The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1818-05-16 00:00:00

PROVISION FOR THE DI'KE OF KENT.

On the tnotion of Lord CAsTLIKKAGH. the
!louse resolved itself into a Committee of the whole
Douse, 011 the Prince Regent's alessage, recom-
mending it provision for the Duke of Kent, on his
marriage..
. .

TI. e-Alessage having been read,
Lord CASTLEIMAGH rose and said, it was not ne-
cessary fur I to trouble the Cominittee at any
length on this occasion, as all the topics couuected
with the subject had been so recently and so gene-
rally discussed to Parliament. The feelings of the
House on measure's of this kind had beets so fully
discussed, that he should confine himself to a very
few observations. The question now under consi-
deration hail, to a certain degree, been brought be-
fore the House, ens a late discri.sion. For, though
it Was nut, on that occasion, iii his power to state
that the marriage of the Duke of Kent hail receiv-
ed the Royal sanction, still the treaty hail gone on
so far, that lie felt himself justified in not.cing it,
as an event very likely to take place. From what
he collected doting that discussion, it appeared to
I hat the Honor were disposed to consider, that
when one of the. brunches of the Royal Family
formed a matrimonial alliance, with the consent of
the Crown, and Parliament thought it proper to
allow an additional income to enable hint to sup-
port his dignity, they would taut, in itiak,tig that
addition, advert to any emolument which the tibia-
unlit* individual might detive either front a mili-
tary situate' enjoyed at Mime, or from the per-
formance of important duties, tor a while intrusted
to hint abroad. On these principles, lie [relieved,
the House had acted in grouting 6,ttoot a-year to
the Duke of Cambridge, tozetlier with a dower, in

• •
case of his decease, to his wiaotv. He, oil this occa-
sion, would propose precisely the same grant that
was voted to the Duke of Cambridge, and the same
sum for a dower to his widow, in the event of his de-
cease. He did not mean to call for any outfit—tie-
cause he understood from the Duke of Kent, that
he did not wish for any provision of that sort. Hay-
lug stated this, he would now snake one or two obser-
vations ou the marriage itself. He believed there
was but one feeling on this subject—siamely, that
the alliance was most suitable and desirable in every
point of view. It should be observed, that it was a
cousiection riot new to the country.—/Hear, kar.)
—They already had had experience of this family—
and that experience strongly recommended the
alliance. He should now state to the House a cir-
cumstance which was highly creditable to this il-
lustrious individual. When this marriage was in pro-
gress, though she did not give up the guardianship
of her children, yet her retaining that authority did
nut extend to the pecuniary advantages which she de-
rived from her guardianship. She, in fact, gave op
between 4,9001. and 3,000/. per annum—rod, he
Will sure, In granting to her a dower tot 6,000/. the
House would feel they were doing nothing more
than reinibursing her for the advantages with which
she had parted. As to the grant of 6,000!. to the
Duke of Kent, after lie had provided plus-money
tout of it, there wools, only be use actual increase
of iiiconie to the amount of 3,000/. a year. This
maid not be considered extravagaid, when the
eticriusliniesces under which he laboured were
considered. To clear those encumbrances, he
had, in a most honourable us toner, &signori-
atseuil a corooideoria.ble portions of his income—
m m of 14,000/. per amount was set apart for
that 'purpose. Ile could nut, under these circum-
stance., be expected, usi Isis own 111(41111r, to sup-
putt a fussily with becoming dignity; until he
liberated hnmsrlf c pletely f r these elicitors-
brances, lie could slot do it. There was another
to be llakrll Into coossoleration.
conse9iseisee of his having been employed very
much abroad, she Doke of tient did nut conic at
the esijoymetit of a parliamentary provision so booll
as hie 11111sliltala Mothers had done. At the age
of 32, lie received that provision. which other
branches of his f. ly had beets in possession of at
an earlier period, Prior tis that time he had only an
ullowance of 5,000!. a year from his Royal Father,
and the etnoluineists of Ilia commission as a Major-
General. It was nut surprising. theit fore, that lie
should at that time have funned encumbrances,
which he might now deem it necessary to clear
away. lie could nut, under °tsar circumstances,
lies on that scale which. when those
were rentoteol, lie would have an roman t•inity of
doing. The Noble Lord concluded by moving—
" limit it i. the opiniou of Ilia Committee, thAt his Ala.
je.ty be enabled to grant a p.m!), sum Or num. y nut of
the Conooltiluted Fond or Grist !triton, and Ireland, not
t'irerilint in Its. whole 6.600/. to make a syllable proVibiJii
for the Duke of Kent, uo Isis tuarrialte."

Mr. CtittWEN said, however painful to leis feel-
ings it might be, he felt it necessary to oppose this
onetime. lie rested his oppositiou on two poiiits.
In the first place, he did not know that he had ever
acceded to any pledge, by which lie VMS hound, in
all cases, to make a provision for every branch of
the Royal Family, MIICII a iiiiii rnige was ablaut to
take place.—(near, the present in-
stance he could nut see any neces►ity fur making
inch a provi►ion as that now called for, in addition
to the income elijoyeel by the Illustrioaa Duke.
Ile dellered also from the Noble Lord on another
point:• Ile had observed, that they were oot to
take into consideration any emolument enjoyed,
from military or other situations, by the Royal
Family, when a prevision of this description was
demanded. Ile never had conceded soy such
principle—and, if it had not been for the late
hour at which the question was brought tor-
ward on a former occasion, when a giant was
made to the Duke of Cmeibrulge, lie would
have ()lammed it. When lie saw the Illus-
trious I)uke receiving an iiicinne of ::5.000/. per
annum, lie could nut agree to an additional vote.
tie coosidered the ►ituation in which the country
was ',laced, and lie could not consent that 6,0004
per annum should be added tonne existing buidens.
He wished to ask, was there tin sow ce Iron) which
this sum could be deribud without coming to Par-
li-unent ?—(hear.,/—Fled hot the Illustrious Duke
parents'—(/ leo% j—Wrs not her Majesty in posses-
mon 1, very co...Met/dole sum. derived from the
privy ;mese ?--(hicur.)—Theat House had not in-
quired into the state of the privy purse, and, in
siegleciiiig to do in, they had neglected their duty.
Out of the privy poise her Majesty might have
made good the sums necessary to remove the pecu-
'leery entharrassiterists of the Illustrious Duke, slid
thus have ►endered an application to Parliament un-
necessary. He was glad that Parliament bad sit
length awaked to its dolt ; lie was glad they bad
told the lio)al Family. that, if they chose to coil.
tract debt•, and did not discharge them out of their
regular income, Parliament, when applied to, for
that purpose, could not conscientiously assist them.
In actimc air he did, he was not iiilluenced by a de-
sire to do what aloe agreeable, but what was just.
He opposed the motion with reluctance. because he
had a high respect for the character of the Illus-
trious Duke—but his duty to his coustitiresits and
to the country, imperatively called on him to refuse
the grant now called for.

Sr► It. HERON snit!, he was extremely sorry to op-
pose the gram now proposed fur this Illustrious
Personage, who was known only by his constitutional
principle, and by the benevolence of his hem I.
But lie felt that the relief demanded, ought to lie
derived from other sources, mid should not be mode
or added to the burdens of the country, opprepred
as it already Was by taxatiou.
Mr. BROUGHAM 1.41141, if this question were to be
dreulrd on lite ground of private character, no
doubt could be rittertaiiirtl but dint it would be
triumphantly can't-41-I'o,, lie believed, 110 mtlivi.
dual hid ever exercised the ►nfluence of his exalted
station and high balk mare bentticially than Ale
Duke ol Ktut had dime. lie hail exerted his utmost
influence in support of every moitittion which was
likely in benefit the ciimitiy. lie *us a friend to
the education of the 110.1 r—lie was the munificent
patron of va-inus acted on 71 principle
of universal henevolenic. But, it speruttil
that, in Isking this proposition 11110 consideration,
all Ihese•siews ought In be laid aside. But, MI the
same ground that he had supported the grant to
the Duke of Clarence, he would vote in fat our of

~~

• a - • •
the presetit. This wll3 a marriaje treafs, entered into
for the purpose of supplying a succession to the
Crown in the Howie of Hanover—it had received the
regular sanction of the Throne—and, standing on
its own merits, WEIS admitted to deserve the sanction
of that House also. They were told that the state
of the finances of this illustrious person was.such.

us to render further Parliamentary assistance neces-
sary, in order to contract this desirable, permitted,
and *auctioned marriage. It was *lotto- reference
to these constitutional grounds that hi% sate should
be given. He knew nothing of the iierSonal
quali-
ties of the individuals, be they meritorious or other-
wise. They were Princes of an illustrions family,
to whom the Executive branch of our colistitution
was entrusted. It war beneficial that that power
should be vested in the House or lirtnisoiek, and
that, therefore. a provision should be made for a
regular succession. He would deal with each of

three propositions on this single ground—star the
match necessary, or highly desirable for attaining
this object ? Was it approved of in the way the
law piescribed ? Had it received, ur did it merit,
the fat titer approval of that House? And it. (these
previous question* being answered in the affirma-
tive, as in the cases of the Dukes of Clarence and
Canibridge) an affirmative answer was also given to
this last question, was this pecuniary assist:nice ne.
cesaary far carr) tog the marriage tutu effect I—to
which an affirmative answer was given in the c tee
of the Duke of Clarence, awl, therefore, he sup-
ported us, and a negative iu that of the Duke of
C:authridge, fur which reason lie opposed it—if the
affirmative answer were here given to this additional
question, as it had been, lie should vote for the
grant to the. Duke of Kent. 'flits was the con-
staistimml way of viewing the question. They
ought not to look to private character—but merely
to consider the individual as a Prater, usider three
peculiar circumstance,'. Let the House consider
how fa (lir circumstances of the Duke of Kent re-
quired this asristat.ce. The Noble Lord had not
at all overstated the etictittilireial,s to which the
Duke of Kent was subjected—Encumbrances en-
tirely owing to the length of time durilig which hat
was devolved of his parliamentary provision. N-
:it-ad of receiving 1:1,0001. a year at the age of
twenty-foor, as was the case with most of los
Royal Brothers, he only
received, foe several
years, 5,001)1. j.er annum from his Caller. He
had also been einployed on active service—AtJ
was, he believed, exposed to the accidents of war.
lie had served its the West ludtes, Gibraltar,
Nova Scotia, and Canada, for 12 or 14 years—
and, if he were informed correctly, his emoluments
were out adequate to meet his ores ssary expenditure.
If any officer of ordinary rank n, the army hail suf.
fered situ lur I.a.ses to those sustained by /es Royal
Highness on service, no doubt they would be It I
to form an 'tent from year to year in the army ex-
traorilitiartes, until the whole of the estimated loss
had been repaid. In adtlittnit ta these coasidera-
Woo, it was a matter of stotoriety that his Itayal
Highness had appropriated and set apart not le-s
than flora 17,0001. to 19.0001. per annum to j• ay
off his debt. ; so that out of his entire laconic, tak.
itig it as .25,0001. per annum,be had not more
than Ii or 7,0001. e-) ear ty Ijve on, which, if added
to the grant now Imposed,. would *camel, be ade-
quate to the most ecosiMille ►
estuhlishineurlie could
poteably the event of his marriage. In
giving his vote tlits night for this addition to the
iiicome of his Royal Ilighliess, Ire was actuated by
the must conticieutious motives, and lialueneed by
neither favour nor affection. It was merely the re-
sult of his just claims on the country, and he
thought it would be us futile to attempt by this
vote to-night to express ally thing like gratitude
competent to the extent of his services and praise-
worthy Life, as it would be mean in the extreme to
sacrifice the interests of an illustrious and merito-
rious individual to a fleeting popularity, or the fear
of any clamour out of doom—Wear, hear, hear.)
Mr. METiIuEN onus!, in the distressed state in
which he saw the country labouring, object In the
proposed grant to hits Royal Highness, notwith-
statiding lie entertained for him the highest respect;
hut he did not wish to pay a bad compliinent to his
Royal Highness at the expense ante character of his
Royal Mothers, and lie must, therefore, observe,
that the character of the Duke of Cambridge was
one equally unblemished and equally respectable, as
far as the exact performance of relative and social
duties.

Lord A ISIIORP admitted it was extremely de-
sirable to continue the succession iu the line of
Biutiswick, but could not see why this might
not be done without increasing the burdens of
the people by such excessive, and, in his mind,
unnecessary allowances as those now and lately pro-
posed. The marriages of all the younger branches
of the Royal Family wrie objects of uo importance
to the country.—(/fear, hear./—lf they chose not
to marry, they were perfectly d t liberty to consult
their noel nations ; if they, however, preferred al-
haute* of marsiage, it was not fair that every one of
them should consider it in turn a good pretext to
call on the country to extend its niuniticence to
each respectively, more particularly when they all
must be an are of the very distressed state of the
country at the present moineeit.—(Hear, hear)—
Hr thought most highly of the private and public
character of the illustrious individual, whose in-
creased allowance formed the subject of the pre-
sent vote, but lie nevertheless should vote against
the proposition of the Noble Loid, on the grounds
he had enumerated.
Mr. IiROUGHAM, in explanation, observed, that
although it had been stated, when the grant of
10,0001. per annum to the Duke of Clarence, in
consideration of his propo.ed marriage, had been
excepted against, that his Royal Highness would,
as a matter of necessity, decline the marriage,
unless the sum required were granted. The re-
duced grant of six thoisissid pounds per annuin
was then voted, which was declined by his Ronal
Higher.., notwithstanding the threat, as it might
he called, of the certainty that Ina Royal Highness
would decline the match, it had been since ewer-
tained that lie had found it perfectly convenient to
renew this treaty of marriage in the same quarter,
without any increase of allowance at all.
Lord CASII.EIMAGH said, he certainly under-
stood this treaty of marriage was now completing,
and would must probably take place. But he must
suggest, that un the occasion alluded to, Mum-
ter* had expressed themselves dittereutly from the
manlier in which they had been represented to have
seadseti. lie for one, and he believed all who

1 'c."\ \1 4 \ r

spoke on the same bench with him that night.
merely hail stated, that in the event of the grout
being refused, he and they could not, con►ist-
ectly with the views, they had been afforded of his
circumstances, advise him to contract the marriage.
as his rneasis would be incompetent to his increased
expense', should he continue to reside in this coun-
try. Although that Illustrious Personage might
feel himself so howls' in honour to complete his en.
gagenneuts wads slus Priuceso .alluded to, it was no
part of the duty of Ministers to take upon theist to
advise his Royal flightless upon the propriety of the
match. But he conisl not tel expres►ing his opi-
nion, that it would ill agree with the ftelings of t!
!louse or the country th.tt hits Itieval High:l(st
should he reimbursed, or a competent allowance be
made to him fur this pus pose Irons any other sources
but the homily and liberality of the cussedly t hrough
the medium of its Represesitutives in that House.—
(Hear, hear./
Mr. PRUTHEROE felt the duty which lie owed
to his country to be parianow,t, :not should there-
fore vote egaiost the Increase of allowance its the
present distressed state of the cotalitry.
Mr. J. Siam entered into a detailed statement
of the manner iss which the income of his Hiiyal
Highlit,s was at present appropriated. 011 a for-
mer occasion an increase of allowacce to his 1{o•;;d
Highness had been resisted. because he was stun si
not to require it, twin; then upon a (mews ser-
vice. The fact was lilts. his Rii)al flightless was
then in the West !odors, exposing Imusell to the
malignant effecis of that contaht 1111 l the yellow
fever, which had been aptly denominated the boort
of Europeans. These services had eishasiced Lis
claims on the country's recollection. Ont of the
7,0001. per atinuin which remained for his Royal
Highness's use, there was not less than I ,1;00/.
year set apart fur the simport of various persoie,
mostly widows of the ofri:•rrs who had been ti e
companions in arms aids his Royal II ghtless I,i
foreigs, countsie•.
Sty CHARLES MONCE should vote against the
propusition of the Noble Lord, as he had su the

p.liba.. of the Duke of CI rence, who was nearernearer
succesmion to Ow throne. A. the its.artige of the
itilluke of Claretiee nes procextling, he thought it
wet unureeperth: providelor the marl inge ot the
! ether hratiches, until ellitopeit were :it en end se
tintalble heir to die crown in thi, rin irter tirbt.—
! (Laughing. toad vies of tt, Quedivra .'")
The Weise then 41Ieided. %rheas there appeared
fur the Resolution of Lord Castlereagh—
Ayes •

Majueily . . 1

A Resolution for graiitilier the 'um of (Lunn/. a
veer, as dower to the iutended Duchema of Keitt,
in ease of the demise of the DuLe, duriug her lire.
was oar() ',greed to neut. con.
The Report of the Committee wee then ordered
to be ret:eivi-J on Monday next,
On the motion of the CtiascFLl.ort of the Ex-
LIZ, it Wall W!,:reed that the !foliar, ut its
bliottltl edjoiirti Alonday next.

Ibe escomittets of Supp!y .$ (1 Ways ati.l
Nitans, were posTotied until Moudisy utxt.

• ALIEN 811 1..
Lord CASTLEREA6II muted the secioild reading
of the Alien Bill.

Mr. Lams-rots role and stated, Boat he had; on
a I. er evening, felt extreme surprise and regret
at the propom of the Noble Lord, recoutineuel-
log an Alien Bill to the adoption of the litoutor
8 time of itroromild (mace with all Europe. Ile
could consichr it little less than an inioult to the
House, snore esuetially %viten the ciicionst a.. e
was coupled with the opinion that a Noble Loud had
last eight betrayed, of the subseteiency mid pliabi-
lity of the majority in that House, of whom he
might fairly he denominated the head and newer.
The Bill now !wrote the House, was one whirl,
could only he sanctioned ho. time of war,• and was
totally repuguaile to the spirit of our Coestituumo.
as well as an express contravention of an article I f
Magna Charts. This Bill, so contiada-t.0% to 'hoe:
free principles which had so long casino nirl ed t'ois
Government from 01e tyratinic..l despotisms of the
Continent, derived its origin from the Fiend, re-
volutionary spirit, to defend this country Irmo the
influence of which this Bill was introduced in the
year 1793. Previous to which period it hsd been
the object of all the great Statesineu of this cone-
try to protect and cherish all foreigners coming to
settle here, or transact business. If Leal
allowed foreigners when attempting to settle in thi.
country, to be made the objects of distrust, or the
victims, as they had been made in our day, of the
machniations and contrivances of nee (iimeertimet4
in unison with those of other countries, should we
ever have derived the advantages tvlolclo this colliery
had derived from time to tune, by tie itolhis of
foreigners, but more particularly at the Edict of
Mintz, when the fugitive and exited French
artisans introduced into this cou•ary the "'
rious arts of which they alone were paesesseil. and
some of our um, most productive. tradre ?'
the year 1793, the A hen Bill wit‘ introduced
expressly for the purpose (as stated itt length 111 .:'e
preamble) of preventing the cat ger anteing f
the excessive influx of foreigners ante thin country.
some of whom were suspected of hartmunng dyes u•
iiiiinical to the interests of goad goy, reuiret noel
.our national prosperity. It vests in its original roaoit-
. uncut altogether a war measure. Except, thertforr.
the Noble Lord could prme the Government of
this country was endangeied by the foreign rev-
dents now here, there could he no justificattes
of such a measure in linos of profound peat:.
But war, or the probability of' war, had been es-
tioguished ; the ievolutimiary sprit liad subside t.
and brew corrected by better exptrielice; the mod
ambition of Bonaparte had hurled hint from hi
throne of terror, sod the cause of legitimacy *Li'
every where teitimpliesit ; the Noble Iwo' Lad
portioned out at Congress all the nations of Eurot•tt
carved mod cut, divided and subdiveJ, and (stied
out regions to one Monarch or smatter, hi' the
sioinher of souls, or even half soots, on the sod,
until he had brought doers, on Morsel( and lot
Royal associates, the execrations of suffering mi 7 •
lions. ‘Vhat yet then remained to hr neve l-
lions.
I here was the true cause of the preveut Bill
being introduced—not for the protected of this
country, but for the purpose of assisting this
tyrannical projects of oppression on the !.art of
foreign despotte Governments—(Hear, hear)-•
whose object it was, conjointly with our %vorrlrf.
Ministers, to destroy the asylum hitherto ottotd.

•
to the wretched in this spot sacra,' to liberty, upon
which no sooner had the slave placed his foot than
be became instantly free—an isle consecrated to
the great cause of freedom—

sn A temple %tilt by beavea's pendisr care."
;Was it then for the British Senate to join the Noble
Lord in the general chase against all freedom of
'thought or action ? or should the House assist that
Noble Lord in any attempt to drive frotu a last
asylum those unhappy men who had been proscrib-
ed by the French King on his wood restoration to
the throne by the valour of the British arms ? If
no Alien Bill had existed, he could be content to
pity these unhappy people ; hut when it was ob.
'Moldy the intention of the British Minister by this
Bill to follow up the system of exclusion adopted
by foreign arbitrary Governments, it woe time to
complain.—(Near.)—When the valour of the Bri-
tish troops had again placed the fugitive Bourbon
on the throne of France, a pledge was given to that
nation that 00 acts of tyranny or persecution should
characterise the new Government. Scarcely had
fourteen days elapsed but a formidable list of pro-
scription against thirty.eight individuals issued from
the hand of the paternal Louis ; whether through
a love of revenge natural to his Majesty, ur with
yet more insidious wish to excite generally
au ides' that a most alarming and extensive con-
spiracy then existed iii that country to revert to
a revolutionary system sod revolutionary practice..
If the former were his object, he had reaped a full
harvest in the general conviction now entertained of
the rancorous motives of such persecution—but if
the latter were his object, never had a Sovereign
more completely failed in giving to the world an
unfavourable opinion of thole subjects it was .his
duty, as their Sovereign, to defend from calumny
and defamation. The French Ministers had the
temerity to ask from the Parliament of Paris a set,-
teeter of expatriatton against these parties. upon
which even the Ultra-Royalists themselves were
to hesitate as to the propriety of acceding to
the proposition. The matter, however, was compro-
mised by withdrawing the proisvri idiot,. and the Par-
hinuent agreeing to permit the French king to exile
those only whom he should consider absolutely umiak
to permit to reniac tin France. The very next day
an order was issued by hi 4 Majesty for the banish-
ment of every one of those individuals specified—
( Ilear,j—not oue of whom had been restored with-
in the last three years, although there were not oue
of these 38 persons who were not distinguished for
counsel in the Cabinet or bravery in the held, deer-
log the tuost triumphant days France had ever seen.
Against all these 313, all Europe had, by the active
permeation of the French Government, been totally
closed ; for whether they had retired to some place
in hate. Swats-rland, or the smaller States on the
Rh;iir, they immediately, on discovery, were
forced twin their secluded retreats, and placed tit
some to vu in Austria or Nowa+ which they were
to consider as their pi irons fur life under the jealous

MilYr:olBl6v. of smite. Such was the refined system
of cruelty acted upon by one, and *auctioned by the
rem. • ler of time illustrious Holy Alliance ! How
trrivi it possible then to doubt the real objects to be
effected by this Bill, !massed in a period of profound
peace. especially when it was recollected what dis-
graceful traces of the intention of the legitimates
Lad hero revealed in these affairs .on the Rhine.
Italy, and Switzerland ? Was it out obvious it was
the object of the Noble Lord to bison lime fair cha-
racter of this country in the eyes of the world, by
Bolding the sanction of e. country, the only asylum
of freedom in Europe, to these iufainous attempts
at oppression on the part of the French Govern-
ment ? Nothing could absolve the British Govern-
ment from this imputation, except proving that the
Government of this country had well-founded ilia-
sons to apprehend an overwhelming danger. No
such attempt had been made—its fact, no grounds
existed for any such apprehension. And would,
then, this country, after having sacrificed to the
restoration of legitimacy and the cause of the
Bourbons 500 millions, wrung from the hard eanm-
iii
of its industry, consent to sacrifice to foreigo
objects the proud national character of England ?
(Hear.)—He was aware of the impatience of the
House, and should, therefore, conclude what he
hail urged in argument, by simply moving that the
Bill be read a second time this day rie months.
Mr. Pitotitzioe rose to state, in one word, his
opinion, that it was by no means expedient to ex-
pose the safety of a country to the possible ma-
chioations of any set of men inured to revolutionary
'white and practices.
Mr. LYTTELTON rose to state, what might throw
some light on the conduct which might be pursued
towards these unhappy victims of oppression, and
its consequences. A person, named Befort, who
had established himself here in vending the Ear
Medici:mit, at a shop in St. James's-street, and got
into business extensively in that way, although he
had conic over to this country and estuhlished him-
self finally here in the year 1814, mum the faith of
the Treaty then concluded with Fruiter, he was,
Olin an intimation from the Alien Office, com-
pelled to leave this country and all his affairs in
complete confusion, in three or four days after the
iiiitice had been sent to him to prepare to depart.
Nor the good conduct of this individual, the late
Mr. Faulkener, of the Council Office, and several
turret respectable Gentlemen, had appeared as
vouchers on his first coming into the country. On
Ins leaving this city, and going down to the coast,
lie was escorted by a Capt. Woodriffe, and pre-
paratury to going on board, was examined with
such rigour, that he was actually stripped and re-
lieved mu this indelicate manner to the vcrutiny of
five persons usually deputed to perform this
duty. Nothing was found objectionable. A
piano-forte was among the artiacit of property
lie bad endeavoured to take sway with him,
but which could not go with him, as well as
malty oilier things of value, because he hail
Io license to export any thing out of this country.
On a subsequent search, there was found some
Emrespotadriace between parties, who were asserted
to be the Pope himself, an Abbe of the religious
order of La Trappe, with the Irish Catholics. It cer-
tainly was not wonderful, considering the Pru-WI"
of the Noble Lord at the head of the Home Depart-
ment, that he should be alarmed at this coirespoild-
nice, whatever others might think of its autheiiti-
city. But the House should know, that all this
ifillibiltiloll was strongly suspected to originate in
the ntachtuations of is certain person, whom he should
not mime, who had a design on securing by these

" • . .
mesns, to his awn Me. I eery valuable article of
property, worth not less than 500/. If this foreigner
could have been charged with any designs against
the State, why not try in in by law, and let him be pu-
nished with lost of liberty, or life if necessary, and not
sent out of the country ? Another circumstance was
not a little exiniordinary, that in the returns before
the 'loose of the number of aliens sent out of the
country, it was stated none were sent out in 1814,
whereas, in fact, he was sent out in June, 1814.
The Report furnished to the Horse was, if this
were true. good, for nothing as a public document.
Mr. 11. CLlllit said, the omission must have
taken place from the circumstance of this man's
having been sent taut of the country, in the first in-
stance, previously to the year 1814, and that his
return and conseluent transportation out of the
country was not in the last instance take.' notice of.
Lord FotAtsfoxx thought it most indecent
conduct on the part of Ministers, out to offer as
yet une word in defence of a Bill which had ex-
cited so much apprehension and .dissatisfaction as
the present. Hr for one should .feel it a duty he
owed to the character of a country, which had at
a distant period of time afforded to his own an-
cestors that shelter and hospitable asylum for
which this nation had hitheito been so justly ce-
lebrated. in the strongest term* to rrotest against
this odious libel on the national character.—
This measure was also hostile to the spirit of the
Coustitution, and the uniform policy of the Lrgir.
lature, from the time of Edward the Third, down
to the year 1816. The policy was to cherish and
encourage led influx of foreigners. who advanced the
manufactures, commerce. and literature of this
country. He yet waited to hear a single argument
fur a discontinuance of that policy which their an-
cestors had followed wish so much national ad-
vantage. Tina advantage was not confined to
the pecuniary considerations attendant upon the

commercial pursuits of foreigners ; it established
a character for the country, a the place of re-
fuge for those who fl-al from the tyraiiiiy of their
own Governments; it made England the ral-
lying pond for freedom and liberty •agatiot tip.
pression and injuctice. It had been hitherto our
boast, that every foreigner who Mlle here was not
only free in his person, but secure in the enjoyment
of his property, while obedient to the kouwu laws
of the laud. That bulwark of open trial sod fair
security w.s now to be taken away, and the Bill
before the House would open the door to the ma-
abolitions of every secret spy age mat any foreigner
upon whom he may fix Ins attention. The
statement of his llosiourable Friend near him
(Mr. Loeltin), was a striking proof that such
tuachivations had .brew at work. Malice and
est tt ge would now have a fine field for the
exercise of 'profitable speeulatioel. An allusioit
had been made to the returns presented to the
House: on this subject all lie should say was,
that though three persons were only sent out
of the country by the late Bill, there was no in-
formation to chew what was the nature of their
cases, or whether they were not of the most oppres-
sive mail uncalled fur kind.—(Hear. hew.)—But.
besides this, the returns only alluded to aliens rent
out of the country, there was no statement to chew
that the power. of the Bill had not been coercively
applied in the country. If, however, that it had
been only louud Ileetbbilly to send three individuals
away, lie was at a loss to see the necessity of the
Bill—surely for so small a number, it was hardly
worth legislating on such a scathe, unless indeed
some Gentlemen thought that the country was less
able to resist aggression than he was willing to be-
lieve she was. It load been said by the Noble Lord
opposite, that it was better to prevent than to
punish crime. This was true euosigh in a moral,
and to a certain extent. a political point of view.
In the case of forgeries, for iustatice, it was right
to take away as much as possible the tempta-
tion to cuminit the crone ; but *lieu the aura-
posed evil was to arise from feelings of hu.
rll3ll nature, which laws could not adequately
control, then, indeed. the principle, which
was good in equity, imcarne inapplicable to the
law of a free State. It had also, like most of the
measteresof the Noble Lord, besides its unconstitu-
tional character, a tendency to embody despotic
pi ovisions in the system and practice of British law.
It was. to all intents mill purposes, a repeal of the
policy which characterised this country in past
times, and of the good sound constitutional princi-
ples which led to she advantage, wealth, nod power
of the country. In addition to these deep infringe-
melds of constitutional principle and free law, it
went to rear up in the country those pests of society,
spies amid informers, whose evil influence had been
already so fatally felt.—(llear, /our.)—He would
eider his solemn protest against this measure, as
being destructive to the true policy and law of the
101111.—Illear.

Nlr. C. Go %NT, jun. said, that be hwd not been
inattentive to the arguments of the Gent. opposite,
though he confessed he could not concur with them
in thinking that this Rill was Nil infringement of
the old law of the land. Inslividual hospitality
towards foreigners was different from any national
privilege recognised to them by the law, He was
aware that there were numerous statutes made on
the subject, but the bum ties they conferred
were wooled to them not as foreigners, but as mer-
chants. They were, however. subject to she pre-
rogative of the Crown, and cools' be sent out wf
the country by Royal Proclamation. Ile could
nut conceive on whit grounds this was doubted ;
the Sovereign had the power of making war, and
regulating the terms of iisternational arraisgements:
slid not the some principle involve the lesser viol—
inist could hr be 16111C11 the right of this con-
trol over individual aliens ? This prerogative
allowed the ingress of foreigners precisely on the
saine principle ; anal, by a parity of reasoning,
the Sovereigu prevented the egress of his own sub-
jects. Ile was ready to admit that there was some
difference between the present time and the period
when the Alien Bill was first introduced—but the
principle of both measures was the same. The
Hon. Gentlemen opposite apprehended no danger
on the return of peace—but they forgot that the
war had left the seeds of anarchy scattered over
the face of Europe. The refuse of that set of men
which the French Revolution engendered. and
whose acts were marked by a total contempt for all
moral obligation, still remained, and sent forth a--
sassint from their tolerated retreat. They were will
b d together, not by oaths, for these they disre-
garded, but by strung habits of crime, community of

desperation, and the If nbroken ferucitY of the Military
character on which they had engrafted their system.
When the country knew of the existence of au ch men,
must it not admit, that at no moment since the
Treaty of Westphalia did Europe contain within
her bosom more of the elements of desolating',
arising from the combination of that gang who
warred against mill the charities of human life.—
These men were desperate : goaded on by crimes
at which human nature shuddered, they could lied
no hope or solace hut in the pursuit of mischief.—
When he spoke of this set of sawn, he did ant mean
to cast the slightest reflection on the great body
of foreigners in this country; they were a most
useful and intelligent class. He drew a wide
distinction between these peaceable and useful
men, and their abandoned fellow-countrymen,
who sot one time worshipped the Goddess of
Reason, and at another her favourite child, 80.
naparte.—(Hear, hear, Gear.)—At any time it
would be dangerous to allow these miscreants to
fasten here, from the desperation of their views,
but would be now pecnlierly impolitic. These
men had been blasted, defeated, and humbled in
all their designs, and through whatever form they
assumed, by the euergies of England : she then
must be the peculiar object of their malevolence
and hate. He would ask the House, whether
there were no materials in this country on which
these wretches may work ?—were they to wait until
the tire-brands were thrown on the pile before they
interfered to prevent the conflagration ?—(Year,
hear.)—The disaffected part of the population of
this country was happily small, but was it never-
theless to be exposed to ignition by this accession
of vonibustible stresigth,siod was Government to look
silently nu after the experience of the mischief to
be dreaded by popular explosions ? Very ditieretit
had been the character of the former French refu-
gees from that of those in mote recent times : the
descendants of the one were now enjoying, wherever
their forefathers planted their industry, the fruits of
a virtuous and prosy s course, while those of
the other were sunk in infamy. The effect which
it was said this measure would have upon fureigners
was certainly nowt mistaken—and here the fact was
striking and conclusive ; and so far from the law of
the last Y 3 pun deterring the approach of respectable
foreigners to the shores of this county, in no farmer
period of history had there been such an hospita-
ble amid unreserved intercourse between foreign and
British aubjects.—(ffear, hear.)—The innocent
and upright foreigner, conscious of the propriety of
his motives, did tint hesitate to come into this coon-
try, confidently feeling he was beyond the range of
that law which was only terrible to the guilty. Ile
concluded by stating, that the state of Europe ren-
dered this Bill a measure of indispensable necessity.
111 r. F. t)uuui.es rose sod spoke as follows:
" Sir, I feel the disadvantage under which I la-
bour, in rising immediately after the eloquent
speech of my Honourable Friend. I cannot pre-
tend to his eloquence, though he will excuse one if
in this instance, as on some former occasions, I sin of
opinion that lie has wasted it on a subject quite ('u-
reign from that which is in fact before the House.
He has with powerful eloquence descanted on the
murals and atrocities of the French revolutionists,
and of the criminal intentions with which the ear-
visors of them are disposed t, overrun Europe.
Now the question before the House Is not as to
the criminal intention of the parties, be they who
they may, but as to the dangers which are likely
to arise Irons their appearance among us— (Hear,'
hear, hear)—but dangerous as this Illay be, 1 think
the policy of the Noble Lord (Castlereagh), which
is meant to counteract the mischief, is of a far
more dangerous character.—( Hear, hear, hear.)—
On a former night the Noble Lord said some-
thing about the preamble of this Bill. I was
anstioua to see it ',rioted, for the purpose of exactly
ascertaining the avowed object of the measure; but
it now/ appears that the preamble, or rather the
preamble maker, assigns no reasuu—the Account-
ant-General of the Adnaiuistratiou, the preamble..
maker to the Cabinet, is actually at a loss to put
any one reason on record to justify the measure he
has drawn up. He wants us to pass this important
Bill, without any recorded reason on the face of it
to justify the enactment,—(/fear, hear. I—A re
Gentlemen aware of the powers they are about to
comifer by this Bill -?—are they aware that it ella•
bles a Minister to send any alien who may be du-
uoiciliated among us, out of the kingdom—to tear
him at a mutinies outice front his family sod con-
: awctions, withnut the appearance of a prosecutor, or
the name of a crime ?—(1/eur.)—It is true that there
is a reservation—an appeal is granted to the alien,
when the power is unjustly exercised against him.
—(" Heur,".front use Treasury Beaches.)—What
is that appeal?—from the Minister, who abused the
Act, to his colleagues, who conferred on him the
power of abusing it—from the mild judgment of
Lord Sidmouth to the cool and impartial decision
of Lord Castlereagh !--(Hear, hear.)—This is
adding mos kery to injustice.—( Heur.)—lt is said
there are 20,000 alien* peaceably residing in Great
Britain, and that it would be right to protect them
from contagious association. It is the number that
makes me dread the Bill, for I feel that when it
pasties into a law, we shall have put these 20,000
peaceable foreigners nut of the pale of the Consti-
tution, to which, perhaps, years ago, they fled tnr
protection, in a joist confidence in the impartiality
and equal protection of our laws—that they were
conservative of the personal rights of the stranger
and the subject, and the common rthield for the op-
pressed swum' the oppressor. - (Hear.)—lo vain
would the supporters of this Bill assert that it was
only intended to he of a temporary duration, while
their arguments in support of it, if good for any
thing, went to make it permatient. It is to coun-
teract the machinations of designing and wicked
men, whom it appeared too lenity could tame, or
proscription deter—they were scattered every where,
and perinaisent in their hostility. Why, thee, the
measure insist keep pace with the existence of
clime, and for ever mown is blot oil our Constitu-
tion. To condenre the argiontems iu favour of this
Bill, they all resolved themselves into this—that it
I is a measure against danger, external in its origin,
but 'menial in its eff. ct. It was originally a war
measure. I have heard a great deal between the
diminution iii the peace Alien mod the war Alien
Bill ; but l cannot comprehend the subtlety of
some Gentlenien'a reaionionig ; I see in both one
and the same great ruling principle, which hooves,
the 'person and property of the ulicii in the hands
I and at the buinits u ry disposal of the Minister. My

Hon. Paella who spoke,last, tile fulness of hie
candour, says that the circumstances of the Present
time, and when the Btll was first introdored, are
not certainly similar in all their parts-4iut is there..
any Wife of them alike ?—The war of 1793, when.
this Bill was first introduced, was a war impend-
leled in the history of the wurld-7it was a war of
principles, nut of men—it was a deadly coolest for
the iniiversal estublitlititeitt of opinions, which :it
the time found able sod numerous abettors in every
State in Europe—at such a moment, the external
danger was mighty, ettif the internal co-operation
not unimportant. Strong evils require strong mea-
sure., and they were then applied. But has the
Noble Lord opposite (Castlereagh) the face to bay,
that there is any thing tit present itt the external
dangers of the Continent which is likely to act on
the 'menial system of Great Britain ? It was said,
indeed, that some dioaffectioti prevails its this coun-
try ; if by this it is meant that ,10,..001ent pre ailed
in numerous bodies ut the pressure of taxes and
want of due economy in the administration of (Jo-
',eminent, then the observatiou had some 111114amd
the discontent may be prophesied to coutinue, so
long as the abuses which engendered it were suffer-
ed to remain unchanged ; but if it iv meant that
any apprehension is entertained in this country from
the influence of Bonspartiatis. then it became ludi-
crous. This danger must indeed be visionary here,
when it was so little felt iii France, the great hot-
bed of its activity, that many of the mime agents
and colleagues in office of Bonaparte Itim.elf had
a Csinistertal share in the administration of the
Bourbon Government.--(!(ear, hear, hear.)—
Then as to the danger to be apprehended from
Frenchmen in the Netherlands— ( Hear, front the
Treasury tenches)—is there really any danger to
he apprehended from the machinations of die miser-
able outcasts and libeller. that have found refuge
in that part of Europe ? His England for twenty.
five years shed her best blood and treasure, and de-
feated the combined efforts' of whole nations op-
posed to her, to sit down the (list moment of gene-
ral peace, and avow her apprehension at II handful
of iihoi... migert..os is, u corner of Europe ?
(Hear.j—lti the Netherland., it is said, was
hatched the plan (and none, 1 admit, could 1:e more
horrible) to astuessmate the Duke of %Vellingtott.—
ilear.)—What 'woof is there that the plot was
hatched there, or in Silesia, or is it not Inure likely
to have been arranged in the bosom of France itst
—(Hear.)--Fie was surprised to have tern d the
Noble Lord talk of the Nether) olds in a strain of
regret that these Frenchmen should have found re-
fuge there. As an Englialionan he ought rather to
have boasted, that though a small Power, under
the shade of Fromm, she clung to that good old
policy which once distinguished Great Britain,
but from winch she was uow unhappily forced by
the cabals of foreign conclaves, acting on the
weakness of those Ntsaisiers, that ought to have
made a firmer stand fir the honour and character of
their country.—(Hear.)—My Honourable Friend
says, that there is unhappily a disposition iii this
country to unite with these forego conspirator.,
and hence therefore the gnat danger arises, if an
Alien Bill does lint
counteract their marliiitatione. It is impossible
Ilia any notion cart he more unfounded than this.
There is no country in the *told less accessible to
foreign manners than this—the manner' and habits
of our people are proverbially rather repulsive than
inviting to foreigners. This fact doe. not depend
on mere observation of the notorious diasimi-
larity of character, but it is fortified by the most
incuntestible proof. When lust year all the
elements of internal commotion were at work
in parts of this country, had there occurred the
slightest proof of any disturbance being set on loot,
participated in, or io tiny way recommended on,
the influence or chance of foreign aid or foreign ad-
vantages ? There was not the slightest proof that
any attempt had been made by the emissaries of
ally Government but our own to excite the people
to commotion.—( Lord cries of " Hear.")-11' heti

such • Bill as this was dictateif to an English Re-
presentative by a conclave of foreign States—were
he the true representative of sound English policy,
he should have instantly answered the proposition
by saying—' I have no power to listen to your re-
quest ; the Constitution of my country rejects the
principle you wish to urge upon me; our ancestors
established it on the basis of universal freedom,
and their descendants cannot become slaves.'—
%%lieu I speak of our ancestors, I allude to great
names and venerated authorities, who, when they
thought they had fenced round the bulwark of these
laws, never could hare dreamt that their descend-
ants would have been represented in a foreign Con-
gress by a men who would have bent and truckled
to the Powers of the Continent, and bowed down
the sturdy and uncompromising policy of our older
and better times to suit the ephemeral and splenetic
views of despotic Princes.—(/fear)—The Noble
Lord had moved too close with foreign Potentates:
his connection with them, and their conjoint and
glorious triumphs in the last year of the war, had
dazzled him ; he was too anxious to participate in
their splendour and to enjoy their applause, to im-
bibe that proper jealousy, or have that steady self-
possession of his own true station and his country's
policy, which a British Representative ought to
have when seated at a foreign Congress.—(Hear,
Near.)-1 know there are those who have little feel-
ing for the good old policy of England ; but if
they forget the policy by which Spain fell and
Holland rose, dug front the bosom of the deep,
stud maintaining her station, her plainness, and
hospitality, by successful coo ))))) eice—if they forget
these historical lessons, let them ut least recol-
lect who are the twenty thousand foreigners that
reside among us; a vest number oh them are
wealthy, and most useful to us—there is not u cha-
ritable rubscription iu whu•h we do not see their names
vie with the first sialiv,s in the lend, as if to repay,
by the bounty of their contribution, the protection
they have received from this country. I will ask
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, wlrose fiords are
so largely replenished, and whose financial system
so much depends on the sums paid by these Aliens,
bow he ►hould like their disepirearsoice 14'0111 the
country? They creme here, not to seek the blessings
of a better ebonite, for they had left a far more ge-
nial one, hut they came to enjoy their iiitlusiry and
property under the security of free laws and equal
protection.—(/fear.)—Let the Noble Lord take
care, Ira by a single act of a weak and deluded
Minister, he banished these otlvaiitages to a more
hospitable and more judicious state, and by any

iiidiscreet exercise of the powers of this Bill, strike *!
a general alarm into the minds of so large a einnibet . •
of individuals, exercising beneficial industry in the
empire.—(Hear./—lt was suid last yea; lien we
enacted corn tee laws, that they could only be felt
by the dos/affected. This Was a dangerous smelt/ of
reasioniug fur Englishmen to fall into—to sheen d a
fatal departure from the stern sentiments of .
our ancestors, who felt a proper, nay a blow leaf
feeling for this name of liberty—the very sight or
appearance of tyrsony was detestable to them
and the same sentiment should still he cherished
by every true Eliglishonan.—(fieer, hear.)—Wheit
we let to this prouciple of tyruttoy to operate on
foreigners, there was but nee step to bring the %yeti
coercion home to louse! yes. is Paid
that no abuses here been (hi:covered daring the ope-
ration of this Bill—the greetestevii is, that we have
in way of discoveting the :11)Usr, for, the ersomeort
the sufferer is taken, it is in vain for into to c
plain, if, indeed, he hail any rational inducemetft
to do so, to the sort of In:missal open so him—he it
at once (turned out of the country,--(l:enr, hear.)
The Noble Lord has snore than mice told us, that
in proposing this measure, he is guided by an ime
iterative sense of public duty—pubbe do y to
whom ? not to the Constitution of England, but
to the Cosign an of Viennio !—(Hear, hear. hear )
I have the utmost personal respect for Lord 5.d-
-mouth; but he must nor be offended with use for
saying, that it is as a man—not as a Nlitsistrr. In
the former sense he has my coulidenCe, loot io the
latter lie lids 1101, because our Constitution i. I:or
a confident one—it is jealous....it reins to power, to
fence round personal rights—it protect, the weak
from the strung—the people from the Mmisteo.
Now as to the prerogative or the Crown to sin 1
out aliens—this was asserted by Blackstone
and other authorities ; but I horsily expected to
have heard it quoted by my Hoes. thr
tr umplisist refutation of this doctrine (111 a (*.rm. r
night, by my Hon. mid Leaned Friend hi ar sue
(Sir S. Hominy). But admitting, bar the sake cf
argument, that this power is vested in the 4...r0wn,
then what becomes of the necessity for ti is Bill ?
if the for fr exists, the latter is useless. then
make so desperate a stand to bring lit an unpopis ter
measure, when the Crown has alteioly tint we •w• Cl
preveistirg the evil ? The Rug 11.111 Joubtl, i• 1 time
prerogative of making war—but has not Parietal/41t
the coutroling power of affording the supply, end
ensuring the discipline of the army It wa' im-
possible that this, lonwer could so bsist in the Crows ;
it aas against the genius of the Culostittooioe..
I again implore the Ii nee to rime before it
'adopts this Bill. The repetition °flinch incasui es has
a fatal moral tendency. IVhat is once Knotted for it
temporary purpose, soon becomes pet:thole-ill hen
the pass • ..r men are concerned to its peliotw t.
The hand once to:custoined to grasp Ike shoo:;
hold of power, 'chop to it with a fit WO' and more
decided attachment, in proportion to the length it
is permitted to wield the power. I have to vote-
gist., for having so loiog trespassed nu the flousr,
and shall only repeat my decided hostility to thy
Bill;'—(Hear, hear.)
The House then divided, when the numberi
Mete— •

For Ibe Second Reading of the Bill 1/7
Against it

Majority

, -
On our re-adnaissom to the gallery, we loused Mr.
BENNETT pulting a question to Lord Castlereagh,
fur the purpose ul knowing in what *Loge Ministers
meant to discuss the Bill ?

Mr. BATHURST rose to order, and contended
that a Member had no right, by putting a questi tttt ,
to revive a conversation on a subject after the regu-
lar proceeding on the particular stage had closed.

Mr. BENNETT—"Theque,tion is, ' that this B
he committed on Tuesday next;' there is, therefore;
a subject before the House on which 1 have a right
to speak, and of this the Right Hon. Gentleman
ought to have been aware, if his ear was as quick
to hear the question as his tongue was to call me
to order. I have a right to proceed, if I please, Ili
the shape of interrog:itory; end I now ask, if at all,
and when, it le the intention of Ministers to debate
this question ? Not one syllable has bet n yet said
on this important subject by ant• tine of tits
Majesty's Ministers, or soy of their dependants
and expeetante, or the law officer«. We have not
heard one word in justification of the measure ; and
1 ask the Noble Lorct when Ministers mean to
break silence on the subject ? Has he entered Auto
an engagement with the Kings of the Continent, or
the Holy Alliance, to say nothitig on a question
which involves the spirit of the Constitution of tie
land, and the personal liberty of the subjecta of
the Continent, whose Sovereigns associated,
leagued, awed, and combined to carry into effect
measures here which they adopted in their own eon-
Llave ? I will not, by eineitaig into the rn►►its of
the question, add one to the number of gr.echets
which have beets already left unanswered. A:0 I
shall ask is, when their 1 high Nlightinesses, the .11
tasters opposite—(Laughter;—will dricti to "nu
what reasons they have to oppose to the cmzent a,.
guments that have been urged against the Bill ?"
(Ilene.)
Lor.l CASTLEREAGH expressed his astonishment
at the coarse Hilopted by the Hon. Gentleman. He
would reply to the questing, proposed to him be
putting aiiiither. 11 hell did the Gentlemen (.p-
-!write mean to opens a case against the Bill ? The
moment they dui, in a tangible staipe, then lie
begged to manure thesis their speeches should not go
unanswered.

Mr. LTTTELToR said, that he had stattd a
specific case, to which tin answer had
Mr. BATHURST Smd. that If brought forward in
a distinct shape, application could he matte for the
necessary information on the 'subj.-et. fir can•
tended Gentlemen against being quite credulous
on one side, and incredulous at the oilier.
Mr. Lryrturos emu. not ineredulons—he was
►eady to hear any answer that the Right lion. Geis-
tleantis may favour hint with.

Mr. B. BATIICIIIST 'aid, he had heroic stated that his
Hue. Fite mil hrhind him. Gone his sereasi enssance w oitis e
Lad nut had the means of understanding the nature u( I. 41
care alluded to by the lion Gent!. isosn.—lise 11111 was then
articled to bs runstnittcd un usaday next.

SLAVES.
Sir S ROMltf.lt gave notice, that he atotild, gm Monday
next. move, that the pap. fa respecting 5141,111 fir .enrr.d to
a Select Committee of the House; and also that their hat
laid before the Honey a copy of the opinion .f the Attorney.
General of Dominica, on the case of a certain Slave there.
On the mutton of the Cuucsl,Lot of the Esatitititntitil

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