The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-20 00:00:00

THE PRUSSIAN CIRCULAR.

The following is a translation of the text of the Prus-
sian circular of the Bth of March addressed to the Prus
Sian representatives at the different German Courts :

" BERLIN, Msacn 8, 1855.
" You will find hereto annexed a copy of the confidential
despatch which I addressed on the 2d March to the Minister
of the King at Paris. As you will find, I was led thereto
by the circumstance that the attitude taken by the Envoy
of the King, at the sittings of the Diet, had become the sub-
ject of criticism of a foreign Government, which the Govern-
ment of the King considers incompatible with the dignity and
independence of Germany.
" From the same motive I did not admit the circumstance
with the French Government, and even now I think I may
confine myself to a few observations so as to prevent the posi-
tion of the Government of the King from being misinter-
preted (denature), as has already been the case on one or two
occasions.

" The motives of the resolution of the Diet of the Sth
February are clear and evident. If then, at a later period,
it was attempted not to ignore them but to give them
another signification ; in other words, if a measure, the
object of which was to strengthen Germany at home and
abroad, without making any demonstration for the moment,
was interpreted later as a demonstration in one sense only,
it was necessary in principle to contest the right of efforts
made in that sense. This is what the Royal Envoy did at
the German Diet. Does that constitute a demonstration in
another sense ? Not the least in the world. Matters,would
be far gone indeed in Germany if a call for the safety and in-
dependence of the German Confederation at so threatening a
moment in Europe should be interpreted as a provocation
against a foreign State, and reproached as a crime. For our
part, at least, we are of the opinion that such a call was far
too highly conformable to the dignity of Germany to need a
corrective, and especially one resulting from treaties with
which the German Confederation had nothing to do, and the
pramtical bearing of which it does not understand at the pre-
sent moment.

• " We have reason to- believe that many of our German
allies share this view of the subject ; without this probably
the motives of the resolution of the Bth February would
never have been adopted either in the Committees or in the
Federal Assembly by a majority which borders on unanimity.
If, later, a foreign interpretation had not been given to those
motives, the Royal Envoy would not have found himself in
the necessity of re-establishing them in their primitive gene-
rality, which did not contain a dmiionstration in any sense
whatever; in the situation which was made, it was necessary
to bring out with energy and precision the consequence of the
principle.

" If was to be hoped that this exchange of views, chiefly
confidential, would not ba distorted in its character by a pre-
cocious and inexact publicity. Such, however, being the
case—a fact to which Prussia is accustomed by the partial
communications which aro made to foreign journals, but
which will not turn her aside from her own views, at the risk
of being misunderstood and suspected—it would have been
easy to separate the truth from exaggeration, But all sorts
of propositions were spoken of as having in part already
been made by Prussia, in part prepared to be made—for in-
stance, that the whole bf the contingents ought to be sta-
tioned on Federal territory, that the Federal fortresses ought
to be armed, &e.
"We were surprised at the activity attributed to us. We
learnt, in fact, from different reports from our diplomatic
agents, that a series of Austrian circulars was occupied with
this affair, and endeavoured in some manner to canvass votes
against the propositions we were to make to the Diet. Dif-
ferent German Governments positively supposed that those
circulars were also communicated to us ; this, however, is
not the case. If the Cabinet of Vienna had addressed itself
to us on the subject, it would soon have been convinced that
we do not entertain the intentions attributed to us. The ma-
jority of those circulars would have had no object, and might
have been dispe..sed with,

" I shall not here examine whether the real interests of
Germany, which, in the great European crisis of the moment,
calls for a union and an increase of independent forces, with
the consciousness of their power and object, and not a tension
of artificial strength, obeying a foreign impulse, would have
gained or lost thereby.
4‘ The position of the Royal Government, as regards the
resolution of the Diet, is as simple as it is clear. As a Fe-
deral Power it maintains the motives which served as a
basis for that decision as long 'as the Federal Assembly did
not attribute to them a more: precise tendency by its uew
decisions. The question or knowing whether the Assembly
will do it, and in which sense it will do it, is the affair of a
future, which, in fact, is already on the threshold of the pre-
sent.

~v
"Prussia is fully.alive to the gravity of the moment, and
her aid will not fail Germany ; but it is precisely because she
is aware of that gravity, that she will not allow her un-
clouded vision to be obscured by au interpretation which
-
it is desired to thrust upon her, But, in taking this
view of affairs, Prussia knows that she is exempt, not only
from every intention of a demonstration, but also from any
arridre pensge and any ill-will towards the Western Powers.
" You will express yourself confidentially in tho sense of
the above observations, not only to the Government to which
you have the honour of being accredited, but wherever else
you may have reason to suppose that au appreciation of our
position, founded on distorted facts, may be likely to
" MANTEUFFEL.,,

MAPJCST NEWS-(THIS

EAY MARKETS.

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A sluggish demand.