The Express.
London, England, 1861-12-13 00:00:00

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- - - - -- ---
LONDON, IRIDAY, DEC. 13.

Ws cannot think it either politic or decorous to
cry out for French aid in every war that we may
undertake. The chief value of a French alliance is
that it tend. to preclude war, and that since
two such countries could not unite in a policy
of violence or wrong, their alliance for any given
object gives to war the character of a simple
execution of the behests of justice. The war with
the Federal States of America, should it unfortu-
nately take place, is one where there is no object
to obtain beyond a moral effect, the vindication of
abstract right, and the maintenance of honour.
We trust that at the worst there is a possibility of
confining the conduct of the war to this object,
and of speedily obtaining it. To involve France
in the quarrel would merely envenom the wound.

The French public, we may rest assured, has
very little feeling in the matter. Notwithstanding
the idea so prevalent in America, that the country-
men of LA FA...ism entertain strong and un-
bounded sympathies towards them, the truth is that
the repugnance of the French to the English race
extends across the Atlantic quite as much as over
the Channel. In despite of all that may be written
or discussed, an American in the streets of Liver-
pool is amongst his kin, whilst in Havre he is
amongst strangers, and at least social foes. And,
although the money-spending class of Americans
crowd in pleasurable Paris, it is because they find
and enjoy there • country which offers • stronger
contrast to their own than England, and one in
which they fuel the exclusion from society less.
A rich traveller, or stranger, can lord it in Paris,
whilst in London he is bat one of the two millions.
The part which the French journals have taken
with respect to the American quarrel cannot have
been caused, or influenced, by • public opinion
which dose not exist. The Orleanist pr'•ds,
which in their recent legitimist tendencies were
given to denounce Democracy, have, indeek
changed their tone since three of their Princes
have thought fit to take service under General
WULSxx•x. The Prince usJoinvnza would like to
show at Washington that he can still command some
respect in France for the con etryand the government
he may adopt. Adhesion won by such influeaos
and given for such • cause is mean and worthless.
What the Orleanists and the thaws connected with
them think of North America can be gleaned from
the pages of Ds Tom:Writs much better than
from the columns of the Daate. They do not
think that Democracy hoe life in it. Nor do
they approve of princes who take service in its
ranks.

In truth, there is but ono don of opinions
much worth consulting in Irene at present—
those of the Imperialists—and they have
not words strong enough to express their ocodem-
nation of such acts so that of Oimptain Waims.
Military and naval forme are the basis of every-
thing in Franos--of tranquillity at home, of pesos
abroad—of dynastic as well as popular security.
If an officer of that force oars take upon himself to
cut through grave questions of international policy,
and precipitate war, to suit his own individual
ardour or caprice, the ermemneme must be poli-
tical chaos. No country could reckon on main-
taining peace for a twelvemonth. No govern-
ment could disarm, or follow a settled line of con-
duct, or even dare to choose allies, without con-
sulting the mob and their officers. The French
Euro:nos feels that what is England's case to-
day may be that of France to-morrow ; and
that the first thing requisite to maintain
relations with America, is to make it a sine qua
mu that the WILICISID4 and the HAILNZYS be put
down. The Americans may practise Lynch-law
in their woods, say the French, but if they extend it
to the ocean and to the globe, all the other Powers
of the globe must unite in a crusade to put down
them and the form of government which harbours
men and principles so incompatible with general
security and peace.

Such is the view of the case taken by the mass
of Imperial functionaries, and which is reflected
in the columns of Lthe Imperial press. Such
journals as the Constitutierusel and the Patric,
connected with the great State bodies, dio-
cese the question in this spirit, and look
upon England as conferring a benefit upon Eu-
rope and mankind, by standing resolutely fast in
such a quarrel. The current of politics in France,
it may be remarked, had, previous to Wuses'is
error, taken • strong impulse towards England
and a renewal of the alliance, those statesmen who
were strongest in favour of the alliance having re-
ceived increased influence. We by no means say
that had events in Europe taken another colour—
had Russia remained powerful, under a sovereign
able to hold the reins and direct the policy of so
great and powerful a state, and had the seeds of
confusion and insurrection in Germany been more
ripe and advanced, France might not have
been prepared to take advantage of such confusion
in the centre of Europe, and in that came she would
see with pleasure England sending her Guards
to Canada, and her fleet to the other side of the
Atlantic. Rut in the present state of European
affairs there is no opening for ambition. And the
truest, the only sensible policy is to be quiet, to
recover financial prosperity, to disarm • little for
the sake of softening enmity and soothing an-
tagonism.

We are fortunate, therefore, in these prospects
of peace and amity, and in the fair appreciation if
not approval of our moat recent acts on the part of
the principal European powers. And the Govern-
ment of Washington certainly could not have
chosen a time, whether the state of America or
that of Europe be considered, more unfavourable
to a war with England. Nothing less, indeed,.
than madness could dictate it. With us, we need