The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-11 00:00:00

(Front the Daily News of this day.)

Earl Grey has given notice that on Monday week he will
call upon the House of Lords to declare that, in their opinion,
the proposals made on the part of Russia were of such a
nature as might have been acceded to by the other Powers.
It is to be presumed that this declaration relates to the pro-
posals made on the part of Russia with reference to the third
point, inasmuch as it was upon them that the Conferences
were broken off. These proposals were twofold ; one set
were propounded in the 12th Conference, at which the French
and English Plenipotentiaries declared that their instructions
were exhausted. The other set were propounded at au irre-
gular Conference, unsanctioned and unrecognised by the
French and English Governments, and hell after the Eng-
lish Plenipotentiary had quitted Vienna. The former are
to the effect that the Straits connecting the Black Sea with
the Mediterranean should be opened, to the ships of war of
all nations ; the latter, to the effect that the Straits should be
closed against the ships of war of all nations. That Russia
professes its readiness to conclude peace upon either of two
arrangements so diametrically opposed to each other, admits
only of one interpretation. Russia sees her way to make
either the one or the other arrangement conducive to the
attainment of her ulterior objects. Russia feels confident
that neither the one nor the other arrangement could diminish
her preponderance in the Black Sea, or secure Turkey against
her aggressive projects. It is clear that the consequences of
throwing the, Straits open to the ships of war of all nations,
under conditions and restrictions to be settled hereafter, or
of closing them against the ships of war of all nations, must
depend entirely upon the nature of the other stipulations to
be entered into by tho contracting Powers. Now the only
other points upon which the negotiators had even appa-
rently come to an accord, before these alternative pro-
posals were tendered, were those which relate to the pro-
vinces of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Servia, and to the
free navigation of the Danube. We say " apparently
come to an accord ;" for, with reference to the first,
almost everything was left to subsequent arrangements to
be made by a Commission; and, with reference to the second,
Russia had reserved a right to withhold her assent from three
of the most essential conditions. The proposals which Earl
Grey is of opinion ought to have been acceeded to by the
other Powers, mean literally nothing, could have no possible
effect, and would leave matters in a state quite ac confused
and anarchical as at present. The truth is that the terms
and stipulations of any treaty of peace are of much less conse-
quence than the relative position of the Powers which con-
clude the peace in respect of resources and ability to continue
the war. Russia has not yet been taught to feel her inferiority,
and until she has been so taught she will not bind herself to
any stipulations that are of the least value to her antagonists.
When Russia has been made to feel her inferiority, she will
take good care not to provoke a renewal of hostilities, let the
terms of the peace then concluded be what they may. This
is the guarantee for the future good behaviour of Russia that
real statesmen will look for. Earl Grey and the small and
crotchetty clique whose mouthpiece he is in the House of
Lords would allow themselves to be satisfied with fair words.
The protocols of the Conferences of Vienna are now in the
possession of the public. As might have been expected,
they throw little light on the real motives and aims of the
Powers _represented at the Congress. All parties spoke
with a consciousuess that Europe—the world—was watching
them—and were mere anxious to say nothing that could
commit or compromise themselves, than to discuss honestly
and exhaustively their differences. Still, several important
points may be gleaned from these records. It is clear that
Russia never for a moment entertained the idea of making
any concession that could give satisfaction or security to
Europe. That is nothing but what was expected. A more
important point is the strong evidence the protocols afford of
the hollow faith of Austria. The Government of Vienna,
though bound by the treaty of December to the Allies, stood
in a somewhat different position from the belligerent Powers.
It had not yet recognised the existence of a casus belli, as
contemplated in the treaty. On this account, mainly, the
presidency at the Conferences was conceded to the Austrian
Plenipotentiaries. A kind of arbitral character was at-
tributed to them. An attentive perusal of the protocols
will show that throughout the discussions Austria, while
professing to agree in opinion with the Allies, embraced
every opportunity of promoting the objects of Russia.
Did the Russian Plenipotentiaries ask for delay, Austria
backed them. Did the Russian Plenipotentiaries
tender proposals palpably evasive, Austria was ready to
swear that, although not exactly what could be desired, they
' contained the " elements" of an old arrangement that might
be admissible. Did Russia seek to steal a step by entering
upon the discussion of some point, while preliminary ques-
tions, were yet undecided, Austria
.was ready to protest that
such a mode of proceeding was quite fair and harmless.
And when the Conferences were finally broken off, Austria
convened a supplementary and irregular Conference to give
Russia an opportunity of putting upon record an additional
proposal, only meant to give her the appearance of seeking
more earnestly for peace than she has really done. The ar-
bitral power has not held the balance equally between tho
belligerents ; it has slily thrown makeweights of its own into
the scale of Russia to propitiate that dreaded neighbour.
The game of Austria is palpable. She aspires, in concert
with Prussia and the other Germanic Powers, to dictate
to England, France, Turkey, Sardinia (and any other
European Powers who may hereafter join them), and to
secure for Russia the best terms possible. There is not a
man in Europe, of average common sense, who has followed
attentively the progress of the negotiations at Vienna, who
does not see this. And yet Lord Palmerston affects to be
blind to it. He is as willing as ever to allow Austria to hoOd-
wink him and lead him by the nose. He invites the Austrian
Government to " fool him to the top of his bent." He apes
Sir Andrew Aguecheek when the Illyrian Knight requests
I Maria to " set her foot upon his neck." When asked last
night in the House of Commons whether the negotiations are
entirely broken of, Lord Palmerston replied that there are
I " the elements of a Conference" still at Vienna, in the per-
sons of the ministers of Britain, France, Austria, and Turkey ;
and that if Russia has any new proposals to make, directly
or through the intervention of Austria, there are "elements
for receiving them" at Vienna. Lord Palmerston has re-
called his Plenipotentiary, but he is still open to negotiate
through the medium of his elements." Will the country
consent to have its interests and honour left to the mercy
itself
yolff
Lord Palmerston's " elements?" Will Parliament allowwhoh
mean
to be juggled and evaded by new-coined words
nothing ?