The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1857-01-23 00:00:00

I I wish to make no distinction between the rich arid
the poor. (Hear, hear.) I want every man to pay an equal
share according to the means be has of paying it.—(hear,
hear)—and 1 believe that there is no taxation except a direct
taxation upon property, that is on income and property,
which can attain that end. (Hear, hear.) Now, what is
fortunate for us who hold that opinion is, that we can assert
with truth that the rich will be most efficiently
benefitted and blestied by that mode of taxation.
If our trade and commerce increase, every merchant has a
greater opportunity for accumulating wealth, and paying
larger wages to those he employs ; and if you open up all
the ports, an 6 entirely repeal all customs duties—we have a
precedent for it in the partial removal of the custom duties
—we are enabled to say to you, that your trade and com-
merce will be multiplied twofold, threefold, fourfold, per-
haps tenfold. (Hear, hear.) When Sir Robert Peel
adopted the Income Tax, and laid on a tax of 3 per cent.,
which brought from £5,000,000 to 16,000,000 a-year, and
took off something like £10,000,000 or £12,000,000 of
duties imposed on commodities of general consumption,
from that time the trade of the country, and the commerce
of the country bounded tip to such an extent, that the
articles, at this lower duty, realised for the revenue a
much larger amount than; been gathered when there was
a larger amount of duty imposed on them. (Cheers.)
This indicated that trade and commerce had vastly increased,
And what do we mean by increase of trade and commerce ?
We mean, that every lebourer of every kind and character
has a larger amount of employment for his labour, larger
wages, and better remuneraion for his work. That is the
meaning of larger trade and commerce. Every shopkeeper,
therefore, is benefitted, because every labourer has a larder
amount of wages in his pocket, by which be can go to tha
shopkeeper and buy a larger amount of the commodities
which the shopkeeper has to sell. Though the income tax
then does take more from the pocket of the merchant—
though it does take more from the pocket of the shopkeeper
—though it does take more from the pocket of the trades-
man, it puts a much larger amount of profit into his pocket
at the same time, so that it is his benefit to have the tax
laid on himself, and to pry it himself. Suppose lam a
railway proprietor—the larger your commerce the greater
is the traffic over my railway. If I had £5,000 a year be-
fore the tax was removed on the commodities, then, when
the tax was removed, and the trade doubled, Ishould have
£lO,OOO a year. Well, is it not ac advantage for me,
therefore, to pay 7 per cent, on £lO,OOO, or be paying 31
per cert. on £5OOO ? (Hear, hear). Well, so it is to
every one in all trades and all comma ce ; the rich and the
opulent will pay more, but they have a much larger re-
venue as a matter of course. The same reasoning will refer .
to professional men of aIL kinds ; for I had it from
a medical man, a physician in London, that when
the times were good, his revenue was doubled, that when
the times were bad it fell off; " Therefore," he says, ",I
would rather pay larger Income Tax, and let the country
flourish and prosper, than pay a smaller Iccome Tax, and 11
have worse times." Now, therefore, I say again, that I

rejoice that we are present, because we hope there will go
forth from this assembly, a voice which will be heard in
every corner of the country; and that the wrong course
which men are apt to take from wrong views on the subject,
will be diverted and brought back to the true csurse of

flied. legislation—which 13 direct taxation. ( ipplause.) I
will now conclude, by calling on Mr. Macqueen to read the
report of the Financial Reform Association.

[rho report will be found in page 6
Mr. Denson rose to move the first resolution :
That the beneficial results of the fiscal changes
introduced by the late Sir Robert Peel—changes rendered
practicable by a partial adoption of the principles of free
trade and direct taxation—are evident iu the imme ise
developement of the resources of the country, thereby
permitted ; and demonstrates the sound policy of extend-
ing those principles in such a manner as to secure perfect
freedom to commerce,_ manufactures, and industry.'
The question they were now met to consider
was one of a purely practical character. No
issue was now raised between the advocates of exclui

sive direct taxation, on the one hand. and their op
ponents on the other. A legitimate occasion had arisen
for an expression of popular opinion. The country had
reached the termination of a period of unna ial expenditure.
Some of the existing taxes might now be dispensed with,
and they .had to decide where the reduction might most fitly
be made. (Hear, hear.) Now, on reviewing • our fiscal
system, we found that a sum of about twenty three millions
a year, or nearly half the annual revenue of the govern-
ment, was already raised by direct taxation. This state of

kings had been gradually brought about during the

fourteen years, and mainly as the result of a particular
policy. Should we continue this policy ? (.' No' No.")
What was it ; and what, hitherto, had been its effects in
the prosperity of the country ? He would state a few of the

more prominent facts indicating the character and results
of this policy. The details might be somewhat dry; bat
they had met to discuss a topic, to treat which, without
a tolerably close adherence to facts, would only be to
insure a conclusion of no real value. The policy referred
to dated from 1842. In that year, as they would remem-
ber, the trade of the country was in a very depressed and
declining condition. The income of the government was
considerably below its expenditure : and in the then con-
dition of the people the imposition of new or additional
taxes of an indirect character seemed likely, apart from the
consequent suffering, to be of little avail to the treasury.
Besides, the cry for free trade as a relief to our commerce
was already too strong to be disregardel. The minister was
driven to direct taxation. He imposed the income tax,
and thus obtained upwards of five millions sterling, and took
off custcnis duties to the amount of a million and a half.

The next year, the condition of the country being. a little
improved, he removed customs duties to the amount of half
a million more, and about the same in 1844. In 1845 the
duties were taken off sugar and cotton, and some other
reductions made in customs and excise ; and the internal

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trade of the country was relieved by the repeal of the duties
on auctions and on glues. And during the five following
years, ending with 1850, further reductions in customs
and excise duties were made to the amount of nearly
four millions more. So far, the course of the government
had been uniform. The country being, all through, in an
improving state, the Income tax had been retained, and the
duties of customs and excise had been gradually and most
beneficially reduced. In 1851, though the general direction
of our Enancial policy was the same, the circumstances were
somewhat different. Together with a further reduction of
customs duties, we removed the cdions arid most impolitic
tax on windows, then yielding about £1,800,000. By way of
partially replacing this, the inhabited house duty was im-
posed, 3ielding about one third of that sunt., and at the same
time widening the basis of direct taxation in a manner far
less objectionable. In 1853 we took off almost three and
a half millions of customs and excise, and other indirect
taxes, and imposed about the same amount, chiefly in the
shape of direct taxation. About £600,000 was added to the
excise on spirts, and the rest was obtained by an addition to
the Income tax, and a most righteous extension of the legacy
duties, in the shape of a succession tax, to landed and other
real property. In 1854, we found ourselves engaged in a
costly war. We were compelled to put on new texes.
But still the same polic✓ prevailed. We relieved the China
trade of a large rortion of the tax on tea, and, of some ti n
millions of additional taxation, we took nearly seven mil-
lions in additional leemne tax, and put the rest upon
sugar, malt, and spirits. The pressure of 1855 compelled us
to replace, for a while, the tax on tea, and to add to those
on sugar and spirits ; bat it was quite understoed that
these were temporary arrangements. And at the same time
we made still another addition to the Income tax.
A Voice : Let us know what we are to do for the
future. (Cheers and loud cries Mr. Roebuck.)
Mr. Danson said he was corning to that, but before he did so
they must know the evils that had existed. He was point-
ing out to them those evils. He would ask them, whether
they would be content to alter a system Until they had been
shown what the old system was ? Would they be content
until he had told them what that system. was ? (Hear,
hear, hear.) Re then proceeded to say :
And now what had been the result of this policy, improperly
adhered to for a period of fourteen years ? Why, that i
every branch of our trade especially affected by these
changes had been, in a time of general prosperity, especially
prosperous. We had taken a million and a half from the
important duties on timber ; and he imports had, since
1842, been more than doubled. That meant a very large