The Sun.
London, England, 1855-02-02 00:00:00

HARMONIC V NION.

Haydn's oratorio, The Creation, was performed by the
members of the Harmonic Union on Wednesday even-
ing, in the Hanover-square Rooms, being the society's
first concert during the present season. Previous to the
performance a paper was distributed in the room, stating
that late on the preceding evening Mr. Gye, the lessee
of the Royal Italian Opera, had forbidden the principals
of the orchestra to fulfil their engagement, and craving
the indulgence of the audience for the substitutes found
at so short a notice. Many advantageous changes, as
we informed our readers in a former article, have been
made since last year in the organisation and management
of the society, not the least of which is the appointment
of Herr Molique as the permanent' conductor. The
general execution of the oratorio on Wednesday night,
although far from being perfect, was a considerable im-
provement up-en the performances of the two past sea-
sons. The chorus, whioh has been reduced in number,
has acquired during the recess a degree of smartness
and decision which, remembering the clumsy and vaoil-
!sting efforts on some former occasions, is quite remark-
able. We may instance as a proef the chorus accom-
panying the tenor solo "Affrighted fled," and the fugues
"Awake the harp," and "Achieved is the glorious
work." The introduction, "The Spirit of God," and
the chorus, "Proclaim in your extended course," the
latter part of which is the most poetical passage in the
oratorio, were both well sung. The orchestra was ne-
cessarily unsteady throughout, and particularly so in the
trio "Most beautiful appear." Miss Stabbach, Mr.
Lockey, and Mr. Weiss were the principal solo singers.
The latter gentleman sang the part of Raphael, the music
of which well suits his voice, admirably. The duet in
the third part, "Graceful consort," sung by Miss Stab-
bach deserves also special commenda-
tio a
commenda-
tion. The next we understand,
, is to be
Rossini's Stabat Mater and Mendelssohn s Lobzesang.

PRESERVATION OF LIFE FROM SHlPlVRECK.—Yester-
day a meeting of the general committee of the _Royal
Natim-;-6I
held at the society's offices, John-street, Adelphi ; Mr.
Thomas Chapman, F.R.S., in the chair. The business
Was confined to the presentation of prize's,
_ .

The Lord CHANCELLOR said he bad great pleasure
in informing the noble and learned lord that a measure
meeting the grievance complained of was about to be
brought under their lordships' consideration.
THE MINISTERIAL CRISIS.
The Earl of ABERDEEN rose and spoke as follows --
My lords, after the vote of the Hausa of Commons on
Monday night., your lordships willeietZdily imagine that
her Majesty's Ministers at once reol‘ed to-place their re-
signation in her Majesty's hands. I therefore was com-
missioned by the whole of the members of the Government
to take their resignations, for the purpose of laying them
before her Majesty, who was graciously pleased to accept
them. We therefore now only hold our offices until our
successors shall be appointed. My lords, I wish to say
and in think-
that, in opposing the vote of Monday algae,
ing it is some degree unconstitutional in itself and liable
ofto anymany
of myobj cello guns,eacionisnothe towi ovse,pritiesnt
not lily desire, nor that
any
inquiry into our
condnct. An impartial inquiry, I believe, would fully
establish that no indifference has existed to the wants of
our army in the Crimea, or any absence of exertion and
preparation for the supply of those wants and the effici-
ency of the conditiOn of our troops. This, therefore, I be-
lieve, will be the result of any impartial inquiry into that
subject; and especially I must consider my noble friend
near me (the Duke of Newcastle) to have met with great
njustice. It is my conviction that his conduct, the more
it is inquired into, will bo found marked by a degree of
assiduity and labour, attention and interest to the duties
of his office which has never been exceeded by any one who
had filled that department. I am sot at all surprised at
the feeling which generally prevails throughout the country.
(Hear.) The public, although they may not reason accurately,
feel vitally and feel strongly, Thay see that misfortunes
have occurred which it was beyond the power of the com-
manders employed to prevent ; sncl
they very naturally
turn to the Government as an object of censure, as offering
a mark for their disapprobation. e make no complaint of
this. I think it perfectly natural ; and I submit to the
snuafftioeriranlgs But,eonasendqupernievea.tionsw
mmychloonlisr troops have endured,, when. I speak of the,
in the Crimea, I must say that the representations which
have been made have been very greatly exaggerated. I do
not underrate individual suffering—far from it ; for I
know that it has existed in the army to a degree that has
lieen most painful and distressing. What I mean is as to
the inference that is to be dra'cn with respect to our mili-
tary position. This, I think, hes been grossly exaggerated.
My lords, I see no cause whatever for discouragement or
dismay in looking at that position. On the contrary, I Nee
every reason to indulge sangeino hopes of ultimate suc-
cess. In the first place, the condition of our own forces
has been recently improved. Stores, provisions, all i
tended ap-
pliances
t o h ayeboon
improve
lords, the Emperor of the French has recently addressed
the legislative body oeeef ethat on of our forcee. My
that his army consists of 581,0()0 men. Since that time,
trhntly actualicnoc country,
coaditistar'yell' and has told Europe
and have very much
ahe
forcehas as orderedthis,animatedan
by tj
additional lierier
the
elhe has espoused the cause in which we are both engaged, I
Yetoefrmine zeal with which
141,000.
With such
d
say that that is a force which, if employed in any degree 1
in the same proportion that we have devoted our own
army to the service, must entitle us to look with great
confidence to the success of such an enterprise. My lords,
we have recently concluded a treaty with the King of
Sardinia, by which is placed at our disposal, for immediate
embarkation to the Crimea, a force of 15,000 admirable
troops, to be placed under the command of Lord Raglan.
That is a most admirable and important addition to our
forces. In addition to this, my lords, we have concluded a
treaty with Austria ; and-our engagements with that state
arenow brought to that point from which the moat impor-
tant advantages may be confidently expected- My lords,
we have come to an understanding with the Austrian Go-
vernment on the tennis of peace to be proposed to the Em-
peror
of Russia. Her Majesty has agreed to adopt those
proposals, and :he Russian Minister has accepted, or pro-
fessed to accept, those conditions, so proposed, so under-
stood, by the Allied powers. Austria has also engaged
that, if these terms be not accepted, and do not lead to the
conclusion of s peace, she will be prepared to join her
military efforts with our own. Now, my lords, you see
here is the alternative of a peace which will secure all the
objects for which we are contending, or which will ensure
the assistance of that great military power whose army is
now raised to the amount of 500,000 men. With these
prospects, my lords, it is impossible for ono to entertain
apprehensions—unworthy apprehensions—(hear, hear)—
from these casualties to which all armies are liable. This,
my lords, is seer military prospect. I shall not at this time
detain your lordships by any view of the state in which
the country is placed at the present moment, in respect
of its domes is affairs. I might revert, undoubtedly,
to what has been accomplished in the course of the
last few years, embracing various measures of much
importance—especially I might advert to that solid system
of finance established by the wisdom and supported by the
unrivalled eloquence of my right hon. friend the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer, by which the prosperity of this;conn-
try, notwithetanding the state of war, has been maintained
undiminished, and all its transactions, commercial and do-
mestic, have been carried en without interruption. I might
also refer to the condition of her Majesty's navy. I might
not only advert to the condition of that navy, but to the
administration by which it has been brought to the condi-
tion in which it is at this moment. I am not aware that a
single abjection has been, or can be, brought against the
administration of the navy. My lords, I have already in-
stanced examples of the success of our foreign policy in the
advantageous treaty which we have concluded with Sardi-
nia, giving an immediate accession of such a valuable force,
tas
it: cdsci letoshe swf uiylmo uP°r
re
: lordshipstnl tn to f t rteta etthyne ewpg iortothioaftAioouf tisostnr of my ; xme
y'rr thi
nobleoant s i, andefnroi
eutughchie
near me, the Secretary of State for the Foreign Depart
moot. Austriaof especiallabilityyahn ads been
throughout outgh(Houeta.)
conducted
ctetcriey withwatithad ege e
cau-
tion, and prudence, which, t
-11 my experience, extensive as
it is, has boon unequalled. And hero I think it right to
say that wo have full reason to place the most entire con-
fidence in the cansistency and good faith of the Austrian
Government. From the first, without disguising their ar-
dent desire to preserve peace, they have never proposed to
do that by the sacrifice of any of those aroma European in-
Presene
to
obanaereake the for-
mation in the maintenance of which -
we are all engaged.
And therefore, I think, having proceeded with such good
faith, with such caution as they have done throughout the
whole of this transaction, I feel that we have a right to
rocofedithnegl,
neverthelessa t e G o ver Government,
rely upon their irmness, and their adherence to the com-
mon cause for the future. My lords I
, have said that I
hwoilwlenvoetrriemfepor rttoitanntythmeyeamsuaryesphave beene—but I may men-
tionsedn,ote‘shoicfhrueritefruel inciu
tethe Goveernment had
that, even last year, whichtpheasavtas
o Majestyss
eite e
Seeing
(Derby)
him
moatsule-
gislativeffiealreadyiaedn measuresmtatittreimbn ledae i
n.t asmeasures
t hit
is enough
ee yearnewohuee grr
hes e t e r
they will be duly esti-
matedwant of the coun-
try —ow that is to be
y) the honour of
ac-
quired is notfor me to say. Rumour has assigned, very con-
t r y a ai n
strongfu
future. e. M y lords,
Government.
yr
earlAdministration.fimhdaavotininotglnybo,efteoannthrnuoebslteed
in his place I will
not anticipate the statement which he no doubt will
make. I will only say that the necessity exiate
; and I am
confident that her Majesty may rely on the Patriotism of
those who may he called upon. (Hear.) i can onlysay
for myself, and I believe for my 0011(mo-ries "
ea near me, that
anyladministration that is called into existence, and which
b y
o p
herp
shall present itself for the approbation of Parliament would
receive that support which in the present crisis is so ur-
gently required by the great interests that are at stake.
For myself, I lean only add that the accession to power of
the noble earl opposite, or any other man, will not interfere
with any views of mine. I do trust, whatever the govern-
ment may be, that they will carry on
the
.war with vigour,
with effect, and with a view only to legitimate end of
all wars--,a speedy
speedy termination, and safe
and honourable
peace. (Hear.) My lords, I trust that, by keeping
steadily
•
in view the real objects of the war—not being diverted by
a wild and imaginary vigour, or animated by merely vin-
dictive feelings—(hear)—such a Government, as soon as
those real objects of the war have been attained, will listen
to the dictates of humanity and of true policy, and will i
lose no time in realising the advantageftef peace es
seen
as
they can honourably come to that conclusion, My lords,
I do not know that I have any reason to detain you further.
I have merely risen to announce the fact, which your lord-
ships will have already anticipated, H
ear )
that we only hold office
till our successors are appointed. (
The Duke of NEWCASTLE—I oan assure your lord-
ships I wish that I oould, on this occasion, follow the usual
course of ministers who tender their resignation, and con-
tent myself with the explanations that have been given by
my noble friend late at the head of the Government. There
are two hasons why I wish, for however short a time, to
trouble your lordships, while I depart from this usual prac-
tice. In the first place, my lords, it would have been my
duty, under any circumstances, had I been present, what-
ever might have been the result of the division in the House
of Commons, to have made a statement in my own behalf.
But there is another reason why, in answering the speech
of my noble friend (Earl Grey) the last time the house met,
with reference to the construction of the war department,
I stated to your lordships that on this occasion I should
wish to make a personal statement. That is in conse-
quence of another statement, which was made in the other
benee, be the nohlo lord, late the President of tbr."olinvil.
wi,i,h I cannot lent feel has so materially affected nay po-
sition as a public man, that I feel it incumbent upon me,
however inconvenient, and however personally incapable
I may be, to XRAliti some ozplauatiou to your lordships,

My lords, no man can feel more than I do the inconve-
nience of thrusting upon Parliament or upon the public
what I may call domestic differences between colleagues
in a cabinet even at the moment of separation. But, my
lords, in the speech to which I have referred the noble
lord (Lord J. Russell) placed the justification of the course
he had taken almost so exclusively upon my acceptance
of and upon my subsequent continuance in the Secretary-
ship of the War Department, that I feel it necessary to
state to your lordships some omissions which were made
by the noble lord, and some explanations consequent upon
the words which fell from him. The noble lord said, in
one of the letters which he addressed to my noble friend
at the head of the Government, and which ho read to the
other house, that when the two Secretaryehsps of State
were divided, he yielded to my strong wish that I should
occupy the war department, thereby undoubtedly imply-
ing that he had been opposed to that arrangement, that
he had remonstrated against it, and had been overruled.
My lords, I venture to say that such was net the case;
and if I now presume to offer any explanation with refer-
ence to what took place in the cabinet, I beg to say that
I have followed the proper course, and have applied to
my-sovereign for permission to make those explanations,
withont which, iu virtue of the obligation which rests
upon all privy councillors, I should have been precluded
from doing so. My lords, in the cabinet iu which it was
deCided that the two office's of Secretary of State for the
Colonies and Secretary of State for War shoiald be di-
vided, a discussion took place in which I felt it my
duty to point out to the cabinet the difficulties which
world follow upon that separation, unless, before
it was made, the duties of the new secretaryship were
accurately defined, and some definite plan was laid
down. (Hear, hear.) And I stated at that time to the
noble lord that I thought he, in advocating that measure,
ought to have provided us with a definitive plan. I `told
him that I was "encumbered at that moment with two such
laborious offices that I had really no time to consider the
organinationof the department, and that I regretted that,
before the measure Irae ATM,- same delinite-splan had
not been laid down. But the noble lord expressed his
opinion that, in deference to the wishes of Parliament,
that step should be immediately taken. It was determined
upon by the Cabinet; and I am sure the noble lord must
admit that, so far from his being considered to assent to
my wishes—l appeal► confidently to any of rely late col-
leagses who sit near me whether, at the conclusion of that
discussion, my last words wore not these :—" The Cabinet
having now decided that the two secretaryships shall be
divided, all that I can say is that, so far as I am person-
ally 'concerned, I am perfectly ready to retain either er
neither." (Hear.) My lords, that is my strong wish
which has been spoken of ,by the noble lord. I can only
say that, in any discussion of which I hoard, I never un-
derstood for one moment that the noble lord had expressed
any desire that my noble friend Lord Palmerston should
occupy the War Department. I did hear—and I was in-
formed by my noble friend lately at the head of the Go-
vernment—that, for a time at least, the noble lord himself
had contemplated the possibility of Lerd Grey taking the
department ; and most undoubtedly if that had been the
case,, I never for an instant should have thought of stand-
ing in his way. But I should wish it to bo distinctly un-
derstood, and I will say, that I not only did not express a
strong wish to continue in the War Department, but that
I expressed my readiness to retain either or neither of those
offices, as my colleagues might think best for the public
service, and might advise her Majesty. I do not at the
same time hesitate to sty that when, to the best of my be-
lief and knowledge, no other member of the Cabinet was
put forward to occupy either, I did not shrink from
the duy, assuming that, as I certainly did feel I
should have been found unworthy, having held these
seals for three months, if I then shrunk from
what I knew to bo a post of difficulty and danger.
When I say a post of difficulty and &lager, there are many
of my private- friends in this house and elsewhere who
know the observation which I made to them, when told
frequently by them that I had done unwisely in leaving a
department where they were kind enough, perhaps preju-
diced enough, to say I had gained some alight reputation.
My answer to them was this, without reference to the Co-
lonial-office—" I am well aware of what I have done ; I
know, that in this department, whatever success may at-
tend our army, I shall never derive any credit ; but this
I also know, that if there should bo disaster upon me alone
will come the_ blame and the public indignation." (Hear,
hear.) My noble friend opposite, who is generous enough
to cheer, is one of the friends to whom I made that obser-
vation. My lords, I think I have said enough to prove to
'yeur-lordships how unjust have been the complaints which
have been made, in Parliament and elsewhere, of my pre-
sumption and my self-love, which insisted upon keeping
this office. I hope I have sufficiently explained to your
lordships the conduct which has been characterised by
some as arrogance, and by the noble lord to whom I have
referred, in the 'more patronising phrase of " commend-
able ambition." (Hear, hear.) My lords, I will pass
over in the correspondence the letter which the noble lord
(Russell) addressed to my noble friend late at the head of
the•Gevernment, on the 18th of November, in which he
says, " It was my intention, in writing the letter, to avoid
throwing any blame upon the Duke of Newcastle ; indeed
I think he deserves great credit for the exertions he has
made." I do not wish to dwell upon this letter, or to at-
tack any importauceto it, because the noble lord has him-
self stated, in the speech to which I have referred, that in
reality we must consider that letter as only what our
friends on the ether side of the Atlentic are pleased to call
" soft sawder"—(a langh)—and he has stated, when he has
spoke in those terms of me, that my removal from office was
his object. Si possis, smirker; si non, quocunque mode.
I have said that the noble lord has road extracts from those
letters which have rendered it absolutely necessary for me
both to make comments and to give other extracts in ex-
planation. Mow, my lords, I cannot but feel surprised,
when the whole gist of the noble lord's speech was to re-
present me determinid to hold office' and resolved to retain
it—l cannot but feel surprised that he did not quote the
following sentence from the letter of my noble friend on
the 21st of November, in answer to that which he had re-
ceived. The very beginning of that letter was in these
words:7e" I have shown your letter to the Duke of New-
castle, and also to Sidney Herbert. They both—as might
have been expected—strongly urged me to adopt any such
arrangement, with respect to their offices, as might be most
conducive to the public service." (Cheers.) My lords, I
have shown you that I did not insist upon holding the seals
of the war department; and when my noble friend (Lord
Aberdeen) placed that letter in my hands my immediate
answer was—" Don't give Lord John Russell any pretext
for quitting this Government. (Laughter.) On no ac-
count resist his wish to remove me from my office. Do
with me whatever is best for the public service. (Loud
cheers on both sides of the house.) In that way you will
gratify me most • in that way you will be serving the
Queen best." (Cheers.) My lords, the next instance in which
I am obliged to quote from the speech of the noble lord
is whore, having read a portion of one of the letters
• of my noble friend, he used the words—" I then went ou
to give 2101110 instances of errors which had been com-
mitted." Now, my lords, the impression produced upon the
public mind was, of course, that these errors were of a
grave character, that upon them had hinged the safety of
our troops in the Crimea, and perhaps all the consequences
that we have lately seen, including the disastrous sickness
which has prevailed. The noble lord did not read the
complaints which he had made of these errors, and there-
fore, with your lordships' permission, I will read them
myself. They were contained in a letter of the noble lord
dated 28th Nov.—"l will give you an instance but too
pregnant with warning. Early in October I wrote to the
Duke of Newcastle on the subject of transferring the 97th
Regt. then at the Piraeus to the Crimea. He informed me,
in answer, that he had also wished to do so, and that he
had also wished to send between 2,000 and 3,000 men, the
draughts of various regiments, to the Crimea. Now, why
was he not able to carry his intentions into effect ? Because
ho could not remove the obstacles put in the way by other
departments, and because the Prime Minister did not at
once overcome those obstacles. At a much later time, the
97th has moved, and it is only to-day that I see by a tele-
graphic despatch from Lord Stratford, dated on the 18th
inst., that the Orinocb (which conveys that regiment) had
left Constantinople for the Crimea. But, in the meantime,
Lord Raglan had reported that he wished he had been able
to place in the position of Balaklava, on the 26th of October,
a more considerable force ; and also, that on the sth of
November, the heights of Inkerman were defended by no
more than 8,000 British infantry. What can be done by a
single British regiment was seen on the sth of October,
when the 93d alone saved the position of Balaklava by
their firmness and gallantry. Had 5,000 more men been at
Lord Raglan's disposal on the 25th of October and the
sth of November, how much more fruitful, though not
more glorious, might have been those memorable days."
These were the errors which I was supposed to have com-
mitted ; and now let me give the explanation of these
errors, which I gave to the noble lord in writing en both
occasions. And first, with regard to the 97th Regiment. -
I informed him that several days before I had received
his letter, it had been my desire to send forward that
noble regiment to aid Lord Raglan in the Crimea ; but
that I had applied to my noble friend the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs to know whether it would be safe to move
that regiment from the Pirnus, and whether the objects
for which it had been sent thither had been sufficiently
attained. In answer to my question, my noble friend pro-
duced a letter, which I rather think he had received that
day, in which the most earnest stress was laid open the
maintenance of the British and French force in the Piraeus ;
and in which my noble friend was told that if it was with-
drawn the consequences which it had been sent to prevent
would immediately occur. Now, will any man maintain
that a Secretary for War, after having received such a
statement from the Foreign Minister, would have been jus-
tified in removing that regiment, at all hazards, from the
Piraeus, and sending it to the Crimea. (Here a Peer made
a remark.) The noble lord says that it was subsequently
removed. It was subsequently removed, because some
few weeks afterwards my noble friend, whom I had
earnestly pressed to let me know the first moment when a
change might take place, informed me that although it
would be impossible to part with the military force it
might be somewhat reduced. On receiving that statement,
I immediately desired General Ferguson, the general com-
manding at Malta, to select one of three regiments of 600
men which he considered, from the qualifications of the
officers, to be the fittest for the service, and to send it to
the Piraeus, in order that the 97th, the strength of which
was 1,000 men, might go on to the Crimea. The second
error of which the noble lord coniplained was this, /re_
desired by him to send oat two or three thousand drafts
act-
to the Crimea ; but there were two reason
to say that the
sent. First, Lord Raglan had written
to cholera, which
drafts were so young that when exposedfallen sick and
' they had rapidly
at that time prevailed,
deprecated, unless subsequent pres-
sure to the noble lord, why those draftss"shwoaldoti be
died ;and he thereforenagt u r
eout. flthheosseecdornadftrsennasotnil twhasey,
exhausted all the steam trans-
epolonies and other parts of the world ; but at that moment
sathuhoroareulttssa.dhtellatuhOlvadtethaegtirrrismsoewe'wntehwrmi rohrnfesdimdcoarse daily expected from the
the Admiralty was not able to supply is with transports,
in which to convey those troops. I say, therefore, my
lords, that it is perfectly true that these errors," as the
noble lord has called them, were laid before me ; but it is
also true that they were answered ; and although on the
28th of November those errors were brought forward as
reasons why I should quit my office, at a date anterior to
' that, but subsequent to my answer, I had the better for-
Serie to satisfy :he noble lord ; for in the last letter -ehich
Ithle'ecaeviovredsi fromwh him beforeichlainao about to xr
eent
du.r eldh
et os
et
letters,ow ,h eI usena luny
cyl
observe, were written, as frera their dates your lord shine may

each house resulted, I believe—of course, noble lords op
site will not agree in that view—but the result was sal
factory to the Government. Three days after that, on ._
16th of December, a Cabinet was held, at the close of which
I exchanged words with two or three of my colleagues,
who said that, from the conduct of the noble lord in the
Cabinet, and from the interest he had shown in the matters
which had been discussed, they felt very confident that he
had abandoned the opinions which he had entertained and
wished to express. But wo wore not left altogether to
conjecture on this point, for in the course of that very
evening, in a conversation which my noble friend had
with him, he expressly told my noble friend that he had
changed his views, anti that he had abandoned any wish
that he had entertained for a change. (Hear.) I should not
go any further into this point, for these matters are pro-
bably much more interesting to myself than to any of your
lordships—(cheers)—but my noble friend (the Earl of
Aberdeen) reminds me that the reason which the noble
lord assigned for the abandonment of his proposal was this.
Not being satisfied with the opinion of his faithful and at-
tached friends in the Cabinet, he had consulted another
friend—and from my knowledge of that noble lord lam
sure that ho (Lord J. Russell) could not have had a better
adviser. Well, the noble lord told my noble friend that,
from the answer he had received he was satisfied and con-
vinced, and had abandoned his views. (Cheers.) Having
disposed of the personal part of the question, the noble
lord proceeds to discuss in the next place the question of
measures. He said that, having been called upon to oppose
the motion of the hon. and learned member for Sheffield,
he felt himself placed in a difficult position, because—l
will quote his words—" because be could not say that
measures had been taken by which these evils could be
prevented, and by which the administration could be vigo-
rously prosecuted." Now, my lords, I think the fair and
just inference from this statement is, that the noble lord
had proposed to his colleagues measures and suggested
arrangements which they had been unwilling to adopt. I
can only say that, to the best of my belief; such was never
the case. I know of no measures which were proposed by
the noble lord, and which were rejected. I know of no pro-
posals which were made by him, and which were not ac-
cepted, except one. That proposal referred to myself in
this Manner. The noble lord said that at the Cabinet
which was held on the Saturday preceding the Tuesday,
the day of Mr. Roebuck's motion, and of the noble lord's
resignation, certain new arrangements had been proposed,
by which the mode in which the business of the war de-
partment had been carried on should be regulated ; and to
which I referred on Monday night. The business of the
military departments had previously been carried on by
the heads of those departments, who met at my office,
somewhat in the form of a board, thotigh not with the
strict formality of one. It was proposed, therefore, the_
greater formality should be given to it, and that it should
be constituted either by a minute or an Order in Council.
That board was to consist of the Secretary of State for
War, the Secretary at War, the Commander-in-Chief, and
the Master-General of the Ordnance. The noble lord said
that this question had been brought before the Cabinet,
and that it had been decided adversely to his opinion.
Now, my lords, a proposal was brought forward by tho
noble lord himself, which was agreed to ; and we had
every reason to believe that the noble lord was an entirely
consenting partyt But in the course of. the evening a pro-
posal was sent by the noble lord to my noble friend; and
as it is of some importance to my case, I will read it to
your lordships