The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 16, 1855.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

tirely concurred in the importance of the object which 11
the noble lord had in view. He coincided in the neces-
sity of doing all in our power to restrict, and, if we I
could, destroy the whole of the Russian trade, by any
means by which this was best to be effected ; but as far
as he, could understand the means and the mode which
the noble earl wished to pursue, he could not agree with
him. (Hear.) He spoke as if the trade of Russia had
been by no means interfered with by our efforts for
blockading the ports cf that country. It was true that
that blockade had been carried out in a very imperfect
way, for reasons which had appeared to be valid,
namely, that at the breaking out of the war the greatest
part of the produce lying in Russian ports was rather
the property of French and English subjects than of
Russian subjects ; for, by the system pursued there, the
greatest part of that produce was paid for beforehand.
(Rear) In the Black Sea, he admitted that the blockade
was not only imperfect, but it had barely existed. The
reason was, that in consequence of erroneous views
taken by the English and French admirals, who sup-
posed that it would be sufficient to blockade the Bos-
phorus alone, whereas that course was afterwards found
to be untenable, the season had too far advanced, and
the entire fleets of the two nations were occupied in the
embarkation of our troops from Varna to Sebastopol.
But, notwithstanding the absence of blockade in the
Black Sea, and the imperfect blockade of the Baltic, the
trade of Russia had been reduced between 50 and 60
per cent., giving to her the benefit of all the excess in the
importation from neutral ports of articles which were
principally her produce. If the blockade had been
strictly carried out, the effect would only have been to
raise the price of those articles in Prussia, who
would have had to import from Russia all that she re-
quired. A paper which he had recently received fr )m
Btrlin, dated May Bth, stated that the inhabitants of the
islands along the Russian coast of the Baltic were making
preparations for quitting their exposed dwelling Louses,
retreating some distance within the continent. It
was also stated that the Russian Government had im-
posed an additional tax upon every vehicle conveying
produce along the road to the Prussian frontier. So that
this Emperor of Russia, who, it was said, was to be at
once coerced by the limitation of his trade with this
country, did not hesitate to put an additional tax of a
considerable amount upon every vehicle going along-that
road which was to take that very produce to Prussia.
One of the principal articles of Russian produce was corr,
and yet he had put a prohibition upon the exportation of
corn. The objections of the noble earl reduced them-
selves to a very small compass. He had dwelt with great
emphasis on rendering aid to the Queen's enemies, but how
the rescinding of the order in council could have any such
effect, he was at a loss to know ? What was that order in
council? The first was issued because everybody felt it
was impossible for us to insist upon those old rights
which we had daimed in former wars. We were engaged
with an ally who entertained different views about the
rights of search and thollaws of neutrals. We had, there-
fore, very wisely, under existing circumstances, agreed
to waive the right which we still possessed, namely, that
right by which all goods of an enemy carried on board a
neutral ship should be confiscated. And in the case of
Russia there was no great generosity in doing this. She
had an immense territory, and a very small seaboard,
and there could be no great difficulty in blockading every
port she possessed, so that not a vessel could put her
nose out of harbour without being liable to be stopped i
and seized. The noble lord said that a subsequent order
had allowed English subjects to import enemy's goods
from neutral ports. He could not discover that there
was any such order. The order of the 15th of April
allowed neutrals to trade with all ports not in a state of
blockade, but it did not apply to English subjects. But
how would the noble lord proceed ? If the orders were
rescinded, would he search every vessel coining out of a
Prussian harbour ? He even proposed to go so far as to
seize articles partly manufactured ; but this could not be
done by any existing law. (Hear.) After listening at-
tentively to the noble lord's speech, he was unable to
gather any definite course which he recommended. He
had spoken of quantities of jute and hemp which might
be obtained from other countries. If this were so, we
should not be at the trouble of getting a little hemp
through Prussia after a long land journey, but should
prefer to obtain it at a cheaper rate from Manilla. Tne
noble lord had denied the veracity of some returns, but
had failed to show wherein they were untrustworthy,
A recent return, only received that afternoon, showed a
large increase in the importation of hemp from Prussia
in 1854 ; but, on comparing it with the whole amount
exported from Russia, instead of showing an increase
of one-third, it showed a diminution of one-fourth or
'one-sixth on the whole quantity. Of flax, there was a
large decrease for the first four months of the present
year ; it had been reduced to about one-fourth. The
quantity exported during the whole of last year was
425,418 cwt., while the quantity during the first four
months of the present year was 12,023 cwt. Of tallow,-
the whole quantity last year was 552,672 cwis., aid the
quantity for the first four mouths of the present year was
42,144 cwts. In conclusion, he could assure their lord-
ships that her Majesty's Government felt as strongly as
the noble earl could do the importance of carrying the
blockade into effect with all the strictness which, ad the
energy, activity, and exertion of the naval service could
impart to it. He was satisfied that it would be so con-
ducted, and that the export trade of Russia, so far as her
own ports were concerned, would be all but annihilated.
With regard to that small portion of it which oozed
through Prussia, he saw so many difficulties in the way
of distinguishing between what was Russian and what
was Prussian, that to adopt the measures recommended
by the noble earl would, to use his favourite phrase, only
inflict the minimum of injury upon Russia, and the
maximum upon ourselves. (Hear.)
Lord RAVENSWORTH thought the noble lord was
inconsistent- in admitting the great importance of the
Russian trade, and at the same time arguing as if it was
of comparatively trifling moment to Russia. He found
in an article which appeared in a Government organ
that morning certain returns, showing the increase which
had taken place in the Prussian export, and stating
truly that that increase represented the Russian produce
which had found its way to this country through the
ports of Memel and Dantzio, notwithstanding the block-
ade. the exports of tallow in 1853 had been 54,000
cwts., in 1854 they had been 253,959 cwts. ; hemp, in
1853, 3,447 cwts. ; in 1854, 366,223 cwts. ; flax, in
1853, 22,442 cwts. ; 1854, 667,879 cwts. What he
(Lord Ravenswortb) proposed was, that they should lay
a duty of 20 or 25 per cent. ad valorem upon all Russian
produce exported from any ports in the Baltic or Black
Sea. (Hear, hear.) Such a step would be perfectly
fair, and it would be effective. It would tend greatly
to restrict the Russian trade, and at the same time it
would-swell to a certain extent our own resources.

her Majesty noble lords who were prepared to act on
such principles and views. _ _

The Earl' of DERBY said the noble earl who had just
sat down infused into the discussion that party acrimony
and party animosity, the absence of which had happily
characterised the debate hitherto. He was at a loss to
know by what perverse ingenuity the noble earl per-
suaded hiinself that by assenting to the proposition of
the noble earl, the party on this side of the house, which
seemed to be the special object of the noble earl's ani-
mosity, pledged themselves to doctrines he considered so
dangerous, and the evils of which he painted in colours
such as could only proceed from so vivid an imagina-
tion as his. There was no sort of party or relationship
between the adoption of the noble earl's motion and the .
adoption of those views which according to the noble
earl would produce so much danger and discontent. He
believed that every man in the country, with the excep-,
tion of the noble earl, came to the conclusion that the
whole of this country were ready to submit to the
greatest privations, difficulties, and losses, provided they
tended to bring the war to an honourable and speedy
conclusion. (Hear.) The resolution appeared to him to
approach the character of a truism. There was not a
syllable in that resolution about the Berlin decrees, the
old mercantile law, the dangers of competition, or the
paralysing of commerce all over the world. (Hear, hear.)
He was ready to admit, if the noble earl would accept
of any admission from him, that in the present times
especially 'considering their alliance with France, it
would not be an advisable or fitting policy on their
part to adopt a system of belligerent rights differing
from that Which was adopted by France. '(Hear, hear.)
Nor, in the present circumstances of the world, would
it be advisable or safe, for the purposes of war, to
adopt or to enforce the old mercantile law, which
would expose them to the risk of increasing the num-
ber of their enemies, by placing the neutral powers
in opposition to them. (Hear, hear.) But there
was nothing of that kind in the resolution. The
arguments used by noble lords on the opposite side
were contradictory of one another. The noble marquis
said that die blockade was ineffectual, that the trade of
Russia ought to be crippled to the utmost; and that this
could never be done so long as they permitted it to pass
through the neutral territory of Prussia. If, then, the
Government had not adopted sufficient measures for
crippling that trade, if it was carried on through Prussia
unchecked ; and if, as the noble marquis said, it should
be a primary object with them to cripple that trade by
more efficient measures han any which bad been
adopted or announced by her Majesty's Government,
the noble marquis ought to support the motion of the
noble earl. , But while the noble marquis—in spite of
all he saw—wished that more efficient measures should
be taken, he was not willing to agree that more efficient
measures ought to be taken. (Hear, hear.) The argu-
ment of the noble marquis was quite at variance with the
argument of the noble lord the President of tte Board of
Trade. That noble lord says, " You know nothing
about the figures. It is quite a mistake to suppose
that we have done nothing to cripple the trade
of Russia. It is quite true that for the first four
months of the present year there has been an increase in
the imports of Russian produce; but, depend upon it, the
trade with Russia is at an end, the people. of Russia are
suffering great distress from the cessation of trade, the ap-
pearances are fanacious." There was flat contradiction,
therefore, between the noble marquis and the noble lord,
and he left them to settle their differences between them-
selves. (Hear.) Then came the.noble earl who spoke last
—he took a different view from both ; he said, " You
ought not to check the trade with Russia; you ought not
to check it even if you could." The noble earl admitted
that there was no objection against our putting a differen-
tial duty on articles of Russian producei • but how, be
asked, do you mean to carry into effect these fioancial
restrictions ; he treated with contempt all regulations as
to certificates of origin ; no doubt these might be evaded
and falsified, but still every additional obstacle of that
kind was so much the more putting a pressure on the
enemy. (Hear.) The noble earl said the only effect of
a differential duty would be to cause Russia to bring her
produce overland to Amsterdam or Ostend. True, but
did the noble earl calculate the disadvantage which raw
produce conveyed at such expense for the purpose of be-
ing transhipped to this country would be under, when
coming into competition with produce of the same de-
scription coining from other countries ? (Hear.) If they
could get tallow, hemp, and flax from Russia only, they
would only inflict a grievous loss upon themselves by
forcing Russia to Fend her produce in that way, and all
the advantage of the enhanced price would go to Russia,
but it was a very different thing when, as in the case of
tallow, only 1-10th of our consumption came from Rus-
sia, and that 1-10th bad to enter into competition with
9-10ths coming from other countries. (Hear, hear )
But the President of the Bo.trl of Trade admitted that
it was by compelling Russia to a lengthy land journey
that they practically did what all, except the noble earl,
desired to do, namely, cripple the trade of Russia as an
effectual means of putting an end to, the war in
which they were engaged. (Hear, hear, hear.) But, said
the noble earl even if you should succeed you would only
raise the price of Russian produce, and ereatediscontent
at home. If that argument was good for anything it
was good for a great deal more. It was good against
any blockade at all, against any restriction whatever.
Nay, you ought not only not to check, but you ought to
foster the trade and resources of the enemy, notwith-
standing the state of war. This doctrine of the noble earl
was not the doctrine of the House of Lords—it was not
the doctrine of the House of Commons—it was not the
doctrine of the people of England ; and to attempt to set
up such a doctrine in time of war was one of the most ab-
surd notions that could be entertained. (Cheers.) At
present, the Prussian people warinlysympathised with the
western powers, whatever the Government might do; but
if they were deprived of the advantages which they en-
joyed under the present arrangements, they would come to
the conclusion that it was much better to be on friendly
terms with England, and would cordially unite themselves
with the western powers. He did not pretend to say bow
the noble lord's proposal was to be carried out ; but a
noble friend behind him had shown how it might be car-.
ried into effect without being open to the objections
started on the side of the Government ; and, therefore,
feeling that it would cripple the trade of Russia, which
was one of the best means of carrying on the war with
success, he should support the resolution.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
TRADE WITH RUSSIA.
The Earl of ALBEMARLE, in rising to bring for-
ward the resolution of which he had given notice, ex-
pressed his regret that in calling the attention of the
house to the manner in which the Government had acted
in regard to trade with the enemy, he found himself for
the first time in his life opposed to those friends with
whom he had for a quarter of a century been united on
all public and political matters. He entered unon this
subject at great length a short time ago, and only rein-
troduced it now in consequence of the unsatisfactory
answer he receieed from his noble friend the President
of the Board of Trade. What his noble friend stated in
reply to him was a mere reehauffe of the fallacy used by
his predecessor in office when the subject was mooted in
the other house of Parliament. If he were told that the
blockade was meant to be a real and effective one then his
occasion was gone. But he must remind their lordships
that the most effective sea blockade that could be instituted
was a mockery and a sham as long as the overland tran-
sit trade through Prussia was permitted to go on.
It would be almost better to throw the money which
Was extracted from the pockets of the people of this coun-
try into the sea than to spend it on a blockade by sea,
whilst they permitted a free transit by land. (Hear.)
How did the Russian Government avail themselves of
that means of transit ? They so organised the means of
transit by the Niemen, the Vistula, and the whole fron-
tier of Prussia, that the Russian produce which had been
blocked up in the ports of the Gulph of Finland and Riga
had found an outlet in that way. Our blockade of the
Russian ports was thus neutralised in toto. He spoke
under correction, but he believed that to trade with the
enemy on the breaking out of war was a violation of the
common law and the statute law—that it was a violation
of the 23d of Edward 111., which made it treasonable
to give "aid and comfort to the king's enemy." It
was also against the maritime law, which was part and
parcel of the law of nations. He was not on all occa-
sions an admirer of the " wisdom of our ancestors,"
but he thought that law was wholesome to this extent,
that it was founded on the principle that war ought to be
I conducted on war, and not on peace, maxims. But in
three weeks after the declaration. of war came out the
unhappy order in council, by which all the subjects of
her Majesty were allowed to trade freely with all ports,
except within certain specified limits. It was this that
rendered the blockade delusive up to the present time.
At least two-thirds of the Russian produce was destined
Le. British ports, and nearly the whole was carried on by
British capital. Tne small remnant that remained in the
hands of the Russians themselves would hardly pay the
expenses of transit, which the Russian Government will-
ingly incurred in order to carry out the important object
they had in view. If the law were allowed to remain as it
existed formerly, no one could trade with the enemy.
And, in proof of that, he might state that no British
merchant made a single purchase in Russia during the
three weeks between the declaration of war and the
issuing of the order in council. He gave the Government
credit for good intentions, but their lax policy- bad
done more mischief than the most active partisanship
could effect. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government
had given "aid and comfort " to the Queer's enemy as
essentially as that "shady ally," whose fraudulent ally
—neutrality—was so ably alluded to by the noble and
venerable lord, whom he did not see in his place. On
her Majesty's Ministers, who permitted the trade to be
carried on by Prussia, rested the responsibility of the
consequences. It was because be thought this fault was
still reparable that he now reminded the Government of
that responsibility. Prussia supplied the enemy with
arms and munitions of war • but her Majesty's Govern-
ment supplied them with that which was still more use-
ful, the sinews of war, in the shape of 10,000,000/. to be
paid for the export of Russian goods. The want of the
articles was the short ,and long, of the reason assigned
for this course of pelicy.. At least be conld draw no other
inference from what had fallen from his noble friend.
He would show in a few words how small was the sacri-
fice they were called on to make on this account. He
would take the article of tallow. Their lordships were
probably not aware how insignificant a part of that ar-
ticle was furnished by Russia to this nation. See con-
trileuted only one-tenth to our stock of tallow. That
one-tenth, however insignificant to us, was of vital im-
portance.to the enemy. A week after his noble friend
had made his fallacious comparison by comparing the
whole produce of one year with the half of the produce
of another year, he had a printed circular put into his
hand, not made for Parliament, but for the trade, and
it was therein stated thatthearrivals in the last week,tbat
was the 7th May, amounted to 11,333 casks of tallow
from Russia. With respect to hemp, there was a supply
in this country now which was unprecedented in any
former year. That spoke more powerfully of their
blockade than any figures could do. The noble earl
proceeded to say that an ample supply of hemp,
or fibres from which hemp could be made in abun-
dance, could be procured from India, Mexico,
and other countries, so that they might be quite in-
dependent of the Russian supply. Indian jute was
capable of being manufactured into excellent hemp, and
the natives used it as a strapped() for refractory wives
and strangling supernumerary children. (Laughter.)
The Admiralty entered into an enormous contract for
the supply of hemp last year ;but, notwithstanding that,
the price of hemp was 30 or 40 per cent. lower this•year
than last year. He would recommend their lordships
te read a very excellent work on the subject of Indian
fibres, written by Mr. Gregson, a member of the other
House of Parliament. With regard to flax, there were
two official returns for 1853 and 1854, from which :t
appeared that in the former year there was an increase
of 37,415 acres under flax cultivation in this country,
pianted on the supposition that the war would be car-
ried on as war should be carried on ; whilst in the latter
year, after the order in council had become known,
the cultivation of flax decreased by 23,607 acres.
One person (Sir J. M`Neil) who had 600 acres under
that cultivation in the former year reduced the quan-
tity to 30 acres. This was but, one sample of the
mischief done by temporising with international law.
He would now show, from historical examples, that the
stoppage of the Russian trade would produce financial
embarrassment, discontent among the Russian nobles,
and consequent pressure on the Russian sovereign. He
need not do more than just allude to the occurrence that
took place fifty-three years ago to the then Emperor of
Russia, in consequence of the stoppage of rents, which
was occasioned by crippling the export trade of the em-
pire. (Hear.) The noble earl went on to say that when
the Emperor Alexander 1., after the bloody battle of
Friedland, was compelled to enter into the continental
system of Bonaparte, the 'pressure occasioned by the
blockade of the Russian ports was so great, that the
Russian nobles put M. Savary, the French ambassador
in St. Petersburg, into Coventry, and would not re-
ceive him into their houses. Prince Hardenburg said
that in consequence of this the paper rouble fell fully 30
per cent. in comparison with the silver rouble ; and
in 1810, when the Russian Government contracted
for a loan, Puckler pocketed 28 per cent. for the
transaction in consequence. It was said that if they did
not use Russian produce somebody else would. Nobody
could do so. Nobody else but England could afford or
could supply the machinery which was required for work-
i up the raw produce of Russia. Under the flag of
Teneriffe, 200 English vessels entered Riga in 1810 with
British produce, and brought away Russian produce. Of
so much importance was the trade with England consi-
dered by Russia, that the Emperor Alexander suffered
his country to be invaded in 1812, rather than give up
such gcod customers as the English. The evil of this
system of ineffectual blockading was that, whereas honest
and honourable merchants refrained from engaging in
trade with the enemy, speculators were not prevented
from entering into this adventure. He would give an in-
stance of this. During the Vienna conferences, specula-
tors paid to Russian merchants an advance of one-half
and sometimes two-thirds, and not unfrequently the
whole price of the article they traded in. The crown
flax of Archangel was 521. per ton in this country; in Arch-
angel it was 271. a ton. Freightage, insurance, and inci-
dental expenses, cost 71. ; so that the cost of this article
in this country was 341. Here, then, there was a dif-
ference of 181. per ton, or 50 per cent. to speculate upon.
If peace was established this was all gain to the specu-
lator ; if not, he had the 181. to pay the charges of the
land transit through the Russian dominions, the whole
if which found its way into the pockets of the Russians.
(Hear.) He bad to ray of the morality of the specula-
tors, perhaps they felt some twinges of conscience at
enriching themselves and the enemy of their country,
but he was afraid that 50 per cent. calmed the " still
small voice." At any rate the Government were par-
tic;pes criminis. (Hear, hear.) The Government had
always been most sensitive to the credit of the country,
and "bad sought to keep up the value of the rouble. At the
outbreak of the war it was 38d., but it had fallen to 32d.
The RusSian Government had done. their best to pre-
vent this'by prohibiting the export of specie ; but the
Government of this country came to their aid, by the
order in council for regulating the trade with Russia,
and then the rouble went up again to 35d. or 36d.
Sub'sequen'tly, on the accession of Lord Palmerston to
office, some alarm had been created by the publication
of another order in council ; but when its effect was un-
derstood, the alarm was soon dissipated. Russia dreaded
nothing so much as interference with her exports ; and
this fear being removed the Russian Government had
thought they might venture to join us by prohibiting the
export of grain. By a merciful Providence, in the shape
of a bountiful harvest last year, we were spared the suf-
fering which this might have occasioned ; but who could
answer for the effect which such a measure might pro-
duce this year ? Fas est et ab hoste doceri ; and as Rus-
sia had sacrificed her trade in grain, though so impor-
tant to her, let us imitate her, and inflict the maximum
of injury on our enemy, and the minimum on our-
selves. (Hear, hear from the Government bench.)
Let us rescind cur order in council ; for the certificate
of origin was not worth a sixpence. (Laughter. It
might easily be rendered more certain and strngent ;
various plans had been proposed with that view.
A. .Manchester gentleman had recommended that an
allowance should be made in the certificates of origin
for the probable produce of the countries adjacent to
Russia. But he would de away with the certificates of
ly of Russian
Rorri!isniaanttgongoe,tihs,eran;
dhe o
fwould h ii)crho hwife)irteapllarctonsumpt ion of
ge it; oil wttohi b
eNothing ht
w istboßr
oosfs
itah.i suwoo uwloduco ml
d throwpl e tely p
the
uot an
of proof entirely on the English importer ; and this
would be sufficient to prevent any Russian or
practicalßus-
sianly
l a raecci
quainted with the trade, ,
goods being
that it • would be perfectly easy to car y
importedb.rokePresrasooods
r out this plan.
tire' war
with this, houge.ibitt, in Order to. bring 0 wt:
" That it le the
The noblek earl concluded by moving%
efficient
restrict the trade with that country by more
which have hitherto been adopted or
with Russia to a speedy termination, it is neeeesery.
measures than any
announced by her Majesty's Government."
' Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY said he most en-

The house then diN%Cled—
For the resolution
Against it
Majority —l6
The house adjourned at ten minutes before 10.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY.
COMPENSATION TO THE PATENTEES OF
SCREW PROPELLERS.

Lord WODEHOIJSE said that, although there might
be considerable plausibility and weight in the arguments
urged against the policy of the Government, still, when
they came to be examined more closely, he thought it
would be found that the policy adopted was a wise one.
Lord BERNERS had, on the 6th of March, when he
brought forward a motion with respect to the exporta-
tion of munitions of war, been informed by the noble
earl the President of the Council, that the Prussian
Government had given an assurance to her Majesty's
Government that they would take steps to put a stop to
the transit of warlike materials ; he wished to know
whether the Government now entertained any expecta-
tion that these assurances would be fulfilled.

Captain SCOBELL moved for a select committee to
inquire into the circumstances under which the
sum of 20,0001., voted by the House of Commons as a
reward or compensation to the atentees of the screw
propeller, as used in her Majesty's ships and vessels, had
been applied, and as to what persons have preferred
claims, either to the Admiralty, or other public depart.
ments, to share in the public grant in respect to their
patent rights, and to report thereon, This question was
mooted at • the end of last session in the other house
by Lord Lyndhurst, which showed it was a grievance
requiring investigation. The question was, who had the
20,0001. granted by the Admiralty, and why was it so
paid ? He found that the five who shared the money
had quarrelled. They were in a questionable posi-
tion when they obtained it, and it had come before the
highest judicial authorities, who have decided the screws
used in the Navy were not those for which the money
was granted. The question then came to be Considered
who had got the money ; that was a question well worth
considering, because Parliament had granted it, Of that
there was no doubt. (Hear, hear.) Now the party
who had the money was Mr. Henry Currie, and he
would show it from his letter to the Admiralty. It must
be remembered that the vote was for the screw used in
the navy, but Mr. Currie had put all the five screws
together. Why was any other inventor rewarded ? It
it was Smith's alone, why did not Smith alone receive
the money ? But the fact was, the invention was Capt.
Carpenter's. That gallant officer was in the navy ; that
was his profession. Was not his the screw that the Duke
of Wellington, the Agamemnon, and' other steam war
ships were now known by ? There could be no doubt
about it. Yet the money (20,0001.) was shared between
five persons, of whom Captain Carpenter was not one.
Mr. Lowe claimed to be one of the inventors, but the
Privy Council did not think so, and decided accordingly.
Captain Carpenter-, in 1838 or 1839, made cominunica
tiring to the Admiralty of that day. In 1840 he took
out a patent for a screw, and lodged everything with the
Admiralty. This was long before Smith's screw was
talked of. The Rattler was -fitted with Carpenter's
screw ; he received encouragement from the Govern-
ment ; was appointed to a ship-of-war, and ordered to
the Mediterranean in a pinnace fitted with his screw,
which astonished all the other boats by the way in which
it screwed and steamed about. When he returned, after
some years, he found others endeavouring to reap the
reward of his ability ; he made representations to the
authorities ; and up to the last few months bad con-
tinued to press his claim. By desire of , the Admiralty
he made an application to Mr. Currie. Captain Car-
penter's patent was almost exhausted. He went last
year to the Committee 'of the Privy Council for a re-
newal ; and the Government officers testified, then, that
it was Captain Carpenter's screw which was used in the
navy, which he had shown from the evidence. The
Admiralty was, in point of fact, now using Captain
Carpenter's screw, but of course no subject could bring
an action against the Government. The Agamemnon,
as he had already stated, which went 11 miles an hour,
was worked by Carpenter's screw. The Government
officer in Woolwich dockyard had so testified before the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The hon.
and gallant gentleman went, on to quote the evidence
given before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council,
and to observe that Captain Carpenter's screw was the
maximum of power with the minimum of resistarice.
Captain Parry's, Mr. Galloway:s, and other evidence
were entirely confirmatory of the value of Captain Car-
penter's invention. Judgment was given by the Judicial
Committee on the 30th of May last, and they said they
were particularly struck by the circumstance that the
Government, having had notice of the present applica-
tion, might be taken as not cont ,sting the validity of
the patent, the general utility of the invention, or that it
was in use in her Majesty's navy. He contended that
Captain Carpenter, who was the sole inventor of the
screw used in the royal navy, had not been a participator
in the amount granted by Parliament for the invention,
but that the money had gone into the hands of five screw
companies, who had joined together, and who were not
entitled to it. The hon, and gallant gentleman con•
eluded by calling upon the Admiralty to• do justice to
the claims of Captain Carpenter, by making Mr. Currie,
Mr. Westhead, and_the other persons who had received
the money under an indemnity to the Crown to refund
it if erroneously paid, and return a portion of it for the
use of Captain Carpenter. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. KERSHAW seconded the motion.

Lord COLCHESTER thought they would have been
justified on the principles of international law, and it
would have been good policy, if they had issued an order
forbidding the exportation of Russian produce from any
port whatever in the Baltic, and acted on the principle
of following an enemy's goods wherever they found them
Earl GRANVILLE, in answer to the question of the
noble lord (Berners), stated that his noble friend the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs had as yet no official
knowledge of the result of the application to the Prus-
sian Government. With reference to the question before
the house, he would ask the noble lord, who advocated
the right of indiscriminate search, to consider whether,
in a case in which they had proposed to themselves such
di-interested objects, and were so anxiaus to obtain the
sympathy of other nations, they were likely to attain
those objects by directing their cruisers to search every
Dutch, Belgian, Spanish, Danish, or American vessel
they met, in order to search for Russian produce. The
noble lord had forgotten the distinction between Rus-
sian produce and Russian property, the latter being
Russian by origin, when once purchased by a Pome-
ranian Jew or merchant, was entirely beyond their
reach wherever it might be found. With regard to the
blockade, he Lad already explained two or three times
the difficulties that had prevented the instructions of
the Government from being carried out ; but with
the permission of the house he would read a written
statement, which would show accurately the measures
till: had now been taken. With respect to the White
Sea, the orders issued to the commanding. officer
on the station were, as soon as he arrived, to esta-
blish a strict blockade of Archangel and the other
ports, and not to fail to communicate the fact of his hav-
ing done so by the earliest opportunity. With respect
to the Baltic, Rear-Admiral Dundas was directed to esta-
blish a strict blockade of the Gulf of Finland, and of all
the Russian ports in the Baltic and in the Gulf of Both-
nia, and a strict blockade of all the ports in the Gulf of
Finland by a competent force had actually been estab-
lished since the 28th of April. As to the Black Sea,
the Government had sent most positive instructions to
Sir E. Iyons to establish a strict blockade, and in two
subiequent despatches his attention had again been
drawn to the subject. From February. 1855, a block-
ade had been established by the naval forces of France
of all the Russian ports in the Black Sea and in the Sea
of Azoff, with the exception of Eupatoria, Balaklava,
and Kamiesch.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he hoped his
noble friend would not press his motion to a division.
If he did he felt he could not support it.

Earl GREY said that the speeches of his noble friends
the President of the Board of Trade and the Under-
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had conclusively disposed
of the arguments brought forward on the other side in
support of the present motion. The system of making
war with the trade of the enemy was considered so in-
tolerable, that even in this country the famou, orders in
council by which it was to be carried out broke down
and were repealed in spite of the Government of that
day. But he was particularly surprised to hear his
noble friend quoting the continenial system of Napoleon
in support of his motion. Why, all the most intelligent
observers of the events of that period were agreed that
the attempt to enforce the Berlin decrees was more than
anything else the cause of Napoleon's fall. Mr. Ricardo
remarked that the extreme animosity shown by the Rus-
&ans to Napoleon was traceable to the tyranny with which
he firced his continental system upon them. He ob-
served with regret and dismay more than he could de-
scribe that the motion of his noble friend seemed to be
adopted by)the powerful party opposite. They incurred
great responsibility by doing so. He thought that by giving
their countenance and support to such a motion they
gave them a new reason fir rejoicing that the division of
last night was such as not to bring into the councils of