The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-25 00:00:00

were literary. That verdict was taken up by the
advocates of the abolition of the stamp duties, and it
greatly increased the difficulty of attempting to enforce
the law as it now stands. These class publications, soon
seeing the advantages to be derived from the postal privi-
lege attached to the *tamp, put forward a claim to be
allowed to stamp as many copies of each number as they
might desire to send by post. Government had no choice
but to yield, although at first sight it might appear that,
as they had proclaimed themselves class publications for
one purpose, Government might refuse to recognise any
other character in them. The declaration now taken by a
person desirous of obtaining the right of using the stamp
has been held not to bind him to the declaration that the
publication he is about to issue is a newspaper within the
definition of the act. Any person making a declaration
that he is about to publish a newspaper, and stating its
name, is entitled to receive stamped paper. That pri-
vilege was largely used by the class publications, and if
confined to them no great objection would have been
made ; but, unfortunately, the example had been fol-
lowed by a large number of tradesmen, booksellers, pub-
lishers, and others, who wished to distribute circulars.
These parties went to the Stamp-o thee, made the declara-
tion that they were about to publish a newspaper, and
thus were enabled to use the postal privileges for a pur-
pose it was never intended to serve. The example was
still more largely followed. He had himself received a
short time since the quarterly report of the Church
Building Society printed on stamped paper. It was im-
possible to contend that a law which not only permitted,
but even invited such abuses, did not stand in need of
amendment ; as it now stood the Board of Inland Re-
venue had no power to restrain such practices. Such being
the state of the law, it was not surprising that strong
opinions had been expressed in favour of a change. The
last committee of the House of Commons, in their report,
directed the attention of the house to the abuses connected
with the law, arising from the difficulty of a definition of
their subject, and the anomalies and inequalities involved in
their enforcement. Last session, after a long debate, the
house resolved that the laws regulating the newspaper
stamp were ill-defined, hard to enforce, and deserved to be
considered with a view to their amendment. After that
resolution the Government lost no time in taking the mat-
ter into consideratign, and the result was the bill before
their lordships. tWe would not waste words in attempting
to prove that if any change was to be made, it ought to be
a change in the sense of relaxation, although he had, in-
deed, heard it urged that, if any alteration was made, it
should be to increase the restriction and make the law
more stringent. He did not think that after the liberty
had been so long enjoyed and interests had been created,
and certain tastes and habits had grown up among the
people, it would be possible to enforce any law the
object of which would be to put further fetters or re-
strictions on the press. Such being the case, the Go-
vernment could have no hesitation as to the character of
the changes they would propose. Under this bill the
stamp would no longer be compulsory. That at once
relieved the papers from any fiscal restrictions, and also
did away with the necessity of any definition, which was a
chief source of the inconveniences arising from the present
law. In thus making a clean sweep of the stamp duties,
they had not forgotten that its operation was not in all
respects unfavourable to the newspapers, for it conferred
on them certain privileges, passing through the post; it
was therefore provided by the bill that any paper using the
stamp should be entitled to pass through the post, not once
only, but to the privilege of transmission and re-transmission
fora limited time. If they were dealing with the matter
for the first time, it might be a question whether that pri-
vilege ought to be conferred, but the public had now become
used to it. Any paper not choosing to use stamped paper
would not come at all under the control of the Board of
Inland. Revenue, but would be entitled to the ordinary pri-
vilege of the book post. It was the intention of the Govern-
ment, as soon as the new act came into operation, to make
such reductions in the rates of postage on books and printed
matter as would make the minimum rate of one penny cover
the weight of four ounces. Many people were apprehen-
sive that the increased privileges granted to the periodical
press would inundate the country with seditious publica-
tions, lower the tone of the existing press, tend to spread
demoralisation and discontent, and that the result would be
a social evil instead of a social benefit. The example of their
neighbours on the other side of the Channel was quoted as
a proof of the danger of a cheap press. It was well known
that oven under the existing law there had been a large
number of penny and halfpenny papers. The character of
that press was at one time very bad, but it had of late
much improved, and the existing penny papers abstained
from news, and devoted themselves to literary matter. It
would also be found that the most scandalous and demo-
ralising papers that had ever existed were published on
stamped paper, and patronised by the higher rather than
the lower classes. The present state of the press in Ame-
rica was cited as an example of what might be expected in
this country, but the Government of England and the dis-
position of thepeople were so different from those of Ame-
rica that he did not think the American class of jour-
nals would ever become popular here. A better example
of what the English press was likely to become, when freed
from the restrictions of the stamp laws, was to be found
in the Australian colonies, where no stamp law had ever
existed. In the colony of Victoria there were 7or 8 daily
papers. The last he had seen was the Megoaurne Arhus
it was about the size of the Times, and published at 2d.
or 33. It had a circulation of eleven or twelve thousand a
day ; and, as far as tone, temper, and language, would bear
comparison with any English paper. He would not go
into any details as to the intentions of the Government with
regard to the transmi, sign of unstatnped papers through
the Post-office, es it did not come within the scope of the
bill. On going into committee he would be prepared to
give any explanation that might be required. There was
one other point not affected by the bill to which be wished
to refer, viz., the question of copyright. Alarm had been
excited in many °carters that under the new bill a large
number of paperFi would spring up, which would esta-
blish a system of piracy, and exercise a very mischievous
effect on the existing jourals. A great deal of discussion on
this matter had taken place in the other house of Parlia-
ment, and the Government had framed a clause to meet the
evils that were apprehended, but after much debate the
clause was rejected. Ho was not surprised at that result,
nor did ho much regret it. That was not the first time the
question came before Parliament. In 1830 the noble lord
(Monteagle) who had charge of the Stamp Bill endeavoured
to carry a similar clause, but without success. It appeared
to him (Viscount Canning) that, as regarded copyright, the
present law—though not very couvenientnor very summary
—did effectually provide a remedy. The matter which might
be pirated from newspapers was of two sorts—either leading
articles, or the bare announcement of facts. As to leading
articles,they would be copied ratherfor their general literary
merit than for any facts they contained. If they were
pirated, in the first place, there would be very little diffi-
culty in tracing them, as these articles would not admit of
disguise, for any little alterations would entirely spoil them.
In the next place, the piracy, to be profitable, should be
constant and regular, for no one would buy a cheap paper
merely on the chance of occasionally finding a good leader
copied into it. They had proof that the existing law was
sufficient to reach this case, either by action for damages,
or by injunction. Some years ago a paper was started in
London with the avowed intention of copying the articles
from the other papers a few hours after their publication.
The existing papers at once took steps to enforce the law
for their protection, and nothing more was heard of the
new project. He did not mean to say that the law might
not be made to act more quickly, but it was not desirable
to introduce any such provision into this bill. As regarded
the piracy of bare announcements of intelligence, he very
much doubted whether any law could be framed to meet it
effectually that would not be liable to great abuses. Even
if such a clause were passed it would be very difficult to put
it into operation ; for any announcement of a fact expressed
in &few words might be varied so much that it would be
almost impossible to identify it, and there would be great
risk that many innocent persons might be seriously incon-
venienced in defending themselves and showing their inno-
cence. He very much doubted whether that sort of pro-
perty belonging to newspaper editors was one which ought
to be protected. He could understand such a claim if made
some years ago, when the expense of conveying intelligence
was very great, and a paper was often obliged to employ
couriers from Constantinople or Marseilles to London, at
the cost of many scores of pounds. Matters had very much
changed since the electric telegraph was extended from one
end of Europe to the other ; and a party receiving a mes-
sage was perfectly entitled to publish it, or to give it to
another to do so. He doubted very much whether the
advantages the papers might derive from such a protection
would be a compensation for the restrictions and restraint
it would place on using the electric telegraph. He did not
believe there was any other point to which it was neces-
sary to refer. He thought he had shown sufficient reason
to induce them to give the bill their favourable considera-
tion. It was true the proposed change involved a loss to
the revenue of about 150,000/. ; but as far as he was in-
formed, he had every reason to believe the loss would be
fully made up by the receipts from the papers that would
still use the stamps, and from the increased revenue to be
derived from the extension of the book postage. On social
and political grounds he asked their lordships to read the
bill a second time. (Hear, hear.)
Lord MONTEAGLE said that having had to deal with
the subject which the noble lord had brought under the
consideration of the house, he wished to state the objec-
tions he entertained to the present measure. His first and
strongest objection to the measure was a financial one. The
sacrifice of revenue which the noble lord asked the house
to assent to was unnecessary, uncalled for, impolitic, in
some respects unjust, and, above all things, inopportune.
(Hear.) He did not ask for the continuance of the tax from
any apprehension that its repeal would produce political
or moral mischief to the country. So far from any of the
evil consequences which some persons apprehended from
cheapening the press being realised, it was a fact that, from
the year 1836, when the stamp was reduced from 4d. to Id.,
up to the present time, there was a progressive improve-
ment in the tone and temper of periodical publications-
But he thought their lordships ought to hesitate before
assenting to this measure, because they were not in a poi:
tion to sacrifice revenue. It was not when they wereesnexbporernoswiveeraw,
tahra, t and waheoreoodbblof the country.
iegeedaltleodgo onto
into
tgghiavegeeraculapirnk a leatnr as
ortion of the permanent revenue
otnainagttihone
Ho taxation
alone, tinheeeGtionvgetrhnomeenxtpaenctse4 wofisetlbye wariab enbdy
pri
s had shown the
with taxation. The House of .C 6,7
fact, the heed
alone, and having reeonrse to a system of loans conjointly
greatest readiness in making
the
war Government,w hi
ey theyl toethe nationalblet hem ptou ipereoas tectubtee
vd
gs sio)aorcosi an' *yo fa
be-
lieved
to be just and necessary. (Cheers.) This readiness
en the part of the House of Commons ought to make the
Government act with the greater discretion and prudence in
dealing with the permanent income of the country. He
'would show the inexpediency of repealing this tax at pre-
sent, by referring to the progress of taxation, which was
no. less than
unexampled in the history of the country. The supplies
voted
of ilristshl
ly
sesa2r
,18a3n5d amountedlBs3,
wasto 1240,
,112158. Thevne saver-
agelosstshoef
l; 3a
itsnell6Bots,llosa6tol, theo
the supplies voted were 38,0e0da0a,Oec00aloc1fu.
this tax would be 150,0001.
5y
revenueoe 0r6178, 0305f0;10.
n,
His btiehai
the repeal
eap noblene a
lfi
ruiocefrn
But the material considerations for their lordships was not
thpeardy
the amount of estimated loss, but the, amount of revenue
which
in
wtoatshe rot office o
brougih-tinct into jeopardy, .(T Revenue
-office
year Inlani
this tax was 485,5001,,
which as nearly as possible repre-
seated the whole interest of the
it 10,000,0001.wasnot
lo
wise
loan which
t...cy contracted. He contended that
to
orifice A porn:taunt revenue at a time when they were

HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY.
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following hills were read a third time and passed :
—Charihury, Witney, &c., Road ; Colonial Life Assur-
ance Company, Cork
_ and oughall Railway, Electric
Telegraph Company ; Exeter and Exmouth Railway,
Glasgow, Dumbarton, and Helensburgh Railway, Glou-
cester Water and Local Board of Health, Hill's Estate,
Limerick and Foyues Railway, National Loan Life
Assurance Society, Newport Gas ; Manchester, Shef-
field, and Lincolnshire Railway (Lincoln Branch, &c.) ;
Royal London Militia (by the promoters, new title) ;
Sligo Gas, Warrington Water, Lyme Regis Reads,
Northern London Cemetery, Great Western and Brent-
ford Railway ; Staines, Wokinghana, and Woking Rail-
way (alterations, &c.) ; West Somerset Mineral Railway,
Weymouth Water, Wolverhampton New Water, and
Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton
petition
frym a
large
rum.
(Narrow Gauge).
The Thames Embankment an
l
secmrond.
WlLLlAMSreading, afpterresaanstbeodrta d
i)iusotisiion.
o Bil
passedßa Railway
iatyo
PETITIONS.
ber of the inhabitants of Lambeth, complaining of the. in-
convenience of the Beer Act of last session. Petitrans
l larinf t
WARNER any furtherfr from
Regi
Norwich,
r wi Detionu, inm
favour
were also presented by Mr. HADFIELD from two congre-
gations in
d m ;
n bi Irelandi a
by Mr,
reform ; by Mr. SCROLEFIELD
endowmentso f
a
from Birmingham, signed by 2,500 persons, with a simi-
lar prayer, and also one against the Beer Act ; by-Mr.
Lowe, from the inhabitants of a place in New South
Wales, against the proposed constitution for that colony.
ARMY CLOTHING.
In reply to Col. DuNNE,
Mr. MONSELL said the pattern for the great coats
for the army was still under consideration.
CLAIMS OF OFFICERS IN THE ARMY ON

THE GOVERNMENT.
On the motion of Viscount DALRYMPPE, a nomi-
nal return of all officers belonging to the army in the
East who have applied for remuneration for the loss of
horses, mules, and baggage, between the 30th day of
April, 1854, and the 21st day of May, 1855, with the
dates of such applications, was ordered.

NOTICE OF MOTION.
Mr. HEATHCOTE gave notice that when his hon.
friend the member for Portsmouth brought forward his
motion, he should move as an amendment that after the
words " termination of hostilities" the following words
should be inserted :—" Still cherishing the desire that
the communications in progress may arrive at a success-
ful issue." (Hear, hear.)
ADMISSION OF JEWS INTO PARLIAMENT.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked the First Lord of the
Treasury if it was his intention to bring in any bill dur-
ing the present session to enable Jews to sit in Parlia-
ment ; also, on what day the long-promised bill for the
reform of the Corporation of the City of London would
be introduced

Lord PALMERSTON replied that there was no in-
tention on the part of the Government at present to pro-
pose any measure of the kind indicated in the questions
of the hon. member.
THE WALLA.CHIAN AND MOLDAVIAN
PRINCIPALITIES.
Mr. OTWAY asked the First Lord of the Admiralty
whether it was true that the people of the principalities
of Wallachia and Moldavia had been subjected to mar-
tial law by the authorities of Austria ; and, if so, whether
that step had been taken with the previous know-
ledge and concurrence of her Majesty's Govern-
ment ; also, whether any communications had passed
on this subject between her Majesty's Government and
the Austrian Government, or any of its agents, and, if
so, whether the noble lord had any objection to lay such
communications on the table of the house

Lord PALMERSTON replied that it was true
that the general officer commanding the Austrian
troops had proclaimed martial law, and that Lord West-
moreland inquired into the matter and found the case
to be as he (Lord Palmerston) had stated. He was not
aware of any objection to give such extracts from the
correspondence which had taken place on the subject,
as would afford the hon. member the information he

Fought.
MILITARY EDUCATION IN THE CAMP AT

ALDERSHOTT.

Mr. EWA.P.T inquired of the Under Secretary for
War whether any programme would be laid before the
public of the sort of military education, practical as
well as theoretical, to be prescribed fcr the troops in
the encampment at Aldershott ; especially, whether it
would be endeavoured to them instruction iu details
connected with hutting, food, fire, discovery of supplies
of water, and other practical matters fitted to increase
their resources and exercise their intelligence as soldiers

Mr. F. PEEL said no programme in detail of the sort
of military education which would be afforded to the
troops in the camp referred to would be laid before the
public. He might state, however, that the militia would
have the full benefit of the educational system in force
in the army. Schools would be established, and chap-
lains would be appointed to take the spiritual charge of
the men. In a practical sense the discipline which was
pursued with regard to the army would be extended to
the militia. (Hear.)
CRIMEAN MEDALS.

In reply to Admiral WALCOTT,
Sir C. WOOD said it was always a great object to
cultivate the best feelings between the marines and sol-
diers. With regard to the position it was considered
best to draw them up on the side of the square most
convenient for the purpose.

FOREIGN POLICY.—THE CONFERENCES.
Mr. DISRAELI rose to move the resolution he had
placed on the paper, and spoke as follows :—Sir, I rise for
the purpose of stating to the house the reasons which have
induced me to trouble it with the resolution which is now
in your hand, and the objects I have in view in moving
that resolution. I have for some time been watching, as I
suppose all have watched, with intent and deep anxiety,
the conduct of the Government of this country in respect
to the great question of peace or war, and especially and
in the most significant manner the conduct of that Govern-
ment during the prosecution of the conferences at Vienna,
and I have imbibed an opinion with respect to the inten-
tions of Government which has filled me with great regret
and distrust as to the consequences of their conduct.
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I have thought that there
was, on the part of the Government, language so ambi-
guous, and language so uncertain, that I have been
led to reflect on what must be the cause of circum-
stances which, undoubtedly, whether erroneously or
tho reverse, have filled the public mind with very great
disgust and discontent—(hear. hear)—and which certainly
demanded the attentive consideration of all men, who felt
that they had incurred responsibility by accepting a seat
in this house. (Hear, hear.) It was impossible for me,
although entertaining this opinion, to ask that the senti-
ments of the house should be declared on these circum-
stances so long as negotiations were taking place. Every-
body knows, that if I had attempted to do so, the obvious
answer to me would be, that her Majesty's Government
were engaged at the moment in negotiations and confi-
dential communications with the representatives of foreign
powers, and that it would be injurious to the interests of
the country if Parliament were to interfere with their
labours ; and who can imagine for a moment. that such
an h
an objection would not have been held valid by
the
house ? (Hear.) But at last the protocols of these
negotiations were produced, after Tome inquiry;
an unusual lapse of time, they
were
laid Prime Minister,
of the house, and I imagined that the .
d d his
rliest opportunity
con-
duct, would of course have taken the eta on atnhde,tl.teler
following the precedents that should have guided
would also have
the representative of his laying Government, and
before the House
to have asked the opinion of Parliament
taken the opportunity of clearly
peace or war—of
gtulheelabonrs•of
great question
in embarrassing des
course, without committing
and explicitly telling the
tails—of manfally, precisely,
what
the Government meant
owfitChormesmpeocnts
twohtahtisthe Governsmtieonot
of
fad intended to do
Parliament and the country
I more than once solicited
tha to the last I hoped the Prime
eillaewme Primesn b j el
Minister
ni
ins future.
t,er t
o t a (Hear.)
etahra.
t)
magnitude, sin thought over his first conclu-
. ter would have again
Minister would
felt that he should be performing his duty
toooudrosow;itahndrelfeoroennfceesstithet
and have e .
sion,
e, and that the
more faithfully to
the Prime Minister must have know
*thfully to his sovereign and the country by doing
so. I had hoped .
which made it na-
ry for the Government to lead and enlighten public
sodofwpiausrpinastshinagt smtaat(g3
mPaayrliament
noble lord would have been the first to ask, in the consti-
tutionalo li
Well,
the
sir,
i course
ran Id customary
w and
asdisappointed,
character manner,
of
t ahtnho
(Ise e opinion p
think i n ion of
negotiations,f
tpoo 'sissy),
twhhaitc he
thhe
countrywould w pledge
as disappointed
jus
as
ptpo
opi.
nues pursue. (Hear, otoehpgais
ant
opinion
ne
oPoubsulibejemet'
vrendtuthrl
leo(
of " Hear, hear.") I think I may .
venture to say that it
H(eLdhecaries
would have been satisfactory in the
sullen disposition of the nation if present perplexed and
the
negotiations which had been ' 'a if
thet conclusion of
part
on—on our
with unusual pomp and ostent.tion, and had, therefore,
raised a remarkable amount of interest, if the First Minis-
ter had come forward and taken the opportunity of fairly
putting the views of the A I min, stration before Parliament,
and had added '.
such an expression of opinion as would
have sustained the courage and the spirit of the people.
(Cheers.) But, nothing of the kind v. as done ; but still I
frankly confess, I hesitated as to whether I should take the
step I wished to take, and shrank from what I felt was
my duty, from—l admit a cowardly fear, a. fear w9ioln of
admit was too influential, that if a man in the exercise t
0 a
his duty in this house took a step which might
les I
censure of the Government, he would bre open
elation of an unworthy motive.
declined—l am ashamed to
to do that which, holding the
gence of my friends, f
(Hear, hear.) But a rig
a great city,
Queen, thought that
be passed unnoticed, to the, AO cu-
cation
this influentie , I
Under
thane once declint s 3
say' more
sition I do by the in dui-
ltwPoUld have been my d uty.
Ihtehon. gentleman, the member' for
member of the
Privy
and
at
this was an occasion
for an address to her Majesty .
hofon. Council of' the
which conk I not
and placed upon the table a me Con
on the subject. ' lit
The r 71
member for Manchester, instead of the First Minix ter
the Crown,
great question proposed an address to her Majesty on ' the
of peace or war. I hope that if the n A)le
lord could have screwed up his courage to propose as ad-
dress to his royal mistress it would not have bets' eon