The Express.
London, England, 1850-07-18 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 18.

Tue limes gives in its number of yesterday, the
17th, an account of the protocol respecting Denmark,
which was initialled in London on the 4th—a full and
true account of which the Express published so
far back as the 6th. In chronicling the important
event some fortnight after it happened, the Tines has
not made up for its tardiness by its correctness; for
it falls into the gravest errors both of supposition end
fact.

The ITtnes represents the protocol, which declares
Holstein to be inseparable from Denmark, as so little
offensive to Germany or its courts, that the Austrian
minister was a consenting party, and that although he
had not power to sign the document in full, yet he
put hie initials to it. Now this is not true. Baron
Kottrat did not Fut his initials to the protocol,
although his signature may be found to the mere ,
I formal record of the meeting. Baron KOLLER, in-
stead of signing even hie initials, referred to his court,
and having received instructions from his court, the
Austrian envoy row refuses positively to sign the pro-
tocol of the 4th of July.
Thus in the reg ulat ion of the affairs and the succession
of Denniark,themost important parts of which succes-
sion are several German Duchies, viz. Holstein,
Lauenburg, and even Oldenberg, the three great
powers of France, England, and Ituesia, have come to
a decision, which is anemia the will u.d determiva-
tion of the two great German powers. Nay, these two
great German powers, Austria and Prussia, complain
that they were not consulted, whilst the question
which so nearly concerned them was in course of deli-
beration. _ _ _

The Times, having falsely stated that Austria
approved and bad signed this protocol, melees a
supposition, or gives a feint, a qually devoid of foun-
dation, to the purport that the Cheesier BUNSEN, the
Prussian envoy at this court, protested indeed, but
that his proles was not likely tobe supported by his
government. The contrary is the fact—:the Chevalier
&nine's protest, as well as the arguments by which
he supported it, have received the lull sanction of his
government.
Let t 1 e question, therefore, and its position be
frilly understood, as it should be at the probable com-
mencement of a war, I kely to attract the attention
and affect the interests of Europe. In that questiun
the three great powers of England, France,
and lißfei& have undertaken to settle the law
of succession, and by consequence, the march of
administration, not only in 'Denmark, but in the
German Duchies, connected with it. Oo this the
three powers have announced one view and opinion,
whilst the two great powers of Germany announce
other and d fferent views and opinions. Let us trust
, that such cieflicting views may yet ba reconciled ;
but this can only be done by ao abandonment or a
modification of the protocol of the 4th of July.
It is, after all, neither a very decisive nor a very
menacing document. It merely expresses a desire
for keeping the different provinces, now under the
sovereignty of the Kng of DENMARK, together. It
approves of the efforts that the King of DENMARK
has made to negotiate and arrange for all these pro-
vinces descending to the same heir; and it promises
to recognise *hatteet may be finally settled on the
subject. The protocol, therefore, may be made
to mean anything, or nothing. And as we are
perfectly sure that the British minister in signing it
had ro retention of offending Germany, infringing on
her rights, ord isposing of German provinces without the
consent of the German powers and their confederates,
we feel confident that the chrysalis of the protocol
will never become developed into the butterfly full-
ness of a solemn treaty, without having undergone
those alteratims, both in its words and its spirit, that
will render it consonant with the rights of Germany,
as well as with the peace and constitutional develop-
ment of the north.
We are n uch more concerned in these matters for
the character than for the interests cf England. It
is of comparatively small isrportanee to us, whether
Schleswig have a separete administration and assem-
bly, or whether it be incospora•ed with Denmark. It
is an object with Russia that it should be so, and that
the duchies should be governed military-wise by Den-
mark, which would thus have the double effect of ex-
tinguishine; constitutional government, and render-
ing the King of DENMARK dependent on St. Peters.
burg for the maintenance of his power. There are
fourteen Russian sail at resent off Kiel to maintain
the King of Desimsex s power, and to support his
occupation of Schleswig. The conquest which they
thus inaugurate, they must be ever reedy to support
and to prolong. . . .

The grand, the prominent result of all this, is to
place Russia more and more in antagonism to Gr.-
many, Russia at the same time being the champion
of despotic interests, Germany of constitutional deve-
lopment and national independence. In such a strug-
gle as that, a struggle which we who write can never
live to ace the end of, the position we demand for
England is at least that of dignified neutrality, a
position in which we can give our moral support at
least to the liberal cause of Europe, with our counsels
and dissuasion to despotic aggression.
Such are the views we take cf out "foreign policy,
and such, we are concirxed, are in the main those of
Lord PALMERSTON. And if his lordship is now
praised by his Tory enemies, who plotted so virulently
and unsuceessfully against him, for being in apparent
accord with Russia, it is, we believe, merely from the
erroneous view which they take of this accord, and the
exaggerated importance which they bestow upon the
wishes and amenities of the protocol.
Our Berlin correspondent points out, and promises
as one result of the signature of the protecol,a general
reconciliation between the powers of Germany, who
feel that the rest of Europe has taken advantage of
their divisions to impoie laws upon them, and to
regulite their affairs in their despite. Perhaps, in-
deed, one of the aims of Russia in negotiating the
protocol ha-4 been to show Prussia, how powerless she
is whilst at open variance with Austria, and at the
same time unsupported by the more popular and en-
thusiastic section of the liberals. If so, the
lesson will come home, and not only Prus-
sia, but Austria itself, will learn, that if
German monarchs are to be respected in
Europe, they must not only be united together in the
defence of the interests of their common country, but
must also have each of them that support and adhe-
sion from public opinion amongst tueir subject.,
which is far more formidable to foreign aggressors,
than large or well-equipped armies.

IT will not be the fault of landlord legislation if
the enmity between thesis that unhappily prevails in
Ireland with regard to the occupancy of land, is not
still further exasperated and inflamed. During the
present session we have more than once been com-
pelled to note with mingled amazement and regret
the various projects to facilitate eviction and to in-
I crease the irresponsible power of the owners of the
soil, at the sacrifice of the rights and liberties of the
tenantry. We have from time to time endeavoured
to point out the fatuity of such attempts, and the im-
perative duty which lay upon all who value the
social redemption of Ireland steadily to resist them.
We have in several instances marked with sincere ex-
ultation the success of that rtaistan v, and rejoiced
with our brethren in Ireland that they have been
saved from the aggravation of those evils and
sufferings wherewith they were threatened.
But we must confess we were not prepared for the
renewal of the struggle of which the Iluuse of Com-
mons was yesterday the ifeene. It will badly be in
the recollection of our readers that some weeks ego
a bill, under the auspices of Lord. 'mean and
Wrzivezrair, was carried through the House of
Lords, which contained a variety of provision. having