The Sun.
London, England, 1855-05-25 00:00:00

Peni a United Miro: /f tluty 'Pea asaliil g iiii the
, isoiliet_ _
for the first time, it might be a question whether that'pri-
vilege ought to be conferred, but the public bad nOw bec.orad)
used to it. Any paper not choosing to use stamped Paper
would not come at all under the control of the Board of
Inland Revenue, but would be entitled to the ordinary pri-
vilege of the book post. It was the iutentionof the Govern- /
ment, as soon as the new act came into operation, to make
such reductions in the rates of postage on 'hooka and printed
matter as would make the minimum rate of one pqnny Ever
the weight of four ounces; Many people-werel.pprelieu-
sive that the increased privileges granted to the periodical
press would inundate the country with seditious publica-
tions, lower the tone of the existing press, tend to spread
demoralisation and discontent, and that the result would be
a social evil instead of a social benefit. The example of their
neighbours on the other side of the Channel was quoted as
a proof of the danger of a cheap press. It was well known
that even under the existing law there had been a large
number of penny and halfpenny papers. The character of
that press was at one time very bad, but it had of late
much improved, and the existing penny papers abstained
from news, and devoted themselves to literary matter. It
would also be found that the most scandalous and demo-
ralising papers that had ever existed were published on
patronisedhe
present s
state
ethe f
thehigher e
aratherthe thants
htai ms
lowercpoeudn classes.
tprayl:ire t and
Ame-
rica was cited as an example of what might be expected in
thTe Government of England and the dis-
position
that h
of teh edpi
tec pnloetutlrien
think
o the American
from
class of jour-
nals those of Ame-
ricanals would ever become popular here. A better example
of what the English press was likely to become, when freed
from the restrictions of the stamp laws, was to be found
in the Australian colonies, where no stamp law had ever
exapisetres. T
d. In thaec olonyofse Victoriaasthe
therlfewlbeoruerni
eorApBrdauisly
p:
it was about the size of the Times, and published at 20.
or 3d. It had a circulation of eleven or twelve thousand a
day ; and, as far as tone, temper, and language, would bear
comparison with any English paper. He would not go
into any details as to the intentions of the Government with.
regard to the transmission of unstamped papers through
the Post-office, as it did net come ,within the scope of the
bill. On going into committee he would be prepared to
give any explanation that might be required. There was
numberono other o
fpopianptenrsotyraoffuelcdtedspbny.nt,heubpill to which he wished
to refer,yie., tohfepqiuraecsyti,onanodf co,,pyright. Alarm had been
excited in many auarters that under the new bill a large
esta-
blish a system
Parlia-
ment, and the Government had framed mischievous
is. exercise a very . .
effect on the existing jo A great deal of discussion on
ac whichlclause
use wouldto me e
t t h ethis matter had taken place in the other house of
evils that were apprehended,
was
tpneror.r
tmuch(eat
tdheabta
clause was rejected. He was not
nor did he much regret it. That ws
(questionmonteagcaier
we
hb:fhoraedPcharalirgaemaefut.
the
Stamp
namlB3p
BO i
lt the firste noble
endeavouredt ime
lordt
to carry a similar clause, but without success. It appeared
result,
nor
to him (Viscount Canning) that, as regarded copyright,the
present law—though not very convenient nor very summary
—did effectually provide a remedy. The matter which might
be pirated from newspapers was of two sorts—either leading
articles, or the bare announcement of facts. As to leading
articles,they would be copied ratherfor their general literary
merit than for any facts they contained. If they were
pirated, in the first place, there would be very little diffi-
culty in tracing them, as these articles would not admit of
disguise, for any little alterations would entirely spoil them.
In the next place, the piracy, to be profitable, should be
constant and regular, for no one would buy a cheap paper
merely on the chance of occasionally finding a good leader
copied into it. They had proof that the existing law was
sufficient to reach this case, either by action for damages,
or by injunction. Some years ago a paper was started in
London with the avowed intention of copying the article.
from the other papers a few hours after their publication.
The existing papers at once took steps to enforce the law
for their protection, and nothing more was heard of the
new project. He did not mean to say that the law might
not be made to act more quickly, but it was not desirable
to introduce any such provision into this bill. As regarded
the piracy of bare announcements of intelligence, he very
much doubted whether any law could be framed to meet it
effectually that would not be liable to great abuses. Even
if such a clause were passed it would be very difficult to put
it into operation ; for any announcement of a fact expressed
in a few words might be varied so much that it would be
almost impossible to identify it, and there would be great
risk that many innocent persons might be seriously incon-
venienced in defending themselves and showing their inno-
cence. He very much doubted whether that sort of pro-
perty belonging to newspaper editors was one which ought
to be protected. He could understand such a claim if made
some years ago, when the expense of conveying intelligence
was very great, and a paper was often obliged to employ
couriers from Constantinople or Marseilles to London, at
the cost of many scores of pounds. Matters bad very much
changed since the electric telegraph wes extended from one
end of Europe to the other ' - and a party receiving a mes-
sage was perfectly entitled to publish it, or to give it to
another to do so. He doubted very much whether the
advantages the papers might derive from such a protection
would be a compensation for the restrictions and restraint
it would place on using the electric telegraph. He did not
believe there was any other point to which it was neces-
sary to refer. He thought he had shown sufficient reason
to induce them to give the bill their favourable considera-
tion. It was true the proposed change involved a loss to
the revenue of about 150,000/. ; but as far as he was in-
formed, he had every reason to believe the loss would be
fully made up by the receipts from the papers that would
still use the stamps, and from the increased revenue to be
derived from the extension of the book postage. On social
and political grounds he asked their lordships to read the
bill a second time. (Hear, hear.)
Lord MONTEAGLE said that having had to deal with
the subject which the noble lord had brought under the
consideration of the house, he wished to state the objec-
ticns he entertained to the present measure. His first and
strongest objection to the measure was a financial one. The
sacrifice of revenue which the noble lord asked the house
to assent to was unnecessary, uncalled for, impolitic, in
some respects unjust, and, above all things, inopportune.
(Hem.) He did not ask for the continuance of the tax from
any apprehension that its repeal would produce political
or moral mischief to the country. So far from any of the
evil consequences which some persons apprehended from
cheapening the Ness being realised, it was a fact that, from
the year 1836, when the stamp was reduced from 4d. to Id.,
up to the present time, tlfere was a progressive improve-
ment in the tone and temper of periodical publications.
But he thought their lordships ought to hesitate before
assenting to this measure, because they were not in a posi-
tion to sacrifice revenue. It was not when they were en-
gaged in an expensive war, and were obliged to go into
the market as borrowers, that they should be called on to
give up a portion of the permanent revenue of the country.
The bill was then read a second time.
ADJOURNMENT FOR THE HOLIDAYS.
Earl GRANYILLE gave notice that to-morrow he
should move that the house at its rising adjourn till Mon-
day weak.

The other bills upon the table were forwarded a stage,
and their lordships adjourned at half-past seven.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY.
FOREIGN POLICY.—THE CONFERENCES.
Mr. DISRAELI rose to move the resolution he had
placed on the paper, and spoke as follows :—Sir, I rise for
the purpose of stating to the house the reasons which have
induced me to trouble it with the resolution which is now
in your hand, and the objects I have in view in moving
that resolution. I have for some time been watching, as I
suppose all have watched, with intent and deep anxiety,
the conduct of the Government of this country in respect
to the great question of peace or war, and especially and
in the most significant manner the conduct of that Govern-
ment during the prosecution of the conferences at Vienna,
and I have imbibed an opinion with respect to the inten-
tions of Government which has filled me with great regret
and distrust as to the consequences of their conduct.
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I have thought that there
was, on the part of the Government, language so ambi-
guous, and language so uncertain, that I have been
led to reflect on what must be the cause of circum-
stances which, undoubtedly, whether erroneously or
the reverse, have filled the public mind with very great
disgust and discontent—(hear, hear)—and which certainly
demanded the attentive consideration of all men, who felt
that they had incurred responsibility by accepting a seat
in this house. (Hear, heir.) It was impossible for me,
although entertaining this opinion, to ask that the senti-
ments of the house should be declared on these circum-
stances so long as negotiations were taking place. Every-
body knows, that if I had attempted to do so, the obvious
answer to me would be, that her Majesty's Government
were engaged at the moment in negotiations and confi-
dential communications with the representatives of foreign
powers, and that it would be injurious to the interests of
the country if Parliament were to interfere with their
labours ; and who can imagine for a moment that such
an objection would not have been held validofloy theee
house ? (Hear.) But at last the protocols
and, after
negotiations were produced, after rome inquiry;
laid on the table
an unusual lapse of time, they re
of the house, and I imagined thawldte
following the precedents that should have
earliest
opportunity
thhaevePgriuimdeedMhinisiscotenr:
duct, would of course have taken h
to have asked the opinion of Parliamenten anodnwtohueldlaablosonrshavoef
the representative of his Government,
before the House
taken the opportunity of clearly laying
of Commons what the
ui Governmenteonnt
ohfadpeisneeteonrdewdatro—doof
with respect to this great question
course, without committing
hisnmsdelfexinp
I i ect rei lbya tellainngg tdhee.
tails—ef manfully, precisely,
Parliament and the country what the Government meant
"
ejeet in future. (Hear.)
Minister to take that
to do with reference to.tethdetshaemperismul9
I more than once Bohm
course ; and I confessagthaaint ttehotuhgehltasotrlerhhoipsed
firsts
conclu-
Prime
Minister would have
aeon, and have felt that he should be performing his duty
his sovereign and the cquntry by doing
more faithfully o
so. I had hoped that the Prime Minister must have known
that the public mind was in that state which made it ne-
cessary
the. Government to lead and enlighten public
cessary
on subjects of surpassing magnitude, and that the
n
would have been the first to ask, in the consti-
°Pobinlie°ln ord
consti-
tutional and customary manner, the opinion of Parliament
on the course and character of those negotiations, and the
ioolicy which he would pledge us to pursue. (Hear, hear.)
'Well, sir, I was disappointed, and I think I may venture
to say that the country was disappointed also. (Loud cries
of " Hear, hear.") I think I may Venture to say that it
would have been satisfactory in the present perplexed and
sullen disposition of the nation, if, at the conclusion of the
negotiations which had been carried on—on our part
with unusual pomp and ostentation, and had, therefore,
raised a remarkable amnunt of ictorest, if the First Minis-
ter had come forward and taken the opportunity of fairly
putting the views of the Administration before Parliament,
and had adder) such an expression of opinion as would
have sustained the courage and the spirit of the people.
(Cheers.) But. nothing of the kind v, as done ; but still
frankly confess, 1 hesitated as to whether I should take the
step [ wished to take, and shrank from what I felt was
I
my duty, from—l admit a cowardly fear,
al
e fearex which
ercise of
admit was too influential, that if a man 'n t
his duty in this house took a step which
would open to the might
accn-
lead to a
censure of the Government, he
sAtion of an unworthy motive.
declined—l am ashamed to say,
heposition
mored hrea thiso n ciendeclined—
to do that which, holding t
genceenmyduty.
for
a great city, and a m leave been
member
of my friends, I felt m
gentleman,ould
(Hear, bear.) But a rightne hen. •
member of the Privy Council of the
s an occasion which could not
Queen, thought that this was
d and placed upon the table a niotio
be passed unnoticed,
on the subject. The right
for an address tro
instead of the First Minister
r
hon. member fo
ljfanokiheajseteetry,
proposed an address to her Majesty son the
of the Crown, Prop
great question I
of peace or war. hope that if the noble
lord could have
screwed up his courage to propose lan ad-
his royal mistress it would not hsVe tom con.
dress to