The National Register.
London, England, 1813-02-07 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL REGISTER.

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y you, and in your search after knowledge it would be an
ill compliment to suppose you have neglected to make your-
se.f acquainted with the variety of influence to which the
human mind is susceptible. Admitting you to be in posses-
sien of every acquirement that well cultivated talents can
bestow, your discernment will naturally have discovered
that the specious subtelty of accomplished villains, is able to
delude the senses of superficial observers by a false colour-
ing, the hriliiancy of which, in the absence of reflection,
fiequently cur es conviction along with it, and that it re-
quires the penetrating genius of attentive consideration to
discern the sophistry which disguises a want of harmony in
the tints, to perceive the dark shades of hypocrisy, and to re-
move the seductive veil by which they are secreted from
public notice.
In the pre ent day it excites little astonishment to hear
disafiection termed loyalty—malignity and revenge, public
chatity—artifice, honoto able principle—faction, patriotism
honesty, &c. in short, it so frequently occurs
that designing individuals who have some secret object in
view, endeavour to impose upon the senses of the people
with volumes of disinterested professions, and from pure pa-
triotism and public honesty endeavour to excite discontent
in the ea untrv, that when a man enters upon a patriotic
career imd eedmvours to force himself into public estima-
tion by the strength of his promises, he immediately be-
comes an object of suspicion to prudent minds, and as it
slug ys tequ'les a clear perception to discover fraud when
pra( Csed wi,h address, it is a duty incumbent on those who
" really mean the cause and the people, who have no view
to private advantage, an who have virtue enough to prefer
the general good of the community, to the gratification of
personal animosities—it is time for such men to interpose."
WI en public alarm is excited without substantial cause,
Mid the peace and safety of a country are endaagered by the
influence of malicious misrepresentations, it should be the
rt-of every honest man to eradicate the evil, or weaken
i operatien by exposing the artifice.
It is La t professedly) one of your approved maxims,
that men should be esteemed only in proportion as their ac-
ticns are praise-worthy : agreeing with you on this point, to
es im ite your public character with accuracy, your conduct
most necessarily become the subject of reference, the coun-
try may then draw an inference concerning you from a basis
declared by ourself to be the fair and only true criterion
ler judgment.
Disclaiming every personal consideration, I am happy to
give you the choice of position, and anxious to adopt an
argument that may defy your most ingenious advocates so to
torture my language by misconstruction, as to deprive it of
a liberal and dispassionate character. I am solicitous to
awaken you to a just sense of the degradation you sutler
from the propagation of erroneous principles. To convince
you that to be entitled to a respectable consideration, you
must withdraw front the influence of those mal-contents.who
at present make you the deluded instrument of their malig-
nant puiposes—men who seek to fan a flame by any means
that may enable them to escape a burning.
In forming an opinion of your public intentions, I am
content to let your political conduct be the subject of in-
quiry :—to confine myself to that consideration, and make
it the source from whence an inference can be drawn—to
let the people judge you by your own mode—they ale sensi-
ble of your professions—your actions remain to be as clearly
understood.

FEB. 7

concerned. In no political occurrence have you been more
conspicuous than election contests ; always profuse in de.
clarations of public spirit, the opportunities they offer for
the display of eloquence and professions of patriotism were
too alluring, and the importunities of diAcinpered minds too

strong, to be resisted.
When a candidate for 'Middlesex, in opposition to Mr.
MAINWARING, sets. the Treating Act enabled you to triumph
over that Gentleman's majority—the election was annulled..
On that occasion you displayed the at t of a General well ac-
quainted with the rature of his ecntest, who in desperate
circumstances, takes atktantage of the errors of an adversary,
rather to prevent the humiliation of defeat, than to acquite
the laurel of victory. The measure was constitutional, but to
entitle you to the praise which such a consideration may ap-
pear to merit, it was necessary your own proceedings should
have been correct. It is noble to oppose innovation with
purity of intention, but it is hypocrisy to make a false dis-
play of honesty, a stepping ladder for vicious ambition.
Public good may sometimes favour individual presumption,
and whenever they are so connected, it is essential (in order
to appreciate the value of the act justly) to ascertain the in-
fluence or operating cause from whence it springs, a know-
ledge only to be obtained by reference to the conduct of the
party. Flagrant and unconstitutional as the proceedings
then were, lam content not to enter into particulars. The
election immediately succeeding, in which you were opposed
to Mr. GEORGE BOULTON MAINWARING furnishes suffi-
cient matter to establish a correct judgment of your purity,
and I am willing to omit a detail, the enormities of which
would wound the feelings of a man, whose conscientious ab-
horrence of electioneering manoeuvres would induce him to
make them the subject of complaint, and to perform so im-
poi taut a public duty, to sacrifice the gratifying exercise
of that political charity which great minds always entertain.
In the meridian of your popularity, you invited the free-
hulders to give you their sutruages on public grounds—pro-
fessed yourself an enemy to corruption—pledged yourself
to oppuse innovation wherever it should appear—exposed
every act of public men which you considered unconstitu-
tional—and declared that the good of your country alone
made a seat in Parliament desirable, as it might aftbrd op-
poi tunity to detect abuse, and bring the offenders to pu-
nishment er di.,4rate
Amongst oilier evi!s of which you particularly complained,
was an iuterfeience in elections that operated to deprive the
electors of a free choiee; this you considered of the most
dangerous description, striking deep at the eery rout of
liberty--an alatming invasion of a vital privilege.
line sentiments, Sir, are pleasing to the ear—a persuasive
tongue has peat influence with credulity, but the discreet
bearer will panse before be allows his judgment to be guided
by professions, he will wait (for something more than " mere
words") for positive action, befote he grounds an opinion.
For any man to date insult the country with professions
of public honesty, when his actions are in direct opposition
to every moral and political virtue is beyond the conception
of modesty—it is unparalelled impudence—it requires more
than common effrontery to impress upon the mind the im-
portance of a privilege at the time you invade it. But,
Sir, your patriotism is able to surmount more than common
obeles; it appears at once so heroic and servile, that I
am at a loss to understand it;—heroic, as above the influ-
ence of sense and conviction—servile, as submissive to the
sentiments of a mob: it has something in it of a peculiar
nde,” that sell ,t ad it of a favourable construction.

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The purity of elections is one of those subjects on which tendency, that Nvill not admit of a tavouranie
you profess to be much t 4 rested. Lit is also one of those It is on record, that at time very time you indignantly CN•
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privilezes in the e. /4, have been actively claimed against undue inkluence in elections, men were
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