The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-27 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 27, 1855.

The promised explanation has been given. Lord
JOHN Russm last night stated the reasons which
induced him to withdraw from the Ministry at so
critical a period—the very commencement of the
Parliamentary campaign at a time when his
services would be peculiarly valuable, and when,
moreover, a serious attack was threatened on one
important branch of the Executive. We do not
say that he gave all the reasons. On the contrary,
we believe that much greater light might have
been cast on this very important event—that, in
fact, as we had anticipated, the statement was made
with all reserve, and a forbearance exhibited which
will, we trust, be duly appreciated in the proper
quarter.
What renders this view of the case more pro-
bable is, that it would appear—as well from
what fell from Lord PALMERSTON as from the
Noble Lord himself that the vexata qucestio
has been disposed of—the difficult problem solved !
The Noble Viscount, whose acknowledged expe-
rience, energy, and thorough efficiency in every
respect induced the people, with scarcely a dissen-
tient voice, to demand his appointment as War
4." Lef VI Alcal
he is so pre-eminently qualified ! The nominal
cause of difference has been removed at the very
time when the difference has produced a result so
very serious to the Government itself and to the
nation—a result which should not proceed from
any mere matter of form ! The days of " special
demurrers" have gone by, and it would be strange
indeed if Lord ABERDEEN, or the party behind the
scenes who pull the strings of the puppet, should
have yielded to the withdrawal of Lord JOHN Rus-
SELL at the very time when theywere assenting to all
that was demanded by the Noble Lord ! This is
not probable ! Nay, more, it is not credible. As
we have already stated, we fully appreciate the
motives that sealed his lips—that induced him as
a man of honour and a gentleman—and we firmly
believe him to be both one and the other—to sub-
mit to any temporary obloquy rather than excite a
commotion of which it would be impossible to pre-
dict the termination.

The matter may be easily understood. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL required the appointment of Lord
PALMERSTON to the War-office. In consequence
of Lord ABERDEEN'S refusal to comply with the re-
quisition he tendered his resignation. That resig-
nation was accepted without a single word to show
that the cause of complaint was actually removed, or
in course of removal ; and yet, at the very time
when the statement is delivered, the Noble Lord
declares that " the arrangement which he proposed
in his first letter of the 17th November—or rather
in his subsequent letter—that of placing the seals
of the War Department in the hands of the
Home Secretary, has been made ?" He added—
" I shall be glad to think that my retirement from
office has in any way contributed to that change,
and I believe it must in some way have contributed
to it—for otherwise I have no doubt that my noble
friend, Lord ABERDEEN, with the fairness and can-
dour which belong to him, and which I always
found in him, would have answered the letter I
have just read, by saying that circumstances had
in some respect changed, and that which he could
not honestly recommend to the QUEEN in Novem-
ber he had thought necessary at the present time ;
and that, therefore, any difficulty is opposing the
motion of inquiry might be in some degree les-
ssziettl t not
.P nV, 1: v-loved. That cannot have
and In7hsall'abvee bee.,
glad if my re-
arrangement, WAY war bULY3eiltlell t
tiromor.k -1 _ • 411
sent conjuncture, of President of the Council,
could have led to the appointment to the War De-
partment of my noble friend the Home Secretary,
of whom I cannot speak in higher' terms than I
have already used in one of my letters."
The country will go something further than he
permitted himself to do, and will clearly under-
stand that all the ramifications of the subject have
not been clearly or distinctly developed that
either something has been done, or is contemplated,
at which the straightforward integrity and sturdy
independence of the Noble en-President of
the Council would revolt. There is, therefore,
in it something more than has yet met the eye,
and which requires the utmost caution aid vigi-
lance on the part of the chosen representatives of
the people—nay more, of the independent electors
themselves ; for there never was a time when the
pressure from without was more essential—when it
was indispensable to keep many hon. gentlemen up
to the faithful discharge of their onerous and im-
portant duties.

Whatever may have been omitted, quite sufficient
was stated to more than justify the Noble Lord in
the course he has adopted. He has sacrificed him-
self for the benefit of the country. He has, by
relinquishing his position, produced the change
which he required, and we are convinced that the
country will duly appreciate the patriotism and
devotion that led to an act so disinterested and
devoted.

Several matters concurred to diminish the in-
terest attached to the important motion of which
Mr. ROEBUCK had given notice, and which he last
night brought under the consideration of the
House of Commons. There was first the too pal-
pable illness—the physical suffering of the honour-
able gentleman—that prevented him from doing
justice to the great subject he had grappled with—
from placing the question in so clear and broad a
light that every disinterested and unprejudiced
person would have had ample materials for arriv-
ing at a sound conclusion. Every one felt that a
deficiency could not be attributed to any lack of
determination, to any change of disposition in the
member for Sheffield. It was easily perceptible
that the spirit was willing though the flesh was
weak—that the great heart still boat soundly and
honestly as it was wont, though bodily weakness
forbade the full expression of its feelings. If JOHN
ARTHUR ROEBUCK were in possession of ordinary
strength there would have been no necessity for
any exponent of his views. He would have put
them forth vigorously, energetically, and de-
cisively, so that there could have been no mistake,
but we cannot suppose that others will not be
stimulated by his example, and be prepared to
undertake the task, which, under happier auspices,
he would have so efficiently discharged.
Iti was, indeed, a painful spectacle, one that
stronglyillustrated the story of the high-mettled
acer. There is, however, thank GOD, a prospect
of his recovery—of his being again enabled to
vare-
sume the position which ho once occupied with so
much credit to himself and ad
country, with an honesty of taang
de a tboi li tt hy'
e
purpose,
n
and power, that rendered him one of the most
influential of the independent Members—whose
opinions were anxiously looked for by her
MAJESTY'S Government 1
It was likewise, to a certain extent, anticipated
by the statement of Lord JOHN RUSSELL. Its
effect was discounted—for it had led to the
resignation of the most influential Minister
in that House—who felt that it was impos-
sible for him to resist the demand, and, by
his resignation, gave the most powerful—aye, irre-
sistible, support to the proposition. The chief
object, too, was complied with. It was thoroughly
understood that laiovrid PeA;Ecßietsry o_Nh wasannounced
naol
utonenaeosdst
nothing
the duties of the War Department. If that had
ndiltvlely
should 7 have Tuesday,heen oa
wansor, certainly
fon::
possibly,
frofamteldie
utmoatiofano,tioLvhsicpiiirit ;