The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-03 00:00:00

were conceived exclusively- in the interests of
Austria and Germany ; the third in the interests

of humanity, and the fourth in that of the Porto
and of Europe. Well might he term these pro-
positions
"magnanimous, from their disinterested-
ness.were unconditionally accepted by Rus-
" They
sia, approved of by Austria and Prussia, and yet
Russia, notwithstanding that acceptance, has per-
ernptorily refused every limitation to her naval
force, and "we have still to wait for Austria to
fulfil her engagements which consisted in rendering
our treaty offensive and defensive if the negotia-
tions failed."

This is a significant sentence, and shows that
the EMPEROR is perfectly aware of the just inter-
pretation of the Treaty of the 2d December, and
resolved to insist on its strict and honourable ful-
fibnent. Austria must shake off her despicable
neutrality--she must be either for us or against us
—must complete her engagements or endure the
penalties, of their violation. This is as it should
be. This is setting a salutary example to
our own Government. It shows that Franc,,
will not submit to be made ridiculous for the sake
of Germanism or Coburgism. Why should we do
so, or refrain from pursuing an equally decided
and honourable course ? It will be for Parlia-
ment to answer that question in the first instance.
If the response be not satisfactory, the people
must take the subject into their own hands at the
next general election, or any earlier occasion that
may arise. Should they be compelled to do so,
it may startle the oligarchy and the " happy
family of Downing-street."

Although we cannot quite concur in Lord
PANMITRE'S propositions respecting the contem-
plated alterations in the pay and condition of
private soldiers, we rejoice to find that the atten-
tion of Government has been turned in that

direction, and that there seems to be a decided
inclination to hold out inducements to a better
class of recruits to join the ranks. There is a.
general feeling that we should behave with
greater liberality to those who are not merely
risking life and limb in the service of their
country, but who have endured the greatest pri-
vations and sufferings, through the carelessness
or inefficiency of some of the departments, and of
persons of high rank and position. We do
not believe that the nation will object to the re-
wards offered to its gallant defenders ; or, not-
withstanding its having made pecuniary sacrifices,
will complain of the additional expenditure thereby
occasioned. On the contrary, it will hail with in-
tense satisfaction the act of. tardy justice, and
only desire to see that the funds, cheerfully voted,
properly applied, in a manner
are judiciously and
alike acceptable and beneficial to the recipients.
Having thus stated our gratification, at the
proposition, we must say that we are by no means
equally pleased at the manner in which it has
been brought forward, or some of the incidental
regulations. Oa the first point we have always
been accustomed to regard the popular represen-
tatives as the recognised and constitutional
guardians of the public purse that no
expense can be properly incurred with-
out their sanction being first duly had and
obtained. It is true that an emergency may
arise during which Ministers must act on their
own responsibility, trusting to the feelings of the
House to confirm and sanction their acts or pro-
mises. But 'such steps should only be taken when '
the exigency is urgent, and there is no feasible
opportunity for asking the opinions of the con-
ti•ollers of the national expenditure in the first
instance. But here the House was actually sitting
at the very time when the announcement was
made, which, as if to. cast a studied slight on- the
representatives of the people, to mark how
slightly their. privileges were regarded by the re-;
sponSible advisers, was deliVerecl in another branch
of the Legislature.: This ,may be in accordance
,Vith -the new=fangled doctrines of Germanism,
which would not allow the people - even to ques-
tion the acts or remonstrate at the conclusions of
!ter MAJESTY'S Ministers, but we boldly aver that
it is not consonant to the spirit of the British
Jonstitutiou, nor with the popular rights and
privileges which our forefathers have on many
occasions so sturdily and unflinchingly defended.
Turning from the objectionable manner which
,nay imperil a salutary measure let u 3 consider
he propositions themselves, and see whether the
trnount of money required therefor miL'ht not
be more judiciously and satisfactorily applied.
Che extra pay is not, it appears, to be given to
the soldier, either on service or after his return
'some. It is to be invested in Savings Banks, and on
its discharge paid over with the accumulations, and
addition to any pension he may be entitled to ;
>r, on his death, handed over to his representa-
ives. Now, we do not think that . soldiers will
ike being deprived of the immediate control over
,:hat which they have fairly and honourably earned.
' they may feel desirous not of squandering it in
wanton and degrading dissipation, but in advanc-

Log the interests of their families, or of improving
their own positions, and rendering theniselves
lualified for a more elevated station. Nor will
they appreciate as a very high compliment the
fact that they are to be treated as children, or
convicts, not fit to be entrusted with 'the manage-
ment of their own earnings. To many it may
render the service irksome. They will be
anxious to gain the opportunity of spending
their money, while many others will sell
their claims to Jews or speculative vendors of
cheap luxuries for a tithe of their actual value
But there is another part of the Noble Secre-
tary's plan that will more than counterbalance
my supposed benefit, and in place of tempting
he youth of the country to prefer the army as a
orofession will decidedly deter them from so
Thing. In place of enabling married soldiers to
ive with decency by increasing the barrack accom-
(iodation for themselves and wives, he is " one
)f those who think that the presence of women
, _ _

in barracks may be altogether dispensed with." go
loes not see " why soldiers in barracks should not

be able to do for themselves everything that is ne-
jes,sary." There is, in fact, to be no such thing as
married privates at all. Now, we must earnestly
orotest against this compulsory celibacy. We do

lot want au order of military priesthood, which
we do not think would be in any degree conducive
either to morality or discipline. We trust that
the nation may emphatically protest against this
most unjust and intolerable suggestion. The
soldier has already to endure sufficient restrictions.
We must remember that we are dealing with
ordinary flesh and blood, subject to the passions
of humanity, and not mere machines, who will
obey any regulations which a commanding officer
may think fit to impose.

A
Better late than never
--t the 1034; moment
•
prudent
Llrd ROBERT GROSVENOR has deemedPd
o give up his detestable Bill.
HA he done
before, the police atrocities in Hyde-park on Sub"
f.lay could not have occurred
given him credit for 'and we might have
having withdrawn gracefully
what he had advanced foolishly, and for the pos-
session- of that true British courage which never
...)Olc.s nobler than while spontaneously admitting
an error. All that can be said in
his favour ,
he might have done worse, and out
of -silly is
or