The National Register.
London, England, 1816-03-04 00:00:00

itr.

WATERLOO SERMONS.

POLITICAL DISQUISITION.

ON THE PROPOSED PEACE ESTABLISHMENT.
WE have hitherto examined the various bearings of
the Property Tax, an impost contemplated by the coun-
try with more terror than would be the revival of byre-
rial despotism in France, but which perhaps only requires
to be properly modified, to become at once a productive
and equal mode of taxation. We shall now consider that
ruiee Establishment, as it is wrongly called, which is
represented as the basis of the Tax, and is viewed on
that account with less calmness and impartiality than
generally attend national investigations.
What should we think of a painter, who to sketch a
beautiful landscape, should take his stand in the depth Of
s ravine, with nothing but threatening rocks around him,
or stunted woods that impeded, without ;;ratifying his
sight? Should we nut say that the man was mad, or
that he chose the very worst fimture of the land, in or-
der to contnulict and destroy the renown of its beauties ?
Should we net tell him to ascend the heights, and then
take an expanded view of the scenes around him, smiling
or sublime, though they might contain spots of rugged-
ness and sterility ?—What we should say to the painter,
we may, with equal justice, address to the Opposition..
In the midst of a'-eattritry abounding with greatness,
power and glory, they fix their stand in the sink of tem-
porary distress, then look around and conceive, or at
least proclaim, that all is ruin and desolation. They
will not mount the steep, for then the prospect would be
too brilliant, and their picture, however disfigured and
darkened, would betray some reflection of its glories,
We shall not follow their example : we shall not disdain
to contemplate our country in all its ime and
gnmdeur, and if the view of its real state, with which
we shall preface our observations on the establishment
proposed, be not as glmmy, it will be more faithful than
that, which some pretended patriots of the day have
drawn.

What have ken the objects of our exertions during
twenty-five years of war and of perils ?—The support of
our independence, and the restoration of order in Europe.
The latter, not merely because it was connected with
our safety, but because, free and happy ourselves, we
could not behold the fairest portion of the world devoted
to servitude and misery, without lolling tbrth a hand to
assist and to save. How have those objects been pur-
sued ?--Through difficulties and dangers ; through gloom
and tempest ; through good fialune and ill fortune, with
the spirit of freemen and the constancy of patriots—now
embattled under the eyes of our wives and our children
to guard our shores from invasion, and now chasing upon
sll the seas the flying navies of our fives—now alone
against a world in arms, and now raising nations front
the dust, lighting the flame of independence, and in-
volving the whole Continent in its blaze.—How have
those objects been attained ?—Let Europe through all
her states proclaim it. Ask her where is that Gigantic
Despotism that weighed upon all her realms, that chained
all her monarchs on their thrones, compressed all nations
into one, and attempted to impose upon mankind one
law, one will, one lan;.7l.tage ?—She will tell you, that it
is vsnished ; that its very ruins have disappeared. She
will point to England, as the Power that opened the
abyss where the monstrous rubric was engulphed, the
Power that alone can close it fin. ever.—Ask her how
kingdoms have recovered their limits, the Continent its
balance, and Peace its empire?—She will reply, because
England was mighty to conquer, and disinterested in tri-
nmph : because the effusion of 4 benevolent spirit went
forth with her counsels anti her armies, and the field of
her battles became the seat of her charities.—Assure her
that she is mistaken : that England could, do, and has
clone nothing: that her victories were tantamount to de-
feats ; that her ends were selfish, bar means insignificant,
her exertions destructive to herself, and that the result
of the invatident and unjust contest she has waged, is
the rain of her prosperity, her credit, and her strength—
Europe will look upon you with pity or with contempt.
She will tell you that your country occupies the loftiest
t.nd the safest eminence on earth, one founded on the
gratitude. the veneration, and the terror of nations. The
gratitude, fl,r her assistance; the veneration, for her vir-

Cues ; .and the terror, for her power.. In there a man who
can wish his country, to descend fiflm such an elevation
—To abdicate the rank to which her unequalled exer-
tions, the magnanimity of hor spirit, and the consent of
mankind have raised her?—lf there be such a man, let
hint join the phalanx of the Opposititm, and set up his
voice against that establishment, which, we trust can main-
tain the country. in her strength and her dignity. Let
hint-cry that her conatkution is in danger, if her great-
ness, her glory, and hee-putver are not sacrificed. Let
him regret " the good old thite when 4 or 5000 men
formed her national army," and when the banners of
every invader floated on the towers of her capital. Let
hint reproach her with her acquisitions, because, though
they add to the g,enend wealth of the nation, they must
be protected and governed at an d'alk.%T. trifling when
compared with their importance. call fur the
surrender of all that welasie gni*, that we may fol-
low Mr. Brougham's advice, " and in tease of war, trust
to our navy, and our army to do what they have already
done." But if, instead of such Zetlaimers, we meet
with a real patriot, what will be Ida sentiments? He
will say : that he rejoices in the exaltation of his country
with the more sincerity and fervour, as it was not in a
course of ambitious enterprizes, but in a continual and
deadly contest with oppression, that she grew rich and
powerffil, and became, through her victories and her
wisdom, the arbiter of European nations. He will say:
that although the rage of the conflict is over, yet its con-
sequences must for some time be felt. Even the con-
queror is overthken witlt the toils of battle,
but the lassitude' is transitory im .'easily repaired. To
call it a mortal disease in a man would be ridiculous : to
say that a nation is ruined because it has not yet completely
emerged front the difficulties which attend the close of a
long and arduous war, is equally I,troundless and unrea-
sonable. He will own, that once the principle of a stand-
ing, army under the controul of Parliament admitted, he
sees no danger to the Constitution from the amount of
that army, when it is only proportioned to the increase
in rank, influence, and possessions of the empire. lie
will say, that to refuse to support the necessary force on
account of its expense, would be to subject the country
to a much greater expenditure. The cameos of strength
once united by a series of events, circumstance!! and
feel-
intis which may never occur again, cannot be dissolved
and thrown away impunely. The moment may, and
must come, for peace cannot be
union must be attempted ; but

ceed ? If it did nut, would not, .
the very existence of the Constitm
threatened, if not destroyed ?
the advice of those who recommend
army to a state of weakness, w'
once of all the consideration

enjoy in Europe : were we to
however valuable, as mere burthens

replat2 them in the hands of
our navy and army to do, in case
already done,".—is it really fancied
better consulted? How has
which the country is loaded
the adoption of that very plan at the conclusion of every
war but the last. No sooner did we go to war with
France, than expeditions were fitted OW at great expense
against her colonies. Their capture cost us our noblest
• blood; peace came, and those colonies were inamediatsipro.
stored in a more flourishing state to our inveterate dinefty,
to whom they brought encrease of power M renew the
contest at a more favourable opportunity. Then fresh
expeditions must be sent, more treasure expended, and
fresh blood shed to regain objects that we land foolishly
thrown away. Even at the ,peace4af Atiliens, Buono-
parte was presented by us with th4Frencb colonies, and
had he condescended to sign the treaty of Chatillon, in
181 t, they would be now in his priwer. Because that
impolitic and ruinous system has no been in part aban-
doned, and the wiser course has been adopted, of perma-
nently encreasing our power at the txpense of a restless
and couqucred enemy, thus diminishinir his ability to dis-
turb our rest, and avoiding a fitture uriste of money, and
of blood, the opposition cry shame upon Government,
and charge it with extravagance. An army establishment
which in a year will not amount to six millions, and
which, as peace consolidates itself, may be still tbrther
induced, appears to these patriot enormous and unjusti-
fiable. But let their economy i adopted, and should a
new war occur, we may bop o see the national debt
doubled througli their passi:m tie retrichment, and have
to provide 84 instead of 4F2 miqP4us a year to liquidate
its interest, before a single shilling can'be plied to the
purpose of either a war or a peace rishlima

TIIF transcendant victory that terminated the last
war, did not add more to the glory of our arms, than the
collections and contributions thr the relief of those who
suffered in the bank that led to it, added to the fame of
our charity. The sympathy of the country was semulta-
neous with its exultation ; the charitable donation was
offered with the laurel of triumph ; and our purses were
opened to promote the recovery, to reward the services, or
to assist the families of our gallant soldiers ; while our
tongues resounded their praises, and our hearts rejoiced
at the success. For some time, the sentiments of inilivi-
duals, unprompted by any appeals to their sympathy, or
Christian principles, swelled the ofierings of benevolence;
and the humane spirit of our religion produced the grand-
est effect ; like the silent influence of nature, while its •
name was not openly employed, nor its aid' invoked. It
s•xm allied itself, however, in a more ostensible manner
with this labour of love ; and, as it has been the origin of
those numerous institutions, unknown to ancient times,
for alleviating the distresses, and improving the; condition
of men in civil life, so it now stepped forward, to heal
the wounds received in the field of battle, or to supply, in
some manner, the losses incurred by victory. By the au-
thority of the Royal Letter, and the active zeal of the
clergy, the inhabitants of this country were universally
invited to bring the offering of patilotism and charity to
the altar of religion; to gratify the generous feelings of
their nature, under the impression, that they ware per-
forming an act of piety; and to anticipate the relief of
distress, not snore us the effectof praise-worthy liberality,
than of consecrated beneficence. The nation thus exhi-
bited the sublime spectacle of a great people, where mili-
tary mnown could receive no addition, meeting, with one
accord, in the temples of their God for the purposes of
patriotic charity, forgetting all differences of reli,iotts
creed, in a unanimity of benevolence; supprexsing all the
feelings of pride over a fallen foe, which unparalelled
success might have excused; and, anxious only to add to
• fitted, far the relief of thaw, throne) whose sacrifice,
and exertions we had our present points of elevation.
. The ministers of religion, in this interesting scene, be-
of snfferin,g humanity, and, without
- of peae-risikers, called
-repaving the

which they were composed ; ao that we have not only
Waterloo subscriptions, poems, pictures, and statements,
but Waterloo sermons.
In so far as these compositions aided the cause which
they rocommended,orNvere articulated more extensively to
forward, the interests of charity, we concur in their ob.
jects, and apphomi their execution. Our religion is truly
the religion of banevolenm ;'and while it proscribes the
causes of human suffering, when they originate in vicious
propensities, vul irregular posaiocus, it calls upon its ad-
herents by the example of its great Author, and bf t:mir
own hopes of future hr.ppine&s, to succour and relieve the
wretched and the destitute. It came to procure the ces.
sation of war, but it commands us to bind rp the wounds
which war has inflicted. But we are afraid, tions the
specimen; that we have seen of these Wa.,•rloo se.tnuns,
that many of them disnlaved as muds set ular polities as
Christian charity ; curd that they eontaisr:d ions and
reasonings on the de 1i of l'r widen-e, in the late
evanta, fully more than persuasions to liberality, or ex-
planations of moral duty. We are even afraid that many
of our lute successes were transferred from the Casette to
the pulpit ; that " the pony) and circumstance of war,"
were detailed more than the wounds of ,our soldiers, or
the distresses of their des.itute families; and that the mi..
nisters of the religion of peace may have given a ssn-tion
to that military spirit, which is not less at variance with
the civil trantptillity of the world, than inc ,intent with
the tenor Of the gospel. The present generation of men
in this country has been so much accustomed to hear of

He moment may, ana
came the advocates of sit tiering humanity, and, without
c eternal, when theta' re-
forgetting their character of peace-iiiikers, called upon
would the enterrise sue-
the rieople for the mains of repairing the ravages of war.
t, more than the integrity,
.Their appeal was not
_heard in vain. That charity which
Litution and the nation, be
In. late events has given us more thin victory, which,
And were we to follow
lae a goad angel, has followed the track of the destroyer,
mend the reduction of our
building up the cottages, and alleviating the distresses of
which would deprive us at
the Portuguese peasants, between the 1)ouro and the
and influence which we
Tom; ai4.cenveynig.corafort, even into the ruined v 1-
resign all our acquisitions,
andatm of RUSSIA, was not reluctant to display it-
uthens to the State, and
111 the cause of our own oettetrymea. who added to
our enemy, "gusting to
sae of war. aa. they have the plea of gaff
suffering, the climb which great merit and
important aervict. impose upon our gratitude.. Several of
ithed that economy would be
the addresses made to the people on that occasion are
the enormous debt with
published, and thrown, as it were, into the fund for
been accumulated, but by eonmased ao that we have not univ

great contests, and to exult in great successes, that a
tendency to admire decals of arms, and military establish-
ments, is in danger of being produced, and ought to be re-
pressed, rather than encouraged. The march of our
army in Portugal, Spain, France, and the Netherlands,
has been distinguished by the rout astonishing victf rics.
During the period of three or f our successive campaigns,
every packet or arrival mein the scene of action was ex-
pected to bring us news of important military movements;
and public curiosity was kept on the stretch, or public
admiration gratified, by the report or occurrence of great
triumphs. The news of battles spread from the coast to
the War-office; from the War-eiliee, to the journals ; and
from the journals, to the lowest and most sequestered
parts of our population. The guns of one fortress or cas-
tle told them to another; illuminations and rejoicings
Tallowed the passage of the mat ; and . the towns and vil-
lages of our empire rung with the praises of our gallant
countrymen, who were reaping for us such a harvest of
glory. Amid the labours of the field; at church ; and in
the common intercourse of life, the fame of our troops be-
came the common topic of conversation and pride. But
the clergy, we are convinced, did not lend their aid to
difihse this military spirit, or to invest the character of
the soldier, with attractive attributes. They did not, to
any considerable extent, recommend war and glory, by
descanting on our successes ; or imitate the martial, bi-
shops and cardinals of former times, by inculcating on
their flocks ; the necessity of becoming a church militant,
by funning themselves into an army. But, it is to be
feared, that on occasions of thanksgiving for victories, and
on the late occasion of raisin a contribution on charity,
for therelicf of those who sufered in our greatest victors,
they may inconsiderately have lent their sanction to the
prevalent and growing taste of the times, instead of op-
posing it. Nothing can be more pernicious to the morals
of society, or more dangerous to its liberties, than a mili-
tary spirit; and nothing of course can be more inconsis-
tent with the character of a Christian teacher, as a friend
to both, than any attempt to diffuse it. The character
of soldiers seperated from the body of the people, and liv-
ing in comparative indolence, has been proverbial, in all
ages, for dissoluteness in morals ; for disregard of religion,
and neglect of social ties ; and therefore, however much
we may be grateful for their exertions; when made for ,
our defence, we ought never to inculcate an admiration
of their distinguishing qualities. The very efficiency of
an army depends upon its passive obedience to superior
command, and its renunciation of many of the feelings of
citizens ; and, therefore, we ought never, if we have any
regard to freedom, to render its existence popular beyond
.the period of active service against a fireign enemy. Let
Ifs bestow the laurel, or more substantial reward, upon
our soldiers, when they fight successfully in our cause;
let us be grateful to God for the victories, which, under
his superintendence, they achieve for us; but let us never,
as Christians, or as freemen, sanction a taste for the trade
of war and bloodshed; or a passion for military parade
and establishments. We carry a sword where our per-
sons are in danger ; we may raise batteries where we
dread attacks ; but no man would encumber himself or
his property with these things; when he might live in
security without them ; or when there was a danger that
they might he mimed against his family, or his interests.
It was not necessary to introduce the subject of war, or
the defence of the military profession, for the purpose of
attaining the end proposed, of succouring those who bled
or lost their relatives in a battle, which we trust in God
will render a military attitude less prevalent in Europe.
The gospel has commanded us to. relieve the wants and
hind up the wounds of our fellow men ; and surely,
when they have suffered in our service, their claim upon
our sympathy and benevolence is strengthened. We tra-
vel the nearest way to the place of happiness, when we
pass through the hospitals and prisons, where our fellow
mortals languish, and distribute to them the greatest re- •
lief that we have in our power.—We arrive most se-
curely whoa on the road we disencumber ourselves of our
superfluous wealth for the benefit of less fortunate pil-
grims. To noise a contribution, therefore, fir the aid of
the soldier, we are not bound to admire his character, any
more than, by assisting the penitent, we are required to
imitate his example. (We shall make a few further oh-
servatiors on this subject, and give a few extracts in
our nexr. Number.)

FRENCH PAPERS.
CHAMBER OF DEPLITIES.—Srertao op Pea. it.
The Minister fur Foreign Affairs and General Police, who '
was introduced into the thatcher while M. de Serres was at
tie Tribune, after that metnbe•• had condi:tied his speech, se-
•gnes:cd to he heard. He met.: d the tribune, and in a tone
winch announced the profound crnotiou produced in his mind
by the melancholy cointem.ication with which be was eitarged,
expressed himself in neat ty the follswi ac terms:—
" Gentlemen, I^te King has charged us with a communica-
ticn to you, wirier 'nest deeply touch your hearts.•"
A profound silence now The Chamber seemed
to anticipate the object of the commuoication—a sentiment of
emotioi was impressed tut every r•,unteaance.
Connt de Cazes confine •..i—" •t'he death of the just is never
lest to poste; ity. It always eon% eys crave and salutury
Providen, c. had permitted that a written trace of the last
Woughts, the la •t wishes forme tf for his people, by a menareh
wheFe name is for eN er consecmtvel in the remembrance of
mankind, should be preset ved. It was its will that the testa-
ment of Louis XVI. should exist.
" t'ils m^lanciruly consolation Und not been granted to

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