The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-13 00:00:00

14°N1)q-N, FRIDAY, JULY 13, 1855.

Well, the day
is fixed—the lists are prepared—
the contest must inevitably take place at the ap-
pointed time. Three
ob-
tained by those who days' respite has been oh-
have certainly exhibited
" no stomach for the fight," but who, driven into
a corner, had no alternative but to meet the de-
fiance, or make the huinble submission, accom-
panied by an exhibition of the virtue least to
their taste—viz./ that of " resignation." A
plausible excuse was forthcoming for the further
procrastination. The nominal Premier desired
that every member shouhi have the opportunity
•
of perusing and maturely considering the papers
relating to the Austrian propositions which he
Lad just laid on the table. He could thus put
off " the evil day." But he did not do
so with a good grace, or as if " eager for the
fray." Had there been a less vigorous ad-
versq!ir, lie might have " drifted on" for another
week by virtue of his "dilatory plea." He did
not himself even surest a time for the discus-
sion. All he stated in the first instance was
that " beyond to-morrow (this day)he would offer
no impediment to any arrangement which the
Hon. Baronet may have made with regard to his

motion." This was simply a repetition of the
taunt to Mr. LA.YA.RD "to find a day for him-
self." There was no proposition to surrender a
Government day for the virtual impeachment of
Ministers. They would " offer no impediment,"
but they supplied no facility. Perhaps they
thought that the paltry quibbling of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, unworthy of an Old Bailey pettifogger,
might have allayed the storm of indignation, and
induced the House to wait patiently for the
next regular supply day—viz., the 20th instant.
In this respect they " reckoned without their
host." The Right Honourable Gentleman the
Member for Bucks seized on the weak point, and
left them not a leg to stand on. He showed that
the long-delayed papers—the latest whereof was
dated the 19th June, and all practicably bearing
on the question, more than two months old—could
but little affect the issue before the House and
the country. They might, in fact, add to the
guilt, but they could not exonerate the ex-Pleni-
potentiary from the grave charges of which he
has been convicted on his own confession. They
might bring others into the scrape, but they could
not acquit the chief culprit, whose whining con-
fession and promise to be a. better boy for the
future only aggravates his offence.
Lord PALMERSTON, then, was compelled to
strike, with a faint attempt at jocularity. He
exhibited the feeling of some criminals who have
.isted even en route to the scaffold. He attempted
a joke about the Right Honourable Gentleman
having made ",much ado about nothing," but the
sickly attempt at wit was peculiarly infelicitous.
It laid him open to the blow so vigorously admi-
nistered by Sir E. B. LYTTON as to " Much Ado
about Nothing " coming immediately after " the
Comedy of Errors ;" and but for the serious
consequences to the nation these would
be a comedy highly ridiculous. There was the
figuring of the twin Dromios in the first instance,
where there was a distinction without a difference,
and no perceptible mark by which the people
could distinguish the one from the other. There
was, indeed, the Comedy of Errors fully per-
sonated, not merely at Vienna, but in England.
But what was the " Much Ado about Nothing" by
which it was succeeded ? It was the story of
a deceitful traitor, who, by the most infamous
fraud, succeeded in hood-winking the nation, and
bringing discredit on a person of irreproachable
character. He was instigated by a false Prince,
who fled from the consequences of his detected
treachery, detected through the inconside-
rate babbling of his weak-minded tool. Had
Lord PALMEN,STON reflected he would hardly
have exposed himself to the retort respecting
" the Comedy of Errors," or the plot of " Much
Ado about Nothing."
As to Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S attempted expla-
nations they are perfectly futile. Like a clerk
detected in plundering his too-indulgent masters,
lie offers, if forgiven, to lead an exemplary
life for the future, and to make up the full
amount of his ill-gotten gains. "It has .been
inferred and supposed," says the Noble Lord,
" that because, at the end of April and
beginning of May, I thought those propositions
might have been assented to, that I think now
those propositions may form the foundation of
peace. Such an opinion would be totally erro-
neous." He then declares that, retaining his
opinion as to what might have been done, he be-
lieves that " nothing but a vigorous pro-
secution of the War will obtain terms on
which peace can be concluded." Why,
what paltry equivocation is hero what
barefaced duplicity. On Friday last, after as-
extrting that " the Austrian plan of conuterpul,o
might be a mode of concluding the War with
honour to the Allied Powers, and that it would
give, if not the' certainty, a very fair prospect of
peace," he emphatically added—" Sir, I have not
changed that opinion l" But now he comes for-
ward with his whining and vague generalities
about " the vigorous prosecution of the
War alone obtaining terms on which peace can
be concluded." He thus renders himself no less
detestable, but far more contemptible than before.
No disinterested man cau be taken in by the spe-
cious sophistry—nothing can revive the confi-
dence so badly forfeited. The reputation of
Lord JOHN RUSSELL: as a public man, and
we only deal with him in that capa-
city, is irretrievably damaged. Nothing can
replace him on the pinnacle from which he has
wilfully cast himself, or resuscitate political vita-
lity in him who has deliberately committed politi-
cal suicide. We shall only add, that Monday is
the day fixed for the contest, and that "England
expects that every man that day will do his
duty !"

Mr. FOLLETT certainly made the best of his
brief on Friday night, as counsel for Church
Rates. We are glad lie did, for, after all, what
do his arguments amount to ? The one on which
lie relied for impression, which he worked out in
detail, which he raked up all his quotations from
"Hansard" to prove, was neither more nor less than
the notorious fact that the more active Dissenters
desire not only to abolish Church Rates, but all
State interference with religion, whether in the
shape of pay, patronage, or control. Who doubts •
it ? The Voluntaries have been no secret associ-
ation of late years, and it cannot be denied that
the Anti-Corn-law and Free-trade discussions have
disposed the minds of thousands to regard State
protection in religion much as they have come to
regard protection for agriculture and commerce.
It is of no use to ignore the fact, the parallel may
exist or not ; but it is undeniable that vast num-
bers of persons who would have scouted Volun-
taryism in religion a few years ago now look upon
it with no reluctance. The splendid success of
throwing agriculture and trade on their own re-
sources has generated a conviction of the inutility
of artificial support, and the power of spontaneous
off :rt, which few of us formerly held so strongly
as we do now. We used to turn from the
Voluntaries as dreamers. None of us do that
1
now. We allow our antagonist to be a
real power, and even Lord JOHN in his
last haughty attack on Lord STANLEY, in the de-
bate on Church Rates, was compelled to own
Voluntaryism to be an opinion which, though not
his, had yet its unquestionable status.
We learn, therefore, from the elaboration of
1 Mr. FOLLETT, what all with open eyes knew so
well before, that there is a large, active, and
„rowing party who think that religion can go
alone erlio also think (would that bishops and
clergy did not doall they could to prove them right)
that a State supported Church is a political - nui-
-1 sance—that it stands in the way of every liberal
\
measure, from free sepulture for' our dead to free-
' dom of marriage with those whom COD and nature
I Point us to as best fitted oftentimes to supply
1 their place—that it even grudges men the liberty
to meet together more than twenty at a time to
worship COD ! Voluntaries are likely to be nume-
.
Tons ;chile V.
ITI---a - L -;tsuops show themselves such preciousler!,islators. Well, hut
what is the pertinence of the
ultimate object of the Voluntaries to the ftlmni7-
' ' rent which proposes that Sir W. CLAY'S 13111 be
' committed this day three months ? Why, that if
you give them an inch they will take an ell. The
stereotyped defence of every abuse I When that

comes to be the grand argument we may safely
congratulate those against whom it is used. It
was plied most vigorously against Catholic Eman-
cipation, against humanity to negroes, against
Free-trade demands, against everything, in short,
that has been done worth the doing within modern
memory. Nothing can teach some of the pursy
venerables, or some of the lean bigots, that resis-
tance till they are compelled to yield is the sure
way to lose double what would have satisfied at
first. If the repeal of Church Rates be now re-
fused, it will ere long be Church Rates and some-
thing more to boot. The secularities of the Epis-
copate are a tolerably tempting subject.

The truth is the statesittan has to consider how
each demand stands in the public estimation.
Nothing can be plainer than that Church Rates
are felt by all men of common sense to be an Ec-
clesiastical nuisance which must be abated. If
Voluntaryism be one extreme, Church Rates are
the other extreme. All moderate men agree in
this. The great majority who wish Church Rates
extinguished are not prepared to leave all to
Voluntaryism ; but neither, on the other hand,
are they disposed to stickle for the other extreme,
and to fancy that Voluntaryism cannot put a slate
on a church roof or wash a surplice. They leav,e
it, with Lord STAZTLEY, to the next generation to
say whether all shall be done by Voluntary effort;
but they know that, for themselves, if the nation
will find them churches to worship in, they can
at least keep them in repair, and if it Will pay
their Minister they can wash his sacerdotals and
purchase the sacramental wine. They are ashamed,
in truth, of its being even supposed that such
things are beyond the zeal of those whom the
Reformed English Church has disciplined ever
since the days of HENRY VIII. and ELIZABETH.
They think, with the Attorney-General, that if
the maintenance of the fabric of the Church were
thrown on those who use it, " those who now
sheltered their meanness under the objection of
law, could not, in common decency, refuse to
contribute to it." Between this moral compul-
sion of the mean, and the ready offerings of the
willing, we are ourselves confident that money
would be forthcoming abundantly.

Mr. FOLLETT endorsed all the Eldonism of
Lord JOHN RUSSELL about the connection between
Church Rates and the stability of the Monarchy.
No doubt he rejoiced to utter in the name of
Lord JOHN what oven his Toryism would have
hesitated to affirm, as its own invention. But
Lord JOHN blushes at nothing, not even when
his country is blushing for him. 'lt is curious
that Mr. FOLLETT, and other high and dry
Churchmen, professed willingness even to make
the tremendous sacrifice of Church Rates, if
thereby they could hope to promote peace and
goodwill between Churchmen and Dissenters, but
they mournfully dcclared their conviction that it
would be rather throwing away the scabbard than
sheathing the sword. Nowt it is obvious that it
would, at least, remove the most frequent occa-
sion of personal and parish quarrels between
Dissenters and Churchmen. We never hear of
Tithe quarrels, as we do of Church-Rate quarrels.
The reason is obvious. Tithes are recognised
as national property, assigned by the National
Parliament to Episcopalians. Church Rates, on
the contrary, are the direct infliction of a man's
own neighbours, and he can but bitterly resent
a Churchman's availing himself of antique laws
to parade his legal superiority. In however small
a minority he may be he only feels the more
wronged that the numerous and the wealthy com-
bine to force him to pay a peppercorn rent as a
tribute to a detested superiority. How the &b011ti...,,r
ti...,,r .ucu au (mous range 01 slavery u. tut, ...a
hand, and ecclesiastical dominance on the other,

C. 1.11 do otherwise than conduce to peace, no man
in his calm senses can well imagine. A few
rectors, vicars, and churchwardens may be mor-
tified tolose the right of knouting Dissenters, but
that feeling will soon subside, and be more than
recompensed by the conscious dignity of paying
their own bills out of their own pockets.

Sion.

A not over-creditable attempt is now being
made to steal a march on the public and insure
the enclosure of Hampstead Heath. A bill bear-
ing the specious title of " An Act to facilitate
Leases and Sales of Settled Estates," and in which
there is not a word about the Heath, has been
brought forward with that object, and, having
passed the Lords, comes on to-night in the Com-
mons for a second reading.
The bill, which is a public one, is based on the
assumption that the expense of Parliamentary
proceedings is so heavy that tenants for life have
a reasonable claim to be enabled to procure the
necessary powers at a less costly tribunal--
to wit, the Court of Chancery ! Plausible
enough, but unless members take care the
transference of the jurisdiction of Parliament
in these matters will result in positive wrong and
injury to the public. At present the latter have
sufficient notice of such unwarrantable attempts as
that to enclose the Heath to enable it to defeat
them, but unless special provision is made Sir T.
M. WissoN would be enabled by the bill to
smuggle his measure through the Court of Chan-
cery, and the public none the wiser until the pro-
oesses of enclosure and of building were commenced.
flow monstrous, how thoroughly disgraceful, it
would be if such a measure, condemned by all the
judges, and rejected over and over again by Par-
liament, were at last imposed on the ptiblic after
a fashion like this. A measure to sanction the
perversion of a testator's deliberate and clearly-
expressed intention, and to deprive the public
by law of a legal right to wander unrestrained
over a fragrant heath, and, pallid with the unwhole-
some atmosphere of the close streets and alleys of
the metropolis, inhale throughout its wide ex-
panse the pure and life-renovating breeze. A
measure of twofold wrong and spoliation to gra-
tify one man's cupidity ! Hon. Members, it is to
be hoped, will simplify matters by kicking out
the bill, as they would a mendicant appealing to
them for alms under false pretences, and at the
same time show how little sympathy they have
with the would-be oppressors of the people, and
how spiritedly they are disposed to protect their
rights.

Tho first and most indispensable step in the
cause of Administrative Reform, without which
there is no possible chance of finding the right
men for the right places, is to free the representa-
tives of popular constituencies from the degrading
applications of their constituents, and the neces-
sity of becoming humble suitors to the patronage
secretary, or " whipper in" as he is generally
termed—for the means of satisfying the demands
of voracious applicants, who flatter themselves
that they do not exercise the franchise corruptly
because they do not accept pecuniary bribes. It
is the vile system that has been so long in
operation which has produced the deplor-
able deficiencies in our public departments,
and led to the complaints which have been so
general throughout the length and. breadth of
ti/P land.

6ir PEEL thice told the .uittioil " that the
battle of the Constitution must be fought in the
Registration Courts." We may, in like manner,
venture to assert that the cause of Administrative

Reform can only be achieved by abolishing the !
system of patronage heretofore exercised by pri-
vate members, who barter their support for places
to bestow upon their more pressing constituents.
It is unhappily but too notorious that there is a
certain department of the Treasury in which a
regular account is kept of the votes given
by Hotourable Gentlemen, and the equiva-
lents which they have received in the shape
of places for relatives, friends, or supporters,
that sometimes their credit stands high, so that
they confidently draw their cheque for a new
situation, while at another period their claims
are exhausted, and they must work hard before
they can venture to ask for the most partly prefer-
' went. This is the real evil to be assailed, the
fountain and origin from whence all others flow.
Now, Mr. V. SCULLY has judiciously lighted on
the very point. His remedy is simple, but it
would prove effectual. While there is any Minis-
terial nomination to vacant places, Ministers and
Ministerial members will be assailed by almost
intolerable importunities, and dishonest votes will
be given, not only at the hustings, but in the
Parliament itself. If there be the possibility
of obtaining employment under Government, in-
dividual members will have no ease. The appli-
cations will 'be put forward in every form, and
under every possible pretext. The candidates are
invariably meritorious—all that could be desired
for the public service. The member, in pushing
forward their claims, is only doing what he ought
to do, in obtaining for the nation such highly-
qualified men. If he refuse, he cannot hope again
to obtain the disinterested support of men on whom
he has cast so serious a slight ! Thus is he stimu-
lated on to apply to the dispenser of patronage,
and he soon learns what is expected in return—
that he must give a quid pro quo on every occa-

What a farce, then, it is to speak of purity of
election, or to exhibit virtuous indignation
against the man who barters his suffrage
for a few sovereigns,. while this gigantic system
of corruption is in operation. By rendering the
admission to the public service dependent on a
competitive examination, open to every man
whose antecedents will bear investigation, you
not only adopt the best possible test as to his
efficiency, but you strike off the feral() source of
corruption that has arrived at so fearful a pitch.
We believe, with Mr. V. SCULLY, that every in-
dependent, member—every man anxious to dis-
charge his duty to his country, would rejoice to
be relieved from the annoyances to which he is at
present subjected. Even under the existing
system, for one scarcely contented, nine must be
sent away dissatisfied. One grumbler, who
does not think what he has obtained at all
suited to his merits, is succeeded by nine
who rail in round terms .at the ingratitude and
misconduct of the unfortunate member, although
he has perhaps voted against his conscience, or
kept out of the way when he should have been
present, in order to promote their wishes. Let,
then, the Administrative Reformers support the
efficacious but simple mode suggested by the Hon.
Member for the county of Cork, and they will
achieve greater progress in the course which they
profess to be desirous of following than by the
most elaborate plans framed by Ministers, who
are not willing to relinquish the approved mode
of capturing doubtful votes, and rewarding the
servility of men who seek to make a trade of