The Sun.
London, England, 1855-04-10 00:00:00

LON& TVESDAY EVENING, APRIL io, 1855.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC, JOURNALS.

I THE MINISTRY AND THE CONFERENCE.
( Prom the Morning Herald of this day.)
"The right men in the right pieces" is the cry
which now rings from one end of England to th
other—and certainly Lord PaltnerSton has
many an instance of how very little he regards tin
voice of the sovereign people, by the mode in
.whicli
he has filled up the situations in his Government.
We need hardly mention in • illustration the gout
lord, now at the crisis of affairs, ten days absent
from his duty at the War-office ; or the fact of th-
presidency of the AdinirdtV:being handed over t
that heaven-born Ciiancellor of the Exchequer,
who has proved- the apAelithegm, "non quov
ligno fit," t, be very extensive inde?d in its app::-
cation, for here we have a Wood out of which- you
can make absolutely nothing, being so dense tlitc
we d'lnbt if it would even burn as a yule log.
Our intelligence from Paris of the 6th shows that
. England•has_ not yet fathomed the power of Cu
, Premier in making inappropriate appointments.
The cool self-complacency of Lord 'John Russell
was well known since the day that Sydney Smith
declared him to be capable of 'attempting to build
St. Paul's, perform the operation for the stone,
or command the Channel fleet, without ever at-
tempting to attain a vestige of knowledge in the
sciences of architecture, anatomy, or navigation.
But we doubt if even the faci ti }us canon in question
would have seriously given him credit for the as-
surance necessary to undertake the conduct of the
most complicated and important negotiation which
ifisroccupied the atten'aan of the World since the
Congress- of
.Vienna,- and in competition' with the
most astute and experienced diplomatistS -in Eu-.
rope, without as much knowledge of the French
language as would qualify him for the post of nur-
sery governess to the little darlings he has tak€n to
Vienna-to solace the hours which he can abstract

from his multifarious duties for . the enjoyment of
domestic felicity.
If i,t were necessary .to Lord Palmerston's de-
signs that hiscolleague and rival should be removed
from England for a time, and, what' p-rhaps the
wily Premier conidered of more importance, be
exposed and made ridiculous in the eyes of Europe
by the exhibition of gross incompetence and incapa-
city in the execution of the duties he had under-
taken, Lord John ought to have been too astute to
so obvious a trap. Nothing, indeed, but

the overweening self-estimate of riiMseif, which
seems to constitute what logicians call the " essen-
tial difference" of such minute specimens of hu-
manity, could so have blinded him—or, if he did
see the pit-fall, nothing else could have prevented
him from taking some means to obviate the diffi-
culty. Surely the great plenipotentiary might have
taken " six easy lessons," perused " French with-
out amaSter," or even taken a few private lessons.
from the afore alluded-to nursery governess. No
such thing ; Johnny was too proud ; and now we
have the hurried journey of M, Drouyu de LhUys
explained by the fact that the representative of
England could not speak French' sufficiently well
to prevent his committing the most egregious
blunders and making the most dangerOus cOnces-
sions. Every one knows that diplomacy is a science
of words, and that the turn of a negotiation may be
made to depend upon the misplacing of a comma or
an accent ; and here we have our destiny as a na-
tion dvending upon the fact that. my Lord John
Russell cannot understand French when he hears

it, or make himself comprehensible when he at-
tempts to speak it.
Now, the sending of this ignorant and presuming
person was by no • means a necessity, for Lord
Clarendon as a linguist and a statesman is quite
sufficiently- double-tongued to maintain a decent
reptiation amongst even the batch of ruse tricksters
and word-spinners misv assembled atVienna;
if a precedent were wanting, every one knows that
Lord Castlereagh was both Foreign Minister of
England and her representative at Vienna during
the great congress.
" Nil h bit iafelix pinpertaq, during in se
Qaam quoit ritlieults liotnities facit."

So says the mighty satirist Juvenal ; and cer-.
tainly if .we substitute incapacity and feebleness fur
poverty, the sentiment may well be applied to Eng-
land at present, in the position of measureless con-
tempt to which she has been reduced by the utter
incapacity and treasonable machinations of the
Aberdeen Coaliti n and As ghastly revenant, the
Palmerston abortion. '

In what light must England now appear in the
et,es of Europ with a compromised and immove-
abh, army at S.tbasiopol, e, dissolved constitution tl
force at home, and an imbecile, ignorant, and fa-
tuous representative at Vienna ?
Lord Palmerston reckons without his host if he'
fancies that, the People of England will either for-
get or forgive these things ; the " Palmerston de-
luion" is fast coming to an end ; he will find that
both his connivance under the Coalition, and his
direct-mal-administration as Premier, will be re-
membered when the ay of reckoning comes, and
not even his newly-born sympathy with the hide-
pendent kingdom of Poland, whose national exist-
ence he twice sacrificed, will save him, from the just
wrath which his delinquencies have excited. To
this question we must return. More serious than
all is the fact announced in our private letters, that
the public feeling in Paris is highly excited, nay,
exasperated, at the 'prospects of a dishonourable
peace ; and should such take place, we, for the
hundredth time, warn our readers that " France
will not take her share in the disgrace—that the
whole onus will be throWn upon England, and the
designs of Russia„ advanced a century towards
their completion by the virtual dissolution of the
great Western alliance: This terrible, but inevit-
able result will, without doubt, be a debt due to
the nation by Lord Palmerston and his speechless
Vienna plenipotentiary.

THE OXFORD-MANCHESTER COALITION.
ion:, the Morning Chronicle of this day. )
The exclusive right to manufacture political
" canards," which was supposed to be the special
privilege ()rows of our daily contemporaries, is now
being invaded by the Tory prints. The weekly
organ of the party, by sonic of his recent astound-
ing announcements, appears to have excited the
jealousy or the emulation of his morning rival, who
now seeks to transact a little of this business on his
own account. We congratulate him on the bold-
ness and even the originality of his hypothesis, as
also
.on his having avoided a certain wildness dis-
cernible in the mystic utterings of his juvenile and
pi esumpt nous weekly friend —a tone scarcely digni-
fied enough foe such an oracle.
Our in ventii-e contemporary—towards whom
we feel all the respect due for his consistent and
earnest advocacy of " Tory" or " Conservative"
principles under the in ost d iscouraging circumstances
—has discovered that a new political combination
is about to be formed, which, to him, appears pecu-
liarly shocking. It is nothing less than an
" Oxford-Manchester Coalition 1" Mr. Bright
and Mr. 'Gladstone, it seems, are about to
join their 'fines, and to ruin the country to-
gether 1 Our readers, we feel assured, will sympa-
thise with us in the horror which such an announce-
ment was calculated to produce in all.well-regu-
hated minds, and they will moreover, we do not
doubt, cordially concur in the doubts expreSsed by
our contemporary as to the truth of his own story.
Now the great art of manufactiiring these pieces
of political gossip' is to' conceal that art. It is in
this that the weekly organ of the' Tories excels.
Out of ever so homcepathic a quantity of specific
truth he will vamp you up an awful revelation,
quite enough to make the hair of all the quid-
nuncs stand on end. . But he hides the process,
and allows no one to know of how much actual
fact he is in possession. N-ot so his daily rival,
eager to appropriate his laurels. The origin of our
worthy contemporary's story is obvious enough ;
and, for the enlightenment of such of our readers
as may have met with it, we will dissect his hastily
woven fabric.
When Sir J. Graham, Mr. Gladstone, and Mr.
S. Herbert seceded from the Palmerston Ministry,
all men were curious to see what pbsitions they
would assitrno in the House of Commons. On the
first night of
.their entering that assembly after
their resignation, they topk their seats at the head
of the second bench below the gangway, on the
Ministerial side. It happened, that one or two of
'those seats thus assumed by the seceding Ministers
had previously been occupied by Messrs. Cobden,
Bright, Milner Gibson, or one or other of their po-
litical friends. The wise men—among whom may be
ranked our contemporary—at once came to the con-
clusion that tho gentlemen who had been spoken of
as "Peelites" had.made up their minds to became
the leaders of what is often called the " Manches-
ter" party As we do not profess to be so deep iu
political secrets as some people, we will not under-
take to say whether our contemporary at the mo-
ment was visited by one of those sudden inspira-
tions which are only vouchsafed to political genius
hsuchma ietasssra rememberl
3itii,st
aB,
influenceb
loeriirtginthoet tnnce
conooiftdbu;deeha:i
ens: weeklyodwnathneimdc
which,piMilner
contemporary.
doubt
00
um: let Imer-
rimenttn wo
Gibson na-

aurally shared the'surprise of the house at seeing
he three Right Hon.-ex-Ministers thus come down
among them with such unostentatious complacency;
'nit Mr. Bright, being the boldest, perhaps, of the
liree, extended his hand to one of the new corners
--we think - Mr. • Sidney Herbert—and a
general
nigh aoknowledgd. the friendly greeting. ft was
toubtless at-this moment that our contemporary
inspired ! An instant afterward 3, how-
-v r, Mr. Bright—we doul,t not in perfect tincon-
,;iousness--.leliberately wiped with his handker-
•hief the hand which had thus been grasped,
vhereupori another titter ran round the house; of
he meaning of which the gentlemen concerned ap-
,eared perfectly unconscious. This piece of unin-
entional pantomime mnst? have --at once tie-
:troyed the vision of a Coalition, which had just
teen conjured up in our contemporary's-brain, or
.."re have no doubt that the revelation which he now
hxs rnide would' have appeared in his columns on
;he following morning. •
We regret to have to add, that something which
has appeared in this journal has led to a revival of
t.he first impression, and to its having been pro-
duced as a veritable piece of political information.,
While affecting to doubt the truth of his own story,
our contemporary
says :—" There is one circutn-
stance which gives a colour to this report. There
is a daily journal which has devoted itself for the
last six or seven years to the advocacy of the claims
of the This journal has undervalued
Lord John Russell, and bitterly assailed Mr. Dis-
raeli ; but Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert,
he Duke of Newcastle, and -t0r4.1 Aberdeen. hibv -
been constantly upheld as mirrors of English states-
manship. Common rumour has often ascribed this

loyal attachment to the smallest party in the House
of Coinmons to a peculiarly close connection—that
of proprietorship • but of this we know nothing,
and therefore shall assert nothing ; nor does it
materially affect the state of the case.

" Now this journal, the Morning Chronicle,
which has liv-T1 for the last seven years with no
other apparent object than that of fighting the
battles of the Peelites--this journal has within the
last few days commenced a series of vhement and
spleenful attacks upon Lord Palmerston. During
the first three weeks of his Government, after Mr.
Gladstone had left his Cabinet, the Peelite organ
was hopeful and courteous towards the Ministry.
But, on a sudden, and without assigning any
reason, it suddenly became a bitter opponent. That
bitter opposition has continued during the whole
of the last ten diys ; and its commencement bears
date from the first circulation of the report that
Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone had come to
terms."

Our contemporary is prudent' in not asserting
Ehat which he does not knov : he would have been
core delicate had he made no allusion whatever

to a subject wholly, beyond his province, and of
but little interest to the public. This is not all,
however. It appears that we are "artful tacti-
cians," who " adopt a line of argument in
order to prove that Lord Palmerston is destroying
the old system of Government in England, and
making some kind of a revolution inevitable." We
have a tolerably clear recollection that something of
the kind has of late appeared in the not very revo-
lutionary columns of our contemporary, l'ut, until
he told us of it, we certainly were . not aware that
we were doing the political work of a new coalition !
All such speculations spring from a false view of
the true misr4ion of journalism. Unless a newspaper
be indep.oldent, it is worthless as a public guide.
A. journal set up, or maintained to further the
views of particular statesmen, loses general influ-
ence in proportion to this its particular devotion.
A public journal should have butt tone object—the
public good. It should deal with public men ac-
crmding to their merits—in othetlwords, according
to the exttnt to which they devOte themselves to
alvancing the interests of the public. Tory jour-
nals often praise Tory statesmen—do we therefore

jump to the conclu;ion that their praise is not
volutitily and independent ? If in this journal the
abilities or the measures of different Ministers of
State have been noticed with approval, it was be-
cause its conductors believed that those statesmen
were worthy of such support. In like man-

ner, when Lord PahnersCon was called, almost
by acclamation, to take the helm, full credit was

given to him in advance fir a resolve to perform
the work dema ,led by the nation. Ile receiyel
all the as,istanee from this journal to.whicli be was
en•irled from his past career. If we now share in
a fe,,ling of universal disappointment, that Lord
Palmerston shouhl so have fallen short of the ex-

pecthtions formed on his advent to power, we give
expression to our feelings without any secret pur-
poses whatsoever, and least of all in order tnform
or to further an ." Oxford-Manchester coalition."
As to the feasibility of such an
.arrangement, we
are dispoSA to concur thus fur with the Ministerial
evening organ—that there would be no little dal-
culty in amalgamating natures so opposite as those
of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright. Beyond this
our Mission does not lead us. It will be time
enough to deal with such a "Coalition "when it is
attempted ; and, in the meantime—although every
hour may bring conclusive news 'from Vienna—we
'
would recommend the public to be on their guard,
as the quarter from which the evil may come may
not be exactly that whence it is apprehended.

THE VIEN.N A. CONFERENCE.
(From the Times of this day.)

The point at which the Vienna Confer ences' are
now stationary, and on which a reference for fur.
ther instructions has been made to St. Peterstalig
and to the Cabinets of Western Europe, is kn.)wii
to be that third condition of the proposed terms of
peace which is to 'limit the preponderance of Russia
in the Black Set. A variety of statements have
been made, and a variety of sslieines have been
devised, for the purpose of solving this difficulty,
but the reports of the proceedings of the Confer-
ence published.by the foreign press are so contra-
dictory and inaccurate that we can only caution
our readers against placing any reliance whatever
on intelligence of this nature. Even with refer-
ence to the visit of M. Drouyn de Lhuys to this
country, on his way to Vienna, the rumours cur-
rent in Paris are totally unfounded. The fact is,
that the French Minister, on his arrival here, ap-
peared disposed to take a somewhat lower tone
than the leading members of the British Cabinet
conceive to be essential to the interests and the
dignity of the Western Powers ; but before he left
London M. Drouyn de Lhuys had expressed his
entire cAcurrence in the policy which Lord Pal-
merston and" Lord Clarendon have uniformly pur
sued, and the Allied Governments are perfectly
agreed as to the terms on which alone the negotia-
tionn
can be carried on. The precise nature and
extent of these terms is, however, still the secret
of the Plenipotentiaries themselves, and we
only relate the different versions that have can
been
assigned 'to them.
One of these versions, think the
to the truth, is a stipulation that Russia shall nearest
herself by treaty not to maintain morethan a
ind
and we
certain. prescribed naval force in the Black
Sea
rn Power.
Another is, that Turkey and the Western Power
shall create on the shores of
Asia
min
O s a
nava
establishment in the Black Sea to counterbalancer l,
the ships and forts of Sebastopol ; but
this project
can scarcely have been, seriously entertained,
as . it
would impose on us a permanent and onerous
gation, and rather augment than removeobli-
of future hostilities. The French Government
the causes
at one time adopted a. plan for what
tment had !
the " neutralisation of. the Black Sea „they termed'
the States having dominion over ' by which all
coasts should agree to the suppressioany part of its 1
tifications and naval establishments butnof their
-pro-
posalfor-
tifications
would have the effect"of altogether this
and disarming Turkey, whose existenceer weakening
the strength of the passage of the t depends on
on the possession of a certain amountßosphorus aud
power. All these suggestions are f of naval
cated by the important question whether
further compli-
ciple of the Convention of 1841 is itether the prin-
ciple
maintained—that is, whether the
be abrogated
and the Bosphorus are to be opened or Dardanelles
the ships-of-war of all nations. on rtci closed against.
the Russian Government appears to be
last point
willing to Accede to the proposal for° not only
Straits, but anxious to promote this Opening the
although in 1841 the Cabinet of St. Peters
showed an equal anxiety to bring about etersburg
the coil:
trary result. We are not surprised at this
in the language of the Russian Ministers, for or it is
obvious that whatever advantage might'
.the other Powers from the right of sencrcrue to
v,:siels-of-war into the Black Sea, would
ilibg their
than compensated to Russia 1;3, the power o; more
ing her Black Sea fleet into the Mediterranean,B°' d.
and
that the passage of ships of the line under theof the Sultan's Palace and the forts of the wallsns
phorus would be a fatal blow to the
of the Ottoman Government. The abrogati°i
the old law of the empire, though acceded tlcs. by
of
the Russians, is therefore strenuously resisted b
. the Turks, and we do not know on what ground's
interel st
of Allied Powers can, if they cohsider the •
of the Sultan, overrule that opinion. - •
The existence of a Russian fleet in the Black
, Sea is, as we showed in some detail a 'short timo

ago, a novelty, and a dangerous novelty, in Europe.
Till nearly the middle of the last century even the
trade of the Russian merchants of the south was
carried on •in Turkish vessels; and • the waters of
tie Euxine forthed anAindoulited portion of the
Ottoman ..empire. The conquests 'of Catherine
annex,A the Crimea, and a large extent of the
coast to
.the RusAan empire ; but the Russian
fleets which fought the batiks of -Teliesme and
N iyarino had both entered the Mediterranean by
the Strait of Gibraltar, and we believe that down
to the present hour no Russian squadron has ever
sailed through thu Bosphorus and the Dardanelles.
The Black .Sea fleet has been created exclusively
foz the purpose.Of menacing and attacking Turkey.
Its-.sole achievement in history is the masiacro of
Snrpei.--andf far from attempting to offer any naval
resistance to the flags of England and France, the
next purpo:Se to which it was devoted-was to block
up the pert of Sebastopol. In requiring from
Russia the limitation of this fleet we only require of
her the surrender of a weapon she has not long pos-
sessed, which 8110 has never used for the purposes
of legitimate warfare, and which she herself thought
it prudent to sink at the first appearance of danger.
It will not be seriously contended_ that Russia re-
quires a fleet of line-of-battle ships to protect her
from the
.maritime power of the Turks ; but if cir-
cumstances lead to the entry into the Black Sea of
toe fleets of the great maritime States, the experi-
ence of,this- war has already demonStrated that not
a Russian pennant can keep afloat.. Russia is, in
f tot, safer without a fleet in the Black Sea, provided
_she has the certainty that English and French
squadrons will not pass the Straits, than she can
be with.a' fleet which is utterly unable to cope with
either of those Powers. If, on the contrary,- the
Straits were thrown open to all the naval-Powers,
she acquires a reasonable pretext for maintaining
the largest-fleet she can form, since she may have
to resist their united force. •

It may, however, be doubted whether the Rus•
sian Plenipotentiaries will be instructed to treat at
all on this point, or, if so instructed, whether they
will have sufficient powers to settle it. In tran-
-actions of this nature, which are generally dis-
tasteful to one party in exactly the same proportion
as they may be advantageous and satisfactory to
the other, it, must be borne in mind that we have,
after all, nothing more sabred or binding to depend
upon than the articles of the treaty itself. Those
articles may be broken, and war may again ensue ;
but war. is the only positive sanction of treaties,
beyond the mere moral obligation of good faith,
and it is not easy to bind over a great empire either
to"fulfil its obligations or to keep the peace. We
may mate it the interest of our adversary to avoid
a renewal of this contest ; we may render fresh
breaches of these covenants a violation of the pub-
lic law of Europe, which ,it may be dangerous and
inconvenient to commit; but we must at last rely
on the faith of an engagement, unless we are pre-
pared permanently to watch over the entire fulfil-
ment of that engagement by naval and military
means, which may be as burdensome to the country
as war itself. The armies of occupation leftin France'
by the allied Powers for some years after 1815, and
the for:,ressesborected 011 the Belgian frontier,
were guarantees of this last-mentioned character ;
but Europe was then in a condition absolutely to
dictate •tertits to its antagonist, which we are not at
present able to do to Russia ; and, after all, it may
be doubted whether these supposed securities were
worth the" expense and irritation they caused.
With sincerity, a peace concluded on moderate
terms may be a safo and lasting one; without sin-
cerity, all the conditions and covenants that diplo-
macy can frame will not bind a powerful Sovereign.
If the spirit of concord and of honest dealing has
once more returned to our adversaries, and if the
reverses and trials of the past year have been felt
by Russia as they deserve to be, there is nothing in
the intentions or demands of the allied Powers to
prevent the termination of this contest ; but, unless
the, policy of the Russian empire has undergone a
change as well as a check, peace would only suspend
a struggle which must ere long be renewed under
circumstances less favourable to the general interests
of Europe.

THE ARISTOCRACY AND THE MIDDLE
CLASS. •

(Prom ate Daily News of this day.)

The-friends of the aristocracy need hl under no
alarm. There is no revolutionary plot hatching
a,ptinst the permanence"of the "order." The popu-
lar demand to have administrative employ-inent
thrown open to men who are neither connexiors nor
dependents of the aristocracy does not aim at the ex-
clusion of the aristocracy from the executivogovern-
meat. The people do not wish to see the aristo—
cracy superseded by Men of the middle class, but as-
sociated with them in the discharge of Official
duties. The people of England are attached to their
monarchical-institutions, and believe that an at is-
tocracy is indispensable-to the maintenance of the
Throne. -But they believe, also, that even a mo-
narchical government is strengthened by a liberal
infusion of the popular element. They see that the
anxious -nepotism of teat section of the aristocracy
which devotes itself to politics as a profession, has
altncst succeeded in excludingilebeian competition.
They trace to this source the infirmity of purpose
and imbecility of action which have characterised
our" Government throughout the Oriental struggle;
and therefore, as the first step to administrative
refcrm, they ask to have the career of civil employ-
ment thrown open4o general competition.
It is no answer to these complaints and demands
to tell us that Parliamentary RA trm, Municipal
Reform, the Emaneipation of the Negroes, and the
Abolition of the Cirn LLW 4, hair,: been carried •by
the influence of the mildlo classes, in despite of
the strenuous resistance of a majority of the aristo-
cracy, Tine, the middle classes should have been.
able to carry these reforms, shows their strength ;
that the strong. st section of the aristocracy should
have opplsed them, shows its want of sound poli-
tical knowledge and its imperfect notions of poli-
tical justice: • Vtre have had good legislative mea-
sures p tssed, because the voice of the middle classes
(when they choose to exert themselves) is powerful
in the Legislature ; we have imbecile administra-
tive Government, because the middle classes are
unrepresented iu • the executive councils of the
State.

We are told that popular or middle class policy
is left to be carried out by the aristocracy because
" we Britons have the weakness of ' loving a lOrd;'
and of centemning• our noble selves ;" and we are
expected to accept this as a sufficient reason why
no change can or ought to be attempted. We
know that this weakness is the cause of the evils
complained of ; we know that the middle classes
have themselves to blame that their "order" is
utterly unrepresented in the executive councils of
the State ; and it is precisely for this reason that
we are labouring, in concert with other earnest re-
formers, to awaken the middle classes to a sense of
the injustice they are doing to themselves and the
nation at large. Their representatives are now ad-
mitted to the Legislature, and the consequence is
that legislation has been greatly improved. Their
representatives are still excluded from the execu-
tive councils of the State, and the consequence is
that the conduct of these councils is characterised
by anything rather than energy, wisdom, . and
honesty. Our exclusively aristocratic Administra-
tions do not "carry out popular or middle-class'
policy ;" they systematically thwart and counter-
act while professing to enforce it. • .
An attempt is indeed made to prove that middle-
class statesmen are an- impossibility. To this end
it is alleged that '" men' of the middle class, and
especially tha most competent men. of that class,
do not greatly devote themselves to public or Par-
liamentary life, just because it is expensive and ab-
sorbing, never profitable, and often thankless."
Middle-class politicians do not find public life
more " thankless" than aristocratical politicians.
Middle-class politicians, who have earned the pub-
lic gratitude by real and essential services, gene-
rally find that gratitude cling to them, even when
they try it sorely by their eccentricities. As to the
expensiveness of a political career, the middle
Classes need not shrink from it on this account more
than they do from the legal profession. No man
will wisely devote himself to either, who has not from
some other source means sufficient to enable him to
" bide his time," to wait for the coming in of busi-
ness. But a large proportion of the middle classes
are as able to do this as the aristocracy. It is rarely
the elder sons—the wealthier members of the aris-
tocracy-who devote then's' Tres earnestly to
poli-
tics ma business ; it is the younger sons, the "lack
lands
t' " who desire to earn the means of maintain-
ing in the rank they were born in.
Lastly, as to the alleged unprofitableness of a Poll'
tical career, do the aristocracy find it unprofitable ?
We suspect if it did not pay we should ilot find so
many of them engaged in it. To the middle classes
such a career is decidedly unprofitable—because all
the prizes are engrossed by the aristocracy. The
aristocracy are paid, and ovei-paid, for their public
services ; but every middle-class man who under-
takes to serve his country in a olitical city is
expected to do so without fee or reward.ca pa
As long
as this system is upheld, it will iudeed, be difficult