The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-31 00:00:00

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The following is the letter referred to above :

[ PRICE 4D. STAMPED SD.

milted ? They have said in 1855 what Sir Charles
Wood, the Duke of Newcastle, and Sir James
Graham said in 1851, when they were Cabinet
Ministers.
The protest signed by the Jersey political exiles
is mainly an historical resume of the events of the
revolution effected at Paris by the coup d'etat of
the 2d of December, 1851. The phraseology em-
ployed to describe these events is not over-courtly,
but neither was the language of the Ministers
and journalists we have named. The Ministers and
journalists have ceased to speak 'of these events,
because they believe that France has acquiesced in
the Government founded on the coup d'etat—and
because they think that as the general merits of
the reign of Augustus compensated in a great man-
ner for the questionable means by which he at-
tained to power, the reign of Napoleon 111. may
compensate for what is indefensible in the coup
d'etat. The Jersey political exiles continue to hold
the same language as they have over held, because
they do not believe that France has acquiesced in
the Government of the coup d'etat, and because
they do not hope that the benefits conferred on
their country by that Government will compensate
for the vices of its original title. Of these two dis-
sentient views, which is characterised by most of
sagacity and practical prudence we are not now
called upon to decide. Enough that a man may
entertain and express either of them without im-
putation -to his moral rectitude: If the-prosi is'
free in this country, such difference of opinion is a
legitimate subject of discussion. To punish men
for maintaining either the one or the other side of
the question is a gross infringement of the liberty of
the press.
We shall. be -told that the discussion was carried
on by the. Jersey political exiles in language of un-•
necessary violence. Are we to take exoepticini at
strong language-on the part of men who have been
driven from their homes and hearths by an act
which even those who make the strength of their
language matter for an accusation against them do
not and cannot defend ? " But if they are allowed
to speak in this ,manner of the chief alliance, that
alliance may be placed in peril." Was not the mine
verson chief magistrate of: France, and Was not
England- in amity with France, when the Ministers
Sir Charles Wood, the Duke of Newcastle, Sir J.
Graham, and the London journalists spoke of hini
in pretty nearly the same terms as the exiles do
now ? Had the President of the Republic com-
plained to our Government in 1851 of the, manner
in which ho was spoken of by MiniSters on the
hustings and journalists in their columns the an:
swer would have been :—" The Constitution of
England does not allow us to deal with men for any
latitude of speech in political assemblies or in print,
except by due process of law. If you feel aggrieved
the law courts are open to you, as they were in
1782 to the Queen of France, and in 1803 to your
uncle, the First Consul." And if there had been
one spark of English generosity and courage in
the breasts of our Ministers the same answer would
have been made to him now.

Thera are good grounds for believing that the
French Government has demanded the expulsion
of the Jersey exiles from our, Ministers, and that,
instead of answering as they ought to haVe done,
they have complied with the demand as far as they
could. In a letter from Vienna, published in the
Cologne Gazette, and reproduced in our impression
of this day, it is stated that the Austrian Govern-
ment has made application to the Cabinet of St.
James's for the expulsion of political exiles, and
that the French Government has instructed its am-
bassador here to support the application. And the
Moniteur of yesterday contains a-letter from Jer-
sey, dated ,the 2Gth inst., in which it is stated that
the exiles have received warning to quit.the island.
These two documents leave little room"for dottbt-as
to the paities at-whose _instigation Miniaters have
violated the practice of the English Constitution.
To have complied with such a request from Napo-
leon llL=who lias had. practical experience of the
protec!ion our laws extend to political exiles—
would have been bad enough, but to comply .with
snqh a request from AuStria, -implies a 'degree of
mehuness.that we dare not trust ourselves to desig-:
r. a. f ILL, Aril Vl.O. V ‘.,a -upon
us. Lord Palmerston and his colleagues affected
to deprecate the obsequiousness shown to Austria
byLord John Russell at the Conferences of Vienna;
the obsequiousness they have themselves now
shown to that equivocal power is infinitely more
disgraceful. The honour of England has been laid
prostrate at the feet of continental despotism by
the Palmerston Ministry.
This Jersey affair is not the first step of our Go-
vernment in its descent from the proud position
maintained by English Governments in 1782 and
1803—epochs at which public opinion was far less
enlightened than now on the subject of the political
rights and immunities of citizens and foreign so-
journers amongst us. In 1853 the Messrs. Hale
and Son were summoned to Bow-street to answer
a charge of having in their possession a quantity of
gunpowder greater than was allowed by law.
Strenuous efforts were made to prove that a con-
nexion existed between the accused and M. Kos-
suth. When this was found to be impossible, the
proceedings were allowed to drop—the prosecution
was terminated by a compromise. No doubt was
entertained at the time that the main objeot of
these proceedings was to obtain an excuse for gra-
tifying the Austrian Government, by expelling M.
Kossuth from this country. In 1853 the Govern-
ment of the day had not mustered courage to depart
from the precedent established by the ultra-Tory
Lord Hawkesbury half a century before. But when.
men once venture upon a deviation from the path
of rectitude and legality, however slight, their sub-
sequent downward career is rapid. Two short
years have sufficed to embolden Ministers to their
present avowal of disregard for the hereditary
liberties of England.
In the letter from Jersey which we publish to-day
it is stated that M. Victor Hugo will remain at
Guernsey until Lord Palmerston presents a more
stringent Alien Bill to Parliament. Wo feel confident
that if M. Victor Hugo remains at Guernsey till
such an event takes place, his residence there will
be a lengthened one. Fallen though Lord Pal-
merston is, he will have too much prudence to risk
the damaging debates to which the introduction
of such a measure would give rise. Neither he
nor his imperial masters will courb the renewed
publicity that would be given to the transactions
of 1851 by the discussion of the House of Com-
mons. And yet we do not wonder that an exile
smarting under an act of injustice, seeing that our
first protest against the lawless proceedings at Jer-
sey has not been supported by any of the Liberal
organs in the daily press of the metropolis, and
that not a whisper against the outrage has been
breathed during the Parliamentary canvass now in
progress in the borough of Southwark, should look
forward to such a suicidal move on the part of our
Premier as probable. The future historian of the
nineteenth century will point to the Jersey out-
rages, and to the apathy with which they seem
likely to be endured by the English public, as the
darkest blot on the Liberals of this age.

Le coup-d'etat Bonapartist° trim-1101e h Jersey, ma%
gre les dioquontes et nobles protestations du Daily
News. A la suite do la declaration par laquella lea
proscrits de Jersey rappelaient h I'Angleterre les crimes
de Louis Bonaparte, M. Victor Hugo, ses fits, et lea
tronte autres signataires ont rev da Gouverneur de
Jersey l'invitation de quitter l'ile d'ioi au 2 Novernbre.
L'intention de M. Victor Hugo est de s'arreter h Guer-
nesey en attendant que l' Alien. Bill soit presente an
Parlement par le Minisare Palmerston.
Vendredi soir,

Sir,—The free English press, last week, almost unani-
mously blamed the conduct of the authorities of Jersey.
A more serious fact has just occurred : Victor Hugo
and thirty other refugees have been expelled from Jersey
Normande—by the same arbitrary process.
And, this time, no false pretence—no forced interpre-
tation. Any one who glances over the protest because
of which our friends are expelled from Jersey will see at
pro-
once that there is no other motive for such violent
ceedings than a legitimate sentence passed upon
Louis
Bonaparte.
We leave it topublic opinion in the Country to decide
the rights
whether it be worthy of the dignity of the
should
of
to buy the alliance with the violation o
hospitality, and to suffer that exiles
ejected from a land of law and liberty for h be summarily
towards Louis Napoleon the very holding to-day
England about three years
same language that
was held by almost all in
ago. --I am, &c.,
COL. PIANOIANL
86, Great Portland-street, London, Oct. 30.

SINGULAR COLLISION,--On Tuesday an accident oo-
curred on the line of railway between Renfrew and Pais-
ley, 'which, though only attended with fatal consequences
to horse flesh, placed the lives of many human beings in
imminent danger. This railway has only a single line ofrails, and is worked by horse power. On the evening in
question, a carriage conveying a number of workmen
homeward towards Paisley, was met by another carriage
with the passengers for Renfrew Wharf (upon the same
t
line, of course) when the collision between them
50
brutes, which were both very valuable animals, w
tremendous that they 'were instantly killed on the spot.
All the passengers were shaken, and many of tohfemtkestne-
verely contused, but so far as we learnnon
were dangerously hurt —Glasgow Herald.

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