The National Register.
London, England, 1811-01-13 00:00:00

TIIE NATIONAL REGISTER

21..... That holding firmly- tlao-opiiiion, that these Prerogatives
were vested in the Crown for tie benefit of the people, and
keeping hi mind-the-declaration of .a great-personaga on a for-
mer occasion, they could see no reason why the Prerogatives
thus temporarily suspended, might not be finally and entirely
resumed'by the people.
ts That they agreed in the sentiment expressed by his Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales in 1788, that the projected Limi-
tations and Restrictions would have " the effect of dividing the
Royal Family from each other—of separating the Court from
the State—and, by disjoining Government from its natural and
accustomed support, disconnect the authority to command ser-
once from the power of animating it by reward; and thereby
allot to the Prince all the invidious duties of Government with-
out theo-neant of softening them to the Public by any one act of
grace,_ favour, or benignity."
" That it was a project for producing weakness, disorder,
and insecurity in every branch of the administration of affair*,
and, in short, for reducing his Royal Highness to the sad and
disgraceful alternative of submitting to the dictates of men
whose implacable hostility to public opinion, exemplified in
their open contempt of the right of petitioning, is nut less no-
torious than their hostility to himself, or resorting to that bane-
ful inftiience, the eff,cts of which we feel in the enormous ad- .
diti,ns to our burthens—in the diminution of our liberties—in
the impunity with which the people have been insulted.
" That his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales may he in- .!
Vested with all the Prerogatives of the Regal Office, whether -
they relate to the exercise of substantial power or to the genuine
lustre of the King of a free people.
" That Addresses and Petitions be presented to both Houses
of Parliament, praying that the Regency Bill may provide for
his Royal Highness's assuming the full Kingly Preruguive,
whether reloi-ing to the efficient discharge of the Kingly duties,
or to the necessary splendour of that high office.
" That the suspension of any part of the Royal Prerogatives
would, at all times, be highly dangerous, but was more particu-
larly so at the present moment, when the country was involved
in war—and the Government was placed in the hands of those
who called themselves his Majesty's Ministers—hut whose
arrogance and imbecility were pregnant with disaster to the
empire.
" That the attempt to exert an authority over the Great Seal,
and the issuing of Money by a Resolution of the two Houses
of Parliament, at all times dangerous'and alarming, was at this
moment rendered infinitely more perilous by the flagrant, arro-
gant, and notorious irubecillity of men, who had the presump-
:ion to call themselves the Ministers of the Crown ; by the
overwhelming weight of taxation, and by a war, the declared
object of which was, on tile part of an inveterate enemy, not
only the extinction of our commerce and-best interests, but the
total subversion of our rights, liberties, and independence as-a
nation.
" That it was the opinion of that Court that the most Con-
stitutional manner of proceeding would he to follow the mode
sanctioned by their ancestors in 1688. by the two Houses ad-
dressing his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, that he would
take on himself the civil and military administration of affairs,
and the disposal of the public revenue, until the means of sup-
plying the defect in the Royal Authority should be adjusted by
411 Act of Parliament.'
•

Mr. OL'IN spoke at great length in favour of the Reao:utions.
1l spoke with con,iderable warmth on the conduct of those
who pre:c nth; 1, by the " forced smiles," to treat the Resolutions
with supercilious contempt. The present alarming situation of
the country made the subject, then under consideration, a mat-
ter of great magnitude, and it demanded the serious thought and
deep reflection of every man in the kingdom. The doctrine
contained in the Resolutions had his full euncurrence; it was the
doctrine of the Constitution ; and he deprecated the idea of re-
stricting and limiting the Regent. To lop off some of the Royal
Prerogative's would have the effect of paralyzing the exertions of
the Regent, and Nvou;el be of most injurious tendency to the
interests of the people. The proposed line of conduct was
neither supieirted by precedent nor by reason. No one of the
prerogatives of the Crown could ever be suspended. lie pro-
posed au alteration in the last Resolution, to move an Address
to byth Houses, but more particularly to the House of Corn.
mons, beseeching them to place the Prince of Wales in the si-
tuation of Regent and Protector of the Realm, giving him the
fiat power over the firvincial, civil and military, departments of
the State, until.the means of supplying the detect in the Royal
Functions should be adjusted by Act of Parliament. In doing
this there was nothing. to create displeasure, nothing from
which blame could arise to ;hem.
Mr. CIiItISTOPUER SIviITS could not assent to the Resolu-
tions. Ile would ask with what propriety they could now • ad-
dress the House of Cori-limns. after having so grossYy insulted
them, as they (the Court) did. last Session (alluding, we pre.
*time) to.the Petition to the. How respecting its.powor to im-

prison persons during their pleasure.) He would advise slie
Court to await and rely upon the conduct of the two Estates of
the Realm.
Mr. Deputy %ascii objected to the spirit of the Reeolutions4
The " of the Resolutions was this, that his Royal highs
ness, as Regent, should be distinctly put in possession of the
Royal Powers, without loss of time, on the King's incapacity
being. proved. 'the principles of that Revolution (168$) were
as different from those inculcated by the Resolutions then pros
posed as was light and dark!" There a King was to be pro.
vided, the "Ihrone being empty ; but here the two Houses. were
only called upon to provide for the temporary incepecity of this
King. Here was a King upon the throne—the King was ineae
pable of exercising the Royal. Functions, and that incapacity
was to be provided fur. If the two Houses were to appoint a
Regent to the full exercise of the Regal Functions without any
restriction or limitation whatever, it would be " virtually de-
throning," the King. Two Kings could not sit upon one throne.
To appoint a Regent with unrestricted and unlimited _ powers
would be snatching the sceptre from the reigning Knits% hand.
—(loud cries of No, no !) He concluded with moving, as an
amendment, that all the words after " that" in the original mo-
tion, be omitted, and the following words substituted—' thie
Court relies, with the fullest confidence, on the wisdom and
constitutional principles of both Houses of Parliament, and that
they will, under the present afflicting circumstances of our bee
loved Sovereign, take such measures for the temporary discharge
of the necessary duties of the Royal office, as well at the same
time to secure the Crown on the bead of its rightful possessor,
till such time as it may please Providence to answer the united
prayers of the people,. by removing the present calamity with
' which his Majesty is afflicted ; and thereby enable him to ree
assume the exercise of his Royal Authority, without mbar-
ras men to himself or his people."
Mr. •CHRISTOPHER SMITH seconded this Motion.
The original Resolutions were then read, as well as the
Amendment, and on their being put,
Mr. SLADIi. rose to express his dieapprobatioo of the Amend-
ment. If the Executive had only such prs. ugstives a. it Ough4
to have, the two Houses were bound to provide for the lull vas
ercise of them in the appointment of a Regent; and if they
abridged any of the Royal Prerogatives, that act would he tell-
ing the country that the King had more authority that wee ne-
cessary for the good of the people and the security of the Crown.
He approved of the Resoiutions, because they Lid down the
Constitutional- course that ought to be pursued in the present
case of necessity.
Mr. NIA \e St A N observed, that many Regencies were noticed
in English history, but every Regency had had the full and un-
limited exercise of the Royal Authority. With respect to any
obstruction being opposed to prevent the King's re-Assumption
of power in the event of his .recovery, there was a sufficient se-
curity in the Perliement and the people ; but he could not for a
moment believe that any one would be so base and so mean as to
even advise, the Prince to obstruct his Father's return to power
so sow' as he should' lie doclered competent to exercise.
Mr. Dixosi thought the Resolutions ill-timed. They should
have relied on the two Houses of Parliament, who were almost
daily taking into the fullest consideration the most adviseabie
conduct that could be pursued in the present emergency. lie
did not know the Prince might be advi .ed ; but of this he wits
, certain—the Princes old tried friends would he careful bow they
trusted the new cunecrie I—( Considerable la ui4hing,.)
Mr. Fever- contended, theta was most important and highly
necessary, that they should express their opinion upon the pre-
sent state of affairs. The City of London should take the lead
in public opinion, Where there Wa3 responsibility there ought
' to be unrestricted and unlimited power. He detended the con-
stitutional doctrine of the resolutions, therefore he disapproved
of the line of Conduct marked out by the Ministers, and express-
ed by the Amendment.
Mr. SVENCLtit contended, that to limit and restrict the Re-
gent in the exercise of regal authority was unconstitutional and
irrational ; it was like saying to the master of a vessel, " you
shell have the. power of punedurie the crew ; but you shan't
have the pleasure of giving them :drup of grog Considerable
I laughter.)
Mr. W Lent and Mr. Maitero-r made some observations,
but owing to there being much coughing and noise in the Court,
we could not hear what they said, but we understood they ape
proved of the Resolutions.
Mr. WAITHMAY observednthe question haft been brought
within a very narrow compass by calling the attention of the
Court to the fixed principles of the Constitui ion. A deficiency
in the kingly crfhce hod been made out, and 'it ought to be im-
mediately supplied: King, Lords, and Commons were re-
quired by our Constitution. Each had different powers—each
was a check upon the other; and while each continued perfect,
the Govecfnetent would le! enabled to go on, but when any one
4 became incapacitated,. it was dos duty a the two. remaining