The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-30 00:00:00

' who knew not whether we were at peace or at war,
or what ought to be our state. We have' had, a •
peace party in a war Cabinet, and a Minister pacific
abroad and warlike at home, with the opportunity
of drawing: upon either side of his character as
might afteriards turn out convenient, If the ac-
tual execution of the war has not been as energetic
as was to be expected—if all sorts of considerations
have been thought more important than success—
and if England now makes a less splendid figure
than she ought after two years' of unparalleled sa-
orifices, the result only corresponds too closely with
the original malady and capital weakness of a
divided will. " A double-minded man is =unstable
in all his ways," and nowhere is instability of
performance so direct a result of discordant ,
counsels as in the matter of war. This
may seem just now an ungracious remark, when
no one can doubt the resolution of our Premier,
and the cordial eo-operation of the Cabinet as a
whole, whatever rumour may 'say of this or that
lesser member. But just now there are two vacan-
cies, and Lord Palmerston would do what many a
British Premier has done before if he took the op-
portunity of enlarging his and silencing some
opposition, by annexing a neutral or even a hostile
politician. There are men to be found who are
always ready to trip up a Government, and who
are_ equally ready to join it that they may do within
the fortress what they could not without. If Lord
Palmerston could be guilty of permitting members
of his Cabinet to express their dissatisfaction with
the war, and so weaken the hands of Ministers at
home and armies abroid, there are plenty of poli-
ticians who would gladly join him on that pleasant
understanding.
War, indeed, is not exactly the thing for a man
to play fast and. loose-with, nor is national honour
such a trifle as this game would seem to suppose.
Yet there are men who, without having the courage
to say that we are all in the wrong, that we are
answerable for the war and ought to make peace on
any terms, would have no objection to see the war
slackly done, unsuccessful, inglorious, or even dis-
astrous. It would be their opportunity, and still
more so if by any chance, they happened to be in the
Cabinet at the time, and could improve the occa-
sion with all the weight of a Minister. The gene;
ral turn is only too favourable to this sort of policy.
Whatever we may flatter ourselves at home, the
opinion abroad is that our gallant allies are doing
the work of the war and reaping its harvest of
glory. The French people have not shown a more
hearty good-will than ourselves ; they did not even
pretend to an equal ardour for the war ; they have
not spent so many millions in the cause ; they
have hardly so great a stake in it ; nevertheless,
on the most critical occasions they have carried
off the palm ; and in the execution, as well as the
result, we have been reduced to the class of a con-
tingent, like our Sardinian and Turkish allies.
That, at least, is the wide-spread continental view
of the war, drawn probably very much from
French, perhaps also from Russian sources, yet
unfortunately deriving too much colour from facts.
The war is indeed substantially successful, and
our own armies and navies have had a respectable
share in that result. But adverse appearances and
unfavourable opinions are not to be despised. They
affect the relations of States and of parties, and, if
there exist the materials for disparaging our part
in the war, there are continental Governments and
English politicians who will not fail to use them.
So we venture to submit that this is not the time
for attempting to enlarge the basis of a Govern-
ment by comprehending neutrals and waverers,
men of unpronounced opinions and indecisive habits.
The great mass of the British people, as none can
knowbettor than ourselves, are resolved to prose-
cute the war at all costs, and for this sacred object
are prepared to pay any income-tax or any price
for their bread. In this respect, it is the same
spirit that animates the honest labourer at home
and the brave soldier in the Crimea. Of us who
remain behind there is only here and there to be
found a man who would not gladly go to the war
did age, or means, or profession allow. As only a
small proportion can do thil, the remainder are pre-
pared to suffer their equivalent in bereavements, in
burdens, in desolation, and in embarrassments. But
people in this high-strung mood are not to be baffled
or mocked by double-minded and irresolute poli-
ticians. They will not bear to be told that they
are suffering what they do suffer, and may suffer
yet more, for a popular frenzy or a statesman's
whim. If the war is indeed an error and a crime,
let it be repented of—in sackcloth and ashes if
necessary. But -then lt—rifist be proved to be
wrong by better arguments than have yet been at-
tempted. So long as we are under the conviction
that the cause is one of the noblest that free na-
tions ever bled for, everything must be done in
conformity to this feeling, in the choice both of
mon and of measures, and particularly in the Ilse-
lection of our Ministers at home as well as our
commanders abroad.

SIR HAMILTON SEYMOUR.
( Prom the Times of this day )
With whatever dignity Lord Westmoreland may
have supported British Interests at Vienna during
a very critical period, it can hardly be denied that
the appointment of a diplomatist to the Court of
the Emperor Francis Joseph more capable of takin g
a prominent part in the serious discussions which
may be expected to arise at Vienna in regard to
our Eastern policy will be hailed with satisfaction
by the British public. At the time when Lord
Westmoreland entered on the duties of his mission
reasons no doubt existed which fully justified his
appointment ; he has played the part assigned to
him, and played it, let us add, well ; but the cir-
cumstances which especially fitted him for the post
have passed away, and accordingly he is replaced
by a more vigorous successor. Sir Hamilton Sey-
mour has been selected for this responsible post,
and, with no disparagement to Lord Westmore-
land, it may be said that he is, as a diplomatist,
better qualified to cope with the wiliness of Rus-
sia, the languor of Austria, and the tergiversa-
tions of that Monarch whose throne is so deeply
seated among the quicksands of the Spree. The
mission of Sir Hamilton Seymour to the Court of
St. Petersburg was of comparatively short duration,
but in that brief space of diplomatic existence he
managed to display in an eminent degree the abili-
ties and the virtues of a British Minister. To
him the Emperor Nicholas—no doubt surprised
and thrown off his guard by the honesty and
simplicity of his antagonist—revealed the secret
purpose of his soul in the most remarkable series of
conversations which perhaps ever passed between
a Monarch and the accredited servant of another
Sovereign. By him those conversations were con-
ducted with the utmost dexterity and address, and
honestly noted down from day to day. By him
they were as faithfully transmitted to the Ministry
at home, and, though concealed by diplomatic re-
serve and the courtesy of Cabinets for so long a
time as the concealment of facts of such paramount
importance to the Western world was possible,
they blazed forth at last, to the discomfiture of the
tortuous policy of the Czar, to the confusion and
shame of his Austrian and Prussian satellites, and,
we may add, to the establishment at once and for
ever of Sir Hamilton Seymour's fame as a skilful
diplomatist. To have fathomed the hidden pur-
pose of that reserved and subtle soul, to have dived
into its lowest depths, and to have brought up to
the light of day that one great Orient pearl of
policy for which the Emperor Nicholas was ready
to stake and to squander the political reputation
of a quarter of a century, was no small test of ca=
pacity, and this Sir Hamilton Seymour was fortu-
nate. enough to accomplish, where so many.
_lita
already tried and failed. It will be said, of Course,
that he was lucky in his time, but let us at leas
admit
occasion, no doubt, often makes the
inanrience we
it so sure, we may ask, with the
essipreHciaanayilttoon
that the man
admit that he was also wise in his generat:on
have had of English diplomacy,.
1 Sir Hamilton
would be equal to the occasion
h will carry with
Seymour was equal to !it, and e .
tation which even
him on his new mission a reputation
We are no
ho will find it difficult
must confess,
i
nfess, in those mutter-
great believers, we
muhsjoh pass for /,a haute politique
ings and whisperings w
we leave these arts to the
but was
at diplomatic dinners; - . and •11
and his school. All
will carry a Minister through every
we desire
to see in a Britishdiplomatist is
is some amount of
- h
adroitness, coupled with unflinching honesty and
energy of character. I •
straightforward d n ninet-
dexterity, honesty,
Princedaa
rinped diplomatists i
energyatGti os
qualitiesrt t
ss Ti fakootfr other
which
difficulty which can meet him in his career. These
nine cases out of a hun redithis
Seymour carries with him to Vienna, and this is
nawtioellsb,
the reason why we think that the announcement
of his appointment will give universal satisfaction.
a________

The King of Sweden has published an ordi-
nance, including lead in pigs, or in any other form,
among the category of articles considered as con-
traband of war.

A letter from Hamburg of the 26th says :—" Three
English vessels keep constantly off Sweaborg ; no move-
ment was observed there on the part of the Russian
naval division, withdrawn behind the rooks of
Hel-
ai