The Sun.
London, England, 1855-06-06 00:00:00

TBE SU 1.\7, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVE, "L J UN E 6, 18b

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

lar imputations—and that that great chief of the Whig party
—Fox, was stigmatised as the tool of France, and carica-
tured by Mr. Gilray as inviting over the French to invade
us, ho proceeded to deny that because he and his friends
were opposed to this war, they advocated anything so Uto-
pian as that in no case could war be just, inevitable, or
necessary. It may, I think, continued the hon. member, be
fairly admitted that we have all a common interest in view
—that is, the interest of our common country. The only
object we have at heart, and the only object we have a
right to consider in the discussion of this question, is the
honest and just rights and interests of England. (Hear.)
We may as individuals desire to act philanthropically to
all the world—as Christians we may wish to have the
power to inflict chastisement on the wrong doer, and raise
up the down-trodden amongst the nations—but we do not
come hero in the House of Commons to vote taxes for car-
rying out the schemes of universal benevolence, and for
extending the protecting hand to all the oppressed nations
of the world. We have limits to our powers ; but in con-
fining the exercise of those powers to the interests of our
own country we must remember that the best interests of
England are in harmony with the interests of the whole
world. (Hear.) That being the case, let us, I say, throw
to the winds all the declamatory balderdash and rubbish
we have heard from the Treasury benches about our fight-
ing for the liberties of the whole civilised world, and
which is brought forward only to suit the purpose of the
moment; for when they come to the conferences of
Vienna, to discuss terms of peace, we see how they throw
aside those inflammatory statements by means of which
they have whipped and lashed the country into this war.
(Hear.) I wish, in the first place, to revert to the speech
of my right hon. friend the member for Southwark. If
there be an hon. or a right hon. member in this house
whose opinions I have a right to say I understood in past
times, it is his. (Hear.) I say this deliberately, and
my right hon. friend cannot contradict me—(hear, hear)
—that never was a speech made by any member of this 4
house so utterly at variance with all his previous declara-
tions of opinions as that delivered last night by my right
hon. friend the member for Southwark. (Hear.) The
right hon. gentleman will remember the jeu d'esprie of
Moore, written, I think, in 1833, in reference to the
Whigs, when, after sitting long in the cold shade of the
opposition, they at length succeeded to the Treasury
benches, and immediately began to follow the principles
of the Tories, their predecessors. lam sure my right hon.
friend will recollect it, for, if I mistake not, we have often
in past times spoken of it together as generally applicable
to men when they get into office. The point in the jeu
d'esprit I allude to illustrates the position of the Whigs
by a reference to a certain Irishman who went to tke West
Indies, and who, on meeting with a number of blacks who
spoke tolerably bad English, and whom he mistook there-
fore for countrymen of his own, said to them, " What,
black and curly already!" (Laughter.) We have often seen
metamorphoses on the Treasury benches; we have seen in
very many cases the colour change and the hair grow curly
in a very short time ; but never have we seen colour change
so suddenly into so complete and deep a jet-black—never
hair become so stiff and curly as in the case of the right
hon. member for Southwark. (nous of laughter.) How I
should like now to hear that right hon. gentleman read
that admirable speech he made, not on the occasion
merely of the great pacific debate on the Greek question
(though that would be instructive), wherein he denounced
the meddling policy of the noble lord (Lord Palmer-
ston), but how I should like to hear him read here,
from the beginning to the end, the speech he made in the
streets of Leeds, when we were in danger of going to war
with France on the Syrian business, against our involving
ourselves in war for the protection of Turks, Syrians,
Egyptians, Greeks, or anybody else. I should like to see
my right hon. friend now stand upon that table, and bo
forced to read that speech from beginning to end, and let
the house contrast it with the speech he made last night.
(Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman says the question now
is whether we (that is the Government) are right in refus-
ing to make peace on the terms proposed by Russia. That
is not the whole question. The question in debate—aud
which is to be decided by the division to-night—is whe-
ther the plan proposed by the Government was the best
and the only plan that could, under the circumstances, be
devised--(hear, hear)- or whether the difference between
the plan and the plan proposed by Russia was such as to
warrant the recommencement of the war. These are the
questions we have before us to-night. What is the dif-
ference between the two proposals? Remember, it is the
Government of this country with whom we have now to
deal. , They are the parties who are now responsible for the
war ; they will have the glory if it succeed, and upon them
must rest the responsibility if it fail. Well, what is the
difference between the proposal of the Government of Eng-
land and the proposal of the Government of Russia ? The
question between them was—whether Russia should have
four sail of the line, four frigates, and a proportionate num-
ber of smaller vessels in the Black Sea ; or whether all the
navies of the world should hP,ve free access to that sea, and
Russia be permitted to have as many ships there as she
pleased ? Now, I have been told by a nautical man that if
Russia had accepted your proposal and destroyed all her
worthless ships and her green-timber vessels, and sent an
order to the United States for four first-class line-of-
battle steam-ships, of 130 guns each, fitted with screws,
four frigates of that elastic character we know the
Americans build, carrying perhaps 70 or 80 heavy grins,
and also fitted with screws, and a proportionate force of
smaller screw vessels—she would have had a far more for-
midable navy in the Black Sea than she has ever yet had
—a force that would be able to compete successfully with
double the naval power she has ever yet maintained in that
sea. (Hear.) If that be the case, what great diminution
of power were we, after all, going to impose upon Russia
for the protection of Turkey ? But Russia resisted this
proposal for limiting the number of her ships as a point of
honour, not on the ground of diminishing her force ; she
resisted it on principle. (Hear.) Now, however, the right
hon. gentleman says, if we allow Russia to havefree access
to the Black Sea, and we have also free access to those
waters, we shall be put to an enormous expenditure in
keeping up a large peace establishment for the purpose of
watching Russia in the Black Sea. The right hon. gentle-
man had talked of the probability of a six years' war. Now
let me ask how long would the interest of the money you
will have to pay for that six years' war keep up your fleet
to the establishment necessary for watching Russia in
the Black Sea ? It has been said that though
Russia may promise that no aggressive movement shall be
made upon Turkey, yet as we cannot believe anything that
Russia promises we must insist upon her reducing the num-
ber of her ships. But it appears to me that you must go
further than this, for if you undertake to maintain the in-
dependence of Turkey you take a task in hand that cannot
be accomplished without great and permanent expense to
the country—a task which will compel you to maintain a
large armament continually on the watch in Turkey or in
its immediate vicinity. (Hear, hear.) You say you can-
not believe Russia, and you call upon her for securities.
I would ask the noble lord, the member for London, what
that great model of whiggery, when the Whigs were in
opposition (Fox), said upon the subject of securities.
When it was said we must have securities against the
aggression of France, and the Tories of that day were
urging precisely what the noble lord is now urging, Mr.
Fox Paid, " We have securities—the only securities we can
ever depend upon, namely, the interest of France to make
peace, and if it be her interest she will keep it ; such
is the state of all nations, and it will be so as long as the
world lasts—your only security is your own vigilance." If
you recognise it as the policy of this nation that you will
send armies to fight the battles of the continent in the
midst of their great standing armies and their system of
conscription, I should be a hypocrite to say that such a
policy was consistent with that moderate peace establish-
ment which it has been the maxim of this country far years
past to maintain. If you acknowledge that policy you
must be prepared to keep up a large standing army to place
yourselves in a military point of view on a par with France,
with Austria, with Prussia, with Russia, and the rest, for
if you attempt to follow out such a policy without such
preparation to uphold it, depend upon it the country is
but preparing the way for a most ridiculous and ignomi-
nious exposure of weakness. (Hear, hear.) I would ask
the right hon. gentleman when he last night indulged in
vituperation against Russia, when he told us that Russia
was not to be trusted, whether he was aware that as a
cabinet minister he had himself been a party to an engage-
ment with Russia to interfere conjointly in the affairs of
Moldavia and Wallachia. The right hon. baronet told us
last night that Russia was altogether without shame, and
he attributed to her every sentiment and act that was vile
and dishonourable. Did he not know at the time tnat he,
as a member of the Cabinet was himself a party to the
treaty by which we were to join ourselves with France,
Austria, Prussia, Turkey, and Russia, to be the guardians
of Wallachia and Moldavia, to interfere by force of arms
in her internal affairs, and to form a tribunal that would,
in fact, constitute the government of those Principalities ?
By the treaty contained in the fourth protocol, you have
bound yourselves in terms to become, conjointly with
Russia and the other powers, the government of Wal-
lachia and Moldavia. I will read the protocol to the
house, in order to show what engagements you have
entered into with that power, which, because you have
had some newspaper statements of successes and altered
circumstances, it now snits you to vituperate, but
which at other times you can slaver over with your
praises. Here is the seventh article of the protocol, but I
will read also the sixth. It provides, " That there shall be
no interference without the consent of the high contracting
parties—England, France, Russia, and Austria--and the
courts will not afford protection in the Principalities to
foreigners whose proceedings may be prejudicial to the
tranquillity of those countries or the neighbouring states ;
and disapproving such proceedings, they engage respectively
to take into c onsideration the representations made by
either of the powers, or even by the local authorities."
Thus you are bound, together with Russia, if the governor
of Bucharest should make a report of some local difficulty,
some local emeute, you are bound, in conjunction with
Russia to interfere and arrange it. And what is the conclu-
sion ? I blush when I read it. Here it is—" On its side the
Sublime Porto engages not to tolerate in the Principalities
foreigners such as are just described ; nor to allow the local
inhabitants to meddle with matters dangerous to the tran-
quillity of their own country or the neighbouring states."
And this is signed, by a Russell !' (Hear.) The name of John
Russell stands at the foot of these protocols as a party in
preventing the inhabitants of those countries from med-
dling with their own local matters, if in the opinion of the
powers it should be considered daneerous to the tranquil-
lity of their own country. (Hear.) 'Mark, how changed is
the child and champion of revolution when he breathes the
air of Vienna! (Loud cheers.) My hon. friend the member
for Aylesbury cheers these sentiments, and my denuncia-
tion of this arrangement. (Hear, hear, from Mr. Layard)
But has my hon. friend himself in this matter pirsuioi, thatde-
clared bold, consistent, and manly course which, with
opinions, I think he should. It is well known.tha;
the sympathies of my hon. friend were in favour of the
war, because ho believed it augured some
dadvantages to
nationalities, that it would tend to the.
at least the good government, of cortanel7esatetrrt:ehnsedin:T.lr.ronomlr,
lachia, Moldavia, Sarvie, and the rest. H
Mr. Layard.) But has my honourable.. friend so little
sagacity as not to see that all this waste of blood
and treasure had very different objects in view from those
he contemplates? , And seeing the course the war has
taken, and the terms and arrangements upon which the
Government are ready to conclude the war, my hon. friend
ought to denounce it altogether, since it has nothing at all
to do with those objects for which alone he has declared it
was defensible. (Hear, hear.) Before the war actually
broke out I was appealed to, by illustrious names, not to
oppose it, because it was looked forward to by them RR
likely to promote the independence of certain down-trodden
communities on the continent. I gave my opinion in
answer to that request eighteen months ago in writing,
and I am not now disposed to recall a single word I then
stated. I warned those persons who came to me, that
if they expected that a war, originating in diplomacy, as
this has done and carried on by means of enormous
armies, as this has been, and with such men as those
who are at the head of our own Government, and of
. the Governments of the oontinen to give direction and

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HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.

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Tl ie LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at fii-e o'clock.
Lo rd BERNERS presented a petition from the Clergy
of a deanery in Somersetshire, against any change'in the
law of ;marriage as regards the laws of consanguinity
and afftnity, and also petitions from Staffordshire in
favour of closing public-houses during the whole of the
Lord's-day ; also two petitions from York and Stafford-
shire against the grant to Maynooth.
The Earl of GALLOWAY presented several petitions
from places in Scotland against the grant to Maynooth,
and also a petition in favour of marriage with a deceased
wife's sister.
Lord BROUGHAM presented several petitions in
favour of closing public-houses on Sundays.
THIRD READINGS.
On the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following

Do
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Berw.
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bills were read a third time and passed :—Birmingham
Gas, Hartlepool Gas and Water, Kelso Bridge, St.
George's Harbour Act Amendment, Over Darwen Gas,
Ulster Railway, Londonderry Improvement, Kilmar-
nock Gas, Hyde Gas (No. 3), Liverpool Corporation
Water.
The report upon Pedder's Divorce Bill was read and
agreed to.
LOSS OF HORSES ON BOARD THE MEDWAY.
Lord PANMITRE said, in reference to the subject
brought forward by the noble earl opposite last night—
namely, the loss of the horses on board the Medway, he
thought it right to state that, previous to the departure
of the ship, a report had%been received from the proper
officers, which stated that the vessel was in all respects
complete, both with respect to ventilation and accom-
modation.

Norfolk
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& Midld.
Raton &
Darlingt.

Coun,
E. Count.

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SzLn&Yk
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Do. Shrs. A
Roystn.& Hit.
Shef.Roth.and
Gooleg .5 p. e.
Shrews.&Her.
S. Staffordsh.
Wear Vail eygr
6 per cent...

Gt Northr
Lancash
Yorksh.
T. Brassey
1111.31 Clean
toekt. &
Dar] ingt
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GtWestn.

purpose to it—l warned them that they would deceive iit was now seen how the Government were prepared to
themselves if they supposed such a war would tend to ! make peace, and that a proposal to withdraw from before
their advantage, or satisfy their aspirations—and I added, : Sebastopol had co:ne from them; and the only question
that my fear was that the effect of such a war would be j being the infinitesimal question of the reduction of
just the opposite of what they wished—and would; the number of the Russian ships in the Black Ser.
strengthen those despotisms they hoped to weaken and ; He agreed with his right hon. friend (Mr. Gibson), and
depress still more those oppressed communities they hoped I thought that the Russian proposal was better than oars.
to serve. (Hear.) Such was my opinion then, and such I I However, it was rejected. We were then now carrying on
still believe to be the tendency of this war. (Hear.) But the war with a determination to take Sebastopol ;at least
to revert to my right hon. friend's allusions to Russia—l so he gathered from the statement of the noble lord. He
believe there are few whose Public views ate more opposed did not know whether it was too late to speak of it ; but lee
to Russian despotism than mine; but it Is unjust—l had would ask if it was worth while to spend our treasure and
almost said it was scandalous for a Cabinet Minister, who, shed our blood like water to take Sebastopol, if we took i.;
within these few weeks, was himself a party to these con- at all, if we accompanied its capture with the carrying or t
fidential and, as I think, unworthy arrangements with of the policy of the Government, as laid down in their de.
Russia, to to get up and speak of the government of that claration, that under no circumstances were we to take any
right hona.s:ieignildt:lght friend did in his speech of last territory from Russia. It seemed then that we were
night. This conduct, however, is not confined to my fighting for no purpose but to knock about the ears of
mcterised the membersthe osfare teheg;une of
see-saw
has an; our brave men a certain quantity of stone and mortar,
Government throughout. and to destroy certain mounds of earth and fortifica-
From time to time they chang
e their tone and their tions to which we could point as having been destroyed
arguments to suit the press and the feeling of the people by us. But how long would they remain so. Why,Russia
out of doors. And so
obvious is the alteration which a would come to some banking house in London, and in.
few leading articles produce, that it might be supposed if three years they would be all built up more strongly than
the same thing happened in some other country,mongst ever. What was the plan and object of the recommence-
a people of less discernment than ourselves that a
cabinet ment of the war—what was it for ? Was it a war against
secrets oozed out and were communicated to the newspapers the preponderance of Russia? Let them discard passion,
perhaps by some lady friend—that the wife
pussblyof and talk of this question as if they were talking of the
some cabinet minister drew from her husband andl
divulged United States of America. Suppose that they were talking
to the wife of the editor of some leading journal the fact of the reduction of the preponderance of the United States
party that there were two parties in the cabinet—a war
iu the Gulf of Florida or the Gulf of Mexico. What would
and a peace party, and that the peace party, which
was the be the rational ground of a discussion which would follow
weaker, required to be whipped into submission. (Hear, a proposal mole with the absence of all passion, and in
hear.) So completely have we seen the change in the tone' which they would have the benefit of their unclouded in-
of the Government accord with the altered tone of the tellects to
guide them? What, would they not ask, was
leading articles of the newspapers from day to day th:tt the the source of the power of the United States in those seas!
case I have imagined to have taken place in another c. un- Would they not point to New Orleans, which commanded
try might almost be supposed to have happened here. and was the outlet for all the commerce which sprung
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) What hail been the con. from the fertile territories existing on the Mississippi, the
duct of the noble lord the member for London, for in- Missouri, and the Ohio, inhabited as they were by millions
stance ? We find at the conferences at Vienna the noble of men, the reducers of vast wealth to their empire ?
lord assumed the most polite agreeable demeanour. (Hear, hear.) p Would not the result arrived at be that
There was no hard language used there, but when he re- that preponderance was natural to and inherent in the
turns to the House of Commons we find him falling back country, and easing from this state of things ? Let them
upon the old strain, and talking about Russia establishing turn their eyes to the Black Sea, and they would see the
Marge fortifications on the German frontier and in the same consequences
owing Baltic, and of her intrigues in the German courts. But hau Russia the preponderance in the Black Sea? Because
did it never occur to the noble lord that the obvious reply she possessed on its shores fertile provinces, rich and pros-
from the same causes. Why
to these statements was, ~ pray which of the four points perous harbours, and a large and increasing commerce. He
was intended to rectify this evil—(cheers)—which of them (Mr.Cobden) was speaking lately to a gentleman who knew
would have met the difficulty of these great fortifications thee e countries well, and who were engaged in the largess
in the Baltic, and prevented Russia from interfering and commercial transactions there, and he said that in no part
encroaching on Germany ?" There is no guara.stee in these of the United States of America had there been such rapid.
four points against the rebuilding of Bomarsund_there is progress in wealth and interior production since the repeal
no protection for the Circsosians- The independence of of our corn laws as had taken place in those Russian pro.
the world is forgotten when the noble lord is Vienna, but winces. It was esti mated that in the year before last Russia.
tearndetphraotpiotrwtiaso noinnitshae
ynoeuxtthfifvuel.
is recalled to his mind the moment he returns to the House had exported five millions of quarters of grain of all kinds,
eiaadthmeitB.
of Commons. Then, if we go into the House of Lords, and if things
iwnedast. onH
what do we find the conduct of the members of the Go- years it was estimated that she would export 20 millions of
vernment there? I confess I read with astonishment the grain of
speech of the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, barbarism which was developing itself into something bet-
toe other night. I presume it was intended to attain an ter, but so long as such vast produce was going into the
object for the moment, and in that it probably succeeded, Black Sea, and Russia had no other neighbour but Turkey,
but I very much doubt if it will attain any permanent a decayed and unimproving empire, all the powers of the
cod that will satisfy either the noble lord or the country. earth could not take away the preponderance in the Black
The noble lord, in that speech, attacked Russia with Seer, from her, because it was inherent in the nature of
vituperation, and adopted a tone of defiance towards her, things. She had there 1,000 miles of frontier and was
as if he had never been a party to those arrangements as Russia to be asked to cut herself down to the level of de-
to the Government of Wallachia and Moldavia to which °rapid Turkey? It was an impossibility. What were we
1 have alluded. He said look at the strength of Sebasto- fighting for? There was no mystery in what he was going
pol—what were all the fortifications our armies have there to say. It was whispered that we were fighting more at
met with erected for, and what were all those war ma- the wish of France Masotti. own. But were we sere that
aerials collected there for which have enabled the garrison the war was not going on against the wish of the French
so long to withstand the siege, if it were not for the par- people? He would ask gentlemen who were acquainted
poses of aggression. But surely that noble lord cannot with and had connexions in France, whether they had not
be ignorant of the fact, that the great strength of Se. private information on this point, for cf course there was
bastopol has been erected since our army has been not much information to be got from the press in that
before it, and that ammunition and provisions, some- country. He heard from private sources that the war,
times in convoys of 500 and sometimes of 1,000 carts at a which was never very enthusiastically liked in France,
time, have entered the tortress. (Hear, hear.) Then the was now more than disliked. Them what were the
noble lord the member for London had alluded to Ger- wishes of the French Government ? He was now
many in a manner that would hardly be taken as indicative entering on delicate ground, but he was about to
of (=good sense or our wisdom. He talked of the corrup- allude to a subject which he told the noble lord
tion of the German Courts and of the interference of the (Palmerston) that he should treat of publicly, be-
Russian government and of Russian agents in those corm- lieving as he did that it was his duty to speak
tries. But from what he(Mr. Cobden) had heard, he fancied out ou a question which involved great events, and might
we were muchmistakenas tothetendency of publicopinion be fraught with calamities to the country. He came to
in Germany, and as to the supposed difference betweenthe this point—was it the wish of the French Government to
people and their governments in reference to this war. He go on with the war ?or was it the wish of our Govern.
was told that in Germany there was no party that wanted ment ? It had been industriously spread abroad that the
to join in the present war, and that though there might be French dynasty had so much at stake in the war that the
well-wishers to our cause there was no party ready tobreak Government dared not withdraw their army from before
the peace and enter into hostilities with Russia ; and if it Sebastopol on account of the effect which such a step would
was recollected what was the past history of Germany in have on the French people. Now,, his hon. friend (Mr.
relation to France and Russia it would be seen what was Bright) and himself had had it communicated to them on
the reason why there was not any great dread of Russia good authority that the French Government had stated to
there. In Prussia all the traditions of the people were ours that they were willing to accept of either alternative
favourable to Russia and hostile to France—and on this of the terms published in the last protocols. He was not
question they ought to speak in that house without talking of the proceedings of a secret conclave. They all reserve, and as if their debates were not reported ; knew of what was called a meeting of the supporters of the
and he would say that they had in Prussia and the north noble lord in Downing-street. On that occasion, when the
of Germany a dread of France, owing to the suffering noble lord said they were about to enter on a confidential
which the people underwent during the revolution, and conversation, and that no representatives of the papers were
also partly because France lay contiguous to the Rhenish present, his hon. frien t asked if it was true that an inti-
provinces of Prussia, and was supposed to have cast an mation had been made by the French Government
envious eye upon them. But whatever the cause, it was to -ours that they were willing to accept terms different
the fact that in every cottage in Germany the feeling was from those offered by M. Drouyn de l'Huys, and that there
rather favourable to Russia and in opposition to France. had been a refusal to accede to them on the part of our Go.
In the cottages of Germany would be found memorials of verntnent. The noble lord refused to answer the question,
calamities caused by France, and the only recollections of although he was much pressed. He (Mr. Cobden) pressed
Russia were, that she had come and helped them to escape him to give an aaswer, and he told the noble lord die-
from the rule of Napoleon. All this might account for tinctly that if he would' give an answer, and say no, that
Germany's not being so anxious to enter into a war in he could treat all that took place there as confidential, bat
alliance with France. Another reason was to be found in that if the noble lord allowed him to go out of the room
the fact that there never was any principle laid down by without an answer, looking to the sources of the informs-
which any safeguard against Russia would be secured to tion he had received, he would not make any secret of
Austria and Germany if they entered into a war with their what passed on that occasion. The state of things was very
next neighbour for our purposes—no security was given serious. We had contrived to detach Germany and Austria
against Russia's retaliating on Germany. And now what from us ; there was no hope of their joining us; that was de-
would be said, after the result of the conferences at Vienna cided—there was no one now to help us. What would our
was made known, but that we, after talking about fighting fate be if, by and bye, it was proved that England was the
for the liberties of Europe, had dropped our pretensions, cause of the recommencement of the war, and that she had
which could give any confidence or acted contrary to the inclination of the F
and had not said a word
rench Government
\
any security to any part of Europe. There could, there- andthe Frenclip nople? Thatmight lead.tothe very opposited
fore, be no alliance with Prussia, or with any nation all we hoped from the union of the two peoples—it might
lying contiguous to Russia. He (Mr. Cobden) was lately lead to their estrangement. If we were to carry on the
talking to a Prussian gentleman, who said that we English war in conjunction with France alone, did not that in-
were a most unreasonable and net a little arrogant people, volvo the responsibility of doing more than we are doing ?
for we expected the Prussians to enter into the war with Would it not some day be a subject of recrimination that
Russia—that is, sixteen millions of men of a country lying our force in the Crimea was so small, and that of the
contiguous to a country with sixty millions; and they were French so great ? This was not, perhaps, the proper.time
not like the English, who, when the war was over, could to bring up this question, but he would refer to observe,-
withdraw to an impregnable position ; while in the tions which had been made by the hon. member for In-
case of Prussia it was always in the power of verness-shire, who stated that we were 40,000 short of the
Russia to assault her; and that really the way in number of men voted by Parliament. It was stated by a
which the newspapers . bullied Prussia could only noble lord a member of the Government in December,
be compared to the conduct of a man who drove that we wore 20,010 short; and the hon. member for In-
a dog on to attack a wolf. (Hear, hear.) If we looked verness-shire said that the militia regiments in England
back at the tone taken by the newspapers, was there not were mere skeletons, while in Ireland and• Scotland they
something that bore out those remarks ? And it should be were, practically, disbanded. If that were true, and we
remembered, when you were dealing with Germany you still wanted forty thousand men, might we not be urging
were dealing with an educated people, who had their news- on the war with that blind heedlessness with which every-
papers too, and in a country where education was so diffused thing had been done by the Government, without look-
that you might go to buy your bread and meat in Latin if ing three months beforehand ; and by and bye again
you did not know German. Having such a people, then, see the consequences of this want of foresight of the Go-
to deal with, were not they in that house somewhat too ar- vernment ? He was speaking at a moment when the
regent in their treatment of them, and was it not country was excited by the recent intelligence from the
somewhat arrogant in the noble lord to say that all Ger- seat of war. Now, if any one studied the maps of the
many was corrupted by Russia? If the English people had scene of the operations, it would be seen how much was
to undergo the conscription, as was the case in Russia, made out of very little, although it had done much to
where every man and horse and cart could be taken for increase the confidence of the people. He placed no
military purposes, they would be a little more chary about limits to the power of England and France if they pat
going to war, and our pot-house politicians would not call out their strength, but he was not so sure that our po-
out so loudly for war, and the Government would look at sition in the Crimea was as supposed. He had been in
the question of war with more consideration, because it communication with a gentleman with regard to the
would be known how severe were the sufferings caused by supply of food to the Russians in the Crimea, and he did
war, when they were brought home to a people. He had not learn from him that Sebastopol depended on Kertch
said long before we sent a man from these shores that if we for food. He was told by this gentleman (and it ought
were going to war with Russia to vindicate our rights, or to to damp this unwarranted exultation), who was a holder
avenge otir wrongs, we should do so with our strong arm, of corn at Bertch, that the Russian Government had
with our navy, but that we should. not send a man to the stated to him five months ago that theycould not be respon-
continent of Europe or to Turkey; the expression he used Bible for the safety of his corn. Five months ago, Russia
was, that we should not take our land forces over tho backs gave notice that it was intended to abandon Kertch, and
of whole populations of continental Europe, where there no doubt it was the same with Beriansk and other places
were a million of men in arms between us and the power in the Sea of Azoff. From what he gathered there was
we affected to dread. He held the same opinion now, and great exaggeration with regard to this expedition to the
he believed that we ought to have stood on the same ground Sea of ADA.. If there was really anything in it, what must
with regard to Russia as Austria and Prussia did; and if now be the reflection of those who had the ships to under-
we had not rushed so hastily into IN ar, it would have hap- take it long ago (Loud cheers.) Were we sure that the
pened, as was proved, that Austria and Germany would expedition was not occasioned by the same cause which
have averted all the evils which were dreaded, for it now took our troops from Gallipoli to Varna, and from Varna
appeared that Austria and Prussia had by treaty declared to the Crimea—the cry of "Do something." (Hear, hear.)
it to be a easus belli if Russia crossed the Balkan, and they If
ever a government or a commander did something be-
would have been equally ready to have declared
the cross- I cause they were told to do something, and for no other
ing of the Pruth by Russia a cases belli. Why, then, I reason, the chances were a hundred to one that they would
should not we have been contented to stay in our island do something wrong. (Hear, hear.) He was not sure that
home and send our fleet into the Black Sea, telling 1
the expedition was caused by anything but because the
Austria and Prussia, here is a great danger to Europe, Government was called on to do something, and he would
and if you will share with us the
resistance to now record his deliberate opinion that, while the proceed-
it we are ready to help you, but if not we will protect Tur- ings in the Sea of Azofi were destroying private property,
key by sea, but not a man of our army shall move till you and would not acid to the lustre of our arms, he believed
set yourselves in motion towards a common object in this that they could have no better effect upon the war
defence. (Hear.) Any one would now say that would than the marauding expeditions last year in the Gulf
have been a wise policy. He heard some hen. gentlemen of FinLsnd had on Cronstadt. (Hear, hear.) He believed
say the Russians would have been in Constantinople ; but that the supplies of Sebastopol
came entirely from
he said no, they would not, for Austria and Northern Perekop, and that that place and Simpheropol were
Germany had a far greater interest in keeping Russia out strongly fortified like Sebastopol, and that both must be
of Constantinople than we had. He then came to consider taken before you could intercept the food of the Russian
the inconsistent arguments which had been used by our army, and take Sebastopol. Ae to the interception of sup-
leading statesmen. They had declared during the last 18 plies into the Crimea across the steppes beyond Perekop,
months that Germany and Austria were more interested in he was told by a gentleman that every spring 1,000 carts
resisting Russia than we were. It was so stated by the noble were obtained to go from Odessa and other places on the
lord at the head of the Government, by Lord J. Russell, by coast, over the steppes, with produce to the Crimea, and
Lord Clarendon, and by Lord Lyndhurst ; there was not a that all that commerce was now suspended. The conse-
leading mind among them but laid it down that Austria quence was that the Russian Government wouldaaildttrelf
and Germany had a greater interest in this question than of all that means of conveyance, while
so f
f steppesfrom
the
we had. Then why did not we, who had less interest in steppes being an obstacle, journeys were ade ov m
the matter than they, wait until those great powers 'were five or six times greater inextent than those.
Wit! it. not
ready to move? Bat we said that we were going to fight better that wo should look at all these things in this light,
.
4. of tiiee el."'
the battle of the civilisation of the world, and we set about and calmly consider them, waywithr,ntgoiuvrin.gd.to an offer.
that with 40,000 or 30,000 men, for we never had more vescence of feeling which prevented
we were About to do ru Veg
had receou.
inthadere.
than 30,030 in the Crimea ; and the correspondent of the sequences of what
Times had lately rep
united strength of England
repeated what he said before, that we menced the war with a determination to take Sebastopol,en
and
lost half our army because we had not men enough to do When he said that the.
the duty required of them. Was it the function of Eng- Franco conhinotinbefr:vsorsuter dofbyaagnryeahteurm_panowp_eorwtehra,nheei
lishrnen to fight because Germany was corrupt? He (Mr. one exception .
Cobden) said, as was said by Prince Gortschakoff at He alluded to pestilence and disease. He had read lately
Vienna, that the best blood of England should be shed some extracts from Spencer's work with reference to the
for Englishmen and England. He did not say this dis- climate of the Crimea, which had reference to the summer.
paragingly of Germany and Austria, 'who had shown He never dreamt of app ying those observations to the
themselves more enlightened on the subject of this winter, for if well housed and fed, and not overworked in
war than we were. The English people had been sti- the trenches, there was nothing in the constitution of an
palliated, and especially by the noble lord (John Englishman to prevent his living and being in health '
l
Russell), (for he held that noble lord to be the the winter in the Crimea. But in the summer according
greatest offender in that respect), had been clamoured to the best autl'orities, it was hardly possible for an Eng.
into the war, and had not taken time for combinations Tishman in the Crimea, unless the most careful precaution
with Austria and Germany to avert the threatened was observed, to escape the intermittent fever which preo
danger. But now, when it was known that Ger- veiled in July,
Those
many and Austria would not act with us, we were going were the fatal months.
Augusit'f September.aannydohnaelftionfered against the most
on in the same course. It would be a Parliamentary careful rules of diet—if a man went out in the mid-day
curiosity. f literature to go to Hansard and extract the sun, or was exposed t
declarations of Ministers that Austria and Germany would water when heated, or oattethenentyig
I a
turned
that
awayb ee afrom
join us. (Hear, hear.) They put it into the mouth of things brought on the in ermittehenottrdnefewo
and they re-her Majesty in her speech from the throne,precautions soldiers f He
mated it in every speech they themselves made. He could dreaded the fate of , o all other men, disregarded.
Trse—rf;riufainhtd—e tallell ktthhueeeelseet
the army in July, August, and Seem-
not even except the right hon. gentleman the member fur
thought of by the Government
twhener
the University of Oxford—(hear)—for even he, in his great btherey.
speech on the budget, expressed his opinion that there was shouid„
little doubt but that Austria had actually joined us. (Hear, not foils v' otud. rest the whole responsibility.
IsHeZhim-
hear.) It was impossible to read extracts from all the self the. heir emoluments, and all their power, ta6-
°months.
speeches, and he would give but a few. Here wee one from if responsibility they incurred in the next. m
bed
in.
peace? On them and on
ohati
a speech of the noble lord (J. Russell) on the 22d. of Doe. "if fno pestilence destroyed our army, and we /
triumphed
if our
Russia should not consent to such very moderate terms the Crimea, all the honour would be theirs ;
ce if it failed in the field,
it will be our dirty to propose, after the ?Ali:list sr of thes army was destroyed by pestilen - ' sa tors of last winter,
Emperor of Russia has declared he is directed to enter into and there was a repetition of the t
disasters
short of
negotiations, but should still continue of ' • they must be prepared for retribution—nothing
opinion gilt uld come upon them in the next
that great scheme which was begun in the ' physical violence, which would.
want of frankness in the
Empress Catherine, if not before, and which. iiesign of the 6 months. There bad been a greatial had gone heedlessly into it
adding Turkey to the Russian dominions,to end in conduct of the war. The pub .
roneous opinions respecting it. Had
cuted—if he is still of that opinion, I
fed must Lc prose- and entertained very er
t meetings been one of the greatest
we shall, before the opening of the next gam couvinced that not the tone held
atreceu
of the power of the enemy ? He
alliance of Austria both in offensive andisaign, have the arrog ince, and ignorancethe infatuation of invading Russia
tions." Were we going now, and at this • defensive opera- rested his cas
force. ul"llHad we confined ourselves to naval
the war on land? That was the question,time, to carry on with a land
should have had no disasters Ino dis-
den) would say, as he said before, and he (11r. Cob- operations,
By sending an army to invade Russia,and
yourselves to the takin ___ are you going to commit content. ts
disasters. we pre-
tion. of 6ebastopol ? That was the ques- pared for inevitable That expedition was under-
tion. Was that to be done
up, notwithstanding that now, although it had been given taken in obedience to a cry out of doors, in regard to whit
the country •
the noble lord and other gentle. the statesmen of
men on the Treasury benchjudgment. We
came down day after day with trolling
different stories on that point carrywar
of beguiling miles to on with our American colonists, and it
for the purpose .
the house. Althoughfailed.The expedition of by half
they might allow that sort of thing Napoleon 1., supported
to go on, Austria would not allow such double dealing. a million of bayonets, and aimed at the very heart of Rus-
The proceedinga of the Conferences were published, and sin, failed. Was there any reason to believe that, with the