The Sun.
London, England, 1855-12-10 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1855.

Mr. COBDEN says that the War is not popular.
Let the difference of the reception accorded by our
honest yeomen, on Wednesday to Sir ROBERT
PEEL and on Thursday to Lord HARRY VANE, be
taken upon this point as in some degree clearly
illustrative. Lord HARRY was for a pacific com-
promise, and was listened to accordingly with
extraordinary impatience ! Sir ROBERT was for
an energetic prosecution of the contest, and was
consequently cheered, as the phrase is, to the very
echo ! "Yet the auditors upon both occasions were
representatives of precisely the identical class
from whose pockets are wrung the essential
sinews of war, the absolutely requisite thews of
the great struggle. Nothing indeed can be more
obvious, politically speaking, nowadays, than the
resolute unanimity with which the people
of this
country are prepared, in any and
every way
imaginable, at any and every sacrifice, to
strengthen the hands of their Government, with a
view to the carrying out more determinately
the present gigantic enterprise undertaken
against Russia by the Allies in the universal
interests of liberty and the common cause of
civilisation. Whatever the peace-mongering fac-.

tion may say to the contrary, it is so. The vast
majority of intelligent Englishmen look with re-
pugnance at the mere suggestion of any precTi-
tate pacification. They are willing) they avow
themselves to be ready, they prove themselves to
be really prepared to continue this War with Russia
until adequate terms shall at length have been
extorted from the arch-criminal by whose predatory
acts, and jAwless policy, and criminal ambition,
the terrible and sanguinary contest was uncle-
li;,tbiy
originated. No matter at..ll.4.pipengi7
ture of blood and money—upon the energetic
prosecution of the War with Russia, the

nation at large is definitively resolved.
This is no idle vapouring. It is the
simple announcement of a fact altogether
indisputable. The reality of what we are here
explicitly enunciating in so many words has been
demonstrated beyond the possibility of denial by
the attitude assumed during these two last mo-
mentous years by the entire population. Never
was the country, socially and politically, more
calm from one end to the other, than during these
long months of supreme anxiety, when its bravest
sons have been stricken down in battalions three
thousand miles away, by the sword and by pesti-
lence, when provisions and all the other neces-
saries of life have become dearer and dearer
under the pressure of a vast warlike exigency,
when increased taxes have extorted from the mul-
titude every successive season larger and yet larger
disbursements. In spite of all which the great
heart of the English People has remained true to
the sacred cause upon the vindication of which
its military and maritime forces have together
adventured. It matters little enough what may
be declared to the contrary by the unpatriotic
wiseacres of Carlisle and Oxford, of the
West Riding, and of Manchester events
have proved, events are proving, events
will continue to prove, that England is heart and
soul for the War against Russia, for the alliance
with Trance, for the defence of Turkey, for the
championship of the interests of Christendom.
" Triumph not, ye peace-enamoured rEw !
Fire, Nature, Genius, never dwelt with you!"

SO CAMPBELL sang derisively, years ago, in his
" Pleasures of Hope," and so also, with equal
scorn, may we, too, exclaim, in reference to these
miserable peacemongers. Advocates of peace-at-
any-price, for whom we believe, in our conscience,
that not even the petty advantage accruing from a
partial victory is reserved, notwithstanding the
sinister rumours which have recently been so pain-
fully prevalent. It is a significant circumstance,
we maintain, a circumstance in every way sig-
nificant, as among the more obvious signs of the
times, that the sympathising allusions to these
same sinister rumours, adventured upon
on Monday last ley the Noble Lord the member
for South Durham, on the occasion of the annual
dinner of the Fat Cattle Show at Darlington,
provoked from the bluff yeomen who were pre-
sent, expressions both loud and deep of their dis-
relish for any such disgraceful and discreditable
paltering with the national honour. Expressions
which were (strictly speaking) to all intents and
purposes tantamount to that famous outburst of
indignation pronounced upon one memorable fore-
noon in reference to a namesake of this noble
advocate of a dishonourable compromise—words
blurted from the lips of his auditory almost as
articulately as those which fell from the lips
of blunt old OLIVER--" Sir HARRY VANE ! 0,
Sir HARRY VANE ! The LORD deliver me from
Sir HARRY VANE !" Not a jot less significant
in its way, we may venture to opine,
was the wholly different reception accorded to sen-
timents diametrically opposite to those expressed
on Thursday by Lord HARRY VANE at Dar-
lington, the sentiments we mean enunciated with
such patriotic and outspoken frankness by the Hon.
Baronet the Representative of Tamworth—Sir
ROBERT PEEL—himself, as one of the Lords of
the Admiralty, a member of the present Govern-
ment. Speaking of the sinister rumours already
alluded to, Sir ROBERT avowed—and we thank
him cordially for an avowal so manfully explicit—
that his idea is that there is little importance
to be attached to these rumours of peace ! Rumours
doubly and trebly sinister, remember ! at
this particular time, seeing that they
couple the name of Austria with the
melancholy hypothesis of fresh diplomatic nego-
tiations. And as Sir ROBERT PEEL boldly declared
on Wednesday during the course of his rather
notable speech, a speech decidedly " to the pur-
pose "—" I know, and you all know as well as I
do, that Austria is no friend of ours." Where-
fore the notion of any peace with Russia to be
patched up at a juncture like the present, and
under the influence of the intervention of a power
like Austria, is an idea so base and criminal in
itself as to be entitled only to instant repudiation.
So thought Sir ROBERT PEEL, and so thought like-
wise the bluff yeomanry, by whom b is honest English
speech was applauded at once enthusiastically and
unaffectedly. Enough. If straws thrown up show
which way the wind blows—passing words like
those which fell from the lips of the Member for
Tamworth on Wednesday, and from those of the
Noble Lord the Member for South Durham on
Thursday, may reveal clearly enough, by the
manner of their reception, the opinions cherished
in regard to the War with Russia and to a Peace
ii rough Austria, by the candid and impartial
masses of our English population.

It is agreed on all sides that a re•discussion in
Parliament •f the whole monetary question can-
not be arranged too soon ! The Act of 1844 has
virtually expired, inasmuch as it only remains on
sufferance until the fatal notice be given which
must terminate its existence, and so deeply in-
jurious has been its operation, so prejudicial to

the best interests of the nation, and so produc-
tive of suffering to the great body of the people,
that it is admitted on all aides that some relaxa-
tion must take place. Even the organ of the
ultra-bullionists—those who
.are aiming at the
total abolition of a paper currency unless based on
gold, or, in other words, issued against a deposit
of specie of the same nominal value—acknowledge
that some modifications of the measure are

indispensable, that something ought to -be
done to relieve the wide-spread distress,
by the adoption of a limit too restricted for the
exigencies of the nation, and from time to time
reduced by the failure or withdrawal of certain
provincial Banks authorised to issue notes. The
hiatus thus occasioned may be partially filled up
by the Bank of England, but on terms with which
its directors would be very unwilling to close.
Authority might be obtained from the Chancellor
of the Exchequer for the Bank of England to
issue, on security, its own notes to the extent of
two-thirds of the notes thus removed from circu-
lation. But on what terms ? What induce-
ments aro held out to the Directors to persuade
them to avail themselves of this privilege ?
None whatever. The whole profits of the extra
issue must be handed over to the Exchequer.
They may take for themselves the risk, the
trouble, and the expense of the enlarged issue,
but the whole of the profits must be given to
other parties. Not a single shilling will go to
swell- the dividend of the proprietors of Bank
illusory,Stock.
to
The provision was, therefore, clearly
inasmuch as one of the patties could not
b einduced
stipulated terms t.carry it into operation on the
for show rather than uslte,was palpably intended
as tending towards the
object manifestly intended—namely, the ultimate
adoption of a totally metallic currency, in which
the privileges conceded to the Bank of England,
and the country banks in existence in 1844, should
be entirely got rid of ! and an additional increase
made to the fortunes of the moneyecracy.
The interested parties now find that they have
gone too far, that the sufferings endured by the
industrial population of the country have endau-

gored the whole of the elaborate machinery. They
are therefore willing to make some trifling exten-
sion, provided what they term the " valuable
principle" be retained, to consider whether the
limit of 14,000,0001. was not unnecessarily low !
This concession, however, cannot now be accepted.
The moneyocracy have struggled to the last mo-
ment, and the people must strive to get rid alto-
gether of the baleful influence that has occasioned
such fearful mischief to the best interests of the
country.

There is a second and very numerous and in-
fluential class who, while refusing to go the whole
way with the extravagant bullionists, still listen
to other fallacies—who, while protesting against
the extreme measures of the " Jones Lloyd
School," still pin their faith on the Act of 1819,
and insist on immediate " convertibility" of
demand as an essential condition in any arrange-
ment that may be entered into. Although these
persons are in some degree more reasonable than
the extreme party, and the adoption of their
principle would lead to a vast improvement on
the code now in operation, they are still very far
from the judicious course which would insure the
equal value of money, and avert the fluctuations
so deeply prejudicial to the country, and destruc-
tive of the confidence and credit that ought to
attend all legitimate commercial operations.
It is then for the real Monetary Reformers
to see that their views are fairly and clearly put
forward, so that the thinking men of the country
may be enabled to understand all the phases of
the great problem. It is not only essential that
the undue restrictions on the circulating medium
should be removed, but that the distinction be-
tween the currency required for foreign trade
and internal commerce should be clearly re-
cognised. There is not, there cannot be,
the slightest necessity for a deposit of gold
against that currency or any portion of it. And
we contend that the foreign trade may easily be
provided for without repeated interruptions to our
domestic affairs, and subjecting the industrious
classes to serious losses and constantly-recurring
privations ! The whole question must be decided
in the forthcoming session, and should therefore
previously be considered in all its varied aspects,
so as to arrive at a just conclusion of what will be
most advantageous to the great body of the peo-
ple, and do the greatest good to the greatest
number.

The Univers is out of temper at the cordial re-
ception met with by the King of SARDINIA in this
country, and rails more suo at " the blundering
flatterers who regard as one of his titles to glory
the censure which the Holy See has pronounced
against his Government." This is precisely what
might have been expected from so indiscreet an
advocate of ultramontane claims. Had the
Univers been endowed with the smallest modicum
of tact it would have refrained from putting the
affair in so damaging a way. But then it would
not hare been the Univers. No doubt the fact
that the King of SARDINIA. was under the censure
of the POPE contributed largely, in the case of
many individuals, to the cordiality of feeling with
which they welcomed him. There are bigots
among Protestants ; but it is not less true that
the great majority left the Papal censure out of
their calculation altogether, or at all events, if
they regarded it at all, it was with perfect indif-
ference. The claims of the King of SARDINIA to
their regard and admiration were, that he was a
thoroughly honest king, who had proved his de-
votion to the welfare of his subjects, by respecting,
and otherwise promoting their constitutional
Government, and to the cause of liberty and
civilization by joining the Allies. It was in re-
cognition of these claims that their cheers rent
the air at his approach, and so enthusiastic a wel-
come generally was accorded to him. The Univers,
however, must bring the matter to an issue, for
though it speaks of the censure as " one of the
King's titles to glory," it evidently implies that
it was the all-absorbing one. Can these statements
be reconciled ? Does the Univers recognise in the
one act the involvement of the other ? Can we
not give an ovation to a wise, just, and chivalrous
ruler under Papal censure, without pronouncing
a condemnation of the POPE ?

The Univers seems to have had a glimmering of
the difficulties of the case. Unfortunately for it
the Emperor of the FRENCH and the French peo-
ple had rivalled the monarch and people of this
country in the cordiality of their reception. Yes,
a Catholic monarch and a Catholic people, the
greatest in the world, had done precisely what we
had done. How was this to be accounted for ?
The Univers was in a great fix. We received the
King of SARDINIA enthusiastically, because he was
a rebel to Papal authority, and under the ban of
the POPE. Did the Emperor of the FRENCH and
the French people participate, like us, in the
rebellion of the Sardinian monarch, and emulate
us in holding up to derisiun the censure of the
Pope ? That was not to be admitted for a mo-
ment—so what people generally believed to be a
sentence of excommunication, which would place
every person continuing relations with the excom-
municated party liable to the sane infliction, must
be toned down as above to " a censure," attended
by no such consequences. The explanation, for
anything we know to the contrary, may be cor-
rect, though the Univers is not precisely the paper
we would feel disposed to rely on in such a case
but we fancy it cannot be successfully de-
nied that it was generally believed, both in France
and England, that the young KING was under the
Papal ban, and could not be communicated with
without incurring the censure of Papal authority.
It will be no fault of the Univers if the impres-
sion does not become general throughout Europe
that the Holy See has, in this instance, received
a decided check at the hands of a church and
people in communion with the Church over which
it bears sway, and that the people of England
have pronounced once more decisively against its
obsolete claims, more especially when they find
the highest dignitary of the French Church ac-
cepting the Grand Cross of the Sardinian Order
of St. Maurice and St. Lazare from the hands of
the Sardinian Government, and the highest digni-
tary of the Ronan Catholic Church in England
congratulating the Sardinian Monarch on his
That,oinrodwith
tht on wtglie
evi ent re,mri
ep
os
anrtaoi
out
eust
or
ol
fot oht khe
emo
Cu
entrance into the Sardinian Chapel in London.
n
ht
itsu; r caahun,
tdha ifon rdi dt
syeu atbl
0--
that of the State, be, on the part of a ruler, an
offence against the Holy See incurring its repro-
bation, we sincerely trust that this example may
be followed by others, and that if they come over
here their conduct may elicit a like Unmistakeable
approval.