The Sun.
London, England, 1855-11-21 00:00:00

LORD NAAS UN l'ilE WAR.

The noble ex-Secretary for Ireland met his con-
stituents of the borough of Coleraine last week at a
public dinner, in order to give an account of his
stewardship since the political interests of the town
were placed in his keeping. After touching upon
a variety of topics, local and domestic, his lordship
proceeded to discuss the great question of the day,
—the war with Russia :

" Whatever (said Lord Naas) may be said of the origin
of the war, there can be but one opinion now,—that as
long as it lasts it should be conducted with vigour and
determination. (Loud applause.) I, in common with
many, have always believed that this contest might have
been avoided at first ; that more vigour in our warlike
preparation, and more frankness and plain-speaking
in our diplomacy, might have saved us from all the
horrors and misery that have occurred ; but I am not
the less sure that our quarrel is just. I am not the lees
willing to give every support to her Majesty's Govern-
ment in their laudable efforts to sustain the honour
and procure the safety of this country. It is true that
the origin of the war may be somewhat forgotten ; some
of its first objects may be already obtained—the Princi-
palities are safe, Turkey relieved from imminent danger,
and the Russian fleet bas ceased to exist ; but it does
not therefore follow from that that a peace patched up
at this moment would be a lasting:one. Wars cannot
be limited like diplomatic disputes, and regulated by
strict rule. Yoe cannot conduct or conclude a war as
you would demonstrate a proposition in Euclid. (Trees-,
hear.) Human passions, national feeling, the aspect of
neutral States, military success, or the reverse, are con-
tinually altering the character of the contest. Once the
blessed bond of peace is severed, and the havoc of war
begun, belligerent Powers are no longer hound by treaties
and conferences, but each party has a right to make the
best of the situation, and concessions on one side or the
other which might have been accepted as prevenra-
tives of war are not always to be considered, after
we have :made .enormous sacrifices, as certain restora-
tives of peace. Thus it is in my opinion right to con-
tinue this contest, as we have it now in cur power, till
Russia is, deprived of that maritime supremacy in the
Black Sea which has been the cause of all this trouble.
I cannot think that as long as she retains that enormous
seaboard in the Euxine, with. those.almost unassailable
strongholds, that object has been attained. We have
hitherto been successful. Through the endurance and
courage of our soldiers we have succeeded in every
attempt. The allied armies have won three pitched
battles, have taken a city after a siege unparalleled in
history, and with it 2,000 pieces of cannon. They are
in possession of four important positions on the enemy's
territory. Tbey hare established a force (now well sup.
plied) in one of these positions of more than 150,000
men, attended by 100 sail of fighting ships, and an in-
numerable fleet of transports; and with these advantages,
gained by the valour of our brothers and of our sons, are
we to limit our demands to those weary four points, or
make peace by the assistance of German inscrutability
or the terms of the Vienna Conference ? No, gentlemen,
such a peace will never satisfy this country. (Cheers.)
This matter must be settled finally and for ever.' We
must endeavour to place the recurrence of the events of
the past year beyond all human possibility, and if our
terms may seem to some too harsh, and our demands tc)
exacting, it is because we wish to be certain of our ob- '
jjleet cure,"as skilful surgeons cut beyond the wound to make
complete."
et
I may
be
told that these opinions,
if carried into practice, would lead to 30 years of war.
On the contrary,
gcnictei,e
50 years of peace. Loienk"t'olthbelieve they would lead to
your eye over the map. You e st.ate of Europe. Cast
will find there but one
aggressive power
; that is mart enemy. The Western
alliance is complete. Those two great nations, Eng-
land and France, bound together
wy.lhe closest ties of
fellow-feeling and self-interest, itheievery day feel
more and more the advantages of
though these two nations feel that combined they But,
no military they are
a match in power for the rest of Europe, their alliance
is an alliance of peace. They seek
curb the
suc-
cess. They look for no territorial aggrandisement.
They seek but to defend the weak, to
ag-
gressor, and to maintain in Europe the present balance
of power. Look at the other Powers. None of them
can be called aggressive. The policy of Austria, with her
financial difficulties—with Italy on the one side and Hun-
gary on the other, must be a policy of repose. Prussia,
inscrutable Prussia, with her highly-educated people, her
literary and convivial King, her philosophy and her
music, seems quite removed from the consideration of
sublunary affairs. (A. laugh.) The Scandinavian
kingdoms, and the monarchies of the Low Countries, are
content with their respectable mediocrity. Spain—poor
Spain—exhausted by years of the most atrocious mis-
government, and torn to pieces by intestine feuds, can
hardly be said, as a political Power, to exist. At
Naples, her amiable despot seems only intent on making
war on the respectable portion of his own subjects. Rus-
sia is, therefore, the only power on the continent that
can be called aggressive. Her traditional policy is one
of aggrandisement. Our mission is to force her to change
that policy; to show her that her great armaments can-
not insure her victory ; that her enormous frontier
is but a source of weakness, that military power is
not the,
her t6aelnily origin of a nation's greatness ; show
the B
antihonepe of ever placing a Russian dynasty on
y
—force her
to rone.is gone for ever ; show her all this
ment of her c devote beteSottog energies to the develop-
ountlestereeotieqs, and you will, as far as
human eye can judge, secure 'lie peace of Europe for a
hundred years.
while I would support this war
now, I would be far
that circumstances
might not arise when a w°„tauldsaling
the cause of peace. I took with equal ardour support
Russia as a European notpowel.. 10_ the destruction of
alealre'orhedarP)otiMsmu,clh do
I dislike her system—much as
eerinolfei-teaebvienth of
not want to see anarchy established
the habitable world, which wouldbe
of the overthrow of the Government of the Caarruelaertretshtilst
eters! as"
moment. (Hear.) The very instant that our
an opportunity ofconcluding such a peace as w
pear likely to be lasting and honourable they owl
leave no effort untried to complete it. Should Res.
eia appear disposed to treat we should show every dis.
position to meet her fairly. (Hear.) Guilty as aMe
nister would be who should conclude a dishonourable
peace, still more criminal would he be if, for mere mili-
tary glory, or to satisfy national ambition, he should
eentinue an unnecessary contest. But the next time we
treat
I hope the Conference will be with principals, and
thatatthe representatives of France, England, Turkey,
tabl Sardinia will be found sitting at one side of the
e, and the representatives of Russia at the other,
without the interventionoi of Teutonic metaphysicians or
philosophical
ever, but who go into who will argue and gossip for
of gunpowder. (H
55,
bhysteries at the barn thought
co,
ueiar, and laughter.) It is only
by such a course cf ueNt that we hope to conclude
a peace and to finish the
evils ;we shall hereafter bevtateri We have tasted its
aelearTleciate the blessings
of peace. For my own part
be always ready,
as a hunible member of Parliament to Support any
Government that carries on this business in a m
worthy of this great country. (Loud cheers,)"
ma