The Sun.
London, England, 1855-03-15 00:00:00

ICAI

~~

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 15, 1855.

We would emphatically warn the public against
indulging in too sanguine expectations of a speedy
return of peace, or lending easy credence to the
various rumours that are industriously circulated
on the point. Although it is certain that ALEX-
ANDER, before his accession to the Imperial throne,
condemned the War and was anxious for the adop-
tion of a moderate and conciliatory policy by his
father, it by no means follows, under existing cir-
cumstances, that he can carry his pacific inten-
tions into practical operation. NICHOLAS had ample
power for good or evil. He was indeed au Auto-
crat in the widest signification of the phrase.
None dared to question his ukases. The Imperial
will was the all-sufficient reason for any course
that might be adopted.. Everything depended on
his own discretion, and he could select any oppor-
tunity that he thought proper for meeting his
plans. It was not always so—not until cemented
by copious bloodshed that the power based on the
gibbet, the fusillade, and the knout became so for-
midable. His accession to the throne was resisted.
The rightful heir, his elder brother, had many
partizans, who refused fealty to the junior. But
that brother, after a fierce struggle with his own
ambition, became the most strenuous supporter of
NICKOLAS—the first to take the oath of allegiance
to him who had been elevated to the position
which he should himself have occupied. The op-
position to NICHOLAS had, therefore, no cohesion
or stability. It lost vitality when CONSTANTINE
refused to participate in its objects. It conse-
quently might have been easily suppressed, and a
general amnesty accorded to those implicated.
We know, however, the savage energy with which
it was crushed, and the implacable vengeance dis-
played towards those whose only crime was that
they objected to a departure from the constitu-
tional law of their country, if there can be such a
thing as constitutional law in Russia. The terror
excited bythe sanguinary scenes, then of every-day
occurrence—the want of a rallying point in the
lulhesitating refusal of CONSTANTINE to ascend the
throne even if tendered for his acceptance- -pre vented
any further
from the timovihm by
attempt; so that NICHOLAS, particularly
the death of his elder brother
he became
exercised the most
"3. de jure as well as de facto,
unlimited control over every
de at of the state
Without any question of
his unlimited authority.
A superstitious reverence was added to earthly
power. He was invested with almost super-
natural attributes ; regarded, not merely as a
despotic monarch or the impeccable head of the
orthodox Church, but as a terrestrial deity, to
whom unreasoning and unhesitating obedience
Was an imperative obligation. Religious fanati-
cism enhanced his power, and renbred it as un-
questioned as it was irresistible.

Matters are, however, very different with the
present CzNit. He, too, has a brother CONSTA.N-
TINE, Whose cialln3 to the Russian diadem have
been strongly advocated. But ho is not so per-
fectly free from ambitious views as his uncle. As
the recognised head of a very numerous and
powerful party, ho might easily place the sceptre
of ALEXANDER iu jeopardy, if ho opposed
their views, and more especially if he made
any concessions to the Western Powers, •r aban-
doned the aggressive policy so long and so steadily
pursued by his predecessors. Nicllol,,as could

have wade palm if he thought proper. None
would have ventured to criticise the terms to
which ho thought proper to become a party.
But ALEXANDER, however strongly his wishes
might point in the same direction, would not
venture to accede to what might, and with the
insidious intrigues of the old Muscovite party, in
all human probability, would be regarded as a
national humiliation. An opinion that might
lead not merely to a compulsory abdication, but
even to a death as sudden as that which befel
his grandfather, and waxy of the occupants of
the Imperial Throne. His chief hope of consoli-
dating and strengthening his power would be by
supporting the extreme views of the Muscovite
party, and breathing defiance against those who
dared to resist the will of the deceased EMPEROR,
and who not only had the audacity to circum-
scribe his power, but even to invade his
territories. It was to meet the wishes and
to disarm the opposition of these factions
that he made the remarkable allusion to the Will
of PETER the Great, and his determination to
pursue the course of policy inaugurated by his
predecessors.

We must, then, as we have already stated, ab-
stain from lending too easy credence to the rumours
purporting to come from Vienna, and which are
probably got up and circulated for stock-jobbing
purposes. We feel convinced that France and
England will not yield or abandon the just claims
they have put forward, and from which alone they
can hope for the permanent tranquillity of Europe.
It is hinted that the point respecting Sebastopol
may be waived—that the CZAR will be allowed to
retain that menacing position, French and English
fortresses being erected at other points. But to
what enormous expenses would this lead—how
heavy and incessant would be the drafts on the
treasuries of the Maritime Powers. If there is to
be an equality of force in the Euxine, it will be
better for all parties that it should be attained by
the reduction of the Russian than the increase
of the French and English Powers. This must
now be looked to. Should it be disregarded, we
cannot promise a very satisfactory reception to
our Plenipotentiary on his return from the Vienna
Conferences.

The speech of Sir ROBERT PEW, yesterday, at
Tamworth, is deserving of notice. We may not
agree with him in every opinion he expresses in
it, but we cannot deny him the merit of speaking
boldly and to the purpose. The Hon. Baronet
is a man of energy and of liberal views, and, possess-
ing considerable natural ability and good sense,
more than falls to the lot of his brother, the
Under-Secretary of War, does not fail to recog-
nise, to some extent, the cause or causes to which
the mismanagement of the War is primarily owing.
"The character of the Premier," ho says, "stamps
the character of the Cabinet ; and the country
wanted a man of independent action that would
not only inspire vigour into the councils of the
SOVEREIGN, but would throw his spirit into every
branch of the Administration, more especially into
those branches which were connected with the
present War." In other words, tho late Adminis-
tration wanted a head, at all events an indepen-
dent and vigorous one. Far be it from ua to
deny it !
Lord PALMERSTON, in Sir ROBERT'S opinion, is
the man to do what his predecessors did not—is
the man for the occasion, and equal to it. We
hope and trust he is ; and if his measures go to
prove it, he will not want that public support
which the Honourable Baronet says he ought to
have. The freedom of action his lordship is said
not to have had before he unquestionably has
now. The ball is at his foot.
Sir ROBERT is also of opinion we ought not to
have attacked the possessions of Russia, and,
taking a particular view of the subject, something
might be said on that head ; but we cannot ad-
mit, with respect to " the terrible things wo have
heard" from the Crimea, that the blame of their
occurrence is not, in any degree due to the late
Administration. The rotten system of routine of
promotion by seniority or interest, and not by
merit, is answerable for a great deal of what
has taken place, but not for all. A scape-
goat may be convenient enough, bat we
would rather have something less shadowy than
words. The forty-four thousand gallant men
whose bones lie "bleaching in files," or who are laid
up by sickness in the Crimea, call for an equitable
distribution of blame. The generous nation that
has done everything in its power for the welfare of
its gallant defenders echoes the call. Outraged
humanity, that sickens over the horrible de-
tails of needless privation, hardship, and suf-
fering, makes the same demand, and if it
is not answered now, history will do so. Be
it ABERDEEN, RAGLAN, FILDER, CHRISTIE, or who-
ever else that is to blame, let them, we say, have
it as they deserve, as well as " the system."
The caution given by the Honourable Baronet
to the people, lest the alliance for liberty become
transformed into a combination of despots against
it, will be all the better if it is supererogatory,
if Lord PA.LMERSTON'S Premiership "is a guarantee
against that." In any case it need not be despised.
With Sir ROBERT'S ardent desire for peace on
honourable terms everybody will sympathise. We
wish we could say the same with respect to his
views regarding the Austrian alliance. It is satis-
factory so far, however, for us to be assured that
the number, always great, of those who deem
that " the Austrian alliance has been the curse of
the War, has paralysed our efforts, and that
German interests have paralysed our action,"
daily increases. The fact is wo had a courtier
and a red-tapiat at the head of affairs, and, to
further German interests and keep down liberty,
the alliance with Austria was sought at all ha-
zards, and the alliance has really cost us dear in
the expenditure of lives and money. "We must,"
he continues, "benolongerhumbugged by Austria.
We must not permit Prussia, under the cloak of
neutrality, to act as the ally of Russia." Brave
words these, and wise. Moldavia and Wallachia,
he goes on to say, should be erected into an inde-
pendent State, as a bulwark against Russia. Nay,
he goes further : " Why," he asks, " why not
raise Poland ?" Whereat the people present, we
are told, wiser in their generosity than their rulers
in their caution, cheered. " Why not raise
Poland I" If we wanted to stop war, check
Russia, awe Prussia, he said " Raise Poland !"
Just what we have said from the first. In libe-
rated Poland will be found the safeguard of
Europe, Poland free, Russia will have enough
to do at home to undertake aggression, and AllE-
tria will -)er
abroad
renderuu tii
peace
ocsejusticeaa to poor oppressed
Hungary.
Keep
ti
may walk
t d
oiome,and Liberty
rougnouti Europe,
with the blessings of ia
d civilisation in her

rain.

Manufacturers of artificial sins and, crimes are
one of the curses of humanity. Our frail r nat„,,
is daily tempted enough to too many real sins tm
need any addition to the list. Sin-in aking seems,
however, to have been one of the pleasures of
priestcraft from time immemorial ; heathen and
Jewish priests have left on record a notable list
of these rack-conscience inventions, and their suc-