The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-04 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 4, 1855.

We are absolutely disgusted with the subter-
fuges of Prussia. We are heartily sick of its
dodgery and intrigue. " Clicquot " does all he can
to embarrass the Western Powers, and to assist
secretly, and by under-hand means, his brother-
ia-law. Although he has thus hung back, although
he has practically joined our enemy, he professes
to be virtuously indignant because he is not
treated as a friend, and admitted to our councils.
A friend, forsooth (!) What possible claim to
the title can he put forward ? Why, next to the
arcleaggressor, and his "friend of forty years'
standing," he is chiefly respoisible for the War.
Had he boldly and honestly expressed his views
on the subject, and clearly and explicitly informed
the CZIR that the invasion of the Principalities
would be regarded as a casus beili, or had he even
subsequently exhibited the slightest manifestation
of his desiro that the reasonable demands of the
Western Powers should ho complied with, Ns-
enoLas would have yielded. Unfortunately, how-
ever, there was no appearance of truth or since-
rity in his proceedings. At one moment he ear-
nestly supported the " four points ;" at the next
he considered their contumelious rejection by
Russia perfectly justifiable. He " breathed hot
and cold " simultaneously, and his most confi-
dential and trusted adviser knew not any day
what the following one would bring forth.
At present the position of Prussia is thii.
She seeks to obtain all the advantages of co-opera-
tion with the other Powers, without any of the
incidental drawbacks. She is to be consulted in
every negotiation—to take part in every confer-
ence—not merely for the advancement of " Ger-
man"—the cant phrase which she has used usque
ad nauseam—but of "Prusian" interests. She
offers no reciprocal advantage. She proposes no
action by which she can be inconvenienced in
the slightest degree. All she suggests is, that
as it may be in her power to become mis-
chievous, we should be prepared to pay a species
of " black mail" to secure her neutrality. It is
the old story of the Stork and Fox, save that, as
fortunately, we have never trusted Prussia, we
have had no reason to apprehend her making a
treacherous use of the opportunity. All that
she can expect, however, is that she might have
gone avowedly against us. We, on the other
hand, may, and with much apparent reason, de-
clare that her open and undisguised hostility
would be far better than her pretended friendship,
or even her counterfeit neutrality.
She has hitherto been permitted to profit very
largely by this course, and as each day increases
her gains, she is anxious to procrastinate matters
to the very latest moment. By the concessions
made at the commencement of the War to the
commerce of neutrals, the whole trade between
Russia and the Western Powers was thrown into
the hands of Prussia. The " commission" was
handsome, and easily earned, and therefore should
not be easily relinquished. The moment that
Prussia flung off disguise and joined either party
these emoluments would cease ; and, as the truth
of the old adage—

" Ploratur lacrymisamissa pecunia veris,"
is universally acknowledged, we may easily con-
ceive how sincere would be the grief of Prussia at
being compelled to make the election, or to return
a decided answer to a plain interrogatory—a
course which would be followed by the with-
drawal or loss of this lucrative trade.

If any doubt could previously have existed as
to the disposition of Prussia, it would be removed
by the proclamation to which we yesterday
alluded. Although Prussia might not be willing
to relinquish her neutrality by expressly sanc-
tioning the enlistment of her subjects, she need
not have affected such extreme alarm at the mere
possibility of an attempt to seduce Prussian sub-
jects into the English service. It seems to us
that it would have been time enough to issue the
proclamation when some application was put for-
ward or attempt made to obtain this indirect as-
sistance. Until then it was a very unnecessary
menace to England, to which we unfortunate!),
exposed ourselves by the ill-advised and uncon-
stitutional measure passed with such reckless pre-
cipitation. The War Minister of England stated
that the intention was to obtain German aid, and,
therefore, Prussia interfered—unnecessarily and
gratuitously interfered, as if Prussia were Germany.
The most unpleasant part of the transaction is, that
We afforded a colourable pr3text for the insult for
which we cannot call Prussia to account. We must
meekly receive the slap in the face, but wo need
"not turn the other cheek to the smiter." We
may avoid all further occasion for such humilia-
tion. Nay, more, we may avail ourselves of cir-
cumstances to return a Roland for the Prussian
Oliver, and to say that Prussia, while she con-
tinues to act with similar duplicity, has no rea-
sonable claim to regain the position which she
has forfeited.
needless to say that, in the foregoing ob-
It is
and not people
servatieutsi,i,:ve have alluded to the Government
o£ Prussia. The latter are,
we believe, justly indiBn.
sued, and would
at the course pur-
Y remove the stigma from
the national chars t
er.
.
against them,agai
but c
ustWe
those
who have sub-
ter no reproach
jected them to such serious censure.

Incomparably the heaviest trial
yet to bear in the Crimea is the awfully 17,11::,
roux deaths from sheer mismanagement.
The
losses of the Alma, Balaklava, and Inkerman.
w
terrific, but, though partly it is to be feared front
bad generalship, the waste of life was not total;
it taught the enemy the difference between those
who defended the heights of the Alma and those
who defended the lines at Sebastopol. The losses
by the dreadful hurricane
,were appalling, but we
bowed to HIM " who holds the winds in his fists,"
only regretting that, in one deplorable instance at
least, the greatest blame could not so easily be
thrown to the wind. The losses from a pestilence,
which, half invited at Varna, would not quit us
in the Crimea, Ivo also mourn over, but feel that
such losses were in great part clue to an enemy
against when' ..no human foresight could entirely
guard. It is the deaths from half rations, cold,
wet, 11/44, fAtigue iA the cawp, and [mu gross ad-

ministrative incapacity in the hospitals, which
wring the heart of the nation. While we look to
HEAVEN as the Supreme Disposer, our sorrow it Lay
be deep ; but we can say, " Thy will be don e,"
and brace ourselves to the fresh sacrifices fled
efforts which PROVIDENCE always requires of
virtue in a righteous cause. Not so, however,
when impenitent mal-administrators defend all
their fatal oversights, and stick to their de-
structive class-system, and, in spite of palpable
incompetency, still cling to the honours (?) of
office. We cannot say to such fellow:men,
your will be done. No ; nor can we
feel it to be much better than profanity when
they ascribe to the behests of HEAVEN what they
ought to have set down to their own in-
capacity.
It is impossible to read the letters which he we
appeared in our pages from time to time, esp e-
cially such as those which we inserted yesterdzy,
without a reluctant conviction that utterly incom-
petent administration is a far more deadly foe to
our soldiers than the Russians. We speak .our
sincere belief in saying, that if some man from. the
ignoti of our people, persons of experience in
equipping large bodies of men, say a STEBILENSAIN,
a PET°, or a BRASSEY, had been in the Duke of
NEWCASTLE'S and the Right Hon. SIDNEY HER-
BERT's place, we should have had thousands alive
now who have died the death of shelterless men-
dicants ; and, what is as much to the purpose,
should have had them not only alive, but well ;
not only well, but robust ; and not only rob-ust,
but full of pluck for their work—if, indeed, they
would not have done it by this time. We do not
hear of large bodies of workmen while roughing
it under such men perishing with fatigue, and
dying in wet and mire too cold for pigs to lie down
in. They know by experience what men are made
of; they provide for their physical vigour and
their comfort by a thousand devices of prudent
foresight. We have followed the operations of
the rail‘vay hero of Balaklava, with soms interest,
and while all have been struck with his mastery
of his work, we have been quite as much struck
with his sympathy for his men's wants of every
kind, and his clever arrangements for their coin-
fort. If he had to make a railway across the
Zahara, we believe it would be found that no
fatality would occur among his navvies from un-
foreseen exigencies.
Now, we care not where they come from, or
what official name be given to them, but such
men we want, and want instantly ; and we want
them endued with such plenary authority as to
ride rough-shod over all the old technicalities and
appointments. Better put on costly half-pay, or
the pension list, a hundred or more of the aristo•
cratic appointments of peace, than endure longer
the fatally costly results of the present system.
If our aristocracy can find the men from them-
selves we shall welcome them ; but have them we
must, unless we intend to be beaten—not by
Russia, but by exposing, wetting, and working
our poor soldiers to certain death. Let us re-
member it is not the born dukes and dignities who
have raised the naval and military glory of Eng-
land to its present pitch, any more than they have
created her industrial and engineering pre-emi-
nence, but those who have earned their
titles. The same is more conspicuously true of
France, on account of its different system since
the wars of the Revolution began. We tell our
Premier, then, and his Peolite friends, that the
country will have the right men for its work.
We are all of us of no party now, but the party
for saving our soldiers and bringing Russia to her
senses. The position is too grave for party fight.
England will now be trifled with no longer ; she
has among her sons some equal to the work ; it is
the business of the head of the concern to find
them ; and Lord ABERDEEN must find them, or
give place to somebody who will.
Let it not be said that the worst is over, that
the hitherto incompetent have learned in the
school of mismanagement, and will now do better.
We deny it. We want men of the genius for
their work. Commonplace abilities are only fit
for routine, but the circumstances and demands
of war are ever changing ; they require long-
headed men both on the scene of action and at
the War-office, and well-meaning industry can
never supply the want of brains. While these
are wanting every new phase of the matter will
but display the folly of trusting to birth, rank,
and connection what should be confided to genius
alone. "Too late" will be the eternal reflection.
Genius anticipates, mediocrity follows precedent.
NELSON and WELLINGTON, PITT and CANNING,
were always in time, or always ready for a change.
We must find, if not their equals in genius for
the supreme administration, yet what may be
found—men their equals for fulfilling the duties
of a specific province. We write thus at the bid-
ding of imperious necessity. We have not been
amongst the severest of the War-administration
critics. We have been comparatively silent till
it would be treacherous to our convictions of duty
to be silent longer, and we had public reasons
for this course. We have made every apology
for the different positions of the French and the
English, for the comparative length of distance
from Balaklava to Sebastopol, and the greater
exposure to the enemy in flank ; but at the best
we are compelled to own that the superiority of
military management is so overwhelmingly on the
side of our Allies as to prove that our "administra-
tors are not equal to their post, and that they
must be changed. For the worse it could not be.
There is one man in the Cabinet who wished suc-
cess to the Coup c/4 Etat that a French Empire
might be a counterpoise to Russia.

AUTOGRAPH LETTER OF
THE QUEEN.

HER MAJESTY'S ANXIETY ABOUT THE
WOUNDED IN THE CRIMEA.
Perhaps, since the commencement of the cam-
paign, no document has found its way to the
public so gratifying in its nature as that which
we here subjoin. The earnest expression of her
Majesty's anxiety for the bravo men who have
been wounded is the service of the country will
have the best effect in the army ; it will console
the unfortunate who have already suffered, and
animate to increased exertion their comrades who
have hitherto escaped the accidents of war.
The letter—for an extract from which we are
indebted to our Special Correspondent in the
Crimea—was addressed by her Most Gracious
Majesty to Mr. Sidney Herbert, and through him
to Mrs. Herbert, by whom it was transmitted to
Miss 'Nightingale :
Weul7
eDEtch.at6, IlBbseg4g. bogged
YINonDtScIOIRMCNASHTTE
Herbert
rt
she would /et me
see frequently the accounts she
receives from
bridge, as hear
Mis
no
details
or Mrs. Brace-
I see so many from
officers,
of the wounded, tho'
about the battle
field, and naturally the rslle"
former mast interest me
more than any one.
Lot Mrs. Herbert also know that I wish • Nightingale and the ladies would tell these Min
noble wounded and sick men that NO ON takes
a warmer interest, or feels more for their suffeers
ings, or admires their courage and heroism MORE,
than their Queen. Day and night she thinks of
her beloved troops. So does the Prince.
Beg Mrs. Herbert to communicate these my
words to those ladies, as I know that aur myna.
pathy is much valued by these noble fellows.
(Signed) VICTORIA,