The British Press; or, Morning Literary Advertiser.
London, England, 1818-06-03 00:00:00

V

tunably we got no dinner." Many important
points, absolutely necessary for the remove] of evil
Ministers, of improper Counsellors. of corrupt
Judges, and of all sorts of corrupt dicers. who
mid the King in the subversion of the Government^
(which was the charge against James 11. for which
he bet the Crown and fled the country), were re-
clurled from the Bill of Rights. In that Bill,
the inflicting unusual punishments—levying se.
ere fines—packing juries—keeping up a stand-
ing army in time of peace—packing Parliament.—
were all enumerated, as illegal. Bnt there were
added, at the end of these enactments, five little
words, which had the pernicious effect of doing
away the whole benefit intended by the statute.
The words were. se except with +content of Parli.6-
ment." That little addition had operated. like the
touch or a talismanic wand, to destroy the whole
fabric of English freedom—that fabric which the
hborious efforts of .00r forefathers erected—th4t
fabric which they had cemented with their blood !
These five words caused that grand edifice to vanish
into air—

" Ara, like Ike bastion' fabric of a vi.iea—.
Leave not a wreck behind."

What was it to them if • standing army were kept
up in time of peace—if barracks covered the face
' of the country—or Juries were packed—or Parlia-
ments corrupted—or cruel finest levied—or un-
usual punishments inflicted on men, without trial—
what was it to them, if all, or any of these arbitrary
sets were done by the King's authority, or by the
klihisters of the Crown acting on the venality of a
packed Honer of Parliament ? In fact, if the evil
were perpetrated by the latter, the people were in a
worse situation than their forefathers, because a man
must find himself infinitely more at ease, if he be
robbed by one in whom he reposed but little trust,
than if the watchman whom be employed to guard
his home. assisted the thieves, and turned that
which was meant for his protection into an in-
, strureent of mischief. Had there been no Par-
liament at this time—had the old laws been resort-
ed to —had there not been ■ body of men ready
to remove the great land-marks of the Constito-
tion—the people would not have endured those in-
roads on their liberty sod property, which they had
recently borne, and borne only because the coon-
try had such a Parliament as was now collected.
The evil was so great that he had rather there was
no Parliament at all, than • House of Commons
in appearance, but which was no check on the
Minister of the Crown—which, under the pretence
of being composed of the Representatives of the
People at large, placed the liberties of the coun-
try in the hands of Ministers, and, at the same
tone boasted, that they acted under the sanction
of the law and the Constitution. The way then to
present this mischief, and the only way, was, to
restore to the people that branch of the Legis-
lature, which, in his opinion, they were more
entitled to than any other part of the Govern-
. Them was entitled to the power which it exer-
cised. Because, every other part of the Govern-
ment was held io trust for the people—and. it
the power granted to it were abused, it was liable
to be taken away from those who misconducted
themselves : hut the rights of the people were in-
alienable, and never could be destroyed. By the
old law, the people not only elected persons to sit
in the representative assemblies. but all officers.
civil and military, from the Sheriff of the county,
upwards. except the immediate Executive °Sett's,
were appointed by them. Was it then too much to
ask for the people, they having been tricked out of
their ancient rights and liberties, that they should
be enabled to place within the walls of that House
such persons as they might think fit to be in-
tritsed with the care of their dearest interests ?
Was such a proposition as this to be called
wild and visionary ? liar there any thing ab-
surd, was there any thing unjust, in giving to
every man in the country. of a certain age, and
labouring under no moral disqualification, a voice
tit the election of those to whom the guardianship
of his liberty and property was to be confided ?
Was these any thing improper in parting that right
which was claimed under the name of universe/
suffrage—a phrase which acted like a phantom on
the ds of some gentlemen—but which, if ex-
',nitwit had nothing terrific in it ? Supported is the
people were by the ancient law, and by the reason and
expediency of the measure. they had • right to ask
for it. They asked for nothing that was not rea-
sonable—they called for nothing which they were not
justified in insisting on. The system of that House
ought to be, to consider the universal interest of the
country, as the only one worth attending to—and,
where any interest came in contact with it. no matter
iii what quarter it arose, that interest ought to be dis.
regarded.--111ere the [lOll. Baronet, in order to
prow that the doctrine of universal suffrage was
formerly recognised, read au extract from the old
coronation °Atli, in which the King promises to pre.
serve Java, eortswerediees es lege', par vuLGUS
elejit"—sod, in the French, " /a colistoNstm"
was the term used, instead of ca/gar.]—No two
words, he observed, could be found of more exten-
sive signitica'inn. than commonahe in the French,
nod truigus in the Latin version of the oath.—
ii the reign of Henry IV. who obtained the Crown
by upholding those laws on which his predecessor
had trampled, a statute was enacted. to rouse-

queiue of grievous complaints, made b 3 the
people, of the interference, in various ways, of
Sherds, in their elections." That statute enacted,
" That all persons duly summoned in the Sheriff's
Cottrt, and (alien who .hall be present at county
itlectif)ll%, shall proceril to the election of a Knight
of the Shire," and it provided penalties to be
Irvied on Sheriffs and other persons infringing the
I.ght or election. Mr. Justice Blackstoi:e en-
4leimirs to explain away the obvious meaning of
clip statute, by saying, " that a great number of
treelsolders were not duly summoned—and, there-
fore, that the word • others' only referred In
Close who *roe not In summoned." 'rhos, how-
ever, mold lint Its the meaning of the statute,
for the male of summoning was always the same,
that of public proclamation to the freeholders of
the county. It was tkrsefore to he presumed, that,
by " others," was meant, " all persons then and
there asseiiilileil." 'flits mode of electing by nor-
tenni salinv., continued, without incoovemesice,
for twenty-five tears, during the prosperous and
vigorous Henry IV. ; hut it was thrown
down its the yelp of his weak andunfoitunate
4raollstio: Then came the lint restriction, that
of Hears VI. The statute said, " that a great

and ootrageitus entoorse of people allttued
at elections—aud persons witfiout property had
a 'Jive therein—whereupon it was very likely
that tumults, riots, disorders, and rnanelaugh-
tees, might arise—and, therefore, it disfranchised
all person. who had not freeholds of 40.. a year,"
at that time, he believed, • very considerable sum
.of money. The reasons assigned for !massing that
statute were fallacious, for the Act did not say that
disorders had takes' place, but that disturbances
might arise. There might indeed exist good cause
for providing against disturbances—but the proper
way to prevent them was not by depriving men of
their just rights. What, he would ask, was the
present system of election, or rather of rm-election ?
Did it not present one scene of riot, drat:dirtiness
perjury, and every species or rascality which the
human mind could conceive? It did ;Mired exhibit
that very state of things which did not exist when
the statute of Ilenry VI.• was passed, although the
fear of such disorders arinug was made the pretext
fur that enactment. There was one honourable ex-
ception to this general rule. lie himself happened
to be elected on the most extensive scale—almoat
on the principle of universal suffeage—managed by •
the people themselves—without tot. or Wender,
or disorder of any sort, bring exhibited. It •••
• most remarkable instance of the goodness of
this principle, that the City of Westminster was
able to proceed, with as much quietness, in electing
• Member to sit io Parliament, as a pariah vestry
could du its the election of a parish officer. They
had therefore some practical experience on the sub.
j••ct of allowing the people the right which they
claimed—that of voting fur their representatives—
's/id its the absence of which, all their other rights
were of no avail. In the year 1780, when the great
subject of Reform was agitated throughout the
country, • Committee was appointed in Westmin-
ster re inquire into the state of the representation.
Mr. Fox was the Chairman of the Committee, and
Mr. Sheridan the Deputy Chairman. The result
of that inquiry was a Petition, unanswered and
answerable, which then lay on their table. The
gist of it was shortly this, that only 6,000 voters re.
turned 257 Members to Parliament, being a majo-
rity of the then English /louse of Commons—and
the Petition stated, " that the representation was
more defective, more inadequate, even respecting •
the property, than the population of the country."
It further declared, " that annual Parliaments are
the undoubted constitution of England—the un-
doubted right of the people of England—and
the holding them beyond that period was a
gross breach of their liberties." Whether that
was the opinion of Mr. Fox, he could not say—
(" hear P' front Mr. Bronghtme.)—He was
told it was not, but that he merely signed the
Petition as chairman. It was, however, the opi.
nion of the majority of those with whom he acted—
and it was clear, as he signed it. that he did not
look npun it as a mischievous opinion. Because,
though he might, as chairman, sign that Which he did
not approve, yet he certainly would not lend his
name to principles which be deemed hurtful or per-
nicious to his country. This, however, they well knew,
that • great number of illustrious and most able men
had expressed themselves advocates of this opinion.
The Duke of Richmond, in his letter to Col. Shan.
non, had argued the question with • degree of ability
which appeared to set all answer at defiance. And
it would be more satisfactory, if those who looked
upon the doctrine as dangerous, would exert their
abilities;
,In overthrowing, if they could overthrow,
that Noble Duke's arguments, instead of snaking
use of those imputations with which the supporters
of the principle were usually assailed. But, with
respect to universal suffrage, he conceived it derived
some support from the sentiments expressed by
Mr. Fox himself, in 1797, when the question of
Parliamentary Reform win debated in that House.
He admitted the principle, in that speech. though
he did not exactly argue in favour of the practice.
" It was obvious," h; said, " that no persons could
he contented, it they were altogether excluded ,
front forming a constituent part of the Coii-
stitntion under which they lived. Therefore,
it is the best syitem of Parliamentary Re-
form which shall iuclude the greatest number or
Parliamentary votes." Ile did not oppose an ex-
tensive Parliamentary Reform on the grounds elute
others did—but because he thought that universal
suffrage would have a bad effect on seine classes of
society, who, if empowered to vote, would perhaps
vote contrary to the dictates of their conscience.—
Mr. Fox's only limit war, that those persons alone
should, be excluded, who were not in a situation to
give an independent vote. If, therefore, it could
be 'hewn, that no sinister views could operate, were
universal suffrage conceded—if it were proved that
no power, even where the desire to corrupt indivi-
duals existed, could produce that effect—if it were
manifested that where the power was possessed, the
desire to act improperly would not exist—then,
he thought, Mr. Fox would be an advocate for
thut system of representation which included the
greatest possible extent of suffrege, so as to
comprehend all persons of independent mind.—
But what sort of a system now existed ? There
were very few independent votes. The great ma-
jority of that House was returned by persons who
were not independent. The majority was ponsinated
by individuals who, by law, were excluded from in.
terference in elections—who were declared, by law,
and by their Sessional Orders, to commit a high
breach of privilege, if they did so Interfere—
and for infringing which Orders, they sent, the
other day, a poor man to Newgate. The system
was a mere sham—and, if there were any persons
llits the country, that should be excluded from
voting, they were those who now returned Members
to Parliament. The Honourable Baronet then
proceeded to argue, that, whets. the voters were
very numerous, and the Home of Commons
returned annually, it would he impossible to in-
fluence elections. Cnitsidering the number of
IMembers of whom the !louse consisted—and sup.
• posing the 1,61'441 of universal suffrage to be
acted us'—there would be at least 3 or 4,000 votes
for each Member. Would it be possible, lie askt
to corrupt such a body ? lint, if ir man were pow.
erful enough to succeed, would he be likely to
make the effort, when, in the course of a year, he
aoul,l be deprived of his seat ? There would not
lie lime fur a strong intimacy to grow up between
! the candidate and the voters—and the Gentlemen
oil the Treasury Bench would he prevented from
becoming closely acipainted with them. There
i was, hoivnv-.r, another stA:ar:.ty, that of the bulbt.

' • •
•
• If
vote, elm given secretly, it was impossible that
corruption could exist. At the same time he did
not think the system of bullet would be necessary;
hut to that system he had no objection—for, i.e
conceived. a man might as well put his hand in a
box, and place there a paper, inscribed with his
mime, and the name of the Candidate lie sup.
ported, as proceed in • „,„j have
them talvii down by a clerk. This seas the
most essential purl of the subj-et--for it was of
the essence of freedom, that elections should be
free—it was of the essence of the Constiiiiiiini, that
• free House of Commons should lie returned-41,d
it was essential to the morals of the ramory, that
perjury, and drunkenness, and redo, should be pre-
vented. It was, however. by some prisons 11111.•
glued, that if things went no thus quietly, the
spirit of freedom would die. He, however, 11 gait
differently. The spirit of freedom was Hot, lie
conceived, to be kept op by riot and
vice and wickedness. In America. they never heard
of elections going on. All was done quietly.—
Those unseemly contests between families, which
electioneering interestsocc tsioned here—which made
individuals behold each other with feeling. Hy ell.
mity, anal treat each other with gross illiberality
were unknown in that county. Those feelings
were kept alive in England by the regular struggle
for power which took place at the end of every *even
years. A period so long as seven years was deemed
worthy of a struggle. If the individual succeeded.
he was, for that period, an important prison—maid
if he chose to turn his importainai to acconiit,
there was a ready market for ir. Iu short,
there was every motive, good, bad, and indifferent,
to excite • man to powerful exertion. The Flom
Baronet then adverted to the opinions of Mr. Pitt,
which were favourable to Reform, until he came
into power; and of Mr. Bailee, than whom few nun
more decidedlyexposed the corruption of that House,
although his principles also experienced a change.
The most able men. in the tires/ad and in former
times, had suctioned, if not in principle, at least by
their arguments, that which lie now contended fur.
Sir W. Jones, whom Dr. Johnson called " the
most enlightened of men," admitted. " that mil-
frees were forrperly so extensive, that it was es i.
dent minuteness or property was not looked to."
He might be considered imprudent in pushing the
principle to this extent, by those who admitted
that there ought to be a certain degree of Re-
form—a Reform sufficient for the purpose of
insuring a control, in favour of, and tot against
the people, as the existing control clearly
was. He had endeavoured to conciliate those
individuals by every means in his power, short
of that compromise, which, by weakening the prin-
ciple, would render it Mefficient. seeiug the treat-
ment which an Hon. Baronet's monon for the re-
peal of the Septennial Act (au Act which might be
considered the greatest innovation on the constitu-
tion of the country that was ever attempted—an
Act which still existed, although the causes alleged
for passing it had long subsided)—had experienced
—observing the coolness and contempt with which
it was received—he felt that lie had but little to
hope on this occasion. Still, however, he thought
it WIN false prudence to pursue any course that
would not bear the test of reason—and, in his
opinion, any proposition, short of granting free-
dom of election to the whole population of the
country. could not bear that test. It was said,
If yon grant the right of suffrage to every
individual in the country, you will have retnrutal to
this House, persons every way inadequate. Men
without education—men of the lowest description."
This assertion was opposed to all experience. So far
from this being the case, he was convinced that none
but men of character, of fidelity, of talents, and, most
probably. possessing also the adventitious gifis of
rank, station. and wealth, would be elected to offices
of trust and confidence. This was not Isis opinion
Only. It was a derivative opining.. Mochimel, iu
his history, has shown, that, from the time the
Patricians allowed the Plebeians to elect officers of
kale from their own body, they uniformly selected
individuals from amongst the Rancho's; and, us
the course of four hundred years, they made but
two or three elections which they hid
.reaeon to re-
gret. This, he alleged, es a proof that the people
were the best judges of the qualifications of men
for superior offices. But the strong part of time
question was this, that every man ought to have
some share in the making of those laws by
which he was to be bound—and on which
his liberty, his interest, and his happiness deptaul-
ed. On this principle, which was supposed
to pervade the Constitution of this country,
Mr. Justice Blackstone justified the putting
criminals to death. He founded himself on the
supposition, that every man in the country waa pre-
sent in Parliament, when a law was enacted. But
this was all a fiction. The lives and properties tif
persons were taken, under the operation of laws, of
the existence of which they were ignorant. Meat who ,
were taken for the militia—men who were forcibly
carried on ship-board. and made slaves of. to shed
their blood its defence of their country—were not
deemed worthy to have a share in the Constitutiou
that country. or a voice in the appointment of those
persona who made laws for them—who declared
when their persons were so to be placed at the dis-
posal of Government. Bait did the people cell for
the liberty of enacting laws themselves ? No such
thing. They merely requested that each individual
should have a 4,oooth.part--a fraction—in the
election of the 65Oth-part. which wits a very small
fraction. indeed, of the /louse of Commons. As
the system now stood, 6,000 paupers, mid certain
proprietors of boroughs, nominated to the great
majority of sears in that House—so that the
liberty and property of almost the whole po-
pulation, were ut their mercy. The experience
of the history of all mankind pointed to this hun—
ting, in every Government. in every part of the
world, of which they had any record, it would he
found that, in proportion as the great body of the
people had influence on their Governments, those
Gorey 1111 l ents were prosperous ; and so, in an in-
verse ratio, where a small body, Mt oligarchy, lord-
ed it over the people, the public happiness and safety
were always lessened. The Hon. Baronet the.'
shortly recapitulated the positions lie had laid down
in the course of his vrecli—and observed that the
people called only for that smell influence on the
Governtnesit, that just check snit control on the
Executive 'power of the State, which would cause
their interest to be properly attended to—and
I which would extend to them and to their chit-

.• • . -
•
hen a fair itreuri,y fur the enjoyment of the
fruits of their industry. They could tint ask
for less, and more they did not droireid. fir
stittxd that it War merely leis wish this greot ques-
tion should resit cot the basis which it ought of
right to stutid—tiamelv, that of sound reason end
political jrtice. The Ilium Baronet concluded
with rending the fillowing string of itr.olot.oo.,
! the first of which aftrrword• nttwttl
1--11,sip owenrity fir 5.54.4 Kovvrornent ran
ihave Wire, hi' I by ties jIIIN ut, 3 old 111 fOrlopoll lul. 141, Y cum-
. mussily of Test lid wren goversisir4 nipd gurrined
i 'betroth of tins principle his been ow pm...tally re.
t esognited it, sperrists stel,erri4l from the Throne by all the
Ikings of this Realm (except only King Climb s the First
and Kent Pones the Sec r, frnin the 4.f King
Lopes the First down to the !mewls, rtign.boili nor Ininve
rn... Ke...Tuii 111 l 6,111 WY,' .I 1
! speeches. in which Sir Penick sothst, that the ptioriple of
Ihis first Resolution was recognised

2.—That ou pay iteration Nam which ibis community id
lutenist fail,: to be ratite, the Mersa-Pt of the ft w. or of lie
war, ought to eta e way to the iistermi of the ninny ; and
that the troth of Ihi, principle brim recieziosed in
speeches delivered from the Timm.- by the kitie. ..f this
dm, of every family, tri.ns the necem. of Kim/ nos
the Firm down to th•• 114'0.1 of reign. both iuolu-in .—(Phis
Resulation eitsitaiued extracts from itevrral vprei his, in
which Nor Francis Mat, d, that the principle of his third Re-
solution was reetiguis cif 1
3 under the Government of ahi• etroutry, no such
iroutesmaity of interest cult have place, bait in m far as the
persons in whose haul. the ailsoittiatration of politic affairs
is crated, are 'abject to the superimenitente and roiiirol,
ur check of lbe Repreatiotativen of ti.e People; such Repre-
sentatives speakiug said acting iu cuutortnity to the arose of
the people.
4.—That according to cstaloli,bed timer, as evidenced by
speeches from thy Throne, and tither politic acts, the Members
of this House bailor io their collect ire capacity attlyd Itepre
rentativea of the People, and the powers exeicimal by them
tieing on no other ciliumd recoritizeil as constitutional ; it
is, only iu so far ao they are really and substantially Reim--
sentativea of the People, that the miners au ixerciscil by
theist are constitutionally exercised.

b —That it is only in so far as the hfsmbers of this 110USe
arc in fart rhosrii, and from time to time remove. lile by the
free rinffrsges of the great body of the people, that there
can be any adequate assurance that the act. done by them
are in couformity to the sense and wishes of the people; mid,
therefore, that they can in truth, and without abuse of
words, be styled, ur declared to be, Representatives of the
People.
13.—That no Member of this House rat, otherwise than by
a notorious fiction be styled a Representative of ally part
of the people, other then of the part composed of each in.
ilividuals, as have or might have rolled on his election. Asset,
that, by the general appellation of Representatives of the
People, is, and ought to he, uuderatuud Represeutativts of
the whole body of the people.
7 —That the sense of the whole body of the people cannot
be adequately conformed to, by their Representatives, ex-
cept in so far as the suffrage ()reach permits in the choice of
his Representative has a furry and riled, as equal as may
be, to that of the suffrage of every other person. And that
such equality of force and cif. cl cannot hare place, except•
in so far as in the case of each Representative, the number
of pentium possessing the right of vatting HO his election, ie
(as far as local circumstances will permit) the same as i■
the case of every other.

8 —That nu the occasion of electing a Representative of
the people, no man's suffrage can wills truth be said to be
free, except in so far as in the delivery of it, be stsuds
unexposed to the hope of eventual good, or the fear of
eventual evil to himself and his connexions from the
oovrer or influence of every other individual un account of
his suffrage.
0 —That the advautage and necessity of comprehensive,
equal,autt free suffrages has been recognised in divers speeches
from the Throne.—[This resolutiou also cuutaissed several
extracts from Kings' Sperelies.)

10.—That the sense of the people can are., be truly re.
presented and conformed to by their Representatives, other-
wise than sit go far as those Representatives are dependant
upon the wishes of their Constituents fur their conitusiimee
in their situation as Repeesentatives ; such wishes ..( the
Constiitieuts being expressed by their suffrages, freely de-
ered so above.

11.—Thnt dimwit to give this dependence the greatest '
perfection of which, without regard to other °Netts, it
might he susceptible, would require that at ill times it
should be in the power of every Electoral Rudy to remove I
its Representative, its the same manner that it is in the
power of every iudividual, who has grant. d to another a
power of attorney, to revoke the same ; yet for as notch es is'
such a state of things, the people. instead of deputing Re-
presentstives to manage their public concerns, would be in
their own persons engaged its the super titendence or ins-
nagetnent thereof, to the prejudice of the business of private
life; hence it becomes isecirssiby that this same power of .
removal should not have place otherwise than at certain
stated, and more or leas distant periods.
It.—That fur as much as the di prudence of the Rrprescn.
Wives upon their constituent' will be the greater, the
shorter the term is, during which llwy are csetript from
removal ; and as no ineuoveuiesace can be apprehended from
one election at the least taking place au every year ; and as
it appears by divers statutes, and long-coutiussed piactice
in obedience thereto, that the principle at lento of
elections is cimformahle to the societal laws anal practice of
this realm ; it is therefore expedieut that the people should
be enabled to rtmove their Representatives, sod, if neces-
sary, repair the misfortune of having made an improper
choice at least once in every year.
13.—That the sense of the people considered as the "tan-
dard to which the •ease of their enters ought to conform, is,
not the sense entertained by the people iu any past period of
time, and which may have undergone subsequent change,
hut, oat the contiary, is the sense of the people taken iu its
freshest slate; and that this truth has hero repeatedly re-
cognised in speeches delivered from the Throne, by his late
Majesty King George the Second, and by his present Majes.
ty.—[This Resolution contained several extracts from
speeches, in which their late and present Majesties ex.
premied their satisfaction on seeing the most certain in-
fitriwation of the pens', disposition, and wishes of the pests
ple, by a new choice of their represetitatives.]
14.—That by the words sense, disposition, and wishes of
the people. employed is the said speeches, nothing less than
the sense, disposition, and wishes of the whole body of the
people can with p►op►iety be wsolteretoorl ; for as Wench as if
it be the interest and duty of his Nlajesty to collect and at-
tend to the sense, disposition, and wishes of any one pail of
his people, it cannot be so in any less degree in regard 19
any other part.
ls.—That except by Petitions, anal even by those means
no otherwise than occasionally and partially, and therefore
inadequately, the *ease, dispose l i .. u, and wishes of the pro-
ple can be eouveyed to his Majcisty ; 110 other manner than
by the choice made by theirs of peewits' to emit and serve in
this House in the character of Representatives ; and, that
except in the said inadequate monster by Petitions, those
who have no part in the choice of Representatives, cannot
at any time make knows, to his hloje.ty, the part which
their seise, disposition, rind wishes, has to the sense, dis-
position, and wishes of the whole hotly of the people.
Id —That fur as much as Ho power lodged it, the hands of
cosestitnenta can create or maintain the doe deproilesace of
their Representatives, unless the good or evil which may but
prodoced by the exercise of such power, be at mill times to
the expectation of the Representatives greater than any that
con be mode to accrete lo them by ■ny other person or per.
sous whose Interest or supposed interest it may be to engage
them in a violation of their trust; it is !beret-roe necessary,
that by all practicable means, every Representative of the
people be rendered as completely exempt as possible from
every such external influence.
17 —That the offices, commissions, and emoluments, the
power, rank, dignities, and other advantages, which are at
the disposal of the Crown, constitute min many inainsim,.„,,
of temptation, by which the Members of this House are ex-
posed to he seduced from their fluty, and iodured to sacri-
fice the general interest of the people, to the partisular tar

• . •
•
ferret, or soornseti intcresl of the Crown, itsteriinht, and
their adherents.
la —Thar as this House is now constituted, • large pm-
Pnrtiots of the Mcniliers thereof oldarn Ihrir seals li) the
•ppuintnsrnt or favriiir of pnrticsilar individital. without tw-
ins elected, or at least Without fwing freely el cted liv nny
part of the people; and flint such Members are 'contitotal,y
exposed to be seduced feint their duty, and Indtif OA to anat.
fire the rerientl interest albs. People, to the penicillin in.
*crests of their respective patrons.
PI —that fur as moth as the influence of the Crntiou can.
not he carrels...l end mile productive of its nation! of el,
wilbont countrencting mid overpowering. the influence or
the Ptispla In the to casts of the Memberti of !hi,. House,
sir as to engage them 110 notice sacrifice of the
interest of the People to the separate idler. is of the
servants of ttoe Crown nod their n.thesents; bile!) iliell-
plare may with tenth mot pioprii ly he teinsed a sinister
infloettre

'29 —That Parrlamentary patronage not only remits or
i oho hi pis ru sup, eltrssive, free, and equal suffrage, whereby
alone the sense of the people CMIII be maul,. know is, hot ope-
rates on the one band as a perpetnal iodise...m.l.i to the a. '-
wants of the Crown to favour the individuals e h.. are pos-
sessed thereof, no the expense and hi the Orrjudiee of Iha
people; nod, on the other !iamb as a iferVtetital t. rapist'
to those inilitiiilasts to maintain afid Slic,enre the iiieuoure
of the Crown, from which the). .614 expect to derive beticht
for themselves and their cu h. a
21.—That by a Reroluti 111 l passed on ihe eth April, 1780,
it was declared by this Ifolise, that the isolliieuee of the
Crown had increased, was Increasing, nod ought to be di:
minisheti.
22.—That since that the

..—That since tie . time influence of the Cowin has
been greatly increased, MI the tone baud, by the increase of
the public debt in respect of the taxes raised for paying the
interest elicitor, tun the profitable patronage and power ex:
ereised in relation to the seir►al office* and nommissiOni
necessary fur the collection. of those taxes; and, ono the other
hand, by the increase of the *WOW, army, in ru spec, of the
patronage and power exercised in relat to the offico s and
commissions therewith, belonging, and the 11111111, of employ-
ing the same power to stifle the 'vitt mid destroy the litter:
lies of the people.
23.—That fur as much as no adequate diminutio' of the
influence of the Crown can now lie ell; cto 11, the only re.
source which remains is to correct this influence by a coun-
terforre eonsieting of the infP.aence of the people.
24.—That this House, taking into noiniolocas • the gra-
cious intentions so often expreased by his Majesty, particu-
larly rails to mind the speech delivered 011 the bib Decem-
ber, 1782, in which his Majesty, speaking to moth Muses of
Parliament, and after declaring it to be the fixed object of
his heart to make the general good, and true topitit of the
Constitution, the invariable rule of his conduct, was pleated
to any. " To insure the full advainage of a Government con-
duct. it on such principles depo nets ou )'bur temper, your was.
dorn, your disinten witness, collectively and individually—
thy people expect those qualifications of you, and I calk fur
,hero"—and again, thesiorech delivered on the 19th M 4,0784,
in which his Majesty was pleased to say, " l'ou will find me
always desirous to concur with you its such measures a• may
be of lasting benefit to my people-1 have no wish hut to
consult their prosperity;"—sod again, the speech &heeled
on the 25th Jantiary, 1185, in which his Majesty was pleased
to say, "Yon may at all limes demo" on my hearty con-
con-race in every measure which ran tend too "alievialie our
natioual burden., to secure the true prinei plc* of the Con.
@tinniest, and to promote the general welfare of my people."
25.—That this House taking also into consideratiOn the
gracious disposition of his Royal Highness the Po ince
Regent, assures itself with the folio at confidence, that hitt
Royal Highness, acting in the name anti on the behalf of
his Majesty, will be pleased to youclitafe hits sauction to all
such measures as may be necessary fur planing the influence
of his Majesty's people in this House ou a tirnt and uualter-
able footing.

26.—That therefore this House proceeding on the prin-
ciples above declared, is resolved to make use great sacrifice
of all separate and particular mote rests, and to proceed to
establish a comprehensive and consittent plan of reft,rm ; in
virtue whereof, the whole people of the United Kingdom
may he fairly and truly represented in this House ; and, its
order In that end this House dues hereby declare...
I.—That it is expedient and Ili creamy to admit to a par-
ticipation in the election suffrage, all such persons as being
of the male sex, of mature age, and of wound mind, shall,
during a determinate time antecedent to the day of election,
have been resident either as hunsehuldef a or infamies, within
the district or place in which they are called upon so vote.
11.—That the territory of Great Britain and Ireland taken
together, ought to be divided into 058 election districts, no
nearly equsi to each other in population us consist. idiy with
local cituvenience they may he; and, that each snch election
district ought to retuen one Representative, and no more.
Ill.—Thai fur the prevention of unnecessary delay, vexa-
tion, and eltpense, as well as of fraud, vnilence,
and void elections, the election in each district, ought to lie
berms and elided un the same day, and that flay ought to he
the same fur all the districts ; and that for this purprne, not
only the proof uf title, but also every operation rrgisising
mine time than is necessary fur the delivery of the vote,
ought to be accomplished on someday, or dad•., mitccedeut
to the day of election, and that the title to a vole should he
the same fur every elector, and au simple us not to be subject
to dispute.

IV.—That fur the more effectually seeming the attain•
ment of the above objects, the Election districts ought to be
subdivided into sub-districts, for the r.ceptlon of votes, in
such number and situations as local convenience may
require.
V.—That fur securing the freedom of election the mode of
voting ought to be by ballot.
Vl.—That for the more effectually securing the unity of
will and opinion, as between the people and their Represen-
tatives, a fresh election of the Memheis of this House might
to take place, once in every year at the least ; saving to the
Crown its prerogative of dissolving Parliaments at any lime.
. and thereupon after the necessary interval, summnuiug •
fresh Parliament.

Laid COCHRANE could not refrain from address-
ing the House on the present momentou. questine.
When he recollected all that had been dour in that
Honer, upon the occasion of the prothwail for re-
pealing the Septennial Act, and various other m. 0..
'ions. where the interests of the people were at issue
with the wishes of Administration, lie feared, in-
deed, there was but little hope to expect a favoura-
ble issue to the motion now before the Mow. He
would, perhaps, be told, it was iniparliatnentary
and unconstitutional to say there were any Repre-
sentatives of the people in that Hi use who had sold
themselves to the purposes and stews of any set of
men iii power ; but the history of the deernerste
Senate, of that once free people. th. Itaimms,
would serve to .Iww how far corrupting might ,wake
iuroads up,nt public virtue or patriotisru. The
tyranny iiidicted on the Roman people, aid man-
kind generally, under Inc shape of arts of this
It ttttt an &lisle. would ever prove a useful memento
to nations which had any freedom to inst. It way not
for him to prophecy when our ca-e should be assi-
milated to theirs, but this he would say, that those
who were slaves ministerially to the will of the
Sovereign power, were far less sh.visli thaw those
who had sold themselves to their rulers. Pei haps
this might be the last time he address a
House of Commons—((,acre the :Noble Lord ap-
peared staieh qtrecledl—atid• he therefore lelt it the
more necessary to state what he tit/tight upon the
present abuses in administration, and the conduct of
that House. Whstever the IN _wise or C"lintr% might
have thought of his conduct on various occasions
lie could only assure them that if hr wad erred, it
should rather be attributed to his head than to his
heart.—(Hear.)—Amongst sil the Act.: of the
[louse, since he had had a sem, for ilea 1 I years part
lie recollected very few to which he felt disposal