The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(From the Times of this day.)
Exactly one fortnight has elapsed since Mr. Milner
Gibson, yielding to the importunities of Mr. Gladstone,
and the not ambiguously-expressed wishes of Lord Pal-
merston, consented to withdraw the motion which stood
in his name wi "eference to the Congress at Vienna.
From that day we are already separated by a series of
events which render it difficult to believe that it is only
two short weeks ago ; indeed, if the actors in the drama
ever condescend to look back upon it at all, they must
feel the utmost difficulty in bridging over the interval
which separates their present selves from what they
were on this day fortnight. Mr. Gladstone was of
opinion un the Monday that to discuss the Conference
at Vienna was highly inexpedient, while on Thursday
he was the first to set the example of going mi-
nutely into its details, and raising a discussion
on every point of the negotiation. Monday found
Lord Palmerston equally reluctant, while Friday
heard him declaim against the continuance of nego-
tiations, and speak of the prosecution of the war as the
only means left us for arriving at a satisfactory peace.
And all these wonderful changes, be it observed, had
taken place before the news had arrived of the successful
attack by General Pelissier on the Russian outworks,
the seizure of Kertch, or the triumphant operations in
the Sea of Azoff. We may therefore expect that the
House of Commons will meet in a far more warlike
mood than that in which they separated, and that those
who have adjourned the discussion for the express pur-
pose of getting a fair hearing for their opinions in favour
of peace will find an audience even less disposed to meet
their views than that which separated on Saturday week.
This probability is much strengthened when we consider
that this interval will have been spent by a large number
of the House of Commons in contact with those whom they
represent. Whatever may have been the vacillations, the
uncertainties, and the contradictions in the attitude of pub-
lic men since this question ofpeace and war first demanded
their attention, there has been perfect steadiness and
uniformity in the opinions and conduct of all that portion
of the nation which is uninfluenced by the vortex of poli-
tical intrigues and ambitions. People who endeavour to
establish a reputation for cleverness by misinterpreting
the sentiment of the moment, and attributing to it
the shallowest motives and most transitory duration,
observed with a sneer that all wars were popular in
their commencement ; that the multitude were natu-
rally greedy of glory and fond of novelty ; that the war
with Russia had all the popularity of a crusade and all
the stirring adventure of a romance ; bot let those checks
and reverses which are inevitable in war occur—let the
real difficulty of the enterprise fully develope itself- --let
the pressure of taxation be increased, and the price of
articles of daily consumption rise with it, and we should
find those who clamoured most loudly for war
most weary of its burdens, and those who talk the loudest
of glory most anxious for a dishonourable capitulation.
There is not one of our readers who is not familiar with
such prophecies, and we confidently ask whether one of
them has witnessed their accomplishment ? The people
have not entered into this war under the influence of a
wild and uncalculating enthusiasm. They made them-
selves masters of its objects, and they approved them—
they counted the cost,-and they have been willing to pay
it. True, they did not witness uhmoved the dreadful
sufferings and privations to which our army has been
needlessly exposed, bit they were in no respects daunted
by these calamities, for they felt they were the result
neither of our own weakness nor of the strength of the
•iemy, but of mismanagement and blundering at home,
sure to cease if the nation only willed their cessation.
The additional taxation they have borne without a
murmur, for when they determined on the war
they knew that this was its inevitable concomitant. We
cannot, 'of course, speak for the future, but up to the
present moment no people can have exhibited a higher
degree of steadiness, of magnanimity, or of constancy,
than the j3eople of these islands. We are justified, then, in
presuming that from contact with the great body of a
nation so minded the House of Commons will return to
its duties strengthened, in the conviction of the necessity
of fighting out this quarrel to the point at which Russia
shall be willing to concede whatever is required to place
the future security of the European confederacy on a.
permanent and indestructible basis.
No doubt, the house will listen with respectful attew;
tion to the arguments of those able and accomplished
men who associate themselves with Mr. Gladstone in thq
advocacy of peace On the terms proposed b_y Russia—
those, namely,of the'stetsis guo, or somethinglvorse.; but,
unless we are much mistaken, these gentlemen will
find they occupy on this question a position very diffe-
rent from'that which they endeavoured to take up. The
House of Commons will listen .to them, not as the ad-
vocates of a hollow, painted peace, against which it has
definitively made up its mind, bur as men arraigned at
the bar of public opinion, upon whom it devolves to de-
fend the course of action, which, in the absence of such
explanation, appears to persons of ordinary capacity and
fairness utterly unjustifiable and inexplicable. They do
not want to know why it is thought that the war has
left the defensive and passed into the aggressive stage,
for they, with the true instinct of Englishmen, care little
for such metaphysical refinements, and are entirely ac-
quitted by their own consciences of any desire save that
of putting a stop to aggressions so seriously compromis-
ing the peace of Europe and the honour of England.
What they really are curious to hear is by what argu-
ments it is to be maintained that any class of states-
men have a right—first, to involve us in war ; secondly,
to carry on that war by the invasion of the Crimea in a
manner the most aggressive that a war purely defensive
in its origin admits of, to continue that war with so
much obstinacy and inveteracy as, rather than retire, to
destroy our army by over-labour in the trenches and the
want of food and shelter ; and then, while the object for
which all these sacrifices have been made is still unat-
tained, as soon as they cease to have the conduct of
affairs to, discover that it is necessary to make peace on
terms worse than those to which Russia herself had
originally ,consented as the foundation of future nego-
tiation. These are the matters that require explana-
tion, and, unless these things can be made clear, those
who now come forward as the advocates of peace will
find, not only that they have failed in bringing Par-
liament and the nation to their way of thinking, but
that they hate furnished their political antagonists
with the most formidable grounds for criticising their
past conduct. From critics they will become culprits,
and from accusing others will find themselves put upon
their own defence. We do not presume to prejudge the
result, but it is only candid to point out what the public
expects from those members of the late Cabinet who
have undertaken the advocacy of peace, failing which
their public character will be seriously, if not irretriev-
ably, compromised.
The House of Commons has in this day's discussion a
duty to perform to which, it is encouraged by the' expe-
rience of the last ten days.. By avoiding, in accordance
with the most approved official traditions, and'in defe-
rence to the highest tactical authorities, any explanation
of its motives, its feelings, and wishes, the Ministry of
Lord Palmerston had fallen from suspicion into discredit,
and from discredit into contempt. At last a discussion
.was forced upon it, sorely against its will. Its leaders
were obliged to speak out, and by the sentiments to
which they unwillingly gave utterance speedily regained
for themselves a considerable portion of that confidence
which, by their reserve and their taciturnity, they had
previously sacrificed'. But the House of Commons has
as yet given utterance to no voice in its collective capa-
city. It has rejected with general approbation the mo-
tion of Mr. Disraeli, and has now to deal with the motion
of Sir Francis Baring and the amendments engrafted
upon it. We hope for a decision which will show that
the house' has formed a clear opinion, and does not
shrink from expressing it.

(Prom the Daily News of this day.)

The Russian troops stationed at Kertch and Yenikale
have fallen back upon Argin—a place on the high road
from Kertch to Kaffa, about thirty miles west of the
former and nearly as many north-east of the latter.
Prince Gortcbakoff in his despatch announcing this 'fact
to his imperial master states that the Russian troops
had yot suffered any material loss, which, as they did
not wait to give battle to the Allies, is extremely pro-
bable. He adds that 'the assailants have not shown
themselves anywhere in the interior ; and, if he has said
anything of their operations in the Sea of Azoff, it has
been concealed frcm the loyal citizens of St. Petersburg.
Meanwhile the Allied squadron continues to harass the
enemy in the Sea of Azoff. On the 31st a detachment of
seamen and marines landed at Genitchi, and, after driving
the Russian force from the place, destroyed the depots and
vessels laden with corn and supplies for their army in the
Crimea. From the arrival of the expedition before Kertch
till the close of last month the Allied squadron has destroyed
four Russian war-steamers and 240 of the coasting craft
employed in the transport of stores to the Crimea.
The public and Parliament will do well to be on their
guard against any attempt to turn these successes to a
sinister account. It has been proved before the Sebasto-
pol Committee that when the expedition to the Crimea
was undertaken, not theolightest provision was made for
the wintering of our troops in that peninsula. This con-
firms the suspicion, which we expressed at the time, that
the capture of Sebastopol by a coup de main was meant
to have
-been an exact counterpart of the destruction .of
Bomarsund in the Baltic. Had the rash attempt succeeded,
the allied armies would haveimmediately been withdrawn
to winter in the neighbourhood of Stamboul ; the Crimea
and Sebastopol would have been loft to be re-occupied by
the Russians exactly as the Aland Isles were ; and the
elation of the public would have, been used to patch up a
precarious and dishonourable peace with theleast possible
amount of grumbling. So long as the "elements of a csonfe-
rence" exist at Vienna, ready to be organised into a de
facto conference om the first favourable occasion, we can-
not be certain that Ministers, relying on the prestige they
believe they have acquired by recent successes in the
Sea of Azoff, may not again be nibbling at some Russia%
or Austrian bait. The nation must be watchful if it

would not see all our efforts and sacrifices thrown away,
and Russia allowed to escape with comparative im-
punity.
The overweening confidence of Russia in her own dip-
lomaticfinesse has drawn down upon her the reverses to
which she has recently been subjected. No peace ought
to be granted to Russia that does not ensure permanent
security against her aggressive propensities to all co-
lirnitaneous States. It is well observed by our weekly
contemporary, the Spectator, that though-a treaty estab-
lishing peace on these terms can be no guarantee for the
good faith of Russia, such a treaty would become part and
parcel of the recognised international law of Europe, and
thus all European States would be bound to enforce it.
'And perhaps the treaty might be so framed as to do more.
I !Russia-were compelled to indemnify the Allies for the
expenses entailed upon them by the war, she would have
to raise the greater part of the sum by loans. The great
capitalists who advanced the money would take care to
exact good securities ; and Russia, drained of money by
the payment, would not easily find fresh loans for future
aggressive operations.

An impression appears to prevail in many quarters
that we shall hear are long of some decisive blow being