The Express.
London, England, 1850-07-03 00:00:00

OUTGOING MAILS.

The mails for Mader* the Brazils, and Buenos Ayres, will
be made up tomorrow 'visaing.
The mails for British North America and the: United
States will be made up Oa the evening of July 5.
The mails for Lisboa, Spain, and Gibraltar will be made
an on July 7.
The mails rid Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Egypt,
Ceylon, India, Hoeg-Kong, itc., will be made up on the
swing of July 8.
The West India Mills. excluding Bermuda, Havannak,
Nassau, Hnnduras, New Orleans, and Mexico, and including
three for Madeira, St. Juan-de-Nicaragua, New Granada,
Chill, and Peru, will be made up on the morning of July 17.
The mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands,
Egypt, Ceylon, India, and China, wiz Southampton, will
be made up on the morning of July 20.

H lON WATIR AT LONDON DEMOB.
Tan Da —Norniag. Vt. Dos Aforraoaa. 41 7.a.
Ta•maaaagr//04.491. IL NM Allmon. 9a ISM.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 3.

THERE has never been a character so difficult to
fill, or requiring so many high qualities and rare ad-
vantages, as that of an English statesman. There is
none, we may add, to which is 83 universally paid
the homage of admiration and respect. The annals
of other countries record instances of successful minis-
ters, who have baffled the intrigues of a court,
humbled the frowardness of an aristocracy, and
adroitly handled the weakness of a monarch, and who
have not o. ly accomplished these difficult tasks, but
made use of the power so hardly won to
promote the interests and achieve the greatness of
• their country. Hut with a representative assembly,
whose confidence was to he gained a popular
opinion, whose exigencies were to be satisfied—the
task of a constitutional minister is far different. The
examples of BARNEVELDT and the ])E WITTS attest
its danger. And the instances of court ministers, who
have tried to play the part of constitutional ones, like
TALLETRAND, and proved utterly milk for it, show
what very d•fferent kind of talent, of experience, and
of training is required for the statesman of a free
people.
If the requisites for political eminence in England
be not the same as in other countries, neither are they
the same with us at present and in the past. In the
last century politics were a theory rather than a
science, a sentiment more than a calculation. Liberty
was a theme for oratorical display; but questions of
domestic policy were superficially treated, and indeed
eansidered quite ancillary to views of foreign policy.
The country WAS like a youth, bent on external
influence and display, caring little few the cultivation
or maintenance of that more important part of hu-
manity which lies within. An English staesman of
the last century was almost uncognisant of either a
social or an economic question.
Far different is it now. However national vanity,
susceptibility, and pride may be got up and worked
upon for a crisis or a debate, we in general and in the
even tenour of our lives, care little e hat influence we
may have over Europe, or what place we may fill
in its estimation. Our objects of interest are
around us, in the frame-work of society, its
relations!, its industry, its sufferings, i's em-
barrassments, and its crimes. In fathoming the
depth, ascertaining the currents, and studying the
nature of that inland sea, a British statesman has
sufficient to occupy him. And fortunately for England,
British statesmen did spring up within it who felt
that such was the necessity and the demard of the
times, and who directed their who'e attention from
the shew and oratorical department of politics to
the great y business questions of an industrious people.
This may seem the commencement of an essay, but
we know of no better preface to considering the cha-
racter of that statesman to whose bid of death all
eyes and hearts are at this moment directed. If not
the first public man who discerned that the politics
of England would henceforth chiefly lie in this path,
Sir ROBERT PEEL was certainly the moat eminent
, and influential man who flung himself into it. And
more credit is due to him for this, from the circum-
i stance of his having been bred, and having risen
' to office, in that old routine tory party, to
whom " sufficient for the day was the evil thereof;'
and who were contented to carry on the affairs of a
i great nation in the very moment of its utmost power,
under the lead of an ADDINGTON or a PERCEVAL,
' with the profundity of a BATHURST, and the financial
genius of a VANSITTAIIT. •
Front the close of the war and from the day
I when it had ceased to absorb all effort and
I attention, Mr. PEEL turned hie mind to Ties-
' tions of internal and industrial improvement. His
' first undertaking was the reform of the currency,
in his fathoming of which question he was placed in
I wintact with the perhaps superior, and certainly more
leisure-fed, minds of eminent men of the whig party.
I Struck with the views, he did not shrink from adopt-
' ing and carrying them against the earnest protests of
his family and the selfish interests of a class which
• formed the great parliamentary stay of the tones. It
• was carried, however, by a compromise, and must
i have mainly emboldened the statesman to conceive
' and accomplish at a future day other great changes
i
' and reforms.

The subsequent history of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S life
is indeed but that of the gradual conversion of the
tory administrator into the thinking, inquiring, and
provident reformer. He carried emancipation against
the prejudices of his party ; he accepted reform ; and
he beanie a late but avowed and zealous convert to
the principles of free trade, the realization of which at
once ruined his power and crowned his fame.
Few men have had ss immense a personal influence
upon events, and no one has had an influence so
salutary. For if any statesman can boast so to
have anticipated the popular demands and the popular
wants of a disturbed and anarchic era, as to render
revolution impossible, by conferring its benefits and
avoiding its evils, that statesman is Sir ROBERT
PEEL.

We can easily conceive, however, that the backward
party, whose prejudices he forsook for great objects,
the utility of which they deny, should accuse Sir
Rouen of treachery. Although we think that he
may be fully defended, we own that the task is not
to be performed with a few arguments, or in a few
sentences. One of the peculiarities in the change
which we have described as having taken place from
the statesmanship of the past century to the political
habits of this is, that the leader of a party is no
longer its social head. Ho no longer rallies his friends
round his table orhis hearth, however he msy bums.-
fully marshal them in and behind his parliamentary
bench. Prime ministers need to be gay courtiers and
boon companion.. At present they uro thinking and
solitary men. Their influence over their party is
thus the Influence more of distant admiration and
respect than of intimate relation and evilly day
friendship. A minister, therefore, the workings of
whose mind has wrought in him an important change

and a new conviction, cannot hope to communicate it.
And hence the phenomenon whisk wo so often see in
political life of parties, like thstevered worms, with
their bends Moving in one direction and their tails in
another.

We oesninenosal by observing how may and how
rare were the qualities sad advantages requisite for
the English statesman. Fora prime minister the re-
quisites are indeed mast rare. B much so, that even
in the full rants of public life at present a man could
with difficulty lay his finger upon any, save the present
prime minister and his great rival, to whose handsome
would, without trembling, see committed the guidance
of the state. Had the vote of Saturday morning been
other than it was, this would have been now a cri-
tical consideration. Bat even as it is, the loss of
such a mind and influence as those of Sir Rointar
Palm to public life, is an event of incalculable result
and of deep and melancholy importances.

Tne House of Lords have again refused, by a ma-
jority of twenty-two, the claim of the people of Ire-
land to the same rights of representation as those
which the people of England and Scotland enjoy.
It will be recollected that upon the second reeding
of the Franchise Bill, a long debate took place, in the
course of which Lord STANLEY admitted that his
advice to his party had been to reject it altogether.
But that use and seemly counsel having been over-
ruled, he intimated big intention ofseeking compensation
for the unwilling forbearance from mischief then im-
posed upon bim, by using every opportunity that
might arise in committee to maim and mutilate the
bill. True to Lis threat, the reckless leader of the
reactioniats commenced his work of insult and in-
justice on the second clause of the bill. As seat up
from the Commons, a franchise of 81., tested by
rating and conditional upon the actual payment of
rates by the occupier, was conferred upon counties in
Ireland. The ground on which this amount had been
fixed on by ministers wu simply this, that the propor-
tion of tic:tore to population in the rural districts of
Great Britain varying from 12 to 20 per cent.—a
higher rated franchise than 81. would not give to
Ireland an equally popular constituency. In confuta-
tion of the electoral estimates which bad been relied
on throughout the discussions in the lower house, the
tory peers said not a word. Lord DESART, the mover
of the hostile amendment, spoke a dull pamphlet on
the occasion to a drowsy auditory ; and in the course
of his ill.connected common-places hoz irded a calcu-
lation which was meant to show that an 81. rated
franchise would create a constituency in the counties
of Ireland more numerous than in those of England.
But nothing can in point of fact be more fallacious.
The juvenile senator appears to have copied his
figures out of a parliamentary return of the gross
number of rateable tenements, without having the
slightest suspicion that between rateably distinct
tenements and occupiers qualified to vote, there exists
I no more identity than between the gross cumber of
hereditary peers and the actual cumber that possess
any political capacity. The number of tenements in
Irish counties rated at and over 8/. may be 310,000;
'bat from these one-filth at least must be deducted for
double holdings by the same individuals, and for
such as are possessed by women, minors, and persons
from various causes incapacitated from exercising the
Buffs age. Besides all tbia there is to be deducted a
very large per centage on account of the depreciation
that has taken place in the rateable value of farms
and dwellings since 1846, prior to which nearly all
the valuations in Ireland were mace; so that
in truth Lord lons Russell. was very much
nearer to the mark when he stated in
the House of Commons three months ago
when contending against the Staolcyites who strove
to obstruct its progress there, that the bill as it stood
would give about 200,000 voters to the 32 counties of
Ireland.

But what do arguments avail ? The avowed pur-
pose of the monopolist peers Is to frustrate, at what-
ever tiek cr cost, a measure which would enable the long-
oppressed and rack-rented fat mere ti Ireland to return
men to parliament who would vote for retrenchment Ind
religious equality, and security to the hard toiling
man for the fruits of his industry. Between an alien
oligarchy and the people of Ireland there is no one ,
idea in common ; and should any accident or intrigue
precipitate a dissolution of parliament, this bigoted ,
and unscrupulous faction count upon fraudulently
seizing on fully two-thirds of the Irish representa- ,
tion. By fair means they well know that this is im-
possible; they are ready, therefore, to attempt it by
foul ; and a fouler expedient they cannot resort to ,
than that of which Lords ST INI.V.Y and linotteltam
made nee of v, ithout stint or compunction, namely, the
raising of the fanatical cry against catholicism. Fail-
ing to kindle the least show of enthusiasm among
their followers by their dreary political diatribes, the
wretched resource of religious prejudice alone re- ,
maintd, and of that they did not hesitate to avail
themselves. How this shabby and shame:teaexpe-
dient may have silen•ly aided in securing the result ,
desired we cannot tell. But sure we are that pub:ic
opinion in this country will upon the earliest fitting
opportunity, be expressed in terms of disgust not to
he mistaken at the course which the allied Puseyites
and protectionists have thus pursued.
We trust that ministers will urelinchingly perse-
vere in taking the sense of the upper hey.ee on every
detail of the bill. Let its opponents have rope enough
by all means. They seem in a humour to take it, and
it were a pity to stint them. Let them on every point
and in every respect prove to the country what they
are. While the bid is in committee we shall
devote ourselves to the task of chronicling their deeds
and directing popular attention to each new incident
of the performance. The effect even for the time
will, no doubt, be useful. Then, when the work is
finished, and the measure, rifled of whatever'
good it contained, is sent back to the House
of Commons, the proper time will have ar-
rived for the representatives of the people to prove
their determination not to abandon the sacred cause
in which they are embarked, and by restoring the bill
to a suitable and effective condition, to compel the
hereditary foes of the industrious millions to reject it
again, if they are so madly minded. Let them ; the
friends of democratic progress will have little reason
to grieve if they do. It will only serve to rouse the
listless from their slumbers, and to wake the credu-
lous from their dreams.
But let no man who either wishes to see the
greatest attainable amount of political good wrung
from these churlish monopolists of power, or who,
looking to the ultimate consequences of their stupid
obstinacy, desires to see them self-divested of what-
ever portion of respect they are still imagined to
possess,—let no man who is true to the popular cause,
tolerate an abandonment of the Irish Franchise Bill.
Our insulted kinsmen on the other side of the channel
must not be left in any doubt as to who are heartily
with them in the assertion of their rights, and who are
really against them. A majority of sixty-eight in
the united commons of the empire sent this mea-
, sure to the Lords, and it is not to bo endured
, that such a body as the latter are to be allowed to
bully and browbeat the national assembly of the
realm into relinquishing their purpose and resolve.
The very idea is preposterous. For peace sake the
government have already given way in some points,
and we do not say that they erred in doing so. But
a frarchiee bill for Ireland the House of Lords, de-
spite of all their hectoring, will be glad to pass, ere
the session closes, if ministers do their duty, and the
liberal representatives of the three kingdoms do not
shrink from theirs.

THE EXHIBITION OF 1851.—Yesterday a parlia-
mentary paper was printed, containing a letter addressed to
the commissioners of the exhibition of 1951; to the Lords of
the Treasury, enclosing a memorandum as to the site of the
exhibition building in Hyde-park. This letter, coupled with
the discussion in the Rouse of Commons on Monday night,
will put the public in the possession of all the points up to
Thursday, when the subject will be again 'brought forward.
The commissioners give their reasons for selecting Hyde-park,
and state that the building to be erected will be removed by
the Ist Nov. The area of Hyde-park is 357 acres; Keating-
ton-gardene, 290; Regent'apark, 403; St. James's-park, 83.;
Green-park, 71; Victoria-park, 160 ; Greentrieb-park.
174 ; making a total of 1,669 acres ; while only twenty acres
are proposed to be taken for the purposes of this i zhibition.
The commissioners add, that the possibility that the bringing
the t nhibition into Hyde-park should be considered as an
interference with the enjoyment of that park by the public
has never entered their minds. They have, on the contrary.
always intended it as a means of recreation and lntelltctual
esy'yment for the greatest portion of her Majesty's subjects,
aed they have hitherto had reason to believe that it has been
so regarded by the country in general.
TIIa &US OF LORD IiOW DEN'S SPLENDID Es-
TATZ, near Taoists'', to Lord Loadesborough, has, it is
stated, been finally 'respired, through the agency of Mr.
Smith, the land agent of Waterloo-place.

FRANCE.
It is said that M. de Persigny is to be cTOILIDAT lIVENIVOherzed• with a delicate mission to St. Petersburg. •rtu, President is about to solicit, through this confideethli
messenger, the hand of the daughter of the isle
Grand Duke Michael.
The debate on the press law will commence t,.
morrow. Eleven orators of the Mountain melee
we
w. lam is Victor Hugo, are inscribed to Speak scat.
th
Some members of the Mountain have brought for.
ward a motion to prohibit arrest or preventive
'Garnett in the cue of press offence,.
On Sunday a great bacquet was given at btffi.ex,,,,
Restaurant, in the Boulevard du Tempir, horour
of M. Girardin's election fir the department 0 the
Lower Rhine. _

, ors in cons
on the Ami quenee
ga
The new electoral lists will bs cloned in a r,
di
At Paris the number of electors will be
iliminishlrd
by one-half. The dinfranchiseir cnts renul.in4
fro
conviction of offeuces against the law aincuat to •tzta thousand already, and all are not yet known. -
On Sunday evening Lord Normanby had a long cthoenfveoretnec:f wtiliteh
hOloenuseeralofLcothimttme'
policy of the government. The Llix Derei.d.rt atatis
that, now the dispute between the French and Englisa
cabineta is settled, Lord Nermanby will avail himself
of his leave of absence to visit Florence.
The Count of Montemolin is said to hive ssl:cited
the hand of the Princess Carlotta, sister of the lirao
of Naples. The King has consented to the marriage,
but the day is not yet fixed. The Spanish mixes.
sador at ;Naples has protested against this match, Led
I in this proceeding has been supported by his govern.
ment, which has given him orders N renew Lis pro.
test, and withdrew from Naples if the Kale does hie,
I comply with the requisition of the Spanish court. A
steamer has ben sent to the bay of Nap es, to be at
the disposal of the ambassador.
The creation of a new ministeriAl department is
spoken of, by the title of the Ministry of Slate. The
functions of the new nrni.ter woull b, virtually
those of the President of the Council, althuir4h the
presidency belongs, in the present Frerch system, !.0
the President of the Republic. 111 tffi,:e would be to
centralise the action of the other ministtra.
The French prelate whom the government is about
to recommend to the Holy See for the vacant cardi-
nal's hat, is Monseigneur Matthiiu, Archbishop of
Besancon, who took the initiative in flunding the ca-
tholic colleges, and is, therefore, by no means a fa-
vourite with the University. AIM. .‘lontalembect
and Moli; patronise the claims of Nloustioecr
D'Astrcs, telling the President that to raise to the
dignity of cardinal a prelate whom his uncle had can.
fined in prison, would redound little lens to his glory
than the restoration of the papal power, which L.„
uncle had subverted.

On Sunday, 180 persons met to dine in the rooms
of the restaurateur Diffieux, Boulevard du Tempie,
at a banquet given in honour of the election of 31.
Girardin. An the hands engaged on every depart-
ment of the Prase newspaper, edi ore, com-
positors, printers, clerks, ernp.oyes, porters, acd
female folders of the journal were resew. 31. Vic4r
Hugo, who undertook so nobly tie defence of !'.e
Presse in the Assembly on its arbitrary susper.sior. 4
July 1848, occupied amozg the guests the div.lc-
guished rank merited by this service. One of t'.e
workmen proposed, in energetic language, the health
of Girardin, t...e bold publicist, and Victor Hugo,
poet of the tribune. M. Girardin said, in tett:Tin;
thanks, that the Presse had been fint.ded that (lay
fourteen year?, and unfulded the first copy petrel .4
June 30, 1836. He proceeded to react long Ten.
Cons from Victor Hugo and Lamartine, venial I:1
appeared in that original asset Af:er a speech by
Victor Hugo, and a song called "The Hymn of tl-.03
Workmen" by one of the printers, the banquet b:ckr,

The Conseil dT'at proceeded to-day to elec: thrre
motnixrs to represent it in the superior Council of
Public Instruction. MM. litthmont, St. Aignon, and
Cuvier, the latter a protestant, were chosen.
To-day before the public sitting the Assembly pro.
ceeded to the monthly organisation of its burca.x.
The prorogation of the Assembly was mooted in mat
of the bureaux in relation to the appointment of the
committee of leaves of absence. M. Montalember
proposed that the prorogation should be fixed from
the hith of August to the lath of November. Some
m.mbers were of opinion that the prorogation ghoul
only last cis weeks. la several bureaux the term of
two months was unanimously approved. The com-
mittee on leaves of absence is charged to examine the
question.
_

. .
A b:11 for opening a credit of two thousand potin:!
steriing for defraying c xpentes in relation to
London eal.ibition, is on the eve of being stthinitht
to the bureaux.

The Assembly has adjourned, on the motion o' M.
Piecatory, the election of its president and board
until Thursday.
The sitting of the Assembly was devoid of interest.
The proposition of M. Benoit Cnampy, re:atire to
the publicity of marriage coctracte, was adopted oa
the second reading. The houss then passed •a a
second deliberation on the motion cf M. Charrs.=,

tending to modify the mode of recruitment of
engineers. The motion of General Grammont for :
pressing cruelty to animals was adopted. The .
relative to the adjudication of the proceeds of the
u I act ure s of Sevres, the Gobeline, and Beauvais, w.-. 1
adopted after the second reading.
From the official prices of corn given in the .1/ .;-
teur, it results that the mean price of the Lciii•re
throughout Frarce is, according to the 'meet ri: CZ 4,
14fr. 21 centimes, a very low average. wbi:h es-
peeted to be still further diminished by the
hervtst, which promises to be sicced abo:da:t.
not.use•

PAWN IvLy 2. 1 For

Upenule

, per
cent.,
....... 56 93 ,
-----I
47 o 1 37
S per Cents.. 19480',0S .0 1 ../..i .. ; ..,
3 do. New Loaaa I ,
44 per Cents- • ••••••• 1 .• : n I n
4 per Cents . ' I ~ i ..
..
Rink:unto Oil LOWal: II liitht, .., 4i ; .i., 4 .yit, ..,
841,164124 5, IMO ~,, q9l llon.::. NI, er Amu.. ..
Da. 5, 1842
Do. 4i
Do. 3
Viedraont 5 per Cents B7l 10 ~ Rank Marra'
.
Bovaan.—St. Cerstatn, Ma; Vecsaitle• k right tun.-, I
(left bank), 141 So; ram and tnloun, .. F; I`..r.- .01
568 75; Rouen end 14rre, 122 50; 51.irn,'',., ind .4,.p
Strarboure and &de .ON :3; Ortelin Lal %ler .00, 3io; 01
lionleaux, 392 50; riLett, 444 75; Darts all I,.riiSkvta6.4:
and Nan'n, 225. -

MADRID, Jowl 27.—Three per Cents.. 331. OM Bulls,
339 16 cosh, 331 papa. Four per Ccou. U. piper. Fire
per Coats., 121 cult. Coupons. 7 cu►. Femmes 3; cash.
Bonk of St. Ferdinand, 541 Exchange on ',Aden, .50.19.