The Sun.
London, England, 1855-10-05 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, oCTOBER 5, 1855.

KOSSUTH, MA ZZINI, AND LEDRU

ROLLIN.

The following appeal has been addressed to the
European democracy by MM. Kossuth, Mazzini,
and Ledru Rollin :
TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

The town of Sebastopol has fallen. The war between
the governments of Western Europe and the Czar is
irrevocably and indefinitely prolonged. It is impossible
for Russia to treat after a defeat without sinking into
the position of a power of the third rank ; and it is im-
possible that the Allied Governments, in the face of a
public opinion emboldened by victory, should offer peace
on less onerous conditions. For us, therefore, the fall
of Sebastopol is but as the first word of a war, the last
word and denouement of which belong to the peoples.
We believe the moment has arrived for European de-
mocracy to constitute itself a powerful unity, to con-
front its enemies, and to act ; and we come forward to
declare this to our brethren of all nations with an autho-
rity which springs not from our own unimportant
individuality, but from our conviction that by so doing
we are giving expression to the feeling that animates and
thrills all hearts ; from a knowledge of the actual state
of things acquired from extensive relations in all parts of
Europe ; from the consciousness of the pledges we have
already given in the cause of European liberty, and a
firm determination that our brethren shall not find us
fail them should they respond to our appeal.
Every great movement must have a centre whence an
initiative may spring—an arm to raise the flag of the
march—a voice to cry aloud the hour has come. We are
that arm and that voice. If the majority of the party
shall recognise as its own the banner we raise, and feel
that what we are about to utter is the truth, it will be
its duty to second us. Advanced guard of the revolution,
we shall disappear amid the ranks on the day of the
awakening of the peoples. But this awakening—bear
witness the history of the last six years—cannot be until
unity be founded in the revolutionary camp. This is
now the one thing needful. The state of things brought
about by the war in the East appears to us to proclaim
its urgency. It is for this we speak.
Hitherto we have refrained from saying what we now
say, because but a few months back such language would
have been imprudent and premature. At the commence-
ment of the war certain illusions existed which time
alone could dissipate ; and some important lessons had
yet to be learned, which time alone could teach.

On the ground of principles, the European question is
one—liberty for all, fraternal association of all. Such is
the right, such the aim. It is not so on the ground of
facts and of means. On this last ground the question
presents two aspects—that of the nationalities, the peo-
ples who, like Italy, Hungary, and Poland, have an ex_
istence to re-claim from foreign oppression ; and that of
the peoples who, like France, being in full possession of
their country, have but to pursue and to protect from
usurpation their own free development by the organisa-
tion of the sovereignty of the people.
For the first, revolution is war : they need allies, and
a more or less favourable disposition of chances : for the
others it is a movement merely internal, and all that is
needed is for them to be unanimous, and to will.

The present war appeared to offer to the dismembered
nationalities chances rendering their task less difficult—
there was the chance of the Italo-Hungarian question
being simplified by the forced support of the Western
Powers, should her identity of principle and of tradition
have thrown Austria openly into the arms of the Czar ;
there was the chance that for the sake of success the
Governments of France and England might push on to
Poland, Russia's only really vulnerable point. We did
not share these illusions. We knew that in order to give
all possible support to Russia, Austria had but to main-
tain an apparent neutrality. We knew that the man of
the 2d December, and the Ministers who, after the sacri-
fice of Rome and Pesth, had yoked Eugland to him,
would never dare to remove the winding sheet that en-
wraps Poland.

But during the first period of the present war these

illusions were to the peoples a reality which time alone
could efface. It was necessary that by seeing the Empire
trail the flag of France for upwards of six months through
the mud of Austrian Chancelleries, by hearing from the
lips of English Ministers the impious words, " the in-
surrection of Hungary would be a misfortune ; there
would be serious inconvenience in Rome being free ; it
is only through Austria that Italy can progress, or Po-
land receive the alms of a little liberty," the people
should learn that any hopes founded on the war of the
Cabinets were a fatal dream ; that the aim of the West-
ern Powers is the maintenance of the flatus quo ; that
no contact is possible between the camps of liberty and
monarchy save the contact of struggle ; and that it is
only by the sweat of our brows and the blood of our
veins that we can conquer our right.
Now on these subjects we believe the teaching is com-
plete. There are no more phantoms in our path. We are
addressing peoples who have been undeceived.

More than this. This ill•conducted war bas brought
to light two facts which time alone could declare, and
which it is important to point out.
The first is the strength of the Revolutionary Party,
avowed by its enemies.

In two years the great French Republic of 1792, at-
tacked abroad and at home, without regular resources,
and with an impoverished finance, by the mere power of
the principle of which it was the incarceration, drove out
its enemies from its territory, crushed revolt, spread
liberty abroad, transformed the society of the past, and
founded civil institutions w hich still exist.
During two years, Despotism and Constitutional Mo.
narchy allied, with power t o draw from all the resources
of a regular organisation, 'have shed the blood of a hun-
dred thousand men, and exhausted the results to labour
to the extent of three thousand millions of francs, with-
out advancing a single strap towards the solution of the
pending question, and without any military result but
the fall of Sebastopol, acid the making of a few ruins on
the shores of the two seas.
What is the reason Gf this contrast ?

It is that they have not on their side those principles
of the new order of things which alone can create genius,
devotion, and strength ; it is that they are fighting in the.
name of things cchich are decaying ; that life is elsewhere
—with us, the representatives of progress, in the heart
of the peoples they dread, in the revolution which they
foresee on every side.

Yes, bowed down as we still are, we make them trem-
ble, They seek to ward off the future ; they offer sacri-
fice to fear. Revolution troubles their councils, domi-
nates their plans, impedes their move/ vents, and paralyses
their military operations. It is the fear of the uprising
of the nationalities which causes them to crouch coward-
like at the feet of Austria, whom, a.t the bottom of their
hearts, they despise. It is the fea:c of a Polish insurrec-
tion—the dread of seeing the revolutionary flag raised
in Podolia and Lithuania—whicl i has shut them out

fr3m Odessa and Riga. It was tl ie fear of rousing an
echo in Hungary which made then n renounce the cam-
paign beyond the Danube, and dl diver up the Principa-
lities to the Austrian invasion. It was the fear of the
effect upon the peoples of the smallest territorial change
that obliged them to respect the in tegrity of the Russian
empire, and' deprived them of the Swedish alliance.
It is the fear of the revolution. which would meet
them on every side, whenever the scent of battle should
reach the hostile masses, which forbids them from a gene-
ral war, and limits them to an isolated point of the Mus-
covite territory between the sea and the steppes. Nego-
tiations, protocols, battles, everything in this struggle,
betrays the deep conviction of the European governments
that on this European soil, undermined in every direction
by suffering and by the idea, no single spark of life eau
be kindled without resulting in an universal conflagration.
Now, what resources have the governments against this
conflagration if to-morrow it should burst forth? In their
secret hearts—in the midst of their common antagonism
against every idea of collective liberty and justice—
and this is the second important fact evinced by the
situation—the governments are at the present day mate-
rially divided amongst themselves. The thought of the
Holy Alliance is in their soul as in 1815, but the fact of
the Holy Alliance is destroyed. The only force that was
able to arrest the ascending movement in 1849—the
collective force—exists no longer. The concentration of
the means of several upon each given point is no longer
possible. The enemy's camp is at the present moment
broken up into four—the Russian camp, the Anglo_
French camp, and the two camps into which Austria
and Prussia divide the smaller States of Germany.
Among these various camps a common direction and a
practical accord is no longer possible. Each people has
not but a single enemy to combat—and let it not be for-

gotten—in 1848 each people' as it arose was singly vic-
torious, and it was only through the union and co-ope-
ration of several forces that the revolution yielded in
Rome, Hungary, and Germany.

More than this. In consequence of the existing dis-

union the forces of each Government are necessarily dis-
membered and cramped in their movements. Russia is
obliged to defend her own territory. Austria, occupied

in the Principalities, treacherous with all, and suspected
by all, is obliged to keep a large portion of her troops
stationary at her frontiers, ready to repel any possible
attack on the part of either of the belligerent powers.
Tho empire, compelled to keep a large part of its army
at home to repress the pulsations of the heart of France,
is also obliged to protect its north-eastern frontier from
the of Russia and Austria. Of England we need not
speak : at the present moment, exhausted through her
want of military organisation, she is reduced to accept
the few recruits offered by foreign poverty and venality
to supply her ranks,

Fear of revolution, complete disunion among the
powers formerly united against us, the impossibility of
acting against the popular element, with forces already
weakened and mutually held in check—such are at the
present day the prominent features of the situation with
regard to the Government -% The opportune moment
has therefore arrived for the peoples, and it is our duty
to declare it.

It is all the more our duty, because this incontestably
opportune moment may to-morrow pass away. Should

this be the case, the situation would be far worse for the
people. The Governments would avenge themselves for
the terrors of the present moment, a more compact alli•
ance would be forme3, and cat.a)lish an almost insur-
mountable obstacle to the nationalities. To France the
result night be a coalition and an invasion.
Those nations who, by their culpable hesitation,
should have allowed the providential moment to escape
them, would sink discouraged into that moral languor
which is the fatal accompaniment of the consciousness
of a great error.

Thus, if the pe)ples believe themselves worthy of

liberty, they are bound at once to seize the opportunity
now offered them by God. There are times in which col-
lective action, excited in the face of invincible obstacles,
is a crime. Individuals may protest by martyrdom, but
none may counsel martyrdom to a whole nation. But
there are also moments when the crime is in the fact
that individual martyrdom is tolerated by countries
which have but to will in order to efface the necessity of
martyrdom by success. Such is the case now. We
say it with deep conviction ; the liberal party is from
this time forward responsible fur all the blood shed on
scaffolds, and the slow tortures of which the prisons of
Europe are the secret theatre, for it can conquer.
It is time that the liberal party should learn to esti-
mate its own strength as it is estimated by its enemies
—to feel this, and to draw from this consciousness the
faith that combats and triumphs are all that is necessary
to unite and organise its multiple life round a common
centre, whence to act upon the masses by word and
action. The day on which it will do this the battle will
begin in power and vigour. Doubt not of victory, To
insure it we have but to inscribe, not only upon our flag,
but on our hearts, and on our plans of war, on our every
act, the sacred word of European solidarity, of which
all of us, more or less, misunderstood the value in 1848.
And we shall do this. Apart from the sacredness of the
principle—source and justification of all our acts—we
have all learned since 1848 that our salvation is at that
price alone—that we must conquer fur all, or succumb.
We are strong, for we have with us God and the
peoples. We are strong in the right, in the justice of the
cause to which our lives are devoted, in the martyrdom
thousands of our brethren have heroically undergone, in
the memory of the victories gained by each people, and
in the consciousness that in no instance were they sullied
by crime. We are strong in our numbers, in the aspira-
tions of the masses, i❑ their sufferings, in their material I
interests, in the omnipotence of that sentiment of na-
tionality which its tyrants deny, and in that immortal
instinct which rebels under all oppression, and cries aloud
" liberty" in every heart.
We are strong by the faults of our oppressors ; by their
lack of genius and of heart ; by their avidity, and by the
recklessness with which in this aimless war they hurry
the nations into bankruptcy ; by that contempt of human

life which has allowed them in the Crimea to shed the
blood of thousands of brave men, to insure the success
of a loan, or to celebrate an anniversary. We are strong
through the wicked absurdity of the territorial arrange-
ments they seek to maintain ; by the inextinguishable
germ of war and discord they bear within themselves,
and which we alone can destroy ; and by that map of
the Europe of the future which the sword of revolution
alone can trace.

Yes, therein, above all, lies the force we men of revo-
lution possess. Everywhere Royalty denies national life.
Revolution alone can say to it, " Arise ! be sacred, and
flourish beneath the protection of thy brethren." Revo-
lution alone can resolve the vital question of the nation-
alities, which superficial intelligences continue to mis-
understand, but which we know to be the organisation
of Europe. It alone can give the baptism of humanity
to those races who claim to be associated in the common
work, and to whom the sign of their nationality is de-
nied ; it alone can regenerate Italy to a third life, and
say to Hungary and Poland—Exist ; it alone can unite
Spain and Portugal into an Iberian republic ; create a
young Scandinavia, give a material existence to Elyria,
organise Greece, extend Switzerland to the dimensions
of an Alpine confederacy, and group in a free fraternity
and make an Oriental Switzerland of Servia, Roumania,
Bulgaria, and Bosnia. And it alone can harmonise above
this real European equilibrium—sole guarantee of peace-
ful progress—the two grand ideas which now lead the
world, and which are named Liberty and Association.
Brethren, doubt not of your strength ; your programme
responds to all the instincts of the epoch. For it men
struggle, suffer, and die on every point of Europe.
Organise yourselves, and dare : daring is the prudence
of the strong.

The party has need of a common centre of action, a
common treasury, and a common mot crordre. If it does
not create these in one month, it is nut equal to its high
mission. The centre of action is in us, or in any others
possessing the confidence of the party ; in any men pure
in soul, and comprehending and. representing the great
European nationalities ; understanding and loving each
other and the common cause, ready to stand in the
front rank on the day of battle, and in the last on the
morrow of victory.
Whosoever they be, fear them not ; they can only be
strong through the strength of the great body of the army.
The treasury of the party may rapidly be formed if
each man will bring his mite ; if, wherever there is a
soldier of the republic—man or woman—who has an in-
fluence in a given circle, a subscription be organised ;
if, from the franc of the poor man to the thousands of
the rich, each believer will regard himself as a debtor for
a share in the Loan of Liberty. If we choose to be so,
we are the richer pasty, for we number our ranks by

The mot d'ordre, we have declared, is—Liberty for
all ; association of all. It excludes nothing, it comprises
all. To go beyond this is tyranny. What centre of '
action would or could exercise such tyranny ?
It belongs not to a few individuals, nor even to the
entire acting party, to decide on the practical measures
by which the revolution shall remedy the evils under
which the masses are suffering, the striking inequalities
of the actual social system ; that will be the work of the
revolution itself, of which we can only be the initiators.
From the collective inspirations and out of the beating
hearts of the peoples, when they shall have made of the
shroud that now covers them a labaruin of victory, must
spring the word of the epoch. For life engenders life,
liberty begets intelligence, and the man who clasps the
hands of his brethren i❑ a burst of devotion, enthusiasm,
and triumphant love, is given a revelation of truth de-
nied to the isolated slave who dares not break his chain.
Let us then break our chains, and let us unite for this.
Let each elaborate and put forth his own solution of the
social problem: it is alike a right and a duty. But shame
.on any one amongst us who, by separating himself from
the common work, shall desert the army urged on to
battle by the cries of his suffering brothers, to isolate
himself in the barren pride of an exclusive programme.
He may be a sectarian—he is not a member of the great
church.

We have spoken of the army, and it is indeed the word
that best expresses our present mission. We are not the
future, we are its precursors ; we are not democracy,
w,e are an army bound to clear the way for democracy.
The common and definite aim, evident to every uncor.
rupted intelligence, is the republican form of government.
The means are not to be found in absolute individual
liberty and discussion, but in association, organisation,
collective labour, discipline, abnegation, and devotion.
Anarchy never gained a battle. Discussion is impotent
4 Lnd useless when addressed to peoples with the brand of
'avery on their brow. Give them back the free air of
he even, the purifying breath of liberty, the plenitude of
she it faculties, the sacred enthusiasm of the human being

that asserts his right, and your words will then bring
forth acts.

At the present day action alone can restore the holiness
of freedom of speech. The Greeks of the Lower Empire
discussed and died. The sabre of Mahomet struck in
silence.

Every republican of the present day must call himself
Action, and represent a force.
Every individual giving his name to the party must
bring to the common centre his contingent of devotion
and activity, his arm, his purse, and his intelligence.
The same word sounding on every lip must pass along
to all the secondary circles, spreading faith, the desire
of action, and the conviction that the favourable moment
has arrived.

A single ery must spring from the heart of the party, and
shake the torpor of the hesitating populations : We are
united ! Unite !

Herein lie honour, duty, and salvation. We have said
what we believe to be the truth as to the actual position
of the governments, the opportunity of the peoples,
and the mission of the Republican party. Let the
patriots of every country meditate and (lecide. To them
belongs the choice of the moment and the field of
battle.

The duty of all is identical, but there is diversity of
circumstances and position. There are peoples who,
like Hungary and Germany, oppressed and surrounded
by enemies, cannot at the present day do more than
enter in the second line of the great fight ;. these peoples
must prepare to follow out instantly the impulse to be
give❑ elsewhere. There are others, called by the past,
the present, and special circumstances to the honour of
the initiative. Of there last are France and Italy.
France, once at the head of the movement which leads
Europe towards the future, cannot long resign herself,
without perishing, to be absorbed i❑ selfish material in-
terests, and to view that flag which has been borne round
the world dragged by its vulgar master in the wake of a
power calling itself Austria. Italy has everything to
fear, from the shame which destroys the future to new
partitions which would add to the number of her ene-
mies, if in the face of the factions which beset her, she
does not assert her right, her nationality, her life, one
and Republican.
France is bound to continue and develops her grand
tradition of 1792, for her own glory and the common
good ; Italy to complete her programme of 1848, dating
from the rising of Sicily, the five days of Milan, Venice,
and Rome. Her people must raise again their national
flag, betrayed by their Kings. France, in arising, has
no foreign enemy to conquer. Italy has, but enfeebled,
isolated, and in her turn surrounded by enemies whom
the Italian bravery would arouse on her rear, her flank,
on every side. France bears in her bosom the awaken
ing of those who suffer and aspire under a corrupt social
organisation in Europe. Italy has but to lift up her tri-
coloured flag to awaken the nationalities of Europe. The
man of the 2d December is the murderer of Rome.
France and Italy, Rome and Paris—this should be the
battle-cry.
But wherever the point, whatever the hour, this we
can declare—the first people that raises its banner i❑ the
name of country and humanity will be followed by all
the others.

Insurrection will engender insurrection, and the first
victory produce ten others on ten different points.
There is not a single nation which may not, by an
energetic and powerful act of will, b 3 the cause of the
salvation of the world.

KOSSUTYT.
LEDRU ROLLIN.
JOSEPH MAZZINI.

Sept., 1855.

THE MONEY MARKET.

(From the Timcs City Article of this day.)
The 13.knk of England to-day have increased their
rate of discount from 5 per cent., at which it was
fixed last Thursday, to 51 per cent.
The measure has excited considerable dissatisfac-

tiou among the London bankers and others, inas-
much as the supply of money, even at the existing
rate, was in excess of the demand ; and it there-
fore throws them into uncertainty, while, at the
same time, it is calculated to check the legitimate
trade of the country. The Bank directors, how-
ever, it may be assumed, have been guided soiely
by the nature of their latest bullion returns, and
by the necessity, in the face of the extraordinary
proceedings of the Bank of France, of not defer-
ring for a single week any precaution that may be
indicated.
The discount houses, having again been taken
by surprise, have deferred till to-morrow any an-
nouncement regarding their future rates for money
at call.
The Bank of France have at length notified an
increase in their rate of discount from 4 per cent.
to 5, and have at the same time resolved to limit
their accommodation to bills having only 75 (lays
to run, instead of three months as heretofore.
This intelligence will tend in some degree to allay
apprehensions, which were becoming very preva-
lent, that financial experiments of an unsound and
extraordinary character were in contemplation by
the French Government.

Letters from Paris confirm the announcement of
the extent of the contracts entered into by the
Bank of France for a supply of gold from this side.
The first contract was for 75,000,000 f., and the
second f0r25,000,000f., making a total of 4,000,0001.
sterling.
The continental exchanges remain without alter-
ation. Money in Holland is obtainable at 3 per
cent., and in Belgium at 211 per cent.
Advices from Riga to the 27th of September
mention an extraordinary demand for corn. No-
thing was bought on speculation on the spot, but
all for real want in the provinces.
The facts just confirmed regarding the artificial
operations of the Bank of France in drawing gold
from this side furnish a remarkable confirmation
not only of the views lately expressed, but of the
soundness of those put forth a month back, when
the Bank of England first raised their rate of dis-
count. It was then stated that, although a mode-
rate advance in the value of money was inevitable,
and there could be no prospect of its being other-
wise than in active demand throughout the re-
mainder of the year, there was nothing in a gene-
ral survey of the trade of the country to suggest
that any repeated movements on the part of the
Bank would be found necessary. Subsequently it
became known that the Government had arranged
that the proceeds of the Turkish loan should be re-
mitted to Constantinople in specie, instead of being
managed, as usual, by Exchange transactions ;
while, at the same time, notwithstanding reiterated
statements regarding the excellence of the Ame-
rican harvest, 300,0001. or 400,0001. was suddenly
remitted to Vienna for purchases on the Danube,
owing to a continued improvement in the grain-
market, the unfounded nature of which has since
been demonst rated by a reaction of 4s. per quarter.
Even these circumstances, however, although cal-
culated temporarily to modify previous expecta-
tions, were insufficient to account for the drain
which had set in, apparently with uncontrollable
force. The Bank of England, the private and
joint-stock banks, the discount house, and the
mercantile community generally were alike per-
plexed, and a multitude of theories were put forth
to account for their confusion—one of which was
that they had all been misled by the Times, while
another comprised the idea that Russia had been se-
cretly borrowing. All that was positively known was,
that gold continued to go to Paris, whether the rate of
exchange rendered itprofitable or otherwise. It was
then declared that, in consequence of the war, the
country was carrying on a much more one-sided
trade than had been apprehended, and that the

result which ought long ago to hav6 been foreseen
had now rendered itself palpable. It was vain to
urge that, as the war had been raging for a year
and a-half, its effects were hardly to be looked for
in a sudden crash spread over a few weeks, and
that, in addition to the grain purchases and the
I'm-1%148h loan, there must still be some accidental or
exceptional solution for the symptoms in progress.
Such a mode of evasion was not to be tolerated,
and the speculators for a fall were triumphant.
At length the operations of the Bank of France
gradually became known. In ord©r to prevent the
necessity for resorting to an advance of the rate of '
discount, they had been purchasing gold at a price
above its natural value, and a temporary stimulus
was thus being afforded' to the financial affairs of
that country. The amounts were said to be large,
00
but, nevertheless, surprise was felt when it was an-
nounced that they were expected to reach 1,6,000/.
At last the total has been found to be 4,000,0001.,
t
and the solution of all the previous mystery is
more than ample. Indeed, he marvel is that
with such an operation in progress the disturbance
has not been greater. The real difficulty, there
fore, is not to account for what has been Witnessed,
but for its moderation.
Under these circumstances, a new glance at our
position becomes practicable, and is the more de-
sirable, because, in addition to those acting upon
ordinary speculative motives, there are at the pre-