The Express.
London, England, 1861-10-03 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS', 'THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 3, 1861.

' to the discussion of the terms which would be prac-
ticable hereafter, and it then appeared that
there would probably bo manifested, on any
proper annuli MS, a prevalent willingness to supply
the money necessary for working the plantations
of the South, on condition of the freedom of the
negross. Staunch Abolitionists, who would deny
to all eternity the possibility of property in
man, and who would not pay a cent for any
number of human beings, are yet willing
to help in starting the method of free labour in
Southern fields. It is well understood that the
slave-owners will gain, in a pecuniary sense, by
any peaceful and orderly emancipation of their
slaves. The value nominally adhering to the
slave practically 'asides in the land ; and the
market value of land increases to at least the no-
minal value of the slaves upon it as soon as those
slaves become free labourers. Further, the wages
of free labourers amount to much less, as every
slave•owner incessantly declares, than the initiate-
navies of the enslaved negro population on the
estate. Thus, emancipation is good for the for-
tunes of the planters ; but, as capital may be
wanted during the inauguration of a new system,
it is fur Northern citizens to say whether they will
contribute this aid ; and it appears that they are
ready and willing, as far aa can as yet be ascer-
tained.
But how is it to be done ?

This is a question which events are answering
every day. Wherever the armies go, Slavery
becomes necessarily extinct. The owners and
overseers are absent ; the slaves ask for work
and wages: there is no possibility of driving them
of now ; and there will be no possibility of ren
dering them up to a new slavery hereafter. Tho
rallying points are already numerous, and there
will be more as naval expeditions obtain a foot-
hold for the North all round the Southern coasts.
While this is.going on at the circumference, the
inhabitants of the high land wh;ch forms the
central region are perceiving their opportunity for
abolishing Slavery, which they have desired to do
for a long course of years, and have proposed when-
ever they saw a chance of being listened to. There
are plenty of the old school of slaveholders in the
iuterior—men and women who regard Slavery as
a curse, and who detest, as heartily as any
Northern people, the doctrine of the new school,
that Slavery can be the basis of a Republic in the
1 9th century. These are ways in which emanci-
pation will take place, with or without the sanction
and good will of Government and people.
But neither Government nor people desire or
choose that such a process should be left to chance.
They see that no sagacity, no prudence, no zest,
no forbearance can be too great for the occasion ;
and under such a conviction, the people at least
are advancing towards maturity of counsel, how-
ever it may be with the Government. The view
is—that the Northern millions should, through
Congress or Convention, obtain from the Execu-
tive a declaration of the personal freedom of every
individual within the bounds of the Republic,
wherever the flag appears ; that wherever the flag
advances the reorganization of the Slave States
should be effected, unless undertaken by the per-
sons in residence, by the labour, care, experience,
and, if necessary, the money of the Northern
citizens, who have prosperously achieved the abo-
lition of Slavery on their own soil. Those who
understand the existing organization of estates in
the South will see that the proposed plan is simply
a modification of that which already exists.
There are Northern men on almost every
plantation as managers. They are not
favourable specimens of anything but Northern
capacity for management ; but they do prove
that much. A better order of agents would
organize the labour on estates so as to produce
more wealth than ever before, while extinguishing
the fatal social and political evil which has broken
up the Republic. Such an agency would be at
once a protection to whites and blacks during the
early days of the new period.
_ _

" This South will not submit to be so dealt
" with," we shall hear on every aide. Of course
the new school of slaveholders will not, except
as • consequence of defeat in war. It is &question
whether a large proportion of the older aristocracy
will not hail such a deliverance from the incubus
of their lives. Hero, however, occurs the consi-
deration of pressing actual importance—whether •
distinction shall be made in the next proclama-
tions between the slaves of loyal citizens and
rebels. The reply will probably be that no suck
distinction should be made, for two reasons at least
—that the North has had enough of • Southern
policy of masked batteries, of hypocrisy, and
treachery, such as this distinction would encourage;
I and that there can never be thorough loyalty to •
democratic republic on the part of slaveholders--
slaveholden who cling to that sort of "property"
after such a quarrel as is now grounded upon it.
Whatever may bo the policy decided on, it is a
sign that the true cause of the struggle is coming
to the front when the men of the North are offer-
ing " all they have at stake in the great crisis for
" the re-organization, as the flag advances, of the
" States now convulsed by treason, anarchy, and
" despotism "—the constitutional basis of the new
method being the " equal legal liberty which
" affords the only guarantee of union, the only
" security of industry and wealth, and the only
" poesibility of peace."

DENMARK.

COPENHAGM, SEPT. 25.

As both the French and German papers have
busied themselves a good deal about Danish affairs
of late, it may interest your readers to know the
actual state of public feeling here. The only
question that really excites attention and discussion
in Denmark at present is the constitutional one
relative to the position of Holstein in the monarchy;
that relating to the succession, though no doubt
important, is for the present, at all events,
in abeyance. The rumours on this subject which
have appeared in the French and German papers,
and which through them have found their way into
your own columns, are due ahuost entirely to the
ingenuity of foreign journalists. The consti-
tutional question is the one that urgently'
presses for solution, and which until it is
settled must absorb every other. I shall
OM WIC myself to a abort account of the present
state awl proposed solution of this difficulty. The
recent concessions made by the Danishgovernment,
at the instance of England, are, as you know, essen-
tially of a temporary and contingent character.
The Danish government undertook not to legis-
late for the whole monarchy until the question
relating to Holstein was settled, provided this were
done within a limited and definite period. That
period was understood on both sides to be until
the meeting of the Rigsrath, or Danish parliament,
in January next. The British government, acting
as friendly counsellor or referee, had strongly re-
conuuended that an attempt should be made to
settle the dispute touching the Duchies by direct
negotiation between Denmark and Germany, and
the Danish government, responding to this sugges-
tion, opened communications with the govern-
ment of Prussia about two months ago. In proof
of its sincerity and "sanest desire to bring about
a settlement, the Danish government undertook to
stay all legislation for the whole monarchy until a
sufficient time had elapsed for effective negotiation.
About six months were in fact allowed fur agreeing
upon some plan fur a final adjustment of the diffi-
culty. It is understood here that the Danish
government is prepared with such a plan. It would
of course be premature, even if it were possible, to
give the details of this scheme, but it is based
on the principle of separating those parts
of the monarchy belonging to the Germanic Con-
federation from the rest. The Duchies of Holstein
and Lauenburg are the only parts of the monarchy
that are represented in the Confederation, and the
proposal is that in future the King of Denmark,
whoever he maybe, shall be ex-officio Duke of Hol-
stein and Lauenburg, those duchies being at the
same time practically separated from the rest of
the kingdom. Their affairs would be wholly managed
by their own estates. In finance, legislation, and
administration they would be independent, their
connexion with the rest of the monarchy being repre-
sented at most by a small fixed contribution to the
navy. Even this, however, were it likely to occa-
sion much difficulty, would probably not be in-
sisted on. This plan would amount, you will see, to
a practical giving up of these Duchies—no slight
sacrifice for a small kingdom like Denmark to
make. Nor would the government be willing to
make such a serious sacrifice, except for the sake of
securing a final settlement of this vexed question.
Deumark would consent to this virtual separation
of the Duchies only on condition of obtaining a
formal guarantee for the integrity and independence
of the rest of the kingdom. Germany must henoe-
forth finally abandon all attempt at interference in
the domestic politics of Denmark. After all, this is
a must moderate demand, and but for the unjusti-
fiable encroachments and pretensions of the Diet,
it would be needless to make it. The Diet will
have to give up nothing except the injurious attempt
to exercise influence and usurp authority beyond its
legitimate sphere. The Diet has really nothing
whatever to do with the Duchy of Schleswig. It
has never belonged to the Confederation, it is not a
member of the Diet. The majority of its inhabi-
tants are not only Danish, but earnestly desire a
closer union with the rest of the monarchy ; and
Germany has no more right to interfere with the
affairs of the Duchy than France has to iuterfere
iu the government of Canada because a part of the
population happens to be French. Denmark would
thus make a substantial sacrifice, while Germany
is simply called upon to renounce its unreasonable
pretensions and aggressive action. The fair and
moderate nature of the proposal thus attributed to
the Danish government is the best proof of its
earnest desire to bring the dispute to a speedy awl
final issue. Should Prussia, as the representative
of Germany, eider on the negotiations in a spirit of
equal sincerity, there would be every prospect of a
settlement being arrived at on the basis proposed.
But if on the other hand Prussia should find
new pretexts for delay, and show a disposition to
keep the question open for its own purposes, it will
obviously be the interest of the Western powers, fur
the sake of peace as well as for the sake of their
commercial relations with Denmark, to press for a
settlement on the moderato terms proposed while
such a temperate and pacific settlement is possible.
So long as the question remains open there is a chronic
danger of war breaking out in the north of Europe.
The Diet will be continually threatening federal
execution, while Denmark will be continually arm-
ing to resist unreasonable demands. On the other
side, the commercial aspect of the dispute is by no
means unimportant. Denmark, for its size and popu-
lation, is one of England's best customers. All the
coal used in this, country comes from England,
and every year a larger quantity of cot-
ton ant iron, besides linen, salt, and other
articles are imported. On the other Laud, Denmark
is now exporting annually to the English market
a large amount of corn and cattle. The value of
the corn alone exported during the last commercial
year was upwards of a million sterling. Denmark
would soon be able to supply the English markets
with grain to a far greater extent than at present.
The soil in Jutland and the islands is wonderfully
fertile, and everywhere agriculture is improving.
But the want of a more liberal tariff arrests the
commercial development that would otherwise take
place. Su long, however, as this wretched dispute
about the Duchies remains unsettled there can be nu
legislation for the whole monarchy, no legislation
even for Denmark Proper, and therefore no com-
mercial reform. The scheme of a more liberal
commercial policy has been prepared by the
government, and only awaits the settlement of
the dispute with Germany to become law.
It clearly is not for the interest of the Western
powers, and, above all, it cannot be the interest
' gofenEeiramllldmoe, to"supwpoelrlt
astheinDiarreet in disturbing
commercial
reforms, and preventing the development of a nang
trade iu the north of Europe. A little diplomatic
pressure now would probably suffice to bring this
long quarrel to a conclusion. One thing at least is
is certain—that concession here has reached its ut-
most limit. The concessions recently made by the
Danish government almost proved fatal to the
strongest and most popular ministry of modern
times. The admission of Mr. Orla Lehmann, the'
new Home Secretary, to the cabinet, has, no doubt,
strengthened the government, and will probably
enable it to weather the storm. But his presence
in the ministry is a pledge of decisive action in the
matter of the Duchies.