The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-24 00:00:00

—having incurred, as I think unjustly, public obloquy,
and keying been sacrificed to the wishes of the country
and to the pleasure of this house, and the national desire
and the opinion of this house being, as I believed, strongly
in favour of the elevation of my noble friend new et the
head of her Majesty's Councils to the chief post in the
Government—Lord Pawn:ire, who is conversant with the
administration of the army having suppled the place of
the Duke of Newcastle—l was of opinion that changes
had boon effected which might have been satisfactory to
this house and to the country, especially when, coincident
with these changes, an announcement of great administra-
live reforms was inade. Ist ill not dwell upon what more
immediately concerns the department I have just vacated,
but, considering the novelty and the difficulty of the im-
mense operations in which we have been engaged, it was
impossible that errors should not have been committed,
or that imperfections should not be discovered. (Hear,
hear.) With regard to naval transport, I believe that
errors have been committed, and that the service has not
been performed in a manner a't ,nether satisfactory. (Hear,
hear,) Well, while I-was serving her Majesty, I, on my
own responsibility, applied a remedy which I believe will
be efficacious. I have, in that department over which I
lately presided, established a board specially for the per-
formance of these duties, under the control of the Board
of Admiralty. The office of Secretary at War has been
abolished ; great changes have .been made and are in pro-
gress in the military departments • the general command-
ing the engineers before Sebastopol has been recalled, and
another officer now commands that force. With regard
to the Quartermaster-General's and the Aljutant-Gene-
ners departments of our army in the Crimea, a chief of the
staff has been sent out ; commissioners have been appointed
emanating from the Crown—the legitimate authority, to
which I attach great importance, and from whose services
much good may bo anticipated. I certainly believe that,
until very lately, the changes to which I have referred
would have satisfied public opinion, and would in the opi-
nion of this house have superseded the necessity of proceed-
ing with an inquiry before a committee. I am aware that
I may be charged with want of foresight, and I readily
submit to that imputation, but I must claim for myself the
right of entertaining an unchanged opinion with regard to
tho danger of the prosecution of this inquiry. In the first
place, sir, I believe it to be unnecessary. I am satisfied
that the action of the executive Government, possessing
the confidence of this house, would be more efficient, more
speedy, more certain (cheers)—than that of a committee
of inquiry. While the gentlemen composing that commit-
tee, without any ofliciM knowledge, were picking out their
way as best they might, without the guidance or assist-
ance of any servant of the Crown, and were putting their
questions, the Government would be deciding ; and while
the committee were seeking how to reform, the executive
Government, using the power of the Crown, and possess-
ing the confidence of this house, might rapidly, surely, and
safely effect all the changes required. (Hear.) I have
ventured to point out what has already been done with re-
ference to the naval and military departments. lam quite
sure that more might be done, more ought to be done, and
more would bo done, if the Government were not hamp-
ered by the fear that this committee, exercising functions
not merely legislative, but executive, would retard their
preetedings and cramp their operations. I have said that
I consider this committee unnecessary. I have a far
stronger objection to it—l consider it to be unjust. (Hear,
and cheers.) Will the house boar with nee while I say a
few words on this point? (Hear.) The executive Go-
vernment. of this country, armed with the authority of
the Crown, appoints all the admirals, all the generals, all
the officers in the army and navy on the most distant sta-
tions and in foreign parts. The servants of the Crown
have the power of selection; they have the power of con-
trol ; they have the power of directing punishment ac-
cording to the tribunals organised by the Legislature of
this country ; and I must say that I think officers so chosen,
so controlled, so subject to the authority of the servants
of the Crown, have a cor-relative claim. (Hear, hear.)
I think that the executive Government, the servants
of the Crown, are the protectors and defenders of those
officers from any other inquiry behind their backs.
(Loud cheers.) I have said that I think this inquiry
is unjust ; I have said that I think it dangerous—and I
will show you how I consider it particularly dangerous.
Will the house permit me to refer to an allegation which
was made against me, with reference to my own depart-
ment, from the very place where I now stand, on the last
occasion that I had the honour of addressing it, that I was
highly culpable as regards the blockade of the Black Sea?
I met that accusation in my place, and on the spot. I told
the house what were the circumstances which had led to
delay for three months before the expedition sailed from
Varna to the Crimea. I explained to the house how in
the conduct of that expedition the whole naval forces of
France and England were concentrated ; how impossible
it was to execute until October the purpose of instituting
a blockade ; and then, going to the very verge consistent
with my duty, I shadowed forth the danger of prosecuting
the inquiry further with regard to the reasons of the de-
ley. The house, with its accustomed prudence and in-
dulgence, abstained from pressing farther, and the state-
ment led, g hope and believe, to no dangerous conse-
quences whatever ; but suppose a committee, having called
the admiral charged with these op irations before them,
presses that inquiry, does not exercise the forbearance
shown by the house, seeks to go into details, which the
house did not call upon me snore fully to explain, under
the compulsion of a select committee, he is forced to state
the reasons and the incidents which had led to that delay.
It depends on the prudence of 6 out of 11 whether those
inquiries are not so prosecuted. (Hear, hear.) . If, un-
happily, imprudence should prevail, I state Fosiiively lam
confident that inquiry runs directly to cur connexion with
our great and powerful ally. (Loud cheers.) It is of vast
importance that there shouli be no misunderstandiug
whatever, and I warn the house that this investigation,
unaccompanied with any cheek or control, but the chance-
medley prudence of a majority of G out of 11 may involve
this country iii the most fatal consequences. (Cheers.) I
hays said this only with respect to the navy. Let me
carry that ono step further, and let me just allude to the
position of Lord Raglan, which bears directly on the ques-
tion of the state of the army in the Crimea. I imagine,
Sir, that of all the difficulties in which the most splendid
human talents can be tried the successful command of an
army in the presence of a superior force of the enemy is
the most severe trial. (Hear, hear.) The probability of
success in command rests mainly on undivided authority.
I may say, as has been truly said by one of the greatest
commanders of ancient times, " Icl est vita et elude, non
desseo Fortune prmbenti so, et oblato casu flectero ad con-
silium,"—that is, the operation of one undivided superior
head; but if the command of an army is by the side of an
ally, there must be constant communications involving the
most complicated considerations ; there must be difference
of opinion, there must be more or less compromise of opi-
nion (always in weakness itself.) (Hear.) In the distrilsu-
tion of the relative forces there must be inequality. (Hoar.)
I will not go further. I have shadowed forth the dangers
with respect to the navy. Apply these considerations with
respect to the command of an army in front of Sebastopol,
and is this, the most intelligent audience that can be ad-
dressed in the world, there is not a gentleman who will not
feel within himself the nature of tke danger. (Prolonged
cheering.) Well, sir, but it is said this inquiry, whatever
the danger, is irresistible. (Hear.) Now, I demur to that
doctrine. It is in itself the most dangerous doctrine which
iu a representative government can be propounded. Dangers
become irresistible when those whose duty it is to confront
them have nut firmness to resist them—(cheers)—and,
yielding to dangers which, if they had been firm, might
have been overcome, they are hurried into courses against
their better judgments and their conscientious convictions
which aro of the most fatal character. (Cheers.) I know
that I am subject to be most painful of all taunts, "You
are about to leave your colleagues in a moment of immense
difficulty," and it is in moments of immense difficulty that
the bonds of political union ought to be strongest, and ought
religiously to be observed. (Hear.) But I must be permitted
—and I hope I may say it without offence to my friends on
the Treasury bench—to deny that I am the deserter on this
occasion. I took my position in common with them in the
resolution to resist this inquiry. It was resisted. The
position was taken and firmly occupied. I still stand to
the guns in that position, not believing it to be untenable.
They abandon the position because they pronounce it to
be untenable ; the spike the guns and flee away. (Laugh-
ter.) Allow me still further to observe that I cannot be-
lieve that it is right in Ministers of the Crown, if they
should be convinced that any given course is dangerous,
because resistance may be unpopular—because resistance
may be declared impossible—that they should not give this
house the opportunity and the country the opportunity
of reconsidering a foregone conclusion. Ido not know a
more honourable duty on the partof individuals, and it is
a paramount duty ou the part of a Government, on rare
occasions such as this, in which men are acting from proper
motives which will bear scrutiny, to stand up and avow
their opinions, take the chances of failure or success, but,
above all things, do their duty. It is in the painful dis-
charge of that duty that I appear before you. It would
be unseemly, even if my strength would permit it, to de-
tain you at much greater length. I know nothing more
honourable than the service of the Crown, when united
with colleagues in whose principles and opinions you agree,
mid when in possession of the confidence of the people. I
know nothing more dishonourable or painful than assent-
ing to measures, adopted by a majority of your colleagues,
which you consider dangerous, which your conscience and
judgment tell you are unjustifiable, and, I must add, when
you have the painful conviction that the confidence of this
house is not reposed in the Cabinet of which you are a
member. It may be said, what right have you to make
the least hint of want of confidence when the navy esti-
mates, with a large increase, have been voted, and the
army estimates, with a large increase, have been also voted?
I have been long a member of this house. There are indica-
tions which aro not to be mistaken, and I should conceal
the truth if I did not state that, having sst on that bench
only three or four evenings ago, when great changes were
announced to conciliate individuals and win the favour
of this house, I had come to the painful conclasieen—
d it
painful, under present circumstances, I have regaydwasa
—that the Admieistration, of which until to-dayt I
member, does not clearly possess in a g.r9attra:-..l:rel'reive, time
confidence of the house than that Administration
cliteicrin, 71 II
only a few week; since retired. (VOl-'vten
;hat which'''. felt
have said I would ei
and which I believe.'''llalec-r
but hoaeetly. (Hear.)
itieisieellulgerise is
exe-
cuted my purpose imperfectly,wicollesgues aro almost
Honeyed words at passion
like
.tovers' vows under
nau-
seous, generally delusive, and,
always unaveilieg and laughed to
cir cumstances,
similar poen, ) I shall net, therefore, make any profes-
sions, but it s'sall be my endeavour to mark by my conduct
my sense of the responsibility incurred by the step I have
just taken. With my colleagues, from ahem lam now
severed, I have acted for two years. They are my friends.
I esteem them. I value them. I could not belle,: by thew
to take a step which my judgment and my conseieuce di.-
approved ; but if my leaning tewards them, iustoailot
being strong and friendly, were infinitely more adverse
than it is, under the present circumstances I should hold
it to be my parameut duty to give the humble support
which is iu my power to the Queen's executive Govern-
ment, however constituted. (Cheese.) I shall, therefore,
still religiously abstain from anything that can partake of
a factious opposition. (Renewed cheers.) I shall hope to
give a cordial support generally to the measures of the
Government. I will make no further professions, but, in-
stead of professions, I will endeavour to prove by my con-
` duct that with me the safety of the State, in the midst of