The National Register.
London, England, 1809-09-03 00:00:00

55S

TILE NATMNAL REGISTER:

to silbstitute quite another guess sort of thing in the place of
it." It may be expected that we atlil our own interpre-
tation, which cannot be better clpicssed than icy the words
of Bacon.

" It is good also not to try experiments in slates, except the
necessity be urgent, or the utility be evident ; and well to
beware that it be The reformation that draweth on the change,
and not the desire of change that pretendeth the reforma-
tion."

Pursuing the same style of interrogation, these gentlemen
will, perhaps, answer us as they have done, that the period
to which they allude, as good ohl times, was soon after
the Revolution. At this' period they have got a Parlia-
ment without a statesman, ta placemen, or a pensioner;
now how did.it happen that such a Parliament, so com-
posed, should actually pass an act to-relieve statesmen and
ministe-s, placemen and pensioners, from this very inca-
pacity ? And what security can be given, that if a Parlia-
ment, in which there are so many pensioners, should, in a
fit of generosity,disable so large a portion of its members
—what security, I say, can be given, that a mew Parlia-
ment, purified and defeca:ed according to the most approved
receipt, will not again view the absurdity of this seperatioii
in the same light as it was formerly seen, and open their
doors once more to statesmen of all descriptions ? If we
may argue from what has been done, we • have a right to
expect it.
As to these good old times, we will give a description of
them in the words of a Reformer of those. days. The
speech is not only interesting but curious; if the descrip-
tion be true, it will satisfy the Public that some ulterior
object is pronoied by theattempt to bring us back to good
old Vines, which the parties are afraid to avow publicly,
for we e,:unot suppose them ignorant (whatever they may
conceive the Public to be), as to the condition of these
;.lod old time::, or the coinplaints which the Patriots of that
day made about them ; we cannot believe that you ar.d Sir
FnAsseTs, and Lord do not know these good old dines
iy,!re even worse than you, N:r. CORBETT, in the plenitude of
conceit- and impudence, have ventured to describe the pre-
sent times. It is the speech of Lord MU I.GRAVE, in the year
1692, and was delivered in the presence of those great men
who had brought about the Revolution, and placed King
WILLIAM upon the throne; and upon the occasion of a Bill
being brought into the lions,: of Lords, for the freedom of
election and more impartial proceedings in Parliament.
Our Readers will perceive from the date, how few years
had elapsed after the Revolution when this state of things
is said to have existed.

My Lonns—This debate is of so zreat consequence
that I resolved to be silent, and rather to be advised by the
ability of others, than to chew my own want of it. Be-
sides, it. is of so nice a nature, that I, who speak always
unpremeditately, apprehend extremely saying any thing
-which may be thought the least redeetinp;; though even
that ought not to restrain a man here from doing one's
duty to the public, in a business whew it seems to be so
highly concerned. I have always heqi I have always
read, that foreign nations, and all this part. of the world,
have admired and envied the constitution of this govern-
ment; for, not to speak of the King's power, here is a
Mouse of Lords, to advise him on all important occasions,
about peace or war, about all things that may concern
the nation, the ca' hich ' -lich 'Amsted to.
your Lordships. '.ps cannot
be so conversant lie, uor so

r
-T

SEPT. 3

constantly in the country as is necessary for that purkose,
here is a• House of Commons aiso, chosen by the very
people themselves, newly come from iimong them, or •, ire
should be so, to represent all their grievances; to express
the true mind of the i-ition, and to disc ose elf their mo-
ney; at least, so far as to begin all bins of that naknee ;
awl if I am not mistaken, the very writ. for electiens, sent
down to the `.sheriffs, does ampowtrr.theni to choose—what
---,their representatives. Now, my Lords, I beseech you
to consider the meaning of that word, Itepresenta:ive. Is
it to do any thing contrary to their mina? it would be
absurd to suppose it; and yet how can tt be otherwis.:„ if
they, after being chosen, change their dependency, engage.
themselves in employments plainly inconsis:ent
sthat
great trust reposed in them; and that 1 wiii take the
li-
berty to demonstrate to your Lordships they now do, at
least according in my humble opinion. I wilt ins' e, first,
in the least and lowest incapacity they must be under, 11. ts
so take employments. Your Lordships know but too veil,
what a general carefulness there appe., rs ever) day more
and more necessary in the public husiixss. It so, how is
it likely that men should be as diligent in their duty in
Parliament as tat business requires, where en\plo meats,
and a great deal of other business, sha4 taka up both their
minds and their time ? But then, in serue cases, it is Norse;
as in commands of the army, and other employments of
that kind, when they must have a dividend duty, for it
does admirably become an °nicer to sit votini; away money
in the House of Commons, while his soldieis perhaps
taking it away at the quarters, for want of his presence to
restrain .their,, and of better discipline among them—nay,
perhaps, his troop, or regiment, may be in some action.
and lie must either base the shame cif being absent.
from them at snch a time, or from that House, %acre he
is entrusted with our liberties. To this I have heard but
one objee; ion by a Noble Lord, that if this act should p7ses,
that the King would not be allowed to make a ( a
Colonel, without J:sabling hint to sit in Parliament. Trek',
if a Captain has only deserved to be advanced for exposkug
himself in Parliament, s think. the nation would have no
great loss in the King's letting alone such a preferment.
Bat, my Lords, there is another sort of incapacity yet
worse than this ; I mean that of parliament-men having-
such places in the Exchever, as the very profit of them
depends on the money given to the King in Parliament.
Would any of year Lordships send and iatrust a man to make
a bargain for sou, whose very interest shall be to make you
'rive as w,_ch as he can poAi-bly ? P puts me in miHd of 4
farce, where an actor holds a dialogue with hinr;self,
speaking first in one tone and then answering himself ia
another. Really, my Lords, this.is no farce, for it is no
laughing matter to undo a nation; but it is eogether as
unnatural for a Member of Parliament to ask tist,- in the
King's ?lame, for such a sort of supply, gi- e an account
from him how much is needia! towards the pai,lg such an
army, or such a beet, and then immediately give, by his
ready vote, what he had before asked by his master's
order. Besides, my \ Lords, there is such a necessilv now
for long Sessions of Parliament, and the yell pri% ileges
belonging to a Member are of so great ex tei.t, that it would
be a Pule hard and unequal to other GentleTnem that they
should have all the places also. All the objections that
have been made may be reduced to these:--Ist, It is told
us, that it is a disrespect to the King that his servants,
or officers, should be excluded. To this 1 desire it may
be considered, that it is in this case as when a tenant send*
up any body to treat. for him, would any of yaur Lordsli:ps
think it a. direspect, nay, would the King himself think it
ally, if the tenant would not A; holly refer himself to one of
your own servants, or the King's Commissioaers in the
case of the crown. And if he chooses rather some plain.
honest friend of his own to supply his absonce here, veal
any man blame such a proceeding, or think it unmannerly.
Besides, your Lordships know, that even this act admits
them to. b.:: chosen, notwithstanding .their employments;

arc of which is very much int
But yet,
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