The National Register.
London, England, 1817-06-30 00:00:00

THURSDAY, Jumr 28.

The Clew Residence Bill and the Tithe Leasing Bill were
read &first time.
The LORD CIiIkIICILLLOR expressed a wish that all the
Mishaps who were in town would attend at the second read-
ing of those two Bills. As far as he understood, no Spiritual
Lord was consulted ea either of them • and as far as be was
capable of applying his attention to their enactments, he felt
inclined at present to oppose them in every stage.
Adjoerned.
FRIDAY, Jusin 11.
The Royal Assent was given by Commission to Lord Col-
chester's Annuity Bill, the Consolidation Bill, the two Salt
Bills, the Sew I!ounty Bill, the Irish Peace Preservation
Bill, tie Newfoundland Marriagee Bill, the Copper Tokens,
the Ralf-pay Officers Bill, the Yoonsanry Cavalry Bill,
the Colonial Murders Prevention Bill, the Etliabingh Canal
sad 'fotakins'a Picture Lottery Bill.
I het Commissioners were, the Lord Chancellor, and Lord&
Radesdalo and Melville. —Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MONDAY, Jaws SS.
Sir 1611111, Mocsurrosn postponed Ms 'sotto' relative to
Om omit,. of Admiralty instil Tata* sennigist.,
*ar P Ufa a VP Tall Illi•OgNliON NTNT lIASZAS Canna
ACT.
Lowe Cantassama ram to move the radii; of the BIU
ten costissiag the ;MOWN of dos tisbce Cerra Act.

THE NATIONAL REGISTER,

Ha felt the situation be that evening occupied as one of the
highest mod Most aggravated responsibility in the eyes of
Parliament and the country. Sensibly, too sensibly, alive
was he to the ditliculty and delicacy of the task he bad to
perform that evening—a task no less than that of making
out to the satisfaction of the House a case ethic's would just-
, tify them in puling with for a time that which, to free-born
Eoglishmen, was dearer than their lives—namely, their in-
trainable liberty ; but if, by taking from some of his ?dojo.
lieea subjects the invaluable right of trial by jury—if by sa-
crificing, pro import, the liberties of a few, the safety of the
, many, the preservation of the public peace sad public pro
petty, might be secured—it would perhaps be considered
by the most ardent levers of their country as a sacrifice
not too great for seenriervich weighty and substantial ad-
vantages. Here he should take the opportunity of protesting
against any inference beteg drawn, as had in sonic itistan
ens been the cane that Ministers hid any object of their
own in view, in coining forward with a proposition of a
measure so painful to every ;meet! man to support—so ob•
noxious, if net odious, in public opinion. The duty was one
of so painful a nature, that were it net eur the high sense en-
tertained of the responsibety of the official situations at the
head of his Majesty's Government, there would perhaps he
foetid none bold enough to propose a remedial measure so
repugnant to the free spirit of our happy constitution. 'Fhe
House would allow him tosay a few words respecting Oliver.
for active exertions had been made to induce a belief teat
the Goverumeat had sent Oliver to the country to stimulate
Vie conspirators to violence. It had not been suggested by
the Government; but Oliver himself came to the Home De-
partment, and informed Lord Sidniouth that lie had been ap
plied to by a Delegate from the country to assume that cha-
racter. In his mind the Government would not be justifiable
if it had not encouraged him. Instead, however, of directing
Oliver to hasten the expeseion. the Government had dour
lain the contrary. Thep had given him letters to certain
Magistrates, to whom he was commanded to give every in-
formation of any apprehended explosion, that pi cc:nation-
ary measures might he adopted. With respect to Oliver's
mission, he mast say, that if Oliver had nut gone into the
country, some ...Aber person would have gone as a delegate
• from London, and the only difference in the mischief would
be, that the one would have given no information to the Go-
vernment, while the other enabled the Ministers to take
every necessary precaution. With respect to those per-
sons who had given evidence of these traitorous proceed.
ings. he believed that there were many of them individuals
elm had engaged in such societies without being at first
aware of the danger they were incurring, and afterwards
conscientiously gave information to Government. He re-
marked on the mildness which Government hail evinced in
the exercise of such strong powers, thereby giving them a
claim on the confidence of Parliament, and concluded by
snoring that the Bill be read a first time.
The question being put, Alr.Poesottav rose and spoke
to the following effect :—" Were I to say, that 0:e r had
formed and conceived the design of those insurrectionary
movements in the country, I should state what I did not be-
lieve. He had some predecessora in that laudebie course,
bat who they were. it is impossible for me to conjecture.
Here I beg to repeat I het not the slichtest note r. that
Government so ordered him to act. No such tines ; but
still the House will see that the effect of his acts must ne-
cessarily have been to produce what, indeed, followed.
For the purpose, then, of probing the depth and character of
these persons. I put to him (as he seemed deep enough in
In the secrets of the Louden proceedings) the following
questions :—' Did you eves, know or do you know, of any
society or association of men existing in Loadon, or in the
country, for the purpose ofetreperating with the disaffected
in either place?' His answer was— Ido not, and never
did.'—l then asked him, ' Did you ever know, or do von
now know any gentleman of tank, fortune, consideration
and weight, whojoined evilly, or lent his authority, weight,
or lallaiones, to the proceedings of these people r His
sewer was—' No, I never, did, nor do I know.'—Q. Did
any person in the country communicate to you :he name of
any body existing in London through whom you might com-
municate as a sort of lute. mediatory organ with the disaffect-
ed in the country?'—. • No such person was ever named to
me, nor do I know of any.' I do not state these facts with any
view of imputing any criminality to Government, in availing
themselves to a certain extent of such information—l merely
state them to sbew you what sort of means were used to work
the people up in the country, and also to demonstrate inw
contemptible time conspirac# must be, which, without any ex-
isting organ of intercommunication—without any aid from
rank or wealth, or station or influence, is said to have
contemplated the overthrow of the State—and how des
titute of all solid foundation is the statement upon which
the liberties of the people of England are to be taken
away by the Habeas. Corpus Act being suspended, until, I
believe, five weeks after the neat meeting of Parliament.
Fur these reasons I shall give the renewal of the suspension
of the Habeas Corpus Act nay most decided opposition."
Mr. Witnastroncit enlarged upon the responsibility which
devolved span Ministers by recommending that m
after a wide inquiry in a Committee, and urged it as a good
pledge that they would exercise with lenity and caution the
powers entrusted to them. They knew it was rather an act
of precaution than a system of permanent punishment which
the Government wished to hold merely dnring the necessity of
the case. As to the rycn which exercised it, he eared not
who they were.—Though the time of imprisonment under the
Act wag indefinite, yet there was a wide distinction Letween
its provisions and the Letts de Cocker in France, to which
they had been compared.
Sir S. RomiLev said, that he could not give a silent vote
upon the present occasion, particularly as be had opposed the
Billwlerb was introduced at an early part of the Session The''
taking **ay of the Habeas Corpus Act and the trial by jury,
together with the avowed system of employing spies and is.
fanners, were fraught with danger to the country. That
system had been avowed and defended by the Noble Lord
(C.aatteretigh) in the House of Commons, as if it were a part
of the constitution. For use-private character of the Noble
Lord he entertained every possible respect, but for his elm.
racier as a public men he had no respect. He trusted that
such powers would act be intrusted to any man, much Imo to
his Majesty's present ministers.
Mr. SAnass justified the measure on the ground of neces-
sity. •
Lord Myron said, his reason for opposioi the measure
was ant merely because it 'was as infraction or the Ceestits.
lion, bat because it was Mapplkitble to the evil complained,
e(. It was laid, Indeed, that the law would be administered,
Iniblly, So much the worse; for the mild application of the
Ant 'mold reconcile people to it until It was too late to to,
tract. fie Witild ankh rather It was in the hands of mat
violent *islets than In the hands of those who would we it
nen reitintettlys end thvefore *on dam resilY•

JUNE 30.

Mr. BROtMiAst accused no man of wilfully misleading, for
some men might conseieatiusly feel more alarm than others,
and alarm was infectious; but he would venture to say that
if all that was knows• now had, been kuows•biefore the Oleg
Committee sat, the Report would not lie•upost their table,
But will it be said that Ministers are inaggible of using this
power to the prejudiced* tbasubbeet ? If Omen were astels,
an arbitrary Government, it is said, would be the best ; but
this solemn nonsense is u easily* refuted by the aorther,tliat
it' all men were angels, It wool not signify two-pence what
sort of Government they had re all. And here lie could not
help remark* upon the character which had beets given this••
night to that Oliver. What! wunot the conduct of Oliver
most flagitious, most hypocritical, and immoral? W hat could be
worse than exciting the poor afflicted manufacturers to re-
bellion, and the adoption of acme! force against the Govern.
meet? Would he not have to answer fur all the blood which
might have been shed in the scale or on the seetield, had hie
solicitations and exhortations been successful? lie concluded
by recommending the cease of the liberties of the coriutry to
its natural defenders, the Representatives of the people, who
ought not to concede to the wishes of a/ilk:Wiry which for some
time past circumscribed the expression of public sentiments,
by gagging hills, insurrection acts, a.:d other acts, in the hope
of annihilating it altogether, now sought to give British ki.
berty the finishing blow by making the .Act perpetual.
Lord FoLitsyeNe rose, amid the cries of 66 Question !" to
:Weiss a few observations to the House on the subject now
beline them. Ile feared the Hill would be made perpeta.ll
if now continued ; for all those arguments advanced now in
favour of it would acquire an additional force mrevery future
occasion. 'I hey sl Id be careful how they entailed upon
their children and their country a curse like this Hill, which
bore an Ominous re.entbiauce to those measures which led to
the French Revelation.

The gallery was (lien cleared for when there
appeared—For the tirat reading 276—Against it 111—Majo-
rity 165.
The Bill was then read a first time.
The oilier orders of the day were postponed; and the house
adjourned.

TUESDAY, .147Nt 24.
POLLING AT ELECTIONS.

Hr. W. Wilma made his motion for leave to bring ins Bill
to shorten the dnriti ion of polling at the Electign of Members
to serve in Parliament

Leave was given to bring in the Bill, and it was read a first
and ordered tube read a second time on Monday next.

MIDDLESEX Pk:TITION.

Mr. Arrc presented the petition of the Freeholders of
Nliddlcses neaite.t the continued Stopension of the Habeas
Corpus ,1 et, was read, and laid on the table.
`1 r. Cam KAt r presented au..thf r on the %arm: ,•übj, rt rr,,m
fin Freeboldets of the county of Kent, %loch tens I ca.l, auLL
ordered to lie on the table.