The Express.
London, England, 1857-07-11 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY IL

Btu.. an now coming io—one for the Persian
War, and one for the Canton hostilities. To meet
them, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER asks the
Mouse of Commons to continue the present duties on

Tee and Sugar for the next two years. Their con-
tinuance for that period will bring no to the Aenua
Nirebilis, when we hope and expect to get rid of
the Income Tax altogether. Heaven help the
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER for 1860, if he
•

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disappoint us! At present, however, t. sufficient
for the day is the evil thereof •" so let us turn to
the consideration of oar wars, their cost, and how

to pay it.
The Persian War *u, no doubt, a non-Parlia-
zentary war. That is to say, the Ministers of the
Crown directed the Indian Government to make
war on the Shah of PERSIA for Indian purposes
authorised the Indian Government to advance money
to carry it on; agreed to pay the European ex-
pease ; sever announced to Parliament the fact that
we were at war, or stated to it the causes of the
war; did not lay before it any papers showing how
it was that such a war was in their opinion unavoidable
and justifiable. After peace was concluded only
did Ministers presentablue book, which—the =Rive
afeurioaity no longer actively existing, and the op-
reanity of useful criticism being past—of course
filw have read, or can now be induced or provoked
to road; and now that all interest in the war is over,
the Hoene of Commons is asked to vote half•a-

million—not for its total cost, but, so far u yet ap•
pears, merely to account.
Viewed from a highly constitutional stand-poinb
nothing can look worse than this. But then it is not
exactly the whole case. It is very true that LOrd
"MLrxasror prefers to take any persons, or body,
ito his confidence in preference to tho }BUM of
Oommone. A deputation from Islington is sure
of a statement from the noble Viscount, apparently
frank sad complete ; and the worthy rottir.,
retire from his presence charmed and delighted will:
the easy, familiar, and pleasant explanations they
have received—charmed with their first lesson in
" foreign politics made easy." But when asked for
similar explanations in the House of Commons, who
so reserved, who so costive, who so " dodgy' as
Lord PiLmexerov ?—who so great a master of pro-
mastination, who so glib of stereotyped excuses and
(Alicia! replies, meaning nothing ?
All this art of resistance Lord PALMERMT

played off te perfection on the question of this
Permian War. That we quite admit. But he
really had some better excuse than usual. When
Parliament met, the papers, he armed it,
would be laid on the table with all practicable
despatch. Now, practicable despatch, we all know,
means some unnecessary delay. This unneeemary
delay in the present instance brought the Persian
Ambassador first to Constantinople, where he
wrote insincere notes to the invisible Lord STR \
NORD ; and then to Paris, where he produced his full
powers to the less crigeont Lord Cow Lee. Thus
the unneeemary delay involved in all practicable
despatch landed Lord Pees EILSTON in negotiations for
peace. On the fact of those negotiations he M-
isted all applications for the papers, and suppli-
cated Parliament not to discuss the question of the
war. Under the circumstances, Parliament did not
insist on the papers, and postponed discussion
—wisely and prudently, as it turned out ; for a peace
—not uneatisfuotot7 if it really is a peace—and cer-
tainly placing our relations with Persia on a better
footing than that in which the war found it—was
the apparent melt of this Parliamentary abstinence.
The owe is not one of which we can be constitu-
tionally proud. On the contrary, there is • great
deal in it to be very much ashamed of. But then
Lord PALMERSTON is not, and does not affect to be,
• oonstitutioeal Prime Minister. Although in his
time he has flouted the Crown itself, and even kept
mosarche waiting for dinner, he has a higher esti-
mate of the power and authority of the SOVEREIGN'S
Ministers than most English statesmen, and he has
alwayabeen anxious to keep the fingers of the House
el Commons out of foreign policy and affairs. On
the other hand, although this unconstitutional
tinslency probably assisted in getting the country
into the Persian War, the abstention of the
Hones probably got us much sooner out of it
than any great debate would have done. The war
was unpopular. No matter what defence it was
capable of, people were resolved not to be satisfied
with it. This feeling was not lost on Lord PALEIER-
mom, and, a Parliamentary debate not coming to
Taaties Kwiti's assistance, that Persian represen-
tative made substantial concessions to avoid further
disasters for his master.
We are happily out of the Persian War, and are
now,of amuse, well entitled to protest against the
ewes Lord PaLseasrots pursued and to denounce
its cost, if we are so disposed. But we must in fair-
ness and in justice recollect that our Indian Empire
L altogether an exceptional affair. It is impossible
to bring it within the constant purview of Parlia-
ment. The Legislature has not time, inclination,
lueowledge, or competency to do more than intervene
i• great emergencies and to exercise some control
ne occasional appeals to it. India has too external
rliatio•s : it is exactly in Persia where its external
relations and those of the Home Government meet ;
wad in dealing with an Oriental Prince and a Ma-
beweda• Power we must treat them very much, not
i• oar, but in their sense of right and wrong, and
Is their intentions and acceptance of things. Far
Me it tram RR to my that • war with Persia is not a
Pepe subject for Parliamentary discussion. Be.
A all doubt it is. Bat it is obvious that in dealing
PEWS. as with lad* Ministers, whoever they

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