The National Register.
London, England, 1816-03-03 00:00:00

tu 2A. t itittr4

Our %Ong, Constitution anb tab 36.

SUNDAY, MARCH 9, MI6.

toes ; and the terror, fiz her power. Is there a man who
can wish his country to descend than such an elevation ?
—To abdicate the rank to which her unequalled exer-
tions, the magnanimity of her spirit, and the consent of
mankind have raised her ?—lf there be such a man, let
him join the phalanx of the Opposition, and set up his
voice against that establishment, which we trust ran main-
tain the country in her strength and her dignity. Let
him cry that her constitution is in danger, if her great-
ness, her glory, and her power are not sacrificed. Let
him regret " the !,Isxd old time when 4 or 5000 men
formed her national army," and when the banners of
every invader floated on the towers of her capital. Let
him reproach her with her acquisitions, because, though
they add to the general wealth of the nation, they must
be protected and governed at an expense, trifling when
compared with thcir importance. Let him call for the
surrender of all that we have gained, that we may fol-
low Mr. Brougham's advice, " and in case of war, trust
to our navy, and our army to do what they have already
done." But if, instead of such declaimers, we meet
with a real patriot, what will ha his sentiments? He
will say : that he rejoices in the exaltation of his country
with the more sincerity and fervour, as it was not in a
course of ambitious enterprises, but in a continual and
deadly contest with oppression, that she grew rich and
powerful, and became, through her victories and her
wisdom, the arbiter of European nations. He will say:
that although the rage of the conflict is over, yet its con-
sequences must for mine time be felt. Even the con-
queror is overtaken with fatigue after the toils of battle,
but the lassitude is transitory and easily repaired. To
call it a mortal disease in a man would be ridiculous: to
say that a nation is ruined because it has not yet completely
emerged from the difficulties which attend the dose of' a
long and arduous war, is equally groundless and unrea-
sonable. He will own, that once the principle of a stand-
ing army under the controul of Parliament admitted, he
secs no danger to the Constitution from the amount of
that army, when it is only proportioned to the increase
in rank, influence, and possessions of the empire. Ha
will say, that to refuse to support the necessary forcieon

acokipt, of its.expansw, rfoulibe .40 !IstiagekittstgutlaltTL,
to a much greater expenditure. The elements of strength
once united by a series of events, circumstances and feel-
lop; which may never occur again, cannot be dissolved
and thrown away impunely. The moment may, and
must conie, for peace cannot be eternal, when their re-
union must be attempted ; but would the enterprize
ceed ? If it did not, would not, more than the integrity,
the very existence of the Constitution and the nation, he
threatened, if not destroyed ? And were we to follow
the advice of those who recommend the reduction of our
army to a state of weakness, which would deprive us at
once of all the consideration and influence which we
enjoy in Europe: were we to resign all our acquisitions,
however valuable, us mere burthens to the State, and
replace them in the hands of our enemy, " trusang to
our navy and army to do, in case of war, what they have
already done,"—is it really fancied that economy would be
better consalted ? }low has the enormous debt with
which the country is loaded been accumulated, but by
the adoption of that very plan at the conclusion of every
war but the last. No sooner did we go to war with
France, than expeditions were fitted out at great expense
avainst her colonies. Their capture cost us our noblest
blood; peace came, and those colonies were immea day re-
stored in a more flourishing state to our inveterate enemy,
to whom they brought encrease of power to renew the
contest at a more favourable opportunity. Then fresh
expeditions must be sent, more treasure expended, and
fresh blood shed to regain objects that we had foolishly
thrown away. Even at the peace of Amiens, Buono-
parte was presented by us with the French colonies, and
had he condescended to sign the treaty of Chwillon, in
1814, they would be now in his power. Because that
impolitic and ruinous system has now been in part aban-
doned, and the wiser course has been adopted, of perma-
nently encreasing our power at the expense of a restless
mad cniquered enemy, thus diminishing his ability to dis-
turb our rest, and avoiding a fbture waste of money and
of blood, the opposition cry shame upon Government,
and charge it with extravagance. An army establishment
which in a year will not amount to six millions, and
which, as peace consolidates itqdf, may be still fitrther
reduced, appears to these patriots enormous and unjusti-
fiable. But lot their economy be adopted, and should a
new war occur, we may hope to see the national debt
doubled thrJugh their passion for retrenchment, and have
to provide 81' instead of 4•2 millions a year to liquidate
its interest, lifore a single shilling can be applied to the
purpose-4'4410 a war or a peace cstabliolumeat,

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