The Sun.
London, England, 1855-11-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON. FRIDAY EVENING. NOVEMBER 9 1855.

In the capital of France no pains will be spared to
show him honour, and to testify the sense felt of
his noble policy. We, at least, ought not to be
behind-hand in rendering his reception worthy of
the interests which he represents ; and, certainly,
no Englishman could more opportunely occupy the
post of First Minister at such a moment than Lord
Palmerston, of whose policy, one of the most che-
rished objects, and one of the most perseveringly
pursued endeavours, has every been to open up to
Sardinia that fair field and free course in ;which
she is making the swiftest strides towards pros-
perity and glory. But we need not insist ; there
is no danger of a lukewarm greeting here for the
Piedmontese monarch ; and we have no doubt
that the day when Victor and Victoria meet on
the territory of the latter will long be remembered
by the civilised world.

have done nothing worthy of the sacrifices it has
cost.

consented, and he took back both the note and parcel,
which contained 3 flounced dress and lining of the value
of 265. He then sent the apprentice, whose name was
on the note, to the Bank of England, and he brought
it back marked forged. The prisoner called for her
change about eleven in the morning, when he showed
her the note, and she said it had been given to her by a
sailor who had been staying with her, and she thought it
was a good one. At his request she accompanied him
to the Fleet-street station-house, and to the inspector
she gave the name of the sailor who had given her the
note, but said he had sailed for the Crimea. He left her
and the note with the inspector.
Mr. Joseph Bumsted said he was inspector of notes at
the Bank of England. The two notes produced for 51.
each were both forged.

It is very easy—we are not sure that it is any
longer popular—to decry this language as unpa-
triotic, and to claim a monopoly of patriotism for
those who flatter the pride and pamper the self-
conceit of the people. We have never denied the
taking of Sebastopol to be a splendid and a great
achievement—we have held that achievement to be
the glory of England equally with France, and we
have laughed to scorn the folly of those who, in the
face of deeds of unexampled heroism, tell us that
the fame of the British arms is dimmed. But we
have asked, and we ask again, what is its value in
practical result ? How much nearer has it brought
us to any object which any man will assign as the
natural object of a campaign ? It is one thing to
admire the bravery of our troops; it is another
thing to believe that this bravery has been used so
as to produce practical results.
The two greatest nations of Europe have now
been two years at war with Russia ; and what have
we done ? We have battered down some stone
walls on the islands of the Baltic, we have cap-
tured a martello tower at Kinbourn, and we have
driven the Russians from the south side of Sebas-
topol. These are our advances against an empire
that extends over one-third of the habitable globe.
If every two years are to bring us similar successes
we may look upon it that we have provided for
ourselves and for the next generation half a cen-
tury's playing at war. Russia can afford to lose a
Sebastopol every two years, and a Bomarsund every
two months. The play upon both sides may be an
expensive one, but Russia, in the long run, will
bear the cost at least as well as ourselves. And
were the amusement to be protracted for fifty years
matters would be left pretty much in the status quo.
Our blood, we confess, is stirred when we think
of the results of our two years' warfare—of our
wasted treasures—of the sacrifice of unspeakably
precious lives. Empires have been conquered and
dynasties overthrown at less cost tkan we have in-
curred in captures of which we can scarcely tell
the good. Let no man, we repeat, tell us, that in
speaking thus we decry the heroism of those who
have been recklessly sacrificed in an aimless strife.
Bravery may be displayed in the defence of the
most worthless position, as in keeping the key of an
empire. The serjeant who closed the gates of
Hougoumont at the critical moment at Waterloo
would have done as brave a deed if he had been
shutting the door of a mess room against burglars.
Brave deeds in war are only valuable as they lead
to a material position.
Neither will any one suppose that we are adopt-
ing the cant arguments of the craven faction who
would counsel us that the war ought to be aban-
doned as a hopeless one. -We can trace all our
evils to the one source of the coward spirit of
diplomacy presiding over the councils of war. Our
hostile enterprises have been all diplomatic demon-
strations. Not one of them has been undertaken
with the true motive of strategic design. We have
fought against Russia to convince and not to con-
quer. We assailed Sebastopol because some secret
information told our wise Ministers that if once
Sebastopol was taken Russia would be ready to
negotiate. We sent a rloble fleet to the Baltic
because we imagined that the appearance of the
grand flotilla in those waters would bring the Czar
to terms. Our troops were sent to the East, not
to fire a shot in anger, but to help Austrian media-
tion by a not very respectable military parade.
No wonder that engaging in a war in such a spirit
we have but little but endless protocols to point to
as the result.

Sir R. W. Carden—The signature is very good.
Mr. Bumsted—lt is, Sir Robert.

Remanded.

Sir Peter Laurie said he had received the following
letter, but he could really give no advice upon it any
further than to publish it, and by exposing such a nefa-
rious system prevent others from being similarly duped :
"The Old Hall, Wellington, Salop.
" Sir,—From an advertisement in the Shrewsbury
Chronicle of London papers at half-price,' I was induced
to send to the address of Daniel Tobias Jackson, 65,
Upper Ground-street, Great Surrey-street (or City News-
room, or 9, Marchmont-street, Brunswick-square, all
addresses being given), the sum of 2/. 9s. for the Times
and two copies of the Illustrated London News. I re-
ceived six copies of the Times and two numbers of the
Illustrated London News. This is about a month ago,
and I can get no more or hear aught of Daniel Tobias.'
" Will you excuse me asking your advice of how to
proceed in such a case.—l am, &c.,

(Front the Morning Chronicle of this day.)

All political events are tending towards a disso-
lution of Parliament. Lord Palmerston is evi-
dently struggling in the net spread for him by the
factions; and he will sooner or later be compelled
to break through it by an effort of vigorous deter-
mination. Another reading of his recent proceed-
ings would exhibit him in the position of a man,
desirous of providing himself with a sound and
valid excuse for a line of conduct on which he had
already resolved. He cannot proceed in the pre-
sent Parliament, if he does not procure assurances
of support from some influential section of the
House of Commons, or at least unless he renders a
certain threatened Coalition impossible. Hence
his efforts to strengthen himself, either through
the Tories or the gentlemen below the Ministerial
gangway. Hence the otherwise inexplicable pa-
tience with which he continues to hawk about t vo
of the highest offices of State.

" EDWARD CRANACIE,

"To Sir Peter Laurie, Knt."

BOW-STREET.—A young man, named .Tames Rus-
sell, in the employ of Messrs. White and Fairchild, gro-
cers, of 63, High-street, Borough, was charged by the
Post-office solicitor with stealing newspapers.
Mr. Sculthorpe, deputy-controller at the General-
Post-office, stated that the prisoner's employers kept a
branch receiving-house, and the prisoner assisted in
sorting and despatching the letters and newspapers
posted there. Having reason to suspect that he had been
in the habit of intercepting newspapers, and sending por-
tions of them (the inner sheets) to his father, a farmer,
of Leyton, in Essex, witness desired that any letters or
papers so directed should be stopped at the General
Post-office, and brought to him for his examination. In
pursuance of these directions a newspaper, addressed to
a Mr. Russell, Warren Farm, Layton," and baying a
penny stamp affixed to it, was delivered to witness on
the 6th inst. On opening it he found it to be a copy of
the Times of the previous day, minus the outer or ad-
vertising sheets. He then proceeded, in company with
Inspector Cole, and Peake, the Post-office constable, to
the shop of Messrs. White and Fairchild, where they
found the prisoner behind the counter. Witness asked
him if be had bought any newspapers lately or sent any
away, and he replied in the negative ; but when witness
produced the paper addressed to Mr. Russell, the pri-
soner at once admitted that the direction was in his
handwriting. He was then asked how he came possessed
of the paper, and what had become of the outer pages or
"supplement." After giving some evasive answers, he
stated that the paper was the property of Mr. White,
and the other portion of it was somewhere in the house.
A pretended search was ma le for it, and eventually the
prisoner produced it from behind a tea cannister. It was
then found that the paper had been originally addressed
to Mr. Wharton, of Sheerness, and still had the penny
stamp upon it. The prisoner now confessed that he had
stole the paper from the letter box, and that he had been
in the habit of doing the same sort of thing for six
months past, about two or three times a week Wit-
ness asked him if he had not also stolen some letters ?
He replied that he had not, .but admitted, in answer
to another question, " that when a pretty girl had
come and posted a letter at the office, he had occasionally
opened it out of curiosity, just to see what it was about ;
but he had invariably sealed it up again and despatched
it with the other letters." The outside of another
copy of the Times, addressed to Mr. R. Thornton, of
Felton, Northumberland, was found in the prisoner's
room. This paper bore the impressed stamp.
Miss E. Wharton, of Lawn-place, Lambeth, the young
lady who addressed and posted the first paper referred to
in evidence, was called to identify the same, and the offi-
cers stated that about 301. was found in the possession
of the prisoner, who said he got the money by successful
betting.
The prisoner, who offered no defence, was committed
for trial.

A dissolution of Parliament is opposed by some
very sincere and well-meaning persons, from a fear
that it would give scope for the machinations of
those political intriguers who are endeavouring to
lash the public up to a war fever. This objection
is only partially well-founded. Violent articles in
newspapers do not constitute public opinion, which
acts upon principles wholly independent of such
incentives. So long as the present House of Com-
mons remains in the enjoyment of its functions,
so long will such violent appeals to popular pas-
sions furnish weapons to those desperate intriguers,
who are seeking a majority by profligate combina-
tions. They pass, in fact, for public opinion, only
until the reality is made known.
But an Appeal to the People would destroy that
temporary drawback to a sound judgment by the
whole Nation on the great question which must
soon be discussed. One great evil of our present
system is, that enough confidence is not placed in
the people at large, while too much attention is be-
stowed on those who profess to represent their
feelings. That foreign Statesmen should allow
these noisy intriguers to impose upon them is not
surprising, but it is scarcely credible that person-
ages in high places here at home should share in
that delusion. Those who mix much with different
classes of the people do not believe that they are
actuated by the savage thirst for war attributed
to them by a portion of the Press. On the con-
trary, they are known to take a sober and steady
view of the question, and to desire a continuance
of the war, not for its own sake, but only that its
legitimate objects may be attained. Although
Lord Palmerston is no longer in the- proud posi-
tion he held in the latter days of the Coalition,
and the earlier ones of the present Ministry, still
his name and policy are so intimately associated
with the dignity of the nation, as involved in the
struggle with Russia, that there can be but little
doubt as to the result of a general election.
What is now desired is, that the policy of the
Government and the tone of the House of Commons
shall be in accordance with the real sense of the
nation. As the present House is constituted, this
is impossible. Lord Derby boasted not long ago
of his compact phalanx of three hundred mem-
bers, whom the Tory Chiefs look upon as so many
troops ready to follow them through any political
manoeuvre they may contemplate. The gentlemen
who are avowedly of the Peace Party are equally
well organised ; and as they are all bent on fight-
ing the mere battle of power, even at the expense
of the honour of the country, a result might be
produced which would be very prejudicial,
although arrived at in strict accordance with con-
stitutional forms.

This was the war (! 0 policy of Lord Aberdeen.
There is too much reason to fear that the same po-
licy at this moment is paralysing our efforts, and
that the victorious arm of our generals has been
stayed because some secret assurances are given
that projects of peace may be entertained. We
yesterday stated some of the reasons that led us to
this conclusion. We adverted to the sparing of
Odessa, the withdrawal of the expedition against
Nicolaieff, but, above all, to the utter absence of
that preparation which is indispensably requisite
if we purpose during the next summer to do more
than dawdle through another six months of useless
and aimless fighting.
It will not do for Lord Palmerston's friends to
throw out hints, as they are doing, that he is not
master in his own Cabinet, and that other in-
fluences control his energy and his sincerity in the
war. Were all they say of him true it would not
mend his position or diminish his responsibility.
Nay, it would increase the latter, as it makes him,
for the sake of place, the tool of others. But upon
th• whole Cabinet the responsibility must jointly
fall, and more heavily upon its 'chief. The Minis-
ters who will trifle with this tsar, and not Mr.
Gladstone or Mr. Bright, are the true party of ,
Russia in this country. They are dispiriting the
national ardour and wearying out the national en-
thusiasm. If we are to have a real and earnest
war against Russia there is no sacrifice that can be
called for to which the British nation will not
readily submit to carry it on. But we are a little
impatient at having all the inconveniences of war
without the compensation of its high and inspirit-
ing object. We are not satisfied with real taxes
and a sham war. Nay, we cannot wonder, if this
system of diplomatic hostility is carried on, if men
the most anxious for the honour of England will
at last prefer the terms of the most humiliating
peace to the intolerable and constant degradation
of weak and aimless hostilities.

Mr. Fairchild thinking it highly probable that the firm
had been robbed from the facilities afforded the prisoner,
owing to their great confidence in him, applied that the
money found on him should be detained, at least for the
present.

Mr. Hall said he had no power to make any order
upon the subject.

There is a precedent for this state of things which
is suitable to the present crisis. We all remem-
ber the circumstances under which Sir Robert
Peel took office towards the close of 1841. Al-
though it was not he who dissolved the Parliament
at that epoch, the result was an almost unprece-
dented majority in his favour. He had carefully
abstained from pledging himself to any particular
policy, but was generally supposed to favour the
prevailing dogmas of the Tories, as Lord Palmer-
ston is now, by the greater portion of the public,
believed to be a war Minister, and a sincere hater
of Russia. in effect, the Parliament of 1841 was
favourable to a species of Dictatorship, as the only
mode of solving the difficulties of the time ; and Sir
R. Peel was the Dictator chosen, because he was
believed to be the most powerful, sound, and saga-
cious, as well as the best informed among the states-
men of his age. Armed with this immense moral
power, Sir R. Peel was enabled to carry those salu-
tary improvements in our commercial system which
staved off menacing political and social dangers,
and ultimately to repeal the Corn Laws.
England requires at th-tiTtesent moment a Minis-
ter who shall be practically in the position held by
Sir Robert Peel at that epoch. Without for one
moment instituting a comparison between him and
Lord Palmerston, it may be said that they had
one advantage in common. Lord Palmerston is
the only statesman of the day who could even hope
to rally round himself the popular confidence, in
the sense in which it was accorded to Sir Robert
Peel. He might not command a majority so large
as that which placed that Statesman in the proud
position of Dictator of the affairs of his country,
but he would at least have a Parliament purged of
the factious elements which now impede the
wholesome action of legislation and government,
and which would discharge its functions under the
moral control of public opinion.
Lord Palmerston's personal ambition would of

LAMBETH.—It will be in the recollection of our
readers, that on Monday last the churchwardens of the
district church of St. Matthew, North Brixton, obtained
a summons in this court against the Rev. Dr. Vaughan,
incumbent, upon a charge of having committed irregu-
larities in the matter of certain funeral foes charged to
parties residing out of the parish, and making false en-
tries in the parish register in connection therewith.
Yesterday a geod deal of surprise was excited in court
by the appearance of Dr. Vaughan, who made applica-
tion to Mr. Elliott for a summons against Mr. Malby,
sexton of the district church, upon whose evidence prin-
cipally the summons against Dr. Vaughan himself was
granted. The ground of the present application was
perjury, alleged by Dr. Vaughan to have been com-
mitted by Malby in a recent action brought by Dr.
Vaughan in the Lambeth Coonty Court, fur the recovery
of a sum of money lent by him (Vaughan) to Malby,
when the latter was, upon his own showing, in a state
of distress. Upon the trial Malby swore that Dr.
Vaughan bad not lent him the money as asserted.
The summons was granted.
Ann ilarper, a fashionably-dressed young woman,
was brought up for final examination, on a charge of
attempting to pick pockets at the Waterloo Station of
Use South-Western Railway.
From the statement of Inspector Thomas Bent, it ap-
pears that on the evening of Wednesday week he saw the
prisoner came up the steps, and get on the arrival plat-
form, at five o'clock, and as the passengers got out of a
train that had just arrived, she, after saying something
to the person who was with her, mixed with the crowd.
Suspecting her object, he watched her closely, and saw
her put her band into the pocket of a female. She did
not take anything, but that she was there for the pur-
pose of committing felonies there could be no doubt.
Mr. Solomon, who attended on behalf of the prisoner,
said she was a member of a most respectable family, but
had been seduced and brought to town by a gentleman
who had deceived her.

We make these observations in no spirit of party.
The crisis is one of true peril to the country. If,
during the winter, we are once more to wait upon
the diplomatic follies of Continental despots—if we
are to dispirit the national enthusiasm and let
down our national dignity by being entangled in
the meshes of private negotiation—we believe that
next year will witness the old result. We shall
come out of diplomacy without honour, to take the
field without success.
At last, surely, the time is come when, if we are
to strike at Russia, it must not be with the blind
boxer's blows. The duty of the English Minister is
now to form the plan by which Russian power can
best and most speedily be reduced. It is his duty
to call upon the nation to put forth all its energies
to execute that plan. The Minister who is now
turned aside from this by the low considerations of
Cabinet convenience, or drawn off from it by the
delusive offers of a hollow mediation, will, unless
the people rescue the country from him, be an-
swerable for the loss of England's place wrong the
nations of the world.

The Magistrate said there could be no doubt that the
prisoner was at the railway station for dishonest pur-
poses, and he should therefore commit her to the House
of Correction for three months.

course be advanced by such atriumph, but it would
not be for his sake that the people would rouse
themselves. Delusions, once very strong, on the
subject of his fitness to conduct the affairs of the
country, have now been to agreat extent destroyed,
and it is rather the name of the Premier abroad
than his real services at home, on account of which
he would be empowered. His appointment to form
a Government was a manifesto that the nation
had discarded the policy of Lord Aberdeen for
more vigorous courses of action. The same influ-
ences which then bore him into office still remain
in full force. As there is no other Statesman of
the day who could conduct the present war, and
the consequent policy of the country, with so much
prestige, so also there is not one who could with
so much authority and fearlessness adopt a more
moderate course. The noble lord himself would
seem to be conscious of the responsibility imposed
upon him by his antecedents and his present posi-
tion. Nothing short of such a conviction could

COURT OF ALDERMEN.

Yesterday a court was held.

Alderman and Sheriff Rosa said he wished to know
who was responsible at the present moment as governor
of Newgate, for the safe custody of prisoners committed
to that gaol. He asked the question, as two prisoners
were in the daily habit of being taken from that gaol for
the purpose of attending examinations at the Court of
Bankruptcy, and in the event of an escape, instances of
which had before occurred, it was desirable to know who
was responsible to the Sheriffs and to that court.
Alderman WIRE-Mr. Cope is governor of Newgate,
and the sheriffs are responsible.

Alderman ROSE—Is Mr. Cope still responsible ?
Sir P. LAURIE—Yes, until another governor is ap.
pointed.

OFFICE OF GOVERNOR OF NEWGATE.

Mr. WOODTHOIIPE read a report from the gaol com-
mittee, stating that after an examination of the testimo-
nials of the different candidates for the situation of go-
vernor of Newgate, they were of opinion that Mr. J
Wetherhead was best qualified to fulfil the duties of
that office.

induce a proudman—as proud in his personal cha-
racter as he is of the traditions of his order—to
bear the humiliation he suffers from the repug-
nance of the chiefs of other parties to coalesce with
him in the Government, and by the restive and
capricious conduct of the House of Commons. He
is not the first Prime Minister of this counrty
whose freedom of action has been impeded by an
anomalous veto, permitted, though scarcely recog-
nised, by the Constitution. If such an influence
were exercised, and he were to succumb to it, he
would set a dangerous example, which might be
used, at some more critical period, to disturb that
balance of the three estates of the realm, upon
which depends, theoretically at least, the whole-
some action of our political system.
Whether Lord Palmerston's rumoured applica-
tions to the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Sidney
Herbert do or do not result in the same failure
that attended his offer to Lord Stanley, is a mat-
ter of very little consequence to the country. Lord
Palmerston may shrink from adopting the ex-
treme course of dissolving Parliament, until he
has tried every possible combination of parties in
the existing house. At a general election, some of
those
mrewsuilllt
d himself
Will disappear, while others will be much
weakened. At all events, there will have been a
fair and clear test of public opinion, and, if it
sheorusltdon in a
a Ministerialrm emajority,with
f ul Lordl
powers Pa-
either vigorously to push the war, or to conclude
an honourable Peace.

Sir P. Lauxu said he considered the committee had
made an excellent selection.

Sir H. MIIGGERIDGE thought the committee had se
lected the best man.

On the motion of Alderman WIRE, th• report was
agreed to, and the election was fixed to take place at the
next Court of Aldermen.

The Lord Mayor, the Lord Mayor Elect (Alderman
Salomons), and the chief officers of the corporation then
proceeded to the Guildhall, where the Lord Mayor Elect
was sworn into his new office. The hon. alderman was
loudly cheered at the conclusion of the ceremony.

(From the Morning Ilerald of this day.)
The more reflection is given to the present posi-
tionthat otfheaffeauirrase, the
of a mcoorwearre-adlson appearsto apprehend
macy still throws its vritheyrianng l
.un-English diplo-
auence over the
councils of England. There is
anblunt and sturdy
good sense about our Saxon character which does
not understand the mixture of war and negotiation,
which prevents either from being effective. This
attempt to combine the two has been they%
all the disasters that have attended the nationuselAci'f
have made war in the spirit of negotiation, and we
We
have negotiated in the temper of hostility. We
have dallied over our warlike operations because
fools have been dreaming that the efforts of some
secret diplomacymight bring about peace. We have
failed in our attempts at negotiations because we
entered upon them with views that are only to be
reconciled with war : hence it is that in diplomacy
we have only made ourselves absurd) "Min war we