The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-27 00:00:00

n the Government with success. What further I have to
say is, that I do not think that the general aspect of affairs ,
abroad at all warrants the depression which I see it has in
some quarters produced. No doubt the accounts which
we have received from our camp before Sebastopol are
gloomy and disheartening ; but, with respect to the great
objects of the war in which we are engaged, I believe that
our prospects are by no means gloomy. When I spoke on
a former occasion with reference to Austria, my language
Was most erroneously construed as depreciating the con-
duct and intentions of that Power. Now, I wish to give
*very credit and importance to that which Austria has
done. It is in consequence of the large armaments she
has made, the equipment of her army to the extent of
500,000 men, the entrenchment and strengthening of
positions which were weak, and the raising of an enor-
mous force of cavalry—it is in consequence of I hese pre-
parations that the Emperor of Russia has abated much
of his pretensions, has been ready to consent to terms
which in last August he utterly rejected, and that he now
seriously considers whether or not he will make those con-
cessions which are necessary for the purpose of procuring
pace It is in a great degree owing to tie admirable abi-
lity and, still mere, the admirable patience exhibited by
Lord Clarendon in his negotiations—(hear, hear)—that we
have the advantage of Austria throwing her weight into
negotiations, with the assurance that if a peace such as she
thinks safe for Europe cannot be obtained she will act with
the allies, bringing with her the aid of 500,000 men. We
have, in the next place, to rely, without the smallest hesi-
tation or doubt, on the fidelity of our ally, the Emperor of
the French—(Cheers)—of whose good Faith, besides all
other actions and all other assistances? I saw and heard
such proofs during my late residence in his capital that
I cannot have the slightest hesitation in assuring the
house that the two countries of England and France
will remain united to the end of this great struggle.
(Loud cheers.) Well, then, with these advantages, I
thick we may hops to see one of two things—one no doubt
mere desirable than the other; but the other, at the
same time, an honourable course, and one from which
we should not shrink—either the Emperor of Russia would
make those concessions which will be just and honourable
for England, for France, and for the safety of Europe ; or,
if he should fail in making those concessions, there will be
such a force of European arms collected against him that
a final triumph must attend those arms. (Hear, hear.)
I could not help expressing this conviction on the present
occasion, because I think that, whoever may be Minister,
he may rely, first, on the patriotic feeling and loyalty of
the house—(hear, hear)—next on the unflinching alliance
of the Emperor if the French, and ;thirdly, on the assist-
ance of the Emperor of Austria, if honourable terms of
peace cannot be obtained. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps I may
be permitted to say, as I have now left Lord Aberdeen's
Government, that I cannot refrain on this occasion from
quoting the words of Sir R. Peel, with respect t 3 that
noble lord, and also freely declaring that, in my opinion,
they are fully justified. When Sir R. Peel was leaving
office he said—
" My noble friend has dared to avow that there is a moral
obligation upon the Christian Minister of a Christian country
to exhaust every effort for the maintenance of peace before
incurring the risk, not to say the guilt, of war. But while
he has not shrunk front the manly avowal of that opinion, I
will, in justice to him, add this—and it is perfectly consistent
with that opinion as to the moral obligation of maintaining
peace, while peace can be maintained with honour—that
there never was a Minister less inclined to sacrifice any essen-
tial interest, or to abate anything from the dignity and
honour of this country, even for the purpose of securing that
inestimable blessing."

I believe the opinion thus expressed to be perfectly just.
My noble friend had entered into this war not until it was
necessary, and it was only a few days ago that I had a long
conversation with him on the terms of peace with which
we ought to be satisfied ; and I must say I entirely con-
curred in all he said, and had the fullest reliance that he
would not concur in any peace which is not just and ho-
nourable, and which would not be approved by the general
feeling of this country. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps I may
say a few words with respect to the Government I have
left, and for joining which I have often been taunted.
I cannot but say that I look back to my association with
many of the measures and acts of that Administration with
great pride and satisfaction. (Hear, hear.) I look back,
above all, with the greatest pride and satisfaction to that
speech of eloquence and wisdom delivered by my right hon.
friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer when proposing his
financial scheme two years ago, and maintaining, as I be-
lieve, the true principles of finance. (Hear, har.) It is
a satisfaction to me to think that the splendour of that
exhibition was so great as to shed some portion of its bril-
liancy on these who were his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) I
know it was said at the time when that Administration
was formed, that those with whom I had always been con-
nected—the Whig party— had not, in the distribution of
power, that degree of influence that properly belongs to
them on account of their character, abilities, and num-
bers. It always appeored to me before that period that
a very unjust notion had found its way among the
public to a very great extent—namely, that the Whig
party was an exclusive party and required all power and
office for itself, and was not prepared to support any sys-
tem of administration in which it did not enjoy that mo-
nopoly. I must say I think that opinion was an unjust
one, and the conduct of the Whig party during the last
two years fully justifies my opinion. I will venture to say
that no party ever behaved with greater honour or more
disinterested patriotism than the Whig party who, during
the whole of that period, bar supported the Government
of Lord Aberdeen. It is my pride, and it will ever be my
pride to the last day of my life, to have belonged to a
party which, as I conceive, upholds the true principles of
freedom and the just influence of the people; and whether
in or out of office, it will be my constant endeavour to pre-
aerveand to maintain the principles which the great Whig
party has laid down. (The noble lord sat down amid con-
siderable cheering from both sides of the house.).
Lord PALMERSTON—It may be probably expected
that I should not allow the address of my noble friend to
pass without some observation on the part of her Majesty's
Government, and, in the first place, I must beg to assure
my noble friend and the house that nothing could be more
painful to me, officially and personally, than the step which
hobos felt it his duty to take in separating himself from the
Government of which we ware both members. There have
been, no doubt, at particular times, temporary differences
between my noble friend and myself, which may have
appeared to estrange us from each other—(laughter)--
but I can assure him that these differences have passed
away from my mind—(hear)-143 I know they have from
his ; and I can assure him that, whether I act with him or
whether we are divided, the great esteem which I feel for
his high character and for his great abilities, and the deep
friendship with which I am animated towards him, never
can be affected by the past, the present, or the future.
(Hear.) Now, sir, undoubtedly I must admit, a public man
has a perfect right, without an impeachment on the part
of any person, to quit office whenever he thinks that his
continuance in office cannot be reconciled with his sense of
duty; and however those whom he may leave may regret the
loss, if he acts in the manner I have stated, he stands per-
fectly free from all reproach. With regard to the circum-
stances to which my noble friend has adverted, it is not
for me to say whether my noble friend was right or wrong
in acquiescing last year in the appointment of the Duke of
Newcastle to the office of Secretary of State for the War
Department ; neither is it for me to say whether my
noble friend was right or wrong in proposing that I should
be substituted for the noble duke in the discharge of the
duties of that office. I was absent in Paris at the time
when the correspondence to which my noble friend had
adverted passed between him and Lord Aberdeen ; but I
am ready to corroborate what my noble friend has stated,
that when, on my return from Paris, he communicated to
me that correspondence, and when the question arose whe-
ther or not, in consequence of Lord Aberdeen having de-
clined to adopt his recommendations, he should deprive the
Government of his services, I, together with every one of
his colleagues, urged him and entreated him notto quit the
Government. I certainly thought it my duty to join with
my colleagues in earnestly requesting my noble friend to
continue to give the Government the benefit of his services
The noble lord consented to do so, he yielded to the recom-
mendations of his colleagues, but from that time to the
period of his resignation I am not aware that he ever re-
verted to the proposal which he had made to Lord Aber-
deen. Now, Sir, lam sure my noble friend will feel that
in what I am stating I am speaking as if I were not aparty
concerned in the transaction, but simply as a member of a
Government from whom ono of his colleagues has departed,
but from the time when that correspondence occurred--
from the 2d of Dec. or somewhere about that period—when
at the earnest and unanimous request of his colleagues, my
noble friend consented to remain in office, my belief is that
up to the moment of his resignationhe did not renew his
proposal. New, Sir, lam quite ready to admit that my
noble friend may have felt a difficulty in meeting such a
motion as that which stands for to-night in the name of my
hon. and learned friend the member for Sheffield. Enter-
taining as he did an opinion that a change ought to be
Made in the War Department, my noble friend may have
felt a difficulty in resisting a motion the obvious intention
of which was to effect such a change, but at the same time
I thigh nay noble friend himself, in the remarks which he
made just now upon that motion, has shown that inde-
pendently of all personal consideration, apart from all pre-
feeemse for one man over another, then
eon-
stitutional skieetiene sufficient to iustifagainst it- My noble Mond Hymanya were
gravel
voting
was impelifilile that a committee
vegul3aroperly said that it
criticising, and superintending the tsort, supervising,
the War Department, amid xi. t daily trensactions of
charge of the duties of that de with the proper dis-
my noble friend might properly rntei But, though
naturally to entertain an opinion that acrIly have
aeoeuary with regard to the person who au
h egs was
Oka of Secretary of State fer War, yet I mustld the
ventur
huiably to submit to him that that opinion oughte
have been repeated to the noble lord at the head to
the Government before the re-assembling of Parliament
of
after the late recess. He ought to have given the Govern-
mentin the opportunity of stating to him whether or not that
proposal would be accepted on his renewal of it. If, be.
?ore Parliament met, my noble friend had said to the head
of the Government, " I, in common with all mankind, ex-
pect that when Parliament meets some motion will be
made, either inculpating the Government or requiring an
explanation from them with regard to the conduct of the
wee—for, indeed, the conversation at every street corner,
the leading articles in every newspaper, must have satisfied
every ono that such anlevent was to .be looked fir—if the
noble lord had ,
said " Suck a motion appears to me, if not
inevitable,
ble at least highly probable, sad I tell
you before-
hand that if it cones on I cannot resist it, unless such and
inch changes are made in
the department that conducts
the war," then the
Government would have had the oppor-
tunity either 0f ri
• reconsidering the ob J
nctionswhich had been
mad* to the noble lord's proposal or of acquiescing in at once.
ee made on 1
If the same objections which hthey Weald thento it
have had
former occasions had prevailed,
the opportunity of determining whether they would con-
time services, or whe-
nue to sustainlord's the loss of the noble
!her they would deem that loss to be of such pre-eminent
4roportanoe as to impose on thorn the necessity of surren-
dering
_j their qffices into the hands of her Majesty, with a
view to the formation of some other Government. A re-
signation stthat time and under those circumstances, might
have happened without any disparagement to the parties
concerned- Ample time would have been given for arrange-
ments of any kind, either for the remodelling of the exist-
ing Government or for the formation of a new one. Such
a proceeding would have been in the d• or mary practice of
politics, bat the course taken by my noble fr iend I must
venture humbly to submit to him, was not i 2
correspon-
dence with the usual practice of public men,
t(gear.) It
was one calculated inevitably to place the Government to
he belonged in a position of embarrassment in which,
at the hands of a colleague at least, they ought not to have
been planed. But my noble friend—not having while he

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