The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-14 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1855.

While, as we yesterday stated, we fully recog-
nise the many important advantages attendant on
the appointment of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, as
Minister Plenipotentiary of Great Britain, at the
new Congress of Vienna, we cannot avoid
observing that there are points on which we are
not altogether satisfied, and which require pecu-
liar vigilance en the part of the Parliament and
people of the United Kingdom. It is especially
incumbent on public journalists, en those who
have undertaken the onerous duty not merely of
providing accurate and trustworthy information
for the nation, but of directing public opinion in
the right direction, of showing where there is a
screw loose, or a defective arrangement, but also of
indicating impending dangers and suggesting suit-
able remedies for possible as well as recognised evils.
The appointment of Lord JOHN RUSSELL is
valuable, because in the first place it sends a man
of European reputation, and one who has on sun-
dry occasions spoken very decidedly on the neces-
sity for carrying on the War with -vigour and
energy, and wko even resigned his situation as
Ministerial Leader in the representative branch of
the Legislature, and that during a crisis of n o ordi-
nary importance, because his colleagues would not
' altogether adopt his views, or reach the stan-
dard which he had set up.
On the other hand, it cannot be altogether for-
gotten that he was a leading member of the
Government whose shortcomings were so unequi-
vocally censured by the House of Commons, and
that he himself only escaped' a similar visitation
by his speedy exit from the sinking ship. He
was, in fact, in tke position of an approver, who
obtained impunity by " splitting" on his com-
panions, and giving ample information to the
detective officers respecting the proceedings
of the remainder of the gang. We may par-
don but we cannot admire such a person, and,
as we have already stated, must closely scrutinise
his future proceedings.
Besides, we know that he has given an extra-
Ministerial opinion as to the propriety of not de-
priving the CZAR of any of his territorial " usur-
pations "—or " acquisitions," if that should be
deemed the milder and more Parliamentary de-
signation of Russian plunder. He would certainly
be considered a most lenient judge, who, in sen-
tencing a convicted robber, or, at least, a noted
receiver of stolen goods, should give impunity
for the past, provided he entered into his own
personal recognisances for the future; and although
the victims of his cupidity were in attendance,
and ready to identify the stolen property, should
refuse to restore that of which they bad been so
nefariously deprived. Lord JOHN RUSSELL stands
in such a position. With a full knowledge of the
Autocratic antecedents, he promulgated, in a pri-
vate rather than in an official capacity, this
extraordinary and unmerited act of &mutat!. and
declared that the power of Russia "ought not to
be diminished," or any of her dominions taken

away!
These aro matters that cannot be neglected.
The ex-President of the Council has a glorious
position before him—if he fulfil the expectations
of every true-hearted Englishman, and prove him-
self to bo deserving of the national confidence.
But, on the other hand, should he fail, the conse-
quences may prove to be exceedingly serious,
not only to the country, but to himself. We
are quite ready, should he evince the energy of the
olden time, when he became the Parliamentary spon-
sor of the Reform Bill, to " forgive and forget,'
or at least to " condone," all previous offences.
But should he still protect Russia, truckle to
Prussia, and connive with Austria—should he
"promulgate the doctrine of finality" in foreign as
in domestic affairs, great will be his fall—the
greater in consequence of the expectations excited.
If he tumble into the pit dug for his reception,
he must do so with his eyes open, and after ample
warning. .He is about to treat for peace with a
despot, who, by way of " a taste of his pacific
disposition," makes the most onerous requisi-
tions on his miserable serfs, virtually calling
out the entire male population of his
Empire, pressing every man capable of bearing
arms into the ranks. Whatever may be the
sayings of the Russian Plenipotentiary, the
doings of the Power which he represents are suffi-
cient to excite a wholesome distrust in any unpre-
judiced and independent mind. Again he has to
deal with "Clicquot," with " the angel of peace,"
the brother-in-law of the culprit, who wants,
although duly challenged, to obtain per fas aut
nefas a seat In the jury box ! The views of FREDE-
RICKWILLIAM are, unfortunately, but too notorious.
It is perfectly clear that his only objects are to shield
NICHOLAS in misfortune, or to help, aid, and
assist him in prosperity. Open enmity would be
far better than such deceitful and pretended
friendship. Against the one we could easily pro-
vide—the other would be far more formidable.

But more onerous than any of these difficulties
will be the task of keeping Austria to the " collar"
—of stimulating the reluctant auxiliary to do its
fair share of work. Hither-1.0 it has ußquestion-
ably acted better than Prussia, but still it has
sedulously avoided committing itself. It has,
like ancient PISTOL, uttered "prave ords," but
unfortunately its acts have not corresponded.
With Russia, Prussia, and Austria, to watch and
deal with, the Noble Lord will have no sinecure on
his hands. It is indeed his last chance—the
opportunity that may make or mar his foltunes.
If he deserve it, he will regain the confidence
of his fellow-citizens—the prestige once attached
to his name will be restored ; but should he fail
—should he indeed disappoint those who still be-
lieve him to be truAworthy—the calamity will
be irremediable—the name of Lord JOHN RUS-
SELL will be erased from the catalogue of British
Statesmen.

ua manoeuvring by which a section
of The
Clergy
c'
of the ge
something Dior Established Church seemed at
one time likely to render the meeting of Convo-
cationthan a form has, to all
appearance, failed of success.
pre-
sented to the attention ofiastThe question
the Upper House of
Convocation, on Thursday
permission Iz., whether or ri
no the House should seek perrn,
JESTY to proceed to the preparation ofof emues
for remodelling the Convocation, so atsl ner MA-
-2t 0 adapt
it more closely to the alleged wants of the Church
at the present time, led, as a matter of course, to
a debate, and, we by no means regret to add, to
uothing more substantial and mischievous, The

presumed necessity of such remodelment was
pretty generally recognised ; but the propriety of
taking the requisite steps towards effecting it was
1 another affair, and, in the language of HAMLET,
gave the more astute members of Convocation
"pause." The result was, that on the motion of
the Bishop of OXFORD, that wily prelate, who
can go further and keep back better on debate-
able ground, as prudence may suggest, than most
men, the question was postponed sine die. A
heavy blow, at all events a great discouragement,
to the Convocationists.
It is far from our intention to scout Synodi-
cal
action in the abstract as useless or mischievous.
In more than one religious community it, or
something corresponding to it, is deemed an essen-
tial element of cohesion and strength, and, we
have no doubt, is really productive of desirable
results. But, -while admitting this much, we
cannot be unmindful of attendant circumstances.
None of these communities has any direct connec-
tion
with the State. To the lot of none of them
has it fallen to be the possessors of vast national
endowments. On the contrary, they are exclu-
sively dependent—save in_ the matter of educa-
tion—on their own resources, the fruits of their
own zeal, liberality, and exertion. With the
Church of England it is otherwise, and we do not
attribute the fact to her as matter for blame. In
her keeping are the richest endowments in the
world. No Church can compare with her in
wealth' and the influence wealth insures. She
is munificently dowered by Act of Parliament.
Into her treasury has been diverted the hoarded
wealth of a discarded Church. And why 1 Be-
cause she has been selected for the proud pre-
eminence of being the National Church. To this
the most zealous Convocationists have, we are
disposed to believe, not the slightest objection,
provided her liberty of action undergoes no re-
straint. But surely it would have been inconsi-
derate in the last degree in the State to apportion
endowments so splendid without taking some pre-
cautions to insure the objects contemplated in
that apportionment being secured ; and the
primary object, of course, was, or ought, to have
been, abundant and wholesome provision for the
religious wants of the nation ; the secondary, the
order and security which the influences of religion
are so well calculated to insure the State; and to
these must he added the utmost freedom for the
laity from priestly domination compatible with
order and Protestant teaching. How far the
precautions taken at the outset were successful
we do not now undertake to say. This much,
however, is certain : a perusal of the history of
Convocation does not leave the impression of their
perfect efficiency. In the recorded acts of that
assembly it is impossible not to recognise an at-
tempt to render Convocation an imperium in ian-
perie—a power whose existence was incom-
patible with the undisputed supremacy of
the State. The clerical body had made
a bargain, a capital on. as others thought,
but as they seemed to imagine iniquitous,
in requiring the fulfilment of any condition on
their part. Convocation met, squabbled, ran
riot, dabbled in treason, gave great scandal to all
lovers of the Church, and, finally, was practically
quashed, the State not quite appreciating the
moral beauty of such a state of things. True, its
meetings have been continued up to the present
time, but they have been merely formal.
The advocates of Convocation allege .that its
reconstitution, as a deliberative assembly, is im-
peratively called for by the necessities of the
times. For our own part, the necessities of the
times seem to us to have more practical wit than
to call for aid from such a quarter, and the argu-
ments to the contrary tell precisely the other way.
No candid observer but must admit that the
Church of England has, during the last fifty, nay,
even ten or fifteen years, had to rejoice in a vast
accession of zeal within her pale, the re-
sult of which has been a corresponding
increase of usefulness, strength, and consolidation.
Her efforts during the former period have been
immense ; the zeal and liberality of her working
clergy and intelligent laity worthy of all praise ;
the churches and schools erected and endowed by
the voluntary efforts of the latter ; her charities
and missions speak for themselves. It is some-
what late in the day to talk of the need of Con-
vocation to establish authority and order. While
authority slept zeal sprang up and disturbed
order, it may be, to preserve life. A zeal like
this has not much to hope from the authority
sought nor the Establishment either. What order
and authority is really needed will not fail of
being accorded, but it is something too much to
expect that the laity of the Church will tamely
submit to ecclesiastics, endowed with State funds
and State influence, being put into a position to
use both, as Convocation ultimately would put
them, for purposes of spiritual domination. The
Established Church is nothing if it is not National,
and the idea of a National Church is too compre-
hensive to admit of a dominant sectarianism or
ecclesiasticism. Moderate, free-minded men have
as inalienable and vested interests in the Church
of England as any others, and the fear is
lest they should be debarred of them. The
existence of a National Church in this eoun-
try, we conscientiously believe, demands more
toleration than an active Convocation would wil-
lingly permit ; and to convert the Establishment
into a Procrustean bed—whether High Church or
Low Church—would be to precipitate its downfal.
The action of Convocation is far more to be de-
precated by lay members of the Church than is
generally believed ; it involves interests very dear
to them. What that action has been, we are bold
to say—despite affected moderation while any-
thing is to be gained by it—it would be again—
a stalking-horse for priestly ambition.

RESTORATION OF THE KINGDOM OF POLAND.--A re-
quisition has been presented to the Mayor of Bath,
requesting him to convene a public meeting to take into
consideration the necessity of the restoration of the king-
dom of Poland, as an independent state, in order to re-
strain the aggressive action of Russia on Europe, and to
obtain a material guarantee for the durability of peace.
Among the signatures to the requisition is that of " Wal-
ter Savage Landon" The mayor has fixed to-morrow as
the day for holding the meeting.
AN AMERICAN SNOW-STORM.—A great storm of snow
and wind raged over the region of the Mississippi on
the 25th ult. A New York paper of the 29th says :
" The train on the Chicago and Mississippi Railroad,
with a large number of passengers and several members
of the legislature, was frozen up on the prairie in snow
some eight feet deep. The passengers burned the cars,
and by robbing the cars of a consignment of oysters pre-
served themselves from starvation. By last accounts
they are ■till there. Relief, however, had been sent to
them on the 28th.

LIVERPOOL CHAMBER OF COMMERIE.—At the first
monthly meeting of the Liverpool Chamber of Com-
merce, held on Monday, Edward Heath, Esq., was una-
nimously elected president for the current year ; Charles
Holland, Esq., vice-president; and John Aiken, Esq.,
treasurer. The various committees were re-appointed,
and the chamber adjourned until Monday next.
RUSSIAN TRADE.—A deputation of Russian merchants
waited upon Lord Clarendon yesterday, regarding the
position of their trade, and were informed that the
blockade of the Danube will be raised forthwith, and
that the blockade of all the Russian ports in the Baltic,
the Black Sea, and the Sea of Azoff will be rigidly en-
forced during the ensuing season. With respect to the
overland trade through Prussia no decision has yet been
come to.

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