The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-18 00:00:00

01')
„„,VQ

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 18, 1855.

Prussia is rendering her assistance to make the
delusion complete. On Tuesday we alluded to
the attitude just assumed by that Power, and the
" demand " for the admission of a representative
on her behalf to any conferences that may be
held ! But she is not contented to await the de-

cision of the other Powers on that modest propo-
sition. The Berlin Cabinet is already urging
with peculiar earnestness the necessity (!) of sus-
pending hostilities, until the belligerents shall
have pursued further the recent attempt to arrive
at an understanding (! !0. The mask is thus
thrown off !—the cloven foot openly displayed.
Russia wants an armistice ; and that alone should
be sufficient to prevent the other Powers from
acceding- to the request. The siege of Sebasto-
pol must be pressed forward. There has been too
much of the vis inertice hitherto displayed. We
shall not as yet enter into the vexed question of
"Who is to blame ?"—whether General or Minis ter ?
Wo shall hear before we condemn. But whatever
may have been the cause, we trust that it has ere
this been removed, and that there will be more

energetic exertions than have for some time been
displayed. The fall of Sebastopol would mate-
rially help our diplomatists. The only effect of
the renewed negotiations should, therefore, be—
not an armistice, but—.—increased vigour and addi-
tional activity on the part of the besiegers, to
bring the protracted siege to a satisfactory termi-
nation.

The policy of the King of SARDINIA. in joining
the Western Alliance does not meet with the
approbation of Father GATAZZI. The fact would be
of so little moment as hardly to call for remark
were it not that the enthusiastic monk
may fairly be presumed to represent an
active if not very powerful section of the
Italian people. Re has lost faith is VICTOR
EImANDEL, and evidently disenchants himself
with indignant regret of the illusion, as he now
regards it, he has hitherto entertained that that
MONARCH was destined "to pilot the sacred vessel
of Italy into the harbour of independence and
unity." He is of opinion, too, that, in a
merely selfish point of view, the Head of the
House of Savoy has committed a blunder, and
has doffed his father's mantle, with no prospect
before him of obtaining advantages at all com-
mensurate with the sacrifice. Supposing, he says,
for the sake of argument, " that the Western
Allian se, with its little satellites, shall be success-
ful"—he has his doubts it will be seen about the mat-
ter, and it is not too muchetteopstaeythhies
owvish is
erwileflaratheingr
to them—" in putting
power and influence
oaf Russia, then, I will ask
the King of PIEDMONT, What shall
of thy exertion and thy mistrustof bteh
ethe Itarleilavnad
sr?
In my belief, not more than a province
ee
utmost." Poor deluded KUM swhat a
e:
mt he
e s

The object of the CZAR'S unqualified accep-
tance of "the Four Points," as a starting point
from whence to commence negotiations, is gradu-
ally becoming perceptible. From the first we
felt satisfied that he had no bona fide intention of
concluding an arrangement that promised to be
permanent. His pride had not been sufficiently
humiliated, nor his fears for the safety of his own
dominions so greatly excited, as to induce him to
abandon the aggressive policy which has been
pursued, not only since his accession to the throne i
of all the Russias, but by his predecessors since
the time of PETER the GREAT. It is notorious
that he aims at a great extension of power, if not
at universal rule ; and what renders it even
more improbable that he will relinquish these
ambitious projects is that his " religious," or,
rather, " superstitious," feelings—we shall nnt,d4k-o7
crate the former term by applying it to
such impulses as those by which the AUTOCRAT
is actuated—are engaged in the contest. He
fancies that he has a mission to accomplish ;
that he is to extirpate every species of
heresy or dissent, and to procure converts to the
" orthodox " Greek Church, of which he is the
recognised head, even at the point of the sword,
if milder methods of persuasion should fail. To
him, Mahometans, Protestants, or Roman Catho-
lics are all equally obnoxious. He tolerates no
difference of opinion. All must comply with his
orders, and be contented to seek their salvation
in the path which he indicates. He has not, as
yet, suffered sufficiently to have this notion beaten
out of his head—the only possible remedy for such a
disorder. He may dissimulate, or even condes-
cend to the " lie direct," but he is not as yet dis-
posed to yield.
Why, then, it may be asked, give even an ap-
pearance of yielding, that must discourage his
own subjects ? Why, unless he hopes to arrive at
a satisfactory conclusion, re-open discussions that
must prove unavailing ? Simply, because be
well knows, that whatever may be the result he
must profit thereby. He thoroughly understands
the mental calibre of our diplomatists, and we
confess that it is by no means surprising that he
should have formed not a very exalted opinion
thereof. He feels, as our contemporary, the
Charivari—which, like our own Punch, clothes
Cony wholesome truths under motley garbs—
justly remarks, that "negotiations have always a
certain influence on military operations." As he
is well aware of the hollowness of the preten-
tensions he has put forward, he cannot himself
be injured. He will not relax a single effort, not
abate a particle of the exertions he is making to
expel the Allied Forces from the Crime% and
retain the stronghold from whence he can
menace surrounding nations, and maintain the
mastery of the Black Sea and its environs. But
he has confidence in the representations of Messrs.
BRIGHT and COBDEN, in the effete senility of Lord
ABERDEEN, and the fiscal and financial hobbies of
Mr, GLADSTONE. He fancies that England will gladly
grasp at the slightest glimpse of hope, in order to
save some portion of the expenses which, according
to the theory of the British financier, must all be
liquidated from the current revenue of the coun-
try—that we will consent to rest on our oars,
and send no further reinforcements to the array
Of the Crimea until the various Plenipotentiaries
had played out the diplomatic game—that we
would, in fact, leave matters in what we vainly
imagined to be in statu quo until the negotiations
had been broken off, when his incessant efforts
during the interval might enable him to repeat
the sanguinary attack of Inkerman, although with
a very different result.