The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-21 00:00:00

LVEPE 1AI! d PARMIA_I E Yr.

HOUSE OF Lv.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool-
sack at five o'clock.

PETITIONS.
Lord BERNERS presented a petition from Corn-
wall praying her Majesty's Government to bring in a
measure to exempt owners of mines from assessment.
Lord DERBY gave notice that on Friday he would
put a question to her Majesty's Government as to
whether it was their intention to bring in a measure
during the present session affecting the law of .partner-
ship.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition in favour
of closing public-houses on Sundays.
The Earl of EGLlNTON.presented a petition from
Ayr against the distillation from grain.
COMMON'S' INdLOSURE BILL.
On the motion of Lord CANNING this bill was read
a third time and passed.
CASE OF MR. CARDEN.
Lord BROUGHAM, in pnrsuance of the notice be
gave last night, begged to ask the late Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland for the information respecting the liberation
of Mr. Carden, who was convicted for the abduction of
a young lady in Ireland.
Lord ST.. GERMANS was glad that his noble and
learned friend had put this question to him on this sub-
ject, which appeared to him to be very much misunder-
stood. Mr. Carden was convicted at the last summer
assizes ofTipperary, and sentenced to t woyears' imprison.
ment. After he had been incarcerated for some time he re-
Ceived information that further incarceration would be
fatal to the life of Mr. Carden. In consequence of such
representation an eminent medical man was sent to the
prison to examine the state of bealth of Mr. Carden, and
this gentleman having reported that a longer confine-
ment would prove fatal to hit t], he (Earl St. Ger-
mans) ordered him to be liberated on the following
conditions :—that Mr. Carden, being a wealthy man,
he should enter into his own surety for 10,0001,, and
that he should find two sureties of 5,0001. each, to keep
the peace toward the lady insulted, for the remaining
period of the sentence. Just before he left Ireland, he
understood that Mr. Carden had declined to accept of
those conditions, consequently the Government had•no
alternative but to require that gentleman to remain in
prison.

THE POSITION OF PRUSSIA. WITH RESPECT
TO THE NEGOTIATIONS AT VIENNA.

Lord LYNDHURST rose to call the attention of
;heir lordships to the position of Prussia with respect to
;he negotiations now opened at Vienna. He should do
his with the more freedom because, as he was not con-
nected with the Government, nothing which he could
ray could cause any inconvenience to her Majesty's
Ministers, Ile need not remind their lordships that
Prussia had urged in the strongest manner her claim to
take part in the conferences at Vienna, which had been
most strenuously and properly resisted by the Allied
Powers. This was a subject of great interest, and he
would endeavour to remove from it the obscurity which had
been thrown upon it by the diplomatic contrivances of the
Court of Prussia. The interest of the subject had re•
cently been increased by the messag,e sent by the late
Czar in his dying moments to the King of Prussia,
and the manifesto which had been issued by the pre-
sent Emperor of Russia, announcing his intention to
uphold to the highest pitch the glory and honour of his
kingdom, in order to enable him . to accomplish the
views and desires of his illustrious predecessors, Peter,
Catherine, Alexander, and his late father Nicholas ; that
desire being to overthrow the Ottoman empire and esta-
blish the Russian Government at Constantinople. He
(Lord Lyndhurst), for one, never expected active and cor-
dial support for the aline. from Prussia. Into the rea-
sons for that it would be foreign to his purpose to enter
now, but he could not abstain from reading the following
extract from a despatch addressed by an eminent Russian
diplomatist to Prince Nesselrode before the last war be-
tween Russia aed Turkey ;—" Suppose that Russia should
under take alone to put in execution these coercive means
[against Turkey], there is every reason to believe that
the Court of Berlin would net in any measure oppose us ;
but, on the contrary, her attitude, at once unfettered
aed friendly, would operate as a powerful cheek on other
Stites, and bring them to submit to results satisfactory
to the dignity and interests of Russia. It will be
necessary to let the Cabinet of Berlin to a certain extent
into our confidence, and to convince it that the part we
assign to Prussia will contribute to increase the happy
intimacy between the two Sovereigns and the two
Courts." Was it possible to imagine anything more an-
ticipatory or prophetic of the course that had for the
last six months been pursued by the Court of Prussia ?
It was supposed that Prussia, having been a party to
the protocols of the Bth December, 13th January, and
9th April would actively cooperate with the allies. A
little consideration would show that the expectation was
unfounded, because Prussia was constrained to sign these
protocols in order to avoid being completely isolated,
and sinking for a time into the position of a second-rate
power. By these protocols the parties engaged to pro-
cure the evacuation of the Principalities, and to obtain
guarantees to protect the independence of the Sultan,
and-the integrity of his erupro. How bad these engage-
ments been fulfilled by the court of Prussia ? Baron
Manteuffel, the Prime Miiister of Prussia, had on
three different occasions stated that Prussia had ex-
pressed her opinion upon tin policy of Russia in these
protocols, but he did not conceive that she was called
upon to go further, or to take any active measures.
He further stated that he did not conceive the in-
dependence of Germany or German interests to be
involved in the contest, and therefore Prussia was not
called upon to make any sacrifices. At that time Prussia
had been a party to the treaty of 1841, and to the pro-
tocols just referred to; the principalities had, in most
flagrant violation of all principle, been invaded by the
armies of Russia ; the revenues had been sequestered,
and the inhabitants compelled to make war upon their
Sovereign ; and under these circumstances the Prime
Minister of Prussia thought tat it was enough for that
country to admit the wrong which she had engaged her-
self to redress, but that there was no occasion for her
to take any more active stops. Could there be a greater
neglect of duty, or anything more degrading to a great
power ? But it was said that German independence and
German interests were not involved in this contest. He
(Lord Lyndhurst) believed that the independence and
interests of Germany were more closely involved in this
contest than were those of the Western Powers, who
were making such great sacrifices for the promotion of
German interests and independence and the cause of civi-
lisation throughout the world. If by Gamma interests
were meant material and ;4 commercial, how could
the position that these were. not involved be possibly
maintained ? One of the main questions was the naviga-
tion of the Danube, a question essentially German. So
far as Prussia was concerned, her immediate interests
were not very much involved in the navigation of the
Danube ; but so far as central and northern Germany
were concerned, that was the channel of the great part
both of their outward and homeward trade. (Hear.)
If any authority were requisite on this subject, he might
quote the authority even of Prussia herself. Baron
ManteutTel'said—" The interest, for which we are la-
bolo ing amidst impending complicatiOns are, from their
very circumstances, the interests of entire Germany. A
well-regulated state of affairs in the countries oil the
Lover Danube, is of essential importance to the material
interests of Germany." (Hear, hear.) How, then, was
it p issible to reconcile with any principle whatever
-the statement of the policy of Praseia as represented by
the high individual to whom he had referred' ? But there
were other circumstances connected with this part of
the question, which he felt it necessary to bring before
the notice of their lordstips. In a committee of the
Prussian Chambers, the Minister of War stated that it
was impossible that Prussia could co-operate in a ques-
tion of
.this kind with Russia, and that it would be an
act of parricide against all Germany. What was the
consequence ? An intimation was afterwards given to
the Minister at War, that it would be inconvenient for
the Government if he held his office any longer, and two
days afterwards he sent in his resignation. (Hear, hear.)
There were ether facts of the same description. Tire re-
presentative of Prussia at our Court—(hear)—a man of
great knowledge, talents, and attainments--a man Con-
versant with the interests of his country and of Europe,
finding that his advice was neglected, and that the course
pursued by his Government was utterly inconsistent with
the opinions he entertained, and not wishing to be an
agent in carrying into effect what he did not approve,
resigned his office, and was now pursuing his literary
labours at Heide: burg. At a more recent period, to-
wards the close of the last year, the King of Prussia', in
a speech from the throne, enlarged upon domestic affairs
and also upon foreign affairs. It had been usual to pre-
sent an address in answer to the speech, but on the sup-
position that it might contain some topics not quite
agreeable to the royal ear, it was stated by the Ministers
that the address could he dispensed with, and that the
Crown did not wish it to be presented. lie would leave
their lordships to draw their own conclusion from the
facts which lie had stated, add would now close what be
considered the first act of this political drama. The neat
stage was this—lt was considered by Austria that after
a certain interval it was right to call -upon Russia to
evacuate the Principalities, and a demand to that effect
was drawn un aid signed. It was then sent to Berlin
for the signature of the sovereign of that country.
Prussia did not choose to add her signature to a docu-
ment of that description, but in a more gentle form she
agreed, by her resident minister, to support that de-
mand ; but with what energy and zeal that demand had
been supported their lordships were perfectly capable
of judging. The result was that the demand was re-
jected, hut though rejected it was not rejected in
terms, but by some counter-propositions being sent for
the adoption of Austria. These propositions only went
to some of the questions in controversy between Austria
and the Allies and Russia. Some time was consumed
in the operations, and Prussia then pressed Austria in
the strongest manner to stop the march of her troops
until the matter was finally decided. To that proposi-
tion Austria very properly acceded. But what was the
result ? Russia said she would retire behind the Pruth,
and act only upon the defensive. But what course did
the propositions agreed to are
Prussia adopt ? She said,
all that can really be expected from Russia. and she
withdrew from all further support of the confederates.
Having thus detached herself front the Allies, what took
place ? She began immediately to oppose the policy pm:-
sued by Austria,
s and endeavoured to induce the luclivi-
al.ual States of Germany not to accede to the propositions
of Austria for securing the peace and tranquillity of
Europe ; and to a certain degree Prussia was successful.
Now he did not ask their lordships to come to any con-
clusion from these circumstances that Prussia had been
acting in concert with Russia, or had been the active
agent of Russia ; but if she had been acting iu concert
with Russia, and had been employed as the agent of Rue-

pia, she could not more effectually have accomplished
of fb,,) hr
;1,,.'1 ,i.],.aJ: se,
time Prussia was asking the minor States not to sup-
port Austria she thanked two cf them for not co-ope-
rating with the Allies. (Hear. hear.) This was the
conclusion of the second act of the drama. He now
came to third and last. Austria found it necessary to
take a further step in the business, and a very important
step, in conjunction with the Allies. The Allies ap-
pointed a meeting, to be held on the Bth of August at
Vienna, for the purpose of deciding upon whet should
be required of Russia as the bases of any preliminary ne-
gotiations. Notice was given in the usual way to the
Court of Prussia as on two or three occasions. Prussia,
however, did not think proper to attend. She did not
expressly say she would not attend, but she did not in
fact attend ; and, in consequence of her not attending, a
note was signed by the three Powers, stating, as the
basis of negotiation, the four points which had been so
much discussed. These points were sent for the accep-
tance of Russia, She rejected them entirely. What was
the course then taken by Prussia? She published a docu-
ment objecting to the four points; and she went further,
and set at work a most active opposition to all the
attempts of Austria to induce the States of Germany to
co-operate with the Allies. She thus separated still fur-
ther from the Allies, The next step, and almost the last
in this history, was the treaty of the 2d of December.
The three allied powers met and negotiated a treaty, the
object of which treaty was to call upon Russia within a
month from its date to state such proposals for peace as
the Allies could accept. When that treaty was signed,
notice was given to Prussia. Time had been left for her
acceptance ; but she refused to do so. She would not
subscribe er join in the treaty. Some formal objections
were made, and she said she should have no objection to
subscribe similar individual treaties with this country
and with France. The answer was, " If you will accede
to a treaty having the same effect with France, and a
separate treaty also with England, no objection will be
made to that course." But from that time to this Prus-
sia had never consented to do so. She had made various
propositions, and carried on various negotiations, with
qualifications innumerable, with exceptions such as she
must have known the Allies could not by any possibility
accede to. That was the state in which Prussia stood
at the present moment. Now all the observations which
he had made must be understood as applying to the
Court, to the Government, of Prussia. He had reason
to believe, and he had reason to know, that the national
feeling of that country was nut at all in accordance with
that of the Court. (Cheers.) He held in his hand a
copy of an address which had been prepared by a com-
mittee of the Second Chamber appointed to examine the
bill relative to the war estimates. That document was
expressed in very strong language, and corresponded as
nearly as possible with the view which he had taken.
The extract to which he wished to call the attention of
their lordships was couched in the following terms :
" We cannot refrain from expressing the anxiety with
which your Majesty's faithful people have followed,
during the last ten months, the policy of the royal Go-
vernment in the great European question. It has seen
with sorrow Prussia leave the community of the great
Powers represented last year at the Vienna conferences,
and thereby renounce the most efficacious means of as-
sisting, by a firm attitude, which would exclude every
doubt, the speedy attainment of the object so ardently
desired by the whole country—a peace offering durable
guarantees against the renewal of the disturbance of
established order in Europe, in a manner conformable
equally to the dignity, the interests, and the position of
Prussia as a Power, as also to the declarations made at
the commencement of the year by the Government of
your Majesty concerning its future line of policy. We
know how to appreciate to their full extent the difficul-
ties of the present situation ; but in the presence of
those anxieties we must express the respectful convic-
tion that, whatever may happen, we behold the most
essential and the most indispensable guarantee of the
future of Prussia in a firm and consistent line of policy."
The next step which lie would mention was one of im-
poreance, and brought the question to a crisis. Russia,
in the first instance, demanded an explanation of the
meaning put upon the four points by the Allies. An
answer was given. Explanations followed. Upon those
explanations being given, Russia expressed heiaelf willing
t accede, and negotiations were opened at Vienna.
What was the souse pursued by Prussia ? She claimed
to be admitted as a party to the negotiations. And on
what ground ? Principally on the 'around that she soh-
scribed the protocols of the year before and the early
part of last year. Why, on what pretence could she be
admitted on these grounds to take part in the negotia-
tions ? It was true that, up to a certain point, she con-
curred in the acts of the other Powers. But she after-
wards deserted them. She divided herself from the Allies
upon the question of the answer in the first instance,
and of the demand of the evacuation of the Principalities.
She also continued her active operations against the
policy of Austria at the Diet. Again, she was offered
to be a party to the treaty of the 2d December, but she
refused to become so. The object of that treaty was
this--that if Russia would not accept terms of peace the
Allies pledged themselves to concert measures for carry-
ing on the war. Prussia refused to accede to that pro-
position. Upon what ground then could she claim a
right to be a party to those negotiations ? He hoped
and entreated that the Allied powers would adhere to the
decision to which they had come—(hear)—that they
would not on any pretence allow the Prussian negotiator
to be a party in these negotiations. If she were to be
admitted to the negotiations at Vienna she would act in
concert with Russia, as the ally of Russia, as the instru-
ment of Russia, as her slave, he might almost say as her
tool. (Cheers.) He was sure that Prussia would so con-
trive to complicate the matter as to render it impossible
to come to any satisfactory conclusion, and if she were to
be admitted to the negotiations he should entirely despair
of any beneficial result. (Hear.) It was singular that,
in the history of some nations, their diplomatic charac-
ter and foreign policy survived under successive monarchs
and successive generations. The diplomatic character
and foreign policy of Russia might be traced back to
the time of Peter. It had descended through Catherine
and Alexander and the late emperor to the present time.
In like manner, the diplomatic character and foreign
policy of Prussia might be traced up to at least as far
back as the time of Frederick the Great. That monarch
obtained the flattery of the French philosophers in ex-
change for a patronage sometimes accorded, and some-
times withdrawn. The Government of Prussia was the
contriver, the originator, the instigator, the active in-
strument in the partition of Poland, the most nefarious
political transaction that ever occurred. (Hear.) The
foreign policy of Prussia down to the present time exhi-
bited the same features—the same unscrupulous charac-
ter. (Hear.) As far back as 1794 it was considered of
the utmost importance to this country to collect a large
military force to be directed against France. Applica-
tion was made to Prussia. The reply was that she was
poor--that she had no means of raising such a force.
The English Minister said that this country was willing
to furnish the means, but upon condition that the army
should serve at such points as the British Government
should point out. The proposition was assented to, and
the money was paid into the treasury of Prussia. The
Prussian troops passed the Rhine, where they remained
for purposes peculiarly Prussian ; and, nothwithstanding
the repeated remonstrances which were made to the
Prime Minister, the commander of the troops refused
to stir from his position, and the object of the treaty
was utterly frustrated. (Hear, hear.) Again, what
was the conduct of Prussia immediately preceding the
battle of Austerlitz ? About that time she was fluctuat-
ing between Alexander and Napoleon, sometimes entsr-
ing into treaties with one power, and sometimes with
the other. At length Prussia chose to adopt the course
co' policy which she now desired to adopt—that of
mediator. The Prussian representative did not find
Napoleon where he expected him at Vienna, the battle
of Austerlitz having been fought in the meantime.
The whole aspect of things was thus changed, and Prussia
abandoned her character of negotiator, and entered into
a treaty of alliance, offensive toad defensive, with Napo-
leon, and took as a bribe the concession of the territory
of Hanover, which belonged to her friend and ally.
(Hear, hear.) The vacillation of Prussia, professing one
thing and doing another, the game of fast and loose
which she had played, corresponded in principle with
the facts he had stated. He had no faith whatever in
the Prussian Government, and would warn her Ma-
jesty's Government against entering into a treaty with
Prussia. It was a great satisfaction to him to know that
the present negotiations were to be conducted by the
noble lord the late President of the Council, who since
leaving this country, had, by a touch of the spear of
Ithuriel, started into Lis former character of Secretary
for the Colonies. (Laughter.) The noble lord was now
placed in a most important position ; and when he cen-
traeted the position wbicle he lately occupied on the
fourth row behind the Treasury bench with his present
bielliant prospects, he was reminded of the words of the
poet—

"-rnox seso attollit in auras,
lugrediturque solo et caput in nublia coudit."

He had full confidence in the sagacity of the noble lord,
in his vigour, and in his decision, and fully concurred in
the remarks which fell from him a short time ago in
another place. He believed the noble lord would not ac•
cede to any terms of peace short of those which would
attain the object of the war, for anything short of such
terms would be but a hollow truce, leading to new wars
and now sacrifices. (Hear, hear.) He was confident
that the energy and unfailing resources of this country
would at no distant. time place it in a position even higher
than that from which it had declined in consequence of
the mismanagement of the war. Its prosperity bad
created many jealous enemies around it, who looked on
what they were pleased to call its fall with something
very like satisfaction. Let it meet them with a display
of fortitude, and make them respect its courage, and at
the same time the energy and vigour with which it
would apply itself to repair its disasters.
The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, I think your
lordships will understand the difficulties under which I
rise, not in order to answer the speech of my noble and
learned friend, but to speak upon this question at all. If
Ido not follow my noble friend through his able ard
elaborate narrative of Prussian diplomacy, I hope tlir.t
ho will not attribute it to any want of respect to himself
on my part, or from any desire of not recognising the
importance of the subject, or from any desire that I
have to become the apologist of Prussian diplomacy. I
hope my noble and learned friend will recollect that less
responsibility is attached to his words than to mine--
not that I can agree with my noble and learned friend
that no responsibility is attached to what he has said--
on the contrary, I think that no one of your lordships is
entitled to consider himself irresponsible for his language
pr opinions, particularly with respect to ',foreign affairs.
S;nce I have had the honour to hold the seals of the
Foreign-office, I have had reason to know the import-
ance which is attached to any speech in both Houses of
Parliament, an importance which is always augmented
in reference to the personal weight and political cbarac-

; •e . eanen ceurn wines ce i tut ian t
struck with the masterly manner in which my noble
and learned friend has made himself acquainted with
and described the events of the last twelve mouthy,.
I trust my noble and learned friend will not thiele
that I can possibly allow judgment to go by
Oefa,ult, when I say that I have not any such document
to produce as the one he has alluded to, and that he has
mistaken, not intentionally I am convinced, but that he
has mistaken our position and our intentions. I think,
however, that I shall best discharge my duty in accord.
ance with the reserve which my position necessarily im-
poses upon me, if, instead of following my noble and
learned friend through the various points upon which he
has treated, I venture to supply certain deficiencies
with respect to the communications which have taken
place between her Majesty's Government and the Go-
vernment of the Emperor of the French, and the Court
of Prussia. For it is after all, in these communications
that your lordships will feel more interested, and I
shall therefore endeavour to lay before you the commu-
nications which have been made, the results of which
have been, I regret to say, far from satisfactory ; for I
cannot regard the state of our relations with Prussia as
so satisfactory as we could desire, and I should be
happy to see our alliance with that power on the same
footing that it was in the early part of last year, when
Prussia joined with us in declaring that the war which
France and England had undertaken was a just and
politic war, and when she denounced as strongly as we
did the aggressive policy of Russia, and joined with
Austria in a most energetic summons to Russia. Whe-
ther it was supposed that this united appeal was irresist-
ible, and that our success would be complete, I do not
undertake to say ; but the positive refusal of Russia to
comply with the summons appeared to stagger the reso-
lution of Prussia. When, in compliance with the re-
quest of Austria, en the summons of Count Buol, the
representatives of the French and English Courts were
ready to attend the conference, they were told that no
conference could be held, because Prussia refused to at-
tend. The Austrian Government, tired at last of wait-
ing, sent this answer to the Courts of London and Paris,
and her Majesty's Government, together with the Go-
vernment of the Emperor of the French, lost no time in
pronouncing a decided opinion upon it. It is true, in-
deed, that the Prussian Minister at this Court afterwards
told me that a representative of Prussia would be al-
lowed to attend. My answer, after a communication
with the Court of France, was, that it was then too late,
since both the English, French, and Austrian Govern-
ments had invited Prussia to give an opinion, and she
had done so—that to occasion a reassembling of the con-
ference, to make a communication of the same despatch,
was simply ridiculous. The note of August the Bth was
then exchanged between the three Governments of Aus-
tria, France, and England. The accession of Prussia
*was again invited, and aeain the invitation declined.
After the notes bad been signed, the accession of Prus-
sia was again invited, and again was the invitation de-
clined. The positions of Austria and Prussia towards
the Allied Powers have been most justly characterised
by my noble and learned friend. Austria has steadfastly,
adhered to her policy and her undertakings, while Prus-
sia has widely diverged from them, and the result of this
has been, German disunion. Before the treaty was
signed Prussia was invited to agree to it, and she de-
clined ; after the treaty was signed her accession was
invited, and it was then declined also. Prussia, how-
ever, afterwards informed the English and French Go-
vernments that her honour and dignity had not been
sufficiently consulted in the treaty ; that there was a
clause in it relating to the Principalities which did not con-
cern her ; that another clause was offensive to her ho-
nour and dignity • that she hag great reason to complain
of Austria ; and that she was prepared to enter into an
analogous engagement to that with Austria. She de-
manded to be unconditionaliy admitted to the conference,
which she had before refused to take part in. She had
been invited to join the conference, and the conference
bad not taken place Li consequence of her refusal to join
in it ; and it was an error to suppose that the conference
about to be held was a continuation of the former con-
ference. In the month of October the Austrian Govern-
ment asked the French and English Governments to
join a renewed conference. We answered that the time
for conference and protocols had gone by, but that if she
would join in arrangements for war we would then un-
dertake to see if peace was practicable. Prussia had
complained of Austria. We gave to her the same ex-
planations, and asked her to sign the same protocols,
and told her that if she would place herself in the same
position towards the Western Powers as Austria bad done
we would admit her to the conference ; but for Prussia
to claim all the privileges, and take none of the risks,
of a great European conference, which might lead to peace
or which might lead to war, and considerably extend the
sehere of that war—without declaring her intentions or her
policy—without entering into any engagements, or saying
whether she entered into the conference as a foe and a
Mend, was utterly impossible. (Cheers.) This is the
footing on which the matter now stands, and this is my
answer to the question of my noble and learned friend
—whether Prussia has been admitted to the conference ?
It is true that an especial mission was afterwards sent
to this country, and I need not tell your lordships that
a most friendly reception was given to the honourable
and excellent gentleman who came from Prussia to this
country. The same course was pursued at Paris, and
if the negotiators had been empowered to admit our pro-
positions, the treaty would have been arranged by this
time. Unfortunately that was not the case. Ido not
altogether despair of negotiations with Prussia coining
to a friendly understanding. Indeed negotiations were
made only three or four days ago. The issue of the
state of affairs, which I have before described, has been
that important negotiations have been commenced,
whilst Prussia continues excluded from them. We can
have no interest but to be on friendly relations with
Prussia, and to see her occupy the high position to which
she is entitled. The great territorial extent of Prussia,
her amount of population, and her vast military organi-
sation, entitleher to be one of the great Europeanpowers.
For a century she has taken part in all the questions
which have arisen during that time, and it has been a me-
lancholy spectacle to see Prussia abdicating, as it were,
the high position she has held. (Hear, hear.) It has
been a melancholy spectacle to see her endeavouring to
reduce the greatest question of modern times—whether
Europe shall be independent or shall succumb to the
aggressive and insidious policy of Russia—and to see her
endeavouring to restrict this great question within the
narrow limit of German exclusiveness. lam aware that
there is no country in Europe in which war may be
more justly dreaded than in Prussia. We,i n our insu-
lated position, may perhaps speak of war with levity,
but sheShas, from the recollection of past events, every
reason to dread war and its calamities. But these feel-
ings must not be carried too far, for the policy of senti-
ment is not the policy to fulfil the obligations of a great
European power, or to maintain its nationality. Prussia
has always said that peace was her policy, and I have
no doubt of the sincerity of her desire for peace. Peace
is quite as clearly the advantage of England, France,
and Austria, as well as of Prussie, and it is well known
that we will not carry on the war a day longer than i -
necessary; but the course which Prussia has taken has
hitherto male peace impracticable. I do not question
the right of Prussia to adopt any policy she pleases. It
is perfectly true that the constant policy of Prussia has
been to keep Germany weak from disunion. She cannot
side with Russia and march against Austria, and insult
twenty millions of Germans, because she knows that the
consequence of this uunatural alliance would be that at
the end of the war she would find herself at the mercy
of Russia. She will not side with Austria, and the
general result, I fear, of the policy of Prussia hitherto
has been to frustrate the union, to prevent that unifor-
mity of language which would have gone far to have se-
cured for us the peace which we so anxiously desired,
and to have secured for Germany the guarantees of which
she stands so much in need. I, therefore, say that
Prussia has placed herself in an isolated and false, and
therefore helpless position, which, although it may be
satisfactory to her enemies, must be deeply regretted by
her allies, and is deeply regretted by her brave and pa-
triotic population. (Hear, hear.) It is iroin this posi-
tion that neither honour nor advantage can be gained,
and it is from this position that her Majesty's Govern-
ment and the Government of the French Emperor have
been most anxious to relieve her. To this object their
efforts have been hitherto directed, and I can assure
your lordships that no exertions will be spared to secure
the co operation of Pi usga. It will always be attempted
in a friendly spirit, and always with regard t 3 the honour
and dignity of a great and independent European Power.
(Hear, hear.)
Their lordships adjourned at seven o'clock.

ROUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY.
The SPEAK-TM took the chair shortly before four
o'clock.

PRIVATE BILLS.
The Glossop Gas Bill was conidered, and ordered to
be read a third time.
On the motion for the second reading of the Hattie-
pool Pier and Port Bill,
Mr. HEADLAM opposed the bill, contending that
the scheme which it embraced was impracticable. He
therefore moved, as an amendment, that the bill be read
a second time that day sir months.

Mr. FARRAR supported the bill, and declared that
its only object was to increase the harbour accommoda-
tions required by the increasing trade of Hartlepool. lie
added the board of Admiralty wore highly favourable to
the bill.

Mr. INGHAM was not aware that anybody con-
nected with the shipping interest of the north of Eng-
land had petitioned in favour of this bill. On the othtz
hand he knew that several parties had petitioned against
it, and he thought the preponderance of testitnony was
against the bill. Besides, the bill disclosed no legiti-
mate source of revenue, and the house ought to hesitate
before they sanctioned such a measure as this.
Mr. BOUVERIE said no substantial reason had
been shown in this case why the house should depart
from its general rule of referring private bills to the con-
sideration of a select committee, when they violated no
public principle. There could be no , doubt that of
late years the trade of Hartlepool had so greatly in-
creased, that the shipping frequenting the port required
some additional accommodation. At present the ships
that could not find berths in the docks took refuge in a
bay outside the harbour, and theobijsesicotneorfs
to e
bill
o.
was to enable the Barbour comm
close the bay and make its a„achQrage secure.
The :nterest of the money required for that purpose
would be raised by a rate levied upon the shipping using
that harbour of refuge.
Mr. LINDSAY said, if the house sanctioned this bill,
twhoeunldthbee'perxo--
the end of it be at soofrareef2usgoe:ooaou/d.
pro-
moters wuopuolnd come again to Parliament, and say "that
sum will be lest unless you allow us to levy passing
tolls." Now, the present policy of the State was op.