The National Register.
London, England, 1808-01-17 00:00:00

. 17.

perhaps a single state of Germany that has not as often armed'
in opposition to the head of the empire•as in his behalf.
The. reasons of this difference between a coalition of free
States and of arbitrary Princes, are very evident. In the Swiss
Republic, for example, each of the States badthernassagesnest
of its own internal regulations, its police zunljudicatur.e; but all
the public concerns, which might Oka the whole? aisociation,
such as the questions oe war or peace, and the making of
were managed by delegates from every State. This representa-
tion, called the States General, gave an appearaoce.of one Co-
vernment to the whole association, and the inhabitants of each
State felt their on n participation in the Sovereignty. But in a
confederacy of absolute Princes, like that of Bonaparte's em-
pire, no such common tie exists. As far as regards his subjem,
each Prince is the only ostensible Sovereign; and he in his turn,
receives, without any consultation, the mandates of the Preach
Emperor. There is here no representation, no deliberation on
comment interests; the gloomy arrangements of arbitrary power
ore substituted for an Ninal voice and a mutual concern. Suc-
ceeding Emperors may have neither the moderation nor the po-
Hey of Bonaparte: and the dependent Allies may imagine it
more for their safoty to unite with the enemies of France for
their protection, than to commit themselves to the hands of their
own great Despot.

There is another radical defect in the Constitution which Bo-
naparte has prepared fur his Empire. Bred in a camp, and ac-
customed tot he depot it, habits of a Commander, he has made no
provision for the progress of society, and fur those effects which
the extension of political knowledge must speedily produce. No
share is assigned to the people in legislative ; they are entitled
b the Napoleon code to no political rights whatever. but
the present age, ibis not to be imagined that the people either
of Frince or her dependencies will long submit to thin de-
gradation, after the terror of a great conqueror's name is Er-
Moved. The people now know that they must base frecdiwi
and political rights, it' they resolve to have them : and the ex •
ample which Great Britain continually presents before their
eyes, of a country so vigorous, w rah , and pom.erful, entirely
in consequence of tae proud rights to w Idyl all her inhabitant;
are entitled, must emainually serve to stimulate the feelings o;
human nature. Of this last circumstance Bonaparte seem
aware and hence, in a late pee% i-h tirade in the Nomilevr, it
was declared that the world would never be at rest till Great
Britain become like other monarchie—in other words, (ill she
was ruled by a despot ! Ile does not perceive that the want of
those popular rights which she enjoys is the surest cause of con-
fusion and ruin to the Empire he labours to establish.

REVIEW OF POLITICAL DECLAIMERS.

No. 111.
TI MORNING POST.

We bave already given our readers some hints* of the poli,
tient character of the Morning PM. it first came into notice
by the uncommon industry of its Proprietor, in collecting the
little trifling anecdotes and table-talk of our fashionable circici
—the surmises of a dashing marriage ; the inuendoes of a cer-
tain curious but secret arrangement ; tile dress; the new equi-
pages ; the dinners; the routs ; the departures and arrivals of
every one whose name is known in Nay-fair, or its extensise
precincts. Such pieces of intelligence were extreioely interest-
ing and important to the fur whom they were designed ; and
its merits, therefore, procured the Morning Post an extensive
and fashionable circulation.

For many years that Paper diAinguished itself as a most re-
solute champion of the Opposition, and of the friends of tile
People; for the Editor and Proprietor was a very noted aeco-
date of tho Qurrevoading Club Eve the Meriting Cirenirfr