The Express.
London, England, 1859-09-01 00:00:00

(Stamped id. Additional.) (TWOPENCE.

TUSCANY.

The Nord of yesterday publishes the text of the
Memorandum addressed by the Tuscan government
on the 24th ult. to the Cabinets of the European
Powers. We can only find space for a tolerably full
abstract of this most important state paper, which
it is impossible to peruse without a feeling of in-
creased respect tor the distinguished men whose
signatures it bears. It is paying a poor compliment
to its authors to say that this Memorandum is a
model of energetic moderation and vigorous logic,
instinct with the sober dignity of a good cause, the
steadfast self-reliance of a people worthy to be free
and the calm determination of a rightful authority.,
Its tone, its manner, its purport, and its argument
oommend it to the favourable consideration of

Englishmen who respect in others the faculty of
self-government which they inherit from their own
ancestors of the seventeenth century.
The Memorandum begins with a rapid glance at
the national movement of April 27, which resulted
in the flight of the Grand Ducal family, and records
with just pride the orderly unanimity of all classes
of the population throughout the crisis which for
lowed the abandonment of the state by its sworn
maw sad guardian and seeeseion to the tamp of
the Austrian aggressor. It refers to the general dis-
appointment at the sudden peace, affecting as it did
the common cause of Italy, and even appearing to
threaten the restoration in Tuscany of the House of
Austro-Lorraine. This national disappointment,
however, yielded to the persuasion of public men
versed in political affairs, who reminded their fellow-
citizens of the generous programme of the Freirl
Emperor, and convinced them of the absurdity of
supposing that the French government, after ex-
pressly sanctioning the deposition of the Austro-
Lorraine dynuty, by placing the command of the
Tuscan 'national troops under an Imperial prince,
could desire to effect or tolerate a restora-
tion by force of that dynasty. As soon as the
_ . _

Commissioner of the King of Sardinia bad re-
signed his authority the provisional government had
convoked the national representatives, according to
the broad and liberal electoral law of March 3,1848;
for "the constitutional charter war only in abey-
ance, there being no manner of doubt of the ille-
gality of the coup d'etat of 18,52, which had
abolished it." The number of elector, under this
law was considerably increased since its original
promulgation in 1848; and by the adoption of an elec-
toral law, which had emanated from the Grand
Ducal government, the partisans of the dynasty, who
might have objected to the sincerity of any other
expression of the national will, were silenced. The
only fear of the administratinu was on account of
the long disuse of political rights among the popu-
lation, and the possibility of undue excitement coming
to the aid of sinister intrigues. But this apprehen-
sion was set at rest by the incomparable example of
patriotism and good sense which the result of the
elections had exhibited. Order, concord, peaceful
enthusiasm had prevailed, and the electors had
proved themselves worthy of that independence
which they claimed from the justice of Europe.
Every man of mark in the country was sent to the
Assembly by the popular suffrage.
The Assembly, regularly convoked, had proceeded
to deliberate on two questions, which, in fact, re-
solved themselves into one, and both were unani-
mously agreed to.
They were-
1. A declaration that the reign of the Attstro-Lor-
rains dynasty was irrevocably closed in Tuscany.
2. That it was the will of the Tuscan people to
make part of a powerful Italian kingdom under the
constitutional sceptre of King Victor Emmanuel 11.

The Memorandum then goes on to argue the right
of the Tuscan people to drchuro its wishes in these
respects, and the interest dealt the European govern-
ments to affirm and uphold them. Tuscany, aban-
doned to itself, had elected a government conforma-
ble to its feelings and interests ; a right too elemen-
tary to need discussion.

The exercise of sovereignty over a people implies,
according to the public law of all nations, and all
ages, a tutelary function towards that people,
not war and hatred. True, the fort of Belve-
dere, the flight into the arms of Austria, Solfe-
rino, were sufficient witnesses of the policy which
the House of Austro-Loraine, entertained towards
the Tuscan people; not to allude more particularly to
the broken compact between prince and people, when
a foreign soldiery was called in to assist at the vio-
lation of constitutional oaths. But the right of the
Tuscans to repudiate a perjured and anti-national
dynasty was supported by the evident right of
Europe to provide for the permanent peace and
tranquillity of its component states. The re-
storation of the AustsaLormine dynasty could onlf
be accomplished by violence, and could not fail to
be accompanied with grievous agitations and fol-
lowed by terrible reprisals. The events of the last
ten years, and especially of the Jut four month., had
placed an insuperable barrier between that dynasty
and the Tuscans. Incurable aversion and distrust
on the part of the population, unappeasable rancour
and animosity on the part of the Prince, would
render any future reconciliation between them
impossible. The restored dynasty could only
reign by force. By what force, if not by
Austrian? For it was the Tuscan army which
had anticipated its fellow-citizens in marking
its reprobation of the anti-national conduct of the
dynasty, and bad most effectually contributed to its
fall. The dynasty, then, could only reign through
foreign intervention : and would Europe permit a
return to the sternal ebb and flow of revolution and
conspiracy, of vengeance and repression, which had
so long distressed and distracted Italy, and jeopar-
dised the peace dell o• her governments and nations ?
Austria, obliged to accept the peace of Villafrancs,
would never submit sincerely to its conditions. She
would always endeavour, by stealth or stratagem, by
taking advantage of any difficulties arising in other
parte of Europe, to regain Lombardy and to re-
occupy her former positioa in Italy. In such a case
it would be the duty and necessity of Italy to make
another national effort to preserve the conquests
which the generous valour of the French and Sar-
dinian armies had won. Yet with an Austrian
dynasty at Florence ag►in, Tuscany would once
more be where she was on the 27th of April.

The question between Tuscany and the House of
Austro-Lorraine is reduced to these terms. Is the
conquered to succumb to the conqueror ? Is a civi-
lised people, which has proved the possession of civic
virtue and patriotism, to be given over as a prey to
the ambition and the interests of an alien family ?
Let the conscience of Europe pronounce. The
Tuscan government, in default of official diplo-
matic communications on the point, is not unaware
of the importance given in diplomatic circles to the
pretended abdieetioa of Leopold IL, and the pre-

tended liberal programme of hie son Ferdinand. On
this abdication and this programme " a friendly
government" has apparently relied in recommending
a reconciliation with the deposed dynasty. But such
a reconciliation is only compatible with utter and
entire oblivion of all the events of these
latter days: the flight to Modena, the
presence of the Archduke Ferdinand in the Austrian
ranks at Solferino, waiting for the issue, to return
to his dominions escorted by Austrian soldiers if
the Austrians should be the winners of the fight.
This would be a singular more example—a Prince
fighting in the ranks of the enemies of his country,
and only when their defeat is certain going over to
the opposite side and exclaiming, Now I an yours.
Neither the security nor the dignity of Tuscany
could succumb to each a capitulation, due
to such a tardy repentance. The Labors of
the " Memorandum" decline to discuss the
chances of a restoration by foreign arms, because
assurances from a high authority had gua-
ranteed its impossibility, and became, to deem it
possible would be a gratuitous insult to a friendly
Power.

But there are people who, despairing of a foreign
intervention, dream of compassing a restor►tioa
by Mbar was. Tbmy talk el Malvin Taman" cs
her own devices, and already rejoice in evil auguries
of agitation, disorder, and convulsion. Tuscany
will assuredly deceive and disappoint these expecta-
tions. But if they should be realised, is Europe
mutant to look on at four millions of men convulsed
with anarchy for the convenience of Austria?
Would France or Austria intervene, or both ? The
intervention of either is an impossibility.

On the whole, therefore, the Tuscan Government
is persuaded that Europe will regard a restoration
as impracticable. But the unanimous declaration
that the Austro-Lorraine dynasty was at an end in
Tuscany was not sufficient to provide for the defini-
tive organisation of the State. The Assembly had,
therefore, come to a second unanimous vote, that the
desire of Tuscany was to make part' of a powerful
constitutional kingdom under the sceptre of Victor
Emmanuel. The communal representatives had by
an earlier vote anticipated this decision of the
Assembly. The municipal deliberations comprised
225 communes, including Florence, Leghorn, and all
the most important towns in Tuscany: out of 1,350
votes, 1,297 were for, and only 53 against, the fusion
with Sardinia. Numerous and important reasons
had dictated this vote to Tuscany, and equally com-
mended it to the favourable consideration of Europe.

The principal characteristic of the Italian move-
ment of 1859 is the sentiment of eationaliiy. There
had been no question of forms of government, as in
1848, to distract the national feeling and purpose.
Every one bad accordingly approved of the suspen-
sion of the constitution in Piedmont during the na-
tional war. This feeling of nationality had inspired
the Tuscan deliberations, and the votes of the 20th inst.
If in pursuance of the Peace of Villafranca, Austria
is to maintain a strong position in Italy (which
the projected Confederation would strengthen yet
more), the necessity of constituting a powerful
Italian State is manifest to all the world. It is
a necessity of defence, and a necessity of equili-
brium. Certainly this impression had weighed on
the deliberations of the Assembly, and had prevailed
lon the public mind. For during the war there was
a considerable party in favour of Tuscany remaining
&separate state ; but since the peace this party had
almost disappeared. And why ? Because in Tus-
cany the national Italian feeling is predominant.
If the Tuscans had manifested the contrary impulse
they would have been taunted by Europe witk the
old inveterate weakness of disunioa and municipal
jealousy. To reinforce Piedmont,then, is now 'double
and supreme necessity —• duty to themselves and to
Italy. Until Piedmont is made strong enough to
make head against Austria there must be continual
danger of war in Italy.
Supposing the projected Confederation tobe carried
out, Austria, supported by Naples and Rome, would
be able to dispoes of the destinies of Italy;
and the balance of power, not in Italy alone,
but in Europe, would be in jeopardy. Would the
European Powers permit such a probability ? Atter
a crisis of agitation and uncertainty Tuscany yearns for
peace and quietness. Union with Piedmont can alone
secure to her these blessings. With this union the
perpetual agitation, more or less latent, which has
tormented Italy for so many years, will disappear
at once and for ever in Tuscany, when her fete is
placed in the hands of a powerful and loyal King,
who possesses the confidence and gratitude of all
the populations of Italy. Besides, it would be unjust
to deprive Tuscany of the advantages accruing to
large national communities, apart from which it is
feared that the moral and material development
which was the distinguishing mark of modern civi-
lisation could not be secured. Tuscany has dons
enough for civilisation to deserve well of its inhe-
ritors. By what right was she to be condemned to
the lot of a petty State, to have neither army nor
navy, nor diplomacy, nor commerce, nor manufac-
tures of her own ? It would be unworthy of Europe
to arrest a development which must be profitable
to all.

The "Memorandum" concludes with expressing the
confidence of the Governmeo t and the Assembly in
" the brave and loyal King who has done so much
for Italy, and has protected Tuscany with his special
benevolence, and who will not reject the homage of
her gratitude—in the justice and high wisdom of
France, England, Russia, and Prussia." '"fhe mag-
nanimous Emperor of the French,"" wise and liberal
England ;" Russia, whose elevated policy excites
the admiration of Europe ; valorous Prussia, who
represents so nobly in Germany the principle of
nationality, will neither misunderstand nor trample
upon the rights of a tranquil, united, and disciplined
people, who ask for nothing more than to be allowed
to consult their own interests in the manner they
deem beet for their security and honour. If the jus-
tice of man should fail us, we shall defend by all
means in our power our right and the dignity of
our country again►t every aggression. And if for-
tune should desert us, at least we shall have the
consolation of thinking that we have done our duty
without weakness and without empty boasting.
Finally, the public conscience and history will
judge on which side were right, civil prudence,
and moderation, and on which side injustice, and the
abuse of blind and brutal force.
Florence, August 24.

DEATH OP Sts CHASMS FARNABT.—We bare
to word the death od air Charles Francis Farnaby, Bart.,
which occurred on Monday kat, at his reaidence, Wickham
Court, 'near Bromley, Kent. The deceased baronet was born
la the house fn which he died, in 1787, and ineceleeded hie
father in 1802, He woe edacakd at St. Joho's College,
Cambridge, where he graduated in 180. There is no
eucceseor to the baronetcy. Sir Chided Firosby wee In
holy orders. but held no church efermeot. He wea radar
pr
Hli West Wicebani,a living in his own gift, from 1814 to
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LONDON. TIITIZSDAT. SEPT. I.

Tux explicit declaration of Frisch policy towards
Italy, just made with every wok of anthoeity in the
columns of the Grutitmtionwel, is the most important
event effecting theeiternalafiinof the Peninsula that
hea taken place since the signature of the agreement
of Villafraoca. To proclaim that Austria shall not,
and that France will not, interferewith armed force in
Central Italy, is to settle the larger half of the Italian
question. And this is what the Cuoutilutiosnel un-
dertakes to do. At Villafrines the Emperor of the
Faxecii consented to the return of the Princes of
Central Italy, who had east in their lot with hie
enemy, in order to show that he cherished no ani-
mosity towards thein,aod he has since exerted himself
to reconcile them with their people. He will'
matinee to do so, bat it is, of room, per
that he may not succeed. What then!'
Will France attempt to impose its powerful
will en the people? " No; Francs is not a
" gendarme in the service of Princes against the
" populations. She endeavours to aide them in a
' mutual and profitable accord, and will do no violence
" either to ace or the other. To act between them
" by ati armed intervention would be to walk in the
" path of the old Austria. policy, which was do-
" (rated at Magenta and Solferino ; but it is not
" consistent either with the dignity or the honour of
" France to do herself what she condemns in other,.
" Austria has lost for ever the profitable monopoly
" of armed intrusions in the affairs of the Peninsula,
" and we will seen claim it for our own advantage.
We will not take back to-morrow what we have
" given to-day."

Thin resolution, which is in perfect accord with
the belief expressed to Parliament by Lord JOHN
Russam. at the date of Lord Etcno's eager anxiety
respecting Italian affairs, clams the door against the
fugitive Primes, and chapatis some of the worst
fears which the egreement of Villafranca inspired-
The policy it announces is so simple and
so wise, se remote from the ordinary principles
of Owlets governments, that one only fears it may
be on that very account exceedingly difficult to carry
out. No one can doubt that the positive asearance,
freely given and faithfully observed, not to seek
territorial aggrandisement, powerfully contributed
to strengthen the position of France in the Italian
war. The Ctosatitutionnel promises, if we under-
stand our Paris contemporary, that a similar mag-
nanimity and disinterestedness will he exhibited in
the re-settlement of the disturbed Duchies.
The present situation of those states makes
this declaration very timely. Their people have
just manifested their wishes, not only with •
sincerity which is ►bove question, but with
a unanimity that is without example. It
is not only that in Tuscany, the largest
of these states, the vote for annexation to
Sardinia has been unanimous, but the whole of
Central Italy has united in the same claim to parti-
cipate in the freedom and nationality enjoyed for ten
years by Piedmont, and of which the Lombards
have just been made partakers. Ten years ago such
unanimity would have appeared like the dream of
an enthusiast ; to-day it is the soberest of realities,
The people of Central Italy see plainly that if their
former princes are restored they can only be re-
strained from ruling for and by Austria as they did
before, by the constant exercise of the influence of
Franco in their affairs. But this would neither be
for their good nor for that of Europe. They want to
free the rest of the world from the raeoessity of
always concerning itself with their bushier, and in
order that Northern and Central Italyniay be able to
take are of itself they desire to fore part of &earwig
constitutional kingdom under VICTOR EMMANUEL.
The 'Denney of the Emperor of the FILESCH have
imputed to him &desire to thwart, for dynastic ends,
this natural and honourable solution of a great
question, which he has done more than any other
man to ►ring before Europe. This last declaration
come as an answer to those who have accused him
of harbouring intentions inconsistent with declare
time which have been made in his name all over
Europe that he desires no part of the territory of
Italy (or sny prince of his family. It appears
to rebuke unworthy suspicion, and renew before
Europe the pledge of a magnanimous policy. We
say that if this is the meaning of the semi-
official manifesto, it appears at a SIMMOD.
able moment. In a few days the annexatios
of Tuscany to Piedmont will come before the Em.
peror of the Fees' n, se well as before the other
European Powers, for recognition. This vote is the
fullest conceivable expression of the principle of
nationality, which the Emmen' went to Italy to
vindicate that has heretofore Wee seen. Its realisa-
tion would be hailed throeghout the Peninsula as •
proof that the great battles of last spring had not
been fought in vain. Not only Italians but free
men all over the world will observe with eagerness
the coarse which the French EMPEROR may take
in this matter, and according as he may act will
judge for themselves whether he really desires to
se* an Italy with sufficient strength for its own
needs, or an Italy in which divisions, either absolute
or arbitrary, maintain a state of weakness to tempt
the anahrion of powerful neighbours at the expense
of the tranquillity of Europe.
The Emperor of the Faun n is aware that from
this country no opposition to the prudent and neces-
sary extension of the Kingdom of Sardinia is to be
expand. On the contrary, our Government sees in
the annexation of the Duchies to Piedmont and Lora-
lerey a satisfaction due to the salutary aspirations
et • people too long disunited, and a means of rein-
stating then in that internatiocal rank to which
their Isiah political qualities entitle them. The
EMPIBOU cannot be reproached with rallies in his
engagements to Austria respecting the fugitive
Princes. Die has done what he engaged to do, and
his aerate, who hose gone from city to city is Cen-
tral Italy, endeavouring to prepare the populations to
welcome back their Duke*, will be able to tall him
how vividly the people perceive the disastrous ten-
dency of such advice. Some rulers propose territorial
aggrandisement, ant: some ►eteeretie power,,
as the object of their reign. The Emperor
NAPOLEON has shown that he aspires to
Ponsenitog beyond these prises of a vulgar ambition.
He is constantly betraying that his satisfaction is