The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(From the Times of this clay. )
The general view of the war at home and abroad is
not enceurasing. What we are doing in the Baltic is
so far a repetition of last year, with a few mistakes which
suggest that even this is only a rehearsal, and that per-
haps next year we may venture on a public performance.
By the simple expedient of slinging a 32-pounder at an
angle of 45 degrees we seem to have discovered the long
range, but whether the discovery will be followed up in
air lifetime is another question. In the Crimea there is
an ominous suspense, which, as it inspires no fresh
hopes in that quarter, sends us elsewhere. The only
bright spot in that horizon is the expected arrival of
officers who have seen a real siege less than 40 years ago.
On the side of France we see great zeal and vast prepa-
rations, but have little means of knowing what fresh
enterprise and intelligence is brought to bear on the
war. In this state of things we are compelled to
look at home, and consider, as a wise man will
often do in his private affairs, what he has in himself to
vet against the adversity or the deadness of fortune.
Looking, then, at home, the last effort of the nation, the
last throbbing of the pulse, the last convulsive move-
ment, was the debate of Tuesday night on Mr. Roe-
buck's motion. If that gentleman did no more than
the flappers who wake the rulers of Laputa from their
reveries, or the mad prophets who stalk the streets in
sieges and plagues— if his cries were ever so frantic, irra-
tional, and vindictive, still we should respect him as the
man to rouse the nation from self confidence, and, pos-
sibly, some day wake it from despair. The debate of
Tuesday, then, is the last sign of national life ; it is
not yet overlaid with the contents of yesterday's tele-
graph ; it is nor eclipsed by the bright promises
of Aldershott, successful experiments at Woolwich, or
news from the dockyards. We have already given
uur own opinion that, unless some member hits on a
truer or happier amendment than has yet been moved,
there is no choice but to pass " the previous question."
In fact, we are now in the hands of the Executive. The
sooner these poor creatures are released from the war of
words to attend to the war of blows—the sooner they
are allowed. to forget the dark front of the Opposition
bench, and think of the granite walls of Cronstadt and
the earthern ramparts of the' Malakhoff, the better, we
are persuaded, for the prospects of the war and the
honour of our common country.
But while, in the present state of things, it seems little
else than madness to press the report of the Sebastopol
Committee, either fir any political or any judicial pur-
pose, that is all the more reason why all parties should
vie to'use it for the improvement of our naval and mili-
tary administration. The year has brought us back to
the time when we were daily expecting to hear of the
landing in the Crimea, and when, so to speak, all the
world was before us. All the errors of the ensuing au-
tumn, winter, and summer were then in being. Though
they lid not bear their baleful fruit till long after, they
were already rooted and germinating. Every oversight,
every false and presumptious estimate, dates really fieni
that period. The delays of that time were afterwards
fatal. So we cannot help looking at our Treasury
bench, and our public offices, and asking whether now,
as twelve months ago, there may not be another crop
of blunders, presumptions, neglects, indifferences, delays,
stupidities, insolences, destined to yield another hideous
crop of disaster, and, may be, foul disgrace. Is it all
safe under the broad forehead of Panmuge, all real vigi-
lance in the sleepless eye of Palmerston, or all wisdom
in Wood ? Is the immense laboratory of British science
in free and full operation ? Are the great mecha-
nical intellects which have covered the earth and
the sea with the glory and the wealth of England,
and which for all the purposes of peace and under the
impulse of private enterprise know no limit to their
power, at this moment employed for an object in-
comparably more important than railways and Crystal
Palaces I Are we enlarging our mortars, reducing the
draught of our gun-boats, multiplying our small craft, in-
viting all the sources of chemistry, applying ever?-'inven-
tion for the better housing, feeding, and clothing soldiers
during the possible summer marches and the now certain
winter siege ? The stereotyped excuse for what we have
already suffered is, that nobody expected a winter cam-
paign—that we were to take Sebastopol by a coup de
main—that we underratted the power of Russia and the
strength of her great stronghold. The excuse is a very
bad one, for no statesman— nobody, indeed, has a right
to assume facilities and chances out of his knowledge or
calculation. It is the excuse of the man who speculates
for a rise in the funds because he cannot think
they will fall. 'lt is the invariable apology of
fools, and very often the defence of rogues. But
let it pass. We only wish we could be sure that
at this moment our War Minister and his colleagues are
not taking for granted what they have no right to do,
and expecting from Heaven, from accident, from the-
obstinate courage of the British soldier, from the
clemency of the elements, from the cowardice or
stupidity of the Russians, what they ought to place be-
yond the reach of doubt by the use of our resources at
home. We do not mean that we can secure success ;
but we can secure that, when Heaven gives us immense
successes, as Heaven did last year, we do not throw
them away, as we did last year.
We could wish, then, that some independent mem-
ber. of the house would endeavour to condense in a
speech the experience of the war and the lessons of the
Sebastopol report, and press them home to Government,
with the question whether they are with all diligence
using all the resources at their command, and preparing
for all emergencies? Let this be done with the most spe-
cific recapitulation, so ac to obtain from Government
a distinct assurance that it is doing its best on every
possible bead. Of course, we are not pressing for dis-
closures which may be useful to the foe, but we have 'a
right to know that every engine is at work, every proved
invention honestly adopted, every man of mechanical or
other scientific attainments invited and encouraged to
assist, every art and skill employed that British gene-
rosity can reward, and official jealousy or stupidity can
drive away. There are other questions, too, that it no
longer avails to omit. Mr. Cobden has correctly and
publicly assured Government that the Emperor of Rus-
sia knows as well the condition of our militia, the slow
rate of the enlistment into the line, and the quality of
our new recruits, as any man in this kingdom ; and
Sir John Pakington on Tuesday , evening made no un-
necessary scruple at mention;ng these facts. They
are patent and undeniable, as all other facts
of public importance in this country will always
be. Let Ministers, then, be asked whether they
are taking steps satisfactory to themselves, for keeping
up an army in the Crimea. There always has been, and
always must be, a peculiar difficulty in keeping up armies
in the field in proportion to our rank, our pretensions,
our wealth, and even our numbers ; for no other coun-
try in the world has so many separate drains on its male
population. The navy and the mercantile marine, the
colonies, manufactures, mines, and India, together with
the army on foreign stations, make a difference of three-
quarters of a million between the males and females in
this island. We have before suggested the use of native
troops from the northern parts of india to replace the
50,000 British troops drawn from the European wants of
this country. If the objections to this expedient be insu-
perable, or at least be thought so for the present, what
other source has Government ? The matter admits of
no delay, for, as we lost the advantage of the Alma for
want of 20,000 more men, we may lose the next winter
for the want of 50,000, at the cost of more than
50,000 afterwards. We are not asking for disclosures
that may be thought inexpedient, but for assurances to
satisfy the nation that Ministers are fully alive to the
greatness of the necessity, and, as we confidently believe,
the not less colossal character of our many and multi-
farious opportunities. It is our fall belief that we can,
if we please, take up Sebastopol by handfuls and throw
it into the sea. It is also our belief that England and
France will do this, rather than retire from the struggle
and leave Russia to pursue her unhallowed schemes of
conquest. But we desire to see the work done expedi-
tiously, and with all the aid that valour, skill, and wealth
ought to give us ; and we wish to feel some confidence
that this is being done.

( From the Daily News of this day.
It is certain that the division on Mr. Roebuck's mo
tion will take place to-night. The country will note,
with a view to future action, how every member votes,
and who absent themselves. The public are completely
masters of the ca,,e. They are in possession of all the
evidence submitted to the Sebastopol Committee, and a
great deal more. The subject has been canvassed in
Parliament and out of doors for months. Men's minds
are made up, and every member who votes against evi-
dence and reason, and every member who shrinks from
recording his vote, will have to account at the hustings
for his conduct.
The House of Commons cannot get rid of the difficulty
by voting the previous question without irrecoverably
stultifying and degrading itself. Months ago it voted,
by a large majority, that the accounts of the condition
of our army in the Crimea were of such a nature as to
render a solemn inquiry into their truth indispensable.
A committee was appointed, composed of members
friendly to the present Ministers, of members friendly to
their late colleagues, and of members opposed to both.
The committee was instructed to inquire whether our
army had suffered as much as was represented?—what
was the cause of its sufferings?—and who were responsi-
ble for them t It examined persons who had been in
tne Crimea and witnessed with their own eyes the con-
dition of the army ; persons employed in the different
offices of Government connected with the management
of the war ; and the Ministers who had taken a respon-
sible part in that management. After a protracted in-
quiry, the committee reported that the sufferings of our
army had far exceeded what is the necessary consequence
of warlike operations in the field ; that its extra suffer-
ings had resulted from the shameful mal-organisation of
our Government departments, and from want of due fore-
sight and energy to amend or compensate for those defi-
ciencies on the part of responsible ministers charged with
the conduct of the war. This deliberate judgment of
the committee has been submitted to the House of Com-
mons, along with the evidence, written and oral, upon
which it rests. It is now the duty of the house,
after comparing the conclusions of the report with
the evidence, to declare whether they are well or
ill-founded ; and if they are well-founded to visit with
its condign censure the offending Ministers. To shrink
from the discharge of this duty will be, on the part of the
House of Commons, to trifle with the patience of the
nation, to omit the performance of one of its most vital•
obligations, to abdicate its functions. Such conduct
would convict the house, as a body, of frivolity, incapa-
, city, utter deadness to a sense of its important duties.
It must say " Aye" or " No" to the declaration sub-
rnitted for his adoption by Mr. Roebuck, that a brave
tinny hag been wantonly consigned to unnecessary self-
ferin.,!, and that the Ministers who hare douo this
I have incurred the grave censure of the nation's repre-
.ientatives.

(Front the Morning Herald of this day.)
Our contemporaries are ringing the changes upon the
phrufso that our reprenutAtive motttutions are on their

trial." If this be the case, and we are to take the pro-
ceedings of Tuesday as a specimen of what those institu•
tions really are, certainly a more contemptible-looking
or more self-convicted prisoner never appeared in the
dock.
The welfare and honour of the nation—the future fate
of Europe—the foregone destenetion of one army and
the prospective loss of another, were all at stake or
under discussion ; and yet we will venture to say the
Marylebone vestry itself never equalled the mouse of
Commons on that night in self-contradiction, vapid non-
sense, false reasoning, and insincere conclusions.
Upon what point are our institutions upon trial ? we
would ask. Simply and solely as to their power to
bring to justice a guilty and imbecile Administration ;
and certainly (again judging by the proceedings of Tues-
day) we should say that a more complete case of inca-
pacity for good never was brought home to any institu-
tutions whatever. Why, the utmost exertion of them
could not even make the criminals plead. There they
sat, with theirfaces framedas it were of brass, so insolent
and so shameless were they, merely putting up a succes-
sion of men of straw to-bring forward excuses, each more
stupid and more false than that which preceded it. But
the great offenders hardened their foreheads and kept
silence, well knowing that there was nothing they could
say that would not snake their case, bad as it was, infi-
nitely worse.
An amendment, however, it may be said has taken
place in the condicion of the army before Sebastopol.
We utterly deny that any beneficial change has taken
place in that army, save such as is attributable to the
changes of the season. The army is still land-bound to
the spot where official neglect bas rendered it imperative
that it should remain, either to be decicAted by cholera
or sacrificed in a succession of useless but bloody

assaults.
We can assure our readers that the impression in the
minds of many gallant officers in that army, is, that the
season of 1855 has been lost, as was the season
of 1854, and that the feeling of many a bold
and good soldier is that we are rapidly approaching
a winter in which their sufferings will be as great as
they were in that which has past. Knowing this to
be the case, we cannot avoid stating our conviction that
every member of the House of Commons who votes
against Mr. Roebuck's motion practically sanctions the
destruction of our second army.
As for "the previous question," the voting for it
simply amounts to a declaration on the part of the house
that the representatives of the people do not care about
the fact of an army having been lost, and that the
" popular" branch of the Legislature condones the mis-
management, not to say treachery, by which that army
was destroyed. Are hon. members prepared to ask the
approval by their constituents of such a declaration ?

LORD ,TORN RUSSELL AND M. DROUYN

DL L'HUYS.

The relations between the French and English Courts
in all matters affecting the alliance are of such delicacy,
and the conduct of the Emperor has been so loyal and
straightforward throughout, that we would gladly have
avoided all mention of the subject while dealing with the
dregs of- the Russell controversy. The resignation of
M. Drouyn de l'Huys and the motives which led to it
have, however, been so misrepresented, that a word or
two upon that point may, perhaps, serve to throw light
upon the position held by Lord John Russell during the
period which elapsed between his return from Vienna
and his enforced resignation, The course pursued by
Lord John Russell as British Plenipotentiary is well
known ; that of his French colleague was ere follows :
M. Drouyn de l'Huys, before quitting Vienna, forwarded
to his Court no less than two reports, and several tele-
grapic despatches, in which he earnestly recommended
the acceptance of Count Biles propositions. He re-
presented in very forcible terms the dangers which might
attend a refusal, and, in short, frankly and openly
backed the imperfect proposals of Austria. He arrived
in Paris and bad, on the let of May, an interview with
the Emperor, in the course of which he sustained his
views ,and produced, as he thought, a favourable im-
pression. Certain slight modifications were introduced,
and the Austrian propositions were finally transmitted
to London by the Emperor's orders. They reached Lon-
don on the 2d of May. Let us pass over the discus-
sions which occurred in the British Cabinet on the re-
ceipt of these propositions. Sir George Grey, in lan-
guage somewhat ambiguous, told us on Tuesday night
what took place—his meaeing, however, is clear enough.
The Home Secretary is reported to have said—" The
propositions of Count Buol were discussed during the
week beginning the 31st of April and ending the 7th of
May, and during that discussion Lord J. Russell stated
his views ; other members of the Cabinet entered into
the discussion, with the view of coming to the conclu-
sion most coducive to the interests-of the country, and
at the close of the week I should have been prepared to
assert in unqualified terms that the unanimous opinion
of the Cabinet was that the interests of the country re-
quired that the Austrian proposals should be rejected."
Lord John, who had brought home and advocated these
propositions, nevertheless stuck to office, and his col-
leagues threw their mantles around him. He was not,
however, a man who relies entirely upon the exertions
of others to get him out of a scrape, but acted at once
upon the prudent maxim that Heaven helps the man
who helps himself. Hence that warlike speech which
astonished the British empire and roused us all to heroic
exertions. _

- -
Meanwhile M. Drouyn de l'Huys at Paris was pur-
suing a humbler but a less tortuous career. On the 4th
of May—we suppose after the Emperor had received
the answer of the Cabinet of St. James—he notified to
M. Drouyn de l'Huys that he must inform Count
Walewski that the Au Irian propositions were rejected.
This was on the evening of the 4th. The next day, at
8 o'clock in the morning, the ex-plenipotentiary placed
his resignation in the Emperor's hands. He urged at
the same time more strongly than before his former
views, and apprised his Sovereign, with all due respectl
that, with his convictions, he could not venture to
share the responsibility of the decision at which
the Cabinets had arrived. Nothing could be more
rational or straightforward than the conduct of
the French Minister throughout, and with pain
we write that it offers a most honourable contrast
to that of his English colleague in negotiation. M.
Drouyn de Minya did not arrive at the conclusion that
the statesman who had declared peace to be the right
policy was the proper person to carry on the war ; on
the contrary, even before his departure from Vienna, he
had resolved to stake his ministerial existence upon the
success of the resolution which he had formed, and docu-
mentary proof of this is foithcoming, if required. Our
French allies may look back with satisfaction to the
conduct and result of the Viennese negotiations. Their
plenipotentiary may have erred in judgment, but he acted
as became a straightforward statesman and an honest
man.—Times.