The Sun.
London, England, 1855-01-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAN EVENIN

any part of the country. That the privilege would
offer an almost exclusive benefit to itself consti-
tuted no objection. We have seen it not
merely defending the arrangement that gave
it a priority of information, but endeavouring to
show that it was a very proper and praiseworthy
proceeding. We have seen it with the precepts
of Free Trade on its lips, but monopoly in its
heart ; ready to assail any and everything that did
not point to its own advantage, and scarcely
willing to accept a benefit for itself, if it
were to be at all shared with others. Its own
interests are what it looks to. Like HARRY
Gow, "it fights for its own hand."
Now, the notice gives with respect to public

jourials may interfere with the species of mo-
nopoly it has hitherto exercised through the
caprice of fashion. It is said that it has been re-
solved to abolish the stamp. That won't benefit
the Times, and, therefore, is to be deprecated.
But a postage payment is to be substituted !—a
payment, too, referable to weight ! ! That will
practically fall even more severely than the extra
halfpenny on the double supplement. This,
therefore, must not only bo condemned, but all
those who, not having the fear of Puddle-
dock before their eyes, have assented to
th© measure must be denounced before

the nation. Ministers have disobeyed the
Times, therefore Ministers must be expelled from
office. Let the country pine for cheap news.
What signifies its complaints, so that the
predominance of the Leviathan be maintained, and
no rival be admitted near the Throne.

It is become a habit with us to look for really
important diplomatic information to the pen of
M. Dnours DE L'HuYs, and wo obtain it once
more from his reply to a Prussian despateh of the
old sort, from Baron MANTELTEEL. We need not
recall to our readers' recollection his withering
exposure in diplomatic language of the contemp-
tible position of Prussia, and of her self-degrada-
tion even in comparison with Austria. The point
to which we invite special attention is his state-
ment and implications in regard to POLAND. The
common-sense interpretation of his language esta.
blishes these conclusions—first, that the Allies
regarded Poland as the most vulnerable point of
Russia ; secondly, that Prussia exerted all her
influence to prevent the Allies from waging war
there ; thirdly, and as a sequel, that she hindered
the Allied troops from marching through Ger-
many to Poland ; fourthly, that Prussia offered
as a compensation to place a corps d'armee of her
own on the Polish frontier ; and, fifthly, that the
Allies regarded this as intended by Prussia for a
shield to Russia and an obstruction to them.
These latter things M. DROUYN DE L'HUYS states
were the propositions of a Treaty brought by M.
USEDO3I in his late mysterious mission to London,
and suggests that ho must hare taken out of his
portfolio the Treaty meant for the CZAR ! Lest
we might be suspected of the slightest miscon-
struction, we reprint the words of the French
Minister. Speaking of M. USEDOIeS mission, he
says :

"That mission was wrapped up in so much mystery
that its real object is not yet known in Paris. But the
more endeavours were made to conceal it, the mere were
made to discover it. All that has been discovered is
that Prussia exerted all her efforts to prevent the Allies
from waging the war upon the vulnerable point of the
enemy, and to prevent the passage of their troops through
Germany. What did she offer as a compensation ? To
place a corps d'armee on the Polish frontier ; that i■ to
say, that Prussia with one hand would turn aside the
sword of the Allied Powers, and with the other cover
Russia as with a shield. Might one not be authorised
to suppose that M. d'Uaedom had different treaties in
his por+C.l;-, a^a i.rulC out by mistake the wrong one n 4
London—that which was to have been produced at St.
Petersburg 1"
Notwithstanding the ridicule of the late ABER-
DEEN organ, therefore, it appears that we have
had the very highest authorities, as they are
commonly thought, on the same side as oursel►es
with regard to Poland. Lours NAPOLEON, and
his confessedly able foreign Minister, consider
Poland to be Russia's weak point. France, it
must be presumed, was desirous to make an
attack where it would be most felt. Sweden was
waiting on the commencement of an attack there.
Austria, it is fair to assume, did not object, as
M. DROUYII DE L'lluys is in this very part of his
letter putting in strong contrast the conduct of
Austria and Prussia ; but Prussia did object.
We want to know whether any one else objected.
We know that one personage of confessedly great
influence with the CROWN was educated in a
Prussian University, and born in one of the States
of that Germany through which the Allied troops
wore not permitted to pass. Did the English
Cabinet side with the French Cabinet or not on
the Polish question ? The real opinion of both
Cabinets, indeed of every man who has studied
the question at all, must have been the same.
Was our Cabinet prepared to give effect to its
opinions, or did it hearken to Germany and re-
press France ?
Russia herself well knows her weak point. At
the very time when the expedition was openly pre-
paring for Sebastopol, she was strengthening her
Polish army more tkan that in the Crimea, and re-
luctantly withdrew troops from the former place to
the latter. She perfectly well knew that the day
on which the Polish national flag was hoisted
would be the death-warrant of her barbarous des-
potism at Warsaw, and the annihilation of her
imperious interference with the liberties of Europe.
But even Lord Jorrx ItussELL does not wish to
deprive Russia of any of her territory !—meaning
by hers, not what rightfully belongs to her, but
that wh;.li eho has first rained by combined fraud
and violence, and absorbed even in defiance of the
Treaty of Vienna! Why does this noble states-
man thus close his heart against the touching ap-
peals of deeply-wronged Poland, and refuse to act
on what must be his own judgment, the necessity,
namely, of an emancipated Poland to a secure
Europe ? Can it be more than over-strained
courtliness ?—a greater deference to the wishes
of exalted personages than to the wishes of his
native country and to his own judgment ? Our
brave ally has abundant men for the work, and
money more than double of what is wanted. We
have an ample supply of ships, and nothing is
needed but the will, the capacity, and the energy,
in order to land an efficient French force in Samo-
gitia, to raise the Polish standard, and thus to
convert all Poland into a mine of hopeful and
active patriotism, from which the hateful opprea
sor must soon retrace his steps. We repeat that,
done it might be, were but the will, the capacity,
and the energy present. Prussia dares not im-
pede the determined; Austria would not wish to
do it ; and the Crimea would soon feel, and
powerfully too, the relieving effect of such a sub-
stantial diversion.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, Admiral
Dundas, and Mr. Willcox, 11. P., are among the passen-
gers by the Valetta, that arrived yesterday morning at
Marseilles.
A letter from Bucharest states that M. Poujade, the
French Consul-General, was about to leave Wallachia,
after a residence in the country for several years.
A letter from Baden states that it was calculated that
14,000 persons had emigrated from that duchy in 1854,
and that upwards of 60,000 have left within the last
eight years. The population of the duchy is now less
than it was in 1846, and only amounts to 1,357,000.
Cardinal Wiseman has arrived in Paris from Rome.
110 i 3 on his way to England.