The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-05 00:00:00

out with order and coolness, and without the
Russians attempting to pursue the retreating foe
at any point.

So much for the proceedings of our Allies.
Lord RAGLAN, it will be seen, would not fail at
! the moment of emergency. He ordered the
attack on the Redan when he perceived the con-
fusion that prevailed. The result is known. The
same causes that conduced to the failure of the
French onslaught led also to that of the English.
Indeed the numbers actually engaged could
scarcely hope to alter the fortunes of the day.
But the most astonishing fact was that General
EYRE, with the 2d Brigade, actually penetrated
into the town itself, and held a portion of Sebastopol
for the entire day until they were enabled to
retire under the cover of night. It is needless
to speculate on what might have been the results
had this extraordinary achievement been followed
up. As it is, we fear that, as the proceedings
took place contrary to the views and wishes of
Lord RAGLAN, he did not make the necessary
preparations for events which he had not antici-
pated. We must now bear with resignation the
check sustained, and be prepared to turn to pro-
fitable account on a future occasion the painful
lesson so dearly purchased.

The history of the pernicious Sunday Trading
Bill is exceedingly suggestive. Many useful and
some dangerous lessons may be learned from it.
Above all, it teaches the need of a better repre-
sentation of the people. What stronger proof
can there be that a great gulf separates the
masses and the Legislature than the progress made
with the measure, and the prospect before it
when the first demonstration against it in Hyde-
park took place ? So secondary a matter were the
comforts and liberties of the industrious poor, such
political cyphers were our artizans held, that the
Sunday Trading Bill had wellnigh passed the
Commons, and might have passed the Lords, and
become law, had the people not risen against it,
and this not, because the majority of either
House is Sunday mad, but because popular
influence is so small and Sabbatarian bigotry
so ferocious that it appeared safer to aid in
gagging the poor than to be branded as a Sab-
bath breaker and an enemy of the elect. Hal
popular feeling and popular interests been duly
represented the Sunday Trading Bill would either
never have been brought forward or would have
been pooh-poohed out of the house. We must have
an extension of the suffrage if we desire the main-
tenance of popular rights, together with the sta-
bility of the constitution.

That the former will henceforth be more boldly
Ind steadily maintained we cannot doubt. Our
apprehension is in another direction. We are no
admirers of mob law, deeply as we are interested
in the welfare of the people, and boldly as we
have always asserted their rights. It is the wort
,f all laws, and cannot be too strenuously
svoided. While we would not bludgeon the people,
we would have their wishes constitutionally ex-
, eressed by their representatives in Parliament.
But what is the lesson Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR
old the Sabbatarians have been the means of in-
culcating ? That, as matters stand, the only way
For the masses, not merely to prevent threatened
Tacroaehments on their liberty but to rid them-
;elves of whatever load oppresses them, is to meet
in imposing numbers, and insure by fear what
could not be obtained from a sense of justice—a
dangerous lesson, the further inculcation of which
must be most speeially avoided. It should never
;)e forgotten that we are engaged in a mighty war,
,he proportions of which may increase ; and that,
while our armies and navies are exalting the honour
of the country abroad, and:winning for themselves
heroic fame, their fellow-countrymen at home have
caught much of their ardour while admiring their
deeds, and have received an impulse that, in the
nature of things, cannot but be dangerous to op-
preission. Sunday Trading, Beer, and Maine-law
Bills are not safe bills nowadays. In proof of
this we have only to refer to the rumour that on
Sunday a demonstration is to be made against the
Clubs. Having succeeded in preventing the
passing of the Sunday Trading Bill by the demon-
strations in the Park, a taste it would appear for
demonstrations has been created, and these of an
exceptionable kind. The first were justified by
the urgency of the case, and had, the moral
support of the most respectable classes of
society. This is not the case with respect
to that threatened. The Sunday Bill is with-
drawn, and we feel quite sure would be igno-
miniously kicked out if introduced another
Session ; and the power of these demonstrations,
it should be remembered, consists largely in their
unfrequency. It is a different thing, too, masses of
people meeting in a Park—where there need be
no collision—to demonstrate their dislike to a
proposed measure, and meeting in a narrow street,
with real danger of collision, to repeal an existing
law. Nor should it be forgotten that the Sun-
day visiting members of clubs are, generally
speaking, about the last men in the world to look
among for earnest advocates of Sunday re-
strictions. We sincerely trust the threatened
demonstration will not take place, and that less
exceptionable and quite as effectual means will
be adopted to secure the repeal of the obnoxious
Beer Bill. The petitions of the masses on this
subject, we are bold to say, will now have a weight
they had not before, while the most likely effect
of repeated demonstrations is the very oppo-
, site to that desired. A great victory has been
won, and we should be sorry to see it abused.
If itds, however, the blame will not be ours—it
will, mainly rest wit%i the aristocratic member for
;%.11041esex and the Sabbatarians, who in their folly
set,
,in
vfmotiounuanietutnhmeamn.ageable machine, and on
Ministers ,_ .

gigantic e
feeiolnsudrprised at the extraordinary
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rarni:el tilird
ignation,naturally
by the late banking failure,
sensation
frauds attributedfelt to the partners.
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teln
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,s occasionedw h materially
by
seems
tbbe
ex
traord.
enhanced
by
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eviathan
. pressly framed]
ioffneanrydesrtas,te
by
afford protection to 1
loophole b
p o whichns i bil
theiri ttyt 00,
swriggle
i n an easy
gout of their criminal ryes
and to evade the penal conseuences of
serious offences. It would be perfectly just that
the parties should not be compelled to criminate
themselves, that they should' not be convicted
by means of information wrung from then_
selves —by an examination in bankruptcy,
But why immunity should be supplied
—that the offenders should not be liable
to be convicted on any evidence whatever
if they should, before indictment, have disclosed the
act. in any examination or deposition before any
'nunissioner of bankrupts," is, indeed, a problem
'4 which it would be difficult to discover the solu-
tion,
being h.
It is quite clear that the enactment, which,
limit penal 'must be strictly interpreted, does not
the
'
• '"""Atter to compulsory
depositions Theexaminations or
. word is used in reference to
legal or equitable
deSignedly owbie proceedings, but it is apparently
ate(' i
and we have n that relating to bankruptcy,
no Lee.",ati i
delinquents must be on n saying that the
charge of embezzle acquitted on the criminal
Men% and
that the only Ben- i