The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-24 00:00:00

serious crisis.

while those to whom it makes no difference take no
pains about it, and the warm politicians of course
proclaim their party. It would be just the same
here. Indeed it is the same in the numerous
institutions which use the Ballot in England.
Mr. H. BERKELEY, who certainly has contrived
to introduce his annual motion with a freshness of
illustration which his opponents would be thank-
ful to imitate, found a specially appropriate en-
forcement from the war in the Crimea. Lord

however, can now doubt that Russia was the guilty
author of the successive partitions. The broad
fact that she has got nearly the whole of the spoil
is but the seal of the historical view of the case.

SEYMOUR was, of course, very angry ; in his view
it was a mere copy of Mosss and SONS' advertise-
ments. The country, however, holds with Mr.
BERKELEY. It thinks our titled Administrators
tiro the quacks, and thorough-going electoral re-
form is the honest and only competent doctor.
The Administrative Reformers find themselves
lriven almost at the beginning to appeal to the
electors. They discover, at the outset, that the
Parliament, chosen by the landlords' herds of
voters, and by the pocket boroughs, is not the
Parliament to contain much administrative talent,
or even to compel an honest employment of the
talent which it has, unless that talent be connect-
ed with the aristocracy. The House itself seems
to take pleasure in showing that it has as little
sympathy with the country as Lord PALMERSTON
himself has. What mean else the counts-out on
important notices, the refusal to save our army
i.nd beat the Russians if it would require Indian
officers and supersede the Horse Guards medio-
crity ; and last, not least, the " baiting" of Mr.
LAYARD for involuntary errors (if, indeed, they
should finally prove to be errors), and the attempt to
cheer Sir J. GRAHAM'S assertion of his long-proved
truthfulness and honour ? Somehow the country
does not think so highly of the word of a Post-
office burglar, convicted of acting the spy for
Austria, and of the blood of the noble brothers
BANDEIRA. These things will recur to memory
when the House, chosen by every species of cor-
ruption, assails, like bullies, the honest advocates
of " the one thing needful," and permits a politi-
cian like Sir J. GRAHAM to appeal to his long-
tried integrity ! Give the People the Ballot, and
verily they will soon put the LAYARDS and the
GRAHAMS in their right places.

We have seen in respectable journals lately,
and even in some friendly to the Polish cause, an
adoption of the Russo-Gorman cuckoo-cry of Polish
anarchy. Every honest lover of national inde-
pendence will be gratified with the convincing
evidence afforded in this pamphlet, that it is the
calumny of the villain who made it a pretext for
his villany. The tables are completely turned. •
Russia is convicted of creating all the anarchy she
could for her vile purposes ; but not only that,
when the Poles had actually abolished the chief
causes of their anarchy, viz., the elective monarchy
and the Merton veto, or, as we might say, the power
of a single Peer to prohibit any measure from becom-
ing law; when Poland had also regulated the abuses
of peasant labour, and was quietly improving her
self, Russia declared this emendation of her in-
stitutions a easus belli ! ! Russia by force pre-
vented the abolition of the causes of anarchy ;
she viewed Polish reforms as she has lately don(
Turkish reforms. It is her practice to lacerat,
neighbour countries by fomenting internal com-
motions before she pours armed hordes upon them.
Such a principle as the liberum veto enabled hex ,
always to purchase a treacherous noble or two ;
and elective monarchy was her instrument fox
compelling the choice of monarchs who should be
her tools. The rage of MENSCHIKOFF and his
master, in like manner, with Turkey was en-
tirely caused not by any injuries sustained by the.
Greek Church, but by the obvious and daily in-
creasing superiority of the Turkish Government
to their own in matters of religious and civil

Among the numerous pamphlets called forth
by the War, we have hardly read one more oppor-

tune and instructive than that to which we

alluded on Monday.* The writer, and. to some
readers this may be a commendation of his work,
is not guilty of enthusiasm for liberty, or for jus-
tice to Poland. He looks on the subject with
the calculating eye of the statesman only, and
altogether from the stand-point of German in-
terests. It is, to be sure, a% a German, and not
a Russo-German, that he writes ; he would like
to see Austria and Prussia two really great and

independent States. He thinks the process of
absorption which reduced the German petty
States, originally three hundred in number, to one
hundred and sixty in 1805, and to thirty-nine

at the present time, a beneficial one ; and he ex-
pects and hopes that the amalgamation will go on
till sooner or later all the petty principalities will

form parts of more powerful kingdoms. He does
not think it possible in the nature of things that
the present small autonomous communities should
resist the manifest tendency to consolidation.
With some of his views, as hostile to political
justice, and likely therefore to leave cause for
future disturbance, we cannot coincide. For in-
stance, in the assertion that any Congress which
restored their rights to the Poles would also give
them a king and prescribe them their forms of
Government ; also, that it would secure to Prus-
sia the seacoast of Poland on the Baltic. We
admit the weight of the latter concession as a
bribe to Prussia to obtain her cession of the rest

of her share in the Polish robbery ; and the
former one might tend to allay the conscience-
stricken dread of revolution which pervades all
the despot Courts of Germany, and from which
not even the French EMPEROR and our own aris-

liberty too. There is but one word which ade-
quately describes the conduct of Czars and Czarinas

towards Poland—that word is infernal. But one
which describes the conduct of Austria and Prus-
sia—that word is cowardice. 4And but one thing
which would heal all the disorder consequent on
satanic and cowardlymachinations—it is expressed
by the one word justice. Germany and all Europe
have new the opportunity which, if passed by,
may be long ere it recur.

We earnestly invite attention to the admirable
Address of the Administrative Reform Association,
which will be found in another part of this day's

impression. It is, indeed, an important and in-
teresting document ; one that indicates the course
about to be adopted by a body which, although
it has so recently started into existence, has
already attained gigantic proportions, and pro-
mises fairly to be enabled ere long to cleanse the
Augean stables of the public offices, and to intro-
duce a system by which we may have " the right

Lord PALMERSTON has most justly gained a
high reputation for versatility. Difficult, indeed,
would it be to find any part which he could not
undertake. We do not remember that he ever
tried the Radical exactly. Every shade of party
difference, however, from tolerably advanced
Whig to uncompromising Tory has, by turns,
equally suited the Noble Lord. Reformer and
anti-Reformer, Tory-Whig or Whig-Tory, Corn-
laws Repealer and anti-Repealer ; to touch
on the details of the past were, however, endless ;
his Lordship has been, and can be, anything.
Only the other night the Noble Lord turned saint,
and in holy phrase, worthy of our Metropolitan
Father in God, defended Church Rates. The
defence of ecclesiastical silver and gold always
seems, however, to impart especial sanctity to the
language of the defenders. The advocates are
ever conscious that they defend the most sacred
essence of all Establishments in defending " the
gold of the temple." The temple is nothing ;
but the "gold of the temple makes them debtors."
And then they are martyrs also. Such was Lord
PALMERSTON in the Church-rate debate. Sur-
rounded by a majority of the profane, he devoutly
maintained the poverty of the Church and her
need of holy plunder.
Last Tuesday night, on Mr. BERKELEY'S mo-
tion for the Ballot, he reappeared in an old and
favourite character. It was not well done, how-
ever, for him. There was the old dress, it is
true, but it looked the worse for wear ; nor was
the acting, although his heart was in it, quite up
to the mark. When he came to the vos plaudite,
be seemed to make the demand more from custom
than from hope. Some natural cheers he got
(from the Tories), but lost them soon. PALMER-
STON was felt by his friends to have failed. He even
said nothing whatever about "nonsense" this time !
We are almost inclined to think that ever since
the Administrative Reformers dubbed him " Our
jesting. War Minister," he has felt less at home
in bantering any earnest opponent than he used
to be. Be the cause what it may, the noble op-
ponent of free-voting, though ho borrowed aid
from every preceding speaker, made but a poor
speech himself.

tocracy are probably quite free. The miserable
work in which king-making has resulted in Greece,
and the uneasiness caused by all the unnatural
divisions of the Holy Alliance up to the present
time, might teach the Western Allies a better
lesson. Our author, however, is speaking per-
haps only of what would be, not of what ought to
be. Statesmen, of course, have no concern with
the latter.
In the main, however, the writer takes sound as
well as practical views. He fully recognises the
absolute necessity of a reconstituted and efficient
Poland to the independence of Germany. He
shows that, sooner or later, the fate of Poland is
reserved for Germany also, unless she resuscitate
her prostrate neighbour. Poland, when a nation,
was harmless to German independence—Poland,
absorbed into Russia, not only places Germany in
immediate contact with the most insatiable of
aggressors, but adds immensely to his means of
aggression. No part of the pamphlet can be more
impressive to Germans than that in which he
shows that " the dismemberment of Poland took
place for the benefit of Russia alone—that Ger-
many, by her participation in this dismember-
ment, has simply become an involuntary tool of
Russian ambition—that the augmentation of ter-
teritory acquired by Germany through means of
this dismemberment could never compensate for
the inconvenience arising out of it—that Germany,
by her complicity in this act of violence, has
linked her policy to that of Russia, and
has opened the way for her to universal
empire—that the Polish possessions will not re-
main long in the hands of Germany—that Russia,
who has gradually been despoiling Germany of
part of them, will ultimately seize the whole—
that this is now only a question of time and oppor-
tunity—that the future prospects of Germany,
therefore, admit of no other alternative than to
cede its part to Russia, or to restore it to the
legitimate possessors,"

He asserted, for the tenth time, that the elec-
tors aro trustees, that the law made them trus-
tees ; but the Hamlet in Hamlet was, as usual,
left out ; he quoted no deed of trust, and exhi-
bited no document from any returning officer to
prove that any persons had duly delegated a trust
to them. We suppose, on the contrary, that had
the Noble Lord taken the pains to canvass the
non-electors, they would soon have satisfied him
that they never entrusted the ten-pound house-
holders and landlords' serfs with their political
rights ; that they would prefer to have them in
their own hands, and very decidedly prefer to use
them under the protection of the Ballot. With
all respect for Lord PALMERSTON, his now decrepid
argument had better be speedily buried under his
i own favourite epitaph " nonsense." With equal
ill luck he attempted a little serious oratory about
the importance of publicity in voting, responsible
as he held his imaginary trustees to be ; yet he
immediately
that extinguished his own fire by strongly
asserting
the Ballot' as in America, would
hinder no one's
opinion
would
hichid, about
o America, from being known !
t Either he is wrong
supposing the Ballot ul
eror publicity.rou g
in
The truth, disentangled all sophistry and
from
special pleading is, that in America those who
find it desirable to conceal their votes„ do so,
; even in that land of relentless interrogators ;

The facts by which these conclusions are
4
thoroughly sustained are given in detail with un-
deniable accuracy. To the infamy of the other
powers of Europe, especially at the Congress of
Vienna, itiisls,theyproved
wd t
that, with tseemnelyveese
to be and
re-
luctant twills,
bullied by ALEXANDER and Russia into the cession
of a quarter of Poland, consisting of its German
provinces, to the power which had already appro-
priated half ; till, for the sake of an addition of
two millions of Poles, ill united to her, Germany
sacrificed some sixteen millions to Russia, and
erected a tremendous means of attack on German
liberties on the very territory which had been
their military safeguard. The plainly out-
spoken opinions of the first French and Ger-
man statesmen are quoted with great power, and
show how easily the more powerful minds could
foresee our present to the letter, and how they
warned their weak and compromising contempo-
raries by the dangers and sufferings which are now
pressing upon us. It is demonstrated that even
FREDERICK THE GREAT only took a share because
he perceived that if he did not Russia would get
all ; that MARIA THERESA did so is well known.
All these conspirators have, indeed, used every
effort to throw the blame on each other. No one,

* The Polish Question from a German Point of View.
By a German Statesman. Translated from the German.
London : James Ridgway.

HE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 24, 1855

men in the right places."
The parties who have thu3 prominently come
forward have, as they truly declare, "no personal
ambition to serve." Their private interests are
not involved. Nothing but an imperative sense
of public duty would induce them to make the
sacrifices of time and money which must be sub-
mitted to ere a successful result can be anticipated
from their exertions. They waited until the latest

possible moment to see whether there was any
hope of the necessary improvements from Minis-
terial sources, and also whether the representative,
of independent constituencies would undertaki,

the arduous and responsible task that more pro-
perly devolved upon them. And it was not until
every reasonable hope of Administrative Reform
was exhausted, until they saw new abuses perpe-
trated by or under the sanction of Government,
and connived at by the Right Honourable and
Honourable members of both Houses, that they at
length unwillingly assumed the initiative ; and
they will now persevere until they have achieved
complete and unalloyed success.

" The Administrative Reform Association is no
mere War Association ! It has been partly oc-
casioned by the War, because the exigencies of the
situation have more clearly developed the gross and
palpable inefficiency of the several departments.
" The want of forethought, the incapacity, the
mismanagement, the complication of duties, the
adherence to routine at the cost of human life, the
thousands of brave men wasted by overwork, by
exposure, by insufficiency of clothes and shelter,
by unwholesome food, by hunger, by lack of me-
dicine and medical attendance, by starvation in
the very hospitals," although they have placed
matters in a clearer and stronger point of 'view,
have still only been the result of evils, long
known, although never sufficiently provided
against. There is, however, a limit to human
endurance. The Rubicon, was passed—the ex-
isting grievances exposed. Hence the determined
and vigorous movement to abate the nuisances, to
remedy the untoward state of affairs, and that
not merely in the departments concerned in the
mismanagement of the War, but in all where
revision and reform may be required.
That there are many able men engaged in the
public service is certain, but their energies are
fettered ; they feel " cribbed, cabined, and con-
fined," by tho deplorable system in operation.
They speedily find that any attempt at ameliora-
tion brings not merely trouble, but censure—that
the imputation of being a reformer is the very
worst that can be attached to their names ; that
it operates as an insuperable obstacle to, promo-
tion. They therefore speedily subside into the
jog-trot course, and sink to the level of their
inefficient collaborateurs.

The evils could not have so long prevailed but '
for the mystery maintained in all the offices. The
first step will, therefore, clearly be to obtain full
and accurate information, and that important
duty has been undertaken by the Association.
We may, therefore, look for the publication of a
series of " Administrative Reform Tracts," that
will bring to light the existing abuses, and, at the
same time, indicate the remedies. In this matter
every possible assistance should be afforded.
Every honest reformer should set his shoulder to
the wheel. Every man entrusted with the elec-
tive franchise should exercise it as if the result
depended on his individual vote. He must re-
collect that if the candidate has to pay dearly
for hio election, he will naturally look to recom-
pense himself ; that if he be compelled to solicit
the patronage of Ministers for any of his consti-
tuents he will be likely to do so on his own
account, and that ho cannot attack the system
when he has dabbled in the accursed thing. Let
honest votes be given—let the purity of election
be respected by the electors themselves—and let
adequate funds be supplied to those who have
assumed the onus of the conflict, and we may rest
certain of speedy and ample success—of the un-
mitigated triumphs of " the good cause."

It is stated that M. Roger, who is at present on a
professional tour in Germany, has been engaged for
one year by an Amerman impresario, at the rate of
8,0001. (200,000 f.)
BURIAL-GROUNDS IN THE METROPOLIS.—As the Bishop
of London is to make a motion on the subject this even-
ing in the House of Lords, it may be worth while to
refer to a return just obtained by Mr. Brotherton, M.P.,
which shows that there still remain open, or partially
open, for interment within the limits of the Metropoli-
tan Burials Act, 60 consecrated burial-grounds, 15 un-
consecrated, and 11 partly consecrated, of which 9 are
cemeteries. Some of these grounds are already wholly
or partly closed, saving existing rights in private graves
and vaults. The total number of burials in the conse-
crated grounds during the year 1854 varit.l from 4 to
8,666.