The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-27 00:00:00

THE, SUN, LONDON FRIDAY EVENING. JULY 27 1855

THIS DAY'S NEWS

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Clostue. Prt•es
yester tay.

Business
this day.

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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

99 - 101
100 - 102

ROUSE OF COMMONS—(THIS DAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock.
I3aiferd's Estate Bill was read a second time.

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12i -- 13
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93 - 95

SOUTHWARK ELECTION.-(THIS DAY.)

The election of a member for the borough of South-
wark, in consequence of the acceptance of the office of
Colonial Secretary by Sir W. Molcsworth, took place
this day, at the Town-hall, a large number of elcctors
being present.
The HIGH BAILIFF having opened the proceedings in
the usual manner,

Sir W. MoLEswor,TH came forward ald spoke as

Gentlemen,—l assume that you are satisfied with my
conduct, and that I hava not misrepresented you in
the House of Commons. There, gentlemen, I have
endeavoured, to the best of my abilit'es, to fulfil my
promises to you, and to give effect to my un-
changed political opinions. What those opinions are
I have told you so often that I will not weary
you with repeating them. Bat I may say that my
votes for free trade, extension of the suffrage, the bal-
lot, religious liberty and equality, abolition of church
rates, and colonial self-government, prove that my
convictions have not been, and will not be, changed
by holding high office in the government of this
country. Gentlemen, with your permission, I
will confine the few observations which I have
to address to you to the subject in which
we are all most deeply interested at the present
moment. Gentlemen, we are now engaged in a stern
and arduous contest—in a must just and righteous war.
Alas, that ever such a war should be necessary.
Would that the progress of knowledge and civilise-
tion among the nations of the earth had rendered
it impossible for the rulers of mankind to do those
deeds of violence and wanton aggression which at
times make war inevitable, and render it both just
and necessary. Gentlemen, I am convinced that
this war is both just and necessary, and there-
fore it is a popular war among the thinkirg and reflect-
ing people of this country. France and England em-
barked in the straggle for no petty personal interests ;
no miserable selfish ends; Ur:; for great and noble
objects—to defend the weak and to humble the pride
of the strong ; to prevent the dange aus aggeandise-
ment of Russia at he expense of the Ottoman Empire,
an aggrandisemer. that menaced the liberty, the
commerce and cie "isation of Western Europe. France
and England also took up arms to punish Russia
for her wanton violation of the European law of
nations ; to teach her that she could not, with im-
punity, disregard the rights and liberties of weaker
States, and to prove to her that France and England
were determined to curb her insolent and aggressive
spirit. These, I say, were the objects for which we
drew the sword—we drew it aster long and fruitless
negotiations, which showed our earnest desire to main-
tain the peace of the world ; for France and England,
conscious of their strength, were conciliatory and for-
bearing, as along as honour vs ould permit them to be
so. But all in vain, nothing but brute force would
compel the Czar to quit his hold, and desist from his
designs on the Ottoman dominions ; therefore, sooner
or later, a war with Russia was inevitable. It could
not have occur red at a moment more favourable to the
cause of progress and evilisation ; for the two great
nations of Western Europe, France and England,
were firmly united, and since the commencement of
this war they have become more firmly united.
Their gallant sons—associated in the tent, the ship,
and the field, enduring the same hardships and en-
countering the same perils by sea and by land—have
learnt to respect, admire, and love each other. And
France and England, firmly united in the cause of pro-
gress and civilisation, must triumph over the barbari-
ans of the north, and will be, if need be, more than
a match for the world in arms. May nothing ever dis-
turb that alliance, so advantageous to the two coun-
tries, and so beneficial to mankind. Woe, then, unto
those who would separate England from France. Woe
unto those men—the worst enemies of this country—
who, by their arts, intrigues, and machinations,
would, for party and selfish objects, break our engage-
ments with France, and would sow dissension between
us and our allies. Be certain, gentlemen, that if this
war should ever be brought to a discreditable ter-
mination ; that if, unhappily, for the honour, for the
safety, for the integrity and repute of the British em-
pire this war should end in a recreant and dishonour-
able peace, that peace will never be the work of my
noble friend Lord Palmerston, or of Lord Palmer-
ston's Government ; but it will be the act of those fac-
tions who clandestinely combined the other night
to break our engagement with France on the subject
of the Turkish loan—l mean the peace party, the
Peelites—the more unscrupulous portion of the opposi-
tion, and some few unreflecting Liberals who formed an
ambuscade last Friday night to surprise the Govern.
ment on the question of the Turkish loan. I shudder
even now at the thought of the success of their nefari-
ous enterprise, which a mere accident defeated. If it
bad succeeded, Turkey would have lost the loan which
was indispensable for the maintenance of her army and
for the eigorous prosecution of the war • the war
would have been stinted and starved ; and France
would have been justly offended at the fickleness of our
conduct, and would have ceased to have faith '1
our e isurances. These evils, of enormous wee-
nitude, a portion of the opposition were prepared
to encounter, thereby giving the lie to their warlike pro-
fessions and to their pretended zeal for the French alli-
ance, and showing that for the sake of annoying a po-
litical antagonist, or of obtainin o. office, they
were ru iy at any moment to peril' the safety of
their country and the honour of the crown. I there-
fore denounce the conduct of those men and their
want of patriotism, as deserving of the severest censure
and condemnation from all persons and all parties who
have the interest and honour of their country at heart,
and who do not wish that we should stand alone in this
mighty struggle without a friend or ally. If in the opinion
of the Opposition we had done wrong in making
that engagement with Turkey and France, they
should have endeavoured to dismiss us with contumely
and censure from office, or to impeach us, but they
should have ratified our engagement, and should not
have endeavoured to make this country appear to fo-
reign nations to be in a state with whom no engage-
ments can be safely concluded, and on the word of
whose agents no reliance can be placed. I will say
no more with reference to this most discreditable pro-
ceeding on the part of the Opposition, but will turn to
the subject of the general conduct of the war. Gentle-
men, in the immediate conduct of this war, France
and England have had three chief objects to accomplish
—lst, to prevent the Russian armies from marching
upon Constantinople, and dismembering the Turk-
ish empire ; 2d, to prevent the Russian fleets from
injuring the trade and commerce of France and Eng-
land ; and third, to strike such a body blow at Rut
sic as would compel her to desist from her designs
upon the Ottoman dominions. The two first of
these objects have been accomplished ; and I be-
lieve that with energy, coinage, and perseverance,
all three of them will ultimately be accomplished.
To accomplish them, magnificent fleets, the like of which
the world had never seen, have been sent to the Baltic
and the Black Sea. Vast armies, amply supplied with
all the munitions of war, have been landed in the
Crimea. They have done deeds of great valour, and
the result has been that not a Russian soldier is
to be found on the soil of European Turkey ;
not a -Russian ship, either merchantman or man
of war, navigates the Baltic or the Black Sea, or
the Sea of Azoff. The mercantile marine of Russia has
ceased to exist on the ocean, and her famed fleets have
been sunk or condemned to cowardly idleness. The
third object would have been accomplished, and
I hope will still be accomplished, by the taking
of Sebastopol. With regard to the expedition
to the Crimea, her Majesty's Government have
been accused of rashness for having agreed, after full
and careful deliberation with the Emperor of the
French, that in spite of "timid counsels," that the expe-
dition should be undertaken. You must remember,
gentlemen, when, long after the siege of Sebastopol
had commenced, it was indgnc. .tly denied that any
English commander, either naval or military,
had disapproved that expedition ; and it was
stated on the highest authority, that the phrase,
" timid counsels," was intended to apply only to the
differences in the councils of our Allies. Now, gen-
tlemen, I must say I never doubted of the wis-
dom of the expedition to the Crimea, or that it was
undertaken at the right period. We should bee 7
in mind that war is like unto a game of
hazard, in which the skilful player will run a
great risk for the sake of a great gain, provided that
the amount of the gain bear a due proportion to the
probability of the loss from the risk run. I admit that
the expedition to the Crimea WP 4 a risk, but the gain
from success would have been enormous, for the Crimea
was the only place where Russia was really vulnerable.
We might have sent our armies to the Principa-
lities—we might have crossed the Pruth, and in-
vaded Bessarabia. We might have fought battle alter
battle, and gained victory after victory, yet nothing of
real importance would have been accomplished as long
as the Russian fleet safe, in Sevastopol, continued to
menace Turkey, ready at any moment to issue forth
from that stronghold for purposes of aggression.
Yet the capture of Sevastopol and the accompanying
destruction of the Russian fleet would at once
have accomplished one of the great objects of the
war, and put an end to the preponderance of
Russia in the Black Sea. Therefore, though the
expedition to Sebastopol was a risk, the amount of
gain from success fully justified, in my opinion,
the incurring that risk. I am, therefore, prepared
willingly to bear my full share of any censure or
blame that may be cast upon Lord Aberdeen's Go-
vernment for having decided upon that expedi-
tion. Ido not repent me of that decision ; for
I still feel convinced that with energy, courage,
and perseverance, success will crown our arms and re-
pay our losses, and that history will pronounce the expe-
dition to the Crimea to have been wise and prudent.
Gentlemen, I have now explained to you my views on the
subject of this war. I repeat that it is a just and neces-
sary war, and that it is the duty of the Govern-
ment of this country to carry on the war, in
hearty union with our allies, and with the utmost
vigour and energy, until the great objects of the
war are accomplished. I know the sentiments and opi-
nions of my noble friend Lord Palmerston on the sub-
ject. lam convinced that he knows his duty, and will
do his duty to the people and Sovereign of this empire ;
that, he will reject, as he has without hesitation rejected,
any dangerous or insufficient proposals for the termina-
tion of the war •, and that no Government of which Lord
Palmerston is the bead will ever consent to any peace
which is not both safe and honourable.
The hon. baronet was returned without opposition.
The proceedings then terminated.
[The arrangements made by the authorities, for the
accommodation of the public, was molt diegreeo,l