The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-03-14 00:00:00

MARKETS BY TELEGRAPH

CHARLESTON, Thursday, 28 : The cotton sales here for the
week amount to 8,000 bales. Good middling, 9ac to
Stock on hand, 45,000 hales. Rice is active, at 4c to 4,1-c.
NEW ORLEANS, Friday, Feb. 29 : Sales of cotton to-day
8,500 bales, at a decline of lie; middling quoted at 9c to 9tc.
Pork unsettled. Flour rather better.

OUR RELATIONS WITH
AMERICA.

CORRESPONDENCE ON THE ENLISTMENT
QUESTION.

MR. CRAMPTON'S RECALL DEMANDED

The important correspondence which has taken place on
the sahj ?ct of the Foreign Enlistment Question, and which
Lord Palmerston st ited in his place in the House of Com-
mons, could not possibly be 1 lid before Parliament until
after the Easter recess, appears in the New York papers of
the 29th ultimo. As may be supposed, the documents are
extremely voluminous, and as their great length precludes
the possibility of their insertion in extenso in our columns,
we purpose to supply our readers with a carefully digested
summary of their contents.

The documents were presented to the President by
Mr. Marcy, (the Secretary of State) on the 27th ult., in
obedience to a resolution passed by the Senate on the
25th., and the first letter is addressed by. Mr. Crampton
(the British Minister at Washington) to Mr. Marcy on
the 21st of April, 1854, notifying to the American govern-
ment, that no letters of marque will be issued by the
Alies, and asks the United States to forbid the admission
of Russian privateers into American ports ; it also asks
that our people be requested to observe a strict neutrality.

Mr. Marcy replies, under date of April 28, 1854, that
the United States will remain entirely neutral, and inti-
mates the desire of our government to effect a settlement
of the principle that free ships make free goods, except
articles contraband of war. A similar communication
was transmitted to the French minister at Washington.
The next document is a letter addressed by Mr. Marcy
to Mr. Buchanan, the American Minister at the court of
St. James.

It bears date the 9th of June, 1855, and communicates
that it had become known to the American authorities
that a plan was on foot to select soldiers within the limits
of the United States to serve in the British army. It
points out that this was in total disregard of the rights of
America as an independant nation, and was a procedure
in clear and manifest infringement of the American laws,
enacted for the express purpose of maintaining her neutral
relations with other powers. After pointing out the
course taken by the American Government to put a stop
to the proceedings by representations made to Mr.
Crampton. and through him to the British Consuls, and
after relating that notwithstanding those representations
and the legal measures taken by the officers of the United
States , Mr. Marcy writes :
I am directed by the president to instruct you to call
the attention of her Majesty's Government to this subject.
He desires you to ascertain how far persons in official
tation under the British Government acted, in the first
instance, in this matter with its approbation, and what
measures, if any, it has since taken to restrain their
unjustifiable conduct.

The president will be much pleased to learn that her
Majesty's Government has not authorized the proceedings
herein complained of; and has condemned the conduct of
her officials engaged therein, called them to account, and
taken most decisive measures to put a stop to the illegal
and disrespectful procedure.
In fulfilment of his instructions, Mr. Buchanan, on the
6th July, 1855, addressed a note to the Earl of Clarendoa
drawing attention to the facts, to the act of congress of
the 20th April, 1813, and to the Foreign Enlistment Act
(59 Geo., 111., cap. 69), both of which inflict penalties
upon any individual who shall be guilty of an infraction of
the laws thus created. Mr. Buchanan points out to Lord
Clarendon " as worthy of remark that neither the foreign
enlistment act, nor the act of congress. is confined to the
enlist inent, or engagement, of British subjects or American
citizens, respectively, but rightfully extends to indivi-
duals of all nations—' to any person whatever.' The
reason is manifest. The injury to the neutral principality
consists in the violation of its territorial sovereignty by
the belligerent for the purpose of raising armies ; and this
is the same, no mw ter what may be the national character
of the persons who may agree to enter the service." To
-lan solicits explanations from the
ffairs.

conclu
Eritist

r. Bucl

The next document in order of date is a communication
from Mr. Marcy to Mr. Buchanan, dated 15th July, 1955,
in which Mr. Marcy announces :
Since my dispatch of the 9th ultimo, in relation to
recruiting soldiers within the United States for the
British army, information has been received here
that the business is not only continued, but prose-
cuted with increased vigour and success, and there
is no doubt that it is carried on by the efficient aid of the
officers and agents of the British government. It was
expected, after the attention of her Britannic Majesty's
minister near this government was directed to this subject,
and after he had presented Lord Clarendon's note of the
12th of April last to this department, and given assurances
that steps had been taken to arrest the illegal procedure,
that we should have witnessed no further participation by
British functionaries in the attempt to invade our sove-
reignty and defy our laws.
If an apology, grounded upon an alleged ignorance of
our laws, could be offered for introducing this scheme for
recruiting the British army by men drawn from the United
States, that excuse could not be available after the provi-
sions of these laws were first made known to those engaged
in the scheme.

Since that time many months have elapsed, and the
British officers, with a full knowledge of the illegality of
the procedure, persist in carrying on this obnoxious
scheme, without any open disapproval by the home
government, or any attempt to arrest it.
This persistence of British officers, residents here or in
the provinces, in countenancing and aiding, unrestrained
by their government, and apparently with its approval,
to carry out this device of drawing recruits for the
British army from the United States, gives grave impor-
tance to the subject, and calls, as the President believes,
for some decisive rep'ration.
As recruiting for the British army in the mode alluded
to is still prosecuted in the United States by officers and
agents employed for that purpose, the President instructs
you to say to Her Majesty's government, that he expects
it will take prompt and effective measures to arrest their
proceedings, and to discharge from
withinthe United
service tho s e
States,persons
now in it who wereenlisted
or who left the United States under contracts made here
to enter and serve as soldiers in the British army.

On the 16th July, 1835, the Earl of Clarendon forwarded
a reply to Mr. Buchanan from which we make the follow-
ing extracts. Lord Clarendon says : •

Some months ago her Majesty's government were
informed, from various sources, that in the British
North American possessions, as well—as in the
United States, there were many subjects of the Queen
who, from sentiments of loyalty, and many
foreigners who, from political feeling, were anxious to
enter her Majesty's service, and to take part in the war.
Her Majesty's government, desirous of availing themselves
of the offers of these volunteers, adopted the measures
necessary for making generally known that her Majesty's
government were ready to do so, and for receiving such
persons as should present themselves at an appointed
place in one of the British possessions. The right of her
Majesty's government to act in this way was incontes-
tible ; but at the same time they issued stringent instruc-
tions to guard against any :violation of the United
States law of neutrality.
It can scarcely be matter of surprise that when it
became known that her Majesty's government was pre-
pared to accept these voluntary offers, many persons, in
yarious quarters, should give themselves out as agents
employed by the British Government, in the hope of
earning reward by promoting, though on their own re-
sponsibility, an object which they were aware was
favourably looked upon by the British government. Her
Majesty's government do not deny that the acts and
advertisements orthese self constituted and unauthorised
agents were in many instances undoubted violations of
the law of the United States ; but such persons had no
authority whatever for their proceedings from any British
agents, by all of whom they were promptly and unequi-
vocally disavowed. Lord Clarendon then details the steps
taken by him in directing Mr. Crampton to issue strict
orders to the British Consuls in the United States to be
careful not :to violate the law, and stating that Mr.
Crampton was enjoined, above all, to have no concealment
from the government of the United States, adding that in the
absence from Washington of Mr. Crampton, her Majesty's
charge d'Affaires had placed in Mr. Marcy's hands a
despatch on the subject expressly stating that Her
Majesty's government would on no account run any risk
of infringing this (the neutrality) law of the United
Slates.

The general tenor of Lord Clarendon's note—its
disavowals and its regrets—were tcertainly concili-
atory, and the concluding paragraph, declaring that all
proceedings for enlistments in North America had been
put an end to by her Majesty's Government, for the
avowed reason that the advantages which her Majesty's
service might derive from such enlistments, would not be
sought for by her Majesty's Government if it were sup-
posed to be obtained in disregard of the respect due to the
law of the United States, was highly satisfactory. Then
The document is a note from Mr, Marcy to Mr. Cramp- came the • declaration of Lord Palmerston to the same
British
ton, bearing date the sth September, 18'45. After reciting effect in the House of Commons on the 2nd August, in
which he explicitly declared that, in order to avoid ques-
the previous correspondence, it says— firms with the United States, the Government " had put
In authorizing a plan of recruitment, which WIS to be au end to the enlistment of forces which used to take
carried c-it in part within our territories, the
Government seem to have forgotten that the United States place at Halifax.
?' This declaration was, to my know-
' leuoA-e, reoeived with much satisfaction by Mr. Milner

Gibson, who had made the inquiry of Lord Palmerston, as
well as by many other liberal members of Parliament.
The next document is a despatch from Mr. Marcy to
Mr. Buchanan, bearing date the 18th Oct., 1855. This
despatch reiterates the charge that British officers and
agents had infringed the laws enacted for the maintenance
of neutrality to friendly powers, that a scheme for recruit..
ing for the British army had been arranged by British
officers, that rendezvous had been opened by them in the
principal cities of the United States, that arrangements
had been made with recruits, that money had been paid
to them, and that liberal promises of other considerations
had been held out as an inducement for entering the
British service. He states that the reply of the British
government had received the fullest consideration from
the President, who rectrets to be obliged to adopt the con-
clusion that it is not satisfactory. The American govern-
ment has a right to look for something more than a laconic
reply to the demand for redress for a violation of the laws,
and an affront to the sovereign rights of the United States.
The writer remarks that the conclusion adopted by Lord
Clarendon is preceded by a general objection to all the
evidence, by which the charges against the British officers
and agents are sustained.
Lord Clarendon declares thatlthe " extraordinary "
measures adopted to obtain evidence against her Majesty's
servants or their agents, "though resorted to under
despotic institutions, are disdained by all free and en-
lightened governments."

government, at their own absolute discretion, and to entee
the service of any other State when once within its fron-
tier. To invite them, or to persuade them, to do what is
thus lawful, can constitute no violation of the territorial
rights which the sovereign power has never claimed or
exercised. _ _

It is, moreover, to be observed that in this case no
United States citizens, as far as her Majesty's government
are aware, were engaged ; but those actually enlisted
within the British North American provinces, and those
expected, were, to the best of our belief, exclusively
foreigners, and not citizens of the United States.

Without entering further into a discussion of this
peculiar doctine, I will only remark that, at all events,
it was not proclaimed, or insisted upon. by the United
States, either at the commencement of the war, or when
the desire of her Majesty's government to raise a foreign
>Rion was first published, or when a recruiting station
was first opened at Halifax.

The linked States, therefore, although always, and
most properly, insisting on their right and intention to
punish violations of their municipal law. took no step to
proclaim, or vindicate, the particular doctrine now set
forth until a very late period of the discussion, and after
the time for giving effect to it had gone by. The charge
of " violation of sovereign territorial rights " cannot,
therefore, in the opinion of her Majesty's government, be
fairly urged as a separate and different charge from that
of violation of the municipal law of the United States.
But the municipal law was certainly not violated by the
orders, nor as far as they believe, by the officers of
her Majesty's government; and both her Majesty's
government and her Majesty's minister at Washington,
gave reiterated orders to all concerned, carefully to
abstain from such violation ; and if the British govern-
ment did not purposely cause the United States law to be
violated, then the territorial rights of the United States,
whatever they may be, were not, as has been said, inten-
tionally violated by Great Britain as a nation, even if it
should be shown that the municipal law of the Union
was infringed. _ _ _ _ _

The only reply which can be made to an allegation so
exceedingly indefinite is, that this government has autho-
rised or used no other but ordinary or legitimate modes
of obtaining evidence against British officers, nor has it
any reason to belieVe or suspect that any persons, with
or without its countenance, have adopted any measures
whatever for obtaining such evidences which would not
find abundant sanction in the established practice of the
administration of penal law in Great Britain.
Repelling this charge of imitating " despotic institu-
tions," and doing what is " disdained by all free and en-
lightened governments," it is proper to remark that., if it
were sustainable, it would not warrant the conclusion
which Lord Clarendon has deduced from it, which is,
that the evidence ":will fail to establish any well-founded
charge against her Majesty's government.''
Lord Clarendon mnst. I think, intend to be understood
as impeaching our neutrality in the present war, though
there appears to be some indistinctness in his language.

Before Cconclude this despatch it may be us ,ful to place
on record certain facts connected with question of recruit-
ing. in North America, the correctness of which will,
I doubt net, be admitted by Mr. Marcy ; and I will observe
first, That the United States Government were, from the
first,'perfeetly well aware that her Majesty's Government
were in want of recruits, and were desirous of raising a
foreign legion. Secondly, That preparations were making
to receive recruits in a British North American colony for
such a legion. Thirdly, That her Majesty's Government
expected to receive recruits there for such a legion from
the United States, although, whilst so doing, they were
anxious not to violate the United States law.

- It is' certainly a novel doctrine of international law,
that traffic by citizens or subjects of a neutral power with
belligeremts, though it should be in arms, ammunition,
and warlike stores, compromits the neutrality of that
power. That the enterprise of individuals, citizens of the
United States, may have led them in some instances, and
to a limited extent, to trade with Russia in some of the
specified articles, is not denied—nor is it necessary that
it should be, for the purpose of vindicating this govern-
ment from the charge of having disregarded the duties of
neutrality in this war. _ _

Fourthly, that many British subjects and foreigners in
the United States were bona fide " volunteers," desirous
from various, but natural, and powerful motives, to enlist.
Numerous offers to raise men within the United States
were made. but were consistently and honourably refused
by her Majesty's ministers and consuls, in order to avoid
violating the United States law.

Lord Clarendon is most respectfully askta to look on
the other side of the case. Have the citizens of the United
States had no traffia with Great Britain. during the
present war, in arms, ammunition, and warlike stores ?
Private manufacturing establishments in the United
States have been resorted to for powder, arms, and war-
like stores for the use of the Allies, and immense quanti-
ties of, provisions have been furnished to supply their
armies in the Crimea. Russia may have partaken scan-
tily, but the Allies have undoubtedly partaken largely, in
benefits derived from the capital, the industry, and the
inventive genius of American citizens in the war; but as
this government has had no connection with these pro-
ceedings, neither belligerent has any just ground of
complaint against it.
. . .

Fifthly : That Mr. Marcy was in confidential communi-
cation with you on the subject for months without ever,
that I am aware of, warning you against attempting any-
thing of the kind, or stating that the United States would
resist, or resent it, apart from any question of municipal
law ; thus, in effect, acquiescing, and only insisting that,
the United States law should be respected.
Sixthly : That as soon as it became apparent that the
United States government was adverse to the scheme, and
that it might lead to violations of the United States law.
the whole project was abandoned out of deference to the
United States; but this conclusive proof of the good faith
an l good will of her Majesty's government has not been
noticed, or appreciated, by the government of the United

Lord Clarendon further asks—Have not plots been
openly avowed and conspiracies entered into,: without
disguise or hindrance, in various parts of the union, to
take advantage of the war in which Great Britain is en-
gaged, and to seize the opportunity for promoting insur•
rection iu her Majesty's dominions, and the invasion
thereof by an armed force proceeding from the United
States ?

States.

Seventhly : That the whole question in dispute now
turns, not on what is doing, or shall or may be done, by
her Majesty's government, but on what was done many
months ago under a system which is not continuing, nor
about to be revived, and:which has been voluntarily and
definitively abandoned, in order to satisfy the United
States, and to prevent the occurrence of any just ground
for complaint.
The foregoing facts and considerations, which demon..
strate that no offence to the United States was-offered, or
contemplated by her Majesty's Government, may, per-
haps, have weight with Mr. Marcy, if the matter at issue
is to be settled in a manner becoming the governments of
Great Britain and the United States, and with a deep
sense of the responsibility which weighs on them to
maintain, uninterrupted and unshaken, the relations of
friendship which now exist between the two countries
and her Majesty's Government, fully reciprocating the
feelings of the United States government, expressed in
Mr. Marcy's despatch, with regard to the many ties and
sympathies which connect together the people of the two
countries, do not permit themselves to doubt that such
I further discussions as may take place on this question
will be conducted in a spirit of conciliation. _ _

This government replies that it has no knowledge, or
belief, whatever of the existence of any such plots or con-
spiracies. If the British government believe that plots
and conspiracies arc really on foot in any part of the
United States, and will furnish any clue by which they
can be detected, it may be assumed that this government
will act promptly, and efficiently, in bringing them to light,
and punishing the offenders, and it will not consider itself
in any way relieved from doing its whole duty in this
respect by what has taken place here in reference to
recruitments for the British army.
It would be an inexcusable perversion of such senti-
ments if they were permitted to induce this government
to pass unnoticed the violation ;of its laws, or to throw
open its territories fo the recruiting officers of any foreign
power.
This government believes, and has abundant proof to
warrant its belief, that her Britannic Majesty's officers
and agents have transgressed our laws and disregarded
our rights, and that its solemn duty requires that it should
vindicate both by insisting upon a proper satisfaction.
The president indulges the hope that this demand for
redress will be deemed reasonable, and will be acceded to
by her Britannic Majesty's Government.
In a despatch, dated November 2nd, 1855, Mr. Buchanan
details to Mr. Marcy a conversation with Lord Claren_
don at the Foreign Office on the preceding day, on the
subject of the recruitment question. Mr. Buchanan states
that after he had called his lordship's attention to the
conviction of Wagner for a violation of the neutrality
laws, Lord Clarendon produced extracts from a despatch
of Mr. Crampton's, in which that gentleman emphatically
denied the truth of Trobel's testimony, and Hertz's con-
fession, and in concluding this part of the conversation
Lord Clarendon declared, in a sincere and emphatic man-
ner. that nothing had been further from the intention of
the British government than to violate the neutrality of
the United States, or to give them cause of offence. He
could also declare, in regard to hi:nself personally, that he
would not act in such a manner towards cue of the weak.
est powers—not even towards Monaco—and certainly
would not so towards the great and powerful republic
of the United States, for which he had ever entertained
the warmest feelings of respect and friendship.

It only remains for me to state that no enlistment in the
British service is valid with3ut attestation ; and that, accord,
ing to British laws, a recruit cannot be attested in a foreign
country, nor even in the British colonies, without a specially
delegated authority for that purpose. No binding contract
could, therefore, be made with any man within the United
States ; promises might be so made ; but any money given
to men to enable them to repair to places beyond the United
States territory, for the purse of being enlisted, would be
advanced at a risk ; nevertheless, if it can be shown that
there ,are persons now in the foreign leeion who have been
enlisted or hired in violation of the United States law, as
well as of the British law, her Majesty's government will be
prepared to offer them their discharge, and to give them
free passage back to the United States. if they choo.e to
return thither. _ _ _

You are instructed to read and give a copy of this de-
spatch to Mr. Marcy. I am, &L. CLARENDON.
John F. Crampton, Esq , &c., &c., &e.
LORD CLAItENDON TO MR. CRAMPTON.

Foreign Office, April 5, 1855

Sir,—l entirely approve of your proceedings, as re,
ported in your despatch, No. .57, of the 12th ult,s
with respect to the proposed enlistment in the Quen'a
Service of foreigners and British subjects in the United
States.

We afterwards had some conversation about the inva-
sion of Ireland, which I never treated seriously.
In a subsequent despatch, dated the 9th Nov., 1855, Mr
Buchanan narrates to Mr. Marcy a second interview with
Lord Clarendon on the subject of the conduct of the
American Government, in causing the seizure,and exami-
nation of the barque Marcy, at New York, which the
British Government had learned was intended for a Rus-
sian privateer. Mr. Buchanan referred to this act of his
government as a proof of its sincerity in the maintenance
of neutrality, and suggested the recall of the British ti
This Lord Clarendon promised to take into his considera-
tion, but added, that he could do nothing without consult-
ing his Cabinet.
•

The instructions which I addressed to you upon tbi‘
subject, and those which were sent to the Governor of NovA
Scotia, were founded upon the reports front various
quarters that reached her Majesty's governntent of thq
desire felt by many British subjects, as well as Germansl
in the United States to enter the queen's seervice, fur
the purpose of taking part in the war in the East ; but
he law of the United States with respect to enlistment,
however conducted, is not only very just but very stringent,
according to the report which is enclosed in your despatch,
and her liftesty's government would on no account run any
risk of infringing this law of the United States.
CLARUNDOM.

The concluding dispatch is dated the 28th December,

Next in order follows a despatch from Lord Clarendon
to Mr. Crampton, dated the 10th Nov., 1855. His Lord-

1855. It is addressed by Mr. Marcy to Mr. Buchanan,
and its importance, as well as its voluminous character,
prevent its appearance in our co!umns to-day. We,
therefore, postpone its publication until to-morrow, con-
tenting ourselves in the meantime with quoting the two
following paragraphs
Her Majesty's minister to th's government, Mr.
Crampton, has taken a conspicuTus part in organising and
executing the scheme for recruiting for the British army
within the United States. Were it possible, with due
regard to the evidence and disclosures in the case, to
assign him a subordinate part in the scheme, even that
would not allow the president to change the course which
he is obliged, under the circumstances, to pursue toward
him. Any participation in the project, as it has beep
developed, of raising recruits in this country for thct
British service, was incompatible with his official relatiomi
with this government. His connection with that affaic
has rendered him an unacceptable rcpresentative of hep
Britannic Majesty near this government, and you ere
directed by the president to ask her Majesty's government
to recall him.

ships says : •
It appears] that two distinct charges are made against
the officers and agents of her Majesty's Government :
First, That they have, within the United States terri-
tory, infringed the United States law; and secondly, that
they have violated the sovereign territorial rights of the
United States by being engaged "in recruiting" for the
British army within the United States territory.
Now, with respect to both these charges, I have to ob-
serve that the information possessed by her Majesty's
inasmuch as no individual
Government is imperfect,
tish officer or agent is named, and;. no particular fact, or
time, or place stated.
It is true that you and her Majesty's Consuls are per-
sonally charged in Mr. Marcy s note to you of the sth of
September; but neither you, nor they, are alluded to in
Mr. Marcy's despatch of October 13 to Mr. Buchanan,
which might not unreasonably have been expected, if it
really be the intention of the United States goovernment
to charge you or them with being "malefactors sheltered
from conviction," (to use the official language of the
United States Attorney-General.)
They must, therefore, request the United States govern-
ment to make and establish more distinct charges, with
proper specification, against particular individuals by
name ; and that government will, I am confident, not
deny the justice, and the necessity, of giving each person
implicated the opportunity of knowing what is alleged
against himself, and of dealing with the evidence by which
the charge Tray be supported.
With reference to the second charge made by Mr.
Marcy—namely, that of "violating the sovereign terri-
torial rights of the United States, by recruiting for the
Britishi army in their territories", I have to observe
that apart, from any municipal legislation in the United
States on the subject of foreign enlistment, or in the
entire absence of any such legislation, Great Britain, as
a belligerent nation, would commit no violation of the
" sovereign territorial rights of the United States," simply
by enlisting soldiers, within British territory, persons
who might leave the United States territory in order so
to enlist. The violation alleged is the recruiting within
the United States ; but to assume that there was in fact,
any such "recruiting," (that is, hiring or retaining by
British officers,) is to beg the question.
There can be no question that the men, who went to
Halifax were free, and not compelled to be soldiers on
their arrival. Upwards of ono hundred Irishmen in one
body, for instance, if her majesty's government are rightly
informed, refused to enlist on arriving there, and said
they came in order to work on a railway. They were,
therefore, not enlisted, hired, or retained, as soldiers in
the United' States ; no attempt was made to enforce against
them any such contract or engagement.
It cannot, therefore, be said that Mr. Marcy's doctrine
is in accordance with the general practice of nations ; and
high authority might be quoted directly averse to any
such doctrine as applicable to free countries, " übi civitas
21011 career est." But even admitting the alleized doctrine
as to the bearing of the principle of territorial sove-
reignty, its application must obviously be subject to many
limitations in practice.
Her Majesty had (for instance), internationally, an
unquestionable right to recall to her standard displayed
upon her own territory, those of her own subjects capable
of bearing arms who might be transiently 'or temporarily
resident in a foreign country, and her Majesty would not
thereby incur any risk of violating the " territorial soye-
reignity " of such country.
It is, of course, competent to any nation to enact a
municipal law, snch as actually exists in many countries,
forbidding its subject 3 to leave its territory, but in such
cases " civitas career est ;" and it may be the duty of other
countries to abstain from actively assisting the captives
to escape from the national prison, in order to serve
another master ; but the government of the United States
has enacted no such law-.-it justly boasts of its complete
freedom in this respect, " ciantas non career est;" all resi-
dents therein, whether foreigners or citizens, are perfectly
I free to leave its territory without the permission of the

Mr. Rowcroft, the British Consul at Cincinnati, and Mr.

Matthew, the British Consul at Philadelphia, are implicated
in the recrui.ing project, and you are further directed LI
the President to ask fc.r their removal for that cause.

SHIPWRECK,

--T

The Douro (s.s.), Mr. William London, master, arrived
here from Lisbon in little more than Lice days, reports
that, about four o'clock on Sunday afternoon, about
8 miles S.W. of the Smalls, she passed,a barque, app
rently about 600 or 700 tons. The greater part of the
vessel was under water, beinsrinnetahrely
Whaaltferk.eelTuhpe.re Twh:
foremast was gone; the rigging &c., of the main and
about eight feet, out of the
tanndthmeastrtacerks
southwragrdt,
owomfnaivi:yeee vessels e pin IsoTrachtsoietoms nwi
wnro wreck
cr
fekt rhowde t r ana stern,
sgo figr
iognaot ii nn gg
of vessels will do well to be onalotnhgie look-outh there tq
prevent accident. Captain London made some efforts ti
h
ascertain what the wreck was, but in consequence of
Of
position it was quite impossible, neither could he have
towed her, from the same cause.

It is believed in welt-informed quarters at Vienna,
that the Peace Conferences were going on well.
Although it is given out that Prince Gortschake is
summoned to St. Petersburg for some temporary pur-
pose, the general impression is that he is re called
altogether from his post at Vienna, where his former
arrogant policy rendered it inexpedient for him any
longer to remain.
A letter from St. Petersburg, in the .Tournal Des
lebests, states that epidemic fevers are committing great
ravages in the Crimea, and that the ranks of the Russian
army have been so thinned that it will be necessary to
keep all the militia to fill up blanks to pre.erve the
army even on a peace footing.
The British flying squadron has proceeded on the
further part of the Baltic, and, if not prevented by the
ice, may possibly extend its visit to the Gulf of Finland.
The official paragraphs of the Ilfoniteur, of Wednesday,
announce the appointment Of two Ladies to the post
of Under Governesses to the Enfants de France. They
are Madame Bizot, widow of the General of Engineers
of that name, who fell mortally wounded before Sebas-
topol; and Madame de Brancion, widow of Colonel
Brancion, of the 50th regiment of the line, also
killed before Sebastopol

fiturday

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