The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-09 00:00:00

yi ki TOVIION r iDIA It :F2 V ItN N
. . 5 -

large, should have the opportunity of judging of the course
which I felt it my duty to pursue, and of the motives
which actuated me in taking that course. (Hear,- hear.)
I think that such an explanation is due froth every man
who aspires, or whom circumstances may have enabled to
held, a high place in the councils of the nation. (Hear,
hear.) the country has a right to know that the duties of
government have not been lightly assumed, or lightly or
from slight causes shrunk from. (Hear, bear.) The
country his a right to know, and it is good that it should
know, what are the motives which actuate public men
whose characters are public property—(hear)—and the
• country, which alone can remove those erebarrassments
which often occur in the formation of a Government, should
know, what aro those embarrassments and what is the na-
ture of the difficulties which frequently prevent the consti-
tution of an Administration. (Hear, hear.) For myself, I
have nothing whatever to conceal with respect tothe course
I took, and, without further preface, I will lay before your
lordships as short a statement as I can, not only of the
course which I felt it my duty to pursue, but, in order to
wake that course understood, of my view generally of the
position in which affairs steed on the resignation of the
late Government. At the commencement of the present
session, and in the face of the difficulties and disa ters that
were taking place, and which the noble earl opposite has
not sought to conceal, I and those in whom the confidence
of the the great Conservative party has been pieced, felt it
our bounden duty to abstain from bringing forward any
motion which should imply censure or blame upon the
Government, and which, by imposing censure on them,
either in this or tho other House of Parliernent, might
possibly tend to increase the disasters which were known
to exist. (Hear.) Here I must In permitted to say, that
those who on principle are opposed to the Government
have, 'in such circumstances, no very easy task to perform
—for, if they bring forward a motion that may by impli-
cation ba regarded as a censure with reference to some
matter on whch they feel strongly the Government is to
blame, they are immediately calio on to move for a vote
of want of confidence, with a view to the removal of the
Government from office; and, if a vote of direct censure
be moved by the party in opposition, then the answer
always is that the motion is brought forward for party ob-
jects, and not for. the benefit of the country. (Hear )
If neither of these courses is taken, if those who, I may
say, by the constitution of Parliament, aro intrusted
with the duty of watching over the conduct of a
Government in whom they cannot place confidence remain
altogether silent, then they are charged, with some justice,
as being indifferent to the enforcement of public opinion,
and being accessories after the fact to the faults of the
Government. (Hear.) Yet, notwithstanding these diffi-
culties, it has been the policy, as we have felt it to be tho
duty, of the great Conservative party to bring forward no
motion of censure against the Government. But immedi-
ately after Parliament reassembled, after the recess, notice
was given of a motion by an hon. and learned gentleman
in the other house, who I suppose was desirous to be con-
sidered a supporter of the Governnient and a member of
the Government—party who can hardly call it-but of
that great body split into various ramifications of parties,
and who pass by the name of Liberals in this country.
(Hear, hear.) My lords, I confess Ido not understand
the distinction which seems to have been drawn by the
noble lord the late President of the Council, in which he
stated that, looking at the course which, in the event of
such a motion being brought forward, he ought to pursue,
he had to consider not only what the nature of the motion
was, but what was the quarter from which it came.
(Hear, hear.) It appears to me that this is a distinction
founded on no just or sound principle. (Hear.) If the
conduct of the Government was defensible, then, whether
the attack was made by friend or foe, it appears to inc to
have been the duty of the Government to vindicate its
own policy. If, on the other hand, the conduct of the
Government was wholly indefensible, then, my lords, I
cannot conceive that,it would be a right and justifiable
course for one who could not defend the conduct of the Go-
vernment on its merits to resist the motion because that
motion proceeded from a particular political quarter.
(Hear.) But, from whatever quarter that motion pro-
ceeded, the result was such as, I must say, is wholly un-
paralleled in the history of this country. (Hear.) Suds is
the extent to which the party habitually in opposition to
the Governuient carried their resolution not unnecessarily
to interfere with the Government, that I believe even on
that motion, if the division, instead of being postponed till
Monday, had taken place on the Friday, little more than
One-half of the party would have been in their places to
pass the vote of censure. (Hear.) But when a motion was
brought forward, from whatever quarter, which implied a
want of confidence in the Government, and which the Go-
vernment themselves took care to explain was a vote in
which the confidence or the absence of confidence of the
House of Commons was to be tested, the circum-
stances were change:). It was impossible the limits of
moderation and prudence could be carried to such an ex-
tent that, being invited by the Government to express an
opinion on the question of confidence or no confidence,
this party should not give eepression.to the views which
they entertained. My lords, the result-of that motion' as
I said before, is ono without a parallel ;—not only that on
a vote involving a want of confidence in the Government,
and in the Government as a whole—not a censure given to
one or two individual Ministers, who might have become
particularly obnoxious to the public—there should have
been in the House of Commons a majority extending two-
thirds, but that on a question involving confidence or no
confidence in the Government as a whole that Government
was unable to muster as a minority in its favour a greater
number than 118 out of 650 members of the House of Com-
mons. My lords, I believe that such au event is wholly
without a parallel, more especially when we recollect that
by the confession of many who voted for the motion it was
one against which there were valid and well-founded objec-
tions with reference to its technical terms, and that it was
disapproved of by many who supported it, on the ground
that it was accepted by the Government as a test of the con-
fidence or no confidence of Parliament in the Adinistration.
The majority on that occasion; singularly enough, happens
to bo, in point of numbers, to a unit the same with the
majority by which, two years ago, the Government I was
connected with was also ejected from office—viz., a ma-
jority of 303—though on the former OCCiiSiOll it was 305
to 286, while on the present it is 305 to 148. (Hoar, hear.)
Of these 300, I believe that the great Consernative party,
who have acted togethcrfor a considerable period with per-
fect and 'uninterrupted union, constituted something like
200. (Hear.) With regard to the different liberal sections
of the House of Commons, I believe that they were pretty
equally divides! in th;s way—that 100 of these gentlemen
voted on one side and 100 on the other, and that another
100 altogether abstaine from voting on the occasion. Such
being the result of the division, and such the composition of
the vote, anti looking at the usual course Of Parliamentary
proceedings and the doctrine of the constitution, I was not
surprised, my lords, when, on the fellowing evening, I re-
ceived—though I a:knowledge I did so with deep anxiety—
her Majesty's gracious commands to wait upon her on the
following morning, perfectly well knowing andunderstai
' l-
ine for %at purposelbad received such a communication.
It became then my duty carefully and anxiously and ma-
turely to consider "the position of the country. In ordinary
circumstances and in ordinary times I shonid at once have
felt it my duty, to accept the respon ibility thrown upon
me—for, though the gentlemen who honoured me with
their Confidence were not those who had incurred the first
responsibility by bringing forward the motion, yet, as it
was mainly carried by their instrumentality, I felt that it
would have been my duty to accept the proposal ; but,
under existing circumstances, I felt that I was bound to
consider carefully and deeply, without thinking of perso-
nal considerations, and without reference to party objects,
what course it was for the interests of the country that in
such circemstances I should take. (Hear.) My lords, I can
conceive uo object of higher or nobler ambition, no object
more worthy of anxiety by a true patriot and lover of his
country, then to stand in the high and honourable posi-
tion of the Chief Minister of the Crown and leader GI the
councils of this great empire, assisted and supported by
colleagues combined • with him by mutual sentiments
and mutual and 'personal respect, and with the know-
ledge that this ans 2 the other House of Parliament would
give to such a minister the assurance that, except on most
extraordinary and unusual occasions, he would be enabled
with life and energy to carry out his plans and to mature
and accomplish his objects practically as well as nominally,
and to control and govern the legislation and internal
economy of this great country. (Hear, hear.) On the
other hand, to hold that highly responsible situation de
pendent for support from day to day on precarious and
uncertain majorities, compelled to -cut down this measure,
and to pare off that, and to consider with regard to each
measure not what was for the real welfare of the country,
but what would conciliate some half-dozen men here, or
some half-dozen there—(laughter)—to regard as a great
triumph of Parliamentary skill and Ministerial strength to
seramblce through the session of Parliament, and to boast
of having met with few and insignificant defeats—l say
this is a state of things which cannot be satisfactory to
any Minister; and which cannot be of advantage to the
Crown, or to the people of this country. But; any lords,
to enter on the duties of office, not with a precarious ma-
jority, but with a sure minority of the other house of Par-
liament —to be aware that from day to day you were liable to
defeats at any moment by the combination ofparties,ainount-
ing to a sure majority, and only waiting for tie moment when
it would to introduce motions for
the attainment of such an end ; to. be a. Min'ster of suf-
ferance; to hold such a position without any security for
enforcing your own views ; with the fear of exposing your
own friends and the country—your friends to perpetual
mortification, and the country to constant disappointment
—(hear)—to undertake the responsibilities and the duties of
office iu such a state of things would be such an intolerable
and gallieg servitude as no man or honour or character
could expose himself to, and such as no man veluntarily
would submit to, except from motives of the purest patriot-
ism and from absolute necessity. My lords, I considered
it then my duty deliberately to consider, before I assumed
the responsibility which I understood it to be the wish of'
her Majesty I should discharge, in what position I should
be with regard to Parliamentary support—how I should
stand in this and the other House of Parliament, more
especially in the other house. Its is true, my lords, that I
could have filled several of the offices of the Government
in a manner that would have commanded the approba-
tion and the support of all parties. I had reason to be
assured that in one of the offices which, above all others,
is at present the object of pre-eminent importance, and
on the proper settlement of which rests the greatest
responsibility, I should have had the support of a noble
friend of mine, not himself a military man, but possessed
of a mind eminently military—a noble lord of vast expe-
rience,
practically versed and conversant with the opera-
tions
of war in distant countries upon a largo scale, and
who has proved himself to be an able and successful Mini-
ster of Waresn.an extended scale—(hear, hear)— a noble
earl whose energy, whose ability, and wiles° eloquence,
would have given ample, assurauce to the country of the
efficiency of the manner in which lie would have performed
his duties—(hear, hear)—ant who, if he has one charac-
teristinthat is more universally recognised than another,
it is that iu him the country would have a geminates) that
in no possible circumstances would they hear of jobbery
or corruption. (Cheefrs.) It is true that in the other
house of Parliament as well as in this housnl might have
hads recourse to a class whom, when excluded .rom
office, it is usual to characterise as a neceseery infusion of
new blood, but who, when in office„ are called an enlist
-
went of raw recruits. (Laughter.) And, when I speak of
new blood, I sin sure not one of my friends in this or the
other house will deem it invidious in me to say that, in
office, I should have received the support and assistance,
the unrivalled eloquence anti commanding talents, of Sir
E. Bulwer Lytton. (Cheers.) At the same time I was
compelled to look not to men alone, not to the capacity of
those who might have filled important offices, but I was
bound to look to that more vulgar if not more important
circumstance, the numerical strength of the Government:
(Hear.) I ave been honoured—and it is one of the
proudest recollections of my life to look back to that pe-
riod-4have been honoured, and am still honoured, with
the confidence of a body of inost.respectable and
highly qualified gentlemen of this country; hotly
amounting to from 270 to -280 members of PaYliament,
bound together by that which is the only sure bond
of all political ties namely, mutual confidence in
each other, and perfect identity and unity of principle.

—(hear, hear) and full of 'mutual personal esteem
and regard for each other. When we looked at the num-
bers of that party et the close of the last general elec-
tion, the Government then existing found, that it had tho
avowed support of about 300 members of the House of
Commons. I state it to the credit of that great party, and
as a proof of the fidelity which they have exhibited in their
engagements, that at the present moment, after the ex-
piry of two years, the number who were 'prepared to sup-
port nso in the Government is herdly at all dithinished,
and that we can reckon on the support of about 280 mem-
bers of the other house, (Hear, hear.) But at the same
time, though I had a sight to rely on the assistance and
support of about 300 members of the House of Commons,
the Government would still be exposed to fall by a com-
bination of parties such as has taken place befores and
might occur again at any moment. (Hear, hear.) What
reason had I to suppose that the same combination would
not arise? It is the ,same House of Commons; there
are the same persons ; and there are the same parties, so
far as I can judge from the construction of the late Govern-
ment, and so far as I can assume from the construction of
the present' Government; so that there might have been
the same combination of parties by which -I was formerly
assailed. (Hear.) I do not mean to say that I saw as
certain the combination of these parties for the same ob-
ject, but I had no security for a day or for an hour that
that combination would nut takeplace. (Hear.) I know
it has been said that, in the present circumstances, any
Government accepting tho responsibilities of office and pre-
pared to carry on the war in which we are engaged with
vigour would have received the support, or at all events
the neutrality, of all parties in the House of Commons. I
think in some circumstances that might have been the case;
but I have great reason to doubt whether, if I had at the
first moment accepted the responsibility sought to be placed
on me, I should have found in tne House of Commons that
general acquiescence under the influence of which there
would have been an abstinence from opposition. (Hear.)
It is no secret that the moment the Administration
of the noble earl opposite was dissolved a cry was raised
by a portion of the press, exercising no significant in-
fluence over the public mind, that one thief; at last was
clear, viz. that what was called a Derby Administration
was out of the question, and that Lord.Pahnerston was the
man called upon by the voice of the country to take the
managementbf affairs. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I speak
not only of the press, but of the language held by members
of Parliament. I know there was a strong impression
with regard to the noble viscount—who someow or other
appears to have enjoyed a peculiar exemption from the
censure passed on the whole of his colleagues—(laughter)—
that in the conduct of the war, one of the greatest defects
that appears to have existed was a defect in the office of
the noble viscount himself—viz. in the organisation and
embodiment of the militia. (" Hear, hear," and laugh-
ter.) But, be that as it may, in the public mind the
noble viscount was excepted from the censure imposed on
his colleagues ; and the hon. and learned gentleman who
brought forward the motion by which the Government
was defeated, if I mistake not, declared his opinion that
Lord Palmerston was the only person who was fit to sue
teed and to govern the country. (Hear, hear.) But a
higher authority still was one of the noble viscount's col-
leagues, who considered the case of the late Government
indefensible, and their conduct to be such as to compel
him, prematurely, to send for them. That noble lord
geherously sacrificed himself to a colleague, and de-
clared that in his opinion the only person to conduct
the military affairs of the country was his late colleague,
Lord Palmerston. (Hear, hear.) Now, I put it to your
lordships and the country whether, with that feeling pre-
vailing in Psrliament—with a general declaration in favour
ofa very distinguished member of that house—a declara-
tion made by a large portion of the press, and by a con-
siderable amount oth e members of the House of Commons,
and sustained by the high authority of Lord John Russell,
—I ask what prospect of immunity from attack, or what
prospect of a sustained majority, a Government could it
such circumstances expect ? (Hear, hear.) I would not be
misunderstood as saying that these considerations were
those alone which prompted me to be anxious to obtain the
co-operation of the noble viscount. I readily acknowledge
the great abilities, the great Parliamentary experience, the
great official experience, of not less than 37 years of office,
of the noble viscount. I readily admit the advantage of
his pa: sonal popularity. I readily admit also--though yet
the circumstances of this case al o so peculiar that I may
state it,—though the jealousy of this country—the reason-
able and well-founded jealousy--is against qualification for
office, arising out of connexion .with
.foreign States or fo-
reign Governments, yeti must be permitted to add that,
ia the present circumstances, it was
,a great and legitimate
qualification on the part of Lord Palmerston, and should
nut be omitted, that he was generally supposed to exercise
no inconsiderable influence over the councils of that noble
nation with whom we are now on terms happily of the
strictest and closest alliance—=-(hear, hear)—that he en-
joyed to a great extent the confidence of that great man
who by his superior abilities and power, not less than the
name ho bears, was enabled to grasp and hold firmly and
vigorously the imperial sceptre of that country. (Hear,
hear.) I say, in times like these, and at a time when we
are engaged in a formidable and perilous war,—when we
have France—though I hope it will not be long so--as our
only ally—it is a peculiar qualification for holding office
in this country that the Minister in question should pos-
sess the confidence of those with whom we are in that
strict alliance ; and I will add that no party could be in-
sensible to the great advantage—or rather, I should say,
to the disadvantage—of a Cabinet being formed at the
present moment unacquainted with all the details and dif-
ficulties of the diplomacy that has run over the last two
years, or that the noble viscount would not be of peculiar
advantage to any Government of which he might be a
member, having an intimate knowledge of all the trans-
actions of the last two years, of the difficulties and ember-
rasswents that have occurred, and, at the same time, a
correct knowledge of the feelings and views of those fo-
reign connexions with whom for that time we haVe been
more or less engaged. (Hear, hear.) Under all these cir-
cumstances—froth all these considerations—l came to the
conclusion that with the unassisted numerical strength of
those who placed their confidence iu tae it was impossible
that I could feel any assurance of forming that which I
concurred with the noble earl opposiae in deeming most
desirable and necessary for this country at thepresent period
—a strong Government. It was impossible for me, with- 1
out some extraneous ail, to flatter myself with the expec-
tation that. T could :secure a strong Government for this
country. My lords, it was impressed with this idea and
conviction that, on the following morning, I obeyed her
Majesty's or:Mine:tint. I laid before her Majesty without
reserve any views with regard to the
.state of parties, with
regard to the composition of the House of Commons, and
with regard to the b-dance of parties in that house, and the
probable mode in which those parties might apply their
p Avers. I did not conceal from her Maj sty that there
!night be circumstances under which the House of Com-
mons would give to such a Government as I was enabled to
form, oven without extraneous aid, a generous assistance
and a generoua and liberal support; but I think such cir-
cumstances could only be those in which there would be
no alternative between the existence of the Government
hich I was about to-form and no Government at all, and
that there could be security whatever for the formation—
nay, not only that, but no prospect of the formation—of a
Government commanding a majority in the other house,
as long as tthth,ererlievrhweiocauhsnarell and
arrge party united in their opinions,
some of whose members were excluded from that Govern-
ment, who, if they wore included in it, would bring the
Majesty
liassistancelistened
etao
withu .
mostAf te r m y
w statement,eight e f
gra-
cious ete::tion, I concluded the humble recommendation it
was ray duty to submit to her Majesty with the request
that I might be enabled to communicate with Viscount
PalMer'sten, for thepurposo of obtaining, if possible, hiecon-
curreuce and assistance in the duty which I was about,
with her Majesty's permission, to undertake to perform.
I stated also to her Majesty that I could not expect to ob-
tain that concurrence on the part of the noble viscount
unless ho were permitted to bring with him one or two of
those with whom. he had recently acted. I felt, notwith-
ta
abilitieseaig e
of some
pe
personal
soof aal
thoseandehaatddthede
gentlemenpolitical
mightre n c ehs
a,
vt
materially to the strength and power of debate in the
House of Commons, .and that their concurrence might
be desirable, not only on account of the support and
countenance which they would give to • the noble vis-
count in joining the Administration, but also on account
of their own individual and personal merit and ex-
perience. I stated to her Majesty that, in my humble
judgment, without such assistance—without some extra-
neous assistance—l did not feel myself in a condition
to promise to her Majesty that strong Government,
assured of a majority in both Houses of Parliament, which
I thought at the present moment it was most desirable, if
possible, that her Majesty should have. (Hear.) I was
bound to consider, not personal or party feelings, but that
which was for the interest of the Crown and the welfare of
the country— (hear)—and first and prominently for the
welfare of the country and the honour of the Crown I
placed the necessity of having, if possible, a strong and
united Govermieent. I therefore submitted to her Majesty
my humble advice that, failing my endeavours to form such
a Government as could hold a promise of strength as well
as of unity, her Majesty. should consider whether it was
possible to form any other combination of public men by
whom that object was more likely to be achieved. Where
these men were to besought for, what that combination
was to be, was a subject upon which, of course, I did not
presume to offer an opinion to her Majesty. In venturing
se ~O'..- eisee esseeesaase, a ono retzleh T belj.roti he far
the good of the country, I concluded by assuring her Ma-
jesty, strongly as I felt the difficulties of the position, if
such a combination—giving greater strength than any
which I could bring to her Majesty's support—were found
to be impracticable, then, at all hazards and under all cir-
cumstanees, her Majesty should not be left without a Go-
vernment—(cheers)—but that when such other combina-
tion should have been tried and found to be unsuccessful,
then with better hopes of parliament re, support—but
whether with or without better hopes—l would answer for
myself and for those noble lords and hon. gentlemen with
whom I have the happiness of acting, that, at all erects,
the country should not be without a Government, and that
at all hazards, at all risks, and at all sacrifices, our humble
services should be placed unreservedly at her Majesty's
command. (Cheers.) My lords, I may take this opportunity
of making a statement which I am sure, so far as your
lordships are concerned, is quite unnecessary, in con-
sequence of rumours which have gone forth, that upon that
occasion her Majesty sought to fetter my discretion by some
restriction. Those who know the respect which her Ma-
jesty has for the constitution,-and the strict and rigid man-
ner in which she walks in the light and in the paths of that
constitution, will be well aware that such a report is un-
founded ; but I feel myself bound in duty to state, for the
information of those who have not the same means of be-
coming acquainted with the facts, that not only no obstacle
whatever—that not only no restriction was placed in my
way, but that not the slightest difficulty was made as to
any one subject or recommendation, either with regard to
men or measures, which I felt it my duty to submit to her
Majesty. (Hear.) In consequence of this interview, which
lasted from half-past 11 until nearly• one o'clock, I called
upon the noble viscount (Palmerston), whom I found at
his house. I immediately communicated to him the invi-
tation with which I was charged upon her Majesty's part.
I found, as I anticipated, that the noble viscount would
have been essceedingly unwilling—nay, indeed, that he
felt it would have been impossible, without the concur-
rence and co-operatien of some of his friends; to give me
that assistance and support which otherwise he did not
express himself di'sinclined to afford. I stated at once
that I anticipated that feeling on his part, and that it was
Perfectly natni al, and I 'lamed to him the two among his
colleagues kill whom I thought lie would most readily con-
sent and desire to act, and who might have th© leasediffi-
culty, from their previous connection with the great Con-
servative ,party, in joining the Administration, although
between them and that party there had been, mid there
might still be, some points of difference. I named to the
noble viscount the two men with whom I conceived he
would be most desirous of acting, and who might have the
least difficulty, from their antecedents, in connecting them-
selves again with the Conservative party. I found—for the
nOble*viscount was good enough to state to me—that, with
regard to any-personal considerations he could have no ob-
jection to Act in a Government with which I was connected,
arid be accompanied these obliging expressions towards me
with an allusion to thelong acquaintance and friendship
which had subsisted between us, We went so far as to die'

cuss the particularpesition in the government in which the
noble viscount should be placed, and I stated to. him then,
with perfect frankness, that which I am about to state to
your lordships I stated to Min that I did not think it was
possible for any Hinieter to combine with the lead of the
House of Commons the duties Ofan extensive avid laborious
department, and I obtained from him his concurrence in
that opinion--thet, with the load of tho'Hotise of Com-
mons, the arduous and important ditties of Minister for
War were wholly incompatible. I was enabled, by an act
of solf-abnegation and forbearance for which I think my
right hon. friend deserves the highest credit, to state upon
the part of my• right hon. friend -Mr. Disraeli, that, with
regard to the lead of the House of Conimons, with which
he had been honoured upon-a former occasion, in the pre-
sence of the noble viscount be would waive all claim and
pretension to that poSition, and would willingly and 'rea-
dily act under the direction of a statesman of the noble
viscount's ability and experierice--(hear, and cheers)—
and my right hon. friend added, what I think hardly
less to his credit, that, not only was he willing 'and
ready to waive a right to which—considering his relation-
ship with the Censervative party—lie was fairly entitled
in favour of the noble viecennt, but that he hoped that
such a surrender might render mere easier the accession of
two of the friends of the -noble viscount, who might be
willing to act under the noble viscount, though they mieht
be less willing to act tinder my right hon. friend. I quitted
the noble viscount after about half 'an hour's interview.
Her Majesty, waiting the result of that interview, made
her return to Windsor, and I informed the noble viscount
that her Majesty would leave a messenger in waiting to re-
ceive, at the earliest possible buss, the result of the tie:li-
munication which ho undertook to make to Mr. Gladstone
and Mr. Sidney Herbert. I certainly returned from the
interview with a Very strong impression upon soy mind
that the noble viscount was ready and willing, if he shoUld
obtain the cousin ence of his late colleagues, to join, in
unison with them, the Administration which I was endea-
vouring to form, and the statement he made to me was,
oopppeetritn un
a itvyery
short
of course he could give no definitive answer till he had
ofhocrortinae
communicating ipera(b
t)inably gwbi telfiotrheetnhie p trot
,o
went out, but et all events in a very fewhonrs to convey to
hthaadt thhee
h
me the final decision at which he arrived. I did not hear front
the noble viscount until half-past 9 o'clobk at night. [A.
noble lord inquired at what time • the noble earl left
Lord Palmerston's?] I left the noble viscount shortly be-
fore. 2 o'clock, and at half-past 9, just as-I had written to
the noble viscount that it was impossible for me longer-to
detain the messenger if he was to arrive at Windsor that
night, I received with considerable surprise a note from
the noble viscount. lam not going to trouble your lord-
ships with the precise terms of that note, but it certainly
did surprise me to receive front the noble viscount, after a
delay of so long a time, a note merely stating that, upon
full and complte reflection, he had come to the conclusion
that if he were to join my Government, be could not give
to it that support which I was good enough to think his
presence would iusure,—that he had communicated with
Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert, according to my
desire, but that they would write answers to me, and he
thought it better that they should do so. At half-past 12
that night I received a note from Mr. Gladstone, and be-
tween 7 and 8 the following morning I received one from
Mr. Sidney Herbert, both written in kind and courteous
rerms—terms of which I certainly could have no reason
whatever to 'complain ; but I certainly was struck with
this expression in Mr.• Gladstone's note, after stating that
Lord Palmerston had communicated to him the wishl had
expressed that he should form paztaof the Administration,
—" I also learned from him (Lord Palmerston) .that-he is
not of opinion that be can hilliself render you useful ser-
vice in that Administration." Now, my lords, I confess
I received that note with some surprise, because I had
reason to suppose that when, at two o'clock., I left the
noble viscount, his consent depended in a great measure
upon the concurrence of his late colleagues; but at half-
past 12 the same night I received a letter from Mr. Glad-
stone, stating that the noble viscount, in communicating
my message to him had stated at the same time that he
could not concur in being a member of the Government.
My lords, in that state of things—having received from
the noble viscount and his two friends the answers to
which I have referred, declining to, form any part of •my
Administration—the noble viscount having made no ob-
jections upon any political grounds, or on account of any
contemplated measures, or on account of the position
which it was intended he himself should hold, or" with re-
ference to any of the colleagues with whom ho was about
to be Counected—l was then in a position to state to
her Majesty that, the first contingency to which I had ad-
verted, having taken place, I thoughteit was for the interest
of the country and for her Majesty's ,eonvenience that she
should adopt the subsequent course which I had advised,
namely, that of aseeitethiug whether it was possible to
form ady other stronger or more effective Administration.
My lords, further than that I have no personal knowledge.,
I quitted her Majesty with deep and very sincere expres-
sions of regret on my part that, under existing circum-
stances, it was not possible for me to-do her that service
which I would gladly have rendered—.that I could not as-
sure to her Majesty that strong Government which it Wale
absolutely essential for the interests of the country that
.she should have; but that, in,the event of no further com-
bination being able to be made, I was then, as I had stated,
ready to offer to her Majesty my humble and devoted ser-
viees. My lords, I may be asked why, having referred
merely to the noble viscount, who had been designated by
public opinion as the person entitled to the first considera-
tion and possessing considerable influence in the House of
Commons, I did not seek for possible assistance and co-ope-
ration in senile ether quarter. In.the. presence of the late,
and, as I understand, the present Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs (the Earl of Clarendon), I will state your
lordships precisely what I took the liberty of addressing to
her Majesty upon that subject. I slated to- her Majesty
that I conceived it would- have been an immense advan-
tage to any Government to have among its membera one
who is perfectly conversant with the whole diplomacy of
the last two years, end-with the feelings and proceedings
of the various Courts of Europe. I stated that, with
that view among _others, I had suggested to her Ma-
jesty that I should apply for tb).op.,operation'ol Viscount'
Palmerston. I took the liberty to add, with regard to my,
nob a friend the-Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord Cla-
rendon), that I entertained the highest opinion of the abi-
lity, the industry, and the zeal with which he discharges
the duties of his office. I added also a hope, which I be-
lieve tho noble earl will say I was justified in adding, that
there was no per. o ial feeling which might upon any coca-
siou offer the slightest impediment to the possibility of
our acting together in the same Government, but that, on
the contrary, I believed there existed between us a sincere
.acid mutual regard ; but I felt it my duty tcesay further,
that, desirous as I might have been of obtaining the co-
operation and assistance of one so experienced and able as
the noble earl, the political connexions of that noble earl
—the political relation iu which he stood towards most of
' those with whom I was iu the habit of acting, and his po-
litical connexion with others with whom I was not acting,
or about to act—did not justify me in making any direct
application or overtures to him, even if I had reason to
Banos° those overtures would have been likely to be fa-
vourably entertained; and that I did not feel myself jus-
tified in making Such overtures in such a quarter—what-
everfor the noble earl—un-
less might be my personal esteem
injunction,
less I could do so dersher Majesty's express
might haysbeon the
sanction, and command.
Whatever must soy that the
colsequence of such an application,ursued to which I look back
only part of the course I.havep
1 le is with respect to the
wish the least doubt .?I•incerti
abstaining from making any such commu-
nicationpropriety of my
either to the noble earl directly or to the noble
inarcinislLansilowne) near him, who, I am quite certain,
under the circumstances of the country, would have
afforded mo the advantage of his frank and friendly opin-
ion. My, lords, I have now explained to you the circum-
stances under which I felt myself compelled to resign un-
dertaking the responsibility of forming a Government, for
the strength and unity of which I Could see no security.
I have nothing to do with subsequent transactions. The
noble viscount, it appears, has found himself justified, and
has thought himself enabled, to subrnit to her Majesty.
the names of a Cabinet which ho thinks is more likely to
secure and to command the confidence and support of a
majority of the two Houses of Parliament. It is not for
me to express an opinion how far the noble viscount has
judged correctly in that inference or not. I will not for
a moment suppose he has not believed that he was able to
recommend to her Majesty a Government possessing that
strength and entitled to that confidence, because any other
supposiiion would lay the noble viscount open to an im-
putation which Ii- am sure is most unfounded—that
in declining to join the Administration I had formed
he was rather influenced by personal considerations
affecting the position he might hold than by an earnest
and anxious desire to form a strong Government. Of
such motives I wholly and absolutely acquit the noble vis-
count, and I cannot doubt that he has full confidence in the
degree of public support and RPProval which the Govern-
ment, as now formed, is likely to obtains I have now of-
fered to your lordships—perhaps at too groat length—
(cheers)—but I thought it desirable not to omit the
slightest details which might throw light upon my y motives
—an explanation of the circumstances under which I aban-
doned my endeavours to form an Administration. I en-
deavoured before I came to that conclusion, and in acting
upon it, strictly and impartially to examine—as in the pre-
sence and with the aid of the Searcher of all Hearts—the
motives which influenced my whole conduct—to satisfy
myself that I wail influenced by no desire of unduly grasp-
;us nr6e.e. and to satisfy menu", - 'se 4.1, Agml. that
I was not timidly shrinking from tine reAPA`flaciit—
y which
fairly ought to rest upon me. My
thatil:rci should shrink
from no responsibility except from, I felt to be
a responsibility I was likely to
incurMchilita)f having of-
fered to her Majesty's Government wfinnness, iot in itself
sufficient elements of strength and
ountry to thereby
sub-
jecting my friends and the 0
t this critical mortification and
reomeut to the
disappointment, and adding a
my lords I have
embarrassment of the country.
to the 1, •
erred. If I have so erred I bow
wtr I decision Of my.
friends, my party, and
'1133%u 'll3- have
hibited a too great timidity inpon myself respo -
takinghatever errors n
sibility, though I think -that, that; Iv
I life, they inay have
been imputed to me in political life, have been
(,laugh.)
rather in the opposite direction.may have
• e and .over-zealous 1
us e
disappointed the over-sanguine I a nisei,
tations of those over whose interests boom( to
watch, with whom I am connected by every tte of politi-
cal and personal friendship, but whom—much
still oreeff as I desire
to please and to gratify—l desire effectively and
It was my opinion that,
_
conclusively to serve. (Cheers.) T
under the circumstances, the great Conservative party
should not prematurely and rashly undertake the respon-
sibility of administering the affairs of this country at the
present portentous crisis. Upon that belief I acted honestly,
conscientiously, ant to the best of my judgment. Myjusti-
ficetion or my condemnation must,
nireet in the mines of
those among my friends and among 3 countrymen whom
I have alike desired, if not to gratify, atlast to
_serve ; and
all I have to add now, after thanking yeur lordships-for the
pationce with which youhave • • listened time, is my hope that
to whatever hands at the present moment the destinies of
this greatesupire maybe intrusted, they May be such as will
deliberately, efficiently, and with the fell and justified con-
fidence of the country carry on the groat and awful war in
which we tire now engeged, and it at no distant
which Inv ho -like honourable to
period to a conclusion •
the terms of the allied forces, an l may, at the SAMS time,
permanently secure and effectually gu.tplatee the mainte-
nance of the independence, the integrity, and the tranquil-
lity of Europe.-. I will only add firther with reference to
what has Mien from the noble earl at tiro hoed of the pre-
sent Government in this house, that there will he a deep
responsibility attaching to any Mimlis(er who shall conclude
a peace, however earnestly calludfor, „Leh does not secure
to this country and to Europe these great results. A re-
sponsibility at least as deep, if notstill doper, will attach
to him who, after such results shall here been obtained,
shall continue for a single moment the miseries and horrors.
of au unnecessary war. (Loud chciers.)
' The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Eductant as lam to
intrude myself on the house, I feel callel upon to address
a few words to ;'our lordships, having been connected in
some degree with the transactions of the last few days, in
obedience to an intimation emanating from the highest
authority, which obliged me to take a part in them I
shouldotherwise have been glad to decline. I shall not
attempt to review the matters brought before us in full