The National Register.
London, England, 1819-02-14 00:00:00

MR. CURWEN'S SPEECH ON Mg
POOR LAWS.
•
Mr. Conwes said, the Hon. Gentleman who bad
lust sat down was entitled not only to the individual
thanks of every Member of that House, but to the ap-
probation of the country at large, for the ability and
perseverence With which he applied himself to this sub- •
ject. It was, therefore, with some pain that he rose to
oppose the motion for a Committee. • For, though he
thought that, 111 the first instance, the appointment of
4 Committee' was the hest course !diet could be resorted
to, in order to brine sufficieut evidence before the House,
yet, as there now appeared to be a compleat detail on
this most important and alarming subject, he con-
ceived they ought at once to meet the oue:aion fairly.
Nothing could lie done in the Committee to ren.edy the
evils complaint d of ;'they could only be reinovetl by a
great and comprehensive view of the subject, taken by
those whose situation in the State gave them an oppor-
tunity of investigating the question, with a reference to
all the various relations of the country, and who were
• able to take open themselves the responsibility of such
measures as appeared to them calculi ted to effect tIN
object; Out of the very inherent ptinciples of the Poor's
Laws arose much of the evil of which the country com-
plained—for certainly, when they tool.- out of the bands
of individuals the trouble of providing for themselves,
they rendered them more careless of their own personal
welfare. This was evident from the commencement of
the system, when means were taken to check the growth
of pauperism—in the first instance, by the operation of
shame, and ultimately by the assistance of terror. Poor
houses were erected, and individuals, who were torn
• from their homes, were immured in those places. From
the great number of paupers, this measure was found
inefficient, and the evil coreinued to increase. This de-
atorailising system, cost the country '2,000,000/. per
annum 25 years ago—but since that period, the ex-
pense was more than quadrupled. The evil was of such
a nature, that temporizing measures could do no good.
To be counteracted, its true sources must be explored.
. To these great causes he uttribated the present situation
• of the country, with reference to the Poor's Laws. First,
excessive taxation-2d, the depreciation of money—and
31y, the great rise in the price of the necessaries of life.
These were the causes of the existing distress—and
those who.imagined they would come out of the Com-
mittee with a remedy for any but the minor abuses, at-
tached themselves, he was afraid, to a hope, that, in
• the end, would not be realized. The lion. Gentleinau
himself admitted that his hopes were very feeble. Fur
his, own part, he cherished no hope whatever from the
adoption of any measure, except the removal of the
causes by which the present state of things was occa-
sioned. That could only he done by those who had it
in their power to take effectual means for putting an
end to the system to which the actual evil could be
traced. In the course of 25 years, the increase of wages
had been one-fourth ; and, in the same time, the rise
in the price of provisions was one-third. Salt. leather,
soap, and coals, were articles of primary importance 10
a working man. Now upon a lair calculation, it would
appear that, to procure these, o»rminth of the whole
. of his income was mellowed up. If this country were
to be preserved in that proud situation, which, from the
nature of her free Constitution, she ought always to be
placed in, it could only• be done by meliorating the
situation of the working classes of the people.—(Hear.)
lie could not join in praising the Noble Lord for the
statement he had made, on a former evening, relative,
to the situation of the country. It was, he believed, in a
desperate state, and could only be relieved by guarding
against every attempt at an undue or unnecessary ex-
penditure of the public money, from the Crown down
to the humaest office{ in the stnte.—( Hear, bear ).
Looking throughout the country, be believed it would
be found that the money paid for the maintenance of
the poor had increased and nut diminished in the last
year. That branch of taxation, exacted by the Poor's
Laws, though nominally paid by the people at large,
came in reality froth the Landholders. Whatever was
paid by the farmer was only nominally paid. If a fer-
nier paid 1001. a 'year' rent and 251. for Poor'sltates, the
intrinsic value of his farm may be considered to be 1251.
so that though nominally the Poor'sßates were paid by
the Tenant, they were actu illy paid by the Land-
lord: would it not then be better for all ranks at once
to sleet and take this burden on themselves and exoner-
ate the working classes from the degradation of partici-
pating in it.? However stet nuous in my opposition to
a continuince Of the Property Tax, which I considered
as enabling the Government to continue a scale of ex-
penditure calculated to exhaust the resources of the
country—yet for the purpose of removing tuxes dis.
tructive of the happiness and comfort of the great mass
of the people, I should not• hesitate in supporting a
Property Tax, solely and exclusively confined to the re-'
moval of bordens which puralise the industry and des-
troy the independence of the laboiing coin munity.—Ou r
national pre-eminence depdnds on our preserving the
independence of our national chariseter-a•That once
destroyed and we shall rapidly descend into the scale of
other nations. He did not wish to take the burden
waolly from the shoulders of the Landholder—Lc was
say desirous that it should be fairly sad equally borne.