The National Register.
London, England, 1816-02-25 00:00:00

TIZEiTY OF• PEACE.

The Order of the Day was then read tor resuming the ad-
journed debate on the Address to the Prince Regent.
Mr. Lew objected to the Treaty, particularly. ou the grounds
that its provisions left the kingdom of the Netherlands open to
the future attacks of France, and placed her in a situation in
which she would oot be likely to obtain assistance or support
from any great Power. He also complained that the interests
of this country had been neglected in the provisions of the
Treaty. We were told we had received indemnity ; but he
would ask what indemnities had we received in return for 2
years of bloodshed, and au expenditure of hundreds of mil-
lions. A paltry contribution, of which the share assigned to
this country did not amount to a 5 per cent. tux upon income
for a year. To him it appeared that in every article of the
Treaty the influence of Russia had been exerted, if not openly,
in a secret and most effectual manner. It had been said that
Louis XVIII. would not have consented to any system of ter-
ritorial cession. What! would not Louis XVIII. whom we had
'dared on the Throne of France, who only reigned by our
sofferance, consent to do that which Louis XLV. had offered to
do ; would lie have refused it to w hat bad been called Europa
in arms at the gates of Paris? He could not help suspecting
there were other reasons besides consulting the feelings of
Louis XVIII. He believed the negociaturs at Paris considered
the Tench people would nut have consented to such an arrange-
ment ; in his opinion, they had been mistaken, and had adopted
a course much inure likely to inflame the French people against
us, by imposing a tribute upon them, and seizing their prin-
cipal fortresses, fin a period of no less than five years. On
the whole, lie could not, consistent with his sense of duty, vote
fur the original address._ _ . _

Mr. Dist:ta.ss euntended„ that the cession of the fortresses
was an object desirable with the AUie4, in respect to the tran-
quillity tot Europe. It offered every prospect of convincing
the French people that moderation, in future, would be the
best severity for their own safety. He could nut agree with
those Gentlemen who wished to lull themselves into seen ri ty,
because one lionaprte had been destroyed. We must recol-
lect, that unless prepared to meet: every exigence. a thousand
Uoimpartes might alive. or these, reasons he concurred in
the Address.

Sir S. IZostit iv, in allusion to what had fallen from the Noble
Loud the preceding evening, could not concur wilt hint in his
opinions oil the subject of interference in the internal govern-
ment ut• France, either for the purpose of placing a par bream
itodiv tibial on the throne, or of dictating to any set of people a
government whim' they might be disposed to reject. The eines-
tion now at issue could not be defended on any justifiable
roe ud. % bat ! win; the interference of one power. with a view
of setting a new Dynasty on the throne of another kingdom, a
anode of acting to be justified In the pros ',ions of the Treaty
of 1815. after the tete, a of Bona carte, such a doctrine was not
attempted to be established, Sir S. then referred to the letter
of Lord Clancarty, of the Mb of Ala., which stated, "'1 hat the
Attica were in hostility to Itanaparte, and were at war fur their
owa tranquillity, and the cc-conquest of that peace which is
desirable. They have no wish to interfere iu the government
of France, nor to influence the clieice of the French oath t,
otherwise that :Is their mtim•uce may tIC necessary 'bribe se-
' entity of Europe." The pas•sge in title letter, he contended.
could not be understood in any other !Walkouts conveying an

li

idea that the war was to be maintained against Bonaparte only;
14,r the language was, that they (the. Allies) did not wish to
plies a successor on the throne of Fleece, but left them to
choose whom they might. That was the general understand-
ing among the el eneh nation, and the Noble Lord must be aware
it was so. it was on this 'indeed muting that the exertions
which might have been made were not carried into effect.
Various• conferences had taken place between the Duke of
Wellington and the Frensh Commi-sioners, in which it was re-
peated, that the Allies bad not the most remote view ot die-
iating to France. The Allies marched to Paris, however, with
Louis in their train, and kept up for five months a sort of guard
to ensure ids safety in exercising the reins of Government.
Our interference, therethre, was not made until it was found
that the French people could not offer any resistance. lint he
viewed this conduct in another light--the time might come
when the allied Monarchs might join with an Leglish King in
placing, by force, on • the Throne a Sovereign inimical to' the
people of England. The Liberty of the Press might, by the
same means, he destroyed, through the representation 4.f fo-
reign Sover, isms, that the free strictures on their conduct were
dangerous to the selety- of the States over which they presided.
The Noble Lord had said, that these public discussions were
dangerous to liberty, and subversive of the safety of other
nations. It was impossible to say what objects he might have
in view in respect to public discussions, but at beast it created
alarm. In respect to the satisfaction of the French people at
their new Government, he could not avoid noticing the regret
with which not only the Freuch Legislature received the
Treaty, and the Declaration of the King to the Deputies, of
his affliction on the subject. Nor could he receive the assur-
ance of the Noble Lord, that the French people arc well satis -
tied with the contributions. On the contrary, they world
spread the seeds of war front one end of the kingdom to the
other. It would fix their hatred upon the English for having
brought down these accumulated burthens upon them. He
concluded with supporting the Amendment.
Mr. R. Wenn observed, that the conduct of the Duke of
Wellington, and his Majesty's Government, was no other than
that line of conduct which the wisest goverements had pur-
sued. All that had now been done emanated from the broad
and wise doctrine of Mr. Pitt, published to the Russian Go-
vernment, in 1805. In that document it was set out, that it
would be necessary to re-model the Government of France, in
order to preserve the security of Europe. With this view
Lord Claucarty acted, when he reached the Continent. When
intelligence ut the overthrow of the Tyrant was known, the
Ministers of the Allied Powers never held out to Europe that
the restoration of Louis was not the object of the Allies, pro-
vided it met it ith the wishes of the French people. But be-
yond that, the letter left it open to the Allies to place Louis
on the Throne, if it was found necessary, for the tranquillity
and security of Europe. This would get rid of the charge of
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman against Ministers, of having
acted with duplicity. According to the argument of the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman, the moment that the Allies had en-
tered Paris, and destroyed the power of Bonaparte, then they
were to stop (leaving the Jacobin army still existing); and say
to the French people, " Now, we base put down Bonaparte,
you may choose whom you like." He quoted the opinions of
Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke on the subject of interference, in
which they had advocated and stated the necessity of inter-
fering in particular cases. Such was the late interference in
the Government of France. In answer to some observations
on the subject of alliances, he defended and stated the necessity
of them, front the 'treaty of Westphalia down to the present
time, and thought that his Noble Friend was entitled to the con-
gratulation of the country, for having settled, as far as Inman
precaution could settle, the peace of Europe, at least fur five
years.
Mr. W. fluor!: said, the right of interfering, if it had been
a question, was brought to issue by the Mike of Wellington,
who carried his arms to Paris. The restoration of Louis XV/11.
was, in his opinion, the first step, because he was the heir of
Louis XVI. unjustly deposed. He hoped that he should not
be accused of le !ieving iu " the divine right of Kings." But
he believed there was an acknowledged hereditary and pre-
scriptive right in Kings, the same as in the nobility; and for
the moral sake of society it became the people to subscribe
to that right. There might be cases where the people were
justified in assuming the right of choice of form of Govern-
ment. The French Revolution broke out against a King who
haul convoked the States of his country ; and therefore it could
not be justified in comparison with the Resolution of England,
for that was against a King conspiring against the liberties of
the people. With respect to the opiniou of the people of
France, the conduct of the Deputies of Legislature was a proof
of the estimation in which the King was held. It must be re-
collected that a revolting army haul just been disbanded, and
therefore the elements of danger must exist hi France, thrown
hack as it had been after 25 years of spoliation into the coun-
try. As to the present arraneement, he felt all tl:c objections
urged against it; but with all its disadvantages, he acquiesced
in it as a necessary evil. as offering a prompt and efficacious
front at the dancer; and thirdly, that it gave England an
influence in the alliauce, which in the present state of thing:,,
was desirable. It might be said, would you twine upon your
country a standing army with your habits of peace? To which
he would answer—Yes! if the danger really existed. But he
would warn the House against so doing, txdess the danger was
apprehended. He did think that the army proposed to be
kept on the frentier of France was a necessary evil. As to
the expense, if it was necessary, that should nut be grudged,
if it did not amount to inure than the supply of 0000 men. He
condemned the idea of our attempting, to he a continental mi-
,l filmy power, for we should be at lost out a fourth or fifth rate
ton cr. It might he all very wail, but he recominsmied tub
Ministers, not to neglect the navy, fur then we should be in a
state of danger indeed! It was not his intention to move an
Amendment un the Address ; but he wished it to be distinctly
known that hie opinion %sus in opposition to most parts of it.
Mr. J. SMITH thought there had been a great seerthee of
British interests in the arrangement of these Treaties ; for he
contended, that we had neither italemnity for the past, nee
security fur the Niue. He also objected to thetticonsttth-
tional meseure of placing 30,090 British troops mu toretgn pas.,
over which Parliament was to have no controul. He repro-
(rated the new doetrine of placing this country among the
great military nations of Europe; for we wanted nu standiur
y er
arm, but we capable, if again plunged in war, of making
the most pu.werful exertions.
Mr. Hewers would net argue the propr
meads proposed to be kept is;, in time ot
pirweriladredeotmoedbisectionrse that,H, wlotettiasc.ourufa
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this Treaty did
.not afford us a mirth
curity. What Treaty could be pointed
complete prospect of permanent scent
that France ought to have been more
had been. But if that had beets done,

the people of trance; nor did lie bei
Ikea have accepted a crown so muck

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much greater prospect of this police being permanent than
many other <l tubers. The occupation of the whole of the
French fortresses on the frontier by the Belgian troops, ss mild
rot ha" e given so much security to the Netherlands, as a strung
alliance like that which now protects her front any attgre‘sioll
that France might be disposed to put upon her. The depres-
sions at present felt in this country he cousider ed as temporary;
for they were only of the nature of those usually felt by every
nation on a return to a state of peace, after a lung and expen-
sive war.
Mr. Howse,: would not have troubled the House, bad he
wet wished his opinions on this great question to be distinctly
understood. Whateser opinion he had, and still did hold, as
to the origin of the war; or as to the late negotiations, no one
would doubt that he felt the highest exultation that the galkud
defenders of this country had, in valour, exceeded all former
precedent. This gave us a military strength of as extent of
%which we were never conscious before ; and which he fen utt-
ly prayed might be employed for the defence of the country;
not in the quarrels of the Continent, probably for projects of
unjus Millar ambition. His main objections to the Treaties
were, that they did notiprodnee that security which they had a
right to expect, and because they had at last disclosed the
project of forcing the Bourbon Government on France after it
bad been di-avowed, in violation of the faith of the Crown
pledged to Parliament ; for last year, when the idea of forcing
the Bourbons ou France was pressed on the Noble Lord, he
over and os er repelled it, us un unnecessary interkrenee on
oar part with the internal affairs of France. Many Members
then voted for a renewal of the war against Buonaparte,
placing more coof.dence in the Noble Lord's words than lie
did , namely, that it was to be a war for our own security,
and that that security would not depend on the restoration of
the Bourbons. That pledge was given to •the People of
France, as well as to Parliament ; and it was too late now, by
je nitieal examination of the words of the Treaties, to whew
t1:.1? the restoration of the Bourbons was intended at that time.
!lid it was denied in the Declaration of the Allies ; and, in
consequence of that, many virtnow persons in France exerted
themselves to keep down the rising spirit of the people from
joining the man whom be believed they hated, to prevent their
country being invaded by foreign troops. It was a lamentable
thing that such a breach of faith bad been committed by this
roman.. The Treaties had not now for their object to keep
back linonaparte, the usurper, but to maintain the Bourbons
on the throne of France ; and that was to be done by support-
ing a large standing army, and by a military alliance. There
was another mode of supporting that object, and that was by
raising large sums flow the people of France, whirl, the Noble
Lord (Cagleteagh) had called a tranquillizing policy. If we
could judge of the kelitigs of the people of France by our
own, the raising heavy pecuniary contributions was any thing
but a tranquillizing policy. But he hoped that Parliament
would take care to prevent those sums being appropriated as
droits of the Crown, without the consent of the Legislature;
part of it was to be given to the Pope to enable him to bring
borne his pictures ; or, perhaps, to erect a Monument to King
Henry IX. For his own part lie wished that the present Go-
vernment might continue 111 France, not because they were
Atnireens ; lint in order to restore peace to that country Mir r
MO many llVlAlltiOng. BO to have that Government supported
by foreign armies was the ;mildest degradation that Frunee
could endure. Constant irritation must be the consequeuce ;
and should there be a national most:meta of France against
this foreign force, the overwhelming power of the Allies
would overwhelm that unhappy country, mud totally dismember
it. He admitted that the necessity of security, or of self de-
fence, would justify interferenee with the internal affairs of
another country ; and nothing else would justify, such an iti-
terference. They had been told by the Noble Lord, that the
:Sovereigns regarded speeches made in that Boost,, in favour of
liberty, with a jealous t•ye. Ile hoped the Noble Lord had not
given his acquiescence in that conduct hut it was a sad proof
of had company and foreign trawl to hear the NOW Lord
state such a fact in a house where he had gained so much re-
putation. It showed what the people of Eutope were likely
to gain by a set of military despots, when they could be jealous
of a few speeches made by an obscure minority, while they
bad the Noble Lord and his triumphant majority to support
taco. He considered that our real means of security were,
the preser% ing the territorial integrity of Franey; and the
establishing such a Government iii that country as would pos-
sess coufidence of the. peopk. There nus MO chance 1.1
permanent repose to Europe without obtaining these two peat
ends.

Mr. C. GRANT dt fended the Treaty in all its brandies.
Titers. nese'. had, he was ready to contend, been a Treaty con-
cluded which bad dom. so rush to raise the honour of Cleat
Britain, and to consolidute her power in every part of the
old as this had done, Au lion. Friend of his (Mr. Horner)
bad said that the terms imposed on France would tend to els-
grade the Bourbons in the eves of the French nation. In his
Mr. Grant's) opinion it world hate. a contrary effect. The
French people could not be ignorant of recent events—they
could not have forgotten the terms of peace granted to the
Bourbons in 1814, and if they bad non a harder fate, they could
not fail to see, that to litionaparte, and not to the Bourbons,
they were indebted for that fate.(Laud cheering from the .11i-'
Benchts.l—The lion. Gentleman concluded, by giving
his warmest support to the Address.
Mr. PONSIIINLY opposed the 'Freaty generally, but more par-
ticularly that part of it w bieh bound us to support a force of
30,000 men; but stipulations having been entered into, he
wished to know why our contingent should not be formed of
continental troops, rather than British troops. He particu-
larly objtcted to thus ks...plitg, as it were. an advanced-guard
of the British army ; and contended, that this masa system less
likely than any which could have been adopted for indocina the
Powers of the Continent to reduce their military cstainish-
mats. Ouc effect it would base ; that was, giving to the
Crown of this country act imluenee dangerous to the liberty of
the subject.
Lord CASTLER Lm.it replied to the variOllS arguments urged
agaimt his motion when Sir C. Moarii iii vain attempted to
be heard—The House then divided -For the Amendment 17—
Against it 240--The original Motion w ;lb then care ied.
EDNESDAN, tlit. 21.
There being only 38 members present at the usual hour, the
house adj•iurned till to.morrow. _

Tut itsti.sy, Frit. 22.
Mr. LOCKHART 'HOU:Zia in a hill to regulate the sales of
Farming Stock.--kcal a first time.
Mr. Goners presented a petition from one of the hundreds
of Suffolk, signed by a thousand persons, complaining of agri-
cultural distresses, asking the relief of parliament, and parti-
cularly pointing out the liard.hip of the malt duty, and the
Camels' horse duty. Ordered to lie on the table.

iy.
PILLORY A 1101.1.'110N.
Mr. M. A. TAYLOR thought it nuot occur to every urntle
man, that, in submitting this motion, he need say very little af-
ter the unanimous WA.' of last session. The bill si as delayed
In the other house b) the indivosition of the noble lord on the