The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-13 00:00:00

GREAT IsTATIONAL STANDARD THEATRE, SHOREDITCH,

Propr'etor, Mr. Johu Douglass.
Miss GLYN, the popular Actress, as Cleopatra.
Every evening, Wednesday excepted, Shakspeare's ANTONY and
CLEOPATRA. Antony by Mr. Henry Marston; Cleopatra, Miss
Glyn. The play will be produced with new and splendid scenery,
dresses, and appointments.
To conclude with The SCAPEGRACE of PARIS, by Mrs. R.
Honnor.
On Wednesday, OTHELLO ; Othello, Mr. Henry Marston ; to con-
clude with the MISTRESS of the MILL.
Doors open at six, commence at half-past six. Boxes, 2s. Gd.; 25.,
Is. Gd., Is.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tina DAY —MorninglB miu.after 8 I Evening 6 min.aft. 9
T 0.1011.11011 - Morningss minoifter 9 1 Evening 47 min.aft. 10

THE WEATHER.—Sum Owed, March. 13.
TEMILMONITER, IN THE SHADS
46 -highest since noon yesterday.
39 —lowest this morning and during the night.
48 —this day, at noon.
BABOMETEB, 29.29--rising.
WIND, N.W. by W.—Light breeze, with fine sunshiny,
but eloudy weather.
It rained from noon yesterday until midnight—some-
times heavily.

(79,1
t, •
. 11,

LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 13, 1855.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes to
take the second reading of the Newspaper Stamp
Bill on Monday next. We trust that the Right
Hon. Gentleman may arrive at a sounder conclu-
sion during the intermediate period, and that on
the appointed day it may only be brought forward
in order to be postponed until next session, if it
be not permanently withdrawn. Should it, how-
ever, prove otherwise—should the new Financial
Minister still persist, despite the cogent reasons
and unanswerable arguments pat forward by jour-
nalists of all classes and varieties of political
opinion, we must trust to the independent repre-
sentatives of independent constituencies to give
the ill-advised measure the coup de grace, so that
it may not again be brought forward as a Govern-
ment measure, or under the auspices of the Finan-
cial Minister.
Of all the so-called taxes on knowledge, the
Newspaper Stamp was that against which least
could be objected. The advertisement duty and
paper duty were mere burdens, without any com-
pensation whatsoever. They were matters, too,
affecting the community far more than newspaper
proprietors. It was the tradesman who desired
to call public attention to the matters in which
he dealt, the person seeking employment, and
others of a similar character, that chiefly benefited
by the abolition of that most inequitable and im-
politic impost. They were thereby enabled to
make their wants known at a comparatively trifling
cost ; for lie may add that an overwhelm-
ing majority of the well-established journals
reduced their prices by even more than the
amount that had been relinquished by the Stamp-
office. The alteration was therefore a pure and
unmitigated benefit to the community, and we
believe that it has been no loss to the Exchequer,
but that the direct loss has been abundantly indi-
rectly compensated from divers sources.
It was, however, very different with respect to
the stamp. That, as we have repeatedly stated,
and as unanimously affirmed at the great meeting
of proprietors was
limited transmission
post I" for although " the post is not used for all
newspapers, the service rendered is in the aggre-
gate a fair equivalent for the
stamp,
and tends to
equalise the diffusion of information throe h the
whole community !" Under the existing system
g
a newspaper was not limited to one transmission
through the post. It may be sent many times,
and it is notorious that many persons in the
country combine to take a respectable journal, in
consequence of the facilities afforded of trans-
mitting it from hand to band free of ex-
pense. It is true that this may still be done,
but only for a limited time, and by stamped
Papers. Those that retain the stamp wi!l
therefore receive uo benefit, while every tempta-
tion would be afforded to the production of jour-
nals of a very inferior description, striving to
attain a spurious popularity by pandering to the
worst passions of the ignorant and prejudiced por-
tion of the community. Every village would
have its privileged spy, substituting local gossip
and personality of the most unjustifiable and
vexatious character for the'accurate information
and
passing rational comments now offered respecting
events. Would this be considered as an
imprevement by the community ? We believe

not. The measure has been unhesitatingly
repudiated by established journals with
singular unanimity. They reject the pre-
tended boon, and show that, to US 3 the
words of its author, the late Chancellor of the
Exchequer, on another subject they regard it
a 3 " a blow darkly aimed by an official hand !"
We can easily conceive that the " fatal gift"
might be intended only as the precursor of string-
ent measures for restricting and fettering the
freedom of the Press. The Fourth Estate has
achieved great power. While carefully avoiding
the abuses that prevail in other lands,

it has obtained extraordinary influence.
Its liberty has never degenerated into li-
centiousness. While ready to expose any
grievance, and to insist on justice to the many,
it has carefully avoided detraction and calumny.
Of course there must be exceptions to every
general rule, but if we consider the vast power of
the Fourth Estate, we can only express our
astonishment that the limits of legitimate discus-
sion have been so seldom transgressed.

We may safely assert that, under the existing
regulations, " the Press of this country has
attained a state of unequalled efficiency and
general freedom from excesses against the laws
and decencies of society." Is this state of affairs
to be lightly hazarded
We think not, and we believe the public will
agree in the opinion. Under these circumstances,
we ask, in common with our brethren, that the
measure which may hazard such a state of affairs
should not be lightly or recklessly carried, but
that it should, in the first instance, reeeiTe the
due consideration which its importance so impe-
ratively demands.

What is the meaning of the word National ?
We don't ask the question in reference to habits,
feelings, literature, arms, flags, musical airs, or
the drama ; nor yet in relation to a certain im-
mense debt, exceeding eight hundred millions in
amount, for who is ignorant of the meaning of the
word national under such circumstances ? Who
but knows that the National Debt is the debt of
every body in Great Britain and Ireland that can
pay, or is doomed hereafter to pay, taxes. No ;
our inquiry relates simply to public schools and
universities, recognised as national institutions,
especially when there is anything to be received
from the public purse.
And really the question seems a very necessary
one, for a proper interpretation of the word by no
means obtains currency in certain quarters. In-
stead of Oxford, Cambridge, &c., being regarded
as institutions open for the benefit of members
of all classes in the state they are evidently
looked upon as the inheritance of a few,
as Church of England schools, in fact, for certain
classes of the Church of England. Now, we take
it, this is a great mistake. A vast proportion of
the endowments of these places of learning was
taken from the Roman, Catholic Church and con-
fided to the Establishment, as the national Church,
for the national benefit. The endowments were
put in trust for the nation ; and to accord the
benefits of the institutions they support to none
but members of the Church of England is an in-
justice which cannot much longer be tolerated.
Little harm might have beer done by such exclu-
sion when nine-tenths of the nation had no ob-
jection to the Established Church ; but now that
Nonconformity and Dissent, according to the late
census, have almost as many followers, the case is
widely different, and calls for the active inter-
ference of Parliament.

Entertaining these views, we have read the de-
bate on Mr. HEYWOOD'S motion for " a select
committee to inquire into the best means
of affording to the nation a full and equal parti-
cipation in all the advantages which are not of an
ecclesiastical or spiritual nature in the public
schools and universities of England and Ireland,
and of improving the educational system in these
great seats of learning, with a view to enlarge
their course of instruction, in conformity with the
requirements of the public service," with consider-
able interest, and, though the result was not so fa-
vourable as could be wished, with some satisfaction.
Mr. HEYWOOD'S case was to this effect. Recent
legislation had opened the University of Oxford
to Dissenters, but in such a manner that it could
not be expected they should avail themselves of
the opportunity. Instead of being admitted, as
they ought to be, into the College, they were only
permitted 'to establish halls for themselves, in
which they would have no advantage of the na-
tional endowments. A great deal, doubtless, had
been achieved by thus opening the outer gates of
the University of Oxford, but as matters now
stood, if a young man went into College he
must go to chapel, and by the Act of Uniformity
the whole service of the Church must be performed
in all. Colleges, in the Universities, and in the
schools of Eton, Westminster, and Winchester.
To this point he wished to direct attention.
The report of the Royal Commissioners for
Oxford and Cambridge' stated that it was
desirable that the service in the chapels
should be shorter. In his opinion there
could not be a better form of prayer than that
used in that House, and he thought students at
the Universities should have a form something
like it. But this would involve an alteration
in the Act of Uniformity. Again, when a person
in the University obtained a fellowship he was
obliged to sign a tag designed to keep the Puri-
tans out of the fellowships. This ought to be
abolished, as also certain oaths taken by members
of colleges which were not strictly true—such as
that taken by every fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge, to the effect that he will
make theology the end of all his studies,
and at the end c*f seven years either go into the
Church or quit the college, which oath had noto-
riously been broTren in many instances. The state
of Trinity College, Dublin, too, was unsatisfactory.
When a man obtained a scholarship in that univer-
sity he was obliged to take the sacrament, so that
though a Romani Catholic might enter and obtain
an education there, he could not obtain a scholar-
ship. Not o-aly, however, were these institutions
behind the sr )i-rit of the age in being exclusive ;
they were be End-hand in practical utility. Many
men spent t7tseir whole time in acquiring the ability
to write Gl-rt,ak and make Latin verses, instead of
obtaining ass education adapted to the require-
ments of the present day, and the result was most
re
injurious to the public service.
The above, of course, is but a bare outline of
the case P
sented by the honourable gentleman
which cotta joy
ment of a seemed to call for the appoint-
committee. This was refused ; but
not with( re.t Some specific encouragement being
held out
by the Premier, who advised Mr. HEY-
WOOD to bring in a bill to effect the improve-
ments he do 3ms desirable. This, however, was
not the o lily encouragement to he derived from
the debate:. The speech of Lord PA.LIIERSTON
was a speed L "in aid," and will have a marked
effect. No one, he said, could over-state the
value of the extension of education, or the expe-
diency and justice of abolishing all distinctions
and differei v cos of religious principle in the promo-
tion of tit tit object; and, while judiciously dis-
criminating between an exclusively classical edu-