The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-15 00:00:00

THE POSITION OF PRUSSIA.

(From qalignati's Messenger.)

The Paris journals contain few leading observations,
and these are not of sufficient interest to claim extract
or analysis, with the exception of the Pays, which con-
tains some lengthened remarks on the German situa-
tion, with some special allusions to the policy which
Prussia still continues to pursue. These, coming from
a semi-official source are worthy of consideration ; and,
as the moment approaches when the Court of Berlin
must declare itself intelligibly, they may be considered
of importance. Our contemporary, having pointed
out in the late decision of the Frankfort Diet
the serious step which, although characterised
by their traditional caution, the minor States of Ger-
many have taken towards the policy of the Western
alliance, argues from it that the system of neutrality as.
regards Central Europe, looked upon as their last hope
by the partisans of the Czar, is now and for ever at an
end. When Germany prepares for a contest, the con-
test must indeed be considered at hand. Admitting
even the probability of a war with Russia, and placing
themselves in a condition to take part in it, the minor
German States place themselves at once on the side of
European right, which Austria has openly declared
herself ready to defend with France and Eng-
land. According to Count Buol's despatch of the
14th January the Imperial Envoy at the Diet was
instructed to obtain its consent to the mobilisation
of one half of the Federal army, unless it should be of
opinien that it was more advisable to place the whole of
it in a state of " dispenibility" or immediate readiness
for active service. It was to the latter condititin that
the Diet addressed itself ; it was the precise measure
which it took of the necessity of the situation ; it has,
in point of fact, complied with the extreme view taken
of German requirements by Austria, although only put
forward as a suggestion. The whole of the Federal army,
instead of the half of it, is placed to all intents and pur-
poses en such a war footing as may be justly called
" disponibility," when in fifteen days it can answer the
demand of the Diet for active operations. The Austrian
policy is therefore virtually the policy of Germany as
represented by the Diet of Frankfort ; and Prussia, in
not accepting it, at length frankly and openly deviates
from her German patriotism and duty, as well as from
that course which Europe expects from her as one of the
leading defenders of ber public right. A recapitulation
of these facts connected with the recent resolution of
the Diet, and a glance at the only practical view which
can be taken of their import may be necessary to enable
our readers to appreciate to their full value the following
remarks addressed to the Court of Berlin by the Pays :
" It is quite evident that this Brat measure is but the
prelude of resolutions more decisive. The preparation
for war implies the recognition that there exists a pub•
lic danger, while there exists also a necessity to oppose.
Reason and the course of events must determine the
moment when this defensive attitude of Germany shall
proceed to action. Austria has not renounced her claim
to call for the complete mobilisation of the Federal
army ; and we have no doubt that Germany will take
the next necessary step to prove the earnestness of the
decided course which she has in her collective capa-
city commenced. This ought to be for Prussia a matter
for deep consideration. We have said so for a long
time. in not rallying to the policy of European
right, she comprises not only her highest interests
and her I%itimate influence, but she runs the risk
of losing her tradition al preponderance in the bosom of
the C,infederation. There are at length symptoms and
facts which cannot deceive the attention of the states-
man. These symptoms burst forth in ell directions.
Tine direction of tie Germanic movement is now passing
away from Prussia, which, still refusing to enter frankly
into the councils of Europe, and still resisting the cur-
rent of European opinion which Las carried all the
eoxtpl.eor;edGe(r,:inatrhre Slates along
i with it, vi!l find herself
ground to checks quite as
furinidahle as any which ate could experience on the
field of battle. With the good faith which animates the
Western Poisrr-, with the spirit of wise conciliation
which distinguishes tile a, they have offered to the ex-
ceedingly fine-drawn susceptibilities of Prussia a means
of escaping from the difficulty in which she is placed.
The important despatch of M. Drouyn de l'iluys consents
to the negotiation of a separate treaty between the
Court of Berlin and those of England and France.
Thi-, doubtless, is a great concession of form made to the
amour-propre of Prussia. It is a bridge thrown across
her path to enable her to re-enter the conferences of
Vienna, in which her position as a great European Power
could not alone entitle her to take a part. But it is
quite evident that this concession could not pos-
sibly have for its result the sanction of France or
England for the neutrality or isolation of Prussia.
The treaty which they would consent to sign with
her could only be a second edition of the treaty of
the 2d of December ; and who knows if the events
which take place during the negotiations may not de-
mand that they at once pass over even the conditions of
this latter treaty ? Whatever be the case, Prussia can-
not enter directly or indirectly into actual alliance with
the three great Powers, without bringing with her some.
thing more to their aid than her vain declarations ; in
other words, the aid which she brings must be an effica-
cious one for determined eventualities. We know that
Prussia abandons only with regret the mild and easy but
perilous system of neutrality, to which she gives the more
generous title o finediation. Mediation is an honourable
mission, but at its proper time, and within its proper
limits. Has that time been announced? It is verydoubtful.
Have those limits been defined? Without doubt, andby the
interpretation given on the 28th December to the four
points of guarantee. Can Prussia cause this interpre-
tation, with all its practical consequences, to be ad-
mitted by Russia! If so, all discussion is at an end,
and we must have peace in a very short time re-
established. But it is necessary to lose no time, in
this case ; for with delays and events themselves there
is the danger of being obliged to modify essentially
even the bases of this interpretation. If, on the
other hand, and this unfortunately seems evident to
Prussian statesmen themselves, there is little hope that
Prussia shall succeed in making the Czar agree to the
legitimate views and requirements of Europe, what then is
the use of any more talk about mediation ? It is well
known that the allies of the 2d December will not, on
any account, depart from the principles set forth in.
the notes of the Sth of August, in the protocol of
their treaty of alliance, in the memorandum of the 28th
December. These acts contain the minimum of the
rights and interests of Europe. The future may extend
their proportions, but to curtail them is by no means
probable. The course of true mediation henceforth con.
sists in adhering without reserve, without terriers penile',
to the protective principles of the modern equilibrium.
Each division, in enlarging the European collection of
forces makes a great step towards the re-establishment
of peace. It is this which all the minor states feel that
they do when they ally themselves, one after the other,
to the Western Powers. Is Prussia to be the last to
follow the great movement to which she might have
given an early impulse st. Will she court the fate of
being forced into the wake of the general policy of
Europe, even into that of the German Confederation of
which she might have remained the soul and the head 17

THE REOIME.NT.

110 TIIE AMOR OP THE 817 N.

paragraph appeared in your publication of
the 12th inst., headed "Lord Panmere," referring to the
arrival at Staines of a Highland regiment—the 79th—ozs
its way to the encampment at Chobham in 1863, and to
the officers and soldiers being treated to luncheon at the
railway hotel by his lordship, in compliment to his old
regiment. This statement being substantially true, with
the exception of attributing the generous part of it to the
now Minister at War, yo{} may not deem it worth cor-
recting ; however, as I know and can assure you, the
entertainer on that happy occasion was not his lordship,
but his gallant brother, Lauderdale Maule, who died at
Varna last August, while acting as assistant-quartermas-
ter-general to the British forces. When Lord Panmura
retired from the army this lamented gentleman entered
the 79th, and served with it at home and abroad—finally
in command as lieutenant-colonel, which he only resigned
being elected M.P. for Forlarshire and appointed
clerk of the Ordnance. Without disparagement to any
other corps, qualified judges have pronounced that under
Lis 79th, Cameron's Highlanders, were
seconmanagementd
tonone thinteheir
high state of discipline and the
kindly feeling that pervaded the whole regiment. He
was incessant in his endeavour to add to the comfort
and well-being of the officers and men, the result of
which was that be was adored by them from the highest
in rank to the lowest, and in him they lost a true sol-
dier's friend. These few lines to his merit are feeble,
but, if space permitted as insertion to his memory, I am
sure they would be acceptable to the survivors of his
gallant Highlanders.—l am, sir, yours obediently,
,Idirigto, Feb, 12. • LOCZABER