The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1853-10-22 00:00:00

The trial of the conspirators of the Opera

Comique, charged with organizing a plot to assas-

sinate the EMPEROR, will not come on before the

early part of next month

An accident occurred to the Madrid mail on

Thursday, which prevented its due arrival at

Pads. An engineer and stoker lost their lives in

the collision, and several persons were seriously

wounded

THE position of the great industrial conflict at
Preston is assuming daily a more fierce and formid-
able aspect. All struggles of magnitude produce
a variety of novel features. We have, in the
present case, to notice one or two which are worthy
of careful investigation. The question of strikes,
has, for some time, assumed a character of com-
bination which does not confine itself simply to
the exaction of an advance of wages, but, which,
aims at the establishment of co-operative projects,
with self-employment. There can be no doubt
that the strike at Preston is more or less connected
with this self-employment movement, which has
been so warmly received and supported in other
manufacturing towns. And, as it must inevitably
bring the whole industrial relations of this country
under review, it behoves us to examine, with the
utmost care, the whole bearing of the question,
in order to arrive at a just solution of the all-
important problem.
In venturing on this inquiry it must be remem-
bered that there are two distinct classes of employ-
ment with which >we have to deal. One, and by
far the most general, is sustained by the exchange
of productions; and the other is dependent
wholly on cash sales. For example, the weavers'
productions are exchanged for the productions of
other countries, and pass current, as it were, all
over the world; while the printer, tailor, and shoe-
maker must rely for support on the demand of
a more limited circle, which may be influenced
for better or worse by a
_variety of mere local
circumstances.

Fortunately for England, the great bulk of our
population is engaged in the production of
exchangeable commodities. This is, in truth, the
real source of our greatness in trade and com-
merce ; and any event which threatens to disturb
the established relations of production, must be
viewed with the most earnest solicitude. In the
exchange of productions we have no uniform basis
on which we can act. Every State with which we
trade, regulates its standard of remuneration to
suit its own particular views. On the continent of
Europe the political idea •is to keep down the
standard of remuneration to the lowest level, and
at the same time to vary and increase production
in order to economise their resources ; while
the maintenance of the highest known standard of
wages is the ruling principle of legislation in the
United States.

Thus we have a great variation in the exchange
of production to contend with. The average of
wages in America being five shillings a-day, and
the average in England, say, three shillings ; it fol-
lows, that in the exchange of productions bets een
the two countries, the English producer has to
give one and two-fifths of a day's produce for
one day's produce of the American artisan.
Thus, the gain to America is as three to five. This
extraordinary advantage has accrued to America
from her legislating in favour of labour, and leav-
ing the realization of individual and national profit
to progressive production. In England the great
ruling principle is very different. Here our power
of production is limited to a fixed amount of money,
or capital, and beyond this limit neither the pro-
ductions of a local, or those of an exchangeable
character, are suffered to proceed.
In our commercial relations with India, China,
and continental Europe, we have a state of things
directly opposed to that with which we have to
contend in the States ; and, indeed, Australia, and
all other countries, where the standard of remune-
ration is higher than it is in England. Let us
take the standard of remuneration in France,
Holland, Russia, Austria, and Belgium, at one
shilling a-day, and an advanced standard of
wages for England, say of five shillings a-day ; it
must necessarily follow, that England receives
five days' produce from those countries for one
day's production of the English operative. The
gain to England, then, in the exchange of produc-
tions, is as five to one. Many 'of the states of
Europe, more especially France, - Belgium, and
Prussia, are fully alive to the great disadvantages
under which they labour; and while their rulers
repudiate the idea of raising the standard of wages,
they are endeavouring to manufacture for them-
selves, with the view of supplying their own wants,
and thus they have become large competitors in
this country for our skilled labour.

With respect to the co-operative system, it is also
worthy of: notice that as far back as the time
of Louis XIV., we find it was introduced into
France, but failed, notwithstanding that a strong
national feeling existed in its favour. Under the
Republican regime of '4B it was revived as a great
state necessity, and although sustained by the
national Exchequer, it again fell to the ground.
It is now, however, being revived again under
semi-state patronage.

To account for the failure of the co-operative
scheme in France, we need urge no stronger reason
than the position we have shown her to have held
in the exchdnge of productions, with her largest
customers, England and America. In predict-
ing the failure of the self-employment project. in
England, we want no stronger justification than
the patent fact, that the power of production in this
country is limited, and must be measured by the
money, or bona fide capital, in hand at the com-
mencement of any undertaking. This is a point
irrevocably settled, and is sanctioned and sustain-
ed by the genius of the age. That money=which is,
after all, the only capital available in production—
will continue to flow into this country most rapidly
is very certain ; but in what direction will it flow
and accumulate ? A certain portion must, fortu-
nately for us all, reach the pockets of the worthy
operative, and although he may find himself in a
better condition than he has been in for many
years, still he must not mistake easy circumstances
for actual money-power. This, in the course of that
gigantic competition, which the co-operative sys-
tem suggests, and will encounter—must be con-
fined to the actual amount of money in the opera-
tives' hands. A system, it matters not how just or
how good, when tried as an experiment, will meet
no favours in trade ; therefore no accommodations
can be granted. Here, then, the whole project
becomes destructively antagonistic to commercial
necessities and trade usage.

To embark in such projects as undertaldngs
without risk or probable losses, is a very fatal mis-
take. The history of production is one of universal
vicissitude and disaster; while to direct and sus-
tain it on the vast and comprehensive scale which it
has attained in the manufacturing districts of the
North of England, is a task that has baffled the
wisdom of the greatestslegislators, statesmen, and
political economists. It remains, then, for the ca-
pitalist, manufacturer, and operative, to Weigh
carefully the great material facts which surround
their respective interests and positions, and by

some rational concessions, and mutual good feel-
ing, endeavour to meet the apparent difficulties of
trade and wants of their country.

THERE is one great Despot in the world, com-
pared with which all others are powerless. His
dominions are not confined within one narrow spot
of land. No ocean forms the boundary line of his
territorial rights Wide as the universe is his
command. Wherever the human family is to be
found, there he exercises a potent and almost
irresistable sway. The serfdom he demands is
not merely the prostration of the body. The
higher power of the mind must bend to his tyran-
nical jurisdiction.
This mighty Autocrat is IGNORANCE ; and his
subjects are to be found in teeming numbers not
alone in the most darkened, but in the most en-
lightened nations. Our highest civilization may
combat, but it cannot destroy, the Usurper. He
has been found impervious, as yet, to any weapon
used against him. Invincible in strength, he
marches forth conquering and to conquer. Supreme
in majesty, he prostrates monarchies, subdues
kingdoms, and frustrates the designs of Councils
and Cabinets.

Some wise Governments, solicitous for their own
safety, have arrayed armed battalions against this
Invader of human rights and liberties. They en-
deavoured by " one fell swoop" to arrest his pro
gress and subvert his power. But they failed in
the attempt ; partly from deficiency of force, and
partly from want of the proper skill in its appli-
ance.

It is a strange anomaly, that one of the most
civilized nations of the earth, should have this
Tyrant's subjects nestling, in myriads, within its
very bosom. True, our Government and society
have taken earnest steps to diminish their number,
by freeing them from his iron grasp. The worst
and most degraded, however, have either escaped
their notice altogether, or else have been given up
as hopelessly irreclaimable.
A few benevolent individuals, with noble hero-
ism, pure philanthropy, and hopeful spirits, took
up the cause of this unhappy class. Undetered
by difficulties; undaunted by dangers; in the face
of every obstacle, they set to work right manfully
to accomplish their mighty task. " Ragged
Schools" were founded ; but slow at first was the
progress made. Of course, the difficulties were
Alpine that presented themselves in the outset of
this noble career. The idea was laughed at as
Utopian; and those who advocated it weie re-
garded as impracticable philanthropists or sheer
incapables. But the absence of public sympathy
alone was not the most insurmountable of the
obstacles that had to be combated. The chiefest
arose from the callous dispositions and stunted
intellects which seemed to resist every endeavour
made to soften and improve them. We ourselves
have visited Ragged Schools when first they were
established in the Metropolis. There we have
repeatedly witnessed scenes of a cheering, as
well as of a most painful description. We have
observed the self-denying devotion of the teacher
to his onerous duty—have noticed his equanimity
of temper, under the most trying provocations
—his patience under the gr3ssest insults—and
his perseverance withal, in spite of the greatest
discouragements. We have known him to be
maltreated—to have his clothes torn to pieces—,
and the school-room windows to be demolished
in his presence. The interference of the police
was a thing of. constant occurrence ; and the
teacher, out of regard to his personal safety, had
often to procure a bevy of them to surround the
immediate locality of his school. Here was con-
gregated the youth of the most depraved portion
of our population. Most of them acknowledged
—all reputed thieves or • vagabonds. Here the
young culprit just come -out of Milbank Peniten-
tiary would look in to have a " lark," or indulge
his sateless craving for some devilment or another,
until the next day's felony deprived him of the
power of indulging in the repetition of his nefarious
pranks.

The mass of misery, of physical and mental
degradation, which the London Ragged Schools
at first presented, cannot be described; and,
assuredly, it required an Herculean power to
combat successfully. The children of parents,
themselves degraded to the lowest condition of
social life—with hereditary bad mental organiza-
tions and vicious physical tendencies—rendered
all the more developed from habit and con-
tageous influences—form a class, upon whose im-
provement and elevation, the psycologist and •the
philanthropist may well employ their experiments,
and exhaust their ingenuity. Happily, many good
effects have already resulted from their labours;
and we experience in the immense increase of those
praiseworthy institutions, the earnest of further
benefits for that unhappy class, whose existence
presents a singular contrast to our social advance-
ment, and which may be regarded as a gangrene
eating into the heart and threatening the life of the
nation.

The report of the Liverpool Ragged School
Union, for the past year, has been forwarded to
our office. From it we obtain the statistics of the
number attending those establishments ; and we
are fairly shocked at the multitude of wretched
victims of vice :and ignorance who swarm in this
town. The report states, that the number of
children attending Ragged Schools, was about
2,700, but that during the past year there has been
an increase of about 500 others. Upwards of 1,500,
it is said, are able to read, whilst-about-350 have
been provided with situations, and are conducting
themselves satisfactorily to their employers ; and are
likely to become respectable members of society.
The character of the attendants at those schools
is thus given :—" These children are almost, with-
out exception, of the very lowest class, accustomed
to the aspect of vice in its worst and most revolting
forms, and who, but for the instruction conveyed
through Ragged Schools, would have remained as
ignorant as the most degraded savage." Among
the testimonials awarded to those schools, we are
glad to be enabled to refer, with the Committee, to
that of the RECORDER of LIVERPOOL, who, in his
charge to the Grand Jury at the last February
Sessions, adverting to the fact, that the crime in
this town was diminishing, gave it as his opinion,
" That among the influences tending to the pre-
vention of crime, the institution of Ragged Schools
stood conspicuous."
Such testimony must be very encouraging to all
engaged in the beneficent labour of rescuing from
the•hot-beds of crime and misery the juvenile por-
tion of our degraded population. To " teach the
young idea how to shoot" is always a noble work.
"To what object," says PLUTARCH, in his compari-
son of NUBIA and LYCURGUS, " could NumA have
directed her attention than to the culture of early
youth?" But it is a far nobler and more meritorious
duty to endeavour to lift out of the slough of vice
the youthful criminal—to pour in even one ray of
light into his demented mind—to breathe en-
couragement to his despairing heart—to aid in
making him an honest man—and thus save society
from experiencing those evils which otherwise most
inevitably would be entailed upon it.
We think there is sufficient data to prove that
the diminution of crime is commensurate with the
spread of knowledge. How essentially, then, it
behoves our Government to examine into the matter