The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-28 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY.
RECONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM OF
POLAND.
(Continual from, our third edition of last evening. )
Mr. M. MILNES rose. He said it was his lot on for-
mer occasions, when the question was brought forward by
his noble friend the late Lord Dudley Stuart, whose me-
mory was linked to an unselfish devotion to the cause, to
express his opinions en the question of Poland. But he was
anxious, before the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) spoke—(a
laugh)--to say two or three words on the subject, for ho
thought his hon. friend was right in bringing the subject
before the attention of the house. Taking the words of
the resolution, they enunciated facts on which all were
agreed. The historical summary which his hon. friend gave
to the house was also such as they could all agree upon,
and ho could not see how his hon. friend was wrong in sug-
gesting to her Majesty's Government that this was a ques-
tion which should obtain serious attention during the nego-
gmhtomtheantt
thiswa s
nego-
tiations which were now proceeding. At the same time he
was bound to say that this was a question which was diffi-
cult to deal with at the first partition of Poland, which
was more difficult at the second partition, and yet more
should be considered as a German question, because, if the
'SltiiffirrcoluilntdetdtW'hieththmiradn'yain)(elr;vlhexicihtioast.
times,Pol Polish questionitlyas present. If there was 11
thenpu.retsheon_ut
importance to Germany
was the state of Rvssian Poland? It was one enormous for-
in former times from it, what was the danger now ? What
tress. Russian Poland, at the present moment, threatened
Germany with exactly the same kind of menace as Sebastopol
aliwttre more so
threatened Turkey. (Hear.) Ho did not wish the people
of England should be deceived en this point, and ho
thought that in the case both of
Poland and Sebastopol
they could make no demand requiring the disarmament of
the one or the other, unless they were prepared to conduct
the present war otherwise than as they had conducted it—
unless they could conduct it with military genius and offi-
cial aptitude. (Hoar.) It was idle to talk of Sebastopol
on the one hand, or of Poland on the other, unless they
could show that they could back up brave words with
brave deeds, maintain their armies iu the field, and protect
their soldiers under the misfortunes of war.
Lord R. CECIL could not agree in thinking that the pro-
posed measure was required, or that the reconstitution of
Poland was just or necessary in itself. If they could not
take a town six miles from the shore, or send au army that
distance from their ships without being starved or nearly
decimated by disease, how could they attempt to restore
the independence of a great inland country, or to under-
take an enterprise before which the genius of Napoleon
had failed ? The provinces which Austria gained by the
partition of Poland were extensive and fertile, and it was
scarcely to be expected that she would yield them up with-
out a struggle. He scarcely thought that they were pre-
pared to embark in a struggle for the reconstitution of Po-
land, with Austria, Prussia, and Russia. They should
look to the progress of their own. country within the last
century before they accused others. There was not a quar-
ter of the globe in which England had not increased its
territarry by some aggression—(cries of "No,? no,")—and
obtained dominion hythe repression of oppressed nationali-
ties. They had taken the Cape and Canada, and had ob.
tamed possession of India and the lonian islands. They
had gone to war to defend a power that was itself the
great oppressor of nationalities. During 400 years the
Turks had oppressed the greatest nation in the world, and