The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-28 00:00:00

-if the war were successful, it would tend to rivet the fet-
ters on one of the most oppressed nationalities iu the
world. (Hear, hoar.)
Viscount PA.LMERSTON—I cannot concur in the ob-
ser rations which have been made by the noble lord who has
just sat down, and who has compared the progress of the Bri-
tish arms in different parts of the world with that transac-
tion which has obtained the reprobation of all Europe—
the different partitions of the independent kingdom of
Poland. The conquests which we have made have been
made against a groat and powerful enemy—theyhave been
in wars that have been undertaken for our own defence,
and in vindication of the liberty and independence of na-
tions. (Hear.) Some of the conquests we made from the
enemy we kept ; some of them we gave up ; but to talk of
the nationality of conquered colonies taken either from
France or Holland, or from any other power with which
we were engaged in war, is really a total misapplication of
the word. (Hear.) Again, in regard to India, so far from
our conquests there being attended with the oppression of
Rationalities, I believe that any man who knows anything
of the interior of India, and the comparative modes of ad-
ministration of our Government and those of the native
princes whose territories have been acquired in the pro-
gress of war, must admits that, so far as the inhabitants of
these countries are concerned, it has been a blessing to
them to be relieved from the tyranny of some of those
native chiefs under whose oppression they had previously
groaned. (Hear.) With regard to the motion itself of
my hon. and learned friend, I perfectly agree with the ob-
servation with which he commenced his speech—namely,
there is uo reason—there is no policy—there is no good
sense—in any man who will endeavour or wish to shut out
this house from the fullest discussion of diplomatic
and international questions. (Hear.) lam perfectly
ready to agree with him that those discussions, when con-
ducted with temper and moderation, and illustrated by
that range of knowledge which has distinguished the
speech of my hon. and learned friend, 'must tend to good
instead of being accompanied by public mischief. (Hear.)
But with regard to this motion, it is not my inten-
tion to go at length into those topics which my hon.
and learned friend had discussed. I hope that no man will
suppose that her Majesty's Government differ in opinion
with him as to the violation of public right, and the vio-
lation of moral law, which was committed when those dif-
ferent partitions of Poland took place in past times. (Hear.)
I do not differ with him also in opinion as to the policy of
the course the Government of Austria at that time pur-
sued. (hear.) it is perfectly demonstrable that neither
with regard to Austria or Prussia was any adequate com-
pensation of interests acquired to counterbalance the blow
that was inflicted upon the moral principle by that spolia-
tion in which they allowed themselves to be made parties.
(Hear.) -But with regard to the practical motion now be-
fore us, the house must see what the tendency and natural
consequence of agreeing to such a motion must be. (Hear,
hear.) I hold, in the first place, it is not advisable for
this house to dictate to the Executive Government what
course it is to pursue in regard to negotiations pending
upon matters of deep national interest. (Hear, hear.) It
is impossible for the House of Commons to be in possession
of all those various considerations upon the bearings of
which must depend the expediency of this or that demand
—of this or that, condition in the negotiations for peed°.
(Hear, hear.) This balance of considerations must depend
upon information which the Executive Government can
alone nossess; and it is for the Executive Government,
when it has advised the Crown to conclude an arrange-
ment or break off an arrangement, to show to the house
that there were sufficient grounds either Ono way or the
other —either for the conclusion of pace or the refusal
of the conditions which the Government has thought it
necessary to reject. (Hear.) But the motion of my hon.
friend I take to be chiefly made for the purpose of enabling
him to express in the detailed form he has expressed them,
his sentiments upon the general question of the partition
or possible restoration of Poland. (Hear.) But the motion
itself is one which—even if it were in principle desirable
and proper that this house should dictate to Government
the specific condition upon which they should negotiate for
peace—the house should be very slow, and careful, and cau-
tious to admit ; for what are the words which my hon.
and learned friend proposes to put into the mouth of the
house. They are these —" That the restoration of Poland
within its ancient limits is necessary, and is absolutely essen-
tial to the ba!ance of power in Europe." If the house were
to adopt that opinion, and to carry that opinion by an ad-
dress to the foot of the throne, that resolution ought not to
atop where it does. My hon. and learned friend ought to
propose that it should go on to say that the house should
enable her Majesty to carry on the war until she had ac-
complished this object, which the house thus declared to
be absolutely necessary and essential for the welfare and
interest of Europe;- (Hoar, hear.) Therefore I think that,
on general grounds of expediency and of propriety as well
as with regard to the particular words of the motion, it is
impossible for the house to-consent to concur in the pro-
posal of my hon. and learned friend. (Hear, hear.) It
is well known that the Government of this country has,
in conjunction with the Government of France, and in
connection with the Government of Austria, agreed to
enter into negotiations with the Government of Russia,
on the arrangomout which is generally known ender the
denomination of the four points; but the restoration of
Poland does not enter among those four points. (Hear.)
I think the house would not deem it expedient(considering
the great difficulties which there may be found to exist in
arriving at is satisfactory conclusion of the war even upon
the conditions comprised in those four points) to add to
those difficulties by declai ing it to be absolutely necessary
to restore—what ? Not Inere'y to detach the kingdom of
Poland, or the former Duchy of Warsaw, from that con-
nection with Rusaia that was established by the treaty of
Vienna, but my lion, and learned friend goes on to say—
to re-establish Poland in its ancient limits, and to wrest
from Russia provinces which for a great length of years
have been incorporated in, and formed an integral part
of, the holy and frame of the Russian Empire. (Hear.)
I doubt very much whether the house would agree to im-
pose such a condition upon Government as being essentially
and absolutely neces.lesry. (Hear.) The war was undertakers
for the protection of Turkey against the aggression and in-
vasion of, _Russia.. That was the immediate danger, and the
Government thought that the object was of sufficient im-
portance to justify them in calling upon the country to
furnish them with the means of endeavourinc, to assert in
that respect the principles of international law. (Hear.)
Government thought there washn interest of Great Bri-
tain sufficiently important involved in that question which
justified a recourse to arms. (Hear.) The question of Po-
land (the importance and interest of which to Germany,
and through Germany to Europe, and through European
interests to this country, I do not wish to underrate) is a
question not of yesterday or the day before—not of this
year or that year—but is dated, as my hon. and learned
friend's historical narrative shows, from a former, earlier,
and more remote period. (Hear, hear.) That is not the
danger that .has suddenly or recently grown upon the
world, and enters not into the natives that justified and
required the present appeal to arms, and therefore ,I think
the house will not bo disposed to require imperatively of
- her Majesty's Government that they should mix up that
question with the negotiations now pending. (Hear, hear.)
-Whatever may be the feelings and opinions which English-
men must necessarily entertain on the general question of
Poland, I should be veryfunwilling in anything I, might
say outhii general question to enter into a discussion that
might 'have the least effect upon the negotiations which
are now pending. I trust the house will forgive me,
therefore, if I do not follow-ray-hon. and learned friend
• through that qu.estion, which, he hiui so ably sad fully
discussed. (Sear; hear.). 'I confine myself, therefore,
' simply to_saying that it is impossible, in my opinion, for
the house- to agree to the resolution he, has proposed, be.
• cause it would lead to objectionable consequences in re-
• gard tu the continuance of hostilities, by the introduction
of an object which it might be out of (the power of any
means England could supply to obtain. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore, to agree to the address would be highly
inexpedient, and at variance with the interests of the.
country.- (Hehr, hear.) Ido not, therefore, feel myself
at liberty to agree to the motion of my honourable and
learned friend, and I trust that my honourable and
learned friend, having satisfied the feelings of his mind—
(lauglirtee)—by the speech which we have listened to with
great pleasure—admiring, as-we do, the ability with which
he has placed upon record the sentiments that animate him
on this subject—will not put the house to the necessity of
a division, the effect of which might be misconstrued.
(Hear.) If the house should negative the proposal upon the
grounds I have stated as an objection to it, that negative
might be misconstrued as implying a difference of opinion
with him on the abstract question of justice—a difference
which I am persuaded would not be found to exist in the
minds of members of this house. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. PHINN, after the appeal made to him by the noble
lord, would withdraw the motion, but must protest against
the suggestion of the noble lord that he had brought for-
- ward the questton from the wish to make a speech.
The motion was withdrawn.
• . PROMOTION IN THE ARMY.
Major REED rose, pursuant to notice, to move for a select
committee to inquire into the present mode of conferring ap-
pointments in the army (by purchase or otherwise), to report
on the same, and recontmend a more efficient system of se.
curing promotion to merit and long service. He believed
that the present system of promotioa was pernicious to the
service and unjust to the private soldier, al well as to the
poor and efficient officer who was not in a position to pay the
immense sum that was demanded to secure his promotion
from step to step. (Hear.) He held in his hand a copy of the
rules by Which the British army was governed, and begged to
call attention to the 20th rule, which had reference to the
purchase of commissions. In that rule regulations were laid
down for the sale and purchase of commissions, and it was
declared that any officer who violated those rules should be
cashiered, and that any agent who assisted in the violation of
them should be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour. Was it not
an acknowledged fact, however, that the Queen's regulations
were daily and hourly broken through, with, be was not pre-
pared' t° sajjethae sanction, but the knowledge of the Horse
Guards.
ranks in the He was desirous to see the highest
serr,vierneeaetrii)rown open to merit and long service ;
but at the same ti he was not prepared to say that pro-
motions should solelplace from the ranks.
been inundated withy take lie had
Communicationst on the subject, but he
, should only promotion to onrinwi
Leases to show the injustice of
unand, it, thotillie
second
and
the system of
. •in the first instance to the ease of°l)Eafoaffitnite°ten.s: who had been ap-
pointed would refer
but who had onlywho might be a
pointed colonel of the 13th night
most gallant fellow,
The 13th Light' Infantry
been in
hthaiel servicese
was a luau of 9
• for nineteen years.
gh there were
through all the Affghanistan war,n and here
ea,etatiee, the senior cap.
years' standing appointed to co
two majors in it of 24 and 20 years'se.c
tarn was an officer of 26 years'
of 24 years' service
third captains were officers hg.
an. • The senior
major had served in the campaign of Au 13tati, he was in
22 actions, was engaged 'in the
defence of Jellalabad, i
three medals, and was once severely
wounded.
secondin in Ghuznee, and The
n had
.
six
, major was in the same campaign, was
actions, and had one medal. The senior captain was in Are_
ghanistan and in Ghuznee in 19 actions, and had three medals,
and was twice severely wounded. The next captain was In
Affghanistan, 'Ghuznee, Jellalabad, in 15 actions,
and had
three medals. The third captain was on the staff
Sale, was at Jellalabad, had three medals, was twice wounded,
had two horses shot under him, and was in 22 actions.
(Hear, hear.) In the 95th Regiment there was an officer of
the name of George Brown, who entered the army at the age
of 14 as a private soldier in the year 1827. He was gazetted
on the 16th May, 1851, as an ensign, and left England as
lieutenant and adjutant, and proceeded with his regiment to
Scutari and Varna. Having become ill, he obtained two
months' sick leave, but having recovered before the expira-
tion of a month, he got leave to join his regiment,
and accompanied it to the Crimea. He was present at
Alma, at Balaklava, and at Inkerman ; he commanded fifty-
' • two men, of whom twenty-four were killed or woundek The
promotion
of Captain Denie created a vacancy, and Lord
- Raglan recommended Lieutenant Brown, but the Horse
Guards filled up the vacancy from the half-pay list. The
newly appointed captain retired in a short time afterwards,
and was succeeded by another officer, who, though he was the
junior in point of service of Lieutenant Brown, obtained the
,step over him by purchase. (Hear, hear.) lie had another
ecuutattn!cation frow the country, calling his attention to a