The National Register.
London, England, 1808-01-10 00:00:00

( , •
"r 4'V 2 ` • ' -. I
fr. .
•
THE NATIONAL. REGisT ER.
•
Our find, conlititutian, ano 0.00.
s SUNDAY, .JANUARY 10, 1808. PRICE &f.
thie
seas: and to pre..
iktiOD eau presume to a.. ..as immediately
ocean without our permissio..goeral, but its provisions
moors of the flag, an acknowleag.-
14 ere-sore is an e)e-so to . commerce. the only nation which at that
Bat the intention of this law
yet it is a sacrifice y to ruin the commerce of Holland as far as possible,
^""... to forego, au, about any idea that it was necessary to our nasal superiority.
liThe war which immediately succeeded its enactment proved,
—.4 wholly unnecessary for this purpose ; for we de- 4011.
vesteral engagement, and we con-
- -wee them and the
• .•

O.

POLITICAL DISQUISITION.

But though these considerations may sufficiently show the in-
utility of any new maritime regulations, it is a mere difficult
task to convince our countrymen, that any regulations already
adopted for the maintenance of our naval predonderancy, how-
ever nugatory or pernicious they really may be, are not indis-
pensably necessary to the end proposed. We allude in partieu-
lar to the provisions of the Navigation Act, which have been
demonstrated to be extremely iqjurious to our national wealth,
but which still have innumerable advocates, from their sup-
posed tendency to maintain our maritime superiority. It might
be very distinctly shown, that whatever has a tendency to
diusi-
nish the increase of our wealth, and the absolute quantity of our
-commerce, must be ultimately prejudicial to our maritime great-
ness ; but such circuitous reasonings are insufficient to overpower
rooted prejudices ; and we shall, therefore, confine ourselves to
a direct proof from facts, that the Navigation Laws are entirely
unnecessary for the support of our naval preponderancy. Could
this truth be ascertained to the satisfaction of our countrymen,
little opposition would he made to the abolition of whatever is
pernicious in these regulations.
The Navigation Laws were unnecessary to our naval superio-
rity, even at the time when they were enacted; nor was this
the object which their framers bad in view. The Long Parlia-
ment, desirous to extend and secure its own influence, proposed
to form an union with Holland so strict, that the two states
should seem to form portions of the lame empire. The Dutch,
distrusting the stability of the English repel:die, or *ming to
be swallowed up in the dominion of a greater 'power, rejected
this overture, and would only renew its ancient alliances. Tile
-English republicans, fired with indignation at this refusal, rem
solved to chastise the Ditch for what they accounted as into-
lerable piece of insolence; and the Navigation Act, which im-
posed severe restrictions on foreign nations trading to Britain,
and wholly excluded them from her colonies, was immediately
passed. The tains of this Act were general, but its provisions
exclusively affected the Dutch, the only nation which at that
time possessed any commerce. But the intention of this law
was merely to ruin the commerce of Holland as far as possible,
without any idea that it was necessary to our nasal superiority.
The war which immediately succeeded its enactn►ent proved,
that it was wholly unnecessary for this purpose ; for we de-
feated the Dutch in every general engagement, and we con-
tinued to display the same superiority both over them and the
French, in some succeeding wars, before the Navigation Act
bad been enforced with any degree of vigilante.
We shall find, that as this act was unnecessary to our naval
dominion at first, it has continued to be so in succeeding periods.
It contains two distinct classes of provisions : the one entirely
excluding other nations from our coasting trade, and from any
intercourse with our Colonies; the other excluding them from
certain portions of the foreign carrying trade. These last we
shall first consider. By them, a variety of articles are pro-
hibited from being imported into Great Britain, unless in the
vessels of the country in which they are produced; or in British
vessels manned by British seamen: A variety of other articles
are prohibited from being imported into Great Britain, even its
British vessels, unless from the country where they are pro-
duced : And every species of the produce of fisheries is subjected
to heavy duties, when imported into Great Britain.
These regulations, though very injurious to the Dutch, against
whom they were levelled, have produced a surprisingly small
initiate of any portion of our shipping. They diminished the,

NUMBER TWO.
THE DOMINION OF THE SEAS.
The Dominion of the Sean is the great boast of Britons, the
most sacred portion of our national treasures. We are up in
Inns at the slightest intimation that this possession is itt danger :
sod if any interested person wishes to set us by the ears with
some foreign power, or to procure the establishment of some
villainous monopoly, be has only to produce a belief, by some
plausible and very loud declamations,, that our Dominion of the
Seas cannot otherwise he preserved. In the same manner the
repeal of any pernicious regulation, the offspring of ignorance
or prejudice, may be prevented ; and the real interests of the
country be saerjfieed to imaginary apprebensionq.
When fallacies of this sort are daily played otT upon the
public credulity, when our attachment to the dominion of the
teas is so fond us to blind us occasionally to our best interests, it
is a national object of the first importance to ascertain distinctly
the real nature of this dominion, the foundation on which it
actually rests, and the propriety and impropriety of the regu-
lations by which we attempt to maintain it. Such an inquiry
Aids particularly pecessiry at a period like the present, when
tfe dominion of the was is the watch-word of one of our fac-
tions, and wbattlie preservation of this favourite object is held
forth, without any argument, as a full apology for unjust and
faille measures with which it has in reality no connection.
Pie Dominion of the Seas, we understand to be a power to
fekd our maritime commerce from every species of Wary ;
lie/44,r Jib certainty of success every naval armament which
one nation, or all the nations in the world, may send into the
seas: and to present at all times so formidable an aspect that no
union can presume to disturb the rights and tranquillity of the
ocean without oar permission. To these we may add the ho-
nours of the flag, an acknowledgment of our sovereignty :
though sorb a prerogative is an e',e-sore to other nations, and of
30 value whatever to ourselves, yet it is a sacrifice to their pride,
r hich our countrymen would be unwilling to forego, and which
It is no great boon in others to yield.
For all these purposes it is evident that our navy nt present is
more than sufficient; and that we enjoy the dominion of the
cas as completely as the dominion of the British Islands. It
would he madness in any power, ur any combination of powers,
o attempt to wrest it from us ; the attempt could only lead
o the annihilation of their own maritime forces and conimerce.
f, therefore, our naval power can be maintained in the same,
r nearly the same proportion to that of other states which it
olds at present, our dominion of the seas can never be in the
siallest danger.
Since we first asserted this dominion in the time of the long
'arliament, our naval preponderancy has been contiuually on
le increase. At first the Dutch, and afterwards the French
ere capable of maintaining a doubtful contest, but now every
Ilonal hope of openly opposing our fleets on the seas, is at an
and we are now more superior to any combination which
in be formed, than we were a century ago to either France,
olland, or Spain. But if our naval preponderancy continues
increase as things at present exist, no new regulations can be
*nary for its preservation or extension; and some great
±e must take place before any apprehensions for its security
other than chimerical.
I.•--Na.

• ..

•