The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-07 00:00:00

over again warned the Government that Kertch and
Anapa were the strategic points, as their occupation
would cut off communication between the European and
Asiatic armies of the Czar, and would prevent all reinforce-
men and materiel from reaching the one, and nearly all
resources and provisions from reaching the other. In
proof of this we ask, who offered the stoutest re-
sistance to our men upon the bloody heights of Alma ?
We answer, the ex-garrison of Anapa, brought across
the straits without interruption from our cruisers, when
the very first announcement made by a contemporary,
on the part of the Cabinet, that the expedition to the
Crimea was about to take place. On the other hand,
we spared Odessa ; and we ask, who headed the attacks
at Inkerman and .Balaklava ? We answer, the corps of
Osten-Saeken and Liprandi, brought through that very
town of Odessa, and supported from it, having been re-
leased for that purpose by the treasonable arrangement
made with Austria for the occupation of the Principali-
ties, and the withdrawal of the Turkish army to embark
for Eupatoria.
By the way, we may observe, en passant, that those
doable external lines, of which Eupatoria formed the
base of one, were totally contrary to the rules of war,
and we now find that some slight returning dawn of
sense has induced our loaders, at last, to withdraw the
great mass of Omer Pacha's army from that point, in
order to reinforce what must now be the main attack,
that upon the height above the Tchernaya. This by the
way.

We pointed out some days ago, and must now repeat,
that the great sufferings of our army during the winter
'months, when our men lived upon rations of raw pork
and unroasted coffee, and were left totally unsupplied
with fuel to convert either of those materials to proper
food for human beings, and when consequently our hope-
less invalids, sent from Balaklava to Scutari, amounted
to the frightful number of 1.000 per week, exclusive of
those, perhaps, more fortunate soldiers who were buried
where their tents stood—all this, we repeat, was occa-
sioned by the successful operation by which Liprandi,
on the 25th October, seized on the command of the
Woronzow-road, and threw us back from our only line of
communication upon the hills and valleys of mud which
intervened between the trenches and the harbour.
Now, we assert that that army of Liprandi could
never have held the ground—so useful to Russia,
so fatal to us—for a single month, bad the means of
procuring supplies from the Sea of Azoff been cut off,
as, according to all ordinary strategy, they should have
been, anterior to the arrival of the expedition before
Sebastopol. In fact, the whole of our misfortunes,
and the whole power of the Russians to sustain the
siege for eight months, is attributable entirely to this
fatal omission.
We have been induced to enter upon this long resume,
in order to point out to our readers who are the parties
that should be held accountable for all this calamity.
We say that the blood of our soldiers cries from the
ground, and must have satisfaction. We proceed to
point out how this satisfaction is to be procured.
As each and every one of the operations which
we have detailed as essentially necessary must have
been performed by the agency of the fleet, it
obvious that the channel of communication between
the Cabinet and the admiral must have been the
First Lord of t' ,e Admiralty. We say the Cabinet, be-
cause the omissions we refer to were fully as much the
omissions of Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston
as they were the omissions of the Duke of Newcastle
and Lord Aberdeen ; and the measure which should be
meted to the one should be meted to the others. Be-
fore Mr. Roebuck's committee Sir James Graham
stated that the First Lord of the Admiralty possessed
the power—apparently irrespensible—of superseding the
public instructions given to the admirals of our fleets by
private letters ; that those private letters were impera-
tive, but that in no case was the admiral to be permit-
ted to produce those private communications in his own
defence, although bound to obey them. Now, we say
that neither King nor Kaiser ever possessed a greater
or more objectionable authority than this, and the exer-
cise of it by the late Cabinet through the First Lori
should be probed to the bottom. Unless this be done
we shall never arrive at the truth. An opportunity of
doing so existed during the Sebastopol committee, and
Admiral Dundas admitted that he was in possession
of despatches of a secret nature, and it was in the
power of the committee to have had them had they so
chosen. True, however, to their instincts and habits as
"independent members" in the present Parliament
(those instincts and habits being always to come to the
rescue of a so-called " Liberal " Government, however
unconstitutional their proceedings), the managers of that
committee, upon consideration with closed doors, decided
against availing themselves of the only possible mode of
examining into that inquiry— which they were appointed
and expected by the public to investigate thoroughly.
We verily believe that these secret despatches from
the First Lord to our admirals contain the whole of
those treasonable arcana by means of which our fleets
have been baffled in the Baltic, while millions of money
and thousands of men have been sacrificed in the Black
Sea

The house meets again to-day to investigate these
matters ; and we ask, has no man the courage and pa-
triotism to demand that the admirals be called to the
bar, and their secret instruction's read publicly to the
representatives of the nation ? Until some such step he
taken the public will vainly demand the punishment of
the real offenders—those who ordered the immunity of
Odessa and prohibited the occupation of the Sea of Azoff.

(From the Times of this day.)

Although the conference at Vienna has now been
brought to a formal termination, and the propositions
which have been discussed there by the plenipotentiaries
of Europe, with more or less success, must be consi-
dered altogether in abeyance, we see no reason to desist
from the opinion we have more than once expressed,
that it is both just and expedient to take such measures
as may be in the power of the Allies to restore a settle:)
and permanent form of government in the Principalities
of the Danube. The war may last an indefinite period,
and may lead in other respects to results we cannot at
this time foresee, but it is monstrous to act as if two
vast dependencies of the Ottoman empire, peopled by
four millions of inhabitants, and enjoying every element
of prosperity except peace and good government, should
be left in this deplorable condition, outraged by
foreign occupation, and oppressed by the most venal
of governments, until the Western Powers and the
Czar have settled their disputes. Russia has been
driven from the Principalities, and they are nomi-
nally restored to the authority of the Porte,
which is represented at Bucharest by the Hos-
podar, Prince Stirbey. We really are at a logs to
discover the motive which led to the restoration of this
personage at the very time when the influence of the
Western Courts ought to have had some weight at Con-
stantinople. Upon Stirbey's return to Bucharest he
retained in office the very men who had most actively
served the Russian party during their occupation. He
expelled several members of the national party without
cause from the country, and every kind of abuse con-
tinues to be committed under his authority. The
Porte, urged by the British Government, sent a Pasha
to report on the condition of Wallachia ; at the same
time, delegates of the provinces were sent to Constanti-
nople to represent the grievances of the population. The
report of the Commissioner was highly unfavourable,
and an order was given to remove Prince Stirbey, but
means have been found to defeat this measure, and he
still continues to retain his power. The Russian party
among the Boyards of Wallachia is influential, but by
no means numerous. The injuries inflicted by Russian
invasion on the country are too recent and too painful
to be bought off by a few decorations and bribes. The
Principalities have learnt to regard the Russians as their
worst enemies, because they know that the origin of
these incessant inroads and occupations lies at St.
Petersburg. Nevertheless, the reigning Hospodar,
even after his restoration by the Porte, is entirely in
the interests of Russia, the newspapers o ' Bucharest
are not allowed to contain an illusion hostile to Russia,
and even the recent articles in the Moniteur on the con-
duct and objects of the war were not suffered to appear
in Wallachia. The other day one of the Boyards, who
had been appointed to investigate certain charges of
corruption against the administration of the Prince, was
disgraced for having presumed to comment on the fraudu-
lent entries in the public accounts. It is notorious that
large aurns of money voted for the construction of roads,
for the maintenance of schools and hospitals, and other
public improvements, have been appropriated to very
different purposes. Meanwhile, the condition of the
country continues to be deplorable. Hopes had been
entertained that the exportation of corn by the Danube
in neutral ships would be permitted, but we have recent
intelligence that the whole trading flotilla of the Greek
merchants which had been sent up the river for this pur-
pose has been stopped by the Rusesian batteries on the
Bessarabian shore. So much for the Russian promise
to Germany to adhere to the second point, which secured
the free navigation of the Danube I The Austrian occu-
pation is, in fact, a protracted subversion of legal autho-
rity in the country, for the only military objects it could
serve have been long since accomplished, and the troops
remain there, not for the protection of Turkey, but for
the oppression of their fellow-Christians by means which
cause even
tthhaet Mah
this
o ismaedsatan yoketeof toth be
things which
ieetht ed.
We sayneed
not
continue, and which ought not to continue. Its existence
can only serve the purposes of the Russian or the revolu-
tionary party, but every other Power has a common in-
terest with the people of the country in the restoration
of a permanent and respectable form of internal govern-
ment. We do not believe that the undertaking would
be as difficult as has been supposed ; and it ought to be
the more readily performed, as the agents of Russia have
no ostensible right to interfere at all in the matter. The
treaties which gave Russia that right of intervention are
by common consent, and by the effect of war, at an end.
It becomes the duty of the Porte, as the suzerain of these
provinces, to provide suitable and permanent means for
carrying on the government, both with a view to rid the
country of the burden of a foreign occupation, now alto-
gether superfluous, and- to maintain that authority to
which the provinces look for the protection of their inde-
pendence. It is undoubtedly true that, but for the tie
which connects these States with the Ottoman empire,
they would lohg since have been absorbed by Russia or
by Austria. That is the best justification of their some-
what anomalous connection with the Porte, for it gives
them the security of a large empire for the defence of
their territory, while they have the advantages of a small
State for the purposes of self-government.
The prospect of a fresh invasion of the principalities
by Russia is extremely remote and improbable.. It will
be long before
goirsdfuragr thestoaptereamtiopniroef
oreffceonvseivrse
wthare,saturdentgotheroreu-
be
haveli t o
oGwae r mrevertedifnoralal
tphreobParbui
lity, tthoe
ttouwiahtatstoautgehtofto
pbeeace is hardly less
tlohnogugthimaettopereosmene
state of peace,
onerous than the hardships of war. T' ue present, there-
fore, is the time to ameliorate their
one attempting to work any
extensFondition, and, with-
ive change in their.
political confititution, Which ii not a bad one, to endea-