The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-09 00:00:00

IPI4,I3IITIATtY o, lull,

- -
detail by the noble earl opposite in the speech he'has
-just delivered, as having influenced his judgment and eon-
duct throughout. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be fur-
ther from my intention than to desire analyse the
motive of the noble earl; or to impute to him motives
which did not actuate him.
.I am confident that his pro-
ceedings had their origin in the most patriotic sentiments
when he resolved to decline the task which her Majesty,
as he most properly and truly said; invited him to under-
take, unaceompanied with anything like restrictions. My
lords, still less do I think myself competent to examine or
analyse the motives which induced a most extraordinary
majority in the other house of Parliament to combine in
support of what I must be permitted to call an extraor-
dinary vote, but whichhad the effect of compelling her Ma
jeaty's late Government to tender their resignations to her.
Majesty. Mylords, that that Majority ehould have existed
may be a matter of surprise to the noble earl, and may bo
a matter of surprise to others; but it was undoubtedly a
majority composed of a large number of those whom the
noble earl toast;
,and not unnaturally boasts, constitute
his permanent strength in the House of Commons, and
which permanent strength was exerted without exception
to make up that majority. It waseeided undoubtedly by a
strong feeling in the country, •of which I do not complain,
operating upon its representatives, and which was produced
by the amount of distress that had unfortunately befallen
the army in the Cri 11103. All of these motives operating,
together has produced that vote in the other, house ; but I
shall be disappointed if at some future period that house
does not regret the vote it has passed. (Hoar, hear.) The
time, my lords, will come for reviewing that transaction
and its motives,, and for dissecting the pi inciples, the
animosities, and the views by which,
.combined, that
large number: of gentlemen were brought on that
night only to act together. (Hear, hear.) I now come, my
lords, to address a few words to the. house on the transac-
tions • that have taken place. The noble earl has
given a full, and I am persuaded, and I have no reason to
doubt it, an exact narrative of the part he took in 'those
transactions; but that which I have to state to your lord-
Ships commences where the noble earl's statement ends.
(Hear.) My lords, it was not until infter the noble earl
had been understood distinctly
-by
.her Majesty to have
declined the task of terming a Government at this moment,
without holding out to her Majeity the hope that he saw the
means of forming a strong Government—it was net until
iftersthat information was laid before her Majesty that, it
was her Majesty's pleasure to invite me to Windsor for the
purpose of conversing with her on the state in which the
country Waiplaced, and ofascortaining whether it was in my
power to do that which, if it werein my power to do, I should
not have thought myself at liberty to decline—namely, to
-undertake the task of endeavouring to ascertain, from the
views and opinions and conversations of others, what the
prospects were- of her Majesty being extricated from
a situation not only painful to herself, but directly and
immediately injurious to the best interests of the country.
(Hear.) My lords, I had, in the course of the proceedings,
to ask the question of myself—Of what use can Ibe to her
Majesty? and I had en answer from myself, and that an-
swer was, that, situated as I was, I should undertake no-
thing, bat should give to her Majesty that which it was
due to her to give—the best advice in my power, and to
have recourse to the best channels of communication for
the-purpose of enabling her to form a Government. (Hear,
hear.) I did, any lords, iu consequence, communicate with
many eminent persons, all of whom were essential, in my
opinion, to the formation of an efficient Government,
some oithem being the very persons to whom the noble
earl himself looked at once, and in the first instance,
as essential to the formation of such a Government as
the country ought to possess—and to her Majesty I com-
municated the result of the conversations I had with those
various persons. (Hear.) My lords, her Majesty took
into consideration the state of parties, and above all the
composition of that majority by which the crisis was nro-
duced which had put a termination to the late Govern-
ment. (Hear.) She had already looked to the composi-
tion of that majority, and perceiving that that majority
was composed not merely in groat part, but that actually
the majority of that majority was composed of the politi-
cal friends of the noble earl, she pursued that constitutional
course to'which the noble earl has borne such just testi-
mony, and which in every crisis has- characterised her
Majesty's proceedings. (Hear.) My lords, she already had
had recourse to the noble earl, and had satisfied herself
that he, as the representative of that majority, was not
prepared at that -moment to tender her such a Govern-
ment es would-be capable of carrying on public affaire.
My lords, her Majesty, seeing the state of feeling that pre-
vailed, naturally looked to the next person who might
have been considered as combining, though in a very differ-
ent manner, and by a very different course of conduct, to
contribute to the crisis that had occurred by the part he
had taken in withdrawing from her Majesty's service pre-
vious to the date of Mr. Roebuck's motion. (Hear, hear.)
I am now alluding to' a noble-lord with when). I have been
long politically , connected, and with wh in I have been
connected by habits of honest—(from the low tone in
which the conclusion pf the 'sentence was uttered it is-as
perfectly inaudible). My lords, though . that noble lord,
when he withdrew from the Government;did not endea-
vour to carry with him any of . its suppertere, or seek to
exert his influence to dimiuish the majority by which the
Government with which be was associated was supported,
still the mere withdrawal from the Government of one so
honoured and so jerstly distinguished in the councils of her
Majesty, did certainly point attention to him as a person
to Whom her Majesty should have recourse in the difficulty
in which she was placed for. the purpose of ascertaining if
he could form a Government, and extricate her Majesty
from the difficulty in which she was placed. (Hear, hear.)
My"noble friend took time for reflection on the subject,
and, whatever his first impression was, I say he was right
in taking time to consider such a proposal. (Hear,
hear.) I also think that .my noble friend, no* at the head
of the Government, was right iu taking-time before ho de-
clined the proposition of the noble earl, because in the
state the country now is I think there is no public man
who should rashly and hastily decline such an offer to
provide for the eiigeecres of the -country. (Hear, hear.)
My lords, after taking, time for consideration, my-noble
'frietel also declined the task, and I certainly fat that
tier Majesty exercised a wise discretion when she sent
soy noble friend the noble viscount at the head of the
Government, and charged him to undertake the forma-
tion of a Government. (Hear, hear.) By making such a
communication to my nob:o ft load, it scented to me that
her Majesty was likely to obtain the Government which
not only she wanted, but which the country also wanted.
(Hear.) .My lords, my noble friend the noble viscountun-
(lease* the task, and he has undertaken it sue:essfally.
(Hear; hear.) Ido not mean with any est-Linty of that
suce.se eat home and abroad which a man would be a bold
man in these times to predict of any Government what-
ever. (Hear, hear.) I would not say that, even if we had
a Government conducted. by a person of the great talents
and the great experience of the noble earl opposite him-
self; but I- say, my lords, that my noblelliend the noble
viscount has undertaken the task with that degree of con-
fidence in success which he felt justified him in making
the attempt, and thus endeavouring to remove the great
chasm in the Government which has been created by the
circumstance; of the last few days. (Rear.) My lint's,
the noble viscount did me the honour, and did others the
honour, to ask our advice as to the course he was justified
in pursuing; and whether, with the persons that were
prepared to act with him and for the country, he and they
ought or ought not to undertake the task. (Hear, hear.)
My lords, I am bound to state to your lordships that,' so
far as I am concerned, I gave that advice without heaita-
tion ; because, my lords, the question that presented itself
to me was not what Government the country was to have,
but whether the country was to have any Government at
all. (Hear hear.) I felt that the state of public affairs,
the state of? all the public departments;the state of all the
public relations of the country, required not only a Go-
vernment, but that that should be formed instantly and
effectively. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I gave that advice,
and having given it I -undoubtedly' feel that the Govern-
ment of the noble viscount Ls entitled to any humble• as-
sistance and feeble support in my power to give it—(hear,
hear)—and that support ant that assistance I undoubtedly
shall give. (Hoar, hear.) Consulting toy 'own tastes,
my own inclinations, and my own years, I did think
that such support could be as effectively given by me
from one bench as from another, and that I could give it
without myself continuing to
.form part of the Government;
but my noble friends judged otherwise-a-(hear, hear)—whe-
ther rightly or wrongly, and I have blewed to their deci-
sion. (Hem., hear.) My lords, it remains for meetheree
fore, only to state on their behalf, and on my own, that
they have undertaken this task at this moment with no
undue confidence in themselves—with no undue hopes as
to the support they will receive from the country—but
they have undertaken it with a firm reliance upon the as-
sistance of the country at large, and of the •two 'houses of
Parliament. (Hear, hear.) What has already occurred
has from to-lay manifested more and more.the evils of a
long delay, added to that which has already taken place ;
lam now not speaking in reference to persons, but with
respect to the delay that has happened, which ;order any
circumstances; would have materially interfered with our
prospects if it had blasted the confidence of Europe in this
country. (Hear, hear.) For what could be a more shame-
ful spectacle to present to the eyes of the world, at a time
when there is a greater unanimity of opinion in this coun-
try than over there had been before on any great question,
with respect to the prosecution of the war, if there cou'd
not be found the means in England of ,carrying on the
'Government by which that 'war was to be conducted.
(Hear,Lt .....),s,fhoroifor,), thlo +.o the position of the
country that, if a Government should be formed at all, it
should be formed as speedily and effectively as the mate-
rials would admit. • (Hear, hear.) I feel, my lords, that
ibis scarcely necessary for me, after what the noble earl has
said, to add that her Majesty's Government will rely not
only on their own exertions, not only on the support they
derive from partisans,, but they will likewise rely upon the
feeling and patriotism of those who are their nominal op-
ponents. (Hoar.)` My lords; there will be no difficulty. in
giving to her. Majesty's Government that support which is
necessary for carrying on the war, without abandoning that
right which noble lordaln this house and the members of
the other house hereto express their opinions upon parti-
cular subjects in connection with the mode in which the
,war should be conducted. (Hoar, hear.) But, my lords,
it is not in the field of politics alone—it is not in this
house—it is not in .the other House of Parliament only—
that this groat duty has to be performed. My lords, every
person in this country has a duty to perform at this mo-
ment. (Hear.) For the issue of this great contest in which
we are engaged with one of the greatest and
.most powers
ful empires in the world, we must depend upon the cou-
rage of our soldiers and of our seamen, and the ability of
our commanders.. (Hear, hear.) -But let it be remem-
bered that it is not they alone who are actively engaged
iu this contest -.that the contest is one of representative
Government against despotism ; and that if we are not
enabled to oppose to the energy of that despotism those
peculiar powers which a representative Government con-
tains,
or ought to contain, we shall fail in that contest.
(Hear, hear.) If we ao not procure .that unanimity by
patriotism, by argument, and agreement of epittion, which
despotism is able at all times and at all periods to Como-
maul, despotism will be too powerful for liberty, and too
moral to be learned from these transactions will be the
feebleness and the weakness of a free representative Uo•
comment. (Hear, hear.) With Ceo character of the con-
stitutisin of the country ante at stake, it, is the day of
every man in it—not only of the members of this house
not only of the nionibet•s of the other items° of Parliament,
• fluence out of thein
but also of persons exercising 111 7.1
the duty of those very eminent and distinguished peewee
who by their talents are connected with ono of the noblest
institutions of the country—.he free press of this country
—(hear, hear)—itis- the duty of thoo persons—it is the
duty of all persona who by any accident of position or
by their talents command the confidence and the approba-
tion of the different circles, great and knell, in which
they live—it is the duty of all those, by every act, word,
and deed of their. lives at this -moment to take care that
they say nothing, do nothing, write nothing, that can
have the effect of impairing the national strength or in-
tempting the adieu of the national cause. • (Hear-) My
lords, if this country shall succeed in the great contest
in which it is engaged, I trust no man on reflection will be
compelled to forego his share in the national triumph—
when that triumph is establishetle—hy noae doing anything
to impede it(hear, hear)—or, if unhappily there shall be
failure, will do anything that could sadden his conscience
and 4 mind with the reproach, never to be effaced, of having,

by any act, word, or deed of his, contributed to that fail-
ure. (Hear, hear.) I hope, my lords, we have more
prospect of success than of failure, and I agree with my
noble friend in the excellent statement he has made, that
we may bo at this moment going too far in despondency,
as undoubtedly we have already gone too far in the antici-
pation of success. (Hear.) Composed, as the Government
now is, after the loss of some individuals, for whom I feel
both respect and affection, and of whom I must say that,
whatever may be the public objection to the inquiry pro-
posed to be instituted personally, they would have gained
by those inquiries, because it would be found that faults
that have been falsely, rashly, unjustly, and harshly attri-
buted to them, have had their origin in other causes ; but
withoutthose individuals, and constituted as the Govern-
ment now is, and relying upon the assistance of this and of
the other house of Parliament, I do conceive that they have
established the means of prosecuting the war with vigour.
(Hear, hear.) I believe, my lords, that even if they were
not able to carry on this war to a conclusion, they would
only have clone their duty to their country at this moment
by stepping into the gap and presenting to the enemy on
the one hand, and to the allies of this country on the other,
a patriotic front, thus relieving the country from the posi-
tion in Which the absence of power to form an Administra-
tion would have exhibitedit to the world. (Hear.) I shall
mention another circumstance which also governed me in
tin advice Inv° to her Majesty. I hope we shall secure, by
the arrangement which has been now completed, the unin-
terruptedcontinnation and maintenance of those negotia-
tions with our allies which have been for the last two years
conducted with increasing success from mouth to month,
under the auspices of my noble friend near me, unimpeached
and unattacked, and.which tend in every way, I believe on
my conscience, more and more to unite the whole of Europe
in that cause which is the cause of the whole of Europe.
(Hear, hear.) I hope it will lead to the union of all those
powers for one purpose, and that whatever disasters we
may experience we shall ultime,teiy effect the great object
for which we entered upon a war which has been under-
taken with the unanimous consent of us all. (Hear, hear.)
I believe we have the assent of the noble earl opposite to
the principle on which this war has been entered into.
(Hear, hear.) It was entered into solely for •a. great national
object, and it is pursued solely for the purpose of obtain-
i ng.an.honourable peace. (Hear, hear.) lam ready to do
full justice to the views that have actuated themoble earl;
and to the conciliatory terms in which he has expressed
himself with regard to individuals, and I trust he will have
reason to continue to show the spirit of forbearance to-
wards the Government which he has hitherto exhibited.
(Hear, hear.) (The noble marquis was very imperfectly
heard-during a great portion of his address.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY Could not assent to the
motion for adjournment without congratulating their lord-
ships that the interregnum in the Government was over,
because it could not last much longer without inflicting
great injury upon the country. (Hear, hear.) He must
congratulate their lordships that the time had passed away
when they presented to the nations of Europe such un-
seemly scenes as had recently been displayed in this coun-
try. They did not present to the nations of Europe a
Government that was united in carrying on a great war
with a powerful ally against a colossalstate, but on the con-
trary they presented to them a Government that was di-
vided amongst itself, and was carrying on a civil war in
its own Cabinet. (Hear, hear, hear.) He hoped those
days were passed away, and that he might congratulate
their lordships and the noble marquis upon that circum-
stance. (Hear, hear.), There was one expression in the
speech of the noble marquis which was open to some doubt,
hut which possibly was understood, as he intended that
it should be understood, at that side of the house. The
noble marquis had made use of the expression that
the present war was a war of representative Government
against despotism. He supposed he used the observation
in refereace to the unseemly and unfortunate position in
which theiaGovernment—a constitutional Government—
stood in comparison with a despotic Government while
those unfortunate scones were taking place. That was
what he understood the noble marquis to moan ; and he
thought they were not to presume from what he said that
this was a war on the part of a constitutional Government
against despotism—
• The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Certainly not. What
I meant to state was, that a representative Government
was now exposed to au ordeal which would show what the
merits wore of a representative Government as contrasted
with a despotic GOvernment. (gear.)
The Earl of MILMESBURY considered that the obssr-
vation was certainly open to misapprehension, and he
thought it but fair to give the noble marquis au opportu-
nity of explaining. He Was glad to see that her Ma-
jesty had been able to obtain the services of the noble mar-
gals; and that he had agreed to take part in carrying oa
the affairs of the country. With respect to the new mem-
ber'of the Government iu thatehouse, the noble baron op-
posite (Lord 'Panmure), lie muit say that, whatever his
qualifications might be, he could not haeo taken the office
.evithout the firm conviction that the eyes of the entire
country and of all Europe were fixed; and would be fixed
almost exclusively, upon him. (Hear, hear). The office to
which the noble baron had been appointed would attract
the attention of the nations of Europe to him, and upon
his very first deeds they would fix their eyes with great
anxiety. He trusted the noble lord who had the courage
to accept at such a moment such an office would carry out
his duties with vigour, for otherwise that office would be
productive of ruin instead of benefit to the nation. Enter-
taining those views of the important duties of the noble
lord opposite, he would excuse him so soon after his acces-
sion to power for making some observations with respect to
what he thought, perhaps erroneously, might take place.
o's the other night a noble earl opposite (Earl Grey) had
referieel to the faults in the present constitution of the
army, and pointed out how those faults might be reme-
died. He believed he was not wrong in saying that it had
been a long tradition of the party to which the noble earl
belonged, that the constitution of the army was not only
faulty in many of its minor details, but that the very
principle on which it was governed should be reformed.
If he did not mistake the noble earl it was his impression
that they should more assimilate the troasehes se+ of 00
army to that of and he (the Esil of Malinesbury)
thought that would be the most lementable reform the
country hail ever entered upon. (Hear, hear.) He thought
that every Conservative in the country should oppose sueli
reform, because if the army were put in the seine posi-
tion as the navy it would become the same hotbed of job-
bery and trickery--(hear, hear)—which had been unfor-
tunately a reproach to the Admiralty of the country for
many years.' His had himself, on his ent:•ance into puled::
life, obtained an insight into the corruptiou that took
place under the system by which the navy was governed.
He and Sir George Cockburn, in the year 1837, when her
Majesty came to the throne, the Whigs being then in
office, were candidates for the representation of a borough
which wee under the influence of the Admiralty. It was
impossible to find a person more respected, inure adored,
he might say, by the navy and all the persons connected
with it than Sir George Cockburn. If there was to be a
candidate chosen throughout all England to represent the
great arsenals of the country, it was impossible to find a
man Inure fitted for the purinse than Sir George Cockburn.
But what happened ? At the very first house they visited
in their canvass, the proprietor, with more sincerity than
civility, laughed in their faces at the idea of their going
there on behalf of the Tory party to oppose the Government,
and said the Government influence was so great that it
was impossible for them to succeed. (Hear.) His experience
was, that whatever were the other advantages of constitu-
tional government, an election for an arsenal town was
certainly a good exemplification of its disadvantages as
could possibly be found. Ho trusted that if the noble
lord the Secretary at War should initiate any proposal
such as that to which he had alluded, that their lordships
and the public would express their decided opposition.
The Government of which the noble earl was now a mem-
ber had hitherto expressed a groat deference for one por-
tion of the fourth estate—the Times newspaper. He be-
lieved that it was that journal which was the first promoter
of the expedition to the Crimea at that most improper
season when it was made, and before the army was pro-
perly provided with transport.and other necessaries. It
was that journal which urged a weak and feeble Govern-
ment to that expedition. He feared greatly that the in-
fluence of that journal would still continue to be exercised
upon what he must still consider as the same Government:
Now, what was the language used by that journal during
the past week with respect to the organisation of the
army? It had been one unvarying torrent of abuse of
every part and parcel of the army, excepting always that
great part which nobody could calumniate—the gallant
soldiers who had fought in its ranks. (Hear.) He cer-
tainly could not understand how any man could find fault
with Vie regimental officers of the army, for in every way
they had nobly done their duty. (Flee.r.) The song of
the journal to which he had alluded for the last week had
been that the constitution of our regiments was too aristo-
cratic, that aristocracy swarmed in the army, and that
this was one of the principal causes of the misfortunes
which we had to deplore. It was diffieult for him to un-
derstand what was really meant by this term "aristo-
cracy." At the beginning of the French revolution every
man who wore breeches wastonsidered as an aristocrat,
and later the terra was made to apply to every who was
decently dressed. One definition of the term appeared to
be the sous and brothers of peers, members of their lord-
ships' house ; and the Times had said that any lord might
enter a regiment and. buy his way np to any station in
the army in a very short period. On referring tothe Arno/
List what. however, was the state of the facts in the
regiment of Grenadier Guards, of three battalions, there
were 100 officers, and of these not more than sixteen were
connected by blood with members of their lordship's house.
This was surely not a very large proportion of members of
the aristocracy to be attached to a regiment always in at-
tendance upon the head of an old-established monarchy.
Then, again, in the first ten regiments of the line there
were altogether only seven sons and brothers of peers ; in
the seven regiments of heavy dragoons there were but
three officers connected with members of ,that hena; and
in the last ten regiments of the line only five who were
connected with the peerage. At the head of the Ist Royals,
at the time of the departure of the expedition from this
country, stood the name of Sir James Grant, now deceased,
one of the most distinguished officers in the army, who
had sprung from the humblest Orders 'of the people. The
departments which required -reform connected with the'
.army wore those of the medical and commissariat boards,.
and connected with-them there*Avere certainly not many
members connected with the Peerage. (Hear-) He trusted
that when the noble lord intended to make these necessary
reforms in the army, he would above all things respect
that main principle of keeping the army and its patronage
ite the hands of the Crown, and would not suffer himself
to be misled by any Popular cry, however
his colleagues
may have been so misled during the past year. (Hoar )
Lord PANMITRE---After what has fallen from the noble
earl, I feel my lords that it will be impossible to avoid
addressing a few observations to the house before the mo-
tion now before_ it is agreed to. I fully concur in the ob-
servation which fell from the noble earl, that no man
should undertake an office of high responsibility under the
Crown without endeavouring to satisfy the public of the'
grounds upon which he has under taken that office. I con-
fess that, aware of the great responsibility which attached
to that position, that the eyes of the country were turned
perhaps more to that office than to almost any other, I
shrunk from taking upon myself the reiponsibilitiec of the
office) I now hold, nu tit informed that it was considered that
the experience which I had had in the administration of
military affairs might be made conducive to the advantage
of my Sovereign and of the country. 1 think that the eyes
of the people, not only of this country, but of many others,
are turned most attentively to that department which I
have now the honour to represent: I ens, however, but
the representative of a department to which is intrusted,
the administration of the army, and I shall look to the
Prime Minister of this country for support in the adminis-
tration of that department, and I trust that ho will bear
with me the responsibility of the administration of those
military affairs which I have taken upon myself to direct.
I am quite aware that much is required in this depart-.
merit, that many reforms must take place, and that at us
early pm opportunity as possible. - I am not prepared at
present to enter with the noble earl who preceded me into
those discussions to which he has alluded, nor am I Pre-
pared to state to what extent, or with what rapidity, or in
what order or precedence, I can take upon myself to enter
upon the carrying out of those reforms. In addressing your
lordships, I willingly yield the palm of eloquence to the
noble earl opposite, than whom none can address your

Sir J. YOUNC—I have no onlcial inrormation on the sub-
ject ; but I. have heard from his Excellency the Lord-Lieute-
nant that Mr. Calway has resigned' his ofilee of inspector-
general of prisons in Ireland, and in the same letter his
Excellency states that be has filled up the vacancy by
appointing a gentleman named Mr. Felton Harvey.
THE BRIBERY ACT.
Colonel SIBTHOEY was understood to ask whether there
was any prohibition in the act passed last session for the pre-
vention of bribery at elections, to a candidate distributing
coals or other articles to the poor residing in ornear the place
which he wished-to represent, although among the recipients
there might be a few persons-who either had voted or in-
tended to vote for him ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that so
.far.as he understood the question of the gallant colonel, it
seemed to be one of a legal character relating. to the con-
struction of an act of Parliament. In the.abeenee of the law