The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-15 00:00:00

MPERI,AL PARLIAMENT.

vantages and its dangers. (Hear, hoar.) Its advantages
are all for the public, and its dangers are for the indivi-
dual who adopts that as his principle of government.
(Hear.) I have myself seen disaster converted into victory,
and discouragement into enthusiasm. I have seen public
confidence re-established • I have seen public prosperity
carried to an unexampled degree of increase, beyond what.
at any previous period, it has been known to attain to ; and
I have been able, in a very great measure, to trace all these
advantages in the condition of the State to the adoption of
the principle of regarding solely the fitness of individuals
in their selection for public employments. (Hear.) lam
enabled, at the same time, to inform your lordships that
there is this danger to the individual who acts on that prin-
ciple—that he is surrounded by persons, by disappointed
jobbers, and by little-minded men, depending for their
promotion on patronage and favour, who will, animated
by the most unscrupulous animosity, join together for the
purpose of overwhelming his Government. (Hear, hear.)
And if, in consequence of the present feeling of the people,
any'Government should be established in this country de-
termined to act on the principle I have mentioned, I feel
assured that it woukl be in danger from the same hostility,
unless it received the constant, uniform, and vigilant sup-
port of the people, on whom it alone could depend for sup-
port. (Hear.) I have been not unobservant of the events
which have taken place in this country during a very con-
siderable period of time ; and I have conversed with many
who have equally regarded those events with vigilant ob-
servation ; and it is certainly in accordance with my obser-
vation, and with that of others, that a very great, and, as
I think, very dangerous change has come over the practice
of the constitution. The time was when speeches in Par-
liament directed public opinion—(hear)—when, whatever
might have been the feellieg during the recess, whatever
might have been the success of agitators during the period
while Parliament was not sitting, the meeting of Parlia-
ment, and the announcement of the opinions of those who
were in the habit of leading parties in Parliament, at
once gave a direction to public opinion and brought it into
a right and safe course. I fear there has bren growing up
a very material change in this respect. Public opinion
now is, few., more generally•formed out of doors, and,
being there formed, acts on the conduct of Parliament. I
look with great apprehension to a state of things in which
persons, however unable, yet wholly irresponsible, possess
power creator perhaps than that of Parliament. I look
with apprehensionto a state of things in which those whom
I may call " the gentlemen of the platform" have more
influence by their speeches than " the gentlemen of the
House of Commons." That state of things has been grow-
ing up in this country. It fills me with considerable
alarm. I know the importance of watching public opinion.
I know the importance of endeavouring to direct it. It
appears to me that public opinion, if I may so express
myself, in a manner resembles a great river between
twd dikes. The waters rise gradually, slowly, imper-
ceptibly, and without danger, apparently, in the eyes of
those unaccustomed to their progress; but at last they in-
crease to such a height that they overtop and destroy the
dike, and, pouring down on the plain, desolate every-thing
before them. The same waters, however, if distributed by
prudent and judicious management into streamlets run-
ning t4hrough the fields, would fertilise and beautify the
land. (Hear.) It is with the conviction, then, that it is
essential to the good working of the constitution that Par-
liament should direct, as far as possible, public opinion
that I make this motion. (Hear.) I make it for the pur-
pose of enabling your lordships to place this house in the
font of the people. (Cheers.) I make it for the purpose of
iaclueing you to go to the foot of the Throne as the faith-
ful interpreters of public opinion, to state respectfully to
her Majesty the extent of public dissatisfaction and the ex-
tent of public. complaint ; to state your determination and
that of the people to assist her Majesty with all the re-
sources of the country in the prosecution cf a just and ne-
cessary war ; but at the same time to state your opinion
that the Government must be conducted on the true public
principle of selecting men for employment in consideration
of their means of serving the State. (Hear, hear.) Before
I enter upon the conduct of the war, to which it will be
necessary for me to direct your lordships' attention, allow
me to thaw distinctly the line which appears to me to se-
parate the functions of the Government from the functions
of the general. It is the duty of the Government to form
a plan for the campaign, and it is the duty of the Govern-
ment to place in the hands of the general to whom they
confide the conduct of the campaign the most perfect in-
strument they can prepare for the purpose of obtaining
success—a perfectly well equipped army. It i.e for the
general to carry into execution the plans of the Govern-
ment ; and we, as Parliament, it appears to me, haveonly
to dea with the conduct of the Government. (Hear, bear.)
Your lordships will probably recollect that at the vei y
commencement of this war I, in the most earnest manner,
cautioned the house and the public against looking
too closely into the conduct of the officers in the com-
mand of the fleets and armies. I reminded your
lordships of the extreme sensitiveness of military men, and
of the necessity of leaving their minds on all occasions per-
fectly free to exert all their energies for the public service.
I assured your lordships that the hope of public approba-
tion and the apprehension of public displeasure would al-
ways be sufficient to animate those officers to the utmost
extent of their exertions for their public service. I pro-
pose to adhere to the reserve I recommended to others, and
I wish it to be understood in all I say I deal only with the
Government by whom this war has been conducted.
(Hear.) For the purpose of conducting the war I appre-
hend it will be admitted that is necessary we should have
men and animals—that is, men aided by animals. Unfor-
tunately the war has not been conducted in that way; and
very little exertion appears to have been made for the pur-
pose of providing the army with sufficient strength, and
with the means of moving. It was not in the first in-
Erzance that the standard was reduced, nor was it at
an early period that the bounty was increased, but
it was by lowering the standard and by increasing the
bounty that the army must be augmented. On a recent
occasion the Minister of War very properly issued a circu-
lar respecting the militia, which relieved from service those
men who had not entered thatforce with the understanding
that they were to be embodied ; but he accompanied that
measure by the offer of a bounty so extremely small as not
only to endanger the success of the measure, but almost to
secure its failure—(hear, hear)—and I believe that we have
lost the services of from 16,000 to 20,000 men for the pur-
pose of saving some 50,000/. or 60,0001. (Hear, hear.)
There has been no real economy except in that in which
parsimony was most to be rejected, and in which liberality
was most to be invited—namely, in the obtaining of men
for the army and navy, and in providing the army with the
means of moving. I ventured at a very early period to
represent to this house the absolute necessity of taking the
most extensive measures for the purpose of providing the
army with the means of moving, bat it is only within
the last three months that any effectual measures
have been taken for that purpose—(hear, hear)—and
at this moment the army cannot move, and never has
been able to move. This immoveability, in consequence of
the want of animals, has been the cause of many of the
errors which have pervaded the campaign. My lords, early
in the last year it was decided, I think most properly, to
separate the Colonial Department from the Department of
War; but, when that division took place, no measures were
adopted—as should have been the case—for the purpose of
strengthening the hands of the Minister of War. I en-
tirely object to the principle of pulling to pieces great de-
partments in the midst of a war. lam sure that such a
measure was totally unnecessary. The only thing abso-
lutely necessary wasto give the Minister of War full powers
over all the subordinate departments, to make his orders
run through them, and to give him the power of compel-
ling the execution of any measures he might direct. Had
that power been distinctly given to my noble friend (the
Duke of Newcastle), had he surrounded himself, as I think
he should have done, with a military staff, instead of de-
pending upon civil clerks—had it been thoroughly under-
stood in the Government that the noble duke's orders were
at once to be executed in all departments, I firmly believe
that many of the disasters which have occurred would
have been prevented. But I fear the noble duke has had
to fight a battle here as well as in the Crimea—l fear that
he has had to wrest the Commissariat from Sir C. Trevel-
yan—that ho has had to wrest the Laud Transport Corps
from the Commissariat —that there have been difficulties
here as well as in the Crimea—and that those difficulties
have to a very great extent led to the failures we have
experienced. My lords, at the commencement of the war
the manner in which our forces should act was a matter of
the most careful and anxious consideration on the part o' her
Majesty's Government—whether the army should act as a
separate body, or whether it should unite in operation
with the army of France. The objection to the union of
the armies was obvious—the existence of divided commands,
an inconvenience which no extent of cordiality and good
sense on the part of the generals could by possibility alto-
gether obviate. (Hear.) It is almost impossible for any
two men, however able they may be, to conduct difficult
military operations with success under the principle of a
divided command. (Hear.) Napoleon said, with perfect
truth, that it was better to appoint one general of ordinary
abilities to the command of an army than two men of supe-
rior abilities having a divided command; and, depend
upon it, unity of command is that which most contributes
to S.UCC3i3S. We had the opportunity of employing our
troops to a certain extent, perhaps, in the Black Sea, on a
separate expedition ; but we had before us the Baltic, the
true sphere of our operations. Icon, however, quite under-
stand that her Majesty's Government might have been desir-
ous that the armies and navies of the two countries should ap-
pear together wherever operations were carried on, and I do
not deny that there wasconsiderable advantage in that unity
of operations, but it was an advantage deeply purchased
by the want of unity of command. It was decided that the
war should be carried on in the Baltic, and also in the
Black Sea. Now, my lords, any one who takes the trouble
of looking carefully through the charts of the Baltic will
have seen that, while the Russians had taken every precau-
tion, by the erection of defences, to prevent ships of large
draught of water from entering their ports and from coming
near their dockyards, the same precautions had not been
taken against the attacks of vessels of a smaller class, and
'diet both at Sweaborg and at Croustadt there were oppor-
tunities of turning the dockyards and of attacking them by
vessels of small draught of water. It was obvious that, in
the case of such an operation, it would be most advisable
to have at hand a body of troops, because if the marines
were landed from the ships for employment on shore the
strength of the fleet would of course be materially dimi-
nished, and its efficiency foraction would be considerablyire•
paired. Neither of these considerations appear, however, to
have occurred to her Majesty's Government. They sent a fleet
to the Baltic without gun-boats and witnout troops. They
rendered it impossible to obtain success with the moans
which they placed in the hands of the admiral. The admiral
did as much as he could do with the means which were in-
trusted to him. I deeply regret that the public expecta-
tions were so highly raised at the commencement of the
peoplesnul
would
were
oncelecl tobn suppose
performed that a sometby tthe
e fleet.xt r a
(Hear, hear.)
ewradri r;) trhyaservicetthe
v
For those exaggerated expectations two members of the
Government were particu arly responsible. (Hr,
It is, my lords,aseritohuis a
serious to disappoint
it is a crueldisappointpil thingblicex to-
wards in a matter of
the officer in corncnand.
right
lighettinf a First Lord of
venture to say
chat, while I do not question the
the Admiralty—whether he thinks fit
ntoffisetear to haultethegroduor,4idns
of the proceeding or not—to direct an
li!
so
cdtoe
dn give
s. e
think it isfeelng shoef anto offi-
certle
,last ezztent carefully considered and consulted —(hear,
up proper
s co ee
that
an
mthde
should.
hear-)-and I do deeply regret that Sir C. Napier is 'mt.
the only officer employed in the fleet who has hag
eeler It to be a public by
the Admiralty. (Hear,
tym my
"
lords, to consult the
fv..Tel,tio,,7is of every officer who is emploed under the Crown.
either to thaenadd
my to the Mediterranean—first to
sorel'aftalear mugs for the Baltic. Rut it was determined to
Malta, then to
eit
then to Constantinople. I do not object
the lakit two movroena Gallipoli to Constantino
to
curnst4nces of the
unaipoli, or advance of the army to Malta, or from Malts
raweanrta were correct under the then en-
trenchments at Gallipoi Constantinople. I thick
obut when these t
I think the formation of the in-
cuiestitnces thou existiu
was requisite under the circurn-
at Constantinople it waag-1
war which was then
went to take a general vieeedo her
carried on upon the shores fuittytah:
thee
asj
ee
ars o:t s
Asia
ngrirvai:vrean(s.l
in
At the present
as important as i
well as upon the banks of the
moment the war in Asia, which ist'aulbe.
that upon the banks of the Danube=
been altogether '

HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY.)
The lobbies leading to the House of Lords this even-
ing presented a scene of the greatest excitement. In thi,
interior of the house the excitement rivalled that from
without. The•space round the throne was crowded to
excess, and the galleries round the house were filled with
elegantly-dressed ladies. The gallery appropriated to
the members of the House of Commons was also crowded
with members of the other house.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY.
The LORD CHANCELLOR, upon an appeal being madelo
him by Lord LYNDHURST, consented to postpone the re-
committal of the Cambridge University Bill from to-
morrow till that day week.
Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Scot-
land against the sale of intoiricating drinks.
SECOND READINGS.
On the motion of Lord REDESDA.LE, the Surbiton
Improvement, the Newport Corporation, Stourbridge
Gas, East India Railway, and Madras Railway
Bills
were read a second time.,
THIRD READINGS.
On the motion of the same noble lord, the Medical
Invalid and general Life Assurance Bill and the Lands
Improvement CompanY Bill were real a third time any
passed.
The Newspaper Stamp Bill and other bills were real
a first time.
MAYNOOTH.
The Earl of HARROWBY, in reply to the Earl of
Winchelsea, stated that he had received a complaint
from the professors of Maynooth, stating that their evi-
dence had :been privately used by Dr. Cullen to show
the propaganda at Rome that their, opinions ,differed
from the high Roman authorities; He (Lord Harrowby).-
in reply, had told them,,that the .evidence having ulti-
mately become,- a public document, and known to the
world, its early cemmunication to Rome" by Dr. Cullen
merely anticipated its knowledge there ; so that it was
erroneous to iFtpute the prliate Connection to the effect
that had been unguted,
CONDITCT.OP Th..E: WAR.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGII, who had the following
6u
'the 'the - • •
"That a humble ad' drveisi
_be p.re7senr 'te6l,te her.3Nesty, ,
" To assure her .liNeafy. of ourTAntiwaed support in tile
prosecution of the' just and necessary war in which her Ma-,
jesty is engaged " •
" To declare the sincere gratifie,af,ion ,With which we have
regarded the perfect ceinpannity of counsels between her Ma-
jesty and the Emperor of flip French, Rid have seen friendli-
ness established and increasing. between-the French people
and our own—events full of hOpe for the future to other na-
tions as well as to ourselves ;
"To express our -admiration of the many deeds of valour
by which the allied -forces in the East have illustrated their
brotherhood in arnis, and our satisfaction that the bray.,
army of Piedmont is now ealled to participate in their actions
and in their fame ;
"To declare our persuanion that, amid all their disap-
pointments, the peeple of this country still retain the gene-
rous feelings which ..le4 them at the commencement of the war,
willingly to pace aft the required from them at her
Majesty's disposal—that they *in protect the weak
against the aggression,a the strong*---and that they are not
prepared, to consent that gussia shall,
.by her increasing pre-
ponderance, so controflhe'Turkish Goveynment as actuar
to hold Constantinople within her grasp ; . - •
" To acqUaint.her g4e.sty that, while we admit and lamest •
the privations to which war necessarily_subjects_ all classes oi
the people? we yet venture to assure her Majesty that they
would in so just a" cause bear those privations without com-
plaint if they Could file]. that the war had been well conducte('
—that the troops had net been exposed to any hardships
which could have been avoided by forethought—and that
everything had been done to enable them to achieve decisive
success ;
" Ilumbly to represent to her Majesty that her people.
suffering privations on account of this war, have as ye.
had no such consolation ; that, on the contrarj, we cannot
withhold from her Majesty the avowal of our convictich
that the conduct of the war has occasioned general dissatis-
faction and given rise to just complaints ; and that we mu,':
humbly lay before her Majesty our deliberate opinion tha
it i only through the selection of men for public employmec
without regard to anything but the public service that th,
country can hope to prosecute the war successfully, and t(
obtain its only legitimate object—a secure and honourable
peace ;"

rose and said,—My lords, it is now more than a year that
we have been at war,—a period somewhat longer, I be-
lieve, than the war itself was expected to last by the Mi-
istry that entered into it,—and during that period we hav I
brought forward the whole military force of the country
such as it is, and also the whole of its naval force. We
have had no reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of
our soldiers and seamen (hear, hear); but, on the contrary,
they have rivalled the great actions of those who have pre-
ceded them in former wars, and haVe been led ou all occa-
sions by English gentlemen with their accustomed spirit
and devotion. (Hear, hear.) We have been allied with
the greatest military. Power in Europe—a Power, too.
almost our own equal in naval strength. There has existed
the most cordial -anion between the forces of the two
Powers; and yet, my lords, obtaining, as we have ob-
tained, so much glory, by the side of that glory we have
seen unusual suffering, and, notwithstanding all our
strength, united to that of France, notwithstanding all the,
devotion'of our troops, we have not as yet obtained an}
decisive success, nor can any man say that, at the present
moment, there is any expectation of so doing. This alone,
my lords, would justify me in calling your lordships' at-
tention to the subject, and in asking you to consider what
may be the causes from which this failure has originated,
and what are the remedies which it may be expedient 10
apply. Very recently, too, another event has taken place •
which gives a still graver character to the war. The ne-
gotiations at Vienna have failed, and they have failed in
such a manner—that is, by the production on the part of
Russia of proposals which were perfectly inadmissible—
(hear, hear)—as to afford the apprehension of a protracted
war as well as of a great contest. My lords, under
these circumstancee I feel that if any apology be necessary
for now calling your lordships' attention to the subject, it
is an apology for not having brought forward this question
at an earlier period. But, my lords, since the accession of
Lord Palmerston to office there has been a sort of torpor in
public affairs, and there has been nothing to induce any
man to bring forward a great public question. If it had
rested with that noble lord the torpor which has existed in
parliament would have been extended to the public mind,
for the very first measure which heattempted to carry was
a measure for the purpose of stifling the Committee of In-
quiry into the state of the army before Sebastopol, a com-
mittee voted by the great majority of the House of Com-
mons, and supported almost unanimously by the people of
this country. (Hear.) Strange and singular was the course
adopted by the noble lord for the purpose of inducing the
House of Commons to rescind the resolution at which it had
arrived. He desired to bepermitted to appear in the world',
masquerade in the historical character of Richard 11., whe
fell, as history points out, because he exercised undue
private partiality, instead of a desire for the public good,
in the appointments of persons to office, and because he
utterly disregarded the opinions of the public. But, my
lords, it was represented that Lord Palmerston was the
fittest person to conduct the affairs of the country in time
of war on account of his military experience. Now, cer-
tainly, that noble lord has during his political life, now
extended over a considerable period, for a long time held
the office of Secretary at War. Now, that office is not b:-
any means connected with the direction of war, but has
only to deal with the financial affairs of the army, but,
nevertheless, he has been represented, because he so long
held that office, as possessing great military experience
We have recently found that Mr. Sidney Herbert, who
lately occupied the position of Secretary at War, very
properly, as I think, in the discharge of duties of a pub-
lic nature, assisted the noble duke who was then at the
head of the War, Department, but that was by
no means done by him in the character of
Secretary at War, nor had the Secretary at War, as
such, anythigg to do with the direction of a war i
If Lord Palmerston, holding that office, acquired great
military experience and established a great military repu-
tation, that circumstance must have been known to the
late ake of Wellington, and would have certainly tended
to make him desire to retain him in the Administration of
which he was the head. Ido not mean to say that the
Duke of Wellington- did not entertain a high opinion of
Lord Palmerston's military capacity, but I recollect one
circumstance which leads me rather to doubt that he did
so. I recollect sitting by the side of the Duke of Welling-
ton in this house during the unfortunate difficulty between
himself and Mr. Huskisson, which led to the resignation
of a portion of the gentlemen who then formed the Coali-
tion Government. The Duke of Wellington was called
out of the house on the occasion to which I refer, and on
his return he said to me, "That was Lord Palmerston who
wanted to see me, in order to tell me that if Huskisson
-went out he would go to. I made no reply, for it is not
for me to fire great guns at small birds." (Loud laughter.)
tich, at the time, was the opinion of the Duke of Welling-
nil:- Now, I will not pretend to say that the small bird
ain_y not in subsequent times have attained to the dirnen-
-still, at tbheete
Ili.l. and. perhaps, the character of the eagle--(laughter)
peered to nod referred to such as I have stated ap-
a short time age opinion of the Duke of Wellington. But
formed the poo_the public instructors of the country in-
necessary to
piPl that the man of all others whom it was
Palmerston. He
win the position of Minister was Lord
man of the sittationag4 t° use the phrase in vogue " the
that unfortunate wee,ssn Nations will sometimes indulge in
divicluals they will grze which occasionally afflicts in-
indulged in by the
country, and that
easTnally
people of a fancy. This weakness was
Pined to the people whicla°octhi
rasses—namely, hap-
vidualsrepent-
who indulge in like we happens to indi-
ance soon followed on tha inCi.
of the weakness.
I believe that there is hardl; "nee
as the people of this coantryal ".^Ple so reads-
up to the admiration of an indm,i themselves
short period. For a short period—but u;',,lr for 2
short pez•iod -- nothing can. exceed the um, a very
warmth of
that
by a frigid inditTer-
affection and admiration, which they maintain
for
mme
individual, but a change soon comesiover them, and
warmth of affection is soon followed
we than equal
enc,, tr nal to the Int,ngit,y of the admi t' In•
before entertained. I fear thet at the present momentrl the
e
feeling of the people is in that cold state, and that they
have become gradually disappointed at their adoption of the
man whom they shortly ago desired to see at the head of
h;1 1, rl'Arnent has been in
th® Government (Hear.) W.-..-e 3.
a state of torpor the public has been thinking, and the pub-
lic has come to certain conclusions, which appear to be just
o,‘ to the conduct of the war, and as to the means to .be
adopted, in future for the appoittrnents to those ,b "enced. The people
have sets thit the
.have c.x.i.tsoirti
purp,ose of avoiding similar dis-
is necessary, in the
se
rcfr-7: lt.4.o=us-1.2-th a
public employments, to
'1,./ seitvertktaQ:l3.l''2'not to act by favour. I am
I, titOes tbei 11447::•,.. inion ; for it has been at
fieneivnit—for: a ab,,rilsl:l on which I have acted,
.stn of power; and Ica e_ I have been in Posses'
;
(
~ .1-,------

11:4,1,,{1

neglected. I can recollect the apprehensions which were
entertained in 1829 at the advance of Prince Paskiewitsch
from Erzeroum to Constantinople. The danger to Con-
stantinople was almost as great on the Asiatic as on the
European shore. Any blow struck against Turkey in Asia
ona,l e
paralyses e
re the
betweenTurkishTurkey
empire.
a and Persia More e than that—
carried on
the whole
b by
e
Trebizond and Erzeroum, and the occupation of those places
by Russia, puts an end to that trade, insulates Persia, and
most materially affects her policy. But, notwithstanding
these circumstanes, we did not carry on war in Asia
as we did in Europe, with army against army. We had
in Asia nations at our disposal. We had nations con-
quered, but yet disposed to throw off the yoke. We had
still more—a gallant nation which has been for years in
arms, successfully defending its independence. We should
make war with theirarmy as well as by the troops wecould
detach for, any operation of this kind ; but this mode of
action has been altogether neglected, and, as far as I can
collect, the appointment of Colonel Williams, who was sent
out as a commissioner, appeared about the same time that
news was received of the defeat of the Turks at Kars, which
appeared to threaten Erzeroum. The Turks were only saved
by the advance of Schainyl. But for that advance the
Russians would have been in Erzeroum. I say then, it
being the duty of the Government to look to the whole war,
it is a most material and serious defect in the conduct of
the war that nothing should have been done for the pur-
pose of acting in Asia. But it was determined to send the
troops to Varna. I entirely approve that movement, and
I thank my noble friend the noble earl late at the head of
her Majesty's Government for having pressed that course
upon his colleagues. I think he did rightly, and for the
reasons which he assigned. Not only was it an excellent
military position—the best which could be selected at the
time—but it " gave the hand" to Austria. That was the
expression of the noble earl, and the view which he enter-
tained was perfectly just and correct. That army, placed
at Varna and at Shumla, threatened Odessa, threatened
Sebastopol, threatened Anapa, threatened every Russian
station upon the Black Sea. It was an excellent po-
sition in itself ; but no • sooner was the army placed
there, and about to give the hand to Austria—no
sooner was Austria about to rest upon that hand—
than we withdrew it, and sent the army to the Cri-
mea. I think that sending the expedition to the Crimea
after Austria had invited our cooperation in the Princi-
palities was as great an error in diplomacy alit was in war-
fare. I ventured to caution the Government at the time as
to the effect which it must have upon thepolicy of Austria.
We have never to this day been in the same position with
respect to Austria in which we were when that offer of co-
operation was made. What did Austria say when she was
informed of the intention of sending the expedition to the
Crimea? "That alters my position. I cannot venture to
fight Russia by myself, and you have withdrawn the force
which might have assisted me." And, my lords, what is it
that we have clone very recently? Almost at the moment
when we were entering upon negotiations, and it wasof the
utmost importance that we should have the cordial assist-
ance of Austria, you withdrew the Turkish army and sent
it from the Principalities to Eupatoria. The best possible
assistance which the Austrian army could have you with-
drew at the very moment when it was most necessary that it
should have something to rely upon. You denuded heralto-
gether of any extraneous assistance, and you left the Aus-
trian army with its line extended from the Pruth to the
north of Galicia—you exposed her whole line to the attack
of the Russian army, with Germany uncertain behind her.
How, then, can you complain of the conduct of Austria? If
you say that Austria has acted with undue timidity, im-
pute it rather to your own mistakes—the mistake of the ex-
pedition to Sebastopol, and the mistake of the expedition to
Eupatoria. Thee two mistakes have paralysed Austria,
and until your army is in a position in which it can assist
the Austrian army you may depend upon it that Austria
never can venture to give you the assistance which you re-
quire. (Hear, hear.) The treaty between Austria and Tur-
key is dated the 14th of June. That treaty was the real
cause of the raising of the siege of Silistria. Had your army
at Varna had the means of movement, can it be doubted
that you would have attempted, before raising the siege of
Silietria, to march to support the Turks? Was it consis-
tent with your honour to allow a place which was the
great safeguard of your army to be taken under your very
eyes ? But the negligence of the Government had left the
army motionless. You could not advance to the relief of
Silistria; and when the Russians, compelled by the advance
of Austria, retired from the Principalities—when any gene-
ral in command of an army that could move would have
pressed upon their rear and have prevented them taking
away the plunder of the Principalities, and retiring by easy
marches into Bessarabia—your army was unable to move.
Why was it unable to wove ? Because ti.e Government had
not provided it with the means. (Hear.) It was no fault of
the general; it was the fault of the Government. No-
thing sufficient was done for the purpose of making those
troops really an army; for troops are not an army unless
they can move into the field. Consider only for a moment
what would have been our position had the proper means.
been taken to make that army moveable, and had it ad-
vance]. You would have had united more than 120,000
men of allies and Turks, in conjunction with, and supported
by, an Austrian army. You would have had Bessarabia,
and would have commenced the campaign from the Dniester;
and the first victory would have placed Odessa, Nicolai, and
the Crimea itself at your feet. It was determined, how-
ever, to send the expedition to Sebastopol. That expedition
involved two conditions, both fatal to the efficiency of an
army. It was quite impossible to send a sufficient force of
cavalry, and it was impossible to send a sufficient number
of animals to move the army. It could, therefore, never
gain a decisive victory, or move in the field 80 as to destroy
the enemy. Had it had cavalry, the victory of the Alma
would have destroyed the Russian army ; had it had the
means of movement when Prince Menschikoff passed the
Belbek, he never would have been allowed to retreat. That
army has since been placed between Sebastopol and the
sea. It is now beleagured, and it cannot move in any di-
rection. It has the sea open to it, but it cannot advance.
It is placed in a position in which it cannot obtain de-
cisive success, and it is placed there by the act of the Go-
vernment. It is the Government, therefore, that I accuse
of the position in which that army is placed. (near,
hear.) I say nothing of the discretion of sending an army
across the sea at the time of the equinox, in 400 vessels,
without having sufficiently reconnoitred the place, or hav-
ing ascertained by information from any quarter what the
amount of the defences might be. or what force the enemy
might be able to bring into the town. If any general had
ventured to do, of his own authority on the field, that
which you compelled our general to do—that is, had he
ventured to attack a place, and had he failed in the attack
in consequence of his not having had information, and not
having reconnoitred the place, he would have been taken
before a court-martial, and would have been dismissed the
service. You, the Government, are answerable for having
effected an operation under these circumstances. I will not
go into the military impolicy of it. If you had taken the
place, and had come away, and had destroyed it, you would
have had no security in peace, because it might have again
been placed in the same condition of defence as before; but,
if you remained during the war to occupy it, you would be
throwing away a great army, and would be detaining it in
a most inconvenient position for the purpose of protecting
the town, whereas a blockade would have effected all your
purpose. Upon these grounds I say that the Government
has not conducted the war well, and that it has placed the
army in a position in which it cannot obtain decisive suc-
cesses. And now, my lords, as regards the third point—
the exposure of the troops to sufferings which forethought
might have avoided. Is there one man in this house or in
the country who does not believe that that was the case?
Hear Dr. Andrew Smith, the gentleman who very pro-
perly advised the Government at a very early period of the
war. He tells you that the lives of hundreds and the
miseries of thousands have been the consequence of not
doing that which might have been done by forethought for
the purpose of preventing the disasters which have occurred.
Ask your admiral, and he will tell you that he received no
instructions for the preparation of transports. That is a
new mode of carrying on a great expedition. I recollect,
when I was engaged with the Duke of Wellington and Sir
G. Cockburn on a small expedition to China, that we did not
forget the sick and wounded. A 74-gun ship was sent from
this country fitted for the reception of the wounded, al-
though we were making war at a distance of 25,000 miles,
instead of 3,000 miles, as is the case in the present instance.
My lords, I will not go into the melancholy' details of all
the confusion which we have heard of in the transport
service, the Ordnance department, the despatch of stores,
and the lateness of their arrival—three month. being the
usual period before they were supplied after the requisi-
tion was sent in. I will not attempt to harrow your lord-
ships' minds by tracing the passage of the wounded and
sick from the camp at Balaklave, carried by the humanity
of our Allies, nor will I dwell upon the state of destitu-
tion en the shore, or the horrors of the middle passage, or
the abominations of Scutari. All these things will be
chronicled by the faithful pen of history. They are now in
the minds of every one, and it is unnecessary for me, fortu-
nately, further to allude to them; but, my lords, we have
read that which has been stated with respect to those
calamities with which the army has been afflicted, and I
think that the opinion of ail men is this, that however de-
fective may have been the system, it is not the system
alone which is to be impugned, but the conduct of the men
by whom the system has ben carried on. (Hoar.) My lords,
to attribute anything to the defects of system is the subter-
fuge of convicted mediocrity. (Hear, and a laugh.) Medio-
crity succumbs to system ; ability dominates over it, and
forces men to a better course. Public zeal, seconded by
public ability, will drive almost any system into the right
course. But that has not been the case here; and one of
the most distressing circumstances, in contemplation of all
that has been produced before the committee, is not so much
the defect of the system, which may be remedied, but the
extent of mediocrity which pervades the departments.
(Hear.) It is that feeling, I apprehend, which has led very
generally the people of this country to the belief that it is
absolutely necessary, for the future, to adopt a new prin-
ciple in the selection of officers for the public employment.
My lords, I entirely agree in that view. It is my
belief that the best of all Governments is the Govern-
ment which affords the greatest facilities for obtain-
ing, the assistance of the ablest men in the public service.
( Hear.) It was upon that principle that I opposed the
Reform Bill. I said' it was not calculated to produce in
the House of Commons the ablest men. Was I right?
(Cheers.) Is the House of Commons more distinguished
by ability than it was in former times ? Have we not
been compelled to use up all the old men in the House of
Commons because the regenerated House of Commons has
not been able to produce young men of equal ability?
(Laughter.) I am in favour of administrative reforms
precisely on the same principle. I desire to see the ablest
men in the public service. (Cheers.) I can recollect well,
many years ago. being much struck by the observation of
a great philosophical historian who treated of the success
and grandeur of the Roman Republic. He compared the
whole circumstances of that republic with the circum-
stances of other States which appeared to have greater UP'
chances of progress, and he said, •` The cause of the sue- gin
cess of the Roman Republic has been this :—the great vir- W,
trio and the great ability of a few great men." (Cheers.) ear.
It is, therefore, as far as I can further the object of bring- the
ing able men into the public service, that I altogether lea;
adopt the principle which is generally received at the pro mif
-
sent time. My lords, I recollect having heard that Mr. pla,
Pita once said that in the whole course of his life he had ups
hardly boon able to give more than three or four situations par,
univeehreydi.,o
bold,
,eat
manhewofa
as
vae
rmyopsrto
upr
ivne,r;
(t)ot,i.i„t._l",,,a,treit)reh,reasobtnne
persons
for the proper discharge of pub- but
lie duties is to have a man of very proud mind ; yet so Da
tary Government that,
And what was the result of he can
result of his experience. i
encompassed was 3lr.Pwitittiblynitlhbeistrstarmenmgetlhs,oefuPeharwliaasintebne-
swoint
tw"hstandiegthe sacrifices
( Hear. ) o •
troops, the general character of stit
and all the courage of the Pitt
failure, and that wei
policy.
allihe result of
of
fll
thhies
eaolenitliittryy.
Efo.1:1
of that
failure very greatly to
him to look abroad for the of e
necessity which did not permit
were the cha- the
the military operationsbeofa,
) How different
ablest men. (Hear, hear. Atitrributedwtaos the action SOOI
ce tdhtohs
the in
ral
.racieruiux, andei,;
he restored con• whi
fittest man wherever he was to bo found;
No
bcoen,ctleitice,ti(iifn(hleispgenred.eitn
victory to our arms , e
fidence to the people ; ho restored
father?tl independently ofth them; ;dhi sedsaeiliel
to shrink from ma
genius, who glory in his success—are we
his as involving too me.
and are we, who eulogise his character, who admire his pro
applying to our own times principles,
great a sacrifice to the weakness of modern government ? aft.;

(Loud cheers.) How much more powerful would be the I believe that the Reform Bill is still capable of furnish.
positron of a Minister able to select men best fitted for the ing the country with men well qualified to atimiaister
public service? How much more agreeable would be the its Government, and I am afraid that, so far at least
possession of office if he had the boldness so to act? He as this argument goes, the noble earl will find but
would then feel, whatever might happen, whatever might little sympathy from those who are otherwise asso-
be the success of his Government, he had at least performed ciated with him upon those questions. But, if I ride-
the moral obligation he incurred. (Hear, hear.) But, take not, the noble earl went even further, and talked of
my lords, how can we, sitting here by the hereditary right the contrast which now exists between public men in Par-
conferred, for the most part, upon our ancestors, for lieement and public men on the platform in this country.
their services to the State, for their fitness for public The noble earl seems to think that Parliament formerly
employment, how can we refuse to adopt that min- led public opinion in this country, and that now public
ciple ? It is the princple of our own origin. (Cheers.) It opinion too much leads Parliament. My lords, lam one of
was because my father was a great lawyer, not because he those who think that public opinion is right in leading
was a party man, that he was selected on account of fitness both Parliaments and Governments. To a certain extent,
for a great office, that ,of Chief Justice of the Pleas. He no doubt, Governments and Parliaments ought so far to
had no femily, no connections; he rose altogether by his understand public opinion as in some cases to forerun it,
fitness. (Cheers.) It was not favour; it was fitness that , but, according to the constitution of this country, I hold
rceceippiintaiotelay, ought to lead both Go-
which is formed neither
nmottbcifea
vlkof ru.r , Yorkes chancellor
that
nmd a
de ae rsl.i
Sir
J(CamheeesrsH.
great diplomatist, Earl of lalmesbury. • (Cheers.) It was • verniments and Parliaments, and I for one should be sorry
)arrlits, wthase ttohoatrphidoliyesonmoretpouobpli
not favour which raised the father of the noble lord oppo- 1 to see public opinion in this country taking its cue from the
site (Viscount Canning) to that office the reward for which Government of the day, or even from the dictation of Par-
was the peerage which the noble viscount now holds. Hainaut itself. (Hear.) And now I come to consider another
(Cheers.) It was not favour which raised the brothers pointe--namely, that the resolutions of the noble earl seem
Cecil to be Ministers of Elizabeth and of James, and the intended t' cast censure on her Majesty's Government.
founders of two great families. We are here for the services The effect of that censure upon the Government, if your
of our ancestors. Is it for us, then, who sit here by that lordships should think fit to pass it, cannot be but too appa-
great right, and enjoy clignityand honour by reason of their rent. My lords, I think it is worthy of your serious consi-
services and their fitness for public employment—is it for deration that three months have scarcely elapsed since we
us to turn round and say, "It is true our ancestors rose by had a political crisis of perhaps the most extraordinary de-
fitness, but our relatives shall enjoy advantages from con- scription which ever occurred in this country. During that
nection with, us, and from favour?" (Cheers.) No ! I trust crisis the opportunity of forming a Government was offered,
your lordships will adopt a different view of the interest I thihk, to no less than four distinct individuals. It was
and honour of this house. I trust you will agree on this offered, among others, to the noble earl opposite, (Lord
occasion to place yourselves in the front of the people and Derb') of whose party the noble earl who moves this address
at the foot; of the throne to state their complaints and their then formed a distinguished member. Three months ago the
dissatisfaction. (Hear, hear.) I trust you are fully iin- polio of the preceding Government with regard to the
pressed with the greatness of the crisis in which we stand, svhol management and conduct of the war stood exactly as
and that you feel all the dangers of the contest in which it dos now. Their neglect to follow out the views of the
we are engaged. I feel myself that during this contest, nobles earl in the Baltic, and in the expedition to Gallipoli,
1
protracted as it will be, we shall often have need of the to Cohstantinople, to Varna, and subsequently to Sebasto-
support of the people. I desire to secure that support pol it then occupied precisely the same position as it does
by identifying this house with public opinion. I desire to at this moment; and so, too, the same remark holds good
place the country on our side. r desire that we should with regard to their omission to carry the war into Asia.
present to the enemy we have to encounter the aspect of a Yet at that time, when the Government was offered to the
united people, and that we should obtain a secure and nobles" earl opposite, and when the noble earl who brings
honourable peace byacting together—Parliament supported forward this resolution was to have filled a post in the
by the general affection and co-operation of the country. Ministry which would have enabled him to correct those
(The noble earl, having moved the address, resumed his errors, or, at all events, to try and remedy them, the task
seat amid general applause.) of forming an Administration was, nevertheless, delibe-
rately declined by the noble earl's leader; and, therefore
Lord PANMURE said,—My lords, after the very consi.
derable notice which has been given of the address which is hardly think it is fair now for the noble earl to pass a
u e upon the resent Ministry for that ition of
now in your lordships' hands, I certainly did expect that affair which he himself had the opportunity p
toos grapple
we should have heard that address recommended to us in with rid to rectify, by being called upon to assist the
a speech of much more power and ability than that just noble earl near him, who received authority from the
delivered by the noble earl. I have studied this address,
Crow to form a Government. But, my lords, is it, I ask,
e
and I must confess that seldom has it fallen to my lot to for t e good of this country is it for the advantage of th conditct of the war—is it safe even in a constitutiole •e t
' read such a concoction of assurances as those which are of
view, to be recurring within the space of three point
read such a concoction of assurances as those which are of view, to be recurring within the space of three short
proposed for your lordships' adoption. They commence months to fresh changes in the Government, and to agitate
with truisms which no man can contradict; they continue the country from the one end of it to the other? This, my
with congratulations in which every man must unite; they lords. is a serious question, on which, I say, you will do
well fo deliberate before you determine to ado t the eddr s e s
proceed to accusations of misconduct in which those who of the noble earl. I may here just obser p '
ve that, so far as
are accused are most indistinctly portrayed ; and they cons this i a matter of mere personal consideration for my
elude with representations which, I think, the noble earl, self a(' my colleagues, we would be ready to put it ye out of sight. The public must, I think, by this time
en-
according to his own admission, has gathered from public know; that it is no bed of roses to undertake th a
meetings lately held—that until the proper men are placed tration of the affueirs of this country ateperiod, inis-
but
in the proper places the hopes of the country for an ho- more bspecially during the present most anyresponsible
and
nourable peace will never be effectually realised. Or, my eventful crisis. So far, therefore, as personal consider-
lords, to use the quaint expression of my friend, Mr. ationS are concerned in our retention of office, they are
entirely of
lordships
lorsytodary nature. But I must take leave to
Drummond, until the square men shall be put into the
square holes and the round men into the round holes ; yourGwoalVaer t . (Hs
eiaprs.)aglaimnsutstthese frequent changes of the
warn you that it is not upon
or, as may be still further gathered from the tenour of this any slight or mere party grounds that these changes ought
address, until that party with which the noble earl has at such a time to take place ; it is not because one party
w now permanently associated himself shall turn out this would wish to turn out another ; otherwise the public may
speedily be led to say, " A plague on allyourparties
!"and
Government and occupy their places, that nothingwill
beend to "
put an
orsrh your lordships seriously against consequences' of this
right in the conduct of the war and that no honourable I
peace can be obtained. It is quite impossible fur me to kind, I and I think it is a sufficient argument to point to
meet the noble earl's motion with a direct negative. To a the recent changes which have taken place, and to indicate
great many parts of the noble earl's motion I can give my the dangers of your repeating those changes, with,
cordial assent. (Cheers.) But the noble earl must know
perhaps,, worse results. . I therefore beg your lordships to
pause before you commit ylte aof this
that from the whole design and object of that address the
address; and I entreat youourse rather stolet seek bydopti rej rating it
Government must dissent, and they cannot butrecognise in to calm down the minds of the people on the subject of
it a censure to which they cannot submit. It will therefore change ; to enable the executive Government to carry out
e lans ich has view with ference to con-
be my duty, my lords, to move that this question be not put
d thuctp Of the wh
war ; it
to show in
the commanreders of yourthe ar •
—not to give a direct negative to it, but to prove to your that they may trust with confidence in the instructions
lordships that her Majesty's Government appreciate the which, they may receive from a Government which has had
character it is intended to bear, and to give it their most time to mature those plans ; and, above all, I implore you
strenuous opposition. Now, I hog to draw your lordships, upon no trivial grounds, especially at such a juncture as this,
to give effect to a vote the result of which Can only be to
attention to the character of this address. Who will ven-
ture to deny the justice of the phrases used by the noble settle nothing, for the noble earl proposes no settlement of
earl with regard to the gallant heroes belonging to our anything—but to disturb the existing state of things, to unnaval and military services who have distinguished them-
settle public affairs, and to jeopardise the result of the great
I
selves in their country's cause during this war ? (Cheers.) war in which we are now engaged. (Hear.) The noble lord
Who will undervalue the patience with which our army concluded by moving the previous question.
have undergone the sufferings to which they have been ex- The Earl of HARD WICKE said that, in rising at that
posed? Who will venture to underrate the gallantry with early stage of the debate, he felt his own incompetence
to
w hich both officers and men have performed every duty to dealwith
which they have been called hre is no one who regrets befitting its gravity and importance, but at the same time
more deeply than I the sufferings that have attended the
army of the East. But, my lords, I cannot admit that all having from the beginning been impressed with strong
these sufferings have arisen from the misconduct of the opinions, which he had never concealed, as to the manner
Government at home—l cannot admit that these sufferings in which the war had been conducted, he was desirous of
have pressed upon the army from the neglect of proper availing himself of that opportunity of laying before the
means having been taken by the Government at home.
We must all recollect that when our army took the field house his views somewhat more in succession and detail
England had been at peace for 40 years. We may remem- than he hr d yet been able to do. Omitting from the reso-
ber that during that 40 years Government after Govern- lotions now under discussion that portion which touched
ment have vied with each other, not in extending the upon out-door agitation, or any topic of that description,
military education of the army, but in economising the ho was disposed distinctly to agree with the noble earl who
finances devoted to that purpose. We may remember that
it was only yesterday that the Commander-in-Chief of this had just sat down that the latter part of the motion ex-
army stated in evidence before the House of Commons that pressed disapproval of the conduct of the war. With that
during the Government of the noble earl opposite (the Earl expression of disapproval he entirely concurred. Ever th.
of Derby) the artillery had been reduced by that false he thought
to enable the country to
economy—(" No, no !" from the Earl of HARDWICKE and ,
other peers.) If the noble earl will be pleased to list
he achieve success in the war in which it was now engaged:
will probably find that to what lam saying he ought to say In the, first place, he felt convinced that if a different
Yes, yes," rather than " No, no." I was not proceeding to course of policy had boon adopted by the Government be-
fix a charge against the Government of the noble earl oppo- fore Russia had crossed the Pruth, if they had announced
site. I said, what was stated by the noble viscount (Lord to the Emperor of Russia that a cordial understanding
Hardinge), that during the noble earl's Government, from
the false economy previously practised, the artillery had existed betwen France and this country, and that
been reduced to a state from which the Commander-in- we were determined to form an alliance offensive and defen-
Chief and the Master-General of the Ordnance, during the sive with France for the purpose of preventing
the over-
period of the noble earl's Government, erected it into the throw of the Ottoman Porte, and if our fleets had then en-
condition in which it was found upon the opening of the tered the sea which the Emperor of Russia considered his
war. (Cheers) And so it was with all our military esta-
blishments. What little we had was regimentally perfect own, the war might altogether have been avoided. If, too,
in its way, but it was not calculated to undertake great after the war had begun a more vigorous line of action had
operations, and lam sure that the people of this been taken, and if, insteadof • • indulging in bravado and
country will make the allowances'necessary for an army in braggadocio, ~„, and unduly exciting public expectation, the
the field under the circumstances in which they were placed.
The noble earl has attached great blame to the Govern- Government bad shown greater judgment in the handling
went because our force was sent into the field incapable of of our fleets, a greater measure of success might have been
movement. Now, it is quite true that there was no land obtained. If the Government had conducted
the war upon
transport attached at that time to the army. The old the • ' • principles upon which they professed to enter into it—
waggon train had been abandoned—nothing had been set for the defence of the integrity of the Turkish empire—if,
up in its place by the Government, and when the army
was called upon to take the field it was natural to suppose remembering that we were a great maritime and not a
that the means of transport would be sufficient. But, my great military Power, they had determined to exhibit
lords, lam bound to say that every means were taken to the might of England in that manner in which it could
make that transport as complete as possible, and I cannot be exhibited with the greatest effect, if they had de-
believe that it was from the want of the means of moving spatched a combined force of 10,000 British and 20,000
our army from Varna that they did not advance to the re- French soidiers to assist the Turkish army on the Danube,
lief of Silistria. I must say that in these resolutions I re- and had completely blockaded the Baltic and Black
cognise not, as the noble earl would have us to suppose, the seas, equipping our fleets in such a way as would enable
mere desire that the Government should be carried on them to carry on a flotilla warfare on the coasts, the Con-
by the best men without any reference to their con- cress of Vienna would have had a better chance of arriv-
dition or party connexions, but I recognise in them .. ing at a successful termination, and our army would not
general censure of the Government for the conduct have been placed in the position in which it now was. Our
of the war. (Hear, hear, hear.) I recognise the resole- fleets would have been really more useful, and there woulil
tions of the noble earl as putting upon the Government a, have been a better prospect of bringing the war to a success-
full and entire responsibility for the whole sufferings of the ful conclusion than could possibly be the case from running
army, for the position in which our army has been placed, and our heads, as wo had done, against one of the strongest
for the state in which, according to the noble earl, it lies at fortresses in the world. To institute a blockade of the
present. Now, my lords, there has been much said as to the enemy's ports was one of the most successful modes of
state and condition of our army. I have already stated that waging warfare which a maritime country like this could
adopt, and yet, with great naval resources at their corn-
it is quite true that that army during the winter season
suffered extremely in its position before Sebastopol. I have maul, the Government had failed to do this in a corn-
already stated that, from circumstances over which the Go-
plate and efficient manner. In the case of the White
vernment of that time had little or no control, there was a Sea the Government certainly had a very good answer
deficiency of housing and of supplies of clothing and food, in the manner in which the trade was carried on be-
which, however, during the last four months has been en-
tween this country and that part of the Russian do-
tirely remedied, and at this moment lam entitled to say minions. It appeared that remittances were sent
that our army is in as good a condition as when it left this out from this country one year, and the cargoes
country, anti that it is as prepared to take the field and carry sent thence in return in the following year, and
on any operations which may be assigned to it as it has ever there was every reason therefore why no blockade should
be instituted until those cargoes had been despatched for
been from the commencement of the war. I see the noble earl
doubts that statement. He knows the strength of his position which the money had been paid. In the Baltic a thorough
blockade had certainly been established, though the result
anti the weakness of mine. Be knows that he may with
safety make statements about the strength and power of our of it had been to throw the whole commerce of Russia in
army ; but he also knows, on the other hand, that lam that quarter into the hands of Prussia, just as the manage-
unable, by document, to give that detailed contradiction went of our armies in the seat of war had resulted in throw.
which I say, on any character as a Minister and a gentle- ing two of the finest provinces of the Turkish Empire into
man, lam quite prepared to give to it. (Hear.) But, my the hands of Austria. These two German Powers therefore,
lords, with reference to that army, from the beginning of instead of assisting us to bring the war to a successsul ter-
February, in a great measure owing to the precautions •ruination, were far more likely to desire the continuance of
previously taken by my noble friend (the Duke of New- a state of things from which they were so great gainers.
But the maritime policy of the Government in the Blank
castle), and owing to the steps taken by the Government
who wore in power previously to the present, that army Sea was calculated to excite the greatest dissatisfaction.
The Government, indeed, never seemed to have made up
creased efficiency. From the early part of February that
began gradually to resume its condition, and to gain in-
their minds what theyshould do in reference to the blockade'
in that quarter, for on the Ist of June, 18 i 4, the First Lord
army began to shake itself clear from the effects of sickness,
and the supplier to the army were impro—ed, both in the of the Admiralty stated in the other house, in answer to
time of delivery and the quantity supplied. And, my Mr. Horsfall, that orders had been given to the admirals,
lords, it will hardly be believed, when the noble earl talks both in the Baltic and the Black Sea, to institute and en-
of the state and condition of our army, that it has not force strict blockades, and that there was every reason to
only been increasing in efficiency, but that regularly believe that those blockades had been instituted
,- and yet
since the beginning of March that army has been deriv- nearly a year after in that house his noble friend opposite
log reinforcements from this country and the Mediter- (Earl Granville), in answer to a question from the Earl of
raneant which have put it in as vigorous a condition Airlie, gave their lordships to understand that a blockade
as it has ever beep. But, my lords, the noble earl has given had not been enforced in the Black Sea, but that the atten-
us a speech on the question of the selection for the proper lion of the admiral had been directed to the subject; and
places of the fittest men who can be found in the public there was every reason to believe that his measures for that
service) but during the whole of that speech, and at its purpose would he successful. Such conflicting statements
as these were calculated to mislead the mercantile commu-
conclusien, I have not gathered that the noble earl has put
in-
hand upon a single instance —(cheers)—either in which fit nity, to induce them to take steps which the actual circu
men are found iu unfit places, or that he has convicted the stances of the case did not warrant, and finally to throw
Government of making any selection of unfit men, which them into a state of doubt and uncertainty which
the noble earl has thought it worth his while to adduce. entirely put an end to all commercial operations. The
(Hear. Whether the noble earl at first intended to charge conseqtence was, that the trade of the foreigner had been
the Government with having selected unfit men for their conducted with facility, while it was impossible for our
places in the military direction of this war, and has since own countrymen to carry on their mercantile transactions.
changea his mind, lam unable to say. (Cheers.) But Ido Now, the trade of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azoff
most heartily congratulate the noble earl, and Ido most together was of very considerable magnitude, consisting,
heartily congratulate your lordships' house, that you are as it did, of articles which peculiarly belonged to the
not called upon to look at this question in this light— trade of this country—of wool, linseed, and corn. In 1854
(hear)--for I know that no more unpatriotic course could there arrived at Constantinople, from Russian ports in the
be taken, or one more dangerous to a successful issue of Black Sea, 453 vessels with linseed, containing 770,000
the war, than that your lordships should by any vote and quarters, exclusive of ships containing other cargoes. It
act of yours lead the commanders of our armies, or was a singular fact that this trade was continually increas-
even its lowest heads, to suppose that Parliament is dis- ing, for iu 1352 only 445,000 quarters arrived at Constan-
posed ih any way to do them an injustice, or to reflect tieople, and in 1853 640,000, while in 1854, as he had
-en their acts, while they wore devoting their best ener- stated, there arrived 770,000. Oat of the 453 vessels which
3 anti mind to the service of the country. (Hear. hear.) conveyed these cargoes no less than 333 passed the Straits
ell, my lords, is it in civil employment that the noble of Kertch, coining from the Sea of Azoff. Now, he was
.1 finks that improper men have been selected. I think sure that if the navy of England in the Black Sea had not
at if le advanced such a chargeas that, it was his duty at • been made subservient to the use of the army, it would
ist t point out some instances in support of it, that we have been enabled to perform the great and important
ght now the direction, in which the noble earl's corn- duty not only of carrying out an effective blockade, but of
tint ends. But, however, he has chosen to lay hishand conducting upon the shores of the Euxine and of the Sea
on n perticnlar instance. It is sufficient for him to dis- of Azoff' a system of guerilla warfare which would have
rage ll public inen—(hear, hear)—by a vague and uni- tended to harass the enemy anti to create an important
•mal ssertion, leaving everybody to co for himself the i divereion. There was, however, one important point
tan s which the noble earl alight have pinted out to us, connected with the transport service to which h©
t ~vch he hae to-night utterly failed to do. But the hoped ho might be permitted to refer. It was found
1
ode girl went on to express some opinions in connexion I essential, from the progress of science, to conduct operatio
rli ti is subject to which I, at least, cannot give my as- with et, cam power, and a largo expenditure was incurred tins
it. le says that he opposed the Reform Bill be- that respect. It was of the utmost importance that the ar-
ise e thought it limited the c'eoice of the best men raugements for coaling ships should be as complet
' t public service. (" No, no !" from the sihle, but at Coustantinopie, Malta, and Gibralt e,
as
nos.
rl o Ellonberough.) He said that, under the old con- lieved that the arrangements were very defective.ar,he be"
tuti nof this country, you had men in Parliament who would ask their lordships to consider how defective
re fi to carry on the business of the State, but that asl ments in that respect entailed a heavy expenditure
on the
na. the reformed Parliament was established those men country. He would take the case of
tbil• y were succeeded by men-who were not equal to engaged at a rate of 50s. a month eer'..t
)Se N 110 preceded them; that, in fact, the public expec- 2001. a-day. When the ship arrive 1 nip
; that
was
about
ions had been disappointed, and that that reform, which and required to be coaled, the arra c,'• its o ie,,in was a measure that was obnoxious to him, had, that only 30 tons of coals could
de put on board in a
Len vied by experience, proved a failure in its results. clay, whereas, in a good coaling
,w, y lords, I cannot admit that the Reform Bill has could be shipped iu an hotir and taking the price
sved any such failure. I think that there have been of coal at Constantinople at 3i.;
a_da a-ton,l the ship would
may ien returned to Parliament since the passing of that be costing the country 290/.
s,st irp who have taken a part in the conduct of public cessarily detained doing tiothi
drarhich has done them great credit. (Hear, hear,) importance, not only that the arrangements for putting

tiecc P t:
greatest I in ysceolmf rmeecieciivaeldeoanmpoaffneyr
ionfththeenocohnatirry.m;anonenshd_ictp.,4
office had been fillad by two members of the arista
one of them a descendant of enets—(ll,vo.
—who does the business with credit to himself and
aau.sys.
tan to the company. Lord Palmerston offeredo
took
councillorship to Mr. Laing. That gentletual:!,.
.I%ceptetl
honours at Cambridge and went to the bar. nu,' ;
snort t,nle
a clerkship in the Board of Trade, and after a first year
left it to practise in his own profession. In the
he received ten times the amount he received of
servant of the Crown. He was afterwards at
atrikrneA
two copanies, one of which he saved from b _ uP.tsc..Yd,
and hem is at the head of one of the most remarkable grlT:be
c• a
enterprises in the country. No doubt, he is ex
, but he -
kind of man to assist us in organising departments:.
.01
wee.-
could not accede to the offer of the Governmetlie,
there are many mercantile or professional men w to.
not be so blind as to give up their business for L., no
porary occupation of political office. My lords,. 10
le: jot
means say that there are no men of business Itu_s• h to
be made available for the public service, but ser:!oine---
correct a misapprehension that it is want of off e
keeps men of eminence in private business from rov7e,
the public service. The noble earl went onw;at be
ject to the resolutions ' because they
imp
could not concur in. Secresy was part of the °
art
tration
and not more secresy, but especially the extsggeec,_. The
our prosperity, and the concealment of our det
ttbs 0,1,0
Russians were such masters of this stratagem that niee,ooo
extorted the treaty of Adrianople when they had 0s
to tell
Df
war,
fighting men in the field. Napoleon told his gener.a
the truth to him, but lie to all the world. WasiMlTessed
sorted to the same art. The Duke of Virellington foo cot,
different system; he concealed all that ought to P.' j3O
sealed, but when obliged to speak he spoke
hthade ttibet:Tieysiaiatri
we had done that which no other country
to do—we had laid ourselves on the operating-tt; &erg
had dissected ourselves in the face ofllay. This every
to something interwoven in our institutions. every
deficiency had been exaggerated ished if, wide
newspaper and every speech. No doubt this vies n7.,,ogth
out advantage; for a great country, proud rousedits
never
correction tit
and relying on its resources, might thus be _
correction of faults in its system. But were ws! ° bear,
get out of this eternal abuse of ourselves ? the
from the Ministerialists.) The impression left ,`,`Pat Ptg"
mind from a perusal of these resolutions was,
land had shown none of the qualifications n C1e.11,10-fil
success in a great war, except valour. Nothing esa-
as to our mercantile marine, by whose aid we Sucrieres•
veyed 100,000 men, English and French, to thei of our
Nothing was said as to our landing the
there— elects
is
victories. Nothing es to the application of .irieslara'
telegraph, or the construction of the railway to -Pa
ed coo'
lit
Above all, nothing was said, as to the igigreeTv 0-110
0,
dition of our army at the present time. n'notiac'
would be the effect on Russia and on Europe, 30 resole'
ing to all the world such a state of things 35 tbes to int°
tions represented ? Would Russia be more reanYof ac
re-
peace ? Or, if she offered terms of peace, would neeitb
ceptance of them be liable to misconstruction ? °ste
rls OPP al
spect to the policy to be pursued the noble
reer,3s no ,e,;e
did not agree—especially as to Germany. "" , Valthal
(Ellenborough) was in favour of operations in
statedtile
in Bessarabia, and in Georgia. He had already by CO'
resolutions of this nature, proposed and supeorte`seee
servative members of their lordships' house, woulaeenro6
worst effect in Germany ; and, to judge from the
..eioet
with which speeches delivered in the English r's wet"
were translated by Russian agents in Germany, wherei
able to their views, he thought he might thereelt 0 a st',l„
I effect would be produced. (Hear.) But soels-
more serious consideration—what effect would th!' , titer!
lutions have upon France ? He did not wish to 07,00'
was a numerous peace party in France, the rani,kos of ero
had been swelled by the greater part of those svil, itself
posed to the present Government. Peace WaS ti the Ole;
great a blessing, and war was so detestable, then:e Os
sates of peace had always a powerful arguns3t partYl:i
favour. But the prinsipal argument used by.,u o,
Fiance at present Was, "We are ernbarlfed in 3 tboo;i
we send three Frenchmen for every EDglishm3,vn'ar Bible
we have not the same interest in the ssensib
England has." That argument was inconsPofeo ore
to him. There was no doubt that Austria I,llsiod_;.•
interested in the question than either France or -"gel
but that France, with her continental position,ereed,
bd
stake in the Mediterranean, was not deeplY le earl „113-
could not understand. In his opinion the this q"-ef
from time to time uttered very great fallacies 0
..ronse
raj
tion, not the least of which was the vast tinF„,ble ea,
this war in an Indian point of view. But tbetl, ca
(Ellenborough) gave France another ergo-reel; osial';,:se
upon their lordships' house—an assemblale,,
°these, isesi,
grave, so free from popular influence—to P—s dee'" of
lutions. Well might they sas the noble ea desorl
" These co-belligerents of ours are absolutelY usef-eleelt
every qualification but one that can make theT pres s
war." The noble earl should remember that in thesaluirsut
undertaking great secrecy and confidence seer .-avotriile
and it might very naturally be asked by as au threeuns
go on in close alliance with a country whie''o,lo job
as water, changes its administration every bt to Oars
months ?" He thought that consideration ngi, wore, of
with their lordships, even if there were In"L'lsr. eat
tainty about the resolutions than he could diece,,,, reso„
hears) But there was historical precedent for:erle tee coil't
motion. In one year after the battle of Ble, poslige,cy
duct of the war was severely anvassed bY tueone et
e lorl t tits
and-country, but that did not prevent the not forge do,
of Ramillies. Their lordships would of Lon
after Talavera, addresses came from
it_he et.itYes--selliegt°b;
ed
arraigning the conduct of the pne-essn,t he .° titre°
and speeches were made predicting "": solar o'• hie'
army would be driven out of the P duke Moe
months; but that did not stay the illustriouresuit
dp ercareersceen .tobfnuvnti cditotorrwtyaah.
undertaking
ewataorn.o)
mainlyN
cohdtoionuebt2L3eetchtbe, attntbdisesto oxfoff t0.._41'11..n00
stpalleankdiladv
al a,n
adnidn giinnhtehr
me Ca m ea—a _se verY • e not de')
s—ftr:o..nmrdeiatntho.eshuacreedsssheips and privations, r tbern,
anything that met
omianohybtt
lordshipsba bietienestfivDtcfoeolf
basaf.t:eeihi:eroipeners 'II
e:0
early
0en01417.1.1
s(wolia.se (Hear.)
or
just,
begged their
o u
The
1 ingeniously
gecontrivedeEniaorul solyf
De ion
thise with what hsas
disappointment jeurest
he
fteialaYhtllnaeltsnioi nretdxhfssrpfoe7 -mlrrri;:c4tc;looebb
dist 6.0
gnu drill. dyetah
rßptrrpEiovamyetrido_totie, to agree to these
net int,.
with the
speech of my noble friend (the Earl of Ellenhc're bill
for_.fle of
"gradiloquent speech," as the noble Ministers: sPev.' r
it, but which I call the able and statesmanlike poste
my noble friend—so entirely at variance in it's,,:ieipateili
and tendency from that which he had fella,' 11"1 sip who
and against which he had prepared his reply woo fob
aware aware that, if not by the noble lord, at least bYted 00'1'
act with him, it has been industriously circule'9, hee,°3o'
town and through the members of your lord
:sake
that. it was the intention of my noble friend to 00r gth
oivaffiindtewetrsuros
woapnbsclo, unseemly attack upon the condrietf so g 5119%
a sc
m also
m upon n
them.t he colndkuncotwofotfheophroe:i:st
libovibieeas
been made to private friends—appeals to the Mill, fli'soa9er
professional feelings of members of your lordshirtbe c 01;
not to sanction by your assent an attack made on
r, ithr
menders of our forces here and at the seat of vig 1`
se ice
might have the effect of weakening theiietrerts' be sell'
doing great injustice to men actively engaged ine tslings"„:4
of their country. I do not know but that these it 3" el, of
have had their effect ; for in the course of the sPee opret
noble friend there has not been a single w°rd! °rot Pt'fl7.
sion, or gesture, which by the greatest ingenultY
feeling could be distorted into an attack.
bey le _no he
with regret the steering imputation made b 7
lord the Minister for War (Lord Panmure)) M seed the
views, congratulated my noble friend on his having gati"-of
and adapted his resolutions to the feell-lotet
country. -Now, I say, the noble lord had no right
of theot
°
a
to throw out that insinuation, because the fact ,14
altogether disprove the statement of the noble I°
when
ble
once, but over and over again in last session,
104%0
question of this war was under consideration, !Its fon ,0
friend entreated and implored of you to abste-i° fordelifi.
criticism on the conduct of the war, and as t° th,beeit II
which the officers of the army were discharging fold aloe
so that they should not be embarrassed. by antl foal %it
attacks emanating from that house. I say thas".str
first, there has been no ground for these insirin'l" fl
ass
f soy _l,OO
have been thrown out as to the intentions °-
tbe ere
friend. (Hear, beer.) But these reseltitions t•
have been objected to because for the most Par gret;tl
"truisms." These resolutions assert the sincereoe inesaetbo
tion with which we have regirded the nerfsecleror
of counsel between her Majesty end the -r-"r t in "
French." I believe, my lords, that is a Setitiele2lo OOO
every member of your lordshi s' house will ../Vons. Ton%
ally as my noble friend who Lied the resottl,i'dl-sesse74ion,,,
do not ccincide with the noble earl who last ts secl'ts ion
lordships (Earl Granville) that the unanitn°";setihe'seecci
of this house, and its assent of the " sincere Y.- re,
it reels at the good understanding existing us, soh (Tolnia"
and England—l repeat Ido not concur they 0 004'00
cioh of gratification will be regarded in France, naingiod.
cant. When I
exists between the Governments of France!'" I TOP itte
speak of the cordial and
and ot
as also between the commanders of both argon, eta; to
omit the opportunity of saying that I believe. fere; to
tics to a noble lord, the commander of the Bri`lovierfnlly7
say that nothing can have contributed more Psd eel° aid
the maintenance of that good understanding it-Seeitl,, to
counsel, and harmony than the invariable rliies3oo2.,oo
kindness of manner with which he has condueseprcis, Lrle"
_his intercourse with all parties. I dwell, nal "jog, "-rote
this because it has been said an attack wasoFeur sal
made by my noble friend on the commander? need 0,910,0
If there had been such an intention I
myself
to it. 'aeon?
I would be the last man to lend myseu "'", Ley l'ffel'
hardly remind your lordships that it wee (-m.ke po.
mendation, on the death of the illustriole Doke /Ole
lington, that her Majesty called on my seem iii of
site.(Lord Hardinge) to succeed to the corn the
rest'
army. The high estimation which I noble .4
also WO ;jibs rbo
capacity of the noble lord now in command eoteraseera hie
war (Lord Raglan) likewise induced me to roe 00140 to
to the control of the Ordnance, as well A:
TO 6311101etif
asigsennatlimnetrhiitssabuygursetcoamssmemehnldaing her Mai°
these noble friersds to high position,
ajvorirtithashi.:7'ine thing Worrier'
would be the last man that wgoeu.lidi
y ivy thr~
would stultify my own recommendations. foe
se
the resolutions go on to " express our adories in t er
many deeds of valour by which the allied,i
have illustrated their brotherhood in arra. _ hoe 07 ice
enter into the policy of the war in which rore.or tits
as this is not, the fitting opportunity, ant he °do
:rill have an opportunity afforded us by the. eer joit
01!
noble lord opposite (Earl Grey) of exPre,s.'l,l,'.*Ard 0L
and determination with regard to that poil.F.iihe 0° iight
be much disappointed if this house, aues._...d by e_ity,
Commons also—where the issue had beeninr raised unatt?jigitler,
hon. gentleman—will not, by a vote of awl thaoti tst
prove to foreign countries and to the. Itlow"ose
regard to the justice and policy of
it
b
t throng- ,oijure;t
necessity of sparing no effort to carry iterwnorary 4,0 ,
thwarted by delay or discouraged bY "leeliege.; °the!'
I say I shall be disappointed if these? .s tso
made manifest by the declaration of tht,__'-'tic er
House of Parliament in a manner so einPi..etic.o, (o,"bj
no doubt of our determination on the tir,,l thit'?2,llo at ,
Greatly as I differ with the noble earl (Li-PsJa parP,,t, ,
for giving this opportunity to both Housei... te',o to ,
for expressing their opinion ; and I hoPeeout;pelli.n_ge peel
b7e
rceointeerc,oteete
feeling of this house on the subject
come to a division. (Cheers.) The the psi _„011!
affirm that " whilst we admit and lament
of
of the t,
to which war necessarily subjects all ckyortioy w(?!Trit,
we yet venture to alsure her Majesty th!trout cerorn, apt 0
so just a cause bear those privations IX, _ndueteeo
they could feel that the war had been i;objp.
•
the troops had not been exposed to spy

coals on board the ships should be as efficient as possible,
but that there should always be a sufficient supply of coals,
and that that supply should not be dependent upon the
direction of the wind. There was at Plymouth and in the
Medway a number of hulks, which might very easily be
fitted up with 'steam power and employed in carrying coals
from this country, and then there would be no necessity to
rely upon sailing vessels for a -supply of coals from Malta
or Gibraltar. He would also endeavour to facilitate the
means of coaling in those districts. He trusted that ho
should be excused for entering into those details, for they
formed part of the subject under consideration, and, if not
attended to, the cost of the war would be enhanced to an
enormous extent. Vessels were now in a great measure
dependent on, for their motive power, a most expensive
fuel, which, if rendered scarce in those districts, might
rise to 101. a ton. Though the noble lord opposite
(Lord Panmure) was not responsible for all that had
taken place, still some blunders had occurred since
he had accepted office. A noble lord had already pointed
out that a vessel which received a body of troops on
board was obliged to unship them, owing to some misun-
derstanding, and he (Lord Hardwicke) was inforinea that
some curious blunders had lately been made, showing that
these departments were still in a state of " higgledy-
piggledy," and required watching with the greatest care,
or the country-would be put to the greatest expense, and
the army involved in the greatest difficulty. The other'
day it was desired to erect, at the seat of war before Sebas-
topol, some hospital huts for convalescents, and the engi-
neer whose duty it was to erect them found that the Go-
vernment had sent over the huts in three ships, of which
only one had arrived in the harbour at Balaklava. That
ship, however, had only brought the roofs and floors ; the
ship that was next coming had the walls on board, and the
ship behind carried the windows and doors. Under these
circumstances the engineer was completely paralaysed,•for
he could not put up the huts until the Beetled and third
ships arrived. (Hear.) He would repeat another anec-
dote he had heard. A quantity of harness was sent to the
Crimea, and, when the cases were opened, it was found
that they contained no back traces, so that the harness
was of no use at all. A noble lord had described the army
as an army with a head and a body, but no legs, so that it
could not move. However, to facilitate that operation, a
number of American lumber waggons were sent to
le
Crimea. Those waggons were fitted with poles, but not
shafts • and, though there was harness ready, it appeared
that it made for shafts, and poles; and there was no
harness for leaders. These blunders, when all put to-
gethei, were fatal to the progress of the war and to ;the
success of our arms, and, as he intended to give his vote
P
for the resolutions, he only performed his duty in showing
that everything had not been done to enable our forces to
achieve success. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ELGIN said it was with verygreat reluctance
that he was about to trespass for a few moments upon the
attention of their lordships, more especially as the noble
earl who had given way to him had much greater
claims on their notice ; but' as he (the Earl of Elgin) had
been absent from this country for sometime, he feared that
a silent vote on the subject before their lordships' house
might be liable to misconstruction. He had intimated to
the noble viscount at the head of the Government his desire
to give him an independent support; but it had also' ap-
peared to him that, in the critical circumstances of the
country, it was the bounden duty of every public man to
tender a hearty and generous support to the Government
of the Queen; and he had now to determine whether cir-
cumstances had occurred which should induce him to join
in a vote condemnatory of the Government. Nothing had
occurred in the interval to make him regret that the pledge
of support he had tendered was not unqualified. Neither
in the Crimea nor at Vienna had any successes which had
attended the exertions of the Government been so complete
as to cause the germ of hope he had reposed in the admi-
nistrative ability of the noble viscount (Palmerston) to
ripen into perfect confidence. (Hear, hear.) But when
asked to unite in a vote of condemnation on the Govern-
ment, he had to ask first, was the condemnation just;
and next, would it contribute towards the redress of
the evils the existence of which all deplored ? Now, it
was notorious that the condition of'the army in the Crimea
had of late very much improved, and that the Government
were prepared with a scheme for the reorganisation of the
military departments ; and to condemn the Government
in the face of these things would be a violation of justice.
The noble earl who proposed it kept out of sight the
changes which had lately occurred in the Government, and
charged all the blaoos supposed to attach to the
,conduct of
the war upon the present Administration. The first part
of the resolutions referred to the general conduct of the
war, and was conceived in terms of exuberant exultation.
Not a word of national friendships of long standing broken ;
desolation carried into many happy homes ; Europe in
arms ; Asia agitated to its centre ; America sullenly ex-
pectant. The latterpart of them was couched in terms of
exuberant denunciation. But the departments impugned
by the latter part of the resolutions had been changed,
and the departments alluded to in the former part re-
mained in the same hands. And the doctrine of govern-
mental responsibility could not be carried so far as to
make the present Administration responsible for the blame
attached to the military departments of the former Govern-
ment. Even, however, if he could concur in the censure
proposed to be cast upon the Government, he should be un-
willing to do so in favour of the noble earl opposite, and
thus to bring about a change of Government at a time when
it was most objectionable to have frequent changes of Admi-
nistration. He happened to be on the Continent at the
time when the last change of Government took place, and
the most painful impressions were created in foreign coun-
tries as to the instability ..d• our administrative system in
consequence of these frequent changes of administration.
'And not the least of the calamities which the war had
brought upon us was the tendency which it had in many,
quarters to throw discredit on our constitutional govern-
ment. (Hear.) The only loss which was really irrepar-
able was the loss of character. (Hear.) Still there was a
large measure of consolation. As to the military depart-
ment, the character of the British soldier for moral quali-
ties and physical endurance had been raised to an extent
it never had attained before. In spite of the unfavour-
able tone of a portion of the American press, he had seen
in influential journals of the United States commentaries
on the conduct of our army at Alma and Balaklava which
no true-het rted Englishman could read without emotion.
And he had heard tribute not less generous borne
to them by our French allies. He had heard,
also, from bigotted votaries of that branch of the
Christian Church which prided itself on having re-
tained within its limits room for the exercise of the heroic
virtues of Christiani y, a frank admission that the hospi-
tals at Scutari had shown that the fairest and choicest
flowers of Christian charity would blo an even in that
which they were accustomed to call the arid soil of Pro-
testantism. (Hear.) He doubted if the character of states-
men, and public men, and of Parliamentary institutions,
had proportionably risen. (Hear.) It was notorious that
doubt had been created, in quarters where it never had
existed before, as to the practical efficiency of our much-
vaunted constitution, and its fitness to carry us unscathed
through periods of peril. (Hear.) There was only one way
in which these doubts could be removed. Let public men
evince the same indifference to personal motives, and the,
same generons•patriotism, and the same disinterested de-
votion to duty, which had characterised our soldiers in the
field and the women of England at the sick bed. (Cheers.)
If God forbid—it should be otherwise, and if, un-
happily, in those whom fortune and rank or royal favour
placed in the van these qualities were wanting, who
should dare to blame the press and the people of Eng-
land if they looked for those qualities elsewhere? (Cheers.)
The'Earl of WINCHILSEA said he was compelled
solemnly to declare his conviction that this was an unjust
war, which ought never to have been entered into ; and,
therefore, he founded his support of the resolutions on this:
that the Government had shown a want of judgment in
placing the army in a situation in which, humanly speak-
ing, success was impossible, and sacrifice inevitable, with.
out the special intervention of Almighty Providence.. He
did not attribute to the Government all the disasters that
had occurred, which mere partly owing to the impolitic
course pursued by the other house—in obedience to the re-
publican faction in reducing our military establishments.
The Victualling Office, the Commissariat Board, the Trans-
port Board, the Medical Board, all had been affected or
destroyed by these reductions, and the result had been to
render us, upon the outbreak of the war, unready for any
great effort. The Baltic fleet had left England in a most
disgraceful state as to its manning ; and it was well for us
that the Russians had not met it. The object of the Se-
bastopol couimittee was to blind the public as to the real
causes of our disasters. He should vote for the resolu-
tions, although not perhaps approving of every part of
them, because the substance of them was this, •that the
Government had shown a want of the judgment and ca
pacity essential for the conduct of such a war.

Earl GRANVILLE said he wondered that the noble
lord could support resolutions, the first of which approved
the justice and necessity of the war in which we were
engaged. He disagreed with the noble earl in the opinion
he had expressed, that if the Russian fleet had come out we
should have suffered. (Earl Hardwicke—Hear, hear.) On
the contrary, I regret that the opportunity was wanting to
our gallant sailors of gaining a great victory. (Cheers.)
The noble earls who had spoken in this debate had not
agreed in their tactics, and the noble earl who had brought
forward these resolutions had appeared to countenance, in
supporting the last of them, the lino taken by a leading
opposition paper, in representing the families of the
Cowers, the Howards, and the Cavendishes sitting in con-
clave, acid dictating to the Premier the colleagues he
should choose. (A laugh.) Now, my lords (said the noble
earl), lam a Gower—(a laugh)—but lam the only Gower
who has any official employment. I am related to a Ca-
vendish, and the noble duke at the head of that house has
not shown himself slow to discover and encourage genius,
even when found among the very lowest classes of society.
(Hear, hear.) I see near me the heir presumptive to that
house, who did not shrink at the university from success-
ful competition with the ablest and best-educated men of
his day; nor did he shrink in his private capacity from
aiding the country in any undertaking. And, as 'far as I
remember, his only relation bearing the name of Caven-
dish is a gentleman Alio is fattening on the enormous emolu-
ments attached to the Foreign Office service. My lords,
lam also, I am sorry to say, related to some of the
Howards. (Loud laughter.) Not to "all the Howards ;"
for since the time of Pope they have so wonderfully
multiplied and increased (laughter)—that I believe
Mr. Horace Mann would. find them as numerous as the
Smiths. (Laughter.) rut the member of the Howard
family selected by the Queen to represent her in Ireland
is certainly not, in the west riding of Yorkshire, or any-
where in the United Kingdom, considered inimical to the
middle classes. My lords, I may as well make a clean
breast of it--(laughter)—and I must admit that some of
those who have gone before me had such quiversfull of
daughters who did not die old maids—(laughter)--that I
have relations on this side of the house ; I have relations
On the cross benches--(hear, and laughter)—and I have re-
lations on the opposition. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Nay, I have had the unparalleled misfortune of having no
less than three cousins in the Protectionist Administration
of the noble earl opposite. (Laughter, and hear, hear.)
Not withstanding all these hereditary infirmities—(laughter)
—I hale had occasion, in a career not so brilliant as that
of the noble earl, to mix much with the middle classes, and
to acquire greater sympathy, perhaps, with them than he
possesses—and notwithstanding his adulation of them, I
doubt if his admiration for their peculiar characteristics
came quite as freely and frankly from his lips as the sneers
in the former part of his speech. There has been on this
subject great misapprehension in the public mind as to the
appreciation by official men of men distinguished in private
business, and the facility of obtaining such men to fill offi-
cial posts. I remember one of the departments abolished
by the House of Corn mons because it was "too expensive ;"
before that happened it lost its secretary because a com-
mercial company offered him double the salary he was re-
ceiving from the Government. And a friend of mine, at
the head of one of the departments, the expense of which
was found fault with last year, was offered 2,0001. a year
(double that which he receives from the Government) by
a great commercial company—an offer he declined to ac-