The Express.
London, England, 1861-02-07 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1861.

much as possible any such aggressive tendency,
and would use all their influence at Paris to dissuade
the Emperor of the French from assisting Sardinia
in an aggressive war against Austria. More than
this her Majesty's government cannot engage to do.
They are persuaded that Austria is more than a
match for Italy single-handed ;" and writing to Lord
Cowley on the MMe subject, on the 7th of Septem-
ber, he said still more decisively :

Her Majesty's government would hold each a war (i. r. an
attack on Venetia) to be utterly unjustifiable. They would
then leave the King of Sardinia t 3 reap the fruit of his
bad faith and of his folly. They would not dispute with
Austria the results of that war, should those results cm-
brace the re-cooquest of Lombardy.
The position of France, it must be owned, is different
It is for this imam incumbent upon the French govern.
ment to speak in the plainest language both to Austria and
to Sardinia. In our opinion the French government should
inform Austria whether a temporary occupation of Lom-
bardy, with a promise that it should be only temporary,
would, in the opinion of Francs, give France
a Mitt be& against Austria. On the other
hand, it should be clearly explained to Sar-
dinia that the restoration of the Pope at Bologna and
of the Grand Duke at Florence, together with the requi-
sition by Austria of a large indemnity for the expenses of
the war, would not bring on the active interposition of
France. The prospect of losing Tuscany and the Lepaions
io addition to Savoy and Nice, and of being burdened with
a large debt to pay for the armaments .4 Austria as well
as for those of Sardinia herself, may well deter Count Cs-
your, or the most adventurous of his sueemems in the mi.
entry, from undertaking a new war. Great Britain will at
any time he ready to use her influence to preserve peace in
Europe. She does not expect that Austria, after being
made sensible of the evils attending her Italian policy, will
renew her former errors, and impoverish herself for the sake
of ascendancy in the Peninsula. On the other hand, if the
King of &Minks is prepared to forfeit his word, and seek to
involve Europe in war, on his head be the consequences of a
policy alike inconsistent with wisdom and with honour.

About this date Mr. Elliot, our minister at
Naples, wrote a despatch, which will be very grati-
fying to those warm but mistaken friends of Italy
who lately attacked him in our columns as favour-
able to the Bourbon cause. In a very able memo-
randum, written in August, Mr. Elliot showed
that it was on all accounts, but especially in the
interests of Italian liberty and the general tranquil-
lity of Europe, desirable that the King of Sardinia,
overcoming the objections sure to be made to such
a course, should immediately establish his authority
iu Naples.
A conversation between Lord Cowley and M.
Thouvenel, reported to Lord John Russell by the
former, discloses au interesting divergence between
French and English views of Italian affairs.
M. Thouvenel remarked that her Majesty's go-
vernment appeared to think that Garibaldi's expe-
dition to the Neapolitan dominions was not to be
considered as foreign intervention. For his part,
he douhted whether the occupation by a Sardinian
army of other Italian States was not, strictly speak-
ing, foreign intervention. When lie had subscribed
to the principle that there should be no foreign
intervention in Italy, he had intended no more
than that each country should be allowed to settle
its own affairs within its own limits, but the ques-
tion became entirely changed when territorial limits
were disregarded, and the unity of Italy was the
object sought for. Local Cowley observed that M.
Thouveuel had not announced this doctrine until
very lately. He had seen the Duchies and the
Romagna annexed to Sardinia without questioning
the right of the populations to place themselves
under Victor Emmanuel. He had seen Sicily
throw off the sovereignty of the House of
Bourbon under precisely the same conditions as were
sow in the course of repetition on the Neapolitan
territory of the mainland. Either he was wrong in
the first instance, and must take the consequences
of the fault which he had committed, or he was
right, and should follow up his policy with con-
sistency, but in no case could he, with justice,
apply one principle to certain parts of Italy, and
another principle to the remaining parts. M.
Thouvenel said that France neither justified nor
acknowledged the annexation of Tuscany to the
Sardinian crown, but he argued that the cases
which Lord Cowl.", had mentioned were altogether
different, the Sovereigns having themselves aban-
doned their territories ; but so, our minister re-
joined, had the King of Naples, to all intents
and purposes, while between the position of the
Legations and the Marches there was not a shadow
of difference.

There is an interesting account at page 68 of an
Interview between Garibaldi, Mr. Elliot, and
Admiral Mundy, in which Garibaldi rejected with
much warmth the advice given him respecting
Venetia by our minister, in conformity with the
known policy of his government :
General Garibaldi said be intended to push on at once to
Rome, and when that city shall be in his hands to offer the
crown of au united Italy to King Victor Emmanuel, upon
whom will then devolve the task of the liberation of
Venetia, and in which he would himself be but the !leak-
smut of his Majesty. If this liberation could be accom-
plished by purchase or negotiation, so much the better ; but
if Austria would not voluntarily abandon the kingdom, it
must be wrenched from her by the sword ; and he was con-
fident, in the present humour of the Italian people, that
the King could not decline the undertaking without the
sacrifice of his whole position and popularity.
He added, that he was sure that your lordship, in coun-
selling the abandonment of Venetia, did not fairly repre-
Nat the generous feelings which animated the booeds of
her Majesty's subjects towards the Italian nation, although
be cheerfully recognised the obligations Italy area under
to her Majesty's government for the sympathies they had
exhibited.

I said that it was from no want of sympathy that your
lordship trusted that Venice would not be attacked, but, on
the contrary, because you believed that such a step would
be fatal to the best interests of Italy : sad I reminded him
that in • former war, when, after a glorious campaign
which had put her in possession of the kingdom of
Lombardy, Sardinia had chosen, against the disinterested
'dries al her friends, to risk another effort, the result had
been the lose of all her conquest; and to rivet the
Austin chains more firmly than ever upon the rest of
Italy. I told him also not to deceive himself with regard
to the feelings of the English nation, for that, although for
the present undoubtedly almost to • man in favour of his
efforts. that sentiment would quickly change if they see
him pushing matters so far as to be calculated to bring on
an European war.

He add he did not believe in an attack on Venice being
likely to be attended with any such result ; that the empire
of Austria was rotten at the core, and ready to crumble to
pieces ; that he had numerous Hungarians about him, and
Orono them he knew that Hungary was ready to tin at
• word, sad that this time Austria could tot even went
tepee the Croatians to stead by her. " Austria," he said,
' that old ally of England, is falling to pieces, bat Italy is
riming from the ruins, and then Great Britain will find an-
other son ally, naturally drawn towards her, both by her
sympathies and her listener."

A despatch of September 21, to Mr. Fane, makes
known the light in which the occupation of Umbria
and the Marches was regarded by the English
government after its accomplishment. Lord John
Russell writes :

In the cosine of our conversation the, day, Count Wimpfea
reed to me a circular despatch of Count Rechberg condemn•
tag the invasion of the Papal States by the Sardinian army
is the mat nomesetwed totem I told htm that i LA •
view of that proceeding totally differing from that of Count
Banishers. I did not eater into the original justice of the
aim set up by Victor Emmanuel t be the chief
and the champion of Italy. But having undertaken that
task, I thought he was leveed by aeceseity not to allow the
fragment' of the Indies kingdoms to be scrambled for by the
followers ofOsribildi and the foreign mercenaries of the
Pope. It was the business of the Kind to command and re.
gulate the morement ; to put down anarchy by forte ; and

to substitute orderly government for the oppression which
curbed and the insurrection which convulsed the Italian
provinces. The last hope for Italy lay in the success of the
Mug of Sardinia.

The celebrated despatch of Oct. 27, in which Lord
John Russell reviews the proceedings of the King
of Sardinia, and vindicates them against the censures
of the absolutist courts of Europe, of course has a
place here, and harmonisea with the whole course of
the Italian policy of the government, which, while
deprecating rash enterprises, accepts and approves
results favourable to the liberty and independence
of Italy.
A curious document is covered by a despatch to
Lord Cowley. It is a note addressed to Austria on
the limits within which she should rely on treaty
right fur the maintenance of her territorial posses.
skint, and was written at Coburg when Lord John
Russell was there, last year, with the Queen.
After speaking of the improbability of any at-
tack by Sardinia for the recovery of Venetia to
Italy, the Foreign Secretary writes :
This respite should be employed by Austria in revising
her whole system in regard to her Italian subjects. The
Austrian government have hitherto seemed to think that
they could get rid of a truth by concealing or overlooking
it. They should now look the real state of affairs boldly in
the face. if they do so they will perceive that, where •
treaty is confirmed by national feeling and opinion, it
is easily upheld and maintained ; but where it has no
such media', it is like a decayed tree, that only waits for
• gust of wind to be overthrown. Thus, the treaty of
1815, which (secures the independence of Switzerland,
is confirmed by the attachment of the Swiss people
'to their liberty and the integrity of their territory.
Thus the treaty of 1831, respecting Belgium, is strengthened
and sanctioned by the attachment of the people of Belgium
to their nationality, their King, and their institutions. It
may be disagreeable to _Austrian statesmen to remark the
contrast which these facts present to the state of Italy, but
the lesson is • useful one. The authority of the l'ope, that
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and lastly, that of the King
of Naples, having no root in the affections of their subjects,
have fallen before the first blast. It is worth while for the
Austrian government to reflect on the position of Genoa and
Venice. In 1.15 one of those cities wus given to Sardinia, the
other to Austria ; but while the annexation of Venioe to
Austria encountered little opposition, either from within
or from without, that of Genoa to Sardinia was strongly
opposed. The ancient independence of the Genoese Re.
public, the principles of public law, the violent antipathy
witting between Genoese and Piedmoutase, were urged in
Liguria, and invoked in the British parliament as coaelnsive
reasons against this union. But at the end of forty-five
years what do we find The dominion of Austria in Yee
I netia is precarious and unpopular, while the union of
Genoa and Turin is cemented and confirmed. If we look
for the reason of this instructive example, we shall fiod
that, whilst the Austrian government has done everything
to depress, to irritate, and to humble the national feeling,
the Piedmontese government, on the other hand, has done
everything to cherish, to flatter, and to exalt it.

In October, when the siege of Gaeta appeared
likely to place King Francis in danger, the British
government sent the Renown to that port to offer
a refuge for his Majesty.
General Garibaldi's disinterestedness in the
government of Naples is attested in a striking
manner in a short note from Mr. Elliot, dated
Nov. 9. He states that Garibaldi had left, carrying
with bim the respect even of those most opposed to
his enterprise, and adds :

After several months of the exercise of absolute dictator-
ship over Sicily and Naples, he is known to have been
forced to borrow a few pounds to defray some trifling debts,
and refusing all honours and emoluments from his sove-
reign, he has retired to his island, where he lives
n a style but one degree above that of an ordi-
nary peasant. A general opinion prevails that he
his not received at the Lands of King Victor Em-
manuel the consideration that his great services seemed
to entitle him to, and this is said to have caused serious
dissatisfaction among some classes of the population of
Naples. I understand, however, that his Majesty has
expressed his sense of his service; in the most handsome
language, sad would willingly have conferred upon him the
highest honours in the gift of the crown ; but nevertheless
his ministers and advisers cannot be entirely acquitted of a
want of consideration or generosity, and there is no doubt
that, after having bestowed two kingdoms upon his Sove.
reign, General Garibaldi's last days at Naples have been em-
balmed by the sense of neglect and of ingratitude.
The last document which we shall notice is as
important as any in the series, relating to a scheme
full of danger to the liberties and independence of
states. It is a despatch from Lonl John Russell to
Lord Cowley, and was called forth by the appearance
of the French pamphlet, " Francis Joseph and
Europe." After remarking that "in these days
pamphlets are events," Lord John Russell says :
But towards the end of the pamphlet is a suggestion
which was partially hinted at last year in regard to Italy,
and which may, one day or other, be brought forward as •
serious proposition. The suggestion is that a new species
of holy alliance should be formed ; that an Areopegus
should decide en all European questions ; that all classes
should have the benefit of the enlightened views of this
very learned and benevolent body. It is nut difficult to
discover, amidst the covert phrases of this proposal, an old
enemy of European independence. A council which
should pretend to represent all nations, and embrace
all interests, would soon become the centre of intrigue, and
the organ of the boldest and most unscrupulous of the pre-
vailing powers. Its decrees would be aimed against all
diversity of institutions and all liberty of thought; the
ancient safeguards of order and of freedom would be de-
nounced as barbarous and feudal ; the expression of indi-
vidual thought would be condemned as a disturbance of the
general peace and tranquillity. Fortunately for Europe
the tendencies of the year passing away have been in an
opposite direction. In Switzerland, in Belgium, in
Prussia, and in Spain, the attachment to na-
tional landmarks has been unequivocally and loudly
expressed. In Italy, also, however divided the
people of different states may have been, there has been
displayed • vehement desire for independence of foreign
domination. You are too well informed not to know that
the flatland independence of the rtates of Europe has been
for three centuries, excepting, perhaps, during the reigns of
Charles 11. and James 11., the object of the policy of Great
Britain. The nationality of Holland, of Portugal, of
Spain, of Germany, of Greece, of Belgium, have been
at various times upheld by the influence of England,
sad sometimes supported by her arm,. From this inde.
pendence of Europe have Sowed immunity from foreign
conquest, attachment to their own institutions, the culti-
vation of the language and literature of each nation, and
that general security, which have contributed so much to
wealth, to knowledge, and to freedom. It would be a
great misfortune to exchange this system for a central
control To imagine that international disputes would
thereby be avoided is a fatal error. But the weak states,
having no longer a combination or coalition of powers to
look to for support, would fall before the strong, and under
the names of Switzerland., of Spain, of Italy, of Holland, or
of Belgium, would be in fact the mere deperalcncies of some
one or two great states.

Ma. Bum= Foams.—lt wax announced in last
week's Athos., u that ?dr. Birket Foster, the well.known
member of the Water-colour Society, died at his residence,
C'arltuts-hill East, St. John's-wood. We are desired to
state that this is an error, and that it was Mr. Myles Birket
Foster, of Carlton-bill (the father of the artist), whose
death should have been announced instead.

BANK. FAILURE AT POOLE.—This town was
thrown into s data of gloat excitement on Monday last.
consequent on the suspension of buslnele of Wend and
Bons, whose bank has for many years been moot wideif
known, end in the management and safety of which the
most implicit confidence has been placed. Lip to Tuesday
evening no statement or explanation of any kind had been
!awned from the bank, and rumour was busy as to the
came of suspension, and the probable result to the us.
fortunate depositors and holders of notes. It is currently
reported and believed that the recent failure of a large mer-
motile firm in the town, with whom it is supposed the
bank had extensive dealings, is the primary cause of the
suspension. The town is in a state of great consternation,
many of the tradesmen having the whole of their floating
capital in the bank, and a cematusieation to the creditors as
to the state of affairs is most anxiously looked for. --Aft-
borne /owns/.

Vbe Court.

The Queen will receive addresses upon the
throne from both Houses of Parliament, at Buckingham
Palace, this day, the ith inst., at three o'clock.
The Queen, accompanied by the Princesses Alice sod
Saari" and attended by the Hon. Caroline Cavendish,
took a drive in an open carriage and four yesterday after-
noon. Lord Alfred Paget attended on horseback.
The Prince Consort presided yesterday morning at a
meeting of.the Governors of the Wellington College. His
royal highness arrived at the New Palace of Westminster
attended by Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. D. de Ros.
There were also present the Earl of Derby, the Marquis of
Latuidowne, the Earl of Ellenborougb, Viscount Gough, the
Right Hon. S. H. Walpole, Sir James Hogg, Bart., Mr.
Cox, the Rev. G. R. Gleig, the honorary secretary, Colonel
the lion. W. P. Talbot, and the secretary, G. Chance, E.q.
The head master, the Rev. 4. W. Benson, was in attend.
ance, seals° Mr. Scott.

The Prince Consort rode on horseback in the afternoon,
addended by his Equerry in Waiting.
Her Majesty's dinner party in the evening included the
Princess Alice, the Earl of St. Germans, the Earl and
Countess of Clarendon and Lady Constance Villiers, Lord
and Lady Napier, Right Hon. C. and Mrs. Cardwell, and
Sir William Dunbar.

A Cabinet Council was held yesterday at the
official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury,
in Downing-street. The ministers present were Vis-
count Palmerston, the Lord Chancellor, Earl
Granville, Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, Loot John
Russell the Duke of Newcastle, the Right Hon.
Lord Herbert, Sir Charles Wood, the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, the Duke of Somerset, the Right
Hon. Thomas Milner Gibson, Lord Stanley of
Alderley, Sir George Grey, the Right Hon. C. P.
Villiers, and the Right Hon. Edward Cardwell.

The trustees for the International Exhibition of 1802 met
yesterday at the Council-office. Present, Fart Granville,
Mr. T. Baring, M.P., cud Mr. C. W. Dilke.
Despatches ware received yesterday at the Colonial-office
from the Governors of the North American provinces.
Despatches were sent to the Governor of Canada.