The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-06 00:00:00

ROYAL STEAM) THEATRE.

Under the direction of Mr. Payne.
...vp.P41...
gill be performed THE CRICKET ON THE HEARTH.
Followed by L CHALET.
To which will be added THE BUMP OF BENEVOLENCE.
To conclude with SALLY SWART ; or, The Clockmaker'a Hat.

ASTLETS ROYAL• AMPHITHEATRE.
.e.me. and Manager, Mr. Wm. Cooke.
Tremendous excitement! Electric effect and incomparable succes
THIS EVENING,
A Grand Military Equestrian Spectacle, by J. 11. STocquEtra,
Esq., called, The FALL of SEBASTOPOL !
After which the skilful GYRATIONS of EQUESTRIAN ART in
the CIRCLE. including the Champion Vaulter and the French Troupe
Jf V oltigeurs.

The effect produced by the stage and ring being formed into one
vast battle-field, with a host of auxiliaries and a superb stud of hor
is one beyond all precedent ! The Fall of Sebastopol will be acted
every evening.

1:0,,..011ee ',pen from Eleven till Four. Stage 3Canager, Mr. W.
Manazer, Mr. Nelson Lee. Equestrian Directnr,
tr w. Cook.. Mn.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAY—Morn. m in. aft.lo —Rvening 28 min aft. 11
To-Stfoßaow—Morn. 0 min. aft. o—Evening 59 min. aft. 11

THE WEATHER.—StN OFFICE, Oct. 6.

THERMOMETER, .131' TAR SHADE.

62 h4;lidst since noon yesterday.
5t owest this morning and during the night.
62 -this day. at noon.
BAROMETER, 29'45.
WIND, S.W.—Light, with fine weather.

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1117 v

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1855.

Lord PALMERSTON on the capture of Sebasto-
pol is a truly attractive subject—one that will
arrest the attention of men of all ranks and
classes throughout the length and breadth of the
land. Many .will lo'di curiously for a vindici.-
tion of the past policy ; all, for any hint or
sion by which an inkling of the Ministerial inten-
tions as to the future of Russia may be obtained.
It could scarcely be supposed that, in answer to
an address . from the, inhabitants of Romsey—
although that answer was practically framed for

tho perusal of the entirecommunity—the PREMIER

would distinctly or explicitly refer to prospective
Measures, or pledge his Government to any par-
ticular course. But as.a feather thrown.up indi-
cates the direction of the wind, so may, some ap-
.parently superficial observations exhibit the
etaracter and disposition of the human thought,
and enable us to form a tolerably accurate esti-
mate of .the objects of the speaker.
Regarding the matter in this point of view,
we derive considerable encouragement from Lord
PALMERSTON'S address—not from any vague
generalities as to "the result of the con-
test, placing the future liberties of Europe,
and the main and permanent interests
of the countries which are now allied in a sure,
a stable, and lasting foundation ;" but from the
general tone and temper of the remarks, and
more especially from the reasons assigned for the
steps already taken. If any value could at any
tittle have been attached to pompous platitudes

respecting " honourable and permanent peace,"

&p,,, &c., it would have been cotnpletel;dis,i_
• pated by the conduct of Lard JOHN ROgSEL 4,
who, while utteritg the " pravest ords," and in-
dulging in language worthy of ancient PISTOL
himself, was privately persuading the Government
of which he was a member to accept the deceitful
propositions of Austria, urging that " the ques•
tion was between an imperfect security for
Turkey and for Europe, and the continuance of
tie War !" Thus, privately disregarding and
setting at nought his public professions. We,
therefore, infinitely prefer the unintentional
expression of a man's real sentiments, and some
of these may be gathered from the speech of UK,
Premier.

Thus, in speaking of the vast importance of the
capture of the Russi9.n stronghold, and the wise
discretion exercised by the Government in direct-
ing against it the main power of the Allied armies
and navies in the Euxiue, rather than in invading
Btssarabia, and in pursuing the retreating Mu--
writes across the wildernesses of Southern Russia,
he showed that in the latter case, assuming the
most complete success, and that we could have
defeated army after army, we should "at last gain
nothing but the possession of vast and extensive

plains, from which we should have been

compelled ultimately to return, without
having in our hands the pledges of future
security." There can be no doubt as to the mean-
ing of this emphatic argument. The inference is
plain and unequivocal, namely, that it is the in-
tention of the Allies to retain a " material gua-
rantee, and to keep possession of that which they
have conquered with so much difficulty, and after
so lavish an expenditure of blood and treasure."
This is, indeed, a satisfactory assurance, one for
which the nation has been anxiously looking, and
which, if made in perfect sincerity, will insure
its strenuous and unflinching support for the
Noble Lord, and such of his colleagues as parti-
cipate in these manly sentiments. If that be the
ruling policy of his Government, he may safely
purge his Cabinet from the detrimentals by
which it is encumbered, and fearlessly meet
any opposition from any quarter. He will, in-
deed, be the man of the people, whom no in,
fluence can seriously affect, and whose position
will be perfectly invincible.

There was another allusion no less satisfactory,
inasmuch as it shows that he is perfectly aware of
the tendency of "Germanism," and that he at least
cannot be bamboozled by the deceptive profes-
sions of those who have preferred a contemptible
neutrality to a more honourable and straightfer!
ward course. He declared that Russia " bad
nothing to fear from Austria or from Prussia."
So far as they were concerned, " she was at
liberty to send down to the Crimea and to defend
Sebastopol, and to drive our armies, as she
vainly boasted she would do, into the sea.'
" She had nothing to prevent her from sending
division after division, and army after army—
the garrison of Poland (!) and the garrison of
St. Petersburg—every man she could feed, at so
distant a place. She had nothing of danger upon
her frontier to prevent her reinforcing her Cri-
mean army, and replacing, by fresh recruits, the
losses she had sustained in battle." From these
indisputable facts he was more than justified in
his assertion that it was not a mere " siege," but
a great campaign, in which we were fighting
against the whole military force of Russia, and
that we have conquered that Power, and
gained the splendid prize for which we
were contending ; but we also are equally
warranted in believing that, having shown
so just an appreciation of Austrian duplicity and
insincerity, he will not again suffer himself to be
humbugged, or in any degree influenced by the
partisans of Germanism ! It was the manly re-
sistance which he offered to an unconstitutional
principle that led to his great popularity,
and elevated him to the position which he
now so worthily and efficiently occupies.
For a time it exposed him to insult and
• deprived him of office, but it gave him a strength
and power with the Parliament; and better still,
; with the People of Great Britain, which so long
as he justifies their confidence, no intrigues could
disturb, no influence shake. Let him, then, continue
in that course—let him still maintain the high
spirit that prompted the declaration, that.
" England had no cousins," and be may rest
easy in the assurance of popular support—

support so enthusiastic and powerful that every

effort of Germanism must be fruitless against its
possessor, and must fail to evict from office the
man who will thus clearly have shown that he
is not the Minister of Russia, the Minister of Aus-
tria., the Minister of Prussia, or the Minister of
Coburg, but truly and emphatically THE MINISTER
OF GREAT BRITAIN.

KOSSUTH, LEDRU ROLLIN, MAZZINI ! HOW
Whigs and Tories, and liccky Corn-law Repealers,
and Violators of the Post-office, and the negotia-
tors of gold rein'ttances from the Bank of Eng-
land to the treasury of the CZAR—how they an
will sneer at the sight of an appeal to Europe
signed by three such names. Had each of them
been successful they would have proclaimed them
first-rate men, and gone their ways to them, one
with his loan, another with his merchandise. They
might not have liked their success, but n'import!e
they would soon have found that it was profitable
to praise and to use it. Now they are " penni-
less exiles," "enthusiastic incapables "—well if it
be not added " reckless adventurers." They may,
however, calmly smile at the censures and the
censors. As Cardinal WoLsEy replied to the
Aristocrat of his day who taunted him with being
the son of a butcher—if their fathers had been
butchers they would have been butchers too.
They have not assuredly during the last two years
been very " enthusiastic" in the War the people
compelled them to undertake ; neither have th-_-y
particularly distinguished their class as " capables"
in the eyes of Europe; even the Times of yesterday
vehemently witnessing that their share in the War,
iu contrast with that of our private soldiers, is the
derision of Europe. As to the reproach of poverty,
they at least administer the patronage of the State
iu•obedience to the injunction to "care for their
own." If any of them be penniless it is generally
because they part with their pence on the ap-
proved aphorism of " Poor RICHARD"—" light
come, light goes."

It is not for us now, however, to vindicate the
claims of these men to moral or intellectual great-
ness. The deeds of each are before the world, and
whatever their political miscalculations, no im-
partial man will deny the Italian and Hungarian
patriots the credit of having displayed mar-
vellous ability under most difficult circum-
stances, and of-failing from the same cause which
has. not diminished the fame of NAPOLEON I.,—
external, and irresistible force. These Whigs and
Tories may, however, well blush for very shame
at the result of their policy. It is now clear to
all, as we were not backward to foretel at the
time, that the Anti-Hungarian policy, avowed in
disgraceful epithets by Lord JOHN RUSSELL in
1848, has issued in rendering Austria the mere
satrap of the CZAR, in annihilating the capacity
of Hungary to become the south-eastern bulwark
of freedom and civilisation ; and in thus em-
boldening the CZAR of Moscow to unchain his pent-
up ambition, and to aim at Constantinople. Our
worthless governors have uniformly denounced
intervention, unless it were to uphold tyranny,_
when it was to trample a nation under a Haps-
burg, or a Bomba, or an odious Langrave, they
have winked at it.

Of course it is easy to criticise the vagueness
of this proclamation of War against despots ; as
if these patriots, supposing them to have definite
plans, would trumpet them to their savage
enemies. Except in its length it is not more
vague than most declarations of War. Assuming
it to be genuine, which of course needs confirma-
tion, the question of interest is—Why is it pub-
blishpd ? Why hazard putting all the despots on
their guard ? Why induce them to huddle up a
peace of any sort rather than employ their troop?
in undeifying the god of the despots ? The
writers of the proclamation, doubtless, weighed
these things well ; they are not men, we believe,
to do them justice, more heedless of civil carnage
than theirrevilers. They cannot desire premature
and individual risings. They know what mobs
are against soldiers. One principal reason, doubt-
less, is to manifest the union of the exile leaders.
They lay stiles s,UII unity of aim among their fol-

owers, and give themselves the example of it.
4orne will think that the willingness of MANILA,
avowed in his lately-published letter, to ac-
.:ept the King of SARDINIA as a. constitutional
Monarch of au Italy emancipated from the Aus-

trian yoke, is a symptom of moderation which
alarms these Ultra-Republicans. That hence they
would hazard a hopeless Republican revolution
rather than accept a constitutional Government.
MAZZINI'S conduct at one time naturally suggests
this, and KOSSUTH thinks the King of SARDINIA.
has been entangled in a despot War. We can
hardly imagine, however, that both would not re-
joice if Austria were driven from Italian terri-
tory, and constitutional Government prevailed
throughout Lombardy, Venice, and the Roman
States:

We incline, however, to think that they wish
to compel the Allies to wage a peoples' War. They
see and proclaim that the War has been one
merely to redress the balance of despotism. The
German Potentates, feebleness itself as powers,
but omnipotent in backstairs' influence, have well
contrived this. These, politically speaking, slave-
holding States of Europe, have " dominated" the
policy of the freer kingdoms, as effectually as the
" Nigger floggers" of America give law to the
Free States of the Union. They have shielded
Russia on her really vulnerable side, Poland.
They have compelled us to " spare Russian terri-
tory," and thus forfeit the all-lance and invaluable
aid of Sweden and Poland too. These noble pa-
triots have felt all this of course, even more than
the majority of Englishmen. We feel and de-
nounce the meanness and cruelty of the policy
which sacrifices our money and our troops, rather
than offend the odious Austria, and the match-
bunting Prussia, and hazard the liberation of the
nations ;—but they belong to these nationalities.
Their contempt of the hoax practised on England
by her despot-loving aristocracy must naturally ex-
ceed ours—at least their disappointment, that the
people do not merely compel their governments
tohumble Russia, but to do their work thoroughly.
And they know the traitorous reason for all this
—they know that Czars, and KOnigs, and Kaisers,
and Hertzoga too, are dearer to Courts and Cabi-
nets than the nations they oppress. They think
that Russia will not .make peace after a defeat,
nor the Allies ask it, after a victory ; they hope
that the fall of Sebastopol is but the commence-
ment of the real struggle, and they aim to forts
on the recreant, amongst the Allies, a War for
a worthy object.
We can but remark here their accordance with
a statesman, no • revolutionist certainly, M. De
PERSIGNY. In his remarkable letter to the Em-
peror of FRANCE, he showed. that the emancipa-
tion of Poland is precisely the object needed to
elevate the character of the War—that it alone
would impart an enthusiasm, a nobleness to it,
which would be more than a counterpoise to the
superstitious phrenzy of the Russians. KOSSUTH
and his companions write in the same strain.
Every honest man must. Had Poland been
threatened or attacked, either through the Baltic
Seaboard, or from Bessarabia and Odessa, we be-
lieve we should now have been nearer the termi-
nation of the War. Detractors may sneer as they
please, but of this we believe every Englishman is
quite satisfied, that had a KOSSUTH had been our
Primo Minister whe'n an ABERDEEN was, either
we should have had no war at all, or, by this
time, Russia would have been trembling, not
merely for the Crimea, but for St. Petersburg,
and next for Moscow.

Very gratifying is it to us to turn from the
mouthings of pseudo-patriots and philanthropists
to the honest English utterances of such men as
Sir EDWARD BIILWER LYTTON and Sir JOSEPH
PAXTON.

Unlike each other as they are in many respects,
both may claim a proud position in the van of
those who have illustrated the blessings of peace,
and have served to the best of their ability the
interests of humanity. And now that the loud
clarion of War pierces the ear of Europe, and the
waste of conflict calls for renewed exertions and
sacrifices—now that the honour and welfare of
the country are staked on the successful prosecu-
tion of hostilities—now that so many families
among us are plunged into grief and mourning
for the loss of our brave defenders who have
fallen before the blood-stained walls of Sebastopol
—and individuals dead to the best interests of
their country and of humanity, taking advantage
of these circumstances, prate of the horrorsof War
and the blessings of peace, in order to promote tbe
trade in cotton—we have the illustrious pair
again at their posts, and, in ringing accents, bid-
ding their countrymen to be of good cheer, 4norl'
fight out the good fight of civilisation against bar-
barian aggression, with the certainty of a glorious
issue, and proving their sincerity not by maudlin
sentiment, but by proffering the sacrifice of their
time, energies, and party ambition in their coun-
try's cause.

True, in effect, says the Member for Ffereford-
shire, many of our hearths are now darkened
with mourning, " but that mourning is a robe of
honour, a title of nobility, and is conferred on the
humblest Englishman who can point t o a hero's
grave and say, there lies the broti ler or the
son whom I lost in his countrfo cause.' "
True, there have been sneers directed against
our raw recruits, but when raw recruits
of seventeen lead on their men with a courage and
a resolution the bravest veterans have never ex-
celled the sneer may be permitted -to pass for
what it is worth—it cannot diminish the people's
confidence in their lion-hearted defenders. True,
Sebastopol has been a rough school, but it is
likely to turn out some famous scholars, and so far
from mourning that more glory bas notbeenreaped
by our soldiers we may well be proud of that match-
less army which, maintaining discipline against
incredible hardships, and earning renown against
such formidable odds, " now holds in Sebastopol
a material guarantee for the rights of nations and
the demands of justice." True, we did not storm
the Malakhoff, or have as immediate a share in
the taking of Sebastopol as tbe French, but what
of that ?" Do you believe there is any French-
man who would deny us our full share of half
the laurel tree which took its root on the hills of
Alma, because the last gale in the storm of battle
drifted its leaves towards the ranks of the French ?
Why, in the next turn of the wind, those leaves
might be drifted towards us. " Never," continued
this high-sptrited English Statesman, "never for
the paltry purpose of damaging a Government to
whom I may be opposed—no, I never will con-
sent to disparage English soldiers"—a manly and
encouraging utterance this.

Not only, however, has the Honourable
Baronet given encouragement to the country and
justice to the maligned army to offer; he has also
lessons to inculcate, and a 'duty to himself as a
Representative of the people to discharge, and
does so. He is not the man to cen-
surelnn to tell his imperfect and hasty
noblyevid ean ncheea, bs
bute nth Ge ei
sn e rt ah le u
Yvan
fellow-
countrymen what he conceives to be faulty, and
to suggest a remedy ; and when he speaks of the
failure on our part to bring "the entire force of
Euglisli intelligence and civilisation to beat: against
the enemy that we have assumed the right 40,
despise as barbarians," and declares it " our` im-