The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-30 00:00:00

RECEPTION OF THE WOUNDED IN
ENGLAND.

that. the proceeding had destroyed the ministry, but pro-
fessed much respect for Lord Aberdeen ; and declared that
for his own part, he could not consent to take refuge in the
captain's gig, leaving his companions to weather the storm
by themselves.
Mr. HENLEY contended that the Admiralty was
answerable for the failures in the transport service. If
there wore faults in the system of officering our army,
surely that was known before war was declared. From
the despatches of Lord Raglan it might be inferred that
the Admiralty arrangements had been deficient from the
commencement. All that he had heard induced him to
think that the present motion was likely to be productive
of much benefit, and he would therefore support it. Be-
fore resuming his seat he would say that the Duke of
Newcastle was the most ill-used man in the kingdom. His
colleagues had placed him in a position for which ho was
unfitted, and when he got into a fix he was abandoned.
Admiral BERKELEY challenged investigation into
the conduct of the Admiralty during the course of the war,
declaring that every service which had devolved upon that
department was performed with efficiency and despatch.
Mr. BERESFk >RD highly eulogised the conduct of Lord
Raglan, who had been grossly misrepresented by those who
said he was not to be seen amongst his troops, and was
careless of their comforts. If everything was fairly be-
fore the public Lord Raglan would stand out as the
brave soldier and kind-hearted man his friends knew him
to be, and it would then be seen that ho had
been from the commencement opposed to the ex-
pedition to the Crimea. The Secretary at War
tried to throw the blame from the Minister at War,
by seeking to fix it on the officers of brigade, but this was
a failure, for no complaint whatever had been made against
any brigadier. he great fault was the absence of all
means of transport from Balaklava to Sebastopol, a negli-
gence quite unpardonable, after all the despatches of the
Duke of Wellington, in which he had so repeatedly urged
the immense importance at all times to an army of the
means of transport.
Mr. RICE had heard with painful interest the speech of
Mr. Stafford, but he thought the motion of the hon. mem-
ber for Sheffield unlikely to produce benefit, and he would,
therefore, vote against it.
Mr. W. MILES, in supporting the motion, contended
that the War-office had totally neglected the commissariat
department.
Sir F. BARING opposed the motion as not being calcu-
lated to produce the immediate redress which the evil de-
mewled. They should not paralyse by such a motion the
action of the War Department, nor sacrifice the army that
the Government might be destroyed. In reference to the
refusal of the Earl of Aberdeen to make the change in the
War Department required by Lord John Russell, he de-
clared his opinion to be that the reasons assigned by the
noble earl for thakt refusal were insufficient. He thought
Lord John Ressr^ell had acted creditably, and in voting
against the metisin he wished it to be understood that he
was not, therefore, voting confidence in the Government,
either as regards the past or the future.
Mr. BENTINCK, although opposed to such a motion in
the abstract, could not do otherwise than support it after
the disclosures which had been made. Inconveniences
might arise in consequence of the motion being carried,
but he felt that everything must give way to the necessity
of getting rid of the
present incompetent Government.
While taking this course ho must say that he could not
concede to Lord J. Russell the praise of being actuated
solely by patriotism iu quitting the Government as he
had done.
Mr. RIM eulogised the conduct of Lord J. Russell, and
declared that the facts which had come to light rendered
inquiry, at all hazards and any inconvenience, an absolute
duty.
Sir E. B. B. LYTTON—Sir, I shall dismiss very briefly
that part of this discussion which refers to the abstract
propriety of appointing the select committee of inquiry
proposed by the lion. member for Sheffield. I shall leave
the Government to direct their answer upon that point not
so much to us as to their late colleague—(hear, hear)—who
resigned office rather than resist that inquiry, and who, I
conclude, would vote for it but for the natural delicacy of
his position towards the Cabinet he so lately adorned. The
right bon. gentlemen the Secretary at War and the Secre-
tary for the Colonies have dwelt on the danger of estab-
lishing such a precedent as the appointment of this com-
mittee might furnish. They may dismiss that appfehen-
lion, for nothing but the extremity of the case can justify
this motion, and I trust, for the honcur of the country

and the sake of humanity, that a case so extreme may not
occur again. (Hear.) If it does not, the motion will be
no precedent ; if it does, a similar motion will be under-
stood to bear the iuterpretation that the common sense of the
house puts upon this ; for I agree with Ministers that
they cannot grant this committee without a virtual trans-
fer of the power and responsibilities of the Queen's Go-
vernment, and the question therefore simply is—Has
the conduct of the Ministers in this war been such
that this house should quietly acquiesce, not only in the
continuance of their power, but in the mode by which
their responsibilities have been discharged ? I, for
one, feel that such an acquiescence would be to make
us the servile accomplices in the sacrifice of what re-
mains of that noble army of -whose deeds the country
are se proud and of whose sufferings the Government
should be so ashamed. (Hear, hoar.) The noble lord the
member for London has refaced to make himself that ac-
complice, although the pain of deserting his colleagues in
the hour of their imminent need must have peen almost
intolerable to so gallant a spirit, and I give him the more
credit for the pain on account of the Spartan fortitude with
which he has concealed its pangs. (A laugh.) Shall this
house be more coioplaisant than the noble lord, although
it bas not the countervailing scruples which must have
weighed upon a Cabinet Minister, the late organ and leader
of the Governmeit in these walls, now standing alone in
his abandonment of office ? If we could not feel for the
public calamities, we must still be reused by our own
private anxiety and sorrow. I, myself, have two near re-
latiene in this war ; many of us have near relations among
the sufferers. It is our boast, as a portion of the gentle-
men of England, that, wherever danger is to be braved or
honour is to be won, there some of our kindred blood is
flowing or may flew ; and after the miseries so simply told
by the member foe Northamptonshire, shall we be de-
prived of a remedy fee. the evils you admit, of an inquiry
into the abuses you deplore, because of some paltry tech-
nical objections to the words of the only motion that pro-
misee relief—because it is a vote for inquiry, when it
ought to be a vote of. censure ? Take it, then' as a vote
of censure, and let it so stand as a precedent for other
times, if other times should be as grievously affected
under a similar Administration. (Cheers.), I shall not
enter into all the details on which the Secretary at
War always tries to rest the case of the Government,
partly because I have been here anticipated by those who
so ably preceded me, partly because I wish to lay clearly
before the house the broad principles of the charge which
ofw tsTliat ea"
—" against t
entered,
eed, a
otindeed
Ministers. A first,nd we accuse you
hastily,
but with long
deliberation, with ample time for forethought, if not for
preparation, into the most arduous enterprise this genera-
tion has witnessed, in the most utter ignorance of the
power and resources of the enemy you were to encounter,
the nature of the climate you were to brave, of the country
you were to enter, of the supplies which your army should
receive. This ignorance is the more inexcusable because
you disdain the available sources of infordtation. This is
the fundamental cause of our disaster, and not the com-
paratively petty and collateral causes to which the Secre-
tary at War would assign them. The ignorance, indeed,
on a former occasion, the Government confessed; and
when we were convened on the 12th of December, we
heard that synod of veteran statesmen—those analecta
majora of the wisdom and genius of Parliament—actually
make their ignorance the excuse for their incapacity. We
might accept that excuse for the sake of its candour ;
but the Government have asked more, for, as I will
undertake to show, they have asked us to acquit them
of disasters, when they took no pains to acquire the
information that was necessary for success. It Ins, in-
deed, been said that the public were no wiser than the
Government that the public underrated the power
of Russia, and demanded the premature siege of Sebas-
topol ? If this were true, what then ? Why do we
choose Ministers—whydo we give them salaries, patronage,
honours—if it is not to have some men wiser than the
public, at least in all that relates to the offices they hold ?
(Hear, hear.) It may be a noble fault in a people to die-
regard the strength of an enemy when a cause is just.
Who does not love and admire this English people more
when they rose as one man to cry, "No matter what the
cost or hazard, let us defend the weak against the strong !"
But if to underrate the power of an enemy was almost a
merit is the people, it was a grave dereliction of duty in a
Minister of War. But I deny that the public, fairly con-
sidered, were not wiser than the Government, and there is
scarcely a point which you have covered with a blunderon
which some one or other of the public did not try to pre-
pare and warn you. I shall first notice a subject hitherto
little touched on in this house, but which seems to me in-
timately connected with the condition of oar troops in
the Crimea. (Hear, hear.) The war had begun—
our fleets were en the seas—the noblest fleets that ever
left these shores, and it was on those fleets, much
more than our land force, that the public relied for
any advantage over Russia. Well, the ships were on the
sea, and Odessa ley before thorn, surprised and almost de-
fenceless—Odessa, the great depot of the Russian enemy,
the depot of ammunition, provisions, troops forthat Crimea,
which you had already resolved to invade, and you con-
tent yourself with the holiday bombardment of a single
fort. (Cheers.) Ind we may judge of your private instruc-
tions to your naval commanders when for the audacity
of that notable achievement your admiral makes an
apology. (Hear, hear.) Is Oelessa spared for the sake of
humanity? Humanity ! Why, you were told that Odessa
was the feeder of Sebastopol. You have found it to be so.
The Secretary at War expressed his amazement at the celerity
with which Russian troops were moved from Odessa to
Sebastopol, and to spare the arsenals, the granary, the
market, the nursery ground et an hostile fortress was the
grossest inhumanity to the army that now rots before the
walls which your eau lathes has manned and supplied
against it. (Hear, hear.) If you were influenced by care
for the British trade connected with Odessa, you knew
little indeed of your countrymen if you did not feel that
you mieht have come to Parliament witk confidence for
the most liberal compensation to all British subjects whom
the occupation of Odessa—there was no occasion to destroy
it—might have injured. This first proof of feeble iacape-
city links itself with all that has followed. You thus
forbear the easiest and the wealthiest conquest of all,
iu order afterwards, in the very worst time, to attempt
an achievement the meet difficult is itself, and which
that forbearance to Odessa rendered more difficult
still. Why, sir, the whole fortunes of the campaign
would have changed if Odeon had been your depot
instead of the Russian—nay, if when you found you
could not invade the Crimea before the end of Septem-
ber, you Ind postponed that expedition till the spring,
-and' your troops were now happily wintered in Odessa,
instead of mouldering piecemeal, ragged, and roofless
before Sebastopol. But if you had some reason we
cannot divine for not prosecuting the attack at that
time, why did you not later effectively bleckes le
Odessa and the Sea of Azoff—(hear, hoar)-30 ships of
the line, 40 steamers on the .Euxine, and you do not
block ode the great magazine of the enemy. ele
Yell, your
troops went to Gallipuli. I must here contradict the
statements both of the Minister and of the Secretary at
War. I will show you even there, at the first, how ut-
terly you had failed in the simplest provisions of which
the Secretary of War has se vainly boasted. I have hero
some short extracts from the letters of an officer, written
to his father, not intended for publication. I read thorn
because I can, if necessary, state his name to any member
of the Government, without, alas ! the feir of injuring
him in his profession. He is now no more. His father
came to roe and said, through his tears, "I would proudly
have given my son's life to the service of his country, but
he was murdered by the neglect of the Government, and
without any real aid to his country. (Cheers.) This
young man had just bought a step in his profession ; he
was full of life, health, and ardour; athletic in his habits,
no raw recruit, but accustomed to •military hardship, the
last man to merinur without a cause. He belonged to
that hand of heroes, famous even in the ranks of English
valour, the Welsh Fusliers. His first letter is from Galli-

Mr. Af. MTLNES said, in the absence of the right
hon. baronet the First Lord of the Admiralty, to whom
he had given notice of the question, he begged to ask
the naval lord present whether any correspondence had
taken place between the Admiralty and the autho-
rities or Portsmouth respecting the alleged ne-
glect of suck authorities in making the necessary ar-
rangement for conveying and succouring soldiers and
seamen who had arrived front the seat of war in the
Himalaya ; and if so, whether there would be any ob-
jection to produce the correspondence ?
Admiral BERKELEY said he could assure the hon.
gentleman that it was not from any neglect that the
right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) was not there to an-
I ewer the question, as he was sorry to say the right hon-
ourable 'Baronet was so exizremely unwell as to be
confined to his bed. With regard to the question of
the honourable gentleman, be could only say that
the man Williams did not belong either to the army
or to the navy, nor was he returned either by the
captain cr surgeon of the ship as being on
board. He was conveyed in the first place to the
Sailers' Home, where he ought to have been re-
ceived, the authorities having co knowledge of such
a person being oe board, he having been 'tent home as
a distressed British subject. No public coirespon-
deuce had taken place- on the subject, but his right
honourable friend the First Lord of the Admiralty
had written to the Superintendent of the Dockyard
requesting him to make the most searching inquiries
into the case. It was only an act of juAicc te say that
the surgeon of the ship had written a strong letter, de-
nying that the man was neglected while on board.
Mr. M. MILNES said the answer W5B confined to
the case of the man Williams! but ions inquiry applied
generally to the sick and wounded soldiers and sailors.
When they arrived they were improperly kept
huddled together, arid received no consideration what-
ever
ja..
st.hie{
Eh aRn
Bd wEeRf
Tthe a
said,
ds t;
re eenc-tliiyo. authorities.uhseesaw tter a shatter in
he lost no time in writing toLordHarlinge
tbhag.gniensYg6Pt3hrt"h'e would institute an inquiry into it, but
wrote to theTreasuryasil4,
he found that his lordship had. ae Itrhe
ea 1
there
ed r done n
we
as
so . a Hy
te rau l
ho
a.
icnut:Atoomst-hatoeumseenotffiaceefras,r
and
dit
hreetva.atesdttooldthtehactonndou.
setticohf the
Cu,tom-house officers, and he as told that no such de-
had taken place.
cedriswtraesssln
occurrence arose out of an He believed
de-
spatched to meet the Himalaya with the view of making

THE SUN, LOND9N, TUESDAY EVENING-, JANUARY 30, 1855,

poli, April 23. Here let me observe that on the 7th of
April the Duke of Newcastle htd declared that never was
an army so well provided for—in food, in all necessaries,
even in articles that might be considered luxuries. On
the 23d of April art officer at Gallipoli writes thus :
" There are :;0,000 French troops encamped a short distance
from our troops. They are in every respect butter
equipped and provided for than ours. Their Government
have provided their officers with mules for the conveyance
of their baggage and everything else they require. We
have to buy mules for ourselves, which cannot be done at
Gallipoli, as the French Government have already bought
them all up." Why was this? The Secretary of War
said the Government were buying up animals in Egypt
and Spain ; why did you not buy some mules at
poli ? " The French soldiers fraternise freely with ours,
and to-day we saw them giving ours some of their bread,
of which they have a most bountiful supply, while ours
have not enough." At Gallipoli, in April, at the opening
of the campaign, the soldiers of the Queen of England
eating the broad of our ally ! Is that a position that is
worthy her throne, or our pride of a nation, and how does
this agree with the Duke of Newcastle's statement of the
7th of April ? Now let us pass on from Gallipoli ; you
proceed to Yarns, not to fight, not to assist the Turks at
Silistria—you have not, indeed, the necessary transports
for that—but because Omar Pacha says that the presence
there of your army will have a moral effect upon the Rus-
sians. Now, sir, I think that this was a request on the
part of Turkey which, so far as the selection of a site to
encamp, we had a right to refuse. We came to defend
them and to fight, but not to remain stationary, and melt
away by pestilence in a climate notoriously pestilential in
that special time of the year—pestilential, net from an
accidental cause, but from one periodical and invariable—
and which, if your Mieistor had asked any traveller, or
consulted any authority, ho must have known. (near.)
Well, sir, from the camp there, this officer writes,
July 28 :
" I hope something will be done soon, as I should look
forward with horror to another summer in this country. We
have now considerable difficulty in getting supplies, and
frequently have to live on bread and cheese for a day or
two, as ration meat cannot be eaten, though the officers cat
it when the men will not."

Now comes the reason why that climate was pestilential,
and why you ought to have kaolin it. "July and Au-
gust," says the officer there encamped, "are unhealthy
months, as they are all dry and very hot, and the deposits
from the lakes, which overflow in the spring, dry up and
create miasma. Nearly all our cases of cholera ewer in
the night, and are mostly fatal in six hours." (Hear.)
This young man has the cholera himself—he probably re-
covers—he reuses when the report comes that something is
to be done—something, no doubt, which it was necessary
to elo ; but was it the impression that that something
should be the siege of Sebastopol ? Then hear what he
says :—" Of course they keep secret where we are going ;
but we believe that it is to take Odessa, which is full of
corn granaries, &c. I think this is the best thing we could
do, and winter there, both army and navy. It is too
late in the year to attack Sebastopol." That could not
have been the solitary notion of that young soldier ;
it must have been the talk of his comrades—" too
late in the year to attack Sebastopol !" But, no !
out of all the twelve months, you had taken the worst to
encamp at Yarns, and it was consistent to take the worst
to besiege Sebastopol, that Gibraltar of the East. You
take the worst time, not only for military operations, but
for sanitary conditions.. Open even so common a work
as "M'Oulloch's Geographical Dictionary?' and you will
find it was the unhealthiness of the Crimea which hue-
' Crated its colonisation by Germans ; open the " Gazetteer
of the World," and you will find that it is in autumn the
climate is more especially unhealthy, and subject to the
epidemics you have found there. Yet you land without
ambulances, without waggons, without hospital provision,
without even tents. Here ends this young soldiers corres-
pondence. Scarcely saved from cholera at Yarns, cholera
seized him at the first breeze from those new and more
fatal shores—seized him while his comrades were landing
in the Crimea. Without common comforts, without com-
mon medical aid, he died—calling out in his delirium to
be set on shore, so that he might, at least, perish in the
field. I then charge you with this—that twice in one cam-
paign you expose your army in situations notoriously pes-
tilential, at the precise seasons which yon choose for both
encampments. Considering this alone we need not pause to
weigh the reasons for disasters alleged by the Secretary-at-
War—viz., that our staff-officers had no experience of ac-
tive command, and that our soldiers selected from the pea-
santry, had not learned to take care of themselves. ,the
main cause is here—the situations to which you have ex-
posed your army, and the destitution in which you leave it
—and the fault is the worse for the reason you state—viz.,
that your officers were not accustomed to invent resources,
nor your soldiers inured to encounter hardships and disease.
The defence of the Secretary of War has been chiefly di-
rected to show that, wherever omissions were discovered
and blunders made, he hastened to repair them. That
excuse may avail for his department, but it is the duty of
the Government, taken as a whole not only to, repair but
to foresee—to provide beforehand what may probably be
wanted, and not to wait till the consequences of their own
neglect start up and defy reparation. You cannot repair
the loss of life ; you cannot repair constitutions ruined for
over, because men were exposed td disease and deprived
of proper medical attendance—because men were sent tc
brave all the rigour of a dismal climate, without clothing
to cover and roofs to shelter them. Now, even with re-
gard to a road from Balaklava, you read every day in the
papers that the whole region between Balaklaya and Sebas-
topol was exposed to columns of dust. A moment's re-
flection would have told you that dust in the summer bee
comes mud with the first rains of winter; and when, after
' the battle of Alma, it became clear that you would have
to invest, Sebastopol, you should have seen'to the construc-
tion of a. road between your camp and your harbour.
Here, indeed, at first glance, Lord Raglan may seem chiefly
to blame., But he told you in his despatch, after the
battle of Alma, that he wished he had more men ; and it
might have occurred to. you that with young recruits—
many of them mere boys—weakened by disease, and net
enough for the work of the trenches, L'ord Raglan might
have no force to spare for the supplementary labour of roads,
and also that he was deficient in the necessary animals and
vehicles, and you ought not to have waited for Mr. Peto's
offer—your patriotism should have been no less inventive
than his—before you had completed a contract for
the construction of a road by a certain date. It has been
said, " How are Government to blame for winds and
hurricanes, rains and mud ?" But you are to blame for
taking DO pains to learn that your army would be exposed
to a climate that is subject to winds and hurricanes, rains
and mud.. (Cheers.) You are to blame for not resorting
to the ordinary inventions of art to coruiteract the hostile
operations of nature. (Hear, hear.) When the clouds
gather a prudent man takes out his umbrella ; when the
wind sets an the east he will see that his coat can button ;
and a man attacked by cold and disease for neglecting such
every-de.y precautions, might as well exclaim, "How
could I foresee that it would rain, or that it would blow?"
as you exclaim, " How coull we foresee that there would
be winds, rain, or mud ? " in a climate in which winds,
rain, and mud are the ordinary phenomena of winter,
(Hear, hear.) Attempts have been made elsewhere to fix
blame upon our military commanders. It was wisely as
well as generously said on this score by the Secretary at
War, " What generous man would indeed attack the ab-
sent agent not here to answer for himself, when there sit
before us, face to face, the employers responsible for his
errors so long as they continue him in office ?" (Hear,
hear.) But here what Lord Grenville said oil the question
of the Walcheren expedition is so apposite that I will ven-
ture to quote it :
" I am disposed," said. Lord Grenville, " to believe that
in the situation of the commander he did all that could
reasonably be expected, or was possible to accomplish. The
error was in the plan, and the want of foresight and infor-
mation on the part of her Majesty's Ministers. The place,
the situation, the season of the year were chosen by them.
There is a season of the year when the air of that place is
most pestilential and dangerous ; yet, to that place, and at
that place, nay her Majesty's Ministers, we will send the
flower of the British army—we will not send it at a time
when its opeztations may be advantageous, but we will send it
when from every information it will be destroyed more by
disease than by the sword."
Does this apply ? (Loud cheers.) But it is said in defence
of the War Minister, that the Unit is not in himself, but
the nature of his office. I am too happy to accept any
palliation for his errors. But if I accept that excuse for
the Minister of War, it becomes another grave charge
against the collective Government, for you sweated that
office, and why did you leave it so imperfect? (Cheers.)
Here you had no want of advice and information. You
hail the recommendations of, a celebrated commission, the
advice of some of the ablest men, who had ?thoroughly
examined the subject, and your excuse for not grappling
with the question was, that the commencement of war
was not the proper moment for a thorough reform in the
War administration, and that the proper time to make
a war-office efficient was the moment of returning peace.
(A laugh.) But, at all events the reform, as far as it
went, was, according to you, an improvement on the
old system, and yet, under tho old system, we fought
the wars of the Peninsula and gained the victory of
Waterloo. (Hear.) But if the complications of this office
wore so mischievous, you must have diseovered it long
ago. Why, when you summoned Parliament for the 12th
of December, could you not have reformed the office, even
if you did net change the Minister, and propose to us that
reform for which you are now prepared ? That would have
been worth calling us together for; but no, you then com-
pleted your cardinal sin of short-sighted incompetence by
confining all your 'exertions to save the remnant of your
army to two bills, for which you said not a day was to be
lost, and one of which has remained a dead letter to this
hour. (Cheers.) Here, again, the same eternal want of
information ! You go to, Germany for foreigu treope, and
Germany declares your overtime illegal and rejects them
with scorn. I'ventured to tell you that, if you carried
the Foreign Enlistment Bill, you would never be able to
use it. And now Parliament meets again, meets with
fresh accounts of almost incredible suffering-9,000 of our
surviving soldiers enfeebled, I fear, by disease, the huts
that 'hould shelter the rest still at Balaklava, and Lord
Raglan, according to the despatch we read this morning,
still without men and vehicles to land and fix them. Men
look to us, half with hope, half with despair. " What is
to be done?" is the cry of every voice. No man is a more
shrewd observer of public opinion than the noble lord the
member for London and his resignation significantly tolls
us what ought to be done. (Loud cheers.) But if this
motion succeed, if this incomparable Ministry retire,
and, like the gallant member for Middlesex, lose a place
and find a constituency—(cheers and laughter)—who
is to replace them? Where can we find their equals,
in the unity of their counsels, the foresight of their
policy, and the good fortune that attends their mete.
sures ? (a. laaveh.) Let' us compose our terrors, and face
the possible calamity of such a loss with manly courage.
The hon. meettber for Richmond chides my right non.
friend the member for Medhnrst because, on Friday night,
he condemned the Government for basing its existence on
the principle of coalition. - The member for Richmond is
historically correct. Looking through our modern history,
I find that most of our powerful, even poprear Adminis-
trations, have boon more or less coalitions. Both tho Ad-
ministrations of Mr. Pitt were coalitions ; and the last was
very remarkable, for he first turned out the Addington
Government, and then coalesced with six of its members.
Nay, he was not contented till he had netted 'the expelled
Prime Minister himself, and made him Lord President of
the Council. (Laughter.) But then there is one indispen-
sable element of a coalition, and that is, that its members
should coalesce. (Lend cheers and laughter.) It is that
element which seems to sae wanting in the present Cabinet.
(Cheers.) It has sheen an union of party interests, but not
a coalition of party sentiment and feeling. (Cheers.) It
was a jest of Lord Chesterfield's, when a man of very ob-
scure family merrier!. the daughter of a lady to whom scan
dal ascribed a large number of successful admirers, that
"nobody's son had just married everybody's daughter."
(Great laughter.) If I may parody that jest, I would say
of this Government, that everybody's principles had .1
united with nobody's opinions. (Laughter.) It is dimly
intimated, that the noble lord—now in a state of transi-
tion—(a laugh)----bUt after all he is equally illustrious as
the member for Tiverton—it is intimated that the noble '
lord the member for Tivertou is intended for an appoint- t,
went that some months ago would have satisfied the

country and saved the Government. (Hear hear.) I foar
now that it may be too late, and among his greatest dan-
gers will be the armed neutrality. of his unsuccessful advo-
cate and noble friend. (Laughter.) That noble lord, the
member for London, on Friday last attempted, not trium-
phantly, to vindicate the Whigs from the charge of being
PII exclusive party that required all power for itself—
(" Hear, hear," from Lord J, Russell)—and he found a
solitary instancy for the refutation of that charge in the
magnanimity with which tho Whigs had consented to that
division of power which his desertion now re,-Ants and
condemns. But in plain words his vindication only
amounts to this, that where the Whigs could net get all
the power they reluctantly ,cansented to accept half.
(Much laughter.) Now, gentlemen opposite will, perhaps,
nardon me if I say, that I think the secret of Whig exclu-
siveness and Wbig ascendancy has been mainly this—you,
, the large body of independent liberal politicians, the ad-
vocates for progress, have, supposed, from the memory of
forwer contests now ended, that, while England is advanc-
ing, a large section of your countrynaen, with no visible
interest in existing abuses, is standing still ; and thus you
have given, not to yourselves, not to the creed and leader
of the vast popular party, but to a small hereditary com-
bination of great families—(" Hear," from Mr. Bright)—a
fictitious monopoly of liberal policy—a genuine monopoly
of lethargic Government. It is my firm belief that any Ad-
ministration, formed from either side of this house, should
we be so unfortunate as to lose the preseat,would be as fully
alive to the necessity of popular measures, of steady pro-
gress—(hear, hear, from Lord J. Russell)—of sympathy
with the free'and enlightened people they might aspire to
govern, as any of those great men who are democrats in
opposition and oligarchs in office. (Loud cheers.) But to
me individually and to the public it is a matter of compa-
rative indifference from what section of men a Govern-

went at this moment shall be formed, so lOr;g
fully represents the great cause to which the honour and
safety of England are committed, and carries into practi-
cal execution the spirit that animates the humblest trades-
man, the poorest artisan who has sent his scanty earnings
to the relief of onr suffering army. (Cheers.) It has been
said, as the crowning' excuse for the Government, that all
oar preceding wars have began with blunders. Were this
an arena for historical disquisition I should deny that
fact ; but grant it for the sake of argument. How were
those blunders repaired and converted into triumphs ? I
know a case in point. Once in the last century there was
a Duke of Newcastle, who presided over the conduct of
war, and was supported by a powerful league of aristocra-
tic combinations. That war was, indeed, a series of blun-

ders and disasters. In vain attempts were made to patch
up that luckless Ministry—in vain some drops of health-
ful Mood were infused iato its feeble and docrepid consti-
tution—(a laugh)—the people at last became aroused, in-
dignant, irresistible. They applied one remedy ; that
remedy is now before ourselves. Tney dismissed their
Government and saved their army. (The hon. baronet re-
sumed his seat amid loud *rid prolonged cheering.)

The CHANCELLOR of the'EXCIAEQUERir, I do
not know that I can recollect an occasion on which there
has been before the House—l will not say so great a ques-
tion, but so remarkable a combination of questions, each
of which is great. In this country even the dismissal of
the Government is enough to constitute a great party con-
flict, and to attract much public interest, but the fate of
the Government, though A be au element in this discus-

~;

• tas"-
that memorandum, is totally unaware, of enisieget9
principle that could be raised on it, or of aura "
j to 010
opinion that could grow out of it, with reel!: en wee
friend on the one hand or the Government sooet;
(Hear.) Therefore, if it be thought that there is
of audacity in the members of the Governia fool;
meet Parliament and challenge a. vote en tu t of the
they have lost the strength and the ornsinreeac ilecieta
sence of my noble friend, I trust it will be :,essel;
up till Tuesday last his colleagues-4 w." n°ll eer°3sie
of his colleagues, 'or I cannot speak for a brieop,
private communications, but kis colleagues, 31:03,
not aware either that my noble friend Ws' opals:I
to revive his defunct proposal, or that in •el?9_ and the'
existed any difference of opinion between hlsnitlase9la
regard to the conduct of the war and the '
c°n'tbehoed ~i
administrative department. (Hear.) I hope yeesW
forgive me for having stated in this manner
as 0,011!
the toe thOie
to me to be desirable in order to clear the YiewoiitistiSie
house might entertain—l do not Pay of
noble friend, for I do not question one sr, 100
from his lips—but to clear the view that therbee,stof
entertain of the position of the Government 'apes°
nesday, it was called on to deliberate in coe.i!ofi,ite,liii,
resignation of my noble friend. (Hear.) ere g°l
thought that the Government, as I have se' 'rli°l° 9
a reckless disregard of opinion in meeting "n, epee •
taking the opinion of the House of Ceniu'oesegeitle
tion that is now beforo thorn without any under 0
own composition, and deprived of the
lea der ;
they have acted in this house. (Hear ).1 ba'eello
it;
ae,461,e
are disposed to come to such a conclusion taaajneeeto
was the position of the Government 011 that
Thursday last. It is very easy to describe at daellys
a disagreeable position. (Laughter.) In tha
am myself not wholly unprepared to cone ell
, "At once, as far as angel's ken, hfelle."
The dismal situation waste and ""e,eoePfol
(Laughter.) Those blasts that come from,
side of the house are not always agreeable;hss•
se
comfort to some portions of this side of t, Tablet'
quarter where sits the hon. member for selthetel,,o
am bound to say that from that quarter i,53e, Alluee '
most bitter blasts of all. (Great laughteret as.,o
comfort I have with respect to him is, thlbsocla7S
difference between the tone of the spsecli,n,ersloj
the house now, when he avows he has 111'''"seebilaae
fidence from the Government, and the tui,°:Geeesr°,-sef
on various,occastions when he assureslet;',;ollB,"es
his steady allegiance. (Laughter.) I t'S- illae":000°,e"
agree with me that those who are chargeeeweesieeees "St'
sibilities of office have something else teauLa ) ne10,"(,)
ing the pleasures of their position. (sa°„-,.lele'ts °e"
something else to de even in ordinary lle1"-'f "11
in times like these, under the pressure. '2O Ab
as now beset your army, and, in connestl!iteeltelr
country. (Hear, hear.) Now, the One ee t'e
course was it open to us to take? "ekes
some modification, or interchange of el" pall' 009
enable us to present a more acceptable ore° see ae,'
the House of Commons ? I agree with s Oet
for Aylesbury, who says that such a eleengfeeerall
such circumstances could bales earned 11°,01111,
vernment, but must have enhanced allrlsthells,
picion upon them. (Hear, hear.) The'l"
it,'
mariner, who, under the pressure of A telere
bargaining with his gods—
" Ad miseras precees
" Decurrere et votis paciscl,
" Ne Cypriie Teseique nierlse
" Addant avaro divitias mar' lee rel
(Hear, hear.) It was not compatible wit" of vd'
the Government to offer terms to the gletiblets
(Hear, hear.) It would not have been con' assleeSl,
position and choice of the House of Co- Ole
terms from a Governmeat so circumstance,. soleA
Then, if it was not open, to us to modify teedooo,as,
the Government, was it open to us to ab9nser.)'
the pressure of a hostile notice? (Hear,rete
be a majority here, for all I knows 60
this night to pass a vote of censer° on eu,teel▪ eeo
but I think there are feW that have seitinseetp,
and justice of Englishmen who will not bee eleg
it was the duty of the Government, neaseltif
public affairs up to the time when tilt fay
subjest of a notice of censure, not to slit ill' 50
sere. (Great cheering.) It has been 14/..,eoasiOe,
right hon. friend the Secretary for the 'eeA
were determined to meet it as we stood, sc,loe,o
ing the future. (Hear, bear.) It svould."ooi6SSO
cious—it would have been altogether 1111109
to form a Conclusion or even a design nay gie
future existence of the Government till t
tence and judgment of the House of Cowl/wrier
o;;;1/4,
to that existence ; and if we had shrunk` t ,
given from asking for judgment on our eebsseice,
in what terms we should, here:ther hale ..rpo,
(Hear.) What sort of an epitaph would lieW
over our remains? (Cheers.) I should ut11;:el
tempted to pen that epitaph, " Here lie t
ashes of a Ministry which found England j,etel!,ll'
her at war—which was content to tan° "0"looel',
of office and wield the sceptre of p‘svertesitels:l,
had courage to question its existence.
aes die
gathering over the country—they. how; aoul'atf,
afflicting news of the state of the sick all' be' a•
East. These things did not move theel;a 0
hon. member for Sheffield raised his betfcillii
thunderbolt at them, then they were
with a sense of their guilt, and, in thinekePes
cb
punishment, they abandoned duty." (Lsiet" the,
is, therefore, from no mere desire to goose bt
ties'. of Parliament, and from no mean tealiet
office, that her Majesty's Government bailie reopen
duty to invite you to pass judgment y $OOlOOl
hon. member for Sheffield. (14e3ri hiLarr;l;
for the state of the Co-verfA
more important in the view tonly tor
00.
the army. (Hear.) And
it
i*
" to con
army in the Crimea this house has akell
must look to the causes of that state. t 'OO
applying, a remedy. (Hear, hear.) I „I St 111 f ell,l
alleviate or sre,tken the sense of interesa+6o°'sts
the country Oat),
and the country with respect to the color-0A (elj
It would be a vain attempt, and not olniatll°ol
violence to the nature of every man w11°:
a man. (Hear, hear.) It is, in truth, tr sod 1011
tion of the time. (Hear.) My hon. I, SP,
for Northamptonshire is right when lie Is
England cares for the army, but that or eil°,ol
said to care for little else. (Hear, hearaa) rposteo
part, will offer no, resistance, and will ini;. ones
meat to any measure whatever that cans i -1, (41
tribute one jot or tittle to benefit tbstsVere,,i
What, then, is the state of this artily : eeea
collect that it is our duty to endeavour: ne °l
es
feeling, and to come to a fair apereclj:ljoe,cei
course, it will appear to all that the ss
public journals render up is, on the will
city, far from being completein its
and does proceed mainly from thee
those evils of which I do not now I
were unavoidable, or what portini
avoided. There are some of the difif
with respect to which we may ventral
are now in course of diminution ; fm
some points in connection with flee
the present moment the public have le
with in the most authentic form, I fill
of warm clothing have been issued,
are now in possession of these cord°,
if there are any individual excepti,
doubt of Lord Raglan's general acs
have begun to bo taken up to the
be issued to the men. The sickness yr
fearful an extent, according to theist
the militaryauthorities gave me to-da;
a slight diminution. (Hear, boar.)
that out of 10 vessels which sailed fro,
the stores and men, necessary fOr • the
railway, by this time nearly the who,
I believe it was the estimate of the ill
spirited men who were intrusted wit:
the rail way, tbet within about three sr
fully commencing it that railway sr'
(Hear, hear.) What, however, is nil
present state of facts is, perhaps, tf
meat, which has long been the object
allied camps, has at length, by the off'
been completed, and General Cam&
place at the disposal of Lord Raglan'
able to apply to the discharge of du''
Raglan has hitherto provided—such a
diminish by 1,600 tnen the number of
is the trenches. (Cheers.) Of course
the house that the number of 1,600 •
presents the amount of relief ; but
number permanently in the trenches, 'it
am not wrong in stating that, so far el ▪
021;
siege are concerned, that arrangement 1"ael, ,eoy
addition of from 4,000 to 5,000 beeltlq fel; le
troops en the spot to the British artrisSeeeetie4
works which it had to undertake. Itere-at'afe)
house will think that I have not st't'e-st'etre'
cancelling the case which is before us-aneteall'S
fused into the statement of them a tinca Pie
tion. My sole object is, that the.
clearly before the house, and am impartl°, tole,ese
upon them. (Hear.) Now, with reeee'idl\e're
the army, that is a question to whiebeberto
sirable to refer, because, undoubtedly, el et fllie,S
which goes abroad. amour, the public, °Learl'eP.Y
mode of' making that statement, ile:,oo,°lieli
calamities, in themselves great and es.llseetae,
far beyond their just proportions. Fere% et
that 54,000 men have been sent to ." esr,jar
12,000 bayonets is the whole force we sail
posal. This, of course, is a matter of fee 451-o
•t
of the army before Sebastopol as if 1 ,00°,e,S,
fresh from our climate, having unsWf eels*,
of fatigue, but 'speak of the number e°eslellief,
the auxiliary marine force and the ", 1, et err
gaged in military duties before Sebest°,l:e °sfe;„l/
' whole of these who, whether at 11.1310%beta
are on the list of sick. Now, sir, the n°,-01,e'e',1
gaged in military duties before Subesnereessi
the latestreturns, must somewhat exeeeure, ITecerfa
I do not pretend to give the precise flVeiriissi;
not the precise returns for the nave/ ot ,ese
marines, but that is an affair which ea,,o.lerat
500, one way or the other. 28,200 men re- theleefq
active service of one kind or another, yl,ea se°,4Pai,l
Sebastopol at the latest moment of wb'°oeetyi,
terns, and to that tbe added, on an'
e, 3.000
ary naval force, about 3,000 to 4,000 rne eoa.
of the statement that the army consists °iesti
that' statement goes abroad, and is r°ceueilli,j4l
well-intentioned members of the eell'lralPeres:
was my lot yesterdiy morning to hear lsea 100( te,
before a large congregation. (Cheers e'Petie J
• g Ss'
most meritorious clergyman, address°, tee of
intelligent flock in London, stated thn VI
be
to the East was, at present, represent° al. e era
one-third of its nantbers before Sebaste.P,esellsOol,
not driven to that melancholy and ,Snlt es° roge,
that our army of 1854 is gone, and tj4:' f
"
to do but to consider of the formation °,lOl/siolPo(.
There hare been many calamities, third eltestidi`
faults, there have been many great °lee ,Pie°l6
attended with lose ; in some instance, % 50e,,14,
dunce has descended in a manlier
seen,—idle-have been our best )41'7: ore , eel d
brought to o tenderest feelings, bot
the conclusion that the army which I°,li eel1;1410,
finest ever despatched from England' ) ce./
the things which are past. (Loud ebeeni.tbeci sy,;
said that I do net pretend to get enit -00)1,011
manner (although those things I he'(°,o,l 101
true), ',believe much remains behind, to oiled a/
other subject to which I must venturaf ailltbeaa
in this country, necessaril iorant %to eat;
are ins the habit of giving theirsjedOeso rilleti°e!
degree by comparison. It is comluelaorgee o,e yr
of the French camp and the French to (1100 °ell
draw inferences highly unfavourable or ir ,
the conduct of our own ; and, sir, °O a to .ejoico
ing to detract from what is steep
°, ttee
of the French as to their orgeeieatt to eest'us
this opportunity of tearing tcstinas bet 11.;1 0001
of military art and science, and theSied jet
late to the care of the soldier, ee P°
neighbours. (Cheers.) But I vile"

aion, is the smallest anion the elements that it involves—
(cheers)—because, Sir, along with the fate of the Govern-
ment is involved the far exceeding question of the condi-
tion of your army, and along with the condition of the
army is involved that which, if at the present moment it
be regarded with less lively interest, is always of the
deepest interest to the people of England—namely, the
function of the House of Commons to consider and apply a
remedy to great national evils. (Hear, hear.) With re-
spect to the Government, what they have a right to ask is
that their position should be perfectly clear and perfectly
defined in the face of this house. Sir, the hon. gentleman
who last eat down says that the present G6vernment was
formed upon a union of interests, but not of opinions.
(Opposition cheers.) Sir, the judgment of the present
Government belongs to a higher tribunal—(laughter
and cheers)—l speak it with no disrespect—than any
individual member of Parliament or any Parliament that
now exists, because this is a question in which personal
feelings and prejudices are so much involved that it. is
viewed by us with heated eyes. But there is a tribunal
that will deal with this question with even-handed justice
—I mean the enlightened opinion of the country. (Hear,
hear.) After what has happened during the last few
weeks, and what we have heard during the last three days
from my noble friend, the member for the city of London,
I beg to enter my respectful protest against the declaration
of the hon. gentleman (Sir E. L. Bulwer), that the com-
bination out of which the present Government proceeded
was a community of interests and sot of feelings and
opinions. (Hear, hear.) I beg to render this testimony,
as far as I am concerned, in the face of the world, to my
noble friend (Lord J. Russell), that in all the measures in
which I have been concerned with him, whether in their
preparation for this house, or • whether iu their conduct
through this house, I have received from him great cor-
diality and harmony of support, and he, I trust, has received
from me a correlative amount of support. (Hear, hear.)
The history of the Government will remain in its acts,
and by its seta let it be judged. (Cheers.) With reference
to the present position of the Government, I must recur to
the explanation of my noble friend, for the purpose of ac-
knowledging the tribute, so far beyond say merits, which my
noble friend was pleased to pay to a potion of my political
conduct. He is in a position in this house in which it is
his rare privilege that by the eulogies he confers he can con-
fer distinction, but that he cannot receive it in return.
(Cheers.) I will therefore content myself with owning his
kindness in that and many other matters, and in expressing
the hope that it may be never effaced from my recollection.
But with regard to the position of the Government with
reference to my noble friend, it is not to be wondered at if
persons viewing the facts from different points of view do
not see them in the same light, I hope 1 may not be thought
to controvert anything stated by soy noble friend, if I re-
spectfully state to the house that, at the time he announced
the resignation of the office he lately 'aeld, his colleagues
were entirely unaware, so far as I am acquainted, of any
difference of opinion between him and themselves. (Laugh-
ter and cheers.) My noble friend di l not make any con-
trary statement; but at the same time I think that those
Who listened to the statement of my mble friend, and bad
no other acquaintance with the facts, :night justly suppose
that he, having made a proposal at a given time for a
change of office in the Government, though he had been
dissuaded from pressing it at a particular time, had con-
tinued to keep that proposal alive, and that only at the
last, when he had lost all hope of its acceptance, had pro-
ceeded to place his resignation in the hands of my noble
friend the First Lord of the Treasury. (Hear, hear.) Sir,
I venture to state, so far as my knowledge goes, that if
such were the impression recently conveyed to the house,
that impression was totally unwarranted by the facts.
(Cheers.) At the time of the resignation of my noble friend
we were not conscious of even the slightest difference of
opinion between him and ourselves with reference to the
conduct of the war. My noble friend had called attention
to a correspondence between himself and the Earl of Aber-
deen, in which he urged that .the present Minister of War
should give place to my noble friend the member for Tiver-
ton, and in which Lord Aberdeen declined to accede to
that proposal, acting in concert with his colleagues. It has
been stated that Lord Aberdeen was not justified in declin-
ing that proposal on grounds of private and personal regard,
when that change was beneficial to the country.. Why,
certainly not, sir ; he would not have been justified in
such a case. But it was not on grounds of private and
personal regard that my noble friend lord Aberdeen de-
clined to accede to that proposal. It was on the 17th of
November that the proposal was made, and those who wish
to appreciate the circumstances should go back to that pe-
riod. Sentiments of discontent among the public with
reference to the conduct of the Minister of War were not
rife in the country at that period. (Cries of Oh, dh !) I
will venture to say more (because if I stop here it may
seem to impiy that opinions out of doors ought to settle
this question)—that the great exertions made by my noble
friend the Minister of War, in conjunction with the Com-
mander of the Forces and the other military departments,
in order to send out the army to the East, were exertions
that deserved and had won the approbation of the country.
(Hear, hear.) Such was the opinion, ,I behave, of the
country, and such was the opinion of my noble friend the
member for the city of London, for it may be in his recol-
lection, that in the early past of November he addressed
a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, in which he stated to
the duke, with a handsome appreciation of his conduct,
that he had done in office everything that it was
possible to do. (Loud cheers.) On the 3d of December
the correspondence with the Earl of Aberdeen was
brought to a close, my noble friend adhering to his
opinion, and the Earl of Aberdeen declining to act on that
opinion. But from the close of that correspondence till
the time of the meeting of Parliament en Tuesday last
there is a vacuum that requires to be filled up. I may be
wrong—l cannot tell what passed in the mind of my noble
friend—but I v enture to say that, with regard to my know-
ledge and in the view of his colleagues, his proposal was
net is existence during that period. (Hear.) Oa the 3d
of December, as I have said, my noble friend adhered to
his opinion that the office of Secretary at War ought to be
abolished, and that of Secretary for War held by the Se-
cretary of State for the Home Department. Bat shortly
after that Parliament met=on the 12th of December—and
a debate took place on the Address which may be in the
recelleetion of the members of this house. On the 16th
of December a Cabinet was held, and discussions were
entered into with respect to the proceedings of the Go-
vernment and the measures of the coming session. The
impression made, I think, on the colleagues of the noble
lord by the conversations at that Council was, that it
Was impossible he could retain his intention of propos-
ing a change in the War Department; but it was
not left to impressions, for on that day, as I am au-
thorised by the First Lord of the Treasury to state,
Lord Aberdeen, being in some doubt as to the neesning of
the President of the Council, did himself take an opportu-
nity of ascertaining what his opinions were, and asked him
whether he adhered to his proposal with reference to a
change in the War Department. I was not present at the
conversation. I speak only of what Lord Aberdeen in-
formed me, and weat I believe at the time he communi-
cated to such member of the Cabinet as happened to refer
to him. He stated to me that when he asked the noble
lord whether he adhered to his plan, say noble friend dis-
tinctly announced to him that he had changed his inten-
tions. (Hear, hear.) He attributed that change to a con-
versation which he had had with a distinguished person, a
friend of his I need not name—not a member of the present
Cabinet, but versed in the affairs of military administra-
tion, and very friendly to the reform of the military de-
partment. (Hear.) The noble lord on the 16th of Decem-
ber stated that he had changed his intentions, chiefly in
consequence of a conversation with his friend, who, though
a great military reformer, had convinced my noble friend
that the present was not a fitting time for the proposed
thanes. (Hear.) Well, sir, that being the cases, it i/
obvious; that all his colleagues who took the pains to in-
form themselves on the subject regarded that proposal
of rey,noble friend, not as a proposal .that was awake and
alive, or one that was to be pressed upon them, but as a
proposal which he had given up and definitively aban
Boned. (Cheers.) Nor was there anything that ow
curred in the following month that induced the Govern-
ment to think otherwise, because from time to time, as
Cabinet Councils met, measures were discussed ; and
ou Saturday week my noble friend himself called the at-
tention of the Government to the subject of the formation
of a War Beard, and artked what had been done with re-
gard to developing the views'of the Government as to the
war, and at that very Conned a plan was agreed upon for
giving form to measures which had for some time been
practically in operation for combining the heads of the va-
rious War Departments with a view to the practical trans-
action of the business of the war. My noble friend was a
concurring and consenting party in that conversation, and
he subsea uently went to Lord Aberdeen. before the meet-
ing of Parliament and stated that he intended to propose
amendments to that plan, with the terms of which he was
not altogether satisfied. (Hear.) Those amendments we
never had the opportunity of considering. My noble friend
said the -other night he had no reason to suppose they
would be adopted by the Cabinet. I venture. however, to
say that he had no reason to suppose they would not have
been adopted by the Cabinet. (Hear.) 'I am unaware, and
any right hon. Wend the Secretary at, War, 'who has men

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