The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-07 00:00:00

LLOYD'S SHIPPING-(THIS DAY.)

LONDON, March 7.—Wind and weather this day a$
noon, N. to N.E.; moderate breeze, and fine weather.
OFF BRlGHTON.—Victoria, from New York.

PORTSMOUTH, March6.—Arrived—Deva (transport, No.
96), from the Crimea and Plymouth. Sailed—Christiania,
for New York.

OFF PORTLAND.—Tory, from Callao.
CUXHAVEN, March 3.—Wind, S.W. The light vessels
are at their stations.
LEITH, March 6.—Arrived—lndus, from Callao; Ur-
sula, do.
BELFAST, March s.—Wind, W. Arrived—Francis,
from New Orleans.
CORK, March s.—Wind, N.W. Arrived—Gipsey, from
Demerara; Frederica, Mazagan.
SCILLY, March s.—Wind, N.N.W Arrived— Lord
Elgin, from Liverpool, for the Coast of Africa, with loss
of maintopmast, &c.—The Rosherville (brig), of and from
London, for Jamaica, took fire in St. Mary's Roads, 3d
inst., and was almost totally consumed ; crew saved.

(PER ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.)
LIVERPOOL, Wednesday Morning,

Wind, S.E.
(Mi.—Charles Sprague, from New Orleans.
Sailed.—Spermaceti, for Trieste ; Black Cat, St. Mi.
diners ; Madrileno, Ilavannah ; Belle, Africa.
QUEENSTOWN, March 5.
Wind, N.W.
Arrived.—Globe, from New Yolk.
Sailed.—Lyra, for Amsterdam ; Suom, Balaklava.
WATEEFORD, March 5.

Wind, W.S.W.
Arrirod.—Exbibition, from Callao.

(BY BUBMARINH AND BRITISH TELEGRAPH.)
GRAVESEND, Wednesday, 9.36 a.m.
Wind, w.S•W• ; tide, nearly low water ; foggy.
Arrived, March 6.—Gem, from the Cape of Good Hope.
Sailed.—Velocity, for Adelaide ; Acis, Scutari.
DEAL, Wednesday, 9.25 a.m.
Wind, calm ; thick feg.
Anchored.—Matilda, from London, fer St. Übes ; Robert,
London, for Trinidad ; Martha, London, for Falmouth.

THE FIRE BRIGADE FOR THE Edina,
(u.s.), chattered by Government, is loading in the river
off llorselydown, for the Crimea. She will take out
the body of firemen selected from the London Fire Bri-
gade force, and engines, for the protection of tin 40a-
pitalii SC'utar4

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

STROUD.

The election of a member for the borough of Stroud,
rendered necessary by the appointment of Mr. Herman
to the Irish Secretaryship, took place to-day at the Pub-
lic Subscription Rooms in this town.
At eleven o'clock, G. Edwards, Esq., the returning
officer for the borough, opened the proceedings with the
customary formalities; and there was a large muster of
electors and non-electors from Stroud and the outlying
boroughs.
. Mr. Stanton put in nomination Mr. Horsman, which
was seconded by Mr. Marling.
Mr. Clutterbuck then rose to propose Mr. Merrywea-
ther Turner as a fit and proper person to represent the
borough ; but it was not seconded. It was, however,
stated that Mr. Turner did not intend to opppse Mr.
Horsman, but merely wished to have an opportunity to
address the electors.
No other candidate being nominated, the returning
officer declared Mr. Horsman duly elected.
Mr. Horsman then spoke for more than an hour. It
was because in England Lord Palmerston was generally
looked upon as the most proper man to be at the head
of affairs, and because he believed that the Govenment
he had formed was the most liberal Government that at
this moment could be formed, that he had given to it
his support. With regard to the war, he was one of
those who shrunk from the horrors, the crimes, and the
calamities which invariably attended war, and he gave
great credit to Lord Abet deenfor his endeavours to keep
peace by negotiation, but war having become inevitable,
he was for its v gorous and energetic prosecution. He
had rejoiced at the prolonged negotiations for peace,
because he had never underrated the power cf Russia.
He read an extract from a work published last autumn
by Sir J. M'Neil now sent to the Crimea, which showed
that in the last 64 years Russia had possessed herself of
a larger amount of territory than she possessed in 1790.
He (Mr. Horsman) felt that the question involved in the
present war was not a Turkish, but a European ques-
tion—(hear, hear)—and that it was the duty of England
in the first place, if possible, to avert war, and if this
were not practicable, then to carry it on vigorously and
effectively. (Applause.) He dilated on the blundering
management of the war at some length, and of the glo-
rious deeds achieved by our army in spite of this
blundering. Ho then proceeded to contend that for the
money expended on our military establishments, we
ought to have an effective army. How was it, he asked,
that voting as large supplies as any nation in the world
to keep up its army establishment, we were se much be-
hind every other nation? (A. voice—" It is owing to the
cold shade of the aristocracy.") There was a great deal
of truth in that remark, and he (Mr. Horsman) hoped
that " cold shade" would ere long be withdrawn. That
was really the truth, and so it would come out in the
inquiry which was about taking place. It would be
found that we had voted as large sums as any ether na-
tion, and that we had as brave men for soldiers as any
other nation, for at the battle of Inkerman 500 of the
Coldstream Guards kept 10,000 Russians at bay for
several hours, and the number which they left dead on
the field was greater than the French and English troops
together engaged in that battle. It 'c-as our system
which was in fault. He had the curiosity the other day
to make inquiries as to the ages of the French and Eng-
lish generals in the army of the Crimea, and he found
these facts, from which he would leave them to draw
their own inferences. The average age of the French
generals was over 45 years, while the average age of
the English generals was over 65 years. (A. laugh.)
The fact was, that French generals under a system of
rapid promotion, merit being the only qualification, rose
to the head of their profession in the prime of life ; but
our generals, under our system, did not attain their rank
until they had arrived at an age at which they were inca-
pacited from attending on committees in the House of
Commons. Thus mem, considered exempt by age from
sitting in a warm, well-carpeted room, were not disquali-
fied fronOseing sent on an arduous campaign, through the
depth of winter. In the commissariat department had
arisen one of the great causes of dissatisfaction in the ma-
nagement of the war, and this was not to be wondered at
when they came to know that the present head of the com-
missariat department was in the commissariat during the
Peninsular war, and had been in that service 50 years.
Was it any wonder, then, that he should not be quite up
to his duty ? (Hear.) If they went on with the inquiry
they would find the whole of the system the same. They
were the slaves of routine. (Hear, hear.) They were
under bondage to red tape. (Cheers.) They wanted a
younger, a fresher, and a better system, by which merit,
and merit alone, should become the first qualification for
public employment. (Cheers.) He then alluded to the
death of tie Czar, and expressed a hope that the event
boded some good for the future peace of the world. As
to the late Emperor's preparations for war, he stated
that he had it from one of the greatest capitalists of
Europe that the Czar had for the last three or four years
before the war been raising immense sums of money for
the avowed purpose of constructing railways, but, there
could be no doubt, for the real purpose of prosecuting
this war. In conclusion, he thanked the meeting for
the patient hearing which had been accorded to him.
Mr. M. TURNED. then addressed the meeting, and ex-
pressed his approval of the choice of Mr. Horsman by
the electors of Stroud, but ho expected another vacancy
!shortly, when he should offer himself for their suffrages.
A vote of thanks to the returning officer closed the
proceedings.

RADNORSHIRE BOROUGHS.
On Arennaylast the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the
Right Hon. Sir G. C. Lewis, Bart., was re-elected with-
out opposition for the Radnorshire bor night. In ad-
dressing the electors, the right bon. baronet said :
When you did me the honour, less than four weeks ago,
to return me as your representltive in Parliament, I had
little idea that I should be so soon called upon again to
address you. It was my sincere wish at that time to
serve you as a private and independent member of Par-
liaintn+. I had dring two years ceased to have a seat
in the House of Commons. My political habits hal
been interrupted, and it was my desire to remain for
some time rather as a spectator of the proceedings of Par-
liament than taking an active part in them—rather an
observer than an actor. Those were the sincere feelings
with which I left the country to take my seat in the
Howe of Commons. In consequence, however, of the
sudden determination of some of the most important
i members of Lord Palmerston's Government, owing to
the proceedings connected with the committee appointed
to inquire into the war—in consequence of the secession
of those distinguished members Lord Palmerston's Go-
vernment was materially diminished in strength, and
the necessity arose of its undergoing an almost entire
reconstruction. At that moment the offer was made me,
quite unexpectedly, to undertake the important office of
Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Applause.) That offer,
as I have already stated to you, was on my part wholly
unexpected. I yet felt that, however great the diffi-
culties might be which would oppose the due discharge
of the duties incumbent upon the holder of that office—
notwithstanding the critical state of public affairs— not-
withstanding the advanced period of the session, and
the necessity under which the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer would be placed within no long time of pro-
ducing a budget and laying before the house and the
country a plan for the fiances of the ensuing year, I felt
that, in the position in which I wa.s placed, I should be
guilty of pusillanimity if I declined the offer that was
made to me. (Applause.) The offer was an honourable
one. It was the offer of a high and important office
under the Crown. The confidence that was reposed in
me by her Majesty and by Lord Palmerston, the head
of the present Administration, raised in my mind a sense
of obligation not to shrink from the burden unless I felt
that I was absolutely inadequate to the support of it.
Under these circumstances, I intimated to Lord Palmer-
ston my readiness, if he thought I was equal to the dis-
charge of the duties of the office, to undertake them.
The acceptance of the office vacated my scat, and it was
necessary that I should again Ares: at myself as a candi-
date for your suffrages. I rejoice to find, on returning
again amongst you, that the resolution to which I then
came has met your approbation, and I need not say that
the approbation and support of those who have already
returned me to Parliament, and who have the best means
of judging of my public conduct and qualifications, will
be one of the greatest encouragements and greatest sup-
ports I can find in th 3 due and proper discharge of my
arduous duties. (Applause.) Since I last had the plea-
sure of addressing you in this hall, an event has occurred
which has arrested the attention of every roan in the
kingdom, and which bids fair to make a sudden, perhaps
an entire alteration in the course of affairs in Europe. I
allude to the death of the Emperor Nicholas. Of that
event there can be no doubt, from the authentic intelli-
gence which has been received. It is an event calculated
to fill not only all England, but also all Europe with awe.
In the midst of his military career, the mighty Pharaoh
of the north, whose heart was hardened against therest
of Europe, has been arrested in his progress the
impartial hand of death. Like Alexander
midst of his great
of Babylon,
whichmust make us
he has been suddenly stopped in
military career. It is an eventall reflect, which will fix the attention of every politician
and of every general throughout Europe. (Applause.)
The reflection which must most naturally arise is every
one's mind is that the Emperor Nicholas was the exclu-
sive cause of the war which is now raging in the East.
It was his ambition that caused that war. By his grasp-
ing policy, by his attempt to seize the Turkish empire,
he provoked the interference of France and England.
We know that it has for years been the hereditary policy
of the Court of Russia to extend the frontier of their
empire to the south, and to make Constantinople one
of the capitals of the Russian empire. We know that
at the conference of Tilsit a plan was agreed upon be-
tween the Emperor Napoleon and the Emperor Alex-
ander for the dismemberment of the Turkish empire.
That policy has become hereditary in the Court of Rus-
sia; and the main cause—the sole cause—of the war
which is now raging in the Crimea was the determina-
tion of the Western Powers to prevent the annexation
of Turkey to Russia—to prevent Constantinople from
becoming a Russian port. That policy has been ar-
rested for a time ; but, nevertheless, it was cherished by
the late Emperor, who now lies low in St. Petersburg,
and we have every reason to believe that as long as he
lived that policy would never have been abandoned. The
constant tendency of this aggressive policy towards the
south reminds me of the peculiarity of the Black Sea,
which it has been the policy of the Russian Emperors to
convert into a Russian lake, whose waters tend con-
stantly towards Constantinople—
" Whose icy current and impetuous course
Ne'er feels retiring ebb, but keeps due on
se.,
To the Propentic and the Hellespont." (Applau
We have now to ask ourselves what w
the death of the Emperor Nicholas
,uepkoinlniebwhow e the effect of
the hereditary
import.
policy of the Russian Emperors. We
ant an event is the death of a Sovereign is a despotic
country. The death of a despotic Sovereign isnot r ike tt at
of a constitutional king. In a constitutional and free coun-
fthe wad to
try, the TOiCO 0. public

influence of Parliament, and even, to a considerable ex.
tent, the influence and authority of Ministers, carry on
the course of public policy beyond the death of the So.
vereign. They prevent a sudden break in the conduct
of:public affairs, and produce a continuity in the system
of government. Nothing of this kind exists in thejseuai.
Oriental empire of Russia. We know from experience
how much depends upon the character, upon the opi.
nions, and upon the conduct of the reigning Sovereign..
A remarkable instance of that fact I will take the liberty
of mentioning to you. Near the end of the long ministry
of Pitt, in the year 1801, we had been for some time at
peace with Russia ; we were on friendly terms with
Paul, who was then Emperor. Some disputes about
neutral trade involved us in difficulties with the Northern"
Powers. The Emperor Paul organised, with other na-
tions of the North, what was then called the armed. neu-
trality. He entered into amicable negotiations with
Napoleon, with whom we were then at war. He laid
an embargo on English merchant vessels in his harbours,
and declared himself hostile to England. The result
was that Mr. Pitt lost no time ix declaring war against
the members of the armed neutrality. He sent Nelsen
to bombard Copenhagen. The bombardment was hardly
over, and the place taken, and he was about to proceed
to attack Russia, when the Emperor Paul was murdered
one night in his palace. That event was as sudden as
the death of the Emperor Nicholas. I frill read to you
what Sir Archibald Alison says in his " History of Eta.
rope " on this subject :—"But while everything thus
announced the commencement of a desperate and bloody
war between England and the Northern Powers, an event
took place within the palace of St. Petersburg which at
once dissolved the Northern confederacy, defeated the
sanguine hopes of Napoleon, and changed the face of the
world. This was the death of the Emperor Paul, which
took place on the night of the 2:3d March, 1801, and led
immediately to the accession of his son Alexander, and a
total change of policy on the part cf the Cabinet of St.
Petersburg." Alison then proceeds to describe the moo..
sures of the young Emperor. The eldest son of the late
Emperor has succeeded peaceably to the throng, and it
is believed that his views are pacific. Far be it from
me to attempt to penetrate into the interior of the
Russian palace. I know not what policy the new Ern,
peror of Russia may adopt ; but I may venture to hope,
that the fact to-which I have called your attention may
form a prognostic of what we have now to expect from
the new Emperor. If, however,' it should please that
mighty potentate to continue in the course of aggression
upon which his father had entered, and if our reasonable
hopes of a more pacific policy should be disappointed,
then let him know that in England he will find a coun-
try prepared to maintain its own rights and the rights of
other nations—a country which, although its array has
been placed in a perilous position, and has had to undergo
the rigours of a Russian winter, has its resources un-
impaired, has its revenue flourishing, •has its trade sub-
stantially undiminished, has its spirit unbroken, and
will be prepared, in case of necessity, to vindicate its
own honour, and to maintain the rights and liberties of
Europe, (Applause.)