The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC', JOURNAV.

(Prom the Times of this day.)
it is related by oie of our correspondents, on the
Authority of a private letter from Vienna, that a pressing
appeal has lately been addressed by the Empress-Mother
of Russia to the Archduchess Sophia, mother of the
reigning Emperor of Austria, conjuring her, by the re-
collection of former serviees ken.clered by the trnperor
Nicholis.s to Austria, to make Austria maintain the pro•
positions of Count Buol at the late conference—propo-
sitions approved, it is true, by Lord John Russell and
ivi. Drouyn de I'Huys, but rejected without hesitation
by the Western Governments. Without vouching for

the truth of this anecdote, it is at least a probable oc-
currence, and it denotes the change which has undoubt-
edly taken place in the relations of Russia and Austria
within the last few weeks, The gloomy and reproach-
ful air of mistrust which was worn at St. Petersburg
towards the agents of the Austrian Government has
been thrown aside; the large assemblages of Russian
troops on the Ponsh frontier have been dispersed and
moved off towards the Crimea, ; every artifice of flat-
tery, cajolery, and corruption is again employed in the
German Courts, from Vienna to Carlsruhe ; and among
the partisans of Russia in Germany a cry may already
be heard that the worst is now over, since the union of
the German States with the Western Powers is dissolved,
and that the next step will be to throw the military
strength of Germany into the opposite scale. We are
not ignorant of these things ; we are not indifferent to
these things ; on the contrary, we know the cause of
them, we measure their extent, and we aro prepared for
their consequences. The rupture of the conferences of
Vienna Marks an epoch in the present war, for it wasthere
that the last and greatest war was made by the Western
Powers to obtain from Austria the fulfilment of her engage-
ments, even at the cost of considerable sacrifices to the
German alliance. Lord Clarendon had said in his ad-
mirable instructions to Lord John Russell on his pro-
ceeding to Vienna, that "if peace could not be arrived
at, it was her Majesty's most earnest desire to see the
great Powers of Europe arrayed in a combined effort
against Russia, not only because such a league would
most probably lead to a termination of the existing con-
test, but because an assurance would thereby be obtained
that the termination of the war would place on a solid
and secure basis the general interests of all Europe."
We all know how these hopes have been disappointed.
We have seen hove it came to pass that the German
States, one after another, increasing the relative weak-
ness instead of upholding their mutual strength, fell
short of the policy they had themselves approved, and
subsided into that neutrality and dependence on Russia
which they at first disavowed. But, although this policy
has not been successful, it does honour to the efforts and
the temper of the Western Powers, and, whatever may
hereafter be the result of these differences, it will stand
recorded that the Governments of France and England
omitted nothing which could serve to identify their
cause with the general interests of Europe, and even
offered to make any sacrifice for the restoration of peace
short of their own consistency and honour. We do not,

for ourselves, regret that these disinterested exertions
were made, although they have not been rewarded as
they deserved to be. On the contrary, if they had not
been made, the British Government might have been
accused of neglecting its former allies. The t, a,s matters now
stand, we have ascertained beyond all further dispute the
real value of these German alliances. In a cause in
which the interests of Germany and the independence
of Europe are more nearly engaged than the separate
interests of Great Britain, after numerous protocols and
treaties had been signed by these German States abso-
lutely identifying ourselves with the course of our policy
and the objects of the war—when nothing was needed
but the combined resolution of Germany, acting in con-
cert with ourselves, to restore peace on a solid and secure
basis, we have found the secret sympathies of the rulers
of Germany turned against us, we have seen them with
matchless duplicity serving the policy which they affected
to condemn, and we have learned that the people of Ger-
many, though not on the whole approving the dishonesty
of their Governments, are tco feeble or too apathetic to
control the course of public affairs.
Such, then, is the state of Germany—lower, it must
be confessed, in every respect than could be imagined,
although we were aware that the debauch of 1848 had
left behind it very general traces of nausea and debility.
The Emperor Nicholas was, after all, not altogether
wrong when he expressed to Sir Hamilton Seymour his
opinion that Austria had only to learn his will to obey
it, and that Prussia deserved no mention at all. With a
generous feeling of sympathy for the Germans we repelled
that withering sarcasm, which blotted out 40,000,000
of men from the policy of Europe. But the Czar was
right ; he had nothing to apprehend from them. Of the
internal government o a country of which such things
can be said without contradiction it is not our business
to speak. But its foreign policy is a matter of general
interest, and we are led to the conclusion that the ten-
dency of that policy is, first to withdraw entirely the
support which was at first tendered to the Western
Powers, and ultimately, should occasion serve, to throw
the weight of the German States against us under a pre-
tence of mediation. That may not now be their intention,
but their intentions have very little to do with the
matter. The affairs of Germany have been conducted
throughout this contest by a foreign Power, and con-
ducted, we must say, with great ability for the purpose
that Power had in view. To have dissolved the con-
federacy which at one time protested against the aggres-
sion of Russia, to have neutralised the treaty of the 2d
of December, to have saved Poland from the danger of
invasion, and perhaps of a war of independence, are re-
sults of which the diplomacy of Russia may be proud.
That point once attained, we do not conceal from our-
selves the possibility that her increasing ascendancy will
not stop where it is, and we have abundant evidence
that the Courts of Germany are full of agents who are
straining every nerve to turn the course of public opinion
and of German policy against this country and France.
We know not to what extent these machinations may
succeed, but we'are on our guard against the worst they
can accomplish. To maintain a position of strict and
permanent neutrality in a contest like that which now
divides the leading States of Europe is beyond the skill
of any statesmen, and the mere act of shifting from one
side to another is a sign of hostility. But, although we
regret that Germany has failed to give the Western
Powers that support which would have enabled them to
terminate the war, the same internal divisions and
evasive policy which have extinguished her influence as
against Russia render her equally powerless against
France and against ourselves. If the mere chance of
a campaign on the Polish frontier sufficed to arrest the
movements of an Austrian army of 200,000 men, in what
condition is Germany to provoke the resentment of the
maritime Powers ? We will go further, and assert that
the loss of confidence and respect which the German Go-
vernments have already sustained in this country is a ma-
terial diminution of their security. The whole tendency of
their policy for many years past has been to alienate
themselves from England. The statesmen who laboured
to cement the alliance have been sacrificed ; the pro•
mises held out to the Germans of institutions more
analogous to our own have been violated ; the press
has been stifled ; and now, when a great occasion pre.
.sents itself to enable us to unite in defence of European
interests, every secret wish of the German Sovereigns
points to the camp of the enemy. It is impossible that
these facts should be lost upon the people of this coun-
try, and they are rendered more striking by the contrast
between this state of things in Germany and the ener-
getic alliance which has sprung up between England
and France, even under the absolute government of the
Bonaparte dynasty. That same alliance was offered on
the same terms to Austria and accepted by her, inso-
much that a military convention was prepared, honours
and congratulations were exchanged between the two
Imperial Courts, and it seemed as if the union of France
and Austria was once more to regulate the affairs of
contir ental Europe. But the Cabinet of Vienna stopped
short in the course of policy it had professed to adopt,
and France and England once more stand detached and
independent in the conduct of the war. We, at least,
have no reason to regret the change in our own interest,
for it relieves us entirely and for ever from those pre-
tensions to conduct a mediation between the belligerents
which some of the German statesmen have flattered
themselves would fall to their lot. But the effect of
such a position on Germany and German institutions is
not a matter of indifference. She might a few months
back have dictated peace to Russia by a bold and united
display of her forces ; she has now become the tool of
Russia so long as sh preserves her neutrality, and will
be her victim when that neutrality is at an end. *We
expect no change, we anticipate no improvement in her
relations with ourselves, and, having laboured in vain
to obtain her co-operation, the next thing is to pursue
our enterprise without it.

(From the Morning Post of this day. )

Sir Charles Napier is, no doubt, a gallant and merito-
rious officer ; but, unfortunately, the new character
which he has chosen to reassume of a political agitator
is little creditable either to his taste or dicretion. In
our literature, any one can easily place his finger upon
many inimitable pictures of the British sailor—Old Com-
modore Trunnion, for instance, who would not ride in
the wind's eye, and his faithful attendant, Toni Pipes ;
and the more modern and civilised heroes of Marryat
and Chamier, not forgetting the illustrious Capt. Cockle
of Charles Dickens. But no writer of fiction has ever
endeavoured to portray that rare and mongrel speci-
men of a sailor—the sea politician ; and if Sir Charles
Napier condescends to play such a part, with the addi-
tional attractions of party spite and disappointed vanity,
he can neither be surprised, nor complain if his former
services be temporarily forgoten, or if he be subjected to
that criticism which his eccentricities naturally and
irresistibly provoke. For the sake of making a speech,
he yesterday appeared upon the hustings as a candidate
for the borough of Southwark, knowing, of course,
that he had not the remotest chance of being returned.
What was the tone of the address of the gallant admiral?
Was it such as becomes an officer of high rank in her
Majesty's navy, who, according to his own notions, hav-
ing been slighted or disgraced, is anxious to vindicate
his honour in the face of his fellow-countrymen ? It
was, we- regret to say, a mere exhibition of spleen and
disappointment, utterly unworthy of the individual,
though suited to a portion of the audience to whom it
was addressed, who cheered on the gallant admiral with
such choice expressions as these—" Go it, Charley—
you're a jolly fellow, Charley." The gallant admiral,
although he stated that he would not " stand a single
sixpence, hire a carriage, or print an address," excused
his interposition in the election by declaring " that Sir
William Molesworth was one of the men who had ill-
used him. Sir W. Molesworth was one of the Adminis-
tration which had sacrificed him to that perfidious Minis-
ter, Sir James Graham." Sir Charles is rather ungene-
rous in thus stigmatising the right hon. member for
Carlisle, for he forgets that his whole case has been sub-
nutted to Parliament during the present session by an
able and learned advocate, and that he has had his say,
although the right hon. baronet was compelled, by a
regard for the public fiervice, to remain silent, Sir Charles

.. . .
f Iff
says that the Government wanted -something to s-aed.s
and therefore they attacked him. But the), not only 1
this,h but they took his letters and perverted theinii';
ad
did
shamefully and disgracefully perverted thena--a
ia;(- no hesitation in saying who was the man who
visit
it." Why, we may ask, should the gallant admiral 'll',.
upon Sir William Molesworth the personal quarrel wh.lcl
he has with the right honourable member for Carlislt.%
Itis not necessary to follow the gallant admiral in his
criticisms upon the Sebastopol Committee, the caolo,,lfe.
in the Crimea, and the ret..ent operations in the Bsl'er
The moral of the whole is, that, if the advice of Pl_
Charles Napier, on every 'conceivable subject, bad bell':
implicitly followed, everything would have gone well.
He sought an opportunity of self-laudation, an r•
availed himself of it with his accustomed skill ; but ore
thinly it is a little too bad in him to enter into all thb°3so
details which he stated yesterday about our gen."°oly,
and steam-batteries, which may be valuable to the ene e
t,
should they happen to be strictly and literally Orrhiech
With great conclesecension, "in the recent honour / 0
had been offered him, he acquitted her Majesty fro. s
~
desire to participate in the insult intended for Wei,
adding, for the satisfaction of the mob of Southwer
"that he Would rather have lost his right aria than IV
raised it to allow the ribbon to be placed round his 9erncoto
a declaration which was received with an ilue°7o,t,
shout of "Bravo, Charley." The exhibition, we rLert lis
was utterly unworthy of the gallant admiral ; uutigs
another Minister is to appear on the Marylebone hue I re-
to-day, and as Sir Charles once had the honour of re
venting that borough, it is extremely likely that wineew
for the sake of making another speech, repeat the
ripg
of yesterday, without "standing a single six Pence, hi
a cab, or printing an address."

(From the Morning Advertiser of this da?1;) where
It will be seen, from the account which We else. tbot
give of the proceedings at the Southwark Election er
all we yesterday stated respecting what might bSir
peeled to take place has been fully confirreed.,,,if fiet
Napier appeared on the hustings, and wen u'e-lortb•
in nomination, in opposition to Sir Wm. golee- tor
But he did not go to the poll, the shortness of this till
allowed him to prepare for the contest precluttrol
probability of success. But, though the Gallant doot
did not proceed to the poll, he made, as we erePsirac
readers to expect he would do, a bold and tets'
speech. He was unsparing in his censures on .031°;
He denounced their ignorance, their incaPne`tj'ar, i°
their culpability too, in connection with the ;-g
terms which they are not in the habit of IlesffweP°.,
dressed to them. Sir Charles has always had,'"e-erlan''
tation of being a plain speaker. Ministers Io°-,:00
sufficiently plain yesterday. There could be n°,l"9,,,„"gioth
about his meaning. Sir J. Graham, we should '7;1111
looks on the gallantadmiral as one who speaks oceeisi°olf
somewhat too plainly. Sir Charles broadly or
preferred against the ex-Lord of the Admiralty
of being a "perfidious Minister," and of nbaool,
dy
and disgracefully perverting his letters." The-eptir
be no mistaking lar.guage like that. No one nranuo'r--ohoer0;
to have anything more explicit. And it was,
sufficiently strong. It was virtually brioging.Ao;
direct to one individual member of the Aberdeen
gefel
nistration what Mr. Roebuck only spoke of ee
terms, when, alluding to the present Cabinet, 11° -
" Who are the traitors ?" t
Sir Charles Napier did not make so much ;bet!
own individual wrongs as he might have done• poi
is no possibility of calculating the amount of P°l;
capital, which were he to work the matter proPe,,,r).'#l'
might make out of the iniquitous treatment he basrv'opio,ll'
The entire country sympathises with the gallant 3-A0,7,
Sir James Graham has, in some respects,_o3rntoftL
sins to answer for than, almost any other Minis
legs,
Crown that could be named ; but his conduct tevglefeltw
C. Napier, in connection with the command of Only 111
fleet last year, we hold to be the crowning ineitsclautles,e°
has committed. He sought to goad on Sir L'"`"-etsoiril
attempt to take some of the more formidable e•
fortresses on the shores of the Baltic, when
it
known to every naval man of average mental "e-A'strll"
that to make the attempt would be the certain
tion of our ships and men. Bat perhaps the eensii,ett.
t. ion of the ex-First Lord's criminality or incero9 big",
it which you please—was to be found in the fact e'
fusingi to place at the disposal of Sir Charles those Ittliea e
he pointed out as indispensable to sueces9' t,
which
very time that he was goading him on t° tg
Scvelborg. f
If Sir Charles Napier needed justificatioo ;0°,9,0'
course which he pursued last year in the Baltic' Of
nothing, or next to nothing, he has it in the f9'eetilit!
successor, Admiral Dundas, not having dot:o,3°4oord
more, although he went out with all the
gained from the experience of Sir Charles ;
tg
more formidable fleet ; and with all those suberu'-tliod°::
strumentalities of success, which Sir Charles
last year as absolutely necessary to the triurein°c,n
arms in the Baltic. Here we are at the end oft
yet the expedition of Admiral Dundas has done ;:eri
at all in the Baltic. Why, then, was the ex-C°l:°:
of the Fleet so vehemently censured for doing
A 1,9 el
last year ? If nothing whatever has been doe-Atoire
successor to Sir Charles, surely he is not a lel; 000"
subject for censure because he did not accomPif4 61
thing great.
These are considerations which will have g.rteAbt:eibg,i
with the country. It sees in what way cle3Al
t
sought to sacrifice Sir Charles. The Gallant 4'ibe
may console himself with this reflection;
ft:tien :1
ample offl
is not distant when he will have rft to bite for the injuries he has suffered the
eti ba; /1
Government, and when he will witness the fitted
condign punishment on those who have 03111—
him this great injustice.

file
s
THE LAUNCH CF IHE MARLBOROCOIIf
LINE-OF-BATTLE-SHIP, 131 01'110
"
n,
PORTSMOUTH, FRIDAY.—As the hour alsirrsor °go.t or
interest increases to view the launch of the let ioo+
ship in the world—every available steam-Pe'eqeo, bel
vertised as well as special tiaius from all cl'iet„oo cAo
Marlborough is perfection, whether as re 60,1
le
beauty of mould, or her immense strength, eq
three-deckers of the olden time. .101,
Her lower-deck guns will be 61-pounders ;b• ettditl,ol)l,
deck, long 32's ; her main deck, long aborts filto;
upper or quarterdeck and forecastle arraae3ei,epierj,
carronades of immense calibre. Every imPr°,4o
the present age has been carried out in this
of-battle-ship, f tbiS4
We subjoin the official weights and size 0-
~eo
sal ship. The launch will take place as near e'ciocito+
as possible. Her Majesty will arrive at the.,6- old/
in the Fairy tender, and it is expected that
Royal children will christen the splendid velldiel!
the launch her Majesty will honour the by oie
House, the residence of Sir Thomas Cochrane't the
lunch there, and will then proceed to inspect
tary hospital. 131
MARLBOROUGH, SCREW STEAM SHIP,O/0'
Ft. in. 1115`'
Length 245 6 overS
Breadth
Depth in hold
Burden in tons
0. 0
F... ••0
Load draught of water
Height of taffrail above load water line ........ •••:o,totie
Height of main truck above load water line•"' 26
Weight of main mast ............................. •-• pa;
Weight of main yard ........................... •••••• toe"
Length of main yard ............................••'-
93 y
•••••

Anchors ............................... ,„
Rigging ............................. 16
ti
Sails (area 39,274 square ft.)•••••' 36w
Guns and carriages ............•••••• 0
, Shot .................................•••••• 6i
I.Powder ........................... .•••••
Weight of machinery, consisting of two 601/
direct acting engines, six boilers, and „1
machinery ....................................... •• • luA 19"
Weight of water in boilers .....................•••'•'
Power of engines and boilers .....................

Weight of

6 s teof
MADEMOISELLE RAO— I
000 A
Much as the public are accustomed to ag° orit'fieri
sums of money with the names of public Wl33ool°i#
will perhaps be surprised to learn how
selle Rachel expects to draw from the adloir`cj, rem,.(ll
transatlantic brethren. To pay herself 0° 00)f ol
somewhat more than a year's absence from egtili; 170,
less a sum than above 100,0001. will b° 140 AtAllO
which the great tragedienne herself ertPe" br6f
°
se
50,0001. in her pocket, having, over a 10c,, fot
2001. a month allowed for her expenses, alTfitesu,;:cfros
and their keep being found for her. she
understand, to give 200 representations 1°,0161”
which new world she embarks with her Om _or)
11th August, on board the Pacific. .40),Lr
Before leaving for America, Rachel °to' eit"
times in London. All her expenses are °
she is to receive 200/1 a night for herself.t "
The following statement of the core her par
troupe, and of the budget of the mana.Tio C°l.
M. Raphael Felix, is a document not a 11"" frr
0
Mademoiselle Rachel, pour toute la, 0 00°
cam pagne
Quatre repr6sentations h, b6nefices gua• 80,4)
rantees pour
Frais d'hôtel et logement, par mois ••• 000 ",
Madlle. Sarah Mix, pour toute la caul'
pagne ......... 60,40 ',
Marillo. F6lix, idem ........ • 50,,,u00
Madlle. Dina idern...—•••• I,voo 1,
Madlle. Briard, premiere confidente••• V7,‘;00 1,
Madame Durey, idem confidente •••••• o,voo
Madame Latouche,deuxieme confident° 6,000
Trois femmes de chambre ............. •• 5,0000 1,
M. Randoux, jeune premier rOle.••••• 50,,,00 1,
M. Ch6ri ain6, premier role ........... • 50,v„.0
M. Latouche, Ore noble ....... • 90,00
Beauvallet file, jeune premier........." • 12,`,1,00
Dieudonn6, amoureux .................... • 12,1'00
Cheri jeune, troisieme role .........•••
15,u40
Regisseur, M. Bellevault ...............
Administrateur, M. Gustave N ..... ... • 15,
Caissier, M. Lernaitre .....................
00
Souffieur, M. Pelletier .............. . ..... • 6?
Trois domestiques males ..................
Frais de logement et d'hOtel pour la fa-
mille ....................................... 090
Frais de voyage de la cornpagnie, Pour 17°'
l'anßee .................................. •• 00°
Location des differents theatres des 459,000
Etats•Unis, et frail par chaque pic° 100,
,000
Frais imprevus...... ....................... 10
Frais d'hotel pendant le mois d'aoutr; z,OOO
Inclemnitd pendant la fermetnre Pe,ooo
th6atres, juin, juillet, aout 1850•••
....... •••18,000
Magasin de costumes
42,00
Frais du voyage preparatoire du direc,
to
nd e sd
ebsa gbaugreesa.u.
x. . . .New 0.
Ili. 0
ti 4 031-
60,
Frain GfSareux de l'enterprioe --
Transport des bagages.......
Installati
......................................

56,000

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