The National Register.
London, England, 1817-07-28 00:00:00

rbt 4.1) (nista nal tA.

No. 494.—V0t. X.

POLITICAL 1)ISQU1S1 [ION.

ON THE POLICY OF COMMERCIAL TREATIES.

AMONGST the various charges which have been
urged against the present Ministry, and more particu-
larly. against Lord Castlereagh, there is none which
their opponents have dwelt on with such apparent sa-
tisfaction, as that of their having neglected to form
Commercial regulations with the several powers whose
cause this country had upheld. That this tonischm
leis been highly injurious to us is attempted to be
proved by various instances of oppression on the part of
our allies, towards British subjects resident within their
dominions. To the w.'nt of attention on this head, too,
are assigned the stagnation of our manufactories. the
non-employment of our ships, and, in fact, almost all
the evils which we are at this time enduring. Unfa-
tunatcly, however, for these advocates for Commercial
Treaties, the Foreign Journalists, who, on other occa-
sions, command their warmest praise, deny the truth
of all this. They, on the contrary, arc continually la-
menting the preponderance of England, and accusing her
of destroying their manufactures by her extensive ex-
ports, and by her commanding stations on every coast,
cramping all naval energy but her own.
Without attempting to reconcile these differences we
will endeavour to view the subject on a broader scale,
and see how far Commercial Treaties are really useful
to Commerce, for of their utility at all we have very
considerable doubts.

It must be acknowledged that if a Commercial Treaty
is valuable to a country, that value must arise from some
advantage gained by the one nation over the other.
tn•o men ride on a home one must ride behind. A treaty
formed upon a strict principle of reciprocal right can
never he worth the trouble of making it, for Commerce,
like water, if unetonstrained, will find its own level,
therefore such a treaty would only do what would be done
quite as well without it. On the other hand, we have
examples enough to show that every attempt of one
nation to over-reach another is injurious to the offend-
ing party. A treaty of Peace is a contract, tl•c conditions
of which an to be instantly fulfilled, and, when once ful-
filled, there exists a strong motive why each country
should be faithful to its engagements ; but a Treaty of
Commerce is a compact prospective in its objects, and if
by cunning, by superior foresight, or by acquired power,
the one nation obtain a decided advantage over the other,
by what power can the injured party be compelled to ful-
fil engagements resulting from fraud or force ?
It does not rest with the Sovereign, as in a treaty
of peace, to adhere to the bond which he has en-
tered into ; it is the merchant, the manufacturer, the
agriculturist, in short every individual in the state, that
is interested in refusing to comply with conditions im-
posed upon him lw the imbecility of his own govern-
ment, or the iniquity of a:either. Against a force like
this what weepon can be used
Let us for a moment suppose that a treaty of com-
merce had existed between this country and his Sar-
dinian Majesty, when that outrage took place agsinst
a British subject, of which Mr. Brougham lately made
such heavy complaint,—could more have been done
than has been done ? The law of nations distinctly
enough defines what is the courqe to be pursued, and
that course has been adhered to ; could more have
teen done under a treaty ? Mr. Brougham will hardly
venture to tell us that we should resort to force to
compel his Sardinian Majesty to tax this merchant
aid let that go free ; and yet if he did tell us so, it
would only be in unison with the sentiments of several
of his friends, who hold the opinion that because we
have by oar arms restored many of the sovereigns of
Europe to their thrones, we ought to keep our swords
at their throats to compel them to wrong their own
subjects in favour of us. But this is a doctrine which we
hope and trust will never gain ground amongst us,
and we must say, that it comes r had grace from
turn who are, upon all other occasions, such zealous
advueates for the indefeasible rights of man.

Our iling, tondtituticin anb itaimS.

MONDAY, JULY :18, 1817.

REI7E4 OF LITERATURE,

FRANCE.

BY LADY MORGAN.

In our last Number we noticed this wor' in general
terms ; in the present, we shall make a few remarks
on two petsiges in it ; the lirst en •twins a charge
against Eugland, and bar army, the other we give
from its utter absurdity:—
After a detail of the numerous advantages which
have resulted to •Frame from the revolution, Lady
Morgan c‘meladek by a fervent wish that no srourge oJ'
,flre may destroy *hat has been so fortunately obtain-
ed, &c. &c. TM* *mild have been rather an unin-
telligible sentence of itself; but here is the explana-
tion ; a correspondentof Lady Morgan's had written to
her from Paris the following important piece of in-
tiomaiion

" Voile Owning aspresscd erinions here, which were not
cak Witted to recol,fi.e the two countries, and which net c
very inconsiderate in a statesman he .aid a Omit time since,
in a large company where there were several officers of the '
new army, hat the govendnent of the Eonrhotis was too
mild for so turbulent add hcethrtes s people a; the French :
out that ELIA Wad haJ undertaken to Me them with a red qf
ion! The officers said nothing ; and Madame de Marl
alone thought proper to reply to stieh insolence. When Mr.
Canning nas ipealiag of the victories the English had
gained, that Lady oboe; red to Min, that if these gentry wruhf
lOr once unit th. Russians, the Prussians, the Germans, ace.
and homier toerrettelk with a tar a-fete, she would promise him
they should have a meeting."
Now we really are at a loss whkh to pity most, the
writer of such staff as this, or the person who gives it
publicity. We qf 11l not stop to remark upon the
blunder in the French letter of verge de
.1 eu, for/i.r, and
Lady Morgan's felicitious translation of this blunder
into scourge of ; but we will soberly ask the Lady
if she really believes the assertion of her corrospontient?
Not to go further back than the last years of the war,
where, we ash Lady Morgan, was England indebted
either to Russians, Prussians, or Gernmns, for any of
those victories which her armies achieved, from the dawn
of her success at Vintiera, till the meridian blaze of
her triumphon the field° Waterloo? where, weasi her,
has England ever f to meet France ; and where
did she ever meet her with numbers any way approach•
ing to equality end not discomfit her, that the impu-
dent
insinuation in the above extract is so boldly ha-
glinted? To speak plainly, however, we disbelieve the
whole sutry, and fur these simple reasons ; whatever
Ms. Canning's sentiments may be with regard to the
French, and the present reigning family, he is of all
men the least likely to have made them the theme of
conversation in a public company ; and far less was he
likely to assert what was con wary tothet, for F ngl and does
nut, nor ever pretended to rule France with as rod of iron or
a scourge of fire (whichever Lady Morgan pleases.)
As to Madame de 3ta...l—but this distinguished cha-
racter is, unhappily, no more, and we will not remark
upon expressions which she never could have ut-
tered.

In the picture which Lady Morgan draws of num.'s-
partc's mart, she observes, at one of its features, that
unlike that of the old monarchy, it contained none of
these switullers and infhruous characters which dis-
graced the latter; no Grammonts, no Pomemers, &c.
&c. True ; but in thsir place were to be found men
stained by every crime ; a military banditti which had
grown up to ailluence by robbery and spoliation of
every kind; of men whose rapacity nothing escaped,
and who would steal What a private soldier in any other
army would have been shot Mr. It is wsll ken' a that
the first generals of the revolutionary armies, those men
who had served under the old monarchy, never degrad-
ed themselves with the robbery of individuals in the
commies tll.l over-ran.. When Pichegsis returned to
Paris after the eenqueit of Holland, he was literally
in rags, and bad scarcely wherewith to live ; it was
reserved for Lady Martian's idol to begin and to en-
mange a system of plunder, which knew no bounds;
and he who displayed the greatest rapacity and mean-
ness was the most deserving of esteem and favour in his
eves. And yet these men, who thrilled a large portion
of Buonaparte's court, are to be held up, and contrast-
ed with, the old nobility of France ! But after all, what
was this boasted Court in reality ?—a mixture of os-
tentation and rnetumess an alfs'etation, without, of
severity and decortna, n+ sue ..vithin was profligacy
and wickedrk:ss.

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