The Sun.
London, England, 1855-11-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENINGI NOVEMBER 16, 1855.

As to the attack on the Emperor, of which the
meeting'was made the instrument, what purpose
could it serve ? If he really prompted the prc-
ceedings we must think he was very ill-advised,
and our own Government too. He and they
ought better to have known the temper of English-
men. He must have seen that here, with a
Press absolutely free, and the right of meeting
unrestricted, the refugees would only be raised
from contempt and converted into martyrs, by
legal proceedings—and still more so by proceed-
ings of questionable legality. He could do no-
thing more likely to peril the cordiality of alliance
between the two Governments than to incur the
suspicion of prompting our Government to in-
fringements on the liberty of the Press, or harsh
dealing with refugees. Having lived with us so
long we should hope he has quite got over the
morbid sensitiveness of the former NAPOLEON to
the freedom of our Press.

We must own we suspect most strongly that
odious Court which has mysterious influence in
high quarters here. The savage young Jesuit
who perpetrated the murder of Assn, who robs
Hungary of its liberties by perjury, and Lombardy
by his brutal soldiery, who trciaibles before
KOSSUTH and Mazznir, as before living imper-
sonations of the NEMESIS which awaits him—his
is the hand which, as we conjecture, pressed down
the scale. Possibly hehoped to see thegt eat patriots
ultimately drives across the Atlantic, which he is
much less likely to see, than to see himself driving
on the Marine Parade at Brighton. At least he
might hope to intimidate them, and to check their
dreaded pens, and their correspondence with the
crushed, but yet ardent, patriots in the suppressed
nations. Lord PALMERSTON' must indeed beware.
Englishmen will not allow their valued and in-
dispensable ally to touch a hair of their cherished
liberties, but the detection of the influence in
such proceedings of the hated traitor at Vienna
would ruin any Ministry, and might have even
worse consequences than that.

The householders of London will do well at the
present time to ponder over the history of their
local administration during the last quarter of a
century, in order to appreciate the immense boon
presented to them in the Metropolis Management
Act. To be sure we cannot promise by way of
inducement that the immediate result will be al-
together agreeable, but we pledge our credit it
will be wholesome.
For what, in sober truth, is that history but a
aerie-comic illustration of selfishness suicidally
indulged in ? A history of betrayed trust, and of
servile submission on the part of a majority of the
ratepayers to the most pettifogging brigandage,
and of grievous scandal to the admirers of an en-
nobling principle. A history of a long-continued
dereliction of an incumbent duty, because of an
unworthy apprehension of a little trouble and un-
pleasantness incident to the discharge of it. What
are the facts ? To the householders of London,
it is no exaggeration to say, was pre-eminently
committed the vindication of a system to which
this kingdom, more than to any other, owes its
unexampled greatness. Residing in the metro-
polis of the freest and most energetic country in
Europe, the centre of commercial enterprise,
wealth, and intelligence, they were peculiarly
called upon to do justice to the principle of local
self-government. Not only was the character of
their local administration likely to be inquired into
by their provincial contemporaries for imitation,
but also to be invidiously noted by foreigners and
others who have no love for, and almost as little
plified one
comprehension of, free institutions. If the ope-
ration of the
principle in question was to be
placeexem-
London. -Yet a
rather
matter
rn
of course,
thatwas
that,
place, of all place
we say in we
no city or town in the kingdom,
boldly challenge assent, when
however corrupt and wanting in intelligence and
public spirit, has the important trust been more
signally betrayed, or could
in thethreesuelptsecouflatthivaet
for ridicule. To caricature
betrayal foreigner
mor havee
matter
them was to outrage prObability, and vie with
MIINCIIAI7S.EI{. Individuals, of most of whom
about them, bare been permitted
the best that could be said Was no one
tkonelevvya," ththironuggh a long series of years, a taxation
almost equai to that required by imperial neces-
sities, withaut let or hindrance, or being called to
extravaganev.), farcical jobbery, and flagrant con-
tempt of public opinion
account ; and this, notwithstanding the reckless
indulged in by most of
these local despots, have been enough to set
MEPHISTOIMELES himself a chuckling and grinning
by the hour. So infatuated, indeed, have the

enlisted they demanded the sacrifice. At least
we ought to know how the clause came there, and
was afterwards pushed aside. The connection
was thought " reasonable," writes the Chairman.
Granted ; then, if reasonable, why dropped ?
But one answer, we candidly think, is possible ;
that it having been hoped the meeting would give
a hearty vote for Cobdenism, it was found more
likely to vote with the nation at large. St.
3vlartin.'s Hall could not be packed—so the War
discussion was packed of; the Chairman, when
the resolution in favour of the refugees had been
unanimously carried, having rather eagerly de-
clared the business at an end. It was pretty
clear, however, from the way in which a Mr.
WASHINGTON WILES, and his unfriendly allusions
to the War were received, that no hearing
could have been gained for Peace-at-any!
Price doctrines, and that there was
danger if the meeting were prolonged
of a much stronger resolution against the brutal
power, which would not merely compel a refugee
to go from one portion of its dominions to an-
other,---but which could thirst with wolfish in-
satiableness for the very blood of the noble refugee
whom our Eastern Ally so generously and faith-
fully protected, and whom we are now proud to
have in our capital.
For the expulsion of the first three for the pub-
lication of the base letter attacking even our
•wn SOVEREIGN there was perhaps some apparen t
excuse. A rather lame one, however. The Courts
of Law were open, and could our SOVEREIGN have
condescended to avail herself of them the verdict
could not have been doubtful. In common with
all her subjects, however, she could on personal
grounds not have thought of such a step. Her
vindication was in the breast of every subject,
and not one of them could have endured the
thought of her defending herself against such re-
volting scurrility. It was beneath notice, at least
by herself ; but the guilty parties ought not to
have been surprised if the pump, the horse-pond,
and other instruments of Lynch Law awaited
them. If they did not respect the personal po-
sition of the SOVEREIGN who protected them, the
more rough and ready of her attached subjects,
could not be expected to show much respect to
their persons. The Austrian woman-flagger ex-
perienced Bankside justice ; and it was not easy
to bring the popular culprits to justice—police
justice we mean. And had the Banksiders in
Jersey exercised their summary process on the
libellers assuredly the Governor could have found
no jury to convict them. The refugees were bet-
ter away ; they had made the place too hot for
them.

ratepayers been—so patiently submissive to the
system of tyranny and extortion practised upon
them by these nobodies—that nothing more hope-
less, perhaps,'than resistance on their part could
be conceived. In vain might its iniquity and well
the absurdity of tolerating it be vividly presented
to them from time to time by solitary individuals
unable longer to withhold the expression of their
indignation. All the effect of their remonstrances
was—a recommendation to keep themselves quiet.
The streets were paved, the lamps were lighted,
and other needful things were done—why make
a needless pother about the expense ? Of course
the ratepayers were swindled, they always were,
and for anything they could see to the contrary
always would be to the end of the chapter. And
thus matters have been suffered to go until now,
when, by the efforts of a few enlightened and de-
termined men, the tribe of local jobbers are being
dispersed, and the ratepayers called upon to inau-
gurate a new and better era under the most pro-
mising auspices.
The question to be determined is—Are the
householders of London capable of managing their
own affairs—at least as well as they could be
managed for them—or not ?Is it, or is it not,
to go abroad that free institutions are a failure at
the fountain-head, and that to enjoy liberty of
speech and security from capricious arrest, and
freedom from bureaucracy, it is necessary to be
befouled by petty officials, and made meekly to
contribute black mail to insure immunity from
their insolence ?

What answer will be returned ? We have
, strong faith in its being such a one as is calculated
to gladden the heart of every intelligent lover of
freedom in Europe. The householders of London
have only to put their shoulders to the wheel to
redeem past error, and insure good local govern-
ment for the future. Let them but take care to
select proper men as their representatives at the
district boards--set the machine fairly agoing at the
outset--and keep an eye upon those who work it,
and they will have more reasons for congratula-
tion than we have yet indicated. The operation
of the bill will not be confined to administrative
reform, improved sanitary regulations, and, all
things considered, a lessening of the burden of
local taxation : its remote effects are likely to
surpass all this. Reform in a man's own household
prepares him for the work of reformation else-
where, and with good local government bad Im-
perial administration cannot long be compatible.
Evil is not more prolific than good, and of all
good things good government is about the best.
One good result which may fairly be anticipated
from the successful working of the measure we
have yet to specify by way of encouragement.
The division of the metropolis into districts, and
their connection with a central board, will in all
probability supply muscles and tendons to an
overgrown mass that has long needed them. In
no place is a common effort so difficult of attain-
ment as in London, and nowhere does individual

exertion appear more hopeless, unless it be that
of men of more than average ability. The result
is, there is a world of energy wasted or misapplied
that might be productive of the most desirable
results. This state of things is not likely to con-
tinue unaltered if the ratepayers do • tbeir duty.
The metropolis will not for ever lie prostrate be-
neath the burden of its own bulk, but, full of
vital energy, and alive to every obligation, the
inhabitants will find themselves enabled to exer-
cise an influence and play a part worthy of their
intelligence and the responsible position in which
they are placed. The bill is a great bill, notwith-
standing its many imperfections.

LATEST E WS.

GREAT VICTORY IN ASIA,