The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-03 00:00:00

• right to expect. The feeling at which they had arrived
WAS this, that the house had imposed on ene_m a most serious
and responsible duty. They v. et ...angto undertake that
duty; but only on terms which would enable them to dis-
charge it satisfactorily. (Hear.) There were two requi-
sites which the committee had to attain. The first was,
that the inquiry, delicate and difficult, should be conducted
with due care, circumspection, and prudence ; and the
second requisite was, that it should be a searching inves 1-
dition- Now, they could not comply with those two con-
tions unless this was made a secret inquiry, by prevent-
ing the insertion from day to dap of selected portions of
the evidence in the public papers, together with the com-
ments which would inevitably be made on the publication
of these selected portions. The noble lord the member for
Totness (Lora Seymour) said, if this was to be a secret
committee, they would be led into a line of examination
ix which they. would not otherwise indulge. Whatever
confidence the house might be disposed to feel in this com-
mittee, he thought it was clear the noble lord had not got
any very great confidence in them. Again, the noble lord
had told them that if this was a secret committee they
would still be unable to prevent the public becoming aware
of the evidence, because nothing would be expunged ex-
cept on motion, and -probably on division, and in one way
or another, it would be brought before the house. He be-
lieved the noble lord to be entirely mistaken in that. He
ventured, in the absence of any such decision, to say
that the reason advanced by the noble lord in opposi-
tion to this being a secret committee did not exist, and
. that the committee would have an absolute discretion as to
what part of their evidence it would be desirable to lay
before the house, and whether there was any part of it
which, having due regard to individuals, they might think
it desirable not to make public. The committee must ine-
vitably touch on matters of a very delicate and difficult
nature. The feeling of the country and of the army had
demanded this inquiry; the House of Commons had
granted it ; but it was nevertheless incumbent on the
gentlemen by whom it was conducted to take due care
that it should be conducted so as not to injure those inte-
rests which it was their duty to promote, and so as not to
inflict injustice on those individuals whose conduct must
canvassed by them. (Hear, hear.)
Sir J. GRAHAM—On a former occasion the house was
so indulgent as to listen with patience to many reasons
which I thought it then proper to adduce against the pro-
gress of this inquiry ; but, sir, the country having loudly
demanded au inquiry, and this house, the representative
of the public, having appointed a committee to prosecute
that inquiry, I bow to their decision, and it would ill be-
come me to repeat er to refer to arguments which, at the
right time, I offered in vain. I think rather that, occu-
pying again a private station, it becomes me, as taking
part in this deliberative assembly, if difficulties have
arisen, and if there should bo any degree of danger in this
inquiry, to offer my opinion freely as to the best mode of
avoiding these dangers raid of conducting the inquiry upon
which this house has determined. I, therefore, shall ab-
stain from any farther reference to the former debate, or
to any of the arguments which I then used. It does ap-
pear, certainl3, somewhat extraordinary, that at th© very
first meeting of this committee, composed only of 11 mem-
bers, of wham nine were present, the house should beealled
upon to place implicit confidence in those members. So
great is this difference of opinion that already a division
has arisen among the members composing the committee.
Upon the very threshold of the inquiry, on the very day
the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) is voted
into the chair, the committee find themselves involved in
such great difficulties that really, in spite of all that has
been said, it now becomes the duty of this house to rescue
the inquiry from tho disgrace of falling into the hands of a
hole-and-corner committee. Now, it is not a bare report
with which the house has been presented. Though terse,
it is very pointed, and contains the reasons which have
induced the majority of the committee to make their re-
commendation to the house. It says that, in the opinion
of the committee, the objects of the inquiry will be best
attained, justice to individuals will be best observed, and
the public interests will be most surely protected if the
committee be made a secret committee. Secrecy, in the
opinion of the majority of the committee, is the sure mode
of prosecuting the inquiry in the most safe manner, of best
protecting the public interests, and of mo,t sure'y avoiding
injustice to individuals. Now, Sir, with all respect for the
opinion of the majority of that committee, I detour to all
their three reasons.'2(kshe -es.) I know that if this inquiry
is to be proseceten—and it is quite right that I should now
assume that it is to Le prosecuted—the public interest will
best be promoted, tho inquiry will best be conducted, and
injury and injustice to individuals will be most surely
prevented by the committee not seeking the shelter of
secrecy, but conducting the inquiry with publicity. (Hear,
hear.) I stated on a former occasion—and I may just refer
to it in passing, as I wish to guard mytelf against misap-
prehension—that I could not shut my eyes to the very con-
siderable danger which would attend even publicity; but
I know no ground, except the discretion of the members of
the committee, why the inquiry should not be conducted
under the eye of the public, for where danger to the public
interests begins there the inquiry ought to terminate.
(Hear.) This is the limit which ought to be fixed to the
inquiry, and beyond which the public ought not to de-
mand it to be pushed. As to precedents, I will not touch
upon the ground taken by my right hon. friend the member
for Midhurst (Mr. Walpole) further than to observe that
• all the precedents upon which he relies, if I mistake not,
relate to great naval and military operations, which had
been brought to a close before an inquiry was instituted.
Certainly, in reference to these precedents, I do not re-
member that ray right hon. friend cited one in which
secrecy was the principle adopted. The last inquiry was
an inquiry of the house, in a public manner, at the close
of the Walcheren expedition, into the conduct of that
expedition. There was certainly attending that com-
mittee of inquiry a committee of secrecy, but it had no
reference to the conduct of the officers employed, being
merely a communication on the past of the Government
of certain information which it was not thought ex-
pedient to lay before the public. In fact, this in-
formation formed no integral part of the inquiry,
but was merely an appendage to it. And now I must
shortly remark to the house that it is important
they should observe how different has been the view taken
in the house of the composition of' the committee. By
several majorities the naval, element has been excluded.
(Hear.) Nothing could be more fair and honourable than
the statement of the chairman of the committee as to the
mode adopted with reference to the inquiry. The matter
has been studiously and carefully balanced—balanced with
reference to party, and balanced by agreement. Last night,
by a small majority—l believe it is not irregular for me to
name an hon. member in reference to the appointment of
a committee of this kind—last night Sir J. Hanmer was
chosen, and he will probably form the pivot on which the
inquiry may be said to turn. The hon. member is se-
lected as the makeweight in this committee, holding, as it
were, the balance of ingredients so compounded and so
neutralised, that reason, truth, and justice are almost sus-
pended. It is, therefore, of the very highest importance
that we should take care that the sacred cause of truth
and justice is not injured by an inquiry conducted by a
committee so composed. (Cheers.) Nothing can be more
true than what was stated by the right hon. gentleman
who has just sat down (Sir J. Pakington) as to the rule of
this house with respect to secret committees. If this house
adopts the report of the committee, and gives its fiat to
secrecy, its whole power and control over the future con-
duct of the inquiry are gone, and gone for ever. (Hear.)
There can be no appeal to this house on the part of. any
member composing the committee—there can be no report
except by the concurrence of the majority of this commit-
tee of 11. What was said by the right hon. gentleman is
most true, with regard to these proceedings. I have great
faith in publicity, as the great check where the cause of
justice is at stake—(cheers)—and why is any tribune! here
involving the conduct of public men, the character of
admirals, of generals, and of statesmen, to be conducted
on principles different to those which prevail in our
courts of law? (Great cheering.) In our courts of law
—life and property—and what are dearer than life and
property—namely, the character and position of men
in society—daily become the subject of investigation,
and it is the life and spirit and the very soul of justice that
publicity shall pervade and check all these proceedings.
The sacred cause ofjnstice is promoted by it. Bystanders
constantly afford the means of contradicting false evidence
or suggest the means wanting to complete evidence. This
tends to promote the cause of truth, and, if the same prin.
pie be adopted in a committee of this kind, I am convinced
it will have the same effect. (Hear.) The object of the
committee is to satisfy the desire of the public that an in-
vestigation should take place. I believe that the desire on
the part of the public is an honest desire to have the truth
ascertained with a view of correctives being. applied to
teal-administration, and I do not believe that there is any-
thing whatever vindictive in that desire. (Hear.) Perhaps
the house will pardon me if I say that we, the representa-
tives of the people, acting upon the desire of the public are
influenced by somewhat different motives. Party feelings
and party objects have mingled in our discussions in refer-
ence to this subject. The existence of those feelings, swaying
even the judgment of the most honest men, will interfere,
unless you take due precautions, with the justice of the in-
vestigation, and I know no check so strong as that the
name of every person who puts a question shall be known
to the public. (Hear.) His motives will be well understood,
his words will b 3 well weighed, and the salutary check of
public opinion will be brought to bear upon the inquiry. I
also conceive that the inquiry itself will be infinitely more
guarded when every witness knows that what he says be-
fore the committee is certain to be submitted to the ordeal
of publicity and the ordeal of public opinion. (Hear.) And
now what is the assertion made by the right hon. gentle-
man the member for Droitwich (Sir J. Pa.ckington) ? He has
reminded you, and he has reminded you rightly, that if you
snake this a secret committee your power over the inquiryis gone, and it will depend entirely on the vote of a majority
of thatcommittee, perhaps upon thevote of any one indivi-
t cal member of it,whetheranyquestions that maybe thought
id
neonsistent with the secrecy required shall be expunged
and altogether omitted. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, I know
no reason, if such injustice should sway a majority of the
committee, why
may not be eieee
even extracts front the answers of a wit-
ness
house in the (Hear, hear.) The power of thismatert-allbe gone, and it will depend upon
the committee w
whether they merely they report the evidence at all, or
Toefptozetirthe result produced on the
merlins the majority
la body. Nay, even the pro.
gof tho committee ewehdo not b reported to
house. You need not know e the
voted in favour of the
will nesaybewtihthe
irtepaollit
tohfeonanly.
report, whatever it may be.
a single member, and yet it
wrell aware
thority of a report of this houpslea.ae(dile.aurt.larno
that implicit reliance is to be
of mem-
bars of this house. If the house decrees that the
tee is to be secret, I do not believe that intentionall'inaint;
member composing that committee will betray the secrets
which pass in the committee. But still, even if they k,p a
constant guard on all they say in public and among their
friends, it must he remembered that witnesses will be exa-
mined over whom they can have no such control. (Hoar.)
The witnesses will easily, ascertain, from the questions put
to them, what is the tendency of the inquiry, and
awndhat
they,are
them,
the feelings of the persons who question
not being placed immediately underyour control, will i, sir,
nfal•
New,
libly disclose the proceedings of the committee.
my belief is, that between No. 17 upstairs and Printing-
house-square a whispering-gallery will be established—
(" Hear, hear," and laughter)—which day by day will dis-
close to the public, in a manner that I think most excep-
tionable—namely, partially and imperfectly—(hear, hear)
--what takes place before your committee of secrecy. The
desire to maintain the character and the position of this
house is stronger than any othorfeeling which actuates me.
That mace—that " bauble"—(pointing to the mace upon
the clerk's table)—has encountered the sceptre of the
Stuarts, and it overcame that sceptre. In my time the
Reform Bill was carried by a majority of this house, de-
spite the opposition of aftnajority of the House of Lords. I
entreat this house well to weigh the consequences of a con-
flict with the press of this country. (Somsecries of "Oh,
oh," from the Opposition benches, met by loud cheers.) If
the house embarks in that conflict—(" Oh, oh," and in-
terruption)--I have before said that, with the permission
of the house, Iwould e. xpress my opinion as a private
a
gentleman in deliberativeassembly, amid great public
difficulties, and thatwould warn the house of what oc-

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