The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-11 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 11, 1855.

It speaks well for the generous nature of our
countrymen that their insular position has never
prevented them from taking a warm interest in
the political affairs of other countries. Whenever
an oppressed. people has struggled for liberty our
hearts have been with them—we have rejoiced in
their successes, and have mourned over their de-
feats. Repeated disappointments have never.
chilled our sympathy
nor ouenched our hopes.
Against despotic Governments, with large standing
armies, a population crusted and degradod by
centuries of misrule must needs fight at a great

disadvantage. It has been our lot to see insur-
rections, which commenced with apparently the
fairest hopes of success, put down by overwhelm-
ing force ; and our hearts have sickened as we
have heard of whole populations massacred, of
towns given to the flames, of districts laid waste,
of the noblest blood that ever flowed in human
veins wantonly shed when resistance was over,
through mere thirst of vengeance—of cruel in-
dignities offered to women and children ; but
we have never lost the hope that a happier time
would come. We never could bring ourselves to
believe that so much patriotic blood could be shed
in vain. We felt assured that some day it would
cry from the earth with a voice that would pierce
the skies, rouse " GOD'S gentle-sleeping wrath,"
and appeal with irresistible eloquence to the
hearts and consciences of men. We have watched
and waited for that time to come, and we believe
that it is now at hand.

It is Austria that has been the great offender
against the rights and liberties of men. Her cruel
yoke has lain heavily upon the fairest portions of
the earth, and her barbarous inhumanity in sup-
pressing resistance has always been proportioned
to the grinding tyranny of her rule. That day
when her dominion is broken up would deserve to
be kept as a jubilee by the whole human race.
Other governments have some sympathy with the
peoples subject to them ; she has none. She
governs by brute force alone ; and that her dark
and deafly rule should have continued so long is to
us a standing marvel. Let her tremble now, for
if the people of this country can be raised
to a perception of the noble opportunity
opened to them of assisting to break up
• his corrupt empire, which stands in central
Europe as the great bar to all social progress--to
freedom, enlightenment, industry, and happiness
—its days are numbered. It is to be shattered
as a potter's vessel, if England and France would
make common cause with Italy, Hungary, and
Poland. And what is wanting for this great and
glorious end but some decided expression of pub-
lic feeling—so large and general as to admit of no
mistake, and, on the part of our politicians, of
no resistance.

It is to our people that we look. These lines,
we know, will be read in many a workshop, and
find a responsive echo in those hearts which love
liberty, which hate injustice, and which desire
nothing on earth so much as to see a brighter day
dawn for those unfortunate populations who, with
ardent aspirations for freedom, and with every
capacity to enjoy and to make a noble use of it,
are crushed beneath the weight of intolerable
tyranny. From professed politicians we have
little hope—we distrust the whole race. We say
to the people, what you desire you must effect
yourselves. We tell you, without doubt or hesi-
tation, that it is in your power now to pull down
that colossal structure of iniquity—the Austrian
empire. But to succeed you must proceed straight
to your work—you must let nothing turn you
from your purpose. You can do it, if you will
it ; but you must will it first.

The people, if they knew their strength, never
had so much power in their hands as they have
at this moment. Rival parties are ready to bid
for their support. They have but to make a de-
monstration, and Whigs and Tories, and Radicals
and Liberals, will fight with each other which
shall be first to chime in with their sentiments.
We say again, we distrust all parties alike. There
is no soundness in them, but we should be
willing to receive aid from any or all.
The spirit of revolt is at this moment smoul-
dering in Italy. At the slightest encouragement
from England it would burst into a flame. Why
should not that encouragement be given ? Is
there not sufficient heart and principle in this
country for the purpose ? As a mere question o'
policy it is demonstrable that our great enemy,
Russia, is to be best fought through Austria.
Why was Russia so anxious to trample down
freedom in Hungary, but because she 'knew that
tyrannous Austria, treacherous as her Govern-
ment has always been, was yet a safeguard for
Russia. A free kingdom in central Europe would
have shaken the ill-compacted frame of the Rus-
sian empire to its foundations. We shall never
conquer Russia by waging war with her at the
very extremity of her dominion. We must assail
tier heart, and we can reach it only by calling
Italy, Hungary, and Poland to life.
We ask our readers to consider what this Wai
is costing us. Think of the brave lives already
sacrificed. Consider that in the present year
twenty-three millions sterling have been added to
our debt. We do not grudge blood or treasure,
though it pains our soul to part with one, and we
know that the lavish expenditure of the other wil:
burden us and our posterity for ever. But we
say, let us have some substantial return for our
sacrifices—let us not be cheated by shuffling
diplomatists with their four points and their
Austrian negotiations. Let us plainly declare
that nothing less will content us than the libera
tion of the enslaved nationalities of Europe.
From the day when we enounce that principle
Russia will be no longer a source of alarm ; but,
unless we do so, we shall never, never know
substantial and honourable peace. Let us pro-
claim that our cause is the cause of humanity--
that our sword is drawn, not for selfish interests,
but for the liberation of oppressed races, and that
it shall not be sheathed till our object is accom-
plished.

We write with a solemn conviction of the
practicability of the policy we advocate. It is a
winning as well as a righteous policy. Who will
declare for it ? We should earnestly recommend
it if the subjugation of our foe was our single
object ; but we confess to other aims. We long
to inflict a mortal blow on the most hateful despo-
tism that ever cursed the earth ; to call generous
nations now languishing under worse than Egyp.
tian bondage to the enjoyment of light, life, and
liberty. The instant that sees this noble work
commence will open a brighter chapter than haA
ever yet been written in the annals of mankind,
and confer inestimable benefits on the world.

Among the amendments to the Limited Liabi-
ity Bill, which, as we yesterday stated, were ac-
cepted by the Government, " rather from a de-
sire to avoid a division than any notion that
they would prove real ameliorations," is one
which, without affording
any reald e t
eri
oprotectionrat
e fr tom
the community,
materially the utility of the measure. It was introduced by
Earl GREY, who displayed
a fierce hostility against
the principle of th© • bill, and was carried sub
silvittio, without discu • ssion or consideration. It
was to the effect that companies should consist of
not less than 25 shareholders to be entitled to
the benefit of the enactment. This is but another
form of insisting on a particular amount of capi-
tal, because, where there is no pecuniary liability,
it is obvious that the names of persons could at
any moment be obtained as shareholders for a
mere trifle. It could, therefore, form no difficulty
in the way of any doubtful or improper scheme.
But it may prove very injurious to sound pro:
jects, where some half dozen or a dozen persons
•
might be desirous of putting down 5001. or
1,0001. each, and who would not permit their 1
_names to be associated with men of straw) or per-1