The Sun.
London, England, 1855-08-08 00:00:00

Mr. WILKINSON said that, no doubt, the sympathies
of the people of this country were with the Italians, and
Poles, and Hungarians, but the present was not the fitting
time to call upon the Government for active interference.
He himself regretted the occupation of Rome, but ho could
not help thinking that the present position of the Emperor
Napoleon might have some connexion with that occupation.
He rose, however, principally to refer to what had taken
place on a former occasion. He had on Friday last listened
almost with dismay to the speech of the right hon. gentle-
man the member for the University of Oxford, for he had
never heard sentiments so astounding uttered by an Eng-
lishman. (Hear.) That right hon. gentleman had risen
in his place, and had drawn disastrous pictures of the re-
sources of this country, and of France and Sardinia—
(hear)—and then proceeded to eulogise, and at the same
time give an exaggerated account of, the resources of Rus-
sia ; and he trusted that there was no other man in that
house who would adopt a similar course. With respect to
the terms proposed by Austria, and which her Majesty's
Government were blamed by the right hon. gentleman
(Mr. Gladstone) for not accepting, he (Mr. Wilkinson) bad
always understood the opinion of the noble lord to be that
those terms ought to have been accepted ; but the noble
lord now appeared no longer to entertain that opinion.
(No.) When the hon. member for Wick (Mr. Laing) said
the whole question turned upon limitation or counterdnise,
one thing had struck him forcibly with respect to these
terms; and that was, that the proposal for limitation was
a tangible plan, while that for establishing a counterpoise
seemed to be no plan at all. If Russia was to be allowed
to have any number of ships, this country, on the other
hand, was to have as many as she pleased; bat it appeared
to him that to establish such a state of things required
no plan and no agreement of any sort. The noble lord
said that a point which had considerable weight with him
was that the Turkish ambassador, a man whose opinions
commanded great influence, believed the Austrian
plan likely to be satisfactory to Turkey, and then he
understood the noble lord to add that if such were the
case the whole object of the war would be accomplished,
and we should no longer have any right to carry it on.
(Lord J. Russell.—" No, no.") He understood the noble
lord to say, or at all events to argue, that if Turkey were
satisfied with the terms of peace proposed we could not
call on her to assist us further without subsidising her.
Now, he (Mr. Wilkinson) had always thought the protec-
tion of Turkey was but a means to an end, and that the
main object in view was to check Russia in her scheme of
aggrandisement. (Hear, hear.) He agreed that it would
be improper to carry on this war for one moment after the
objects in view were attained, but he could not think
thoselobjects were yet attained. Entertaining this be-
lief, he could not help regretting that the house was about
to separate without a distinct expression of opinion on the
subject of the continuance of this war, for every vote they
had yet come to on this question had been mixed up with
some other matter. It appeared to him that the only short
and speedy mode of obtaining peace was by the most vi-
gorous prosecution of the war. He wanted that which the
right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) said it was wicked
to desire, namely, success. France and England must fight
this out, and succeed they must, or else fail altogether.
He (Mr. Wilkinson)jwas one of those who considared that
if a firm tone had been adopted at the first the war might
have been avoided altogether. Now, however, that we
were embarked in the war, there was no middle course,
and he could not understand bow any man could doubt the
necessity of conducting it most vigorously. The object of
the war, as he understood it, was to show to the world
that the peace of Europe could not be disturbed unneces-
sarily, or if it were disturbed, Oat the consequences would
fall upon the head of the aggressor. Until this was
shown, he believed that the country would never be satis-
fied. He had attempted to move an amendment in the
course of the debate on Friday night, in order to give the
house an. opportunity of recording that distinct expres-
sion of opinion on this subject which he felt wag ne-
cessary, but, unfortunately, he had been unable to catch
the Speaker's eye. Be was precluded now from elicit-
ing that expression of opinion. owing to the late period
of the session, but it was his own conviction that t here
was no satisfactory mode of terminating this contest ex-
cept by such a prosecution of the war as would show that
the peace of Europe was not to be disturbed with impunity.
Lord J. RUSSELL.—The hon. gentleman has miinn-
derstood me in two very important particulars. First, ho
seems to have understood me to say that the proposals
made by Austria at Vienna might be assented to now,
which I did not say, and did not mean. I said that I
thought those proposals might have ben assented to at
that time, but I do not think they could be assented to at
the present moment, and. I added that an opportunity for
negotiation would perhaps arise in the course of the six
months during whl—ch--the recess might last. Again, the
hon. member attributed to me the expression that we
could not continue the war if the Turkish Government
were of opinion that sufficient terms of peace had been
proposed. I (lid not state that, bat very much the con-
trary. What I did say was, that if we were to continue
the war when Turkey was satisfied with the terms of peace,gr
it would be necessary not to guarantee loans, but to .
subsidies, in order to enable her to make those efforts re-
quisite to carry on the war.

Lord PALMERSTON.—I do not rise to complain that
my noble friend has called the attention of the house to
matters of the deepest national importance, and in regard
to which he himself when in office took a leading and v.
prominent part. It is natural that these great questions
should occupy his mind now, when he was then for a
time called upon to devote his attention to them, and it is
not at all unnatural that at the close of the session, when
the probability is that Parliament may not meet again
for some months .to come,, he. should avail himself
of this opportunity, not only to state his own views
but to call upon the Government, as far as they can
consistently with their duty, to state what may be
their views on the matters to which ho has referred. My
noble friend began by speaking of the amount of respon-
sibility which weighs upon her Majesty's Government. I
can assure him that the Government are deeplysensible
of
the gravity and the importance of that responsibility. No
man could have been a party to entering into the great
contest in which we are engaged—no man at least ought
to have been a party to such a course of policy—without
having deeply weighed the gravity of the struggle into
which he was about to plunge the country, and without
having satisfied his mind that the cause was just, that the
motive,were sufficient, and that the sacrifices which he
m"ancatalignuetieepoo consider
i
the country to make were such as a states-
leer t ought to endure. Sir, there must,
indeed, be grave reasens which could induce a man who
bad been a party with her Majesty's Government to that
line of policy, who had assisted in conducting the war, who
had, after fall and, perhaps, unexampled deliberation,
agreed to enter upon the war, who having concurred after
that full and mature deliberation in the commencement of
the war, had also joined in calling upon the country for
great sacrifices in order to continue it, and who had, up to
a very recent period, assented to all the measures proposed
for its continuance—I say there must indeed be grave
sons which could induce a man who had been se far°lrl;
party tothe measures of the Government utterlytoch ge
his opinion, to declare this war unnecessary, unjust, and2n-
impolitic, to set before the country all the imaginary
asters with which his fancy could supply him, and toy dis-
asters
and exaggerate the force of the enemy and the (ITam""
culties of our own position. (Cheers.) Sir, lam not such
a man as that. (Hear, hear.) My right hon. Meads my col-
leagues in the Government are not men of that stamp, and I
therefore in answer to say noble friend, to whom nothing '
that I have jest said in the slightest degree applies, I have to
state thather Majesty's Government, fully conscious of the
great importance of this contest, fully conscious of the im-
mense exertions which may be necessary to bring it to a
successful termination, are prepared to take upon themselves
the responsibility which belongs to their position, and will
not be afraid, when Parliament meets again, to render
an account of the manner in which that responsibility has
been discharged. (Hear.) We are conscious also of the
generous support which this house and the country have
given to us throughout the exertions which we have felt it
our duty to make. Whatever may be the opinions of some
few members within theke do not. believe I cau
say whatever may be the opinions of some few persons out
of the house—because I do not think the opinions we have
heard here have any echo at all out of doors—(cheers)— I