The Express.
London, England, 1850-02-16 00:00:00

NOTE TO DENMARK.

LORD P 4

COPENHAGEN, Fan. 3.
You are aware that a nom from Lord Palmerston
hes been presented to the Danish government;
and I am fortunately enabled to give you a dear
and complete account of the contents of this
important document. The British minister begins
by tracing the conduct pursued by Denmark,
since the conclusion of the armistice of July 10.
It was then settled that the negotiations for a defi-
nitive pesos should take place at Berlin with the
hest possib'e delay, and that they should commixes
with a proposition on the side of Denmark.
In the meantime the Danish government bad need
every possible pretext to pet off the conferences as
long as possible. The main objection resorted to was
that the Prussian plenipotentiary was not accredited
with full powers from the Central Power, whish re-
presented the Diet of the Germanic Confederation.
It was obvious that Prussia could not consent to
derive her authorisation to treat for peace from a
source which she had formally disowned, and which
erased from that moment to be recognised by any
ether power. At length the new Provisional Federal
ComunWdes was organised in common by Austrio
sad Prussia, and sanctioned by the other states
of Germany. But this Central Power, or
Interim, as it was called, was not armed
with the full attributes of the plenary assembly of the
old act, but only with the powers of the Smaller
Council (Engem .Rath), the competency of which as-
sembly did not extend to the conclusion of peace.
Upon this circumstance Denmark, instigated no doubt
by a power which felt itself humiliated by the limited
authority of the Interim, raised fresh difficulties.
The moment was fart approaching when the
armistice might be denounced. The society of
Europe was agitated with the prospect of • fresh
war. The minds of men of all chases were die.
turbed ; dangerous political wounds were to be
re-opened, vast commercial interests were exposed
to ruin, and all because Denmark could cot be
brought to make a proraition of peace, under a pre-
tence of diplomatic etiquette. Only when Prussia
consented, under reserve, to accept for her negotiator
full powers from the Interim, would the obstinacy of
Denmark give way; and, finally, upon the very last
day, the 17th January, when the armistice might be de-
nounced if the negotiations had not began, the plenipo-
tentiaries met and exhibited their powers. Such was the
course which the Danish government had thought
proper to pursue, upon a question which so deeply
concerned British interests, and in which Great Bri-
tain had assumed so friendly an attitude towards
Denmark, baying offered its mediation in the most
conciliatory spirit. Next, as to the proposition which
the Danish government had brought forward as the
base of a definitive peace. The note of Lord Palmer-
ston, does not, of course, explain what this proposi-
tion is ; but I will enter upon that subject presently.
It is sufficient here to say that it is, in the opinion of
the English minister, such a proposition as cannot
possibly be accepted by the duchies. His lordship
therefore earnestly counsels Denmark to lay aside
that irreconcileable disposition which she has
hitherto shown, to weigh considerately what is justly
due to the Duchies, and to make those reasonable
concessions, which are absolutely requisite for pre-
venting a renewal of the war; finally, to bring the
negotiations to a speedy and happy termination by
the erection of the peace on a just and durable foun-
dation. By contributing sincerely to such a consum-
mation, Denmark would earn the friendship of Great
Britain and the applause of the civilised world. But
if, on the other band, the Danish government should
persevere in the injudicious, evasive, tacklers, obsti-
nate, and unconciliatory course, which it had
hitherto followed, so detrimental to the interests
ar.d derogatory to the dignity of Great Britain,
then his lordship should feel himself bound
to recommend to her Majesty's government to
withdraw the mediation of Great Britain, and to
refer the conclusion of the peace between Denmark
and Germany to the general consent of the European
powers.
Having given the substance of his lordship's des-
patch, I shall now proceed to lay before you the plan
which Russia and Austria have contrived for the set-
tlement of this question, and which is the cue put
into the hands of Denmark. But, first, I must go a
little into the state of parties here, and the composi-
tion of the government. There are, then, three d
duct political camps—the aristocrats, the liberal.,
and the ultra-liberals. Of these, the last alone
are for letting the Duchies have their will.
Their main object is to enfranchise the peasant front
his present disability to be a proprietor, even upon
the smallest scale, of the soil. As no approach to this
end would be made by coercing the Schleswigers,
they will be no party to such coercion. The other
extreme party, of the aristocrats, is to all intents and
purposes a Russian party. They desire to abolish the
representative system of annual parliaments, to get
rid of the excellent constitution which Denmark pos-
sesses, and to go back to an Assembly of Estates
(Stande Versanamlung), proroguable at pleasure, and
for any arbitrary length of time—a system which
would throw the internal administration of the
country entirely into the hands of the nobles,
and the direction of its foreign affairs entirely
into the hands of Russia. I shall explain presently
what are the views of this party on the Schleswig-
Holstein question. I come now to the party, lying
between these two extremes, of the liberals. If the
aristocratic party may be called Russian, the liberal
party deserves the name of English, for to England
it looks for its support, as the absolutists look to
Russia for theirs. The main object of this liberal
party is to maintain inviolate the liberal constitution
promulgated on June 5, 1849. Of this constitution,
as of all others which deserve the name, the
vital principle is a parliamentary representation
of the people, of which the lower chamber
has undivided control over the taxation of the
couttry. But if the liberals in Denmark look to
England for the tupport of their constitution, and
the absolutists to Russia for the destruction of that
constitution, both England and Russia are in a pecu-
liar manner interested in giving the support required
of them respectively, with all the energy which can
be applied to foreign relations in time of peace. It
is an immense naval and commercial object with
England that the Lund should be in the hands of a
friendly power, or, in other words, of a constitutional
power; national friendships being in our days
determined by conformity of political principles,
just as the wars which have arisen have had
their source in antagonism on political principles.
It is, on the other hand, an object of equal concern to
Russia, that the outlet to the Baltic should be
in the hands of an unconstitutional and absolutist

power. Hence the great importance attached to the
monition of this/I:Schleswig-Holstein question, and the
desperate posh which is made on either side at this
critical moment to carry the day. I shall now pro-
ceed to reveal the artful scheme by which Russia
hopes to carry her point.
All men know that one of the great cries of the
Schleswig party has ever been, that the duchy of
Schleswig wu entitled from a period of great antiquity
to en intimate and inseparable union with Holstein.
This union wu confirmed by a decree of the Ger-
manic Diet on Sept. 17, 1846. The bait in the
Russian plan is the guarantee of this union. Says
Russia : the duchies shall have a liberal constitution,
with independent administration : they shall have
one common Assembly of Estates to consult upon
their affairs : they shall have complete union, but
they shall both be united to Denmark ; and there
shall be a new constitution framed for Denmark.
Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark shall have the
same dynutio succession. The affairs of war and
peace, army and fleet, shall be managed by
a common commission of estates, that is, •
commiesion appointed by the Estates of Schles-
wig-Holstein and the Estates of Denmark, giving
thereby implicitly to understand that the par-
liamentary representation of Denmark is to be swept
away, and to be replaced by what is called a Stan-
diache organisation, but which really means an
absolutist-aristocratic form of government. Lastly,
Holstein is to be completely severed from Germany.
I cannot point out in language too emphatic the
bitterness of this gilded pill. It is obvious to the
simplest mind that this plan is nothing more nor less
than a plot for destroying the constitution of Den-
mark, and for making the Danish monarchy end the
Duchies a mere Haitian outpost. The lass that
would accrue to England from the successful execu-
tion of such a plot is incalculable in a commercial
point of view, and would inflict everlasting dis-
honour on the name of the British statesman
who could be a party to such a nationally
suicidal and politically liberticidal blow. At
present fortunately there is little danger of such a

statesman enjoying the coafid.stee of the British
crown and parliament. Yet there is a powerful party
is England and a widely circulated journal, who do
not sinnole to • abet such aims, and to Rive the most
emphatiii =to the colleague of Russia in this
pernicious
I gay that Austria is the colleague of Russia in this
ohms; shi is not so purely from dependence on
that power; she has her own aims to serve.
One of the dearest objects to the cabinet
of Vienna is to baulk the ambition and
resist the aggrandisement of Pinbia. By the sever-
anon of Holstein from Germany, the intention of chat
clubby, on a definitive settlement which would leave
it free to adhere to the Prussian Bunderstaat, will be
provftted. Thus something will be snatched from
Prowls in the north, and Austria, like a jealous sis-
ter, cares little that the spoil enriches not herfelf so
long as it is placed securely beyond the reach of her
rival. That hostility against England which has
marked the policy of the Vienna cabinet since it fell
into the wake of the Cstr, and personal hatred to
Lord Palmerston which distinguishes its foreign mi-
nister, likewise give Austria a relish In the plot.

The following is a copy of the note addressed by
the Prussian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the
Prussian ambassador at Copenhagen respec.ing the
paragraph in the speech of the King of Denmark
quoted in the Express of Thursday last :
There is in the royal speech with which his Majesty the
King of Denmark opened the Dsnish naehstss en Vs. 30th
tilt. a pismire tending to exhibit the relati-ns of Denmark to
Germany and Prussia in a false light, and which therefore
imposes upon me the necessity of expressing my opinion
'thereon to your Exoellency.
The psmarte I allude to se the followiar The war is not
yet concluded, but only suspended, yet I hope that the nego-
tiations which have been commenced will lted to the desired
result; if my erring and misled subjects are not assisted by a
greater power."
That by the words "grater power" tt • Germanic Confe-
deration of Prussia is meant, is too clear for tke royal govern.
ment to be deceived.

I must, therefore, recall to yoar recollection that Prussia
has only carried on the war as well as it. negoistions in the
name and under the dirrction of the Germanic Confedera-
tion ; but that the Confederation has only undertaken both for
the preservation of the rights belonging to it in respect to a
federal country, and the recognition of which it hot already
acquired by the decree of the Confederation of the 17th Sept
1848.
There has never been a question of assisting erring and
misled subject& of the King of Denmark as such and in the
quality in which he opened the Danish Reichrag ; nor 01.11
such a question ever be raised in any way accordi. g to the
well-known legally existing relations, and the government
must, therefore, solemnly protest against any such rervenion.
The simple obligation of the Germanic Confederation and
of Prussia in its service, to vindicate the rights of the duchy
of Holstein as a federaeterritory inclusive of its r latilsns to
the duchy of Schleswig cannot he doubtful, and i.s authori-
sation to do so hes moreover been recoznised by the King of
Denmark by his having entered into negotiations nn the
•-bject with the Germanic Confederation and the King of
Praia&

_
The tarts are so elm that the foregoing sentences reclaim
no further explanation; but to prevent the peesibility of their
being erroneously interpreted, I car.not refrain from re-
calling them; and I, thetefore, request your Excellency to
read this note to the President of the Danish mit.istry, and
to furnish him with a copy of it.—(Signed) SCHLEIN LIZ.
Berlin, Feb. 6, 1850.
COPENHAGEN, FEB. 7.—Tne council of state held
a long sitting en the 2nd, in which the Schleswig-
Holstein question was debated, the king taking part
in the discussion. Various documents, con,ibtmg of
notes from Lotd Palmerston, from the Prussian pleni-
potentiary Von Usedom, and from the federal com-
mission at Frankfort, were the subject of deliberation.
All contained propositions for a new provisional go-
vernment for the duchies. These papers will be laid,
together with the resolutions of the cabinet, before the
diet in a secret sitting.