The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-24 00:00:00

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No. 19,472.]

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1855.

PUBLICATIONS.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

with .respect to the composition of this committee. If the
executive Government has on the whole made up its mind
that a committee of this vast importance should be appoint-
ed under presenticircemstances, I regret extremely not to
find, among the names now proposed, the name of any
member of her Majesty's Government included in the list.
I have a strong opinion that if this inquiry is to be con-
ducted into circumstances so delicate, with a due regard to
the interests of this country, there would have been great
advantage in having a Minister of the Crown present on
the occasion, in order that if subjects of inquiry should be
opened on which, from his knowledge of all our foreign
relations, might appear to him inexpedient and dangerous,
a warning might be given to the co nmittee, and some in-
fluence exercised to check an investigation trenching on
dangerous grounds. But it is not only on account of the
absence of any member of the Government from the com-
mittee proposed to be appointed that I object to the ap-
pointment of the select committee. I think, from the
very circumstances attending the nature of such a commit-
tee there are practical dangers at the present moment with
reference to the proposed inquiry. You, sir, will bear me
out that it is quite in the discretion of a majority of the
committee now about to be proposed, consisting of 11 mem-
bers, to decide whether the inquiry should be secret, or
open to the public. If six out of these 11 members should
be of opinion that strangers ought not to be present, this
committee becomes a secret committee. If, on the other
hand, their decision should be the opposite, it would then
be an open committee. Now, let me regard this question
in its double aspect. If it should be a secret committee,
all check of pnblio opinion, as operating on- the inquiry,
will be withdrawn, the proceedings of the committee will
be unknown, persons will be inculpated by evidence with-
out having the opportunity of defending themselves.or of
preparing for their defence, of cross-examining witnesses
or of rebutting false accusations, and until the termina-
tion of the inquiry, the tendency of the evidence will
remain secret. If it should be an open committee, then
from day to day the evidence will be published, most adierse
comments of a partycharacter will be applied to the evi-
dence as published, and the most erroneous impressions,
bearing hard on distant individuels occupying high situa-
tions, and fatal to their character and position, will be
created, without their having the power of cross-examina-
tion or defence. (Sear, hear.) In the conduct of the in-
quiry, too, there will be no appeal from any member of
the committee to this house for the guidance of the com-
mittee, when once this house has made a delegation: to the
committee, until the latter shall have reported. Now, I
must say, considering the gravity of the subject, its im-
mense importance, and its bearing on interests of a magni-
tad. almost unprecedented, such delegation to 11 mem-
bers appears to me to be a meat dangerous soiree. (Hear,
hear.) am not aware of any precedent whatever in our
Parliamentary history for such a delegation or for the ap-
pointraeat of such a committee. (Hear, hear.) I am
aware that rarely, but still occasionally, inquiries of this
character have been instituted at the bar of this house, and
I should infinitely prefer such an inquiry to the one pro-
posed. The investigation then would in its conduct have
the advantage of the intelligence and the knowledge of
many members in this house with respect to the subject
matter of inquiry ; there would be publicity, but under
cheek, through the medium of the ordinary channels of in-
formation, and, as between a select committee and an in-
quiry at the bar of this house, I should not hesitate to give
my Preference to the latter. (Hear, hear.) Au inquiry of
this kind by a select committee is unprecedented ; whereas,
for an inquiry at the bar of the house there are some few
precedents, though not at all applicable to the case now in
hand. I believe that at a remote period, in the reign of
William, an inquiry was instituted with respect to the con-
duct of a naval expedition, and at a later period another
inquiry was opened with respect to the Walcheren expedi-
tion. These were inquiries at the bar of the house, and in
both cases the military operations were not pending, bat
were concluded, and the generals and alinirals whose cha-
racters were at stake were present to defend themselves.
(Hear, laser.) In the Walcheren case, Lord Chatham ap-
peared at the bar of this house, and had an opportunity of
stating his case and of being heard. But as the matter now
stands this question will be thrown down on the floor of a
committee ; the condition of the army in the Crimea is to
be the subject of inquiry, and no instructions are given to
the committee. I understand that an instruction was given
notice of in the name of an hon. member, but without his
authority, and he is not prepared, if I am correctly in-
formed, to move that instruction. There is, it Is true, an
instruction to be moved by the hon. member for Inverness-
shire, and if there had been doubt that the object of this
committee was to inquire into the eeaduct of our admirals
and officers, that instruction so extending the scope of the
inquiry would prevent all mistake oa the point. (Hear,
hear.) Far be it from me to contest the powers of this
house in its largest sense, I know not any object so minute
as to be below the notice of this house, or so exalted or so
remote as to be beyond its reach. I am not one to cut
down the authority or power of this house. My whole
political life has been spent within these walls, and the
great effort of my youth and of my mature age—l hold it
not to be a matter of regret—has been to have laboured to
increase the democratic influence of this house. (Hear,
hear.) Within its proper sphere no man more rejoices
than myself at its power. It controls the appointment of
the Ministers of the Crown, and, in its legislative capacity
it is equal and co-ordinate with the Crown and the House
of Peers. It is greater even than the House of Peers with
respect to taxation and to the supply of ways and means.
Even as the grand inquest of the nation, I admit its con-
etitutional authority, and I know no limit to that autho-
rity, except when iu its exercise this house should, at an
ill-advised moment, trench on the legitimate constitutional
ft; nctione of the Eeecutis-o. (Cheers.) 1 thought, on the first
night of the debate, when this committee was moved for,
that it was admitted ou every side of tho house that
the motion for inquiry was only intended as a vote of censure
on the Government. (Hear.) I remember well tho speech
of the noble lord, late President of the Council, who, on
the whole, did not think himself able, satisfactorily to his
conscience, to defend the entire conduct of his former col-
leagues as against a vote of censure by implication, but in
the broadest manner he said it was impossible for him to
support thin committee of inquiry, because its insti-
tution, in his opinion, w I.s incompatible with the func-
tions of the Executive. It was stated, also, by the hon.
member for Aylesbury that he supported the motion be-
cause he thought there was great ground for accusation
against the Eaccative, and it was the first Parliamentary
opportunity that had occurred of recording by his vote
that opinion of his. He, too, added, if I mistake not—
and he will correct me if I misrepresent him—that he did
not anticipate any advantage from this inquiry, and only
used the motion as a mode of expressing want of confidence
in the Government. I was present on the Friday, when I
t o be right
heard the speech, which, on account of its ability, I should
like to have uttered myself, of
my
Secretary of State for the Home Department,answered. hon.
friend
who put
this question in a manner not H e theep
.
pealed to the house and said :—" Let us come to an under-
standing on this matter. I cannot believe you mean to
pass this as a substantive vote of inquiry but you only
mean it to be a censure on the Executive." That appeal
was responded to by loud cheers on the Opposition side
of the house. It
It was understood to be
vote of censure,
those who supported it and
by those who opposed it. lam sure the house will permit
me to state what was my Own impression. (Hear, hear.)
I have stated that that was my impreeston at the time, and
I am sorry to say that, looking back upon what has since
occurred, I have not changed my opinion. Well, Sir, how
was the vote of this house regarded by Lord Aberdeen's
Government ? It was treated as a vote of censure, and
acted upon in that manner, and one and all of Lord Aber-
deen's colleagues took the only constitutional course which
was open to them, and the following morning they ten-
dered their resignations. Now, allow me to ask, if censure
is inherent in that motion for inquiry, how are the cir-
cumstances altered by anything that has since taken place?
If it was a vote of censure then, surely the nomination of
the committee is a vote of censure now. If it was right not
to submit to that vote of censure in January, how can itbe
right to submit tamely and without any contest to the no-
mination of the committee in the month of February ? It
appears to me that the ground is the same, the intention
is the same, the objections are the same. There is however,
some novelty in the course now adopted. Hitherto, gene-
rally, when votes of censure have been proposed upon Go-
ats certain Parliamentary courses,
vernme well known and
commonly recognised, have been adopted. A motion that
the house should resolve itself into a committee of the whole
house on the state of the nation is a recognised "notice to
quit" meat o •
to the Govern ceupying these benches. (Hear,
laugh.) , That is a
hear, and a vote of censure in a direct
form—unambiguous, not to be mistaken ; but the misfor-
tune in the present case is, that a course has been adopted
which is anpreoedented, which is ambiguous, and which is
capable of two constructions, though, as I contend, the
only legitimate construction is that which was first put
upon it, and upon which Lord Aberdeen's Government
acted—namely, that it was clearly a vote of censure. Well
it may be said—has nothing since occurred to alter the as-
pect of the motion ? Yes, much has since occurred. Lord
Aberdeen, who when the motion of the hon. and learned
member for Sheffield was brought forward, was the Prime
Minister, upon the expressed and recorded opinion of this
lame, hits ceased to be a member of the Administration.
The Duke of Newcastle, yielding, also,
to the implied cen-
sure of this house, do longer occupies a place in her Ma-
jesty's 'government. My noble friend the member for
Tiverton (Lord Palmerston) supplies the place of Lord
Aberdeen, but although he supplies that place, he con-
curred with his Colleagues in the Acluainistrationinregard-
ing the vote for the appointment of the committee as a
to
vote of censure, he yielded that vote and he retired.
With the exception, I think,.of Lord Panneure and Lord
Canning, all the members of the present Government in the
of the greatest importance Cabinet who fill offices in the State,
are the identical persons ns who were reenab era of Lord Aber-
deen's Government. (Cheers from the Opposition.) Allow me,
observe that on Friday lent, when the noble
in passing to o
lord at the head of thejGovernyaeat opened the policy of his
Cabinet, he appeared to me distinctly to recognise the
ex-
istence of this committee of inquiry,__if pressed, as a diffi-
culty not to be lightly regarded, if indeed it could be re-
sisted, because he teadored and volunteered to the house
the functions of the Executive in lieu of
the prosecution of
an inquiry by a committee. (Loud cheers.) Bat it may
be said to me, "How came youto accept office under the
noble viscount' the member for Tiverton if t hems were your
mi • respect to the proposed inqniry?" (Cheers
_pressions with Nese, I wish to state the case with
from the Opposition.) ) When the hoble viscount
perfectfrankness. (Cueers•
great—the undeserved—compliment of wishing
paid me the f the
Administration, If was con-
finedme to become a member o
I was not iu a condition to carry on
to my bed, and to make
dence or many inquiries. I
protracted correspon
at
will tell the house, however, th •there was one difficulty
which with me was , caidina
• • l and upon which I was entirely
satisfied. I wished to know from my noble friend now at
the head of the Government, whether there was to be any
change in the foreign policy of Lord Aberdeen's Adminis-
trationgiven ,to which we, as colleagues, g Our united
consent; and also whether, with reference to the negotia-
t
tions now pending at Vienna,here wan any alteration with
respect to the terms which, in our opinion, would be con-
sistent with the attainment of
a safe and honourable peace.
(Hear.) I thought it my duty to satisfy myself upon these
friend,the most frank manner,
points, and my noble
eave me explanations which were entirely satisfactory.
`Do Being satisfied, therefore, on these points, which I consi-
d
uponered
any others subject, those of main imponor did I makrtance, I made no further difficulty
e any other inquiry
_
whatever. I frankly said, being satisfied on these points,
" I will do my ;very best, if you think my services can be
useful to support and to sustain your Government." Perhaps
greater caution might wisely have been exercised by me with
until
respect to this committee, but Was of opinion—and

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HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.)

The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the Woolsack at
five o'clock.
Ou the motion of Lord ST. LEONARDS the report of
the amendments on the Purchaser's Protection against
Judgments Bill was brought up.
Lord BROUGHAM said, in reference to a petition he
presented last night from the Corporation of Ports-
mouth, praying that a measure might be passed con-
ferring the light of selecting their own magistrate, a right
which though conferred ou them by charters in the reign
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THE RECAL OF SIR J. BURGOYNE.
Lord PANMURE said he wished to correct a report
that had gone abroad with respect to the recal of Sir J.
Burgeyro. The sole reason for his recal was owing to the
inroads made upon him by the severity of a Crimean win-
ter. A younger officer had been appointed to succeed him,
namely, General Jones. He begged to say that that was
the only circonistance that had led to the recal of that dis-
tinguished. officer.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was glad that his noble
friend had had an opportunity of doing justice to so esti-
mable an officer as Sir J. Burgoyne.

THE CLOTHING OF THE ARMY IN THE
CRIMEA.
Lord LYNDHURST said, in consequence of what it
was reported the Under Secretary had said in respect to
the sending out of summer clothing to the army in the
Crimea, to the effect that he believed the patterns had not
been decided upon, he wished to ask a question in respect
to this subject. He believed that in the middle of April the
weather in the Crimea was extremely sulk". He believed
it required four weeks to have such clothing put on board
the vessel to be transmitted to the Crimea. There
were only about five weeks intervening between this
and the beginning of April. He wished, therefore,
to ask the noble lord the Minister of War whether any
steps had been taken to forward summer clothing to the
army in the Crimea? If se, he wished to know when it
was likely to be received, as he did not see why the army
should perish with summer clothing in the winter or be
smothered by winter clothing in the summer.
Lord PANMURE said the question of summer clothing
had not failed to engage his most serious attention, with
the view of sending out a sufficient supply to our army
before the month of April. He bad written to Lord Rag-
lan to make suggestions in respect to the clothing, but
above all to take precautions to prevent our soldiers from
throwing off their worsted shirts,as he believed that there was
great danger from any such sudden change of dress in the
Crimea. He had already taken steps to furnish a fatigue
dress for the use of the army in the summer. He could
not do more than he had already done.
Lord VIVIAN called the noble lord's attention to a
letter which he had received, in which it was stated that

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several draughts of men had sailed from this country in
the middle of October, aid early in November, withoit
stitch of winter clothing, and the men had died like dogs.
Lord PANMURE said, from inquiry he had made,
he found that previoas to the middle of Novem-
ber some difficulty had arisen with respect to summer
clothing, but contracts had been entered into to prevent
such unfortunate accidents again occurring. The mistake
was greatly to be regretted.
A brief discussion here took place with respect to the
blockade in the Black Sea, is which Lord Lyucittrat and
Lord Panmure took part.
Their lordships then adjourned.

MOUSE 01' COMMONS—YESTZIMAY.
The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before four o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were read a second time, and ordered
;o be committed :—Caledonian Railway, Grand Surrey

Canal, and Great,Northern London Cemetery.

PETITIONS.
Mr. PHILLIMORE presented a petition against Church
rates. . . _

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Fins-
bury in favour of the vigorous prosecution of the war, and
praying for inquiry.
Lord GODERICH presented a petition from a place in
the West Riding, signed by 5,000 people, against the Beer

Act of last session. - -
HOMEWARD-BOUND FLEET.
Sir .1. DUKE said as the right hen. baronet the late
First Lord of the Admiralty had declined to answer the
question, ho begged to ask the Senior Naval Lord whether
any assistance had been sent out to the fleet which had
been so.long wind-bound in the Channel ?
Admiral BERKELEY said that four ships had been
sent to the mouth of the Channel, and one to the mouth

of the Irish Channel.
ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS.
Mr. PHILLIMORE gave notice that on early day he
. . . . . .

should bring in a bill to abolish the jurisdiction of the
Ecclesiastical Courts in all matters relating to slander.

PROMOTION IN THE ARMY.
Col. REED gave notice that on an early day he should

renew his motion on this subject, unless prevented by
snother ministerial crisis. (Laughter.)

'HIE INDIAN OFFICERS.
Sir E. PERRY wished to ask the right hon. the Presi-
dent of the Board of Control if Indian officers who had

lerved on the staff in the field in the Crimea would be en

titled to the same brevet promotion as other officers: qk
Sir C. WOOD said it was a question which it was
scarcely proper in him to answer, inasmuch as it related to
a matter not within his department.

THE PRESS AND THE WAR.
sir F. BARING wished to ask the Secretary at War
whether it was true that Lard Raglan had addressed a
complaint to the Duke of Newcastle relative to the infor-
mation furnished by the newspaper correspondents in the
Crimea, and whether in c,onsecieence of that remonstrance
a circular had been addressed to the editors of newspapers
on the schject. He wished to know whether the right hon.
gentleman bad any objection to produce the remonstrance
and the circular addressed on the subject?
Mr. PEEL said the letter of the Duke of Newcastle was
of a private character, and he had not the authority to
produce it. The circular addressed to the newspapers was
also of a private character, but if the right hon. baronet
thought the public service would shouldett by the pro-
duction of these documents, he have no objection
to produce them.
Sir F. BARING asked if the communications contained
any information which it would be disadvantageous to
publish ?
Mr. PEEL said, with regard to the document addressed
to newspapers, there was nothing in it which could not be
made known to the world, and therefore he could have no
objection to produce it.
Mr. LAYARD said it was only fair that both sides
should be heard, and should be glad to know if the hen.
gentleman had any objection to produce the answer of the
newspapers to the circular.
Mr. PEEL said he was not in possession of the answers.
APPEARANCE OF THE HOUSE.
_ _ _

The house towards half-past four o'clock began to fi

hon. members coming in one after the other in—clese suc-
cession ; and after taking their seats joined in conversation
with little knots of hon. gentlemen, from whose earnest and
animated jestures it was evident they were discussing the
prominent topic of the clay with deep interest. Lord
Palmerston had not yet made his appearance, but
Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert had
arrived, and, amidst some amusement, took their
places amongst the Cobdenite section of hon. mem-
bers, below the gangway on the Ministerial aide of the
house. Mr. Cardwell selected his seat in the row imme-
diately behind the Treasury Bench. Mr. Gladstone
arrived about half-past four o'clock, and immediately
joined his late colleagues on the Cobdenite Bench.
♦s five o'clock approached there was still a vacancy on the
Treasury Bench, the Prime Minister not having arrived.
The house in every part was thronged almost to suffoca-
cation. Presently Mr. Granville Berkeley (one of the
whips of the Treasury) hurried up to the Treasury
Bench, and whispered to the Ministers present, amidst
laughter and general cries of " Hear, hear." Having
gone through this pantomimic performance he harried
away, and there was another ominous panic of some dura-
tion. Bye-and-bye Lord Mulgrave (another Treasury
whip) came in in the samelmysterious manner, and had
another whispering consultation with the right ho-
nourable gentlemen, but with the same results.
It is many a day since the house presented such a per-
turbed and exciting aspect ; there was scarcely a seat va-
cant en the floor or in the galleries, whilst the Peers and
distinguished strangers' boxes were also crowded with
occupants. At lye o'clock the most anxious sus-
pense prevailed, when Mr. Granville Berkeley
rushed hurriedly into the house, followed in a mi-
nute or two by Lord Palmerston, who took his
seat amidst vociferous shouts of " hear, hear," to which
succeeded almost immediately the deepest silence.
The SPEAKER then called the order of tie day for
going into Committee of Supply, upon which
Lord PALMERSTON rose, and moved that it should be
postponed until after Mr. Roebuck's committee had been
disposed of.
MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS.

Sir J. GRAHAM—Mr. speaker, according to established
usage, and in conformity with the salutary practice, having
ceased to be one of the confidential servants of the Crown,
and now only holding office until my successor is appointed,
I think it a duty incumbent upon me, with the permission
of the house, to state the reasons which have induced me
to take the step to which I have alluded ; and, Sir, I
thought it best to avail myself of the opportunity when
you have a motion in your hands, to tender this explana-
tion, because I am afraid it will be necessary for me to
trespass for a short time upon the indulgence of the house,
and in stating the reasons which have actuated me I may
be driven to make some statements and use some argu-
ments that may require reply ; and, on the whole, this
appeared to me the fairest and best opportunity for the
puipose. I take this course because, having recently suf-
fered from very severe illness, from which I have only just
recovered—(cheers)—I was unequal to the task which I
should otherwise have performed upon the great occasion
when my hon. friend below me moved for the appointment
of a committee of inquiry, which the house is about to no-
minate. I did not take part in the debate, which pre-
ceded that division, and I was unable to record my vote
on that occasion. (Hear.) I hope, therefore, I may crave
the indulgence of the house while I enter into some of the
reasons which have led me to think that the further pur-
suit of the inquiry by the select committee is, in the pre-
sent circumstances of the country, inexpedient. (Hear.)
I may at once state that I observe that the Government has
now adopted the motion of the hon. and learned member
for Sheffield. According to a practice well known in this
house, the original names proposed by the hon. and learned
member having been withdrawn, we are now about to con-
sider an amended list of 11 names, which, for the purpose of
removing all ambiguity, I think I may consider as a list
fully discussed between the lion. and learned member and
the Government, with a view,of appointing a fairly balanced
select committee. (Hear, hear.) I must make an observe-
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very lately I continued to entertain that opinion—that two
Ministers, my dearest friendsewhom I trust, whom I have
trusted long; and whom I believe to be as blameless and
as trustworthy as any Ministers who ever served her Ma-
jesty—l mean Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle
--having incurred, as I think unjustly, public obloquy,
and having been sacrificed to the wishes of the country
and to the pleasure of this house, and the national desire
and the opinion of this house being, as I believed, strongly
in favour of the elevation of my noble friend now at the
head of her Majesty's Councils to the chief post in the
Government—Lord Paninure, who is conversant with the
administration of the army having supplied the place of
the Duke of Newcastle—l was of opinion that changes
had been effected which might have been satisfactory to
this house and to the country, especially when, coince lent
with these changes, an announcement of great administra-
tive reforms was made. I will not dwell upon what more
immediately concerns the department I have just vacated,
but, considering the novelty and the difficulty of the im-
mense operations in which we have been engaged, it was
impossible that errors should not have been committed,
or that imperfections should not be discovered. (Hear,
hear.) With regard to naval transport, I believe that
errors have been committal, and that the service has not
been performed in a manner ait ,gether satisfactory. (Hear,
hear,) Well, while I was serving her Majesty, I, on my
own responsibility, applied a remedy which I believe will
be efficacious. I have, in that department over which I
lately presided, established a board specially for the per-
formance of these duties, under the control of the Board
of Admiralty. The office of Secretary at War has been
abolished ; great changes have been made and are in pro-
gress in the military departments • the general command-
ing the engineers before Sebastopol has been recalled, and
another officer now commands that force. With regard
to the Quartermaster-General's and the Adjutant-Gene-
ral's departments of our army in the Crimea, a chief of the
staff has been sent out ; commissioners have been appointed
emanating from the Crown—the legitimate authority, to
which I attach great importance, and from Whose services
much good may be anticipated. I certainly believe that,
until very lately, the changes Co which I have referred
would have satisfied public opinion, and would in the opi-
nion of this house have superseded the necessity of proceed-
ing with an inquiry before a committee. lam aware that
I may be charged with want of foresight, and I readily
submit to that imputation, but I must claim for myself the
right of entertaining an unchanged opinion with regard to
the danger of the prosecution of this inquiry. In the first
place, sir, I believe it to be unnecessary. I am satisfied
that the action of the executive Government, possessing
the confidence of this house, would be more efficient, more
speedy, more certain (cheers)—than that of a committee
of inquiry. While the gentlemen composing that commit-
tee, without any official knowledge, were picking out their
way as best they might, without the guidance or assist-
ance of any servant of the Crown, and were putting their
questions, the Government would be deciding ; and while
the committee were seeking hew to reform, the executive
Government, using the power of the Crown, and possess-
ing the confidence of this house, might rapidly, surely, and
safely effect all the changes required. (Hear.) I have
ventured to point out what has already been done with re-
ference to the naval and military departments. lam quite
sure that more might be done, more ought to be done, and
more would be done, if the Government were not hamp-
ered by the fear that this committee, exercising functions
not merely legislative, but executive, would retard their
proceedings and cramp their operations. I have said that
I consider this committee unnecessary. I have a far
stronger objection to it--I consider it to be unjust. (Hear,
and cheers.) Will the house bear with me while I say a
few words on this point? (Hear.) The executive Go-
vernment of this country, armed with the authority of
the Crown, appoints all the admirals, all the generals, all
the officers in the army and navy on the most distant sta-
tions and in foreign parts. The servants of the Crown
have the power of selection; they have the power of con-
trol ; they have the power of directing punishment ac-
cording to the tribunals organised by the Legislature of
this country ; and I mast say that I think officers so chosen,
so controlled, so subject to the authority of the servants
of the Crown, have a cer-relative claim. (Hear, hear.)
I think that executive Government, the servants
of the Crown, are the protectors and defenders of those
officers from any other inquiry behind their backs.
(Loud cheers.) I have said that I think this inquiry
is unjust , I have said that I think it dangerous—and I
will show you how I consider it particularly dangerous.
Will the house permit me to refer to an allegation which
was made against me, with reference to my own depart-
ment, from the very place where I now stand, on the last
occasion that I had the honour of addressing it, that I was
highly culpable as regards the blockade of the Black Sea?
I met that accusation in my place, and on the spot. I told
the house what were the circumstances which had led to
delay for three months before the expedition sailed from
Varna to the Crimea. I explained to the house how in
the conduct of that expedition the whole naval forces of
France and England were concentrated ; how impossible
it was to execute until October the purpose of instituting
a blockade ; and then, going to the very verge consistent
with my duty, I shadowed forth the danger of prosecuting
the inquiry further with regard to the reasons of the de-
lay. The house, with its accustomed prudence and in-
dulgence, abstained from pressing farther, and the state-
ment led, g hope and believe, to no dangerous conse-
quences whatever; but suppose a committee, having called
the admiral charged with thcs3 operations before them,
presses that inquiry, does nut exercise the forbearance
shown by the house, seeks to go into details, whioh the
house did not call upon rue more fully to explain, under
the compulsion of a select committee' he is forced to state
the reasons and the incidents which had led to that delay.
It depends on the prudence of 6 out of 11 whether those
inquiries are not so prosecuted. (Hear, hear.) If, un-
happily, imprudence should prevail, I state: posidvely I am
confident that inquiry runs directly to our connexion with
our groat and powerful ally. (Loud cheers.) It is of vast
importance that there should be no misunderstanding
whatever, and I warn the house that this investigation,
nnaccompani,,d with any aback or control, but the chance-
medley prudence of a majority of 6 out of 11 may involve
this country in the most fatal consequences. (Cheers.) I
have said this only with respect to the navy. Let me
carry that one step further, and let me just allude to the
position of Lord Raglan, which bears directly on the ques-
tion of the state of the army iu the Crimea. I imagine,
Sir, that of all the difficulties iu which the most splendid
human talents can be tried the successful command of an
army in the presence of a superior force of the enemy is
the most severe trial. (Hear, hear.) The probability of
success in command rests mainly on undivided authority.
I may say, as has been truly said by one of the greatest
commanders of ancient times, " Id est yid. et dude, non
dessee Fortuna, prmbenti se, et oblato casu flectere ad con-
silinue"—that is, the operation of one undivided superior
head ; but if the command of an army is by the side of an
ally, there must be constant communications involving the
most complicated considerations; there must be difference
of opinion, there must be mere or less compromise of opi-
nion (always in weakness itself.) (Hear.) In the distribu-
tion of the relative forces there must be inequality. (Hear.)
I will not go further. I have shadowed forth the dangers
with respect to the navy. Apply these considerations with
respect to the command of au army in front of Sebastopol,
and in this, the most intelligent audience that can be ad-
dressed in the world, there is not a gentleman who will not
feel within himself the nature of the danger. (Prolonged
cheering.) Well, sir, but it is said this inquiry, whatever
the danger, is irresistible. (Hear.) Now, I demur to that
doctrine. It is in itself the most dangerous doctrine which
in a representative government can be propounded. Dangers
become irresistible when those whose duty it is to confront
them have not firmness to resist them—(cheers)—and,
yielding to dangers which, if they had been firm, might
have been overcome, they are hurried into courses against
their better judgments and their conscientious convictions
which are of the most fatal character. (Cheers.) I know
that I am subject to be most painful of all taunts, "Yon
are about to leave your colleagues in a moment of immense
difficulty," and it is in moments of immense difficulty that
the bonds of political union ought to be strongest, andought
religiously to be observed. (Hear.) But I must be permitted
--and I hope I may say it without offence to my friends on
the Treasury bench—to deny that I am the deserter on this
occasion. I took my position in common with them in the
resolution to resist this inquiry. It was resisted. The
position was taken and firmly occupied. I still stand to
the guns in that position, not believing it to be untenable.
They abandon the position because they pronounce it to
be untenable ; the spike the guns and flee away. (Laugh-
ter.) Allow me still further to observe that I cannot be-
lieve that it is right in Ministers of the Crown, if they
should be convinced that any given course is dangerous,
because resistance may be unpopular—because resistance
may be declared impossible—that they should not give this
house the opportunity and the country the opportunity
of reconsidering a foregone concluSion. Ido not know a
more honourable duty on the partof individuals, and it is
a paramount duty on the part of a Government, on rare
occasions such as this, in which men are acting from proper
motives which will bear scrutiny, to stand up and avow
their opinions, take the chances of failure or success, but,
above all things, do their duty. It is in the painful dis-
charge of that duty that I appear before you. It would
be unseemly, even if my strength would permit it, to de-
tain you at much greater length. I know nothing more
honourable than the service if the Crown, when united
with colleagues in whose principles and opinions you agree,
and when in possession of the confidence of the people. I
know nothing more dishonourable or painful than assent-
ing to measures, adopted by a majority of your colleagues,
which you consider dangerous, which your conscience and
judgment tell you are unjustifiable, and, I must add, when
you have the painful conviction that the confidence of this
house is net reposed in the Cabinet of which you are a
member. It may be said, what right have you to make
the least hint of want of confidence when the navy esti-
mates, with a large increase, have been voted, and the
army estimates, with a large increase, have been alas voted?
I have boon long a member of this house. There are indica-
tions which are not to be mistaken, and I should conceal
the truth if I did not state that, having sat on that bench
only throe or four evenings ago, when great changes were
announced to conciliate individuals and win the favour
of this house, I had comp to the painful conclusion--
painful, under present circumstances, I have regarded it
—that the Administration, of which until to-day I wee $
member, does not clearly possess in a greater degree the
onionly
confidencefew of
weeksth ehouse
since
have said I would speak without reserve that which I felt
and which I believe. By your kind indulgence I hasileaaxrei
cuted my purpose imperfectly, but honestly
retired.than that
ve Administrationhemeeteheeri e which
chl
aeons, generally delusive, and, k
Honeyed words at parting with cioilleeagn
loverssimilar circumstances, always unavailing and laughed to
scorn. (Cheers.) I shall not, therefore, make any profes-
sions, but it shall be nay endeavour to mark by my conduct
e' are
vowsal'm °(3t
un ntae;ltl
severed, I have acted for two years. They are my friends.
responsibilityei icy
e eileagiuneoe incurred
f•erdem by
whomthO stelp I
am havenwo
j
. I value them. I could not be led by them
mltiolyestst tatskeeteneiknasaeents oh.tf eeptmhvi Withhich
judgmeut and my conscience dis-
approved ; but if my leaning tewards them, instead of
being strong and friendly, were infinitely more adverse
than it is, under the present circumstances I should hold
it to be my parament duty to give the humble support
which is in my power to the Queen's executive Govern-
ment, however constituted. (Cheers.) I shall, therefore,
still religiously abstain from anything that can partake of
a factious opposition. (Renewed cheers.) I shall hope to
give a cordial support generally to the measures of the
Government. I will make no further professions, but, in-
stead of professions, I will endeavour to prove by my con-
duct that with me the safety of the State, in the midst of

/CY
•

~~ ,

l~~i

r PRICE SD.

a great emergency, as paramount to every other consider -
ation, and I can only now thank the house cordially for
the patience with which they have listended to the expres-
sion of opinions, shared, I believe, only by a small mino-
rity. (The right hon. baronet resumed his seat amid ge-
neral applause.)

Mr. BRIGHT—I am one of those, forming the majority
of the house, I suspect, who are disposed to look upon our
parent position as one of more than ordinary gravity.
(Hear, hear.) lam one, also, of those, not probably con-
stituting so great a majority of the house, who regret
extremely the circumstance--; which have obliged the right
hou. gentlemen who aro now upon this b3uch to secede
from the Governmont of the nob'e lord the member for
Tiverton. Ido not take upon me for a moment to con-

dome them ; because I think that, if there he anything in
which a man should judge for himself, it is whether he
should take office if it be offered to him, whether he should
secede, whether he should serve under a particular loader,
or engage in the service of the Crown, or retain office in a
particular
emergency. In such cases I think that the deci-
sioa must be left to his own conscience and his own jud6,-
moot ; and I should be the last person to condemn any one
for the decision to which he might come. I think, how-
ever, that the speech of the right hen. gentleman is one
which the house cannot have listened to without being
convinced that he and his retiring colleagues have been
moved to the course which they have taken by a deliberate
judgment upon this question, which, whether it bo right or
wrong, is fully explained, a nd is honest to the house and
to the country. (Hear.) Now, sir, I said that I regretted
their secession, because I am one of those who do not wish
to see the Government of the noble lord the member for
Tiverton overthrown. The house knows well, and nobody
knows better than the noble lore, that I have been one of
his ardent supporters. (Laughter.) I have disapproved
much of his policy both at home and abroad ; but I hope
that I do not bear to him, as I can honestly say that I do
not bear to any man in this house,—for from all I havere-
ceived unnumbered courtesies—any feeling that takes even
the tinge of a personal animosity ; and even if I did, at a
moment so grave as this no feeling of a personal character
whatever should prevent me from doing that which I
think now, of all times, we are called upon to do,—that
which we honestly and oonscientiously believeto be for the
permanent interests of the country. We are in this posi-
tion, that for a month past at least there has been a chaos
in the regions of the Administration. Nothing can be
more embarrassing —I had almost said. nothing can be more
humiliating—(hear)—than the position which we offer to
the country ; and I am afraid that the knowledge of our
position is not confined to the limits of these islands.
(Hear.) It will bo admitted that we want a Government ;
that if the country is to be saved from the breakers which
now surround it there must be a Government; and it de-
volves upon the House of Commons to rise to the gravity
of the occasion, and to support any man who is conscious
of his responsibility, and who is honestly offering and en-
deavouring to deliver the country from the embarrassment '
in which we now ind it. (Hear.) We are at war, and I
shall not say one single sentence with regard to the policy
of the war er its origin, and I know not that I shall say a
single sentence with regard to the conduct of it ; but the
fact is that we are at war with the greatest military Power
probably of the world, and that we are carrying on our
operations at a distance of 3,000 miles from home, and in
the neighbourhood. of the strongest fortifications of that
great military empire. I won't stop to criticise—though
it really invites me— the fact that some who have told us
that we were in danger from the aggressions of that em-
pire at the same time told us that that empire was power-
less for aggression, and at the same time also that it was
impregnable to attack. By some, means, however, the
public have been alarmed as if that aggressive power was
unbounded, and they have been induced to undertake an
expedition, as if the invasion of an impregnable country
were a matter of holiday-making rather than war. (Hear.)
But we are now in a peculiar position with regard to that
war ; for, if I am not mistaken—and I think I gathered
as much from the language of the right hon. gentleman—
at this very moment terms have been agreed upon—agreed
upon by the Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen ; consented to by
the noble lord the member for Tiverton when he was in
that Cabinet ; and ratified and confirmed by him upon the
formation of his own Government—and that those terms

are now specially known and understood ; and that
they have been offered to the Government with
which this country is at war, and in conjunc-
tion with France and Austria—one, certainly, and
the other supposed to be, an ally of this country. Now,
those terms consist of four propositions, which I shall
neither describe nor discuss, because they are known tothe
house ; but three of them are not matters of dispute, and,
with regard to the other, I think that the noble lord the
member for the city of London stated upon a recent occa-
sion that it was involved in these terms—that the prepon-
derant power of Russia in the Black Sea should cease, and
that Russia had accepted it with that interpretation.
Therefore, whatever difference arises is merely as to the
mode in which that "preponderating power" shall be un-
derstood or made to cease. Now, there are gentlemen not
far from me—there are men who write in the public press
—(cheers and laughter from the Oppoidition)—l hope gen-
tlemen do not understand that lam alluding to any one
hero ; I mean persons out of doors—the press generally.
(Laughter.) I believe that most men who are able to do
it have written occasionally for the public press. (Hoar.)
Well, I say that there are gentlemen in this house, that
there are writers for the public press, that (Lori: are thou-
sands of persons in the United Kingdom at this moment
—and I learn with astonishment and dismay that there
are persons even in that grave assembly which we are net
allowed to specify by a name in this house—who have en-
tertained dreams—impracticable theories —expectations of
vast European and Asiatic changes, of revived nationali-
ties, and of a new map of Europe, if net of the world, as a
result or an object of this war. And it is from those gen-
tlemen that we hear continually addressed to the noble
lord the member for Tiverton terms which I cannot well
uuderstant. Trey call upon him to set, to carrry on the
war with vigour, and to prosecute enterprises which
neither his Government nor any other Government has
ever serioudy entertained ; but I would appeal to those
gentlemen whether it does not become us—regarding the
true interests and the true honour of the country—if our
Goveriment have offered terms of peace to Russia, not to
draw back from those terms—(hoar, hear)—not to cause
any unnecessary delay, not to adopt any subterfuge to
prevent those terms being accepted, not to attempt shuffles
of any kind, not to endeavour to insist upon harder terms,
and thus make the approach of peace even still more dis-
tant than it is at present 7 Whatever may be said about
the honour of the country in any other relation in regard
to this affair, this at least I expect every man who hears
me to admit—that if terms of peace have been offered they
havebeen offered iu good faith, and shall be in honour and
good faith adhered to ; so that if, unfortunately for Eu-
rope and fur humanity, there should be any failure at
Vienna, no man should point to the English Government
and to the authorities and rulers of this Christian country
and say that we have prolonged the war and the infinite
calamities of which it is the cause. (Hear, hear.) Well,
now, I said that I was anxious that the Government of
the noble lord should not be overthrown. Will the house
allow me to say why lam so. The noble lord at the head
of the Government has long been a great authority with
many persons in this country upon foreign policy. His
late colleague, and present envoy to Vienna, has long been
a groat authority with a large portion of the people of this
country upon almost all political questions. With the ex-
ception of that unhappy selection of an ambassador at
Constantinople, I hold that there are no men in this coun-
try more truly responsible for our present position in this
war than the noble lord who now fills the highest office in
the State and the noble lord who is now, I trust, rapidly
approaching the scene of his labours in Vienna. (" Hear,"
and cries of " No, no !") Ido not blame those noble lords,
because their policy, which I hold to be wrong, they, with-
out doubt, as firmly believe to be right ; but I am only
stating facts. It has been their policy that they have en-
tered into war for certain objects, and I am sure that nei-
ther the noble lord at the head of the Government nl-bis
late colleague the noble lord the member for London
will shrink from the responsibility which attaches to
them. Well, sir, now we have those noble lords in a
position which is, in my humble opinion, favourable
to stopping the troubles which exist. 1 think that
the noble lord at the head of the Government himself
would have mere influence in stilling whatever may
exist of clamour in this country than any member of this
house. I think, also, that the noble lord the member for
London would not have undertaken the mission to Vienna
if he had not entertained some strong belief that by so
doing he might bring the war to an end. Nobody gains
reputation by a failure in negotiation, and as that noble
lord is well acquainted with the whole question from be-
ginning to end, I entertain a hope—l will not say a san-
guine hope—that the result of that mission to Vienna will
bo to bring about a peace, to restore this country by extri-
cating it from some of those difficulties iuseparable from a
state of war. There is one subject upon which I should
like to put a question to the noble lord at the head of the
Government. I shall not say one word here about the
state of the army in the Crimea, or one word about its
numbers or its condition. Every member of this House,
every inhabitant of this country, has been sufficiently har-
rowed with details regarding it. To my solemn belief,
thousands—nay, scores of thousands of persons—have re-
tired to rest, night after night, whose slumbers have been
disturbed or whose dreams have been busied with the suf-
ferings and agonies of our soldiers in the Crimea. (Hear.)
I should like to ask the noble lord at the head of the Go-
vernment—although I am not sure if he will feel that he
can or ought to answer the question—whether the noble
lord the member for Leaden has power, after discussions
have commenced, and as soon as there shall be established
Itoshoeuultderliiknetotaonymeala•mnyistmicaen?
ge(tNuop,
I know not, Sir, who it is that
good grounds for believing that the negotiations for peace
provewill
anduonaor,l
,h, ebutsuccessful,
says "No,
and say that the destruction of 200,000 human lives lost
on all sides during the course of this unhappy contest is
not a sufficient sacrifice. You are net pretending to
conquer territory—you are not pretending to hold forti-
fied or unfortified towns; you have offered terms of peace
which, as I understand them, I do not say are not mode-
rate; and breathes there a man in this house or in this
countrtyerinßf
whose appetite for blood is so insatiable that, even
when
peace have been offered and accepted,
ho pines for that assault in which Russian, Turk, French,
and English, as sure as one man dies, 20,000 corpses will
strew the streets of Sebastopol? (Hear, hear.) I Bey I
should like to ask the noble lord—and I am sure that he
will feel, and that this house will feel, that I am speaking
in no unfriendly manner towards the Government of which
he is at the head-1 should like to know, and I venture to
hope that it is so, if the noble lord the member for London
has power, at the earliest stage of these proe,eedings
-Vienna, at which it can properly be done—and I should
think that it might properly be acme at a very early stage
—to adept a course by which all further waste of human
life may be put an end to, and the animosity between the
groat nations healed up ? I appeal to the noble lord at the
head of the Government, and to this house ; I am not now
complaining of the war—l am not now complaining of the
terms of peace, nor indeed of anything that has been done
—lent I wish to suggest to this house what I believe thou-
sands, even tens of thousands of the most educated and of
the most Christian portion of the people of this country
are feeling upon this subject, although, indeed, in the
midst of a certain clamour in the country, they do not
give public expression to their feelings. Your country is
not iu an advantageous state at this moment ; from one