The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-06-16 00:00:00

THE NORTHERN TIMES.---LIVERPOOL, MONDAY.

cannot, then to discuss the conditions of arbitration upon
those points of difference, as to which alone this method of
settlement seems requisite or applicable, it being assumed
that other points of difference would yield, as a matter of
course, to conferences between the Earl of Clarendon and
yourself, conducted in the spirit of cordiality and frankness
which belong to your personal relations, and which is dic-
tated by the true interests, both of the United States and
Great Britain.—l am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. L. Dauer.

Geo. M. Dallas, Esq., &c., London.
The accounts from Cincinnati tend to show
that the chances of President Peirce's re-election
are very remote. In regard to the proceedings of
the Democratic Convention, the New York Herald
says :

The Democratic National Convention assembled at Cin.
cinnati at noon yesterday, amid the roar of the empire club's
artillery. Colonel Medary, of Ohio, was selected as tem-
porary chairman. Committees on credentials, organiz scion
and platform, were chosen, and the convention adjourned
till ten o'clock this morning. Of course these preliminary
proceedings were not concluded without the usual uproar.
At one stage the Benton delegates from Missouri, who had
been excluded from the hall, knocked down the doorkeepers
ald forcibly gained admittance. Bowie knives and revolvers
were drawn, to the infinite terror of a'l the peacefully
disposed patriots present. No harm, however, resulted
from the demonstration. General John E. Ward, of Georgia,
has been chosen by the committee on organisation chairman
of the convention. The trouble among the Missouri and
New York delegations had not been adjusted up to a late
hoar last night. The hards and softs are to argue their
cases before the committee to-day. The Bentonites will
probably be rejected. The
.excitement at Cincinnati is
intense.

Late and important news had reached New York
from Nicaragua. The Costa Rican retreat, in
consequence of the great ravages of cholera, is
confirmed, and, according to the accounts the
evacuation of the Nicaraguan Territory was com-
pleted with hurried despatch. The transit route
is again free, and the campaign being at an end,
General Walker's position may be regarded as
firmly established. The war, for some time at
least, will not be renewed. The elections in
Nicaragua were going on, and it was confidently
expected that President Rivas would be re-elected.
Among the deaths at Grenada is recorded that of
Captain James Walker, brother of the General.
The break-up in the Canadian Ministry seems,
after all, to have been but the fulfilment of a design
amongst its members to rid themselves of their
head—the veteran Sir Allan Mac Nab. The Hon.
Mr. Tache is his successor, and Mr. Vankoughnet
and Mr. Terrill being the only two new members.
The manner in which Sir Allan has been thrown
overboard excites much indignation, and the new
cabinet is not deemed a lasting one. The follow-
ing is a complete list of the new ministry :—Speaker
of the Legislative Council and Premier, Hon. Mr.
Tache ; Inspector-General, Mr. Cay ley ; Attorney-
General West, and Leader of the Assembly, Mr J.
A. M'Donald ; Commissioner of Crown Lands, Mr.
Cauchon ; Commissioner of Public Works, Mr.
Lemieux ; Postmaster- General, Mr. Spence :
Receiver-General, Mr. J. C. Morrison; President of
the Council, Mr. P. M. Vankoughnet ; Attorney-
General East, Mr. Cartier; Provincial Secretary,
Mr. Terrill ; Solicitor General West, Mr. H. Smith ;
Solicitor-General East, Mr. Dunbar Ross.
The steamer Indian, from Liverpool, arrived at
Quebec on the 2nd instant, after a passage of
eleven days and a-half.
The New Brunswicker of the 29th says :—lt gives
us great pleasure to state that arrangements have
been made for the formation of a new government
on a broad and satisfactory basis. No differences
of opinion exist among those who have been called
upon to assist in the construction of an entirely
new administration, and the delay in swearing in
the new executive solely arises from the necessity
of waiting for gentlemen who have been summoned
from a distance. The following is a list of the
members of the new government :—Messrs.
Chandler and Hazen, executive councillors without
office ; Gray, Attorney-general ; McPhelin, Post-
master-general; Allen, Solicitor-general ; Wilmot,
provincial secretary.
The Boston Traveller publishes extracts from a
letter having date, Aux Cays, gayti, May 10, which
states that a formidable insurrection had broken
out in that part of the island against the Emperor
Solouque. The writer says—" A body of from two
thousand to three thousand insurgents took pos
session of a post between this place and Pingrey
last night, with a view of attacking the town to-
day. The military- authorities were only aware of
this at seven o'clock this morning. The alarm
drums were immediately beaten, and every male
adult in the town was ordered to join the troops.
At ten a.m. the troops marched out, with the citi-
zens that had joined them, but being only five
hundred strong, it is probable they will not make
an attack on the insurgents, but will content them-
selves with defending the entry of the town till
reinforced." The postscript to the letter, under
date eleven a.m , adds—" The alarm drums are
again beating, It is said that the troops sent out
are repulsed, and the insurgents are pushing for-
ward. People are running distractedly through
the streets, closing stores, &c."
The Commercial News by the present arrival is
not very important. The supply of money in New
York was considerably in excess of the demand,
and was offered in large sums at Seven per cent.
on call. Foreign Exchange was quiet, and the
rates rather tended downward. The quotation on
London was 1091 On the 2nd the Stock market
was very buoyant, and a large business was done
at advanced rates. We subjoin details of the
NEW YORK MARKETS.

Included in the sales are 1,000 brie mess for Septem-
ber at 17 dole. The stock below shows but a slight increase
for the month as we expected. Beef is unchanged ; the
enquiry steady for the local trade. Our stock is reduced 8,200
brls since the last monthly report, which is more than many
anticipated, and very largely consists of repacked Western mess.
The sales are 300 brls at 7 duls to 8 dole for country prime, 8
dole to 9 dole 50c for country mess, and 8 dols .50c to 12 dols
for repackel mess. Prime mess is quiet at 15 dole to 18 dole
50c. Beef hams are dull and heavy at 13 dole to 15 dole 50c.
Bacon is scare() and wanted, at 91,c to 101 e. Cut meats
continue scarce ; sales of 50 hhds and trcs at 7-le to 78e for
shoulders, and 91c to 10c for hams. Laid is firm, at the
advance noted in our last, but the transactions are limited ;
sales of 300 has and trcs at 11c to 1 lic ; kegs are scarce at
121 c to 12ic. Butter is in good demand, at 19c to 22c for
State, and 18.: to 20c for Ohio. Cheese is saleable at 6c to 9c
Eggs are wanted at 13&c to 144 c.
LATEST BY TELEGRAPH.
NEW YORK, June 3, p.m. : Ashes unsettled pots 6 dole
12c to 6 dole 25c, pearls 7 dole. Cotton very firm, sales 1,000
bales. Flour 30c lower on low grades, sales 9,000 brls, corn
to straight State 5 doles 25c to 5 dols 60c, Upper Lake 5 dole
60c to 5 dols 80c, corn to good Ohio 5 dole 90c to 6 dole 10c;
Southern 25c lower, sales 1,200 brls, mixed to good 6 dole to
6 dole 50c, fancy and extra 6 dole 65c to 8 dole 80c ; Canadian
lower, sales 900 brls, superfine 5 dole 75c to 6 dols 60c, extra
6 dole 70c to 8 dole. Wheat 3c to 4c lower ; Canadi.
white fair 1 dol 57c. Corn irregular, sales 40,000 bus, mix d
Western 50c to 53c, white 57c to 60c, yellow 56c to 581 e.
round do 55c to 57c. Pork lower but closes firm, sates 1,000
hrls, mess 17 dole 50c to 17 dols 75c, prime 14 dole 59c to 14
dols 60c, Western prime mess 16 dole 25c to 16 dols 50. Beef
firm, sales 1,000 brls, country mess 8 dole to 9 dole 50c, prime
7 dole to 8 dole, repacked Chicago 12 dole, prime mess 15 dole
to 18 doh 50c. Lard heavy, kegs 121 c, brls lle to 11 c.
Bacon scarce, ha-ns lower, sales at 9kc to 91c, shoulders
ne to Tae. Butter firm, Ohio 18c to 20c State 19c to 22c.
Whisky lower, 25c to 251 c. Leather dull and heavy. Fish
lower and dull, 2000 qls dry cod 3 dole 87c to 4 dols; 500
brie mackarel at old rates. Coff.-,e steady, sales 1000 bags, Rio,
I lc, Java Laguayra 11c. St-gar firm, sales 1200 boxes,
muscovado 61c to Tic, Havana 7ie. Molasses firm, PR
44e, muscovado 38c to 40c, Cuba clayed 35c: Oil— 6000 gals
linseed 82ie to 83c; lard heavy at 87-ic to 90c. Spirits
Turpentine firmer ; 3000 brie rosin I dol 60c to 1 65c, afloat
and delivered. Iron heavy, Scotch pig 29c to 30c, 6ms.
Tobacco firm, 40 hhds Ky 8c to 15c. Rice dull, 100 trcs
3,A-,c to 41c. Tallow-15,000 lbs 101-e. Gunny Cloth—
Sa'es 150 bales 15®c, 6lns. Freights to Liverpool better.
cotton 3-16 d to 7-32 d, flour 2s to 2s 3d, grain 6d to 7d.
Stooks—Nicaragna 12, Cumberland 221, NY Central 92j,
Erie 574, Reading 90, Panama 101, Michigan Southern 98,
Galena and Chicago 112, Cleveland and Toledo 77, Milwaukee
and Miss Harlem 18;

for new

DISMISSAL
OF

CRAMPTON.

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1856

By adopting Lord Clarendon's construction of our neutrality
laws, contained in his note of the 16th of November, which
renders it tilmost nugatrry, and is contrary to that of this
- the

tribnnals

not probebly found much embarrassment in meeting the
charges with a general denial. But, giv;nte to the decla- I
ration of Mr. Crampton awl the Consuls, all the consdera•
den which can be fairly claimed for it, under the circum-
stances of the case, it cannot counterb lance the unimpeached
and well sustained evidence which establishes - the
charges against these officers, of having infringed the
laws and sovereign rights of the United States. Lord
Clarerdon's note of the 30th of April conveys the
impression that the evidence by which the officers are im-
plicated, is derived from one or two witnesses, whose creda-
bility has been assailed. This, however, is not a correct
view of the facts. By examination of my despatch of the
28th of December, it will be perceived that these witnesses
w, re strongly confirmed, and that there are proofs wholly
independent of their testimony abundantly sufficient to
establish the complicity of Mr. Crampton and the Consuls
in that infringement of the laws and sovereign laws of
the United States, I trust that it will not be ques-
tioned thet it belongs exclusively to this government
and its jed:ci tribunals, to give a construction to its
merlie;p ,1 Jews, and to determine what acts done
within its jerisdiction are an infringement of these,
is a melte- which concerns its internal administration, and it
• ettew the agents of any foreign power to controvert
,'nation, and justify their conduct by a different
Interpret eion r.f our laves, which virtually renders them
ineffective for the purposes intended. The Earl of C.
informs you, in his note of April 30, that Mr. Crampton
positively denies the charge of complicity in any of the acts
of illegal enlistment in the United States, and that the
three Consuls inculpated do the same, He assumes that
the charge against them is sustained mainly by the evidence
of two persons, Strobel and Hertz, whom he conceives to
be unworthy of credit, and he appeals to the American
government to accept as conclusive, declarations of the minis-
ter and consuls. I am instructed to say these considerations do
not relieve the President's mind of the unfavourable impres-
sions produced by the conduct of those gentlemen in relation
to foreign recruitment in the United States. It will be seen
by,referring to my despatch of the 28th of Dec., in which
the grounds of charge against Mr. Crampton were fully
stated, that the testimony of Strobel and Hertz was quite
a secondary and unimportant part of the evidence adduced,
the charges being supported independently of their testimony
by other witnesses, by original letters of Mr. Crampton and
others, and by the undeniable acts of Mr. Crampton. As to
Strobel and Hertz, however, it may be observed, the docu-
ments transmitted by Lord C. as proving those persons
unworthy of credit, are entitled to but little weight,
consisting as they do, chiefly of ex parte affidavits
detailing matters mostly of hearsay, and whatever may
have been the character of these persons, it by no means
followed that they did not testify to the truth. They were
agents selected and trusted by Mr. Crampton hims lf, and
to them he committed most important concerns. Such an
endorsement should countervail the impeachment of their
veracity founded on loose hearsay reports. Nor does it
seem to be a thing of much moment in relation to the
present question that Strobel, in consequence of imputed
misconduct, was dismissed from employment by the
lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia, and afterwards
endeavoured to obtain money from Mr. Crampton.
The fact remains that he held a commission in the
British Foreign Legion, and that as it is clearly
proved and not doubted, he maintained as recruiting
officer, and for a considerable period of time associated
personally or by correspondence, with Mr. Crampton. The
employment of Strobel by Mr. Crampton, their long asso-
ciation in the joint work of recruiting in the United Sates
for the foreign legion, the distinction of her Majesty's com-
mission of Captain in the corps conferred on Strobel, would
seem, at least, to deprive Mr. Crampton of that right to
deny his credibility as a witness. But there is a lam
and more comprehensive class of considee
to this particulp-

hat con

question. For a period of nearly five
months; that is, from about the middle of March, 1855, to
the sth of August, 1855, the peace and order of this
country was disturbed, especially the cities of Boston, New
York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati, by the unlawful
acts of numerous persons engaged in raising recruits or in
being recruited for the British )foreign legion. They were
supplied with ample funds by the British agents, and they
obstinately resisted and set at nought all the efforts of the
local authorities of the "United States to put a stop
to their proceedings. Nor did they desist until they

received orders to that effect from the British government
in the month of August. The recruits thus unlawfully
raised in the United States, during all that time, were

agents to Halifax, and there enrolled in
All these acts, as were their

conveyed by _
the foreign legion

-notorious. Before the trial of Hertz, in
September, and of Wagner, in October. they must have

been brought to the pariicul'ar notice of Mr. Crampton, the
British Consul, and other agents, by the preliminary

judicial enquir'es which took place at New York and Phila-
delphia. In consequence of steps to that effect, taken by
me on the 22nd of March, the proper instructions were issued
on the 23d, and prosecutions commenced in Philadelphia on
the 30th of March, and in New York on the sth of
April. As an ex-in-Tie of the character of these proceed-
ices, their notoriety, and their comprehensive legal
effect, ru: it occurred in May, deserves particular notice.

At. Dew 17_,rk, on the 15th of May, a number of persons
namely, Goof, Wachier, Wilhelm Schumacher, Mies
P Oselr C,emy, and Andrew Lutz, were examined

bef ire Comm

_
Toner Betts, on charges of recruitment
e of Great Britlin. Eminent counsel

was employed by the accused ; that no offence had been
committe.), because it did not appear that any valid contract
of enlistment had been consummated ; but this ground of
defence was overruled by the commissioner, who, though he
discharged Wachier for defective evidence, committed Lutz,
Schumacher, Creamy, and Parkus. At Philadelphia, on the
25th of May, three persons, Hertz, Perkins, and Bucknall,
having been arrested on the charge of illegal recruiting, in
the service of Great Britain, applied to the Circuit Court of
the United States, by habeas corpus, to be discharged from
custody. The presiding judge, the Hon. John R. Kane, on
the examination of the evidence taken in the case before a
commissioner, found the proofs were sufficient to bring
the acts of Hertz and Perkins within the conditions
of the law ; but not so to Bucknall. Accordingly the
latter was discharged, and the two former were committed
for trial. Thus, so early as May, it was judicially shown
that what was doing in this respect was unlawful. Mr.
Crampton was acquainted with these proceedings, and was
thus sufficiently admonished that the acts of recruitment
carried on under his authority did, in fact, whatever may
have been his intentions, constitute a violation of the muni-
cipal law of the United States. This had been decided by
the courts of the United States, was publicly and exten-
sively made known. It is not controverted, indeed, it is
admitted, tID t he had the recruiting business in his charge
and under his control ; yet he permitted it to be continue l,
although judicially determined to be unlawful, through the
months of May, June, July, and August.
Now this long series of acts, unlawful and otherwise
prejudicial to the good name and tranquility of this country
were performed by persons who were liberally paid by the
British officers, and many actually entered the military
service of Great Britain ; that was incontestedly proved on
the trial of Hertz and Wagner by evidence which has not
been and cannot be impeached, although the evidence
adduced on these trials does not need corroboration, still it
may not be amiss to add that much other evidence to the
same effect is in possession of this government, some of
which is annexed to this despatch in the form of documents
responsive to these accompanying the letter of the Earl
of Clarendon. Who is to be held accountable for these
unlawful acts ? Were they all performed by volunteer
and irresponsible persons, as argued in the Earl of
Clarendon's despatch of the 16th of July. That cannot be
admitted for the conclusive rearm that they received pay
from British officers, and, of course, were employed by some
responsible agent of the British government. The Earl of
Clarendon in behalf of her majesty's government disclaims
all intention to violate the laws, compromise the neutrality,
or disrespect the sovereignty of the United States, by the
enlistment of troops within their territory. The President
unreservedly accepts, and is fully satisfied with, this dis-
claimer. Of coarse the unlawful acts in question were not
authorized by the British government, the fact is, neverthe-
less, well established that they were done in
the name and at the expense of the British
Government. Who, then, is responsible for these acts ?
Were there no direct proof, though there is much of that
character, the inference would be irrisistible that no being
authorised by the British Government itself, they were the
unauthorised act of the British agents in the United States.
Such agents having acted in wilful disregard of their govern-
ment in thus infringing our laws, may have failed to inform
their government that what they had undeitakan to do
could not be done without infringing these laws, or by
management, indiscretion, or over-zeal, they may have par-
ticipated in such infringements, well knowing it was
contrary to the wishes and express orders of their
government. However this may be, it is certain that
agents existed, because their acts appear. 'Who were
those agents? Of this we are not left in doubt. In the
documents on the subject, recently laid berme parliament,
it is distinctly stated that the enlistments in the United
States did not stop till Mr. Crampton gave orders for their
cessation, on the sth of August. He had the power to stop
the acts of enlistment Those agents are proved by
his own letters to have held direct intercourse with him,
and at every stage of inquiry, in the numerous cases in-
yestigeted by the American government. There is reference
by letter and oral declaration to the general superintendence
of Mr. Cram/A°, His moral aid legal resposibility are
thus demonstrated. With full information of the stringency
of the laws of the Uni.ed States against foreign recruiting,
with a distinct perception of its being all but impossible
to raise recruits hire sv ithont infringing the laws, and,
with a knowledge of the condemnatory judicial proceedings
of April and May, at New York and Philadelphia, yet he
persisted in carrying on the scheme until August, when its
obstinate prosecution brought on a most unpleasant con-
troversy between the United States and Great Britain,
and it is not the least of the causes of complaint
against Mr. Crampton, that, by the acts of commission
in this business, or in failing to advise bis govern-
ment "of the impracticability of the undertaking in
which he was embarked, and the series of illegal acts which

It involved

~ and in neglecting to observe the general orders
vernment, and stop its recruiting here the moment
pronounced by the proper authorities of
he was recklessly endangering the
which, by the

its illlegality
th

Red- St

harmony and peace of two great nation., .._
character of the commercial relations, and by other comi-
derations, have the strongast possible inducements to culti-
vate the reciprocal amity.
The foregoing considerations substantially apply to the
conduct of the British consuls at New York, Philadelphia,
and Cincinnati. Though of a subordinate official character,
they are not less responsible thari Mr. Crampton. The
continuous violation of law proceeded within their respective
consulates month after month under their eyes, not only
without any apparent effort on their part to stop it, but
.with more or less of their active participation therein. The
consulate of New York appears to have been the point at
which the largest expenditures were made, and it is proved
by documents herewith transmitted, that payments at that
consular office to some of the recruiting agents, continued
to be made by the secretary of the consul, in the consul's
presence, from time to time, down to the b-ginning of
January of the present year.
The President, as has already been stated by me, cannot
admit the force of the objection now urged of the alleged
want of respectability on the part of some of the witnesses
by whom those facts were proved, and as to whom a promi-
nent cause of such alleged want of respectability seems to
be the fact that their evidence has inculpated their accom-
plices in the violation of the law. The testimony

most directly inculpates the British Cons A at New York, as
will be perceived by the inclo'ures herewith, is in the
affidavits of the very persons relied on by her Majesty's
government for proofs in this case, and whose depositions
accompany Lord Clarendon's note to you of the 30th of
April. The Earl of Clarendon perfectly well understands,
that in Great Britain as well as in the United States, it
would be impossible to administer penal justice without
occasionally receiving the evidences of accomplices.
In Great Britain, not only is evid—me of this
received cantinually in State trials, as
-but rewards and other specia

well as ill id

Mons o

held out to such witnesses by not a fe
of parliament. The competency of such persons in a give
case, and their credibility are in both counfries questious
upon which the court and jury, in their respective spheres
Qf jurisdiction, ultimately pass. In the present case conclu-
sions have been established on documentary proof and
other unimpeachable evidence, by proceedings before the
proper tribunals of the tloitad States, by the verdicts of
juries, and by the ruling of judges, which must b 3 held as
final in the estimation of the President. The Earl
of Clarendon suggests, as a consideration pertinent to
this question that the minister and consuls had no means
or oppo-tunity of rebutting the charges thus indirectly
brought against them in the trial of the inferior recruiting

agents.
In regard to the consuls the Earl of Clarendon errs in
supposing that they had not full means and opportunity, if
they saw fit, to appear and to confront and contradict any
accusing witnesses. They were not allowed to interfere in
the trials by mere letters written for the occasion, which,
indeed, they could not have done lawfully had there been
no such prohibition ; but if conscious of their own inno-
cence, and that of the parties on trial; and that their own
acts would bear examination, it was alike their duty and
right to appear and say so on oath, and to contradict by
their testimony whatever was alleged against British officers
or agents if known to them to be untrue. Nor is it any
just cause of complaint, that evidence was received upon
these trials impugning the acts of Mr. Crampton. It was
in due course of proceeding; required to be shown, as
against the parties on trial, that the recruitments in which
they were engaged were for the service of a foreign gov-
ernment. _ _ . . .

Mr. Crampton was himself privileged from trial for a
violation of our municipal law, but the persons whom he
employed were not for that cause to go unpunished—
nor was the administration of penal justice to be inaefinately
suspended on account of his position and the diplomatic im-
munities which that conferred ; on the contrary, it was
peculiarly proper that the facts by which he was implicated,
but for which he could not be tried should be verified in
due form of law, for the information of his own government
as well as that of the United States. The Earl of Claren-
don remarked in his letter of 30th of April that
" The intentions of the British Government, and the
arrangements made to carry those intentions into execution,
were not concealed from the government of the United
States; these intentions and arrangements were frank-
ly stated by Mr. Crampton to Mr. Marcy in con-
versation on the 22nd of March, and the only
observations which Mr. Marcy made in reply were,
that the neutrality laws would rigidly be enforced,
but that any number of persons who desired it might
leave the United States, and get enlisted in any foreign
service."
It is incumbent on me to say, that in this respect the
Earl of Clarendon labours under serious misapprehension,
which, while it serves in part to explain how it happened
that the enlistments went on for so many months, in a
manner contrary to the intentions and express orders of
the British government, also serves to increase the weight
of Mr. Crampton's responsibility in this respect. I repeat
now, with entire consciousness of its accuracy, what I
stated in my letter of the 28th December last, that at that
interview on the 22,1 March—the only one I ever had with
Mr. Crampton, as he admits, in which the recruitment
bu-iness was alluded to—he, Mr. Crampton, had
satisfied me that his government had no connection
with it, and was in no way responsible for what
was doing in the United States to raise recruits for the
British army. But lam quite certain that on no occasion
has he intimated to me that the British government, or any
of its officers, were or had b-en in any way concerned in
sending agents into the United States to recruit therein, or
to use any inducements for that purpose. Nor did he even
notify me that be was taking, or intended to take any part
in furthering such proceedings. Such a communication,
timely made, would probably have arrested the mis-
chief at its commencement. It he bad, then,
apprised me of the system of recruiting which had at
that time been already arranged and put in operation
within the United States, by British agents and under his
superintending direction, he would have been promptly
notified in the most positive terms that such acts were
contrary to the municipal law, incompatible with the
neutral policy of the country, a violation of its national
sovereignty, and especially warned against the violation of
our neutrality laws. But he blames me now for not then
stating to him that my construction of that law differed
from his own; but no such difference of opinion was then
developed.
Mr. Crampton on that occasion manifested a coincidence
in opinion as to the provisions of that law which I then
held, and have since fully disclosed. He called on me to
show a letter which he had written on that day to the consul
at New York, disapproving the proceedings of a Mr. Angus
M'Donald, "because I (he) thought those proceedings
would or might be taken to constitute a violation of the Act
of Eighteen—the neutrality of the United States." What
were the proceedings of Mr. M'Donald, which Mr. Cramp-
ton thought might constitute a violation of our neutrality ?
The simple issuing of a handbill, specifying the terms on
which recruits would be received at Halifax into the Queen's

service.
The opinion of Mr. Crampton ascribes as much stringency
to our neutrality acts as has ever been claimed for them by
the ?government or courts of the United States. I had
then no suspicion, nor did Mr. Crampton give any
cause to suspect that he was acting or intended to act
upon an interpretation of that law which would
justify the act of Mr. M'Donald, which he then con-
demned, and make that law little better than a dead
letter. I c ould not but suppose he viewed it in the
same light as Lord Clarendon did when he wrote his
despatch to Mr. Crampton on the 12th of April thereafter,
in which his lordship declared it to be " not only very just,
but very stringent."
To show that I was not mistaken in this respect, I quote
a passage from a letter of Mr. Crampton, dated the 14th of
March, to Sir G. Le Merchant :—" Any advance of money
by her Maksty's agents, or others in the United States,
would constitute an infraction of the neutrality law." The
depositions which accompany this de.spatch are made by
s one of the same persons who have furnished the British
government with affidavits to impeach Strobel and Hertz,
prove conclusively that Mr. Crampton did not disburse
various sums of money to agents employed in recruiting
within the United States.
It was, indeed, apprehended by me at the time that vio-
lations of the law woald ensue. It could not tail to be seen
that any organised scheme of a foreign government to draw
recruits from the United States, though by mere invitation,
would necessarily tend and result in violations of the muni-
cipal law. So decided was my belief in this respect, that
measures had already been taken by me, in behalf of the
government, as it happened, upon the very day of the inter-
view with Mr. Crampton, to institute proceedings against
persons engaged in this business in New York and Philadel-
phia. I then notified Mr. Crampton of that fact, as he
expressly admits in his report of that interview made to his
government.
An attempt is made to deduce an excuse for Mr.
Crampton's course in the business of recruiting in this
country from the alleged fact that he communicated to me
on that occasion the arrangements which had been made
for that purpose, and that I did not disprove of them other-
wise than by insisting upon the observance of the neutrality,
law of the United States. This allegation is hardly con-
sistent with Mr. Crampton's own statement of what then
passed. In the defence of his conduct, recently sentby
inconsistent
jto Lie government, he makes admissions nconsister!t,
with the allegations that there was no concealment on his
part, and that the recruiting arrangements were communi-
cated to me. He says :
"It is perfectly true that I did not enter into any details
of means which were to be adopted by her Majesty's govern-
ment to renter available the services of those who tendered
them to us in such numbers. There seemed to he obvious
reasons for abstaining from this; and even, if it had occurred
to me, I should have been very unwilling to do anything
which might have borne the appearance of engaging Mr.
Marcy in any expression of favor or approbation of a plan
favouring the interest of one of the parties in the present
war. All I could desire on his part was neutrality and
impartiality."
His reasons for withholding from me the details of the