The National Register.
London, England, 1819-05-09 00:00:00

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Our Sim, Consititution anb
,

SUNDAY, MAY 11, 11110.

pan g 90.

ject. It might hp gbe *H at d most
extravagance, sad eirehie amor ism& evefiml
ents that sea plIMPS•011114 es easier the plea Of IWO
necemity. Wets a brawlbt .of what is wig
is Freese owe Ong* Mimed, creams kit that
is greeting them better appreelatei, it would appal
the teem determined opporsente of retrenchment, and
make them shrink from the consequences of that
selfish and unprincipled course iu politics they now
pursue. It would also go far tewanis suppressing
that tons of dictation and reproach which the
English journals, devoted to ministers, are in the
habit of using, as oft.a ae they advert to the pro-
ceedings of the French Legislature, or the conduct
of the French government. Such language is a
violation of all courtesy, and is certainly a gross
breach of the quality supposed to exist between
independent States. At this moment it evinces a
glaring dereliction ofall the olivious rules of policy.;
for the French people, whatever may be the feelings
of the French government, are net in a temper to
bear it calmly. i: llso endangers the security of
that legitimate order of government, as it is called,
to vindicate trhich England poured out her best
blood, and expended immense tremens. To speak of
it as mildly as possible, it is as contrary to the spirit
of peace and good neighbourhood, as it is insolent
towards such a nation as Prance.

jag gappos. sag gamer than in their far-dime
aallanyta.
Alainstemegt dinut personal as well u recent ob-
morefilms. **they see Eisen d the utmost con-
awl to at laser nitre-teethes of eh.
- makaat lass than the saw
lava oly igis in Francs
meld give them thitmatindinsr. IA atteaPt
was made on the return die of ltitho.rwu
fro the Congress at 41.1 - In Sao them
in power, it is not possible to deseribi elf •
and indignation it onsastioned. Had it
rnutee would be the sues, of a general owing ;
and considendsle preprations were alimony amok lys
oppose it with force. The defeat of that al-•s:
certed and intemperate plan saved the party, lobo
were to be actors in it, from sweeping destssesins ;
though it must be confessed that the scheme Wm,
ha., done the greetest injury to the royal won t 1
-
she wed too plainly the weakness of its partisans ;
and therefore the advisers of it committed am lento
parable error. No experienced Statesman .wrist,
bare raised the veil which concealed the feeblenere.
of the Royalists ; and that overweening act hat
dashed for ever their pretensions to power. The re-
turn of the Exiles, the removal ..f so many oboes. -
ions Prefects, the accession of new Peers, and the
law on the Jibe...ly of the Press, have been all eosin-
quenco.3 of that measure. The popular party haws
been mule conscious cf their own strength, as well
as of the entire insignificance of their opponents ;
and their success will no doubt encourage them to
aim at much greater results, The latrine which
has been given in concesnence to publu Snell g if
astonishing, The French ycuth is particular die-
play the must lively interest en the occasion ; and
begin already to give vent to feelings and to lags'.
which, if not checked, would bold out but a mop
*fiat prospect far the continuance of gonna& tan-
quillity. However, the government has the appear-
ance of being vigilant and active ; and if it can only
escape from being hurried away by the current of
feeling that flows so rapidly at this moment, the
danger tot.), paw sway.
In the mean time a great change has occurred hn
the conduct and situation of the government ; and a
much greater must take place. The charter is no
hmger a dead letter ; and no magistrate would now
dare resist the positive instructions, cr defeat tbe
intentions of the ministry. The nation has spoken ,
and faction has disappeared. The military are again
at the absolute dispoeni of the Cabinet ; and the
Prefects and Mayors execute its orders punctually.
The government is strong ; because it has the peo-
ple on its side ; aal there is no security for a rui-
nistcr at tills moLteat in France, unless he be sup..
ported by popular favour. Besides this inducement,
the ministers have another motive fur acting libe-
rally ; and that is founded on the knowledge the;'
possess of the foreign influence that has been used,
and is probably used at this very time, to proeuro
their removal. To counteract those intrigues, they
may be obliged to court popularity still mere ; and
there is no doubt but that the cause of the people
will gain in the struggle. Should the time come,
when France, would be virtually free—when .t
should enjoy the full benefits of a free pets!, sad
of a representative system, it wet;:ti exercise an
astonishing influence upon the polity of other na.
tions. No cause but one can prevent this result ;
and this would be found in a new revolution, err
perhaps in a new war. It Ir. to be hoped thert:fore
that the French will have the wisdom to avoid bush.
Woe, however, to the government that should med-
dle in their affairs, and precipitate those upon either !
It would probably be the prelude to hs downfall ;
for the time is past when such atrocious policy
might be practised with impunity ; and a war or a
revolution, in the present temper of the human
mind, and in the embarrasied state of the finances of
every country, might produce results at the bare
ilea of which the imagination shudders. It is ail
decidedly the interest of other States to conduct
themselves honourably in their relations with France,
that only infistuatiea can urn. twat to pursue a
different course.

There is not a count:: upon earth, in which a
more determined resistance exists to every pretension
that has only the sanction of ancient uesge in its
favour, than in France. Time doer, rot consecrate
title•, privileges, or even services ; ma i it may be
confidently asserted that no honorary distinction,—
no meritorious act which has its origin in a period
beyond that of the revolution, is held in repute. We
are far from pretending to say that this feeling is
correct; we merely maintain that it exists; and no
one can believe to what extent it prevails, unless he
has had ocular proof. The name of Montmorency
is not held in any thing like the same estimation as
that of Lannes; and the far greater part of French-
men see more lustre in the title of Montebello than
in that of Luxeraburgh. With such sentiments
they were not likely to scquiesce in an order of
things, in which the old nobility should have the
the exclusive, control. Yet this forlorn cause has
still many adherents amongst men of great political
influence in England, and some hortiess adherents
in France, who pursue the chimera solely in conse-
quence of hopes held out by the former. The per-
sons, who, under the shield of British influence,
were to act this part, have unfortunately not a sin-
gle quality of mind to justify the choice. They
are, besides, totally devoid of political experience.
They moreover display an unaccountable ignorance
of the character of their countrymen ; and, in all
their discourses, proclaim opinions that are held in
the deepest abhorrence. They are not even distin-
guished for eloquence: and have performed no
achievements that denote mirage or ganttness of
mind, and which would qualify them for the peril-
ous part they were selected to act. They furnish in
fact an exact criterion of the old French character—.
vain, restless, superficial and indiscreet; and it is
strange, as well as in the highest degree suspicious,
that these weak and truly insignificant men have
powerful patrons in this country—who feed their