The Express.
London, England, 1850-05-27 00:00:00

FRANCE.

PARIS, sAII7IDAT 11e1MINO, 7 P
The promieent fact of the present moment is the
reconciliation between General Cavaignao and the.
Monotain. It hu been noticed, sines the general's
speech in the debate on the Menne Bill, that the
most ardent spirits of the extreme left have been sent
to shake hands with him in the Chamberois if toeless
the old wound of June. This mutual approximation
hu been wrought no less by the pude tone of the
Mountain than by the firm resistance of General
Cavaignse to the contemplated destruction of univer-
sal suffrage.
At the same time, it is not to be concealed that the
violent stress of party feeling occasioned by the use-
perating words and sots of MM. Thiers, Montalem-
beet, and compeers, has brought about a schism be-
tween the waveren of the tiemparti and those who
have taken a decided attitude in defence of the re.
I public. I have hoard some of the most distinguished
leaden of the extreme left express their opinion in
private conversation that a ministry of Cavaignao and
Lainartine would receive the support of the entire Moun-
tain ; but this confidence is not extended to eminent
republicans who have preserved a passive and neutral
position upon the capital question now under debate.
After the electoral law is passed a series of other
laws equally opposed to the spirit of the constitution,
will follow. beginning with the law of the press and
of clubs. Provocations will be accumulated to break
down the patience of the people and to drive them
into the initiative of battle. Among other measures
it wins probable that a prop-isition to extend the
President's lease of power to ten years will be brought
forward.

Having sent you the report. which prevailed about
Changarnier's quarrel with the President, I have to
add, from sources which may be relied on. a striking
instance of the presumption of this perennage, and
the impotence of the President to contend with his
good will and pleasure. The origin of the remon-
stranne of d'Hautponl was the arbitrary change
introduced by the commander-in-chief into the
list of persons approved by the Minister of
War for decoration. D'Hautpool perceived that
one of his meet important functions, the
distribution of military rewards. was thus vitiated in
the execution by the highest military servant of the
governm.nt, who ought to have been the first to set
the example of subordination. The order given by
Oen. Changarnier, at his military levees, that no offi-
cer should obey any command either from the
Ministry of War or from the Elyere, without his
(Gen. Chensearnier's) sanction, was a still more inso-
lent usurpation. But the act with which :hie order
was accompanied is not mentioned, although pro-
bably the crown and head if his Renee. In order
to show hie contidentinl cffieers the sort
respect with which they were to treat
the de creel; of the executive he tore up Gen.
d'Hautpoul's order in their presence. I have this
feet from an authority on which von may rely. Gen.
d'Hautpoul having represented the sort of deference
paid to his authority to the President, was directed
not only to overlook the offence, but to apologise to
Gen. tiotegsrnier for having remonstrated against
the latterki insubordination.

The chief event in the sitting of the Legislative
Assembly to-day was the adoption by assis et lest of
the first article of the bill amended by the committer,
which says that the mayor, assisted by two delegates
from the jrsge do pnix, stall draw up the electoral
list of each commune within twenty days after
the promulgation of the law. Thirty daas was inssrted
instead of 20. The main speech was the of de Flotte,
which is of much importance. He said that the
Mountain d d not desire p3wer, because they felt that
they were in a minority in the country, and did not
wish to force their ideas on the country. But the
majority of the Assembly did not represent public
opinion in France b Ater than the Moantain. The
(sly possible government was one betws en the two.
The sitting terminated with the adoption of the first
article. The monad, on domicile, will be discussed
on Monday.

SrNDAT FrarTNick

The leading pert taking by M. Thiers in the fram-
ing of the Ehetoral Mil, naturally renders his speech
on Friday the fittest source for tracing the meaning
and the motives of this bold measure. M. Thiers
admits that the opportunity was presented by the
elections of Perin. The choice of March was the
glorification of the barricades of June; that of April
hoisted the flag of socialism over the capital. M.
Thiers dors not believe in communism ; he is not even
afraid of the agrarian law, which could never set foot
in France. But what was this thing that marked it-
self under the name of industri it aseociation, accessi-
bility of w rk, abolition of the system of salary?
Why, it was the expropriation of all the great in-
dustries ; it was the credit of the state set gestalt-
ouster within the reach of everybody, by means of
banks multiplied throughout the country, and
working by paper money. Such a system
was the infallible ruin of France and subver-
sion of sod, ty ; and the prospect cf such a
catastronhe was quite enough to establish the legiti-
macy of the measures taken within the circle et the
constitution. M. Thiers then entered into a long
demooa'ration that neither the text nor the spirit of
the constitution were violated by the conditions rela-
tive to domicile, and the means taken to purify and
moralizs nuiversal suffrage. He would not dies.mhle
the numarous exclusions which would result from the
law; but he would point oat the class against which
they were directed. It was not against the rural po-
pulation, whose rights were guaranteed by the high-
wa,y duty, nor against the laborious workman, who
grew old in the meaufactaro in which he was bred
up, but it was against the vagabond who hawked his
laziness from town to town, from tavern to
tavern ; it was against the men whom history
bad stigmatized justly as a vile mob. This
word was like a match laid to all the explosive
materials in the breast of M. Thiers, who scampered
through the Roman history, the annals of the world,
ancient and modern, picking up twigs of the thorniest
kind to form a birch for the plebs. Tyrants alone
kept on good terms with the vile multitude, because
they used it, fed it, and thrashed it. The mob it was
that had bartered tho liberties of Rime for Panem
et Cireenses; had pulled down and murdered Cremes,
massacred the brothers De Witt, and in France cut
the throats of Baillyand the Girondins. It had made
a bloody idol of Robespierre, and destroyed him on
the scaffold.' Lastly, it was the mob which, hiving so
often worshipped the name of Napoleon, after his
reverses tied a rope to the neck of his statue, aud,
dragging it down from its towering pedestal, dragged
it through the kennel. This allusion to one of the
monumental scandals of French history was the
signal for a tremendous row. Napoleon, the son of
Jerome, rose in his place, on the peaks of the
Mountain, amid universal shouts of " Order!"
to attribute the ignominious treatment of his
uncle's statue to the royalist aristocrats ; and
having persisted in disobeying the Presideuee call to
sit down, had the censure applied to him by a large
majority. This vote was the signal for fresh disturb-
&noes of the noisiest and most confused kind. The
whole Mountain quitted the Assembly in a body.
When they came back, Napoleon Jerome occupied
the tribune, to offer explanations ; but these being
considered by the majority as a fresh insult and de-
fiance, the vote of censure wee maintained, amid loud
cries of remonstrance from the Mountain.

M. Thiers then resumed, amid clamorous ink rrup-
tioa, hie tirade against democracy, with which his
friends on the Right signified, by enthusiuitic and
rapturous applause, their entire cmcurrruce.
The next day, the man whose electh n on the 10th
of Match was one of the main motives of M. Thiers'e
virulent sallies against democracy, M. de Flutte, made
a speech, the quietness, tact, and sagacity of which
form a singular contrast with that of M. Thiers.

M. DI Fhorrn laid : I will not inquire with what pro-
priety the elections of the 101 of March sod 28:h of April
have been, I will not say attacked-1 think that no one fa
this plea* would dare to direct attacks against universal
etarage—but interpreted. I am clearly entitled, when
this Assembly has authorised these inzerpretations, to
espial& therm as they suggest themselves to me. These
elections have been regarded is two points of view, the last
entir.ly pees nal. There have been, since the commence.
meat of this discussion, too many personalities uttered
at this tribune : I will not adopt Buell a course. I must,
however, he allowed to say one word. Yesterday M. Thiele
said he was astonished to me me in this place, if I carried
back my recollections for some yean. If anything astonishes
me; it is to see M. Theirs here ; and if I carry back my
recollections for tome years, I am the more astonished to
ons him here professing the opinions Is does. I psis to
quietens more serious. A certain sense has been wished to
be given to the adoption of ray nava* on the list of the
elected of the 10th of March. This is a delicate question
to dircuss before you. You wish to know the truth ; it is
sometimes painful to bear it bat as you have desired it you
shall bear the whole truth. I have 'weight to speak of the
events of the lath May, or of the insurrection of June, but

I tau a eight to 'peak of the ousegneeou of these events.
Mk 'Main that after the insurrection of June, the rights and
the liberty et the cilium were supended—that temporally
the wens of justice was suspended. This was mond on
the pound of neesmity ; this excuse of necesearthe eountly
brought to believe, but is meat Imre been surprised
that the necessity did not usu. Toe fist need of
tke country was to protest fa favour of the sentiments of
sight and liberty, which shentlet be the basis of ell authority.
The country was astonished that it was continued to be de-
prived of this. precious guarantees founded on a necesity
which could only be appealed to for an exceptionel fact. It
is against this suppres4on of guarantees that the electors de-
sired to protest when they voted for me. They did not
ask whether is June 1 had been before or behind the bar-
ricades.
A Voice on the Bight,—On which side were you
M. Da ?Lorre —That question I ruler to those who seat
me Din, By what right no you ask on which aids of the
barricades I was ? If you do not know solar as it concerns
me you do not know more as to those who are still detained
end who an involved in the same uncertaisty. I am here
the representative of those whom yon consider es guilty, of
those whom you hold as innocent, of those, is short,
of whom you know nothicg. lam here to, protest in
the name of justice. You have thought fit to suspend the
rights that :publfic opinion considers as necessary to all the
guarantees of liberty ; for a time the country might aooept
this irregular position, but it will ultimately insist on its
being abandoned for a reeular position. A sense has been
wished to be given to the elections of the 10.1 a of March
aid 28th of April. It has been said that this election was •
wen gsr which it was resolved to oppose by all meths.
A Voles on the Hight.—By ell legal mesas.
M. DE FLorre —There is a greet misfortune of which
our country has been constantly the victim ; it is the spirit
of resistance of the government against public opinion.
In whet is passing at this moment for the country, for you,
and for us, the socialists, as you call us; we seek a 'sub—
sist absolute truth—the country dose not think so, and it
abandons us. Yon wise to make it believe in a dark future,
in the overhrow of society ; but to prove your position, in-
stead of facts you only adduce causes of alum in these
Causes of alarm it does not believe, and it comes to us.
(Asset to the Left.) Instea+l of thus alarming the people
you ought to endeavour not to give pretext to alarms ; you
ought to endeavour to adopt its legitimate, reuonable, and
acceptable desires. Is geceral the great majority of the
people is peaceable, it is sufficiently satisfied with the present;
it isnot, as it has been represented, impatient of the
future ; it fears at once both what it has too well known and
what it des not yet know. (General marks of approba-
tion.) That which I hope of you, gentlemen—of you,
the majority of this Assembly—is that you will to;
allow the country to throw itself into the ex-
treme opinion; that which it expects of you is to study
its sentiments, it wants, Its wishes—in short, to govern it,
and not to leave it wearied, at het to throw itself into de-
structive courses. You have said, the time is for us ; but do
you think that the time dots not modify our ideas as it
tom yours? Do you think that we de not study the opinion
of the nation? Do you think that we do not see the bar-
riers it opposes to us ? Do you think- that we are ready to
throw ourselves on it as on a prey, and that it will allow
itself to be devoured ? No, gentlemen, no ! Thu* are bug-
bears that are raised to deceive yes, which you would
never conjure up yourselves. (Assent to the Left.) It
has been said, also, that wo seek the government,
What could we do with it ? You are in a position
on which you have not sufficiently reflected. You have the
power, with settled opinions, with ideas and projects peed..
termitic d, and you would compel their adoption. Allow me
to say that this is not to undentend the part of the National
Assembly. Our place—reercsentatives of the people—ft in
the country ; it is wherever titers is a want to inquire into
or to satisfy, a progress to realize, a pledge of benefit to
give—our place is everywhere. I repeat it is not in the On-
, vernment. itc.pect public Opinion, and you will see it
confined within its legifircaie lien's—order and legality.
(Lout and lorg approbateu on the Left--tontinued inter.
motion.) If I speak thus, it is here in the midst of
'the national represent ier, in the midst of the people.
I am not ahowed here to be a party man. lien, I
am, not of Paris—l am not for those only who have
returned me, I am for all the electors, for the whole coubtrt
That which I should speak of to you here, that which Ishou!el
solicit you to de, is cot that which I wish, is not that which I
thick. Here I must speak of that which may be useful t
the country, I must no that which may be profitable to it.
I am here, we are all here, to learn the opinion of the
country, and to cause it to be carried into effect. Yes,
public opinion is seemed from the existing government; it
tends to throw it into an extremity. You do not wish this,
bat you do not take the means to prevent it. As you peme.
vers in your count, an inverse action takes place ; thus this
' unhappy country, bandied between systems it will not accept,
cannot find the rest it is gasping to attain. War
has;been spoken of et this tribune. Assuredly, if we stood
alone, w,. end our piety, with pleasure, with joy, I would
reply by the cry of war; for between us I know there is
no cone lis'ion possible, and it is wherifne the country, the
crinstitutioa place theist elvese between these two extremes.
If you commence a war, it will not be only a was of Ronal,
it will be a war of the Pope, a war of catholicity, a war of
the sovereignty of a hook arainst the sovereignty o' the
people. How many were there who desired the war of Rome
who did not know that it would result in the re-entry of
the Poo, without ausrantee., euel in putting all as before in
question. Yes elonialembert was quite right: between
us and him and hie there can be neither truce nor repose ;
but when the country wants peace, is it for him first to descend
into the arena ? Is it for him to spread abroad alums of which be
avails himself to attach the country to him because he knows
it would never side with him again of its own accord. There
are in iicatione by welch the public opinion may be known,
endeavour to lay hold of them, whenever jou pass a false
judgment oe the sovereign public opinion the sovereign will
judge you itself. Allow me to recall to your recollection an
occurrence. On the 19th Eleptemb-.r, 1849, M. Fallnex pri-
nounced tome remarkable words within these walls. He
stood forth as the opponent of the Constituent A‘sambly,
and asked what power, what authority unquestionable dwelt
to urivenial suffrage;? That tarty which then refused to
touch universal suffrage new attacks it because the r suit has
turned against it. With such sentiments there can only he
struggles, obstinacy, and differences in the government, and
general ignorance of justice and truth. (Approbation on
V.. Let.)
General Cavaignac, Ccquerel, M. Cone, and
M. Ferdinand do Laateyrie, lesterday presented the
&Hosing amendment to the Electoral Law
The electoral domicile shell he established by the real
residence in the commune in which the citizen shall have
satisfied the laws of recruiting for the army and navy. This
domicile then, however, be transferred to any commune in
which the citizen may have fixed his principel establish-
ment, subject to his making six months before the revision
of tee electoral list the double declaration prescribed by
article 104 of the Civil Code.

The Committee on the Electoral Bill met yelterday
before the sitting, and decided upon admitting no
amendment which tended to weaken the Efficiency of
the law. The Patrie protests against members being
slowed to derelap amendments, as in that csse the
discussion will last to the middle of June.

Last evening, on it becoming known in the Passage
de l'Opera that the first article of the Electoral Law
had been voted, the Five per Cents. rose t 4) 91 ; they
afterwards fell to 90.75, at which price they closed.
To-day there has hem little done. The tenth having
been offered at 90 75,_rose to 90 85.

•
The recall of Lord Normsuby was reported as dtfi.
lively arrangcd.

SPAIN.

Letters of the 21st, from Madrid, state that the
French envoy had had a conference with the Presi-
dent of the Council, and another with the Miiister of
Foreign Affairs. The recall of M. Drouyn de l'Huys
had excited much sensation. M. lsturitz will set oat
for London on the 23rd.

ITALY.