The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-15 00:00:00

same time we actually summon an Austrian army I

to the Turkish frontier. To place Turkey under
the guardianship of Austria is to give the lamb into
•ustody of the wolf. Is the partition of Poland
to be forgotten Or is it to be supposed that
the character of Austrian policy has changed ?
It has changed, only as perfidy deepens in dye
through long practice—only as every species of
criminal atrocity, rapine, lust, cruelty, murder,
grow with unrestrained exercise, and run
riot with impunity. The young Empe-
rors are of the same standing ; they have
been reared in the same school. Their snarl
over the scent of the distant prey was but mo-
mentary. They are making up their dispute and
learning to hunt in couples. Their sole point of
difference can be as to the division of the spoil,
and the stray instincts of mutual rapacity will
soon accommodate that difference. We have
barred the front door against the notorious bur-
glar, and left the back entrance open to the mid-
nidnight thief. From our knowledge of what
Austria has been in past time, and from our ob-
servation of her utter faithlessness within our own
experience, we venture to predict that she waits
only a favourable opportunity to surpass all her
former treachery by some act of monstrous con-
spiracy against the rights and liberties of Europe.
Are we to wait patiently while the plot is, hatch-
ing ? If we consent to act so dastardly a part, to
forfeit the sympathies which bind us to our fel-
low-men, and to regard their oppression with
indifference—the spirit of pure and genuine
freedom no longer animates our breasts, and we
deserve to be subjugated in turn—to have a
Russian army to ravage our plains and a HAYNAU
besiege our cities. To be indifferent when the
dearest interests cf our fellow-men are at Stake is
as impolitic as it is criminal.
Why is Russia so powerful at Sebastopol and
in the Baltic, but because her continental fron-
tier, through the connivance of Austria, is secure?
Apart from the effective aid afforded her by the
deadening despotism of the Austrian Government,
she would be comparatively powerless, as
the free and active genius of the inhabi-
tants of those countries now crushed by
vindictive Austria would roll back the barbarism
of the northern hordes, and confine them within
their proper limits. It is Austria which encou;
rages the oppressive and vexatious rule of the
petty Princes of Germany, which keeps that noble
country in a state of perpetual distraction, and
which thus far encourages the growth of Russian
influence. It is Austria which supports the Italian
tyrants, or rather which overshadows them with
her still darker domination, treating the removal
of abuse as a crime, and applauding every act
which deepens the sufferings of the people and
sinks them into lower bondage. It is Austria
which, by keeping the wide and fertile provinces
watered by the Danube in a state of political
slavery or profitless barbarism, smooths the path
for Russian progress in the south, and prevents
the formation of a State which would be an in-
superable obstacle to her advance in that
direction.

We know that there are a set of piping politicians
ready to denounce this language as revolutionary.
They cannot comprehend that Europe needs a
revolution—such a revolution as the earth sus-
tains when the harsh rigour of Winter gives
place to the genial influences of Spring. The
political world will not stand still. The contest
between despotism and liberty is in progress. It
is such a contest as in a more poetical age angels
would be represented as stooping from Heaven to
witness. May our people rouse themselves to a
perception of its immeasurable importance, and
with generous decision adopt, as their own the
cause of the nations who look anxiously to her for
aid, and are eager to bear their part in fighting
her battle.

The wisdom of Prince ALBERT'S Trinity-house
speech will, we may hope, now be proved. Lord
PALMERSTON is liberated from that grand evil of
a Constitutional Government—a Parliament which
can question the Sovereign's Ministers. He now
enjoys most of the blessings described by the
Prince as the characteristics of despotism ; the
press, it is true, will use its Argus eyes, and will
reveal what it sees through its own correspon-
dents from Paris to Sebastopol, but no member
of the press can ask the Premier a question, call
for a single paper, or in any way interfere with
his free action. In the conduct of the War, or
in listening to suggestions for peace, Lord PAL-
MERSTON is now as much an autocrat as ALEX-
ANDER. He has but the check which even a

Russian despot dreads—public opinion in his own
country. Much as we are naturally disposed to
resent Prince ALBERT'S laudations of despotism,
we shall still not regret finding that Ministerial
autocracy, till the reassembling of Parliament,
exemplifies all the merits attributed by his Royal
Highness to unchecked rule. All the money
wanted is put, without stint, into the hands of
Government, an advantage for which the coun-
cillors at St. Petersburg would part with many
of the privileges of despotism. A nation stands
at their back ready to applaud them for cashier-
' ing to any extent the incompetent at the camp or
in Downing-street, and putting the right meu
into the right places. Nothing need hinder
them, from ohoosing the most efficient civil and
military servants which the nation can furnish.
The best materials and best men are all at their
command; they want now, in order to beat Russia,
but the same subordination of everything to one
object which marks the whole conduct of that
power.

How will Lord PALSIERSTON use the months of
uichallenged rule ? Will he escort, her MAJESTY
from place to place, or will all his compeers but
the War Minister again take to grouse and par-
tridges ? Will there again be no Cabinet meet-
ings till the opening of Parlianaent looms in sight?
Will the most important advisers of the Crown
bury themselves fifty 'fathoms deep in the coun-
try, and be twelve or twenty-four hours behind
the two millions of London in their knowledge of
the latest news, or will they venture any distance
from the telegraphic communication with the
Cw
theriil il
s euasuggest
g
Much more anxious questions will, however, stir
breastsestPetoorhmapasnyre queries
stiolinkse of the
near past
s,
of the thoughtful. In the Parlia-
mentary sauce
n Lord PALMERSTON "dies and
makesno z.,
EVANS yesterday to the
thereQfeurreeedn's SsipreeeDb:
wLhAicch3r
was to shew the stout-hearted resolves of
her MAJESTY'S advisers. But no—the QUEEN'S
speech is delivered, and not a word beyond
the old tantalising cant about carrying on
the war with vigour, and a firm and lasting peace,
was put into the Royal mouth. What her MA-
JESTY'S Ministers deem vigour, and what would
be the lowest condition of a firm and lasting
peace, this speech, like 'all Ministerial speeches
hitherto, saith not. The "stout-hearted speech,"
so humbly requested by our great contemporary
as the soother of our anxieties, fears, suspicions,
p
apprehensions,seechw
a swnhoi while
hs
afed.
e vouchsafed.
ue Parliament
such
What would the country take for signs of
vigour ? They would naturally first think of an
unsparing use of our military and naval zneaw