The Sun.
London, England, 1855-09-05 00:00:00

TBE BALTIC FLEET.

(Pr©m the Times of this day.)
The years 1854
history for the two grandest illustrations of the art of
bathos that a great nation—we are sorry to say; two
great nations—could possibly supply. That we were
wholly unprepared, that we started with no ships, no
crews, no stores, and no idea of what was to be done, is
not very consistent with the almost forgotten fact that
on the 9th of August, 1853, six months. before our part
- of the war began, the British nation—Oath, the Queen,
Lords, Commons, Admiralty, and everybody of any
consideration in the country,—presented to the Russian
Archduchess, then sojourning among us, a spectacle of
unparalleled magnificence in the shape of a navn42: re-
view, comprising manoeuvres, a general engagemet t
and an action with gun-boats, pronounced at the
ime
to be a very smart affair. The order of the day on that
occasion was, that everybody should believe andai e; pro-
nounce the British nation irresistible on her
and, although it is very true that the element, mostment
pro-
pitious to us is not the only one that covers
our steam,
this terra-
queens globe, still it was hoped that with
our immense guns, and our portableflotillas, we had
pretty well got over the difficulty of an occasional shore
or shoal. We cannot remember that at theatdeanyor
con
any
other date there was the least gradging of xpse,
the contrary, we are of opinion that if the First Lord of
' the Admiralty, or the Commander of the Fleet, or any
other man of weight had
come forward and said, "This
is all very well ; these a very big ships ; and if the
enemy comes out you will be
certain to give a good
'
ac-
count of him but you. still want the precise. description
of craft to enter the shallow waters of ndand seas,
and mortars and
glens of a range to stretch across
them ;"—in that case the nation would have gladly
thrown in its million or two for the' purpose. We
believe that the Government, and every department
of it, had a carte blanche for everything-that might be
thought necessary for the apprehended war. . So, in our
opinion, it little avails to urge the economy of former
years, or rather of former periods. Indeed, the very
spectacle exhibited at Portsmouth on that memorable
,day itself is a sufficient answer to the imputation of
economy. Those colossal steamers of the line, the cost-
liest and most elaborate fabrics ever floated by man, were
not built in a hurry, or with a grudging hind. Indeed,
.the nation never has grudged any necessary expenditure,
or any expenditure for which even a decent case, could
Ile made out. But, as we have said, in August, 1853,
there was not only the readiness on the part of the
people, but there was also ample time to' make.up any
deficiency whatever in our preparations.
Seven or eight months after that grand demonstration
we had two large fleets, each considerably larger than
that got together at Portsmouth, in the presence of the
enemy—the one in the Baltic, and the other in the Black
Sea. Oar gallant allies contributed two other fleets,
thus making four fleets, besides innumerable transports
—altogether thelargest armament ever put on the water.
Considering that in the Baltic we had to ask and wait
for a French army to take an unfinished and insulated
fortress, and capture 2,000 or 3,000 Fins, and in the
Black Sea confined ourselves to an ineffectual bombard-
ment of Odessa, and a still more ineffectual bombard-
ment of Sebastopol, we do not hesitate to state that in
the year 1854 our two fleets—that is, our four fleets—did
nothing in either sea ; and the only result of that season
was that the Admiralty got some slight inkling of
the work to be done. This result might, perhaps,'
have been worth its enormous cost, had it been made
good use of; but it was all but thrown away; and we
started in 1855 very little better prepared than in 1854.
Of course, we mean little better prepared for the particu-
lar work to be done; for, so far as regards the chance of
meeting an enemy as grand as Ourselves, with 20 ships
drawn up in line of battle in the German Ocean, or the
Mediterranean, or the deepest and, iiiost open parts of
the Baltic or the Black Sea, we were even better pre-
pared in 1855 than in 1854. ,Bat Russia, unfortunately,
Mill preferred " her element" to ours, and had the wis-
dom, or, as Sir James Graham calls it, the cowardice,
not to " come and be killed." Having been at the pains
to build some strong fortifications, she preferred to keep
her ships behind them, or, at the worst, she would rather
see those ships blocking up the entrances of her harbours
than paraded under the British flag at another Ports-
mouth review. Thus the campaign re-opened at the
beginning of this year; ourselves'very little better pre-
pared, and the Russians in all respects very much better
prepared, profiting by experience, as we had not done;
But, so far as regards the old sort of preparation—the
preparation for Atlantic engag,ements—we this year sur-
passed ourselves. Do our readers know the number of
ships of war, besides steam and sailing transports with-
out number, that we have had, and stilt have, in the
Baltic and Black Sea this year—we alone, besides the
French ? They are not all half-pay captains or mem-
bers of the Army and Navy 'Club ; they don't all take
in the United Service Magazine, and. see the monthly
account of these matters ; nor can we often' find space
fur them ; but here is the list of ships in the Baltic, cora
rected up to the 27th .ult. :—Ten ships of the line—viz.;
Duke of Wellington, 130 ; Royal George, 120 ; Ex-
mouth, 91 ; James Watt, 91 ; Majestic, 91 ; Nile, 91 ;
Orion, 91 ; Caesar, 90 ; Colossus, 80 ; Cressy, 80 ; the
following 21 of lower rates;—Blenheim, 60 ; Cornwallis,
60 ; Hastings, 60 ; Hawke, 60 ; Hogue, 60 ; Pembroke,
60 ; Russell, 60 ; Ajax, 58 ; Edinburgh, 58.; Euryalus,
50 ; Imperieuse, 50 • Arrogant, 47 ; Amphion, 34 ;
Retribution, 28 ; Volage, 22 ; Cossack, 20 ; Esk, 20 ;
Tartar, 20 ; Falcon,, 17 ; Harier, 'l6 ; Magicienne, 16 ;
with 19 smaller vessels—making altogether 50 ; with
few exceptions, steamers, and with guns of a very much
larger calibre than those used in the last war. Here,
too, is the British fleet -in the Mediterraneate'chiefly in
the Black Sea :—Eight ships tf the line—viz., Royal
Albert, 121; Queen, 116.; St. Jean d'Acre; 100 ;
Agamemnon, 91; Hannibal, 91; Albion, 90 ; London,
90 ; Rodney, 90. The following 12 of lower rates
Leander, 50 ; Curacoa, 30 ; Tribune, 30 ; Diamond,
28 ; Dauntless, 21; Sidon, 22 ; Higbflyer, 21 • Ter-
rible, 21 ; Modeste, 18 ; Furious, 16 ; Odin,' 16 ;
roux, 16, with 30 smaller vessels—makingaltogether 49.
The sum total of the work done this year by these
two immense fleets costing how much to work and to
• maintainathem would be-difficult to exaggerate, ha's been
confined to keeping-:a.very _few Russian meo-of-war in
harbour, capturing some crafawith fisb„salt;and market
g00d,,, burning some stores of timber, fish,-;and'corn,
firing some towns and villages with more or less success,
and laying waste the arsenal and magazines of Siren-
borg. Fur every pennyworth of actual damage our-
fleets have done to the Russian' army and navy we bi-
lieve we have spent a shilling ourselves. If anybody
can make out more by throwing into the account all the
boats and cottages burnt,, all the sheep carried off, all
the planks shouldered by our sailors, and striking a fair
guess for all possible mischief done by our .shells and
rockets thrown blindly among trees and outhouses, we.
shall be glad to increase otir estimate; but .we believe
the proportion of damage done hilts much as when-a.
gentleman has a fight with a costermonger, and voile a
pretty face and a five-guinea coat, without doing any
appreciable harm to the physiognomy or garments of
his antagonist. And when this is the state of the balance
—when the operations -of our fleet have been generally
so abortive, and apparently so childish and mischievous,
that one is positively ashamed to 'read the account—the
next intelligence is that the season is over, that nothing
more is to be attempted, and that the Baltic fleet
is
coming home. This conclusion, indeed, was hastened,
and a full mouth lost to the very brief season in the
Baltic, by the fact that the fleet. having very early re-
solved to stake everything on diitant bombardments and •
;vertical fire, took out just a score of 13-inch mortars,
neither more nor less, capable of firing on the average
about .230 rounds a-piece. As a 13-inch mortar
costs, delivered, about 1251, it appears that the great
Baltic fleet; the mere maintenance and' pay of wnich;
for the time it has been in the Baltic, has cost not
less than • 30,0001. a-day, has been brought to -a
standstill, reduced to utter impotence, and rendered a'
laughing-stook to the enemy, just for want. of 2,5001:,
about as mach as a man of .taste in these dells gives for
three early SZ;vres vases. Not to go further back and
it
exhume the errors of past- Ministries, is now consi-
derably more than I/1 a year since the ()Nemec) was
handed over to Lord Panmure, and he appointed 148
own Storekeeper. We conclude that Sir Charles Wood
had then only to state what he was likely to Want, and
the Storekeeper would havitaken care to have a supply
ready for him. Between that day .4pd this it would
have teen- possible to obtain 500 13.-iiigh mortars pro-
perly cast and bored; and deposited 'on. any not in the
hands of the allies, or delivered at any longitude or late
tude in the Black 'Sea or hi the Baltic: ',Yet, for the
want 'of 2,5001. worth of iron, we haVe cut short our
Baltic season bYat keg a quarter.
So the season of 18/15 is now consigned to the same
limbo as the season 011854. We are to 'be patient, and
lock to the season of 1856. We will be patient ; but we
must, nevertheless, take the liberty of looking forwards.
Is there any head, ift the' Ministry who can imagine
'the possibility of the fleets in the two seas doing any-
thing next year, and having, consequently, either to re-
pair a reverse or follow up a success ? , Is there anybody
who can take some sort of, provision as to what the
fleets are likely to want in either of these emergencies;
which, like a 13-inch-mortar, cannot be made in a' day ?
Let the fortunate possessor of thoseprovident and cal-
culating powers be set to work at once, while there is
abundance' of time ; let hisestimates checked by the
authorities concerned; and let not October I pass with-
out all the erders beieggiven and tbe 'Contracts made.
If, as our correspondent at Kiel intimates, the: cast iron'
of this country is very bad, and therefore it :is that our'
Mortars have failed, let some provision be made against
this, eithei by better iron or fnore mortars. Let es
have the 200 gun and mortar-boats promised by Sir
Charles Wood, 100 for each Sea, and relays when xyanted.,
Let us have tr43ble of everything that is fOund by:expe-
rience absolutely necessary, and that will have to stand•
the brunt of tha .wer. As for the big.ship, it ‘isaclear
we'havo enough'of theta Number, not magnitude, ,is
the order of the-day.
RAILWAY TitA.FEW =TURN S.

•
LONDON, blll4HToir,‘'--AID SOUTH COA
p ST•
Traffic ND
N,
for the. week ending :1
ng SePt.,',
• 18.5 ...... ... . Dee •
Correepofitliiftgk. ye.ar 4" *l(i 14 7 .2-
TOtal of this halflrear to-thke date, 1855 ' '`
9 1
Total-of the half-year to this date, 1854 155;1n 11 1-
LONDON AXD ODTII-EASTERN RATT.WAY.-LTraffic:
Ctorn fur th weelvending Sept. 1, 1855 4'25;20 uiTesponding week last. year 21,413 34 •.8
•

Increaso 411855_
......

23,712 3

- -
ROBIikRY ON NvATERLoO-Isßinct.--On AlOnday after-4
noon, during the -passing of the competitors for 'the
Lambeth Regatta under the Middlesex arches of Water-
loo-bridge, the clerk of the Bridge Company (Mr.Pcivell)
was robbed of his watch, seal, and ,Albert.chain, of great
value. Hundreds of-persons wore- near at the time, and':
one man was taken en El-9Plcion, but V.:: property was
not found.

CONNOCATION OF THE CLERGY.

(From the Times.)
The Convocation of the clergy of the province of Can
terbury stands prorogued to the 24th of ,October, with-
out having been able to agree to any recommendation
that her Majesty could be advised to sanction, or to
come to any other satisfactory result. It appears, how-
ever, that they have cut out some work for themselves
next session, and among other matters a committee has
agreed to a report upon church rates. That committee,
it is to be presumed, possesses the confidence of Convo-
cation, and fairly represents its legal and legislative
perception. It is, then, a matter of interest to inquire
what sort of a proposal it has made, and what sort of
ground it expects that body to take in its dealings with
other couscils and communities" of the State. Since
too, church rates are an affair in which many besides
church people are interested, and which, in fact, some
home to everybody, a tangible scheme for dealing with
them will be regarded far and wide as a ready. test of
the degree of wisdom which Convocation will bring
to other subjects. Convocation, in fact, like other
bodies, will be known by its fruits, and what fruit
so entirely within the ordinary apprehension as a
plan for settling what is properly, though inadequately,
called " the much-vexed question of church-rates 1" We
therefore look with anxiety to what the committee has
brought forth, and have at least the satisfaction of in-
informing our readers that the. plan is in all respects
simple, intelligible, and practicable. We .see precisely
what it means, and know Certainly how it will work ; it
requires no new machinery, and creates no new autho-
rity or process. What is more, we can discuss it with
perfect tranquillity, for there are probably not ten mem-
bers of the House of Commons who in their most aban-
doned mood could bring themselves to vote for it.
After modestly limiting the purpose of churbh-rates to
the maintenance of the fabric and the church-yard in
decent and substantial order and repair, the committee
naively proceeds In order to enforce the payment
of rates so limited, it is expedient to adopt the course
of proceeding
,recommended in the report of the
Royal Commission appointed in ' 1830, &c. That
course of proceeding was the closest possible assimila-
tion to the course of proceeding for striking and enforc-
ing the poor-rate. The churchwarden was to make his
estimate, and ask for his rate ; and, if the, vestry re-
fused it, he was to appeal to the Quarter Sessions, who
might Make the rate in spite of the vestry. On the other
• hand, if, the vestry made the rate, any individual rate-,
payer might appeal against it. But in any case the
Quarter ,Sessiona werelo fix and, order the rate, and it
was to be collected, on their authority, on the same as-
sessment as the poor-rate, and enforced by the same
means and remedies. These Royal Commissioners, find-
ing the Church-rate disputed at every turn, both in the
vestry and at the ratepayer's door, and observing, on
the contrary, that the poor-rate was struck without dis-
pute, and collected with no difficulty, at least .no more
than any other impost, bethought themselves of coupling
the questioned with the unquestioned, the weak with
the strong, the ecclesiastical with the eleemosynary
tax. Such expedients are no novelty, for, in fact, it is just
what is always done, whether in the highest or in the low-
est material, if there is nothing repugnant in the nature
of the thing ,* and
.no external difficulty. We always
attempt to make the strong carry the weak,—to
wed, as it were, the vine to the elm. Doubtless the
right rev., very rev., and right hon. Commissioners
thought it a singularly ingenious application of an ex-
ceedingly general rule. But, whatever might be said
about the proposal in 1830, just a quarter of a century
ago, there is one fundamental objection to it now, and
which it would have to encounter in lirnine. The pro-
posal begin-, " That, in order to enforce," &c. In fact,
no matter how, it is a plan for enforcing a Church-rate.
But the present law, as declared by the highest tribunal
of the land, is that a Church-rate cannot be enforced,
unless agreed to by a majority of the vestry. In 1830,
when these Commissioners made their report, a com-
pulsory Church-rate was disliked, resisted, disputed,
and so forth, but all the decisions were in favour of it ;
and there was probably not one of the Commissioners,
or at least scarcely one, out of the whole 16, who ha s
any douht that' by common law the parishioners were
liable fol. the repair of the church, and the supply of
things necessary for the maintenance of divine service ;
and that what was common law could be enforced,
and ought to be enforced, in one way or another. But
since 1830 the House of Lords has overthrown this be-
lief, and decided that a church-rate cannot be-enforced,
and shall ,not be enforced, unless the majority of the
vestry have agreed to it. A proposition, therefore,
which might be applicable to the then state, or rather the
then general opinion, of the law is wholly inapplicable to
the law as it now is. It was then a project for carrying
out an existing law—it is now a project for making a
new law. The proposal is not only too late, in a moral
sense ;it is legally antiquated and obsolete. It belongs
to another era. There is not only the weakness of falling
back after a quairter of a century on a' rejected offer ;
there is the ignorance of supposing that an offer to carry
out a law is still ivailable when the law is found to be
no law.

Alter the decision of the House of Lords the ma-
jority of any vestry has a right not to agree to a church-
rate, and so prevent a church-rate from being levied at
all in that parish. On the refusal of that majority
every ratepayer has a right to refuse paying the
rate, which thus becomes a mere voluntary subscrip-
tion. Even where the vestry is otherwise unanimously
for the rate, any one dissentient ratepayer can now ho-
nestly, and without the imputation of agitating against
a law, contest the rate at every stage, compel exact
forms_ of striking, assessing, and Collecting, use all his
influence against the rate, and entertain the hope of one;
day carrying a majority with him. Such is the 'existing
right of the majority and of the individual, The com-
, mittee .of Convocation propose, in Ihe most off-hand way
possible, to take away this right, to make the majority
powerless against the churchwarden, backed by the Quar-
ter Sessions, to render the individual parishioner liable
to pay alite he now need not pay,. and perhaps never
has paid, and to convert what is now a legal and ho-
nourable resistance to a rate into-a factious 'conspiracy
againstAhe law of the land: -This is what tt e commit-
tee of Convocation proposes, as if it were just proposing
nothing atall. Could we suppose the scheme sanctioned
by the LegiSlature, all the ratepayers of Manchester, of
St.' Paneras, and Many other places ,where. Church-rates
either never were levied, car are now out of date, would
be liable to pay them at the order of. the ,Quarter
Sessions. We will net speculate on the inevitable results
of such a change; but we `will venture to say that there
never was imagined so effectual a scheme for extinguish-
ing church-rates altogether, and a good 'deal besides.
We do not happen to know, and do not wish to know,
,whol were the members of the committee which signali,ed
itself by thig :notable, project ,We. will, however, sug-
gest to Convocation to try some, new hands the next time
they select 'an 'iinportant committee, unless they would
los&nnt:only the shadow of deliberative,, or rather sug-
geStive,' power theY .now enjoy, but even the fond inte-
rest Pith which a section of the church still cherishes
their fitful, and ineffective existerice. ,

- (Prom the Morning Post. )• • -
Our readers are deuutless aware that. a petition has
beep presented , to the Queen from both houses of the
Convocation of. the province Of Canterbury, setting
forth the desirability of amending the representation of
the 'clergy in the lower house, and requesting, according
to this proper constitutional forronla, her Majesty's
license to deliberate noon a canon for that purpose. The
prayer of this•pelition- has not been granted.
- The -correspondence upon the subject between the
Archbishop .of Canterbury and thu Heine', Secretary is
novv rbefore us, and •exhibits- clearly what it, was that
Cont oc.4tiou requested, though, it furnishes no clue to
trig reasons. for the refusal. :The petition states that
certain subjects, deeply concern the spiritual welfare of
this reabn, Of, these,, it , enumerates four, namely,
"the measures needful for enforcing discipline amongst
the clergy': the extension of the Church : the modifica-
tion of her services : and the reform Of the representatiOn
of the clergy:" ' But, in the cOnsideratiOn of these, it is of' the utmost importance that the mind of the'clergy at large should be fairly. expressed: • This fair expression
cannot,be obtained till some- modifications are made in
the representative system • which supplies the Lower
House.with members, Learned and excellent as the clorgy
of that house may be, there are faults inthe relation
bQ-
tWeen themand their constituents which demand remedy,
and which, until they are remedied, must greatly detract
frOM.theconfidence of the clergy in, the proceedings of
that PlirtiOn of the Convocation.
• Theast'step, then, ig,the amendment of this'represen-
tation., Till that is' done; all effective deliberation 'Must
remain-in abeyance. The 'gooses may dismiss clues-'
tions, and communicate one with the other; and so pre-
Pare ;the public mind for synodical proceedings at some
future period, and may train a number- of clergynaen
to
the (hakes, of synodal debate, but this.is all that can be
done, nothing. which they may recommend will have
,authority,.or carry cons.ecinence.=, unless the .structure
-of the Lower House be first completed, This, recon-
struction Cannot be achieved without a canon, a canon
cannot be concocted without a royal license, and a royal
license cannot be had- without the advide and consent of
Sir George Grey.- This ,Sir :George Grey will slot 'give,
the Church ig+left- to -stand stilt and wait for bet-
ter tinoes,,and.a,more considerate Home Secretary.'
It is rth while. to notice the position taken by' Sir
George Grey in-this matter..- Divested of all ,circumlo-
Cution a,bont expediency, popular, opinion, and the tem•
per of Parliament,
it is practically this—that the Ohurch
her!rightful powers, and that those,of three great points
of England must not at prevent be, wed the' 'exercise
the
,Which it is her desire. to improve',
effec-
tive discipline of theclergy, 'Pi°lll°f,.t.h„ceoCzuh,ueriellieci
and: tbe.modlfiCatiod. of' the services; ,shr, I,i be p
to. rem_.sin ie;stcatfistiod.
iSsiior
simply'
doesy, s
ay 2lso t
give
any,reason for t
her Alajest-y lints not been advised to the prayer
the petition,'„ by which we.supposethat thc public is to
f '
understand, not that Sir, G. Clriey 'has poSitiiely opposed
the praYiii''And'adviiedierl‘l'ajesty to refuse, it, but only
that he has abstained fromoffering cfreided advice upon
the reattei`WithOut deCided davice, of,course the twee
will not act. There is nothing for it then btft patience,
rendered, the-more easy by. the remembrana.that &ere:-
taries, oft- tate,uncieygo lietnov.a,f" mutation, white the
'Ofierch• goes en in the same-old track, ego tory after cen-
tury, till her work is done. In some brighter day, when
'augentiernan of a,Morepraotica,l turnof mind, -and more
qitieral. views of ecclesiastical polity than the
,preaent
-Sect-Flo-64, shall succeed to the Home , Seals, .We may
dhuoptyerutoucy.
'sieei, truer estimate Of the,Chsrch'S need and
avonehed.: • '
I'Cohcey ever. suspected Sir .Geerge. Grey of wish-
-, ing tb protaotethe" efficiency of the Church, and 'nobody
• therefore is •disappointed at his °ppm-Won to the
,cll4 era, schiehileChurch, as &Church, can meet '
cants
not tnidßtaiffiuntdeinsti-ttill:°'.l3. and
Iltla;uliirr7inpudnier ward byT.
ljnoire.ita own neces„
must Weil! or cease to hold her
Tiro Church:
own.spint 'd:Sthhee Cgane'noatndwork in any efficient way with her
hands tied, Statesmen, therefore, who wish tone her

usefully active, and really addressing herself to the Work
before her, must take their choice between alvising com-
pliance with so reasonable a petition as that just pre-
sented to the Queen, and bearing the responsibility of
continuing the evils that now so loudly call for remedial
measures. It is idle to talk of the necessary reforms
being effected by Parliament. The offices of the Church
cannot be altered by Parliamentary statute alone. The
Church only can alter them. Parliament may tamper
with the Prayer-book, but it cannot bind the conscience
of the clergy. They are bound in foro conscientice to the
present Prayer-book, and no power on earth can absolve
them but that of the Church, by representation.

Bat unsatisfactory as Sir George Grey's decision is,
Churchmen must beware of attaching too much import-
ance to it, or supposing it to have a significance which
really does not belong to it. What it does show is Sir
G. Grey's animus towards, or rather against, the Church.
It shows that he is not anxious for the effective discip-
line of the clergy ; that he has no wish to see the or-
ganic extension of the Church ; and does not feel the
want of those modifications of the services for occasional
use which are so generally experienced both by clergy
and laity.
This is all it shows ; and when it is remembered that
Sir George Gray—so far as he professes anything
at all—is a Presbyterian, it is not surprising that he
should exhibit no great zeal for the Church of Eng-
land, and very little comprehension of her difficul-
ties. But this decision is no exponent of the feeliug of
the Government towards the Church. Still less does it
offer any ground for complaining of the constitutional
relations between Church and State. The petition is
not refused. It is simply not granted. But if from
time to time renewed, it may be granted befor9 very
long. Other members of the Government may support
it, and better counsels may prevail. There is a strong
practical feeling pervading the Government, and we may
trust to this to pave the way for a practical solution of
the synodical difficulty. When it becomes more generally
seen that Convocation is The only organic action by which
the ends proposed can be achieved; and, also that the
only choice of Statesmen lies between these things being
done by Convocation, or not done at all, while yet the
necessity for doing them is absolute and incontestible—
the most resolute stickler for a fettered church, or the
wildest impugner of episcopacy will be constrained to
yield. For that not distant period Churchmen may well
be content to wai£4ithqoatience, taking good heedl in
-the meantime to secure, an indisputable title to confi-
dence and approbation, by the zeal and energy, modera-
tion and chaiity, with which they prosecute their glorious
work, notwithstanding the impedimeiiti to free iction
which, in the course of a century and a half during the
abeyance of convocation—have, from various causes,
accumulated about them.

At the very least there remains this consoling reflec
tion, that the leaving the functions of Convocation' in
abeyance is virtually a recognition of their existence,
and the practical result is a continuance to the Church of
the identical condition—in all essential points—in which
her former Convocations left her : while there are many
powers of deliberation and much useful action left, which
do not require the sanction of the Crown, and with which
the Government has shown no disposition to interfere.
These, we firmly believe, may be so efficiently exercised
as to constitute, after a time, a safe title to the, desired
license, founded upon their utility and exemplary
success.

STANLEY'SDISCOURSE OF PARLIAMENT.

(From the Dispatch.)
It is said of Lord Stanley that, in speaking of the
Earl of Derby, he is wont to observe, "Fur an orator
and a genius of varied powers, my father is the most
ignorant man I ever knew." The son seems to have
taken warning by the father's defects. He seizes upon
hard facts—he analyses details—he patiently inquires his
way through realities. He does nothing loosely. He
is guilty of no easy assumptions or lazy admissions. He
is really master of every subject of which he presumes to
treat. We regard him as now a hope of his country.
We think we see a Premier in him, schooling . his pre;
judices in the academy of progress and reform, foresee-
ing that when his age has arrived at its point of leader-
capacity, the world will have shot far beyond the aver-
age of the thinking of the " ignorant present time." No-
thing can be clearer or better reasoned than his views on
Church-rates. (We wish his votes on the whole Church
question were more in unison with his professed principles.)
Nothing could be abler in its way than his brochure
advocating the wrong side of the question of the taxes
on knowledge. His speech of last week is a model of its
kind, and now we have to thank him for his letter on the
subject of the sessions of Parliament. We wish, however,
he had gone deeper into the range of thought which the
topic suggests. It approaches the threshold of Adminis-
trative Reform. Why not take the leap and cross the
border ? The society, called into being by the loud man •
date of public opinion to occupy that ground, if not pos-
sessed of quackery enough to advertise itself constantly
to the public by what may he called a perpetual bustle of
paragraphs and reports, has evidently made itself to be
felt and heard. In every department of the Government
may be seen a practical recognition of its principles, and
substantial homage to its power and activity. ; and here-
in we recognise the elastic and mercurial vigour of Lerd
Palmerston, who, at an age when men are slow to move
and cantankerous with stupid prejudices, calling change
peril and improvement empiricism, has yet a youthful
sensitiveness to the signs of the times,. and a delicacy of
touch alive to the movement of public opinion and
willing to obey it. There is, perhaps, however, some
foundation for the criticism made on the operations of
the Administrative Reform Association, that they have
begun at the wrong end of their subject, and have
sought to improve the departmental details of Govern-
ment before addressing themselves to the reconstruction
of the centre power from which all authority 'and rule
must emanate. When one listens to the' 'speeches or
reads the printed exponents of the views of the associa-
tion, the thought involuntarily rises to that surface of
the mind which may be termed the silent utterance of
ideas. " Well, but this is the proper business of the
House of Commons—that institution alone is fitted by
its functions and its means to command pfficial infor-
mation and enforce the necessary •changes. Why is
there an association, but that the House of Commons
does not duly execute its office ? If it do not, why not
begin the work of reform there ?" We do riot here
mean organio change— electoral reconstruction—an
alteration in the elements of • the composition of Par-
liament. That is alarge separate question on which
we have expressed strong opinions. • But we are now
concerned in the consideration solely of the functional
machinery of State-craft--of the working of, the .instru-
.
ment, accepting it as it comes from the bands of the arti-
ficer. The House of Commons professes itself to be the
public office or counting-house at which the business of
the State is conducted. In spite of the early closing
movement, it begins its work when other people have
closed their shops and some sober and health loving citi-
zene are thinking of going to bed. The sun rises and
sets„ the winter and summer come and go, at the same
time now that they did in the reign of Elizabeth, 'when
the Queen breakfasted at 6 o'clock in the morning, and
was rarely out of bed after 9 p.m. In the morning the
faculties are clearer, the passions colder, the pulse,
less disturbed 'by meats and drinks, the physical sys-
tem more newly refreshed than at anTother period
of the day. You then get the best state of. the
human functions. Why not sit for three hours before
breakfast t We will engage that 'three times as me&
real work will be accomplished between 6 and 9 a.m.
as in a week's flouedering through the present hours of
Parliament. Conceive the state of a senator, after an
-exciting debate and a factious division, 'crawling to his
town lodgings at 3 or 4 o'clock on a winter's morning,
with heated head and icy feet, attempting to win sleep
to his pillow, to gain rest and refreshment for the renewed
agitation of the a ljourned discussion of the coming night.
Can we wonder that the work, operating an entire change
of domestic habits upon all, makes serious, although,
perhaps, unperceived, inroads on the constitution of the
young, and absolutely kills off the aged in serious pro-
portionate numbers ? Buller stated too truly that the
success of the opposition sometimes depended upon their
having a balance of influenza in their favour. Uuder:
the existing dispensation, the fate of legislation is really
too often a question of physical endurance—the Toughest
statesman becomes the most successful—while Pitt
and Fox, at a comparatively early age, fell victims
to the joint influence of unseasonable hours and
unnecessary work: It is a - fact in regard to which
we have very authentic information, that it
has been already intimated to Government by a
Very large number of the House of Commons that it is
their firm resolution to retire from Parliament on ac-
Ceunt of the oppression of its duties and the utter unsea-
sonableness of its seasons. It is very justly observed by
Lord Stanley, moreover, that the times of the year at
which Parliament sits are just those whicb are beet
adapted to country life, and that it is really preposterous
that the chief men in their various districts, ishotild pass
the spring and summer in ,"populous city pent," while
they are only enabled to escape to the country during
winter—the proper season for a town life. So much
for a Parliamentary season, the apologies for which we
shall examine on a future occasion. At present we pro-
ceed to ask wherefore is it that the great inquest of the
nation continues its sederunt through seven long
months-of very long days and -nights ? It is seldom
that above one or two measures of any real importance
are matured and made law in a whole season, by the 658
units of the "collective wisdom." The "Murder of the
(Cabinet) Innocents duly takes place—three-fourths,.
five-sixths, of the whole business of the session is
rejection, suppression and utterly abortive activity.
Why not purge.the minutes of all this trash—define the real business of the session at its commencement—address
attention exclusively to that, and reduce the "much
ado about nothing" to a reasonable compass of two or
three months at most.? Parliament mistakes its func-
tions when it undertakes to govern as well as to ' delibe-
rate—to adniinieter and execute as well as to direct and
to decide. Formerly it simply rejected or adopted the
measures which always originated with the Crown. If it
can govern better than Ministers we are ready to mallow
the formula that stands in the way of that exercise of its
4ifunctkns ; bufrit appeaes, daily ve be beepping a greiter "
nuisance, a -less useful instrument ofgnoslkovertiinedt. 1
'mow-canit be otherwise ?Do the directomin the nke.,
parlour; or- at the India-house, do their work dad; thje
making long speeches ? Could a large bankrupt es ate
ever be wound up by the creditors and assignees striving-
who could be the most eloquent, sarcastic, or witty ? Is
it men of real business who rule the House of Commons I
Notoriously the mere talkers manage to spent to them-
selves the whole powers of office, and to convert the
constitution into a logomachy, or the monarchy :into a
logo-archy. Might not the business be done in, one
chamber, and the fine speeches delivered in another to
all who chose to be inflicted with the flowers of Peace
Society oratory, or the scintillations of Disraelitish wit,
after they have. imbibed a sufficient quantity of bad port
to enable them to sustain the operation ? Hew. pen the
business of the State be satisfactorily conducted in Par-
liament when that of every private individual is in a greet
measure drawn to the same officer Water, Jight;jag