The Sun.
London, England, 1855-07-21 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 21, 1855.

It is scarcely probable that we shall be accused
of being thick-and.-thin Ministerialists, or of sup-
porting per fas aut nefcts any proposition brought
in by the Government merely for the sake of
retaining the present Cabinet. The course we
have followed during the present week, on the
motions of Sir E. B. LYTTON and Mr. ROEBUCK,
will, we think, lie sufficient to rebut Such a charge
if it ihould be kiacle. We 'nay, therefore, with.
out much fear of misconception, emphatically pro_
test against the course adopted in the House of
Commons last night, in reference to the guarantee
on the contemplated Turkish Loan, a course which
had nearly led to the most disastrous consequences,
from which the nation has had a mere hair-
breadth. escape. There have surely been quite a
.snflieient number of legitimate opportunities for
daula3iDg the -Government without resorting to

means that must have given serious offence to our
illustrious and materially imkaked the
crirdial and -frie-wclty understmding between the
Cabinets of Paris and of London. It would be
difficult to conceive any proceeding more injuri-
ous to the best interests of the country, or better
calculated to prevent the War---the just and neces-
sary War—on which we have entered, from being
brought to a satisfactory or speedy conclusion.
That the friends of Russia, the advocates of Peace
at any Price, or on any conditions, should oppose
the resolution was by no means surprising.
They could not in any way render better service
to their Northern Cabinet. But that Mr.
DISRAELI should have spoken and voted with
the minority, that his brilliant eloquence should
have been enlisted in such a cause, has indeed
astonished as much as it has grieved us, and the
responsibility of the Right Hon. Gentleman is
the greater when we consider that it was chiefly
through the weight and influence which he de-
servedly enjoys that 132 members recorded their
votes against the resolution, and that the nation
only escaped a fearful calamity by a slender ma-
jority of three
The arguments offered against the resolution,
although sufficiently plausible, could not bear the
test of stringent investigation. The specious fallacies
put forward by the different speakers could be
easily detected by any disinterested or unpreju-
diced person of ordinary capacity. It is true thrtt
there was a great diversity of reasoning, and that
the most conflicting arguments were used.
Nothing, in fact, was disregarded which by any
possibility could catch a vote. But they were all
equally unsound—all equally unworthy of sup-
port. Whether they were sound arguments on
inaccurate premises, or unfair deductions
from correct data, they were equally illusory and
unsubstantial, and unworthy of the votes of
independent members uninfluenced by factious
motives.

When the pleas adduced were of such conflict-
ing characters it is difficult to dispose of one
without falling into the opposite extreme.
" Incidit in Scyllant, clues vult evitare Charybdint,"
is a by no means uncommon result of having to
steer a middle course between opposing dangers,
either of which would be equally fatal to the pro-
ceeding. The resolution was most strongly op-
posed because it was a subsidy, and because it was
not a subsidy. On one side, we heard sinisterauguriea
because we were relapsing into a course which, dur-
ing the 20 years before the conclusion of the last
general European War, cost the nation more than
fifty millions sterling. On another, the conclu-
sions were equally unfavourable, because, in place
of giving without any prospect of a return, we
took ample security to prevent any possible loss.
There were also objections because we shared the
guarantee with our Imperial Ally, and as if we
were to anticipate pettifogging excuses from France,
of a similar character to those sent forward by
repudiating states ; and there were prophets of
evil ready to show that future complications
would arise with France from the joint liability;
and there were also complaints respecting the form
as well as the substance, and a desire that the
House of Commons should vindicate its own dig-
nity just at the most inconvenient time that such
a point could possibly be urged, and when, if
ever, the objection was totally unfounded. Let
us ask the Manchester men what commercial house
could hold their ground if they did not endorse
the acts of their responsible agents ?
Stripped of the deceptions and fallacies in
which the matter was disguised it was not diffi-
cult to arrive at a correct conclusion. The na-
tion, with almoSt unparalleled unanimity, decided
that the War is to be vigorously and energetically
waged—that any and every sacrifice is to be made
to prevent the aggressive policy inaugurated by
PETER and CA.TIIERLNE, and professed by the pre-
sent as well as the late CZAR, from being successful.
For that purpose we have already expended not far
from one hundred millions of pounds, and, still
more, many thousand valuable lives. But all
will be lost if Turkey be not assisted to maintain
her own ground. It would indeed be but a
penny-wise-and-pound-foolish policy to let all
that has already been done go for nothing, and
either relinquish the contest altogether, as. Messrs.
GLADSTONE and COBDEN desire, or undertake to
fight the whole battle ourselves without assistance
from France as another section of the minority
deemed expedient. We do not think that any per-
son of ordinary capacity, and bent on the energetic
prosecution of the War, can hesitate as to the pro-
priety and expediency of making the necessary
advance ; and the only question remaining is in
what way that can best be effected.
Now, the proposed mode—by guaranteeing the
interest jointly with France—appears to be by far
the most eligible. By not making it an absolute gift
we at the same time show a greater respect
for the independence of Turkey, and induce her
to make more earnest efforts to husband her re-
sources. We see that they are amply sufficient to
providethe interest, but, from some almost inexpli-
cable causes, a loan can only, if at all, be obtained
on the most extravagantand usurious terms, which,
if accepted, would cripple Turkey more than
the Russian arms. The credit of the Western
Powers is good, and they jointly and severally
step forward as securities for tllc punctual pay-
ment of the interest, and thus without injuring
themselves are enabled to render a most important
benefit to theii Ally. Mr. IlicAßno and Mr.
GLADSTONE urged that, because the late Turkish
Loan is now quoted at 91, the SULTAN
could raise the necessary funds without the aid
of France and England; but theymust be well aware
that the Stock was at a heavy discount until hints
respecting the coining guarantee raised it to a
handsome premium, and that without the guaran-
tee of the Western Powers no further alioney
could be raised.
Fortunately, the opposition has failed, and we
have-a:ifs escaped a danger more formidable than
can be estimated, and which would be encoun
tered on most inadequate and unworthy grounds.

To Sir DE Lacy Evarts.belongs the honour of
stating in plain, soldier-like style the practical jus-
tification of Mr. ROEBUCK'S motion. While un-
willing to turn LDrd PALMERSTON out, yet he
truthfully observed, that not only the " short-
comings of the late Government, but the want of
earnestness in the present Government, went far
to justify the vehemence of the Honourable
Member for Sheffield." -He observed that " im-
mense mistakes had bOeri made, which were
chiefly in consequence of the Government not haring
been in earnest in regard to the War•." He added
that they should "show that they were in earnest
in carrying on. the War, and if they did he had
sanguine hopes.
that in case the War should be
continued, a total break of the vast empire of Ens-
Sia might be effected."

We invite the attention of the nation to the
experienced counsels of the brave old soldier.
Our readers well know that they enforce advice
which we hitherto urged almost in vain.
We have from the beginning traced every disaster
substantially to the want of earnestness in carry-
ing on the War. For SOW reason our Govern-
ments have never heartily wished to treat Rus-
sia as she deserves, and as the country wished
them to do, and h7s paid them to do. To assign
what England believes to be the real cause of thi3
might -briDg 'no withiy:the clutches of the Attor-

ney-General, as id we cannot afford that expensive
honour ; but tl iere is, there must be, a reason for
this manifest w ant of earnestness. To that, much
more than to defective administration has been
due the little progress hitherto made. Earnest-
ness would have soon rectified the Administra-
tion; it would have found LINDSAYS and PETOS at
the first to accomplish what it was resolute
to effect. The grand curse and bane of
the War—the puerile waiting on and for
Austria, could not have been endured
for a moment by determined men. Polish
aid would have I seen summoned at once ; the fall
of Bomarsund R rould have been followed by an
attack on Riga :Lt least, and an encampment there
to arouse Polan d ; in a word, evory military and
political movement would have been impressed
with the character of men determined on an im-
portant and great object.

To what. is it due but to want of earnestness
that the Sea of Azoff was not swept of supplies
before ? Had this been done previous to last winter
we believe the garrison of Sebastopol would have
been literally starved out, and the failure of the
coup de main atoned for. To what else the leaving
Odessa to be the means of transport for the Danu-
bian troops to Inkerman?—and why is it now spared
after the successes at Kertch, Arabat, and Tagan-
rog, spared to forward troops from Poland to Pere-
kop ? Why, too, are Kherson and Nicolaieff left
unmolested ? We are all shy of appearing to
trench on the province of the military com-
manders, but what we fear is that they are held
back rather than urged to the most decisive mea-
sures. We eathiot but think that the covering
part of the army might by this time have found
the enemy in the field, and our firm belief is that
it would have found nothing which would not soon
have fled before it, that Simpheropol would be
reached almost without a battle, and that the
Turks at Eupatoria in co-operation with our advance
could'cut the Russian lines of communication com-
pletely ; and this means nothing less than speedy
starvation to the Russians. We strongly suspect
that means of transport have not yet been pro-
vided in adequate measure for a vigorous land
advance. If not they ought to have been.
To us non-professional writers and readers,
it will appear certain that the fleet which could
land a fcrce so easily at Kertch could land one
easily anywhere north of Sebastopol, or, if need.
ful, on the eastern coast ; that at least it could
not be difficult with such a fleet at our command
to keep the enemy in perpetual uncertainty where
they were to be threatened next. How is it that
we see no signs of this kind of vigour ? Why
are 200,000 soldiers kept at trench and battery
work on one side only of the beleaguered for-
tress ? There must be some repressive influence
somewhere to account for such an obvious want
of bold and decisive action. We know that the
fault is not with the soldiers.

General EVANS observed that "he was not
quite sure that Lord PALMERSTON had dis-
played that energy which his friends
gave him credit for ; nor was he able
to discern that any great accession had been made
to our military strength since his accession to
office. It really seemed that this system of pro-
tocolling at Vienna had paralysed the energies of
the Noble Lord." True to the letter. We at the
very outset denounced the wicked hoax of the
Vienna Conference, and the folly cf sending Ple-
nipotentiaries there at all, for the very reason
that it would " paralyse" both energy at . home
and bold counsels in the Crimea. But is not the
disgraceful and mischievous Vienna Conference
one merely of the many symptoms that we have
been sold to Germany. The despots of Germany
from the big ones of Vienna and Berlin to the
SASE-COBURGS and the like, cannot endure the
thought of " breaking up Russia." They are
married to her; they are bribed by her; their ofli-
cers and leading officials are in herpay; their breasts
glitter with her barbarous orders. Degrade Russia
and they are degraded with her. Break her
power, and their own people will burst their
bonds. The Royal family of Russia, too, is a
German family. The Royal family of England is
a scion of the same stock. Are, then, our Courtly
Nobles fearful of wounding German feelings ? Do
they shrink from the hazard of offending or
grieving sympathies with which they are, behind
the scenes, but too well acquainted ? Be this as
it may, Lord PALMERSTON cannot doubt that he
will not be permitted any longer to halt between
two opinions. If he means to be great through
COBURG influence, thou let him serve the COBURGS,
and go with Lord J. RUSSELL to political extinc-
tion. But if he relies on serving the noble-
minded nation which he governs for his future
fame, let him have but one purpose—namely, as
General EVANS said—" to effect a total break of
the Russian empire."

There is but too much reason to fear that, not-
withstanding the removal of Lord JOHN RUSSELL
from the Cabinet, there still remains a strong pro-
Austrian party in the Cabinet. This painful fact
is but too perceptible in the altered tone of even
our best Ministers. Lord CLARENDON himself
speaks in very different terms respecting that
double-dealing Power from what ho used some
time since ; and it is obvious that, in deference to
some • influence either within or outside the Ca-
binet, the course previously contemplated towards
that deceitful and treacherous ally has been com-
pletely changed.
The despatches contained in the recently. pub-
lished Eastern Papers, when contrasted with the
speeches of the Foreign Secretary, exhibit this
alteration in the strongest light. On the 3d of
April the Foreign Secretary told Count COLLOREDO
that the Austrian propositions, of which he was
the bearer—viz., those relating to the "sys-
tem of counterpoise"—" were nothing short
of an announcement that Austria would not ad-
here to the Treaty of December 2, if the Western
Powers persisted in carrying the third basis into
effect." Adding that "if the War went on, it
would be for Austria to consider her own position,
not only during its continuance, after the prepa-
rations she had made, the language she had held,
and the engagements she had enterei into, but also
at its conclusion, when peace was made between
the four belligerent Powers." Again, on the 16th
of April, before the remarkable piece of tergiver-
sation was exhibited by the English Plenipoten-
tiary, Lord CLARENDON wrote—" Count BuoL
must now be convinced that no attempt on the
part of the Austrian Government to induce the
Western Powers to relinquish their moderate
proposals on the Third Point can be successful,
and it is to be hoped that no more such attempts
will. be made." And also—" Count Buor,
may object to a previous resolution respecting
War, but he must be aware that England
and France cannot agree to an unsafe
and dishonourable peace, and that if Russia will
agree to no other terms, the casus belli for
Austria will arise." The Noble Lord at the
same time gave directions in the event of the ne-
gotiations being broken off for a note to be ad-
dressed to Count BuoL, inviting the Austrian
Government to concert the measures necessary for
giving immediate effect to the Treaty of December
2d. On the 23d of April similar language was
used—the system of counterpoise was denounced
as " impracticable and illusory," and the
treacherous connivance of Germany with the
AUTOCRAT was more than hinted at ; when Lord
CLARENDON told Count COLLOREDO that " Count
BuoL's despatch gave much reason to fear that
Austria would propose nothing that Russia would
be unwilling to accept ; while, on the other hand,