. C. LEWIS may entertain similar views.
But we hope, and believe, that the opinions of the
great majority of the members of both Houses are
very different—that they are determined that the
War shall be carried on with vigour and energy
until an honourable and, probably, permanent
peace can be conquered. They will not assent to
a course the probable results of which would be
to damage the ardour of the people, to induce
them to behold with indifference an injury to the
honour of their country, an ominous menace to
its future tranquillity, rather than continue to
endure the intolerable burdens with which they
are oppressed. The most devoted bullionist, the
most strenuous advocate of Pain], cannot say
that the provisions of the Act of 1844 are suited
Ito a time of war. Were Sir ROBERT PEEL now
living he would be the first to propose its repeal,
or, at all events, an important modification
thereof. Let others supply his place. As we
havo repeatedly stated, all we now demand is " in-
Iquiry." Let the question be properly ventilated
More a decision is arrived at. Let it be con-
sidered whether we shall have a really National
Bank, in which every taxpayer will practically
be a shareholder, and bound to advance its inte-
rests, and to discountenance any panic or run on
its resources—whether we shall have a currency
suited to the wants of the people in notes of 11.,
21., and 31., each ; each secured not only on all the
accumulated property, and all the industry of the
country, but even on the labours of our children and
our children's children. The timehas almost arrived
when these all-important interrogatories must be
answered. Let us, then, not be taken by sur-
prise, but be fully prepared for the crisis. The
ominous silence that has hitherto been observed
is calculated to give rise to dark suspicions as to
the Ministerial intentions, and no time should be
lost in allaying the very natural suspicions that
have arisen.

We feel bound to draw attg ntion to an interest-
ing communication we have received from Mr.
J. MACGREGOR, and have inserted it in another
column. The attitude of Ansi ria, both prior and
subsequent to the breaking out of hostilities, even
down to the present time, has 1 been the subject of
bitteranimadveraion. Our reap( :ctedcorrespondent
speaks in defence of that attitude, being authorised
and bound, as he conceives, to 10 so by his know-
ledge of Austria and her difficul ties, acquired dur-
-1 ing a three years' residence in that country in a