The Express.
London, England, 1850-04-04 00:00:00

ghe erpreoo.

.OUTGOING

The mails for liodsria, the Besaile, mid Beanie Apse, will
be math so this evades.
The SAWS for British North Avast** sad the United
States wiU be made up tesnorrow meninte.
The math for Lisbon, Spain, sad Gibraltar will be math
up en the morning of April 8.
Tim mails Mr is the hisditerraamm, itypt,
Ceylou, 1 odia, Boaritheir, &a, will be mode up ea the
was of April 8.
Tao West India Meth, szoledias Bermuda, Havaaasb,
Names, Hoodlum, Now Otheas,lllllll Neale*, and isaluding
*see for Madeira, IL Jnerde-Nisararia, New Onassis,
Chili, end Pun, win be made up ea April 17.
The math for Gihndem, Melee, Greets, the lonia Islands,
BO" thylea. sad Chimes via Southampton, will
be made up on the mesafai of April 20.

MOM WATER AT lANDON 11111101.
Tan Oss—naralse. es. am
Taressow —"WAWA. TA /0.A.. ..... .thesses. Ss. 10..

LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 4.

It the present struggle in Germany owed its
ra'nz
to contending dynasties, or consisted of a mere ri
between Austria and Prussia, it would not be w
the very great interest which the English and Euro-
pean public' take in it. And if the unity of Germany
and of Germans were but the fulfilment of a theory,
the 'satisfaction of a sentimental dense, we should not
feel any necessity for uttering vows, or showing sym-
pathy on its behalf.
But unfortunately the question is not whether
Austria or Prussia shall predominate, whether Ger-
many shall be one or multiple, oonstilutionally or
despotically governed, bat whether there shall sur-
vive in Central Europe any independent and power-
ful state, and whether, in fret, there shall be a Ger-
many at all. For let us suppose that the abso-
lutists succeed in their aims, that they cheat
the German people of all the hopes enter-
tained or realiz.d in 1848, that the federal
bar d in Germany re-becomes what it was since
ISIS, a mere nexus of kings and court delegates,
occupied with guaranteeing one another against the
frowsrdoees of subjects, and the development of
CV::liberties : suppose Prussian pretensions droves
Berlin. and its spirit of government once
more confined to the barracks of Potsdam; suppose
Baden and Saxony restored to the old childish state of
non-government. with the courts of Bavaria. and
of Hanover in Austrian and. Russian leading-etnnge.
What is the result ? Why, that Germany is irre-
vocably broken up. Fall one-half of its population,
despairing of being anything by themselves, would
tern their aims to France, would make common
cense with the ultra-liberals westward of the Rhine,
and would, moreover, give strength to that democratic
party by the great weight of German adhesion.
II hen, not many years back, there was a probability
of a war with France, and Austrian statesmen came
to consider the common defence of Germany, what
was their opinion and declaration, at once deli-
vered ? It was that Western Germany was not
to be felled on and could not be defended
in ease of French invasion, for the population of all
the miller states would fling themselves into the
arms of France. It is not only to this state of things
that Austria would recur for the re-constitution of
Germany, but to this state of things aggravated one
hundred-fold by universal disaffection and discontent.
What Prussia Forme, on the contrary, is to create
in Germany what Germans might raUy to, and which
Germany could defend. Nor is it Prussia alone that
proposes it, but such men as GAGERN, as Renowrrz,
as'eutruirszos, men as little exclusively Prussian as
can be found, and who, in their efforts at German
freedom and German unity, would in the first instance
hare a gladly ac.epted the aid of Austria as of
Prussia. I,et the history of the Frankfort parliament
be locked to, and it will be seen that its dominant
party, in which G.oczitoc and RADowin bore so influ-
ential a part, could by no means be accused of leaning
to Prussia. What was their first act ? The election
of an Austrian archduke to be chief of the new
empire. What was their next? The promulgation
of a system of federation including the German pro-
vinces of Austria, and forming strong and natural
link, with its remaining province.. How did Austria
reply to this fairest of offers ? By the greatest con-
tamely, the most contemptuous refusal: Austria resisted
the least idea of German unity or German freedom.
And to brand this opinion and these insults into the
popular mind in Germany, the Austrian court, having
sem:d a deputy from the German parliament in
Vie ca, ignominiously put him to death, because he
was a deputy from that parliament.
Ater such repeated acts, each total identification of
Austria, both with • separatist and an absolutist
policy in Germany, con she, or eta we, wonder that
other German powers and statesmen seek to
constitute a federal Germany without her?
It was too barefaced and too idle to hope
to put down the earnest, bond fide constitu-
tion of °ADMIX and of Prussia, by an avowed
return to the princely despotism and nullity of the
old Diet. And therefore the pretence, the ghost, the
humbug of • constitution has been got up, &constitu-
tion without popular representation; a constitution,
in which the uncrowned and lesser princes are sacri-
ficed to the kings, and by which all Germany i, vir-
tually flung ander the sceptre of Austria. No German,
however, that is out of livery, and that dwells beyond
the precincts of • court, puts trust in, or thinks
seriously of, the counter constitution of Sellwmerzza-
BERG and VON DEE PFORTEN, on every leaf and
clause of which the Russian eagle is stamped in-
delibly.
In judging, indeed, and in taking part with the
different proposals for the reconstitution of Germany,
it is impossible for any German or for any English-
man, not to be averse instinctively to that policy and
that prupmel, which is pursued and supported by
Russia. We well know what the patronage and in-
terference of Russia with neighbouring states
leads to. We see what it produced on the
Vistula and upon the Danube. We now see
Austian diplomacy in Germany carried on avowedly
by Russian agents; and the Times itself makes the
extraordinary boast that the Czar NICHOLAS has un-
dertaken the petition management of Germany ! A
paper, calling itself English, actually congratulates
the English nation upon this fact!
The probable, nay, the necessary effect of this holy
alliance of absolutism against the liberty and unity
of Germany, upon the popular mind of the Germans,
and up in its future efforts and convulsions,
opens a Wag series of contingencies which scarcely
require to be pointed out. Bat there are more imme-
diate results which the Aostro-Rtuvlian or ABERDEEN
school ought to ponder, ere they halloo on the
Russian and Austrian courts to crush those preten-
sions which Prussia abets and puts forward on behalf
of Germany.
What they are doing must have the effect of not
only drivir.g the German people into an alliance with
French liberalism, but they are compelling the
Prussian court itself to look to France for succour.
There are but the four great military power?. And
it is infallibly the came that when two, such as
Austria and Roark unite against a third, that third,
as Prussia, must call in France to its aid. It may
be mid that France is weak, is disorganised, that
LOUIS NAPOLEON is Russian, that fear of the socialists
moat prevent his ever engaging in war.
We would strongly recommend our absolutist
politicians not to trust to such calculations. Let
them reflect that Prussia has conditions and baits to
offer to France that see French government could re-
fuse—conditions that would give Locos NAPOLEON
the best chew:" of securing his throne, and of con-
verting the agnaliat movement into • national and
warlike one. How mash never the good understand-
ing of France and Prussia be to be desired, it is by
no means to be coveted that bath should find it ne-
cessary to form an armed and active alliance;
for this would probably lead to war, as well as to a
serious remodelling of the north-west of Europe.
But such results, however untoward, are preferable
to seeing l'russia and France reduced, one after the
other, to submission to Russian dictates and a Row
mien statesman. Mid it is better that such • yoke
should be flung off by the efforts and resistance of in-
dependent governments like those of France and
Prussia, than to have this done afterwards by an
insurrection of the French and North German people.
Th• failure of the former would necessarily produce
the latter one day or another, and the events of 1848
and 1702 combined were nothing compared with
what would happen then.
For!, whole host of reasons, therefore, for the pre-
servation of the peace sad balance of Europe, for the
sake of the existence at Germany without the necessity
of either a German revolution, or • European war, we
trod that the leaders of the Erfurt parliament may

be enabled to awry oat their .gesst nationsi-sni
liberal, and jut um.. ItAtiowns Emit eloquelatitl
and nobly beepoke these aim % se 001 Wr the fair Flair;
eiplee which guided Preemie is ilitftertbg them." IN.
do sot," said RADowns. Ism/ is foto' any eermin
prince or government to OW kettle, In* erste
determined that no other power shoo exercise-its
compulsion to prevent them joining us." Thus ars
menaces anawered by memos I and armed
Mon, we are tally smeared, will be met wow ont:,
es it ought, by arms.

IT would be difficult to adduce a stronger example
of the neesuity of acoompanyiag relig►ous koowledge
with some degree of secular education, than is to be
found in the case of the Rev. Mr. firownx, of Man-
chester. That gentleman uttered a speech on Faster
Monday of no doubt excellent and orthodox theology;
but we regret that he displayed at the same
time such an inter ignorance of history, past and re-
mit, oldie condition of countries, and of the facts
connected with them, as rendered his theological
lie utterly inapplicable to the affairs of this world.
We all know the circumstances that overthrew re-
ligion in France. The chief cause of this was, that
when the revolution broke forth, religion was found
to be represented by a hierarchy, in close alliance
with the pretensions, the abuses, and the extortions of
the upper classes and the state. The duties of the
French church had lapsed into sinecure; its morality
identified with that of the Jesuits, had incurred every
honest man's censure. To keep
.itself in ignorance
and the people in the same ignorance, was the
French law of religion in the last century. How
could a church, or a religion, which thus committed
suicide, survive ?
The church and education were both re-constituted
by NAPOLEON, and made matters of state. The curate
and the schoolmaster were both salaried by the state.
The colleges were ruled by a depart Lent of the state,
and the professors looked to the state for advancement.
If oommonam and socialism have sprung from this
system, what has it to say to the Lancashire Public
School system ?
There are three ways of educating, or striving to
educate, a rising generation :—for their fathers, or for
the community, to educate them in prevailing senti-
meets; for the priesthood to undertake the task, for-
-1 bidding all education that they do not control, and
thee give a sacerdotal stamp on the mind of youth ;
the third is for the state to do this, and to direct and
impose the doctrines and the principles which
snit it.

lathe two latter cuss, that is, where either the
' state or the church claims the monopoly of direction,
it is done with a view to amend or counteract the
spirit and tendencies of society. The French Rot:a-
scot; wished to make the rising generation religious
and monarchic, and for this purpose gave op the col-
leges to the Jesuits. BotzArzwrz, on the contrary,
wanted to make French youths soldiers; he accord-
ingly banded them over to be drilled by sergeants,
and taught chiefly the elements of mathematics and
engineering. The Republic the other day wanted to
create a generation of thorough republicans, and the
Minister of Public Instruction, CALNOT, set zealously
about it.

Then again, if the state have its changing views,
so has the church. Theology is always mixing itself
with questions and doctrines more or less political.
It is for authority, or it admits reason and judgment.
It is for sacerdotal dogmatism, or for lay delibera-
tion. There is no end to these lay purposes and
vagaries. But the upshot is, that where the state or
the church labour by means of education to direct
the rising generation in ideas and principles different
from those of their fathers, cr from ecciety in ge-
neral, family and social influence takes revenge, and
bends youth back again. Thus, whilst BO'AP.tRTE
laboured to create a military generation, lathers and
mothers instilled a horror of soldiering. The elder
BOURBONS strove to raise 'generation of young Jesuits;
the result was to create a generation of priest h sten.
' I.otu PRILIPPE taught, and instilled, and peached
everywhere the principles of order and respect for pro-
perty. Disorder and disrespect for property came of
his education. In fact, it is a hopeless task to taise
up a generation in a spirit adverse to or much differ-
ing from that of their fathers or of society.
It is a great mistake, therefore, made by either the
state or the church, to think that they can make
up for their lack of influence over the adult generation
by instilling their peculiar views unto the young.
Better to leave the young to the full influence of the
old, of the moral and religions amongst them ;
let their education be the natural reflex of society,
and the consequence of it, and thus it can never lead
to revulsion, or to that antagonism between the over-
strained discipline of the religious school, and the
subsequent laxity of the worldly one.
In declaring society itself to be the best and the
only power for ordering the instruction of the young,
we by no mews ignore the large part which the
clergy make of this society, and how very widely
their ideas and influence prevaiL Far from
objecting to this, we hail it and accept it,
recognistog the influence thus exercised as more
legitimate and effective than if wielded by virtue of
a statute, or by the prescriptive privileges of a sacer-
dotal class.

Mr. STown.t spoke of New England without
knowing it, and talked of slavery as connected with
it in a most prepcsteroua contempt of fact and of
truth. We are apt to consider the Americans as a
go-ahead people, ea given mach to fitful progress and
to new ideas. But the fact is that there as no popu-
lation in Europe which has gone on with such fixed-
nese of view and oontinnation of ideas ant principles
as the American. Whilst one generation of French-
men is the very antipodes of that which went before
it, and whilst Englishmen themselves have been sub-
ject to wiry great alterna•ions of opinion on religious,
political, and social subjects, the American mind seems
to continue itself equably, religiously, progressively,
from one generation to another. This is owing to the
national system of education. With us, whilst the
schoolmaster has to instil one thing, the parent sets
the example of another, whilst life or reading perhaps
drive the adolescent mind in direct contradiction to
both. This comes of state and sacerdotal education,
which does not ensure continuity even of religious

We are as much partisans as any of the necessity
of instilling religious truth, and ordaining the prac-
tice of religion to youth. Bat the milting this'll in all,
is merely establishing that contrast and antagonism
between the school and the world, the school and
society, which makes more infidels and vicious men
than any other cause. The antagonism that has been
created between relights and education, between mental
exercise and spiritual belief, has done more harm to
religion, perhaps, than the mass of infidel writers.
If this antagonism was bad in the olden times, when
education was limited, and the human mind crept on
all fours, what must be it henceforth, when there is
so much to learn, and to think, and to make daily
use of in the stores of amassed knowledge, that not
to be educated is almost the same as not to be born,
so extended are the views, and enjoyments, and pur-
poses of life ?

WE have heretofore, 'in expressing our conviction
that no alteration would be effected, daring the pre-
vent session of Congress, in the duties imposed upon
imports by the American tariff of 1846, excepted
those upon coal and iron, in reference to which we
have intimated our belief that some change would be
attempted, if not actually carried into effect. Should
each a change be attempted, it will owe its suoce,s,
not to the strength of the protectionists, bat to the'
desire of the leaders of the democratic, or free-trade,
party to conciliate the important state of Pennsyl-
think which they alienated from their ranks by the
policy pursued in 1846. If any evidence were
wanted that some concession to that state
is now contemplated, not from economical,
but purely political, motives, it is furnished is the
correspondence which has just taken place upon the
subject between Sir H. ButwEs and the American
government, and which has produced a very unneces-
sary degree of excitement &maggot some of the more
hot-headed members of both houses of Congress.
This, so far as its stability is concerned, is no doubt
the weak point of the tariff act of 1846. To politi-
cians, who are inspired in all that they dos more by
par 7 than by national considerations, the political
position of a state like Pennsylvania, with her nume-
rous delegation in the House of Representatives, and
her large vote, the second in the Union, in the elec-
tion of a president, cannot be a matter of indifference.
Did the matter rest solely in the hands of political
leaden and their partisans, Pennsylvania would
readily obtain any concession which she might
demand. But the intermits of the consumers
have to be consulted, and so closely identified are they
with the maintenance of the present order of things,

that it diScalt to believe that .leuabrill be seed-
flood, e 41#114ejlthanZsui tit6Mds
!of tido IvabiSiresmast
, to the t see thdanatia hi pronilbr
.tite which Mir a.. thew are motives which
teigt.flifeca the idleiriellal putts to sapiens in
m, Wily unapt which 7redsciiite dubs to
secure beth speedily and cheaply a . 'apply of
wl oe which would meet the an of the home
demand at least, and defy the eampetilloa--of the
world. Bat this is not the ease, for whilst the pro-
tection for which the instituters ate eilintwasiag Is a
very high one, pest experience teethes thiiiassamere
that it is imbed, not for a brief, bat for an indefinite,
period.
The east at which the Aweelota oesemere are
called apes, he the exclusive benefit et the
pie-
deoen, to build up ea independent bun
taro of ire., may be intoned from a eeedismalen of
the present position of the iron interest in Premayks-
Jas, and the demands which it is now peeheving to
congresa. At this moment, the duty owl aeries
upou her-iron, which both operate in the way of pro-
tection to the home producer, are as high m 874 per
cent. ad valorem. A ton of am iron, therefore, cost-
ing in England Si. 18s. 11d., or 25 dais 97 cents.,
cannot be landed in New York under 40 dole. 92
cents. If, with an high a protectioo, the American
iron-master cannot compete with the foreigner, it is
evident that he cannot succeed, except_ at a ;cat to
the consumer., to which they are not likely to submit.
Many of the ironmuters admit that the present
duties are high enough, but insist that they
should be made specific, instead of being levied
on the value of the article. Others again contend
for a sliding scale, on the ground that the operation
of die ad valorem principle is to afford them the lout
protection at the very time when they require the
most. It serves their present purpose to decry this
principle, although it was upon it that the gi eater
half of the revenue was levied, under their own pet
tariff of 1842. To entrench (the ironmuters behind
• eliding scale would be but to endeavour to protect
them from those fluctuations in trade to which the
farmer, the merchant, and the manufacturer of other
articles are necessarily exposed.
Such being the protection, of the inadequacy of
which the ironmutere have for the last four years
been complainir.g, let us see what, in their own esti-
mation, would suffice to enable them to compete with
the foreigner. At a convention held in Pittsburg in
November last, they came to the following resolu-
tion :

That it la the ernes of this invention, in view of the pal-
mist Mate of the foreign market, it will require a ditty of
10 disk a ton on pig Wax, of 20 dole. a ton cm common bar,
and a corresponding Menem is all other iron sad mastitia
tares of iron, is proportion fa sod of make, to ;protect t►s
Americus market.

Now, as the present value of pig iron in England is
about 11 dole. 44 c., the duty thus modestly asked
for is about 87j per cent. ad valorem. But this is not
the protection of 87f per cent. thus sought,
being solely in the shape of duty upon the value of
the article abroad. Superaddsd to this would be the
protection afforded by all the expenses of impor-
tation, such as freight, premium on exchange, in-
surance, So., which would amount to upwards of 27
per cent., so that the whole protection claimed is
about 113 per cent. On bar iron the duty asked is
about 77 per cent. of its present value abroad, which,
with the expenses of importation, would give to the
home producer a protection of upwards of 100
per cent.
The ostensible ohjtet of the ironmasters, in de-
manding this high protection, is to render the country
independent of the foreigner in regard to so im•
porant an article as iron, and to raise up a great
national interest, the maintenance and success of
which would redound to the prosperity of all dosses
of the community. They allege that, except in rare
cases, all manufactures require the fostering protec-
tion of the government in their infancy, but that a
healthy interest will soon outgrow the necessity for
such protection. If the ironutasters of Pennsylvania
get their way, the iron interest in America will have
a very long minority, and the time be indefinitely
postponed when it can stand by itself and be inde-
pendent of extraneous aid. It ought to be stronger
and more independent now, according to their reason-
ing, than it was 23 years ago, and yet their present
demands amount to a confession that it is weaker
now than it was then. A convention similar
to that which recently met in Pittsburg
was held in Harrisburg in the year 1P27.
It was then and there resolved that the American
ironmaster required for his protection that the duty
on bar iron, for instance, should be advanced from 18
do!. to 22 dole,. 50 cents. a ton. But, indeed of
51. 16s. Ild., as now, the value of bar iron in Eng-
land at that time was W. per ton ; so that the duty
then asked was but about 30 per cent. al ralorem.
Yet now, 23 years after that period, during 19 of
which the American producer has enjoyed the benefit
of high protective tariffs, we have the lame parties
gravely stating that they have no chance in compet-
ing with the foreigner, unless protected by a duty of
77 per cent. ad ralfireas upon the foreign article. It'e
have thus the American iron interest confessing to
the public that, instead of waxing stronger and more
independent under the protection which it has en-
joyed, it has become so weak and attenuated that it
cannot now subsist unless an advance is made in its
behalf of more than 50 per cent. upon the duties
which it demanded for its protection 23 years ago.
No one can doubt the aeprestion from which the
interest in question is now suffering. But to what is
that depression attributable ? Not to competition
with the foreigner, but to that very exemption from
competition which it is still desirous to have con-
tinued to it. Over-production, stimulated by pro-
.

tection and high priZes, has been the cause of
eviL During the four years for which the high
tariff of 1842 was in operation, the quantity of iron
produced in Pennsylvania increased by more than
100 per cent. In 1830 the total quantity produced
in the United States did not exceed 183,0010 tons,
whilst the increase in the production of Pennsylvania
alone, daring the four years which succeeded 1842,
amounted to 288,000 tons. This required an addi-
tional capital of upwards of 14,000,000 dole. to deal
with the iron in its rough state, and of upwards of
20,000,000 dole. to deal with it in its converted state.
, This enormous ore production, stimulated by a pro-
tection, in some instances even lower than that now
demanded, is the main cause of the distrets from
which the iron interest of Pennsylvania is now un-
doubtedly suffering.
Nothing can better serve to exemplify the miechiev-
ous tendencies of protection than the history and ex-
perience of the American iron interest. That it has
been of no service to the very interest which it was
especially designed to encourage, is evident from the
admission now virtually made by that interest itself,
that it is now lea able to e Rl:Mind competition than
it was 23 years ago ; whilst the consumers have all
along been heavily taxed for an object which has
after all eluded them. The consumers now see that
instead of being patriots they have only been victims,
and will no longer consent to be the dupes of selfish-
ness appealing to them in the garb of nationality. To
acquiesce in the proposal of the iron masters would be
but to consent to pay from seven to nine millions a
year more for the iron which they ceesume than
they now do, a tax to which they will not be wiling
to submit for the exclusive benefit of a numerically
insignificant class. Nor is it to be forgotten that,
since 1846, this country has saved in its expenditure
for iron, under the tariff of that year, no less than
25,000,000 dole.
But this is not the only advantage which Ame-
rica has gained from the system of free trade.
Even in Pennsylvania there are other and greater
interests than that represented by iron. Tnere is
even in that state, a large agricultural community,
which has benefited to an incalculable extent by the
free admission of its produce into the ports of this
country. It was said, as far back SS 1827, at the
Harrisburg convention, that the opening of the British
ports to the produce of America, would enhaLce the
fee simple of Penasylvani a fully 100 millions of dollars.
This enhancement has since taken place, and it Is
now the special interest of the agricultural body to
maintain a system which has told so favourably on
the value of their property. A check given to that
system, such as a compliance with the demands of
the iron masters would give it, would deteriorate the
value of that property to an extent which the farmers
could not contemplate with indifference. With the
interests, therefore, of the whole body of consumers,
and with those of the farmers as customers and pro-
duotrs and holders of property opposed to them, at is
not likely that the iron masters, backed though they
be by unscrupulous and aspiring pnliticians, will sue-
Geed to the extent of their wishes. It is by no means
certain that they will succeed at all; but if they do,
their nooses will fall far short of their demands.