The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-23 00:00:00

to the committee to that effect. (Hear.) Although it wa a
not the business of any member of the Government to ob-
ject to the appointment of a select committee under ordi-
nary circumstances, at the present time the circumstances
in which we stood were of a most peculiar nature. The
Speaker would bear him out that it was a question open
to a majority of that committee—which was to consist
I of eleven members —to decide whether the inquiry
should be a secret one, or open to the public. If
six out of the eleven should be of opinion that
strangers ought not to be admitted, then it would become
a secret committee ; but, on the other hand, if the deci-
sion should be the opposite, it would of course be an open
one. Now, he would regard that committee in this double
light. If it be a secret committee, all check of public
opinion upon that committee would be withdrawn, as its
proceedings would not be known; persons inculpated by
the evidence would not have an opportunity of defending
themselves—of appearing in their own defence—of cross-
examining the witnesses, or of rebutting any false ac-
cusations ; in fact, until the termination of the in-
quiry, the purport of these examinations'would remain
a secret. If, on the other hand, it was to be an open com-
mittee, the evidence would be published from day to day,
the most adverse comments, and of a party character,
would be made upon it, and most erroneous impressions
would be circulated, bearing hard, probably, on indivi-
duals at a distance, who had no power of defending their
character from any unfavourable aspersions, and throughout
thelconduct of the inquiry, there would be no appeal to
that house after this delegation of its power had been
made. (Hear, hear.) He felt bound to say that consider-
ing the deep importance of the subject, and magnitude
of ths interests involved in it, such a delegation of
power to a committee was not only unprecedented but
quite a dangerous course. (Hear, hear.) He was not aware
that there was any precedent whatever in Parliamentary
history for such delegation. He was aware that one or
two rare enquiries of this character had been instituted
at the bar of the house. He should prefer an investigation
of this nature far before a select committee, as the in-
quiry would then proceed in the presence of the public,
and under the check of the knowledge and intelligence of
the house. But, although there had been one or two pre-
cedents of this nature, none of them were applicable to
the case in band. (Hear, hear.) It was true that
at one period in the reign of William an inquiry was
made at the bar into the conduct of a naval expedition ;
and, at a still later period, in reference to the expedition to
Walcheren;but in both these cases the operations connected
with them were not pending—they were concluded. (Loud
cries of "hear, hear.") And the generals and the admirals
whose characters were at stake were present to defend
themselves, and Lord Chatham, in the latter instance, ap-
peared at the bar, and had an opportunity of Laing heard.
(Hear.) But as the matter now stood the question for the
committee would be the condition of our army in the Cri-
mea, and no instructions of a definite nature as to how
they should act, er what course they should pursue, had
been given to them. Whilst it was far, very far, from his
wish to limit the scope and power of that house, for he
knew of no subject too minute, and no subject too great
to come within the sphere of its consideration, and whilathe
admitted in the broadest sense that there was no limit to
its power, he felt bound to add that this power ought never
to be incompatible with its functions. (Loud cries of
hear, hear.) Now, he thought on the first night of the de-
bate when the committee was moved for, he heard it ad-
mitted on almost every side of the house that the motion
for that inquiry was only intended as a vote of censure
on the late Government. (Hear, hear.) He remembered
that the late Lord President of the Council states that it
was impossible for him to support the inquiry, because
it was incompatible with the functions of this house, and
the hon. member for Aylesbury distinctly stated that he
supported the motion on the ground of the incapacity of
the Executive, but that he anticipated no benefit from it.
(Hear, hear.) On the Friday night his right hon. friend
the late Secretary for the Home Department put the
question in alight which appears to him to be unanswerable.
Well, how was it regarded by Lord Aberdeen's Govern
went ? It was treated as a vote of censure by one and all
and acted upon accordingly. If censure was implied in the
motion of inquiry, how were the circumstances altered b)
what had since occurred? If it was a vote of censure on
Lord Aberdeen a Goverament, how could it be otherwise
than a vote of censure upen the existing Administration ?
The circumstances were the same—the Crown was the
same—the Government was the same ; and that which was
a vote of censure in January was equally a vote of censure
now. But then, it might be said, had nothing occurred
to alter the composition of the Cabinet since the motion
was carried ? Yes, Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of New-
castle had retired, while the noble lord the member for
Tiverton had succeeded to the dace of Prime Minister, but
the noble lord was in the Government that had been cen-
sured, he was a prominent member of it anerwith the ex-
ception of Lord Panmure, perhaps the present Adminis-
tration was the same as the last. (Hear, ,hear.) The
censure, therefore, which was thrown upen the late applied
with equal force to the present Government, and so he
should have thought was the opinion of the noble lord, the
Prime Minister,—(hear)—if he were to judge from the
speech which the noble lord made this day week.
(Cheers.) That being so, then it might be said how could
you consent to act under the noble lord who had been so
censured with the other members of the late Administra-
tion. (Cheers.) Well, he would answer the question
frankly. (Cneers.) He was on a sick bed at the time the
negotiations were carried on for forming the present Go-
vernment, and all that he did before joining it was to as-
certain if any change was to be made in the foreign policy
of Lord Aberdeen. He received a reply in the negative,
and fancying the noble lord was opposed to the inquiry,
he had no hesitation in joining him. (Hear.) Probably
he did not take sufficient steps to satisfy himself upon that
pint, but knowing that everything had been done by the
executive to reform past abuses in the management of the
war, he could not bring himself to suppose that the noble
lord would consent to the committee. It appeared now,
however, that he was mistaken, and since he considered
the committee both unnecessary and unjust, he had no
alternative but to resign rather than assent to it.
(Hear, hear.) He had said the committee was unjust,
and ho would tell the house why he thought so.
The executive government had the power of appointing
and furnishing the officers in command of the army and
navy, and it was unjust that they should be subjected to
the dictation of another tribunal. (Hear, hear.) But not
only was the committee unjust—not only was it unnneces-
sary, but it would, in addition, be mischievous, because
it would dislose circumstances and details which might
greatly advance the cause of the enemy, while the feelings
of our gallant allies the French might be so excited by the
disclosure, as to hurry them on to measures that would
place this country in a position of great peril. (Cheers.)
Take, for instance, our operations in the Baltic. ; suppose
they were to be enquired into by this committee, the com-
mander of the fleet would lee called before the committee,
and he might be betrayed into a confession of the advice
he received from the Admiralty, which betrayal would do
no goad to us, while it would assist the enemy and irri-
tate our allies. (Hear, hear.) The other night he appealed
to the forbearance of the house not to press him for such
details, and the house readily granted him that for-
bearance, but what security bad they that a com-
mittee of twelve gentlemen would manifest the same
spirit. (Hear.) Well then therein lay the danger of the
inquiry. (Hear.) Bat it might be said that he had de-
serted his colleagues at a critical moment. Well be was quite
ready to meet this charge and he contended that it was
his colleagues who had deserted him and not he them.
for they had not the courage to oppose a measure which
was eminently calculated to endanger the interest of the
country. (Hear.) He had been for standing manfully by
the guns and resisting the inquiry altogether, whereas the
policy of those whom he was said to have deserted was first to
spike the guns and then to run away from them. (A
laugh.) He should nevertheless give those colleagues his
humble support, he had acted with them for two
years ; and, although he could not agree witfi them
in the course they proposed to take with regard
to the committee of inquiry, he was yet friendly disposed
towards them, and they should have all the conscientious
support that he could give them. (Hear.) He would
make no further professions, but leave his future actions
to speak for himself ; and, with that confession, he would
resume his seat, thanking the house for the patience with
which they had listened to him. (Hear, bear.)
Mr. BRIGHT was one of those who thought the country
was in a critical position, and he was afraid our diffi-
culties were as well understood abroad as they are severely
felt at home. (Hear, hear.) The events of the last month
were sufficient to induce any man who really valued the
safety of his country to stand by the Minister who bad
undertaken to guide the helm of the state. (Cheers.) ,Iye
were at war with perhaps the largest military Power in
the world, carrying on the struggle at a distance of several
thousand miles from our own shores, and the magnitude
_ _

of the contest could not possibly b
hear, bear.) He could not help feeling, however,
that ,too much was expected to result from it, the
terms of peace assent od to by the late Government only
eoverrated.e rcontemplated the crippling of the Russian power in the
Black Sea, but he was surprised to find that there were
writers in the press and members of the other house
who entertained vague dreams about reconstructing the
map of Europe, and reviving extinct nationalities. (Hear.)
Now he hoped the Government wouldlend no countenance
to such enthusiasts, bat confine the countries strictly
and honestly to the terms of peace which had already
been offered to Russia. (Hear, hear.) Next to
, our minister at Constantinople, the noble lord at the head
, of the Government, and the noble lord who had gone ells
• mission to Vienna,
were the most responsible for
our present position, and he hoped they would
disoise out of door clamours, such as that which he had
referred to, and use their utmost endeavours to restore
peace, upon those terms which should simply destroy or
had gone to Vienna had power topureonostpnee.rcmtineomtfobteah:e:
re-
duce the influence of the enemy in the Euaine. (Hear.)
Ho should like, therefore, to know whether the noble lord
who
armistice directly that he saw th(eorhe,wza)
struggle.
W
Tete, 101 sure as
negociations being successful.
who cried " Oh, oh," seemed to forget that 40,000 lives
Sebastopol,which, as appeared
anxious
loss of 20,000 more
such sanguinary desires would be
he trusted
had.alreafodry
and directly they saw a
lives; but anbeaetntaclokstupinonthis
the Government, . .
disregarded by
it was made, would result in the
In taking such steps as should imite
would lose no time i
negotiation terminating successfully they
prospect of the