The Sun.
London, England, 1855-04-07 00:00:00

DEATH TROY CHOEING.—On Friday evening last a
man, who gave the name of George Gibbs, took lodgings
at the Good Intent beer-shop, North-street, Barking,
and while partaking some beefsteak for supper, a piece
of the meat stuck in his throat. Dr. Hicks was imme-
diately sent for, and used every means to remove the ob-
struction, but without effect, and in a few minutes death
put an end to the unfortunate man's sufferings.—Effex
Standard.
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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

THE RECAL OF LORD RAGLAN
INDISPENSABLE.
(Fr•om the Daily News of this day.)

In Vienna negotiation is at a stand. Prince Gortcha-
koff cannot receive an answer from St. Petersburg be-
fore the 10th, and in the meantime the Ministers as-
sembled in the capital of Austria are obliged to confine
their talk to the weather, or any subject equally safe.
The reply to Prince Gortschakoff is, however, waited for
more as a tribute to diplomatic decorum than from any.
lingering expectation that it can change the aspect
affairs have assumed. The belief that a peace can be
arranged at present has been abandoned by all parties.
The diplomatic circle assembled at Vienna acknowledge
with one consent that the war must go on. The nego-
tiators are naturally reluctant to confess, even to them-
selves, that their labours have been utterly fruitless. By
a pardonable self-deception they contrive to persuade
themselves that they have at least settled the basis upon
which peace will ultimately be concluded, when the
time for renewing negotiation arrives. But impartial
bystanders—who have no reputation staked on the issue
of the Conferences—may be allowed to doubt whether
any satisfactory basis of peace can be agreed upon at
present. The events of the war must determine that
basis ; and who can foresee at this moment what those
events are to be ?

The business of the present hour is to carry on the war
on a scale commensurate with its importance—with that
vigour which alone can insure success. The insane no-
tion that Russia is to be "crumpled up" by merely
clenching the hand has been pretty well dissipated. The
Russians are not by nature a warlike lace ; they prefer
the more tangibly remunerative enterprises of commerce;
but they are enterprising in their own way—they are
endowed with an inexhaustible fund of dogged, passive
courage—they ar e led on by able generals—and the mass
of the people have just attained to that degree of civili-
sation which admits of their being imbued with a fanati-
cal faith in the right divine of kings or emperors. Rus-
sian power of national endurance is not to be tested by
the same standard as that of other European nations, for
the social condition of Russia has more in common with
an Assyrian or an Aztec empire than with modern
European civilisation. Abstractedly, we may take for
granted that either France or England is more than a
match for Russia—much more both combined. But
when we come to details, we find ourselves so ignorant
of Russian resources, and Russian modes of thought and
feeling, that it is utterly impossible to conjecture before-
hand how long it will require to bring the Russian
Government to sue for peace on any terms, or to see
clearly what means must be adopted to reduce it to
such a condition of conscious weakness. All that
can be done is to urge on the war promptly, reso-
lutely, vigorously—to feel our way as we go, and adapt
our conduct to circumstances. But even at this early
stage, it is evident that one thing is indispensable to suc-
csss—that our Government lay aside that dilettante
poco-curantc spirit ky which they have hitherto been pos-
sessed. The demon Laissez faire, which has so long haunted
our Government offices, must once for all be exorcised
and laid in the Red Sea. System and order must be in-
troduced into the management of the army and all the
auxiliary civil services. Able and energetic men must ,
be substituted in all posts and departments for detected
incapablee. This second requisite is even of more conse-
quence than the first. Toe worse our system of military
administration—the more difficult and tedious the task
of remodelling it—the more necessary it is to employ
men of sagacity, inventiveness, and enterprise. Till our
military system is amended—while the work of amend-
ment is in progress—the personal qualities of the men
employed must be such as to compensate for the dell•
ciencies of the system. The national prestige is at stake,
and all other considerations must give way to that of
maintaining intact the national reputation—almost as
indispensable as the national strength to our security.
All considerations of professional 'etiquette—of the prior
claims of seniority or titular rank—must be over-ridden,
if necessary, in order that the right men may be installed
in the right places. In the army an entire charge of the
heads of departments—beginning, we regret to say, with
the Commander-in-Chief--must take place. Slowly
and reluctantly have we arrived at this conclusion.
We know how often the Englishman conceals a
fiery and impetuous spirit beneath an apathetic ex-
terior. We gave Lord Raglan the benefit of the pre-
sumption that his apparent listlessness and helpless-
ness might be merely the results of an undemonstrative
nature—that he was active and provident beyond what
deportment towards his soldiers induced men to give
him credit for being. But accumulated evidence has
forced upon us the conviction that in his case the outer
is but too true an index of the inner man. Lord Raglan
may be a competent General of Division, but he is utterly
inadequate to the arduous charge of Commander-in-Chief
—a judgment of him pronounced by the greatest living
English authority in military matters before the Crimean
expedition left :Varna. Lord Raglan, in the words of
Marshal St. Arnaud, has all the valour of the old heroic
times. He is sincerely attached to his profession. He
has discharged irreproachably the routine duties of sub-
ordinate employments. But a Commander-in-Chief must
be more than this. Let any one consult Gurwood's
"Wellington Despatches," and he will find that great
man, throughout the Peninsular war, attending to—pro-
viding for—everything by his own forecast and exertion.
His correspondence about the procuring of grain for his
army is a mode! by which our most sagacious and ex-
tensive corn-dealers might profit. Lord Ragan has
been contented to have all these things done for him
by others, and to throw the blame of ally failure upon
individuals or the heads of departments. He has seen
the incapacity of his staff, yet has taken no step to
sul-stitiste mon. trustworthy officers. He sits at his
bead-quarters receiving reports, and writing de-
spatches, and allowing affairs to take their own
course. The picture of his residence in a letter from
a casual visitor to the camp, which we published a
few days ago, is the picture of the man. Lord Raglan,
with his well-stocked poultry-yard, is neither more nor
less than a respectable country gentleman, thrown by
some unaccountable accident into the office of Cornmeal-
der-in-Chief. Peter Pindar's description of Farmer
George, invested by the accident of birth with the char
meter of George the King, might; with a few slight
changes, be made exactly applicable to Lord Raglan in
his actual position. The first indispensable pre-requisite
to the success of the war in the East is the recal or re-
signation of Lord Raglan. And one main object of such
recal or resignation is to have a man placed at the head
of the army who would begin by making a clean sweep in
every department under him. Young, ardent, enter-
prising men are required, not only to carry into effect
any Army Reform resolved upon by the Home Govern-
ment, but to suggest from their own observation and
experience the details of such a reform, and to supply the
existing want of system by their own high qualities till
the reCorrn can be carried into effect.

THE VISIT OF NAPOLEON 111.
( From th,e Morninq Herald of this day. )

The French Royal yacht for the conveyance to our
shores of the Emperor Napoleon 111., accompanied by
his illustrious and estimable consort, has been ordered
for the 15th inst. The visit of the Imperial family of
France happens most opportunely, and will, we trust,
prevent the conclusion of a dishonourable and unsatis-
factory peace with Russia. The efforts of the English
Ministry are at this moment directed towards the ac-
complishment of a result so humiliating to us, which
must prove so disastrous to the independence of the
smaller states of the great European confederacy, and so
prejudicial to the future welfare and progression of man-
kind.
If anything can put a stop to the infamous intrigues
now going on amongst those in authority here it is the
generous influence of the French Emperor. Through-
out this contest he has taken the initiative ; he has cut
short concession, and vigorously opposed timid counsels ;
he has invested a dreamy and lethargic diplomacy with
spirit and integrity ; and he has turned aside the troubled
currents of treachery and dissimulation. We, there-
fore, hail his coining amongst us as a pledge that our
national character shall not be lowered in these terrible
conferences at Vienna ; that neither Lord John Russell
in the very citadel of diplomatic sophistry, nor Lords
Palmerston and Clarendon at home, shall be permitted
to barter away the rights so freely purchased by our
fathers on many a well-fought field, nor the renown
achieved by their enduring oonstanoy, for a longer lease'
of misused authority, and a continual gratification of
their grovelling desire for the sweets of office. Family
ties and party connections have engrossed the attention
of the Coalitionists;; for in their vocabulary patriotism
means self-aggrandisement. Those higher spheres into
which men ought not to enterunless theirrninds are actu-
ated,by the purest motives, have
.been sullied by factious
disputes and acts which can never he palliated nor excused.
Unless they wish most fully to unveil the rottenness of
their system to one of the ablest legislators of the day,
they must prepare to meet Napoleon with becoming de-
cency, and some regard for the interests of a State upon
which they have inflicted grievous and irremediable
suffering.
Having given expression to this hope, we dismiss
those who have proved to be the worst enemies of Eng-
land's ascendancy, and turn our attention towards that
illustrious potentate , and statesman whose friendship,
though not of long tried endurance, has hitherto proved
sincere and unassailable.
The interchange of courtesies amongst the rulers of
different countries has not hitherto been attended with
very beneficial results,.either for the Sovereigns most
especially interested, nor the people over whom they
ruled. Even Royal alliances have but too often disap-
pointed the expectations of the contracting parties. The
Imperial race from which the first Napoleon selected
the partner of his glory and his greatness figured amongst
his most implacable opponents. It is certainly true
that the giddy multitude have indulged in certain ap-
pearances of an intense satisfaction whenever by chance
a Royal visitor has appeared amongst us ; but, in spite
of this, regal visits, although ,popular, have not hitherto
been important. The mob eagerly press around the gay
and glittering cortege, and hail the magnificent proces-
sioncpreartoi
rc
Ns eicethi oonl
ase, oft
hteh emcoosmt mduens
pi toyti
eg roefe tse do v
etrheei
gl
na tse ,
with noisy acclamations. Even the most demo-
wEimth-
enthusiastic applause. It is the pageant that attracts
their delight ; its political significance enters not within
the range of their philosophy. A holiday train, or any

public festival upon a sufficiently gorgeous scale, will
collect crowds of boisterous and delighted spectators.
The love of novelty, the desire of seeing those
whose names figure in every-day transactions, the ho-
mage always paid to the great and he affluent, kindle
their curiosity. But we must look deeper than Royal
ceremonials and Imperial alliances for that which stirs
the inmost soul of a nation. Its impulses are not of an
evanescent character ; they owe their existence to some-
thing more enduring than common curiosity, courtly
etiquette, or family interest ; and it is this fact which
invests with so high an importance the approaching visit
of the Emperor Napoleon. He will be, indeed, the
guest of our most gracious Queen, but her Majesty will
tender her best hospitalities in the name of the people.
The whole nation rises up to greet with unbounded joy
the visitors ()fits Sovereign. In bidding the Emperor
and Empress of France welcome to this land, Victoria
speaks in the true character of an English Monarch, as
the representative, the oracle of every class within her
dominions. Never was welcome so princely and sin;
cere, nor homage so unbounded. Other sovereigns of
France have been entertained in this island with fitting
hospitality and becoming friendship ; but Napoleon is
the first that has come as the desired guest of all branches
of the community. There is not a man in the three
kingdoms, no matter how humble he may be, who will
not feel himself honoured by the presence of Napoleon
and his Empress, and give them hearty welcome.
The inward feeling, then, the life and soul of the greet-
ing, being so deep, let us hope that the outward demon-
stration will he every way worthy of it. The citizens of
this great metropolis, who went to congratulate the Em-
peror on the alliance formed between the peoples of
France and England, hhve not, forgotten the cordial re-
ception they met with from all classes in Paris. The cor-
poration has already given evidences of its determina-
tion to tender hospitalities with no sparing hand. Nor
must we at this moment altogether overlook the fact,
that the firm and enlightened statesmanship of a Con-
servative Government laid the foundation of this alliance
at once so beneficial and so pleasing to the inhabitants
of both countries. Had Lord Malmesbury, following the
lead of a large portion of the English press, and in de-
ference to the feelings of those who have since played
their parts in Coalition Administration, encountered the
Emperor Napoleon with coldness and disdain, we may
rest assured that he never would come here as a guest
to Queen Victoria. If, in compliance with the policy so
popular three years ago, we had slighted Napoleon on
his first accession to the Imperial dignity of France, we
should never have bad the opportunity of receiving him
cordially in the plentitude of his power. Spurned and
insulted by the natural ally of France, her ruler would
have turned towards the despotic powers, and entered
into alliances with the northern courts. In that case
how different would have been the state of aflairs at this
moment ! It is no small triumph for the Conservative
prrty that the most auspicious alliance of modern times
is the sole result of their patriotic exertions ; and that
the first thorough and sincere friendship formed between
the two nations of France and England was made by
Conservative statesmen, in direct opposition to the
policy of the other political sections of the land. The
Coalitionists may boast of this bond of union now ; they
may applaud it as a tower of strength to our cause,.
and seek"to turn it to their own immediate advantage ;
but they will do well to remember that the French
alliance formed no portion of their creed when they
plotted to drive a Conservative Government from power..
Then they had other aims, and submitted to a
different inspiration. We rejoice, however, that
they have acknowledged their errors at last, and
we trust that no siiistsr motives, no unworthy views,
hay o conduced to their somewhat sudden and most ex-
traordinary conversion.
The Queen of England in giving this princely invita-
tion, and the Emperor and Empress of France by their
cordial acceptance of the same, set the seal to that bond
of union formed between the two nations. These peo-
ples, so often honourable foes, are firm friends at last.
They have mingled together of late for their mutual ad-
vantage. They have broken through an absurd barrier
of prejudice and unreasonable dislike, and looked rather
curiously into each other's souls. Both have found
qualities to admire—something which teaches them that
they ought to be friends. They are the leaders in the
great movement for social and general progression—the
champions of oppressed nationalities ; both toiling,
though perhaps in different ways, for the advancement
of the human race. On stern battle-fields they have
fought side by side ; in sore trials and afflictions they
have ministered to each other's wants ; the wounded
English soldier has been snatched from the blood-stained
soil by his French comrade ; the grave of the Gallic
hero watered by the tears of the British warrior. By
many a lonely watch-fire, in the broken accents of a true
affection, have friendships been contracted which death
alone shall sever. There is nothing like the companion-
. bringing cut the pure ore of human
char*, =we not, then, confidently hope that
this . I stand the wear and tear of human
adversities ; that it will outlive the petty animosities
of any momentary excitement ? May we not look upon
it as something better than the vapourings of%ll the
Peace Societies in the universe ? May we not regard
it as a pledge that the two mightiest states in this
world's history have discovered, that whilst in warfare
ttbheayttcnnanb, gathienirl iottple en saabvde
btohneestuarlel that
liancewi growsllseattoeurt of
the
blessings of liberty on thousands of the oppressed, and
bequeath the rich legacy of pease to after generations?
Should the Russian war have shown the rulers of
France and England their own destinies, the future his-
torian will chronicle it as the most merciful contest of
all time. It will, indeed, be the means of saving whole
hecatombs of human lives ; and be a song of rejoicing by
happy firesides now deeply veiled in the recesses of an
inscrutable future.
visitV ictfh
the
eucprevniecwh
satisfaction. The nation will welcome them
guests shall
shores with one consent ; and the Imperial
t, Eng-
lish,learn that there is no mistake in a hearty,
views
Emperorand ssuch
cahn d aspirations
Empress with we
unalloyed
ti oa l
these the
tongue speaks the soul feels. The joy t_
tha
I feelin • i
greeting. Hand and heart go togethehr
approach is a spontaneous tribute of nations
blastingg saltis the free expression of a desire to found
ut between
liance, not only between the Royal houses,
has
a neverthat,
a s
°hl3ll'satthtenier
th
trust, hereafter
this
efnootr wwe ob
repaeeinso
epwsl
aglshettdi sihnao
itldbeesem,a
eouti:
ssai demonstration iwso,
en that.and
it
and Eugenie, Emperor
Imperial visit, and to Napoleon
one voice declare,
and Empress of the French, with
give birth to sweet and pleasant memories. ors The Eng-
lish Queen and her loyal people hail with odelightnheastl'
" Welcome, thrice welcome, to our island home !"

THE OLIGARCHS AND THE PEOPLE.
(From the Morning Chronicle of this day.)
Is Lord Palmerston to be the last of the oligarchs ?
Does he represent an effete principle of Government, to
be followed by a "revolution," of the kind in which the
sober and practical English people sometimes indulge
themselves ? Or is he only an Accident—a something
thrown up to the surface in the turbid working of the
political elements—an obstruction to the healthy action
of an ancient though still vigorous system, rather than
its congenial exponent I
When Lord Palmerston was called upon to assume a
kind of dictatorship, it was expected that he would re-
store the harmonious action of a disorganised machinery
of Government. Failure was never for a moment anti-
cipated from a man whose admirers had backed him to
do so much—and therefore the nation scarcely asked
what would come after him. He has failed, however—
utterly, egregiously failed—he has frittered away a po-
pularity and influence which no individual statesman has
enjoyed since Pitt or Peel—and now men begin to ask,
What is to be substituted ? Is the system to go with
him—or can the Tories, or any other political party in
the State, so purify and re-invigorate it as to make it
work on again ? One thing seems to be universally
agreed upon—that matters cannot be permitted to rest
as they are. The universal questions are—What is to
be done ? And —Who is to do it ?
It is strange that on both sides of us—in Continental
Europe close to our shores, and far away in the West—
men should, by a similar process, have arrived at the
same conclnsions, although from premises so different.
In the United States they have not been governed
by 'an Oligarchy. Democracy, in its purest and
most unfettered form, has swayed the destinies of
that immense and still undeveloped country. Yet
the people are justly dissatisfied with the order of
things ; and a great national party has been silently
given, in the manifesto of the
formed, which already 'threatens to overshadow all
others in the community. It is remarkable with what
know-nothings,precision the description
ofthe
condition of parties in the United
States at the present moment, applies to the case of the
United Kingdom. Word for word, the catalogue of
shortcomings serves Vs censure those of our own Whig
and Tory, Radical, Politico-Economic, or Irish Catholic
parties. "All men acknowledge," say those clear-sighted
Americans, "that the old and familiar parties are scarcely
any.longer cognisable by the original tests of distinctive
opinion. In the fading away of these, it is equally appa-
rent that they have lapsed into a condition which has lost
them much of the confiden 'e of the people. They lie operi
to the reproach of substituting for honest diffeeences of
judgment upon questions of public coneern, others of
trivial import or even of mischievous extravagance.
Many exciting subjects which, in the earlier stages of our
progress, legitimately divided public opinion, have mani-
festly lost their significance in the estimate of the pre-
sent day ; and the country has seen with regret that as
these have sunk out of vietv, new and less worthy topics
of dissension have been thrust into their place—topics
to be noted chiefly by the low motives they propose to
a continued stiife. They seem to have grown out of no
better motive than a desire to keep up division for the
profit of those who may thrive by it, in a career which
looks to no object of honourable ambition, and scarcely
affects to refer to the public good. Party action has thus,
in great degree, lost all dignity above that of a mere
struggle for the power of dispensing patronage, and has
done what it could to inculcate in the mind of the people
an opinion that Government is but a complicated system
of rewards for office seekers, in whom the faculty for
faithful service is the last and least of the qualifications
they are expected to present."
It is precisely of these evils that the people of England
now make their plaint—as yet muttered only, but soon
to burst in thunder. They have yielded up the legisla-
tive and administra t :ye o Exist) an oligarchy, and have