The National Register.
London, England, 1815-09-10 00:00:00

there are drawbacks In the finial of ages awl in the progress of
civilization; the understanding itself has its detractors, and when
the', te4ll to too precipitate and extensile chancel, it gives rise to
resist-Ifni+ and continued agitations. The great struale of the Re.
volition is opt yet finished by 2.5 years of sublersten; each of the,
ancient factions was pot completely extinct when (fife invasion of
the Usurper revived the parties, disclosed new o 1,, and made a
full discovery of the extent of the factions. •
To Speak in the first place only of the simph d erenee of opi•
slot; if this difference be extremely wide, it it t a sort of
roptere in the State. it is in vain tor authority govern in the
sense which it lieljerea prekatent ; another gpilijOr owes across it
which also pretends•to be the public opinion ; a rein~ could not he
of long continuance if it bail oulithis mindiity in ilk. favour, since
even the million of the majority would still allow thseetrongest re.
its tance to be keffipt np ; on the one side the sacrifiee of their ispi••
pion: will lee thviilt, and on the other impossible. It remains,
theiefare. isuf to choose rightly. and to make maim) mid justice
triumph over old passions 'mil ancient prejudices. Similar contra-
rieties Aulitlent exist in the other States of Eitrope. but they do
not refer to stiCh mitility.interesti, nor unite themselves to so many
. •
otlier.opposst • .
After tkle dAnger comes that of parties, without calculating the
Rovali•ts. who are foun4, in the year 1815, to be what they were
in 1793: Among the old parties the Republicans and the Constitn-
tion,,tits still sistniSt; if the Republicans have not been undeceived
with sedan] to all their principles, they have at least discovered
the impossibility of applying them, to argreat state. Having thus
ceased to be dangerotie to the power of monarchy. they became so
to Bouaparte only on account of Ins tyranny, and, with a very few
exceptions, linonapartists would be found in the ranks of the Re-
publicans. This would be to commit a great error ; they are net
less opposed to the Government of (tie King, having some difficulty in
believing that a dynasty that has suffered so much by the revolution,
and which has straggled so lung, can prevail upon itself either to par-
don. to toreet, or to denY its aucieet doctrines by giving sufficient
patentees for public libettty. This motive alone has recently in-
duced them to take a part in all the measures that had for object
the expulsion of the Boattions ; that an impassable
.barrier is raised
betweeo the east and the prCsent; that public liberty should be.
established on au immutable basis. With these conditions there
is nothing to be apprehended from the Republicans ; they would
even become the firmestsupporters of the Government.
'the constitutionalists. are only a party to this exception, inas-
much as they, are oppissed to the Royalists. and defend the rights
of the people against them, as they were established during the
revolution, for every thing in the last 23 years has not been illusion
or crime.
A stop has been put to glaring abuses and odious privileges, sage
principles have been consecrated, and just barriers opposed to a
power which had no restraint but its own discretions. It is not
under this point of view that we are in opposition with Europe.
What a revolution would not have produced would have been ob-
tained by the progress of knowledge alone. Now that France is
acquainted with her rights, how can she be made to retrograde ?
It must first be in the power of man to destroy and forget his
own ideas, to create for himself other truths and another kind of
evidence.
Time Constitutionalists revere also the principle of legitimacy'
Two ‘lonarchical Constitutions have been framed in France, since
17'89—both have consecrated the principles of a hereditary throne;
but because both give the right to succeed to the throne, mist
we conclude that it transmits a power without limits ? Does it
perpetuate the manner of governing because it perpetuates the dy-
nasty ? And is there not a distinction to be made between the
designation of the Prince and the nature of his authority ? The
first is undoubtedly regulated by birth ; but the second can only be
regulated by national laws. Such are the principles of the Con-
stitutionalists.
This party, however, and this must not he dissembled, this party,
although it does not hesitate to submit, has never ceased during a
twelvemonth to be in opposition to the King's Government. In
1814 it wits chiefly the Constitutionalists who censured violently,
who attacked incessantly most of the measures and acts of autho-
rity ; amid when such a struggle has once begun, when the multitude
take a part in it, a revolution is not far off. This opposition
brcoglit out a number of parties who had never before ahem) them-
:lrises ft was generally said that the reign of the Bourbons would
not be. of long olgration. that a crisis was approaching either from
sonic enterprise of the Court, or a movement of the people. Some
spoke at that time of tatting a foreign Prince to the throne, others
ce.:;lsreil them selves in Avow of the Duke of Orleaus, a gruatet

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number still for the Reaet,ey; it seemed that a nor, of mesa. i • vo-
lution had already taken plate in the militia Hod heat t•, AIM ihis
circumstance. added to the treactiesy, explains rl> 11.0 will the
eiciiity with which Ruonaparte replaced himself on the throne and
the impossibility in which the Court then was of detendioe them-
selves. In another moment less decisive, nat where liiion.,parte
!pave in hicabdieation, the -awe opposition to Stir Kine's Gii.ern.
went was manifested in the Cntistitutional party %%ill' still more
force than the former tone. Why can I not avoid lag leg the se de-
tails before sour Majesty t—But how is it possible to .ave tier %ho.
narchy. it we are wet throttattly acquainted with the evil, end with
every danger i There is not a foreign Prince but at this moment
the party in question would have preferred obtaining or receiving
from the hands of the Allied Powers.
The prepossession had readied such a height that there was but
one exclusion ;...-that of the family of our ancient Kisses. Yotir
Majesty cannot help considering as a seditious art, the I)eclaration
of the Chamber of Representatives, which tended to regulate the
Royal power before the throne was tilled. The truth is, however,
that a multitude of Fienclunen participate in the same blindness
and the same resistance. because they had the same tears Every
one demanded conditions, every one dreaded re-actiona and yen-
geances ;
_they wished guarantees, met against yens Majesty, n hose
wisdom and moderation were known, but against the in eninsions
so well known and so often announced, of those who, from their
access to the throne, may one day have the opportunity, acid per.
bane the power, of making them triumph.
What nineties milt not this fate! disposition of minds produce/
I have only entered into such painful details to arrive at this eon-
sequence.—The acts of the Government will be again att•scied;
they are so alreetlyi .and this controel, with respect to principles,
passes for a right. and even for a duty, when it is exempt now had
intentions. Political doctrines are in the present day so stly
diffused In France, that the people imagine themselves competent
to decide 011 them. A demi liberty, partial conditions appear as
insupportable, and tin most ansolute power—they wittild excite the
same conunotionsi What I have already said of the putilie spirit of
the DePartinents, has sliewn that in some provinces the C•aisti-
tutional Party prevails more or leas. This same party attract- also
snore and more.notice among certain classes of citizeiss. old
rich families are in general more devoted to the King; is tin same
in the tribunals among the people of the law, and the Welter coin.
mercial classes: on the other hand, it is the sweat in:entity of the
inferior citizens (petite bourgeoisie), retailers and petty prnpris tor.,
who are constitutional, because they have had thee greatest wits E in
the Revolution. The purchasers of national estates mid the ti-
males of soldiers mid a great force to that pat ty ; but what gives
it more especially an irresistible preponder,nce, is the mass of
peasantry, wile are at present very enlightened and in easy cir-
cumstances, irreeoncileable enemies of the nobles alai clergy,
.whose situatiou has been ameliorated by the Revolution. Passion
calculates the strength of parties differently, anti arrives in tact at
other results. lii such calculations the people pass for nut hieg.
I do not include the Buonapartists in the number of partte,s-there
are none—there can no longer be any Buonapartists, except in a
small portion of the army. It is not from attachment tor the mass
of this party, it is still less from fidelity that in the month of Morels
a part of France %%as seen to associate themselves for a ~,,, ant %tin
his destinies; he owed his success entirely to our discords, which
made him be regarded by some as a liberator, by nteets tisi
in-
strutnent ; and this instrument gave us mulch ereater reasons r fear
than for hope. There can be no party without a chief. !toena-
il parte has only had three months of a new existence by events which
cannot again he renewed. All the remainder of the Biloi„leartists
are therefore contbunded in the ranks of the Constitutionalists and
Republicans.
1 come to the factions.—lt is principally tinder this point of view
that the situation of your Majesty is attended with danger. It is
evident that there are two great factions in the State. The one des
fends the principles of the Revolution. and the other aims at a cottn.
ter-revolution. The force of the two factions may be measnied.
In
the one there are the Nobles anti the Clerge, the ancient possessors
of national estates, the Emigrants. the old Royalists, and all
that remains of the Old Parliament.eulightened men, who sincere.
Iv, because they have learned nothing for twenty-five years, csount
comprehend how their old knonledge shoeld be deficient ; a Certain
number also who cannot pardon what they have abhorred or who
prefer their repose to every thing, and have no hope of reeniniiig it
but in the old regime; lastly, empassioned wtitecs, and nen,' ilea!,
whom a spirit of hatred impels always to violent measures—to ex-
tremities. In the other party is almost the whole of France--!the
Coustitstionzali.its and the Republicans, the actual Army and the

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Tll 17,

'ATM

Permle, all the discontented classes, and even a multitude of good
Freneliiiien, nut less enlightened than attached to the King—bat
who are convinced that every attempt of counter-revolution, and
even a simple tendency to the old regime, would become the Eignal
of an expluinni Riwilar to that of 170, and would have the same

result.
It k no longer a question of mere npinions—one of the two fac-
tions is iii commence—La Vendee is organised
—troops are raising iu the South, with volinirs vihieh are not even
royal, anJ already band 4 have appeared in Langnedoe and Provence.
They seek ako to itifloenee opinions. Even in the capital, those
who are desirous of a counter-revolution, say so openly, which is a
manner of prepasing the minds. At a greater distance, the high-
Royalist spreads his doctrines, and dues not dissemble his

projrcts.
Tlw other faction, which looks on the execution of these pro-
jer t as IMllos•.ible, does not vet act. But will this inaction conti-
'me totsgi and what will happen if the combat commences? Under
such grave dircumstances, it becomes my duty to express my undis-
guisett opinion to your Majesty. So long as France shall be occu-
pied by foreign troops, their presence may restrain to a certain
point, the popular party; the royal anthorsties may also, by their
vigilante. retard the danger; but the moment would come when all
the obstacles wonld he borne down; a civil war, when the cause of
t 1 a King it the pretext. may last a little longer, but at length the
mass of the people would be triumphant.
No person it more convinced than your Majesty that It is impos-
sible to retort' to the old docti hies of the Monarchy. All the ele-
ments of the old regime have disappeared. There was then no na-
tional estates recognised—power was modified by the manners—it
was regulated, as it were, and restraiwfd by habits and usages. If
there were no fixed laws, there were maxims of government—
there was an inviolable code of moderation, of mildness, of equity,
and urbanity--no passion was let loose—every person was formed
for his situati tttt , or supported it without regret. A single remark
may serve to shew the difference between that time and ours. An
import, fume or less, then constituted the reputation of an Intend-
act, the glory of a Minister, the eclat of a reit*. Will it be said
that France was only the snore happy? It will remain to be ex-
plained then how the revolution happened to be prepared in these
happy times—but to what pin-pose these discussions? The old re-
gime cannot he re-established. The greatest fault which govern-
Into Is can commit is not to distinguish between what is possible and
whir k lett. To he at war during a whole reign, is not reigning.
To colleen, nothing on this subject from your Majesty, I will
still Add, that no particular conspiracy menaces you at the present
moonlit Our dangers proceed only from our situation; but we
splay conceive no thought a conspiracy, of which the success WOlll.l
be infollible, and of which the de=igns could neither be prevented
ro..r foreseen. It would be that of a Ministry or a party at Court,
st I .0, front the grvsuert error, or the most blind devotion to the
ltn cahse, shonhl counsel or favour a plan of counter-revoln-
tiun. Emery plan of this nature would overturn the throne again
a ash, and destroy, perhaps, even our last hope of the dy-
yof our Kings.

A fake remark has often been made on the subject of the old re-
gime, name!y, that the French who have supported the tyranny of
Bounaparie, would support much more easily the whole extent of
the Royal power, They are here mistaken, in many respects, be-
cause the position of Butinaparte has never been known to foreign-
ers, his ty twiny was not our work, but that of Europe; it was the
SoVerellisA who consolidated his power by their treaties, their alli-
ances, and even by their friendships; and even if we had resisted
him. the tither nations would have ranged themselves muter his
eagle., or humbled themselves betUre him. Always more afraid of
the interim than foreign countries, he knew well that it lie had
au mica against the Kings, by had no power against public opinion.
It was by foreign obedience that be endeavoured to bend us under
the yoke. He has marched to more than one victory, to have au
additional means of re-acting on France. A conqueror without, he
was unquiet within—every public assembly made him tremble.
I..istly, there were always, in the midst of his Court. and in his
Counsels, men of courage, who, without disobeying the Monarch,
at least braved the despot. Supposing even that his tyrants), had
twee Inure patiently supported than it was, can the same submission
be now expected? He mints ived to make us forget liberty, by sub-
stituting glory in its stead. We had nothing to dread tinder Isis
Is ign, neither from the Clergy, nor ti... Nobles, nor the Emigrants.
lie sit Terded in depriving us of resetal of our rights, fur that
very testqui the public opinion is more strongly bent on now de-
lei.umg them. Your Majesty may judge of this from what has
t. 1,44 vlsto within Om last fifteen months. 'l'lwnsauds of men have

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