The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-14 00:00:00

Notices have been given in both Houses of
Parliament for the purpose of bringing the
proceedings at the late Conference at Vienna
under discussion. But not, as it might have been
supposed, to censure the truckling to " German-
ism" and " Muscovitism," not to deplore the
concession offered by the French and English
Plenipotentiaries, under the inspiration of Austria,
but to express an opinion " that the propositions
made by the Government of Russia, for giving
effect to the principle of the Third Article, contain
elements for a renewed negotiation, and may offer
the means of obtaining an honourable and satis-

Factory peace !"
And this is a question that will now be seriously
ventilated in Parliament, a Noble Lord, and a
Right Honourable Gentleman, having suffered
themselves to be made the tools of the " peace-
at-any-price" party, to so great an extent as to
put forward such a proposition. Although •we
regret the matter for the sake of Lord GREY and
Mr. HILNER GIBSON, we cannot but rejoice on pub-
lic grounds that the opinion of the nation will be
clearly elicited, and the delusion so industriously
fostered as to the state of public opinion on this
all-important question completely dispelled. That
delusion has already occasioned a fearful amount of
mischief. It exercised no ordinary influence in pro-
ducing the original aggression and in causing the
late CzAR to harden his heart, and perversely re-
fuse to avail himself of the repeated opportunities
offered for the cessation of hostilities. To the
Peace Society and to Lord ABERDEEN England
owes the formidable War in which she is now
engaged. 'Neither, perhaps, could singly have
produced the evil ; but between them they con-
trived to deceive the AUTOCRAT by persuading
him that the time had arrived when he could
carry his nefarious designs against his inoffensive
neighbour into practical operation, without danger
of interruption, or anything beyond an unavailing
protest from England. Russia still indulges in
the hope that she can escape unscathed from
the consequences that she had so wantonly
provoked. Had it been otherwise, she would
gladly haie accepted the proffered conditions ;
but, on the contrary, she has attempted to acquire
the right of sending her navy into the Bosphorus
at her mere will and pleasure, and thus to threaten
the throne and authority of the SULTAN at any
moment she may think proper—and this, ac
cording to Earl GREY and Mr. MILNER GILSON,
"contains elements for a renewed negotiation,
and may offer the means of obtaining an honour-
able and satisfactory peace 1"

We trust that Parliament and the nation may
return suitable answers to the appeals thus made,
so that henceforward there may be no possible
doubt on the subject. It will not suffice to ne-
gative the motions ; counter propositions must be
brought forward expressing the public opinion on

the undue concessions offered, and that if the

propositions brought forward by the Western

Powers had been unequivocally accepted by
Russia, they would not have produced an honour-

able or satisfactory peace. Ministers may fancy that
these motions afford a loophole for escaping from

,he condemnation which their own timidity so

ustly merits. But it is not so. Although they

have not fallen into that depth of degradation,

have not committed that treason against their

country, they have much to answer for, and

they must do so at the bar of public opinion.
They must be taught that they can no longer

temporiae, or wait fur Austria, that
they
represent, must
uloptlanguage becoming the nation tkey
and exhibit the energy and determination so
urgently required. If they do not so, we must find
others -willing to do so. If, as an English
Monarch once declared, a Cabinet were to be
constructed fioin the first casual passers-by at
Charing-cross, we would sooner trust to it than
to those so oblivious of their duties as Englitili-

....... u

sanctity at this movement. Perhaps there is no
branch of the public service in which a large and
comprehensive measure of reform is so urgently
required, and any alteration that adds to its
Authority, without improving its administration,
cannot prove very acceptable to the community.
Now, Lord PALMERSTON expressly declares him-
self adverse to any such amelioration. Forgetting
that the First Lord of the Admiralty is . almost
invariably a civilian, with a seat in the Cabinet,
he boldly asserts that it would be "fatal to the
character and spirit of the army to commit its dis-
cipline to a mere citizen" ! HOW then does he
justify the arrangements respecting the Admiralty ?
Are naval officers less sensitive in their feelings than
their military brethren ? Is there not as great a
desire for "appreciation" bya competent authority
by " blue jackets" as by " red coats ?" And why
is there a greater danger in the exercise of Mini-
sterial patronage in the one case than the other ?
These are interrogatories that cannot very easily
be answered. If the " first Lord" may be a
Cabinet Minister, why not the Commander-in-
Chief ? The matter is too ridiculous—it will not
bear argument. The inconsistency of Lord PAL-
MERSTON is obvious to the entire community.
But there are " wheels within wheels"—an im-
perium in intperio which constitutes the real impedi-
ment— the solution of the enigma is not very diffi-
cult. Lord HARDLNGE is merely the nominal, not
the bona fide, Commander-in-Chief. He is but the
puppet in the hands of a partially-concealed
power, who pulls the strings according to his n ill
and pleasure, who at the same time controls the
Cabinet and the Horse Guards without the respon-
sibility attached to either office. A certain Party
is the actual Premier, the real Commander-in-
Chief. He acts as he thinks proper, and causes
the truckling to " Germanism" of which so many
well-founded complaints have been preferred. He
himself holds a plurality of offices, as well of emo-
lument as of honour ; while his favourites are cer-
tain of promotion, as "any suggestion on his
part is equivalent to a command." The Colo-
nelcies to which the highest pay was attached
as a reward for the most brilliant services is
held by one who never saw a shot fired in battle.
Everything, in fact, that he could take he has
monopolised to himself ; and, in addition to
these substantial honours, he controls alike the
Cabinet and the Horse Guards. His influence is
paramount in Downing-street, and yet he evades
the responsibility. This is not as it should be.
There should be a more constitutional system in
operation. The great popularity of Lord PAL-
MERSTON was occasioned by his supposed
antagonism to this objectionable practice.
But now that he has openly assumed the
COBURG livery—has become more subservient
even than " the dear and excellent" ABERDEEN
himself, he must expect a similar fate to his pre-
decessor. He now strives to stave off the
the evil day—but in vain. He has had a fair
trial and failed egregiously, has been " weighed
in the balance and found wanting," and he must
now give place to a more independent, if not a
more talented Minister. Whoever is to be
Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief, let
him openly assume the offices, and then the
people of Great Britain will know what they
have to provide. Better that he do these things
directly than indirectly, fairly and above board
than under shelter of a Ministerial or military
puppet.