The Express.
London, England, 1850-04-01 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 1, 1850.

gut erpreoo.

OUTGOING MAIM.
The Wise !dais 'Malls, brigadiers, Breams,llaysaasb,
Norse; Mindere', New Orleans, sail Maise,sail eireladlorr
Less fee Madeira, fit. usa-de-Nisersesa, New Grenade.
Chill, sad Peru, will betas& up to-morrow aioralsg.
Tbe mails fee liederis, the Brasil, sad itasaire Ayres, will
M seeds ap ea the evising et April 4.
The mils for British North Aseeties sad the United
Mates will he suds cep ca the eireelaa rG $.
The 'ails for Lisboa, 13pairs, sal ehnltee will be rude
ap sa April 7.
The mails rid Marseilles, to the Mediterreassa, Zap;
0:ploa, laths, Hoeg-Hoag, to., will be nide ep sa the
make of April 8.
The iambi or Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, Wiest= lolanda,
Ceylon, lad* sad Chine, via fleatheaaptos, will
cep ea the swains of April O.

TO CORROPONDEN
M for • The Leaden crialea ,
averfe•etnet, b?we eNiceit at the fey d=hut=

111011 wiLria A? LONDOX Intlllel.
he mi—sinnies. 4%. Na AtAmmo. SC 1..
Twinano • —lAseatia. Wu as Aftesess. 48.41,0.

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 1.

THE CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Mr. Locx n
KING, and Mr. KATE an two able volumes, have
lately called attention to the greet necessity of throw-
ing land more open aed facilitating its transfer. The
questions connected with this have to be explained
and discussed in the country so as to produce strong
and fully-informed opinion there, ere it can
be hoped to force its way upon parliament.
To be of use, too, the discussion ought to be carried
on in no party spirit. Toe greater subdivision of
land would benefit no interest more than the leaded.
Why, the re fore, attempt to force upon them as an un-
welcome reform a change which their own intelligence
should lead them to adopt?
Another mistake in too mode of pressing on these
great questions is that of marshalling forth all their
necessities and advantages, ignoring altogether their
difficulties and drawbacks. 111 r. KATE has visited
a '.variety of countries in Europe, those countries
the moil of which has been opened to the acquisition
and industry of the poor by the abolition of the old
feudal mouop'ly and exclusive rights. Ably and
fully does he depict the immense incentives offered to
economy and industry by the facility which the
peasant enjoys of investing his savings in land. The
mere fact of such an investment being feasible suffices
to change the entire morals of a population, and to
spread a comfort, a contentment, a simplicity, with
an accompaniment of every household virtue, over the
happy country.
Laid, however, in every society, is limited. And
whatever use and advantage there may be in fling-
ing it open to one generation, the facilities and the
circumstances chirp with respect to the generation
that follows. The throwing open the seignorial lands
in France, in Spain, in North and West Germany,
was of immense benefit, moral and physical, to the
generation that were ready to profit by it. But with
each succeeding generation the benefit has narrowed.
And in some districts it has gone so far, that extreme
subdivision has produced almost the same results as
the old monopoly in the degradation and indigence of
the labouring peasant. We would instance Alsace.
Where the subdivision of landed property works
well, is in a country where there aro trade and
manufacture', and where in consequence the accu-
mulation of capital and the facilities for employing
it in land, make the two principles of the aggregation
of land by the rich, and its parcelling out by the poor,
c interact and counterbalance each other. In
England, therefore, of all countries, the land might
be allowed to be subdivided with the greatest good
ffects. And the fact is, that if England were sub-
divided to-morrow, its industry remaining active
' and its capital accumulating, the parcelling
would grldually disappear, the soil bo gathered
ap again into the farms that were of most
profitable size ; and moreJver, the owner of, and liver
upon, the surplus produce would be the capitalist, the
landlord, and! e gentleman. Rent and rent-afford-
ing land will, in fact, not remain in the hands of
peasant proprietor., unless indeed the population has
no outlet or means of livelihood than lead, atd
unless there be a want of capital to take and direct it
to legitimately profitable employ.
There is, however, a large portion of the land of
every country whic`i belongs naturally to peasant pro-
prieties: it consists of these soils which repay
the cultivation of the peasant owner, and feed hue,
but which will not produce rent of appreciable
amount in the t ands of the capitalist farmer. This
frontier land between the productive and the non-
productive roils is the apanage c f the peasant pro-
prietor. If it be such as to be capable of being
improved into the rich and permanently productive,
then of course the peasant proprietor holds it but for a
time. This most useful and pioneering class
of the population has, however, been blotted
out of existence. The rule in England is that
if land does not yield great profit, it is not worth cul-
tivation. It must either be the rich and peopled farm,
or the barren and houseless moor. The parts where
wheat will not grow, are reserved for game. And the
travell •r beholds such unnatural anomalies as the
shooting moors of the nobles extending, in their deso-
late and churlish grandeur, within signt of &populous
and industrious hive lilt- Sheffield.
Any country that has investment in land to offer
for the economies of the labouring class, may be certain
to render that class moral, contented, and industrious.
In such a limited country as England, however, what-
ever room and space there may be at present for such
investment, it is certainly not infinite. But England
bat in its colonies an inexhaustible field for such in-
vestment, if rightly kept, husbanded, organized, and
ordered. Our colonies ought to be to England what
the backwoods are to the American population, a field
of investment, of enterprise, of refuge—a sinking fund
to amortize slo:h and recklessness, crime and dis-
affection.

The only difficulty is to bridge over the interval that
separates us from our colonies, and to make it no more ,
difficult or doubtful matter for the Englishman to
pack up for Australis, than for the Yankee to remove
to the Missouri. Is it really so much more difficult
' and expensive, the one journey than the other ? We
doubt its being so. At least we fully trust in our
powers. The millions that we spend on the coast of
Africa to keep blacks from slavery would suffice to
keep our own refuse population from want at home.
And the million of estimate spent on our fighting, or
rather on our parading navy, would keep up a tran-
sport navy, to form a bridge between England and
its colonies, and afford us, moreover, all we want in
case of war, the tonnage and the seamen to defend
our maritime interests and power.

THE case of the working tailors in the metropolis is
at present occupying a good deal of public print, and
some little public attention. It is certainly a hard,
but happily, to some extent, a remediable one ;
provided, however, the sufferers do not allow them•
selves to fall into the hands of persons who seek to
turn their cue into an illustration that humanity and
political economy are irreconcileable, and to erect on
their misrortunts workshops of Christian socialism,
se Mr. MAURICE, of Kings College, in the Strand, is
pleased to term his hostility to the principle of °out-
mercial competition, about which he seems to know
as much as it is to be presumed he does of single
stitch.

Already there are attempts to connect the working
tailors' case with the teaching of the Communist
doctrine. Some of the disciples of the Per"
MAURICE have, we hear, taken up the shears and
opened at least one co-operative tailor's shop in Lon-
don ; and others have put into circulation little slips
of printed paper quite worthy of the Luxembourg in
nonsense, folly, and mischievous tendency.
Now, if the working tailors of the metropolis in
any way yield to this influence, place faith in these
views, or rely for improvement in their condition on
the practice of co-operation, they will be just as
miserably disappointed here, as their craft was in
Paris ; where, after the Revolution, all these idle
hallucinations were in their trade put to the proof,
and disastrously failed. Evidence is not, we fear,
wanting that some few of the working tailors
have, in their desperation, given way, to
this shallow philosophy ; but at the last meeting
of their friends, it was, we
passedaad to observe,
repudiated ; and a resolutionby a society of
working men at Manchester, to the effect that com-
petition was unjust in principle, immoral in tendency,
and robbed by its effects the labourer, was strongly
condemned at the city meeting over which ALDER-
MAN SIDNEY presided on Thursday last.
In a state of society where capital is so abundant,
population so denim, and whore division of labour is

se minute, wages are, and must be, the only maw
of remeserating the working obsess. Any ether
seeds of dividing the pecuniary results of the a
des of capital to taker, would end in dieopele=
Meaty of its teadesey to deprive oapitalit its dare
in the division and because it would thereby nun
ths laid of individual employment. The Wadi-
mut of mewseelins tailors'-shops would withdraw
espied ksmm the Hails, the withdrawal would augment
the ad GI pabedien; its increase would lessen the
denial foe diddle and by such reduction the co-
operative sysliii wild provide lees work for the
already aperaboallast working_tallors than the prin-
ciple of compedtkm, which Mr. MAIIIICS, in his
penny dialogues, holds to be so un-ehristian and an
ffctU
utY•
B have the working tailors no reasonable com-
plaint against competition P None, we are sure,
spinet its principle though very, likely they may
have acme against its practice in the bands of
ni.informed or unscrupulous masters. But, in
considering their condition and in reading all
their statements, this reflection invariably arises
that the labour of the working tailors is not a highly
skilled labour. In that respect their business is ana-
logous to that of the needle-women ; the demand for
it is immense, but the skill necessary is so small that
it is the recourse of thousands who want the capacity,
the opportunity, or the inclination for a more skilled,
and because more skilled,' better remunerative trade.
It is, moreover, a business without progress for those
engaged in it; the degrees in working tailordom are
few ; it is, as a whole, a dead level, in which the
crowds attracted by the 'manna' of its demands on
skill have nowhere to press forward to ' • they are
consequently driven to hurt each other by compe-
tition. Its occupation is not equal thronghout the year,
it varies with the seasons; its pressure on labour
at one time is immense ; at another there is no work
to be had. Thus the working tailors must at the best
suffer, because their trade is comparatively unskilled,
because, being unskilled, it must be crowded, and be-
cause work is irregular.
These are, it will be at once seen, general consid. •
rations which will always more or lees affect this class
of labour, and prevent its condition being very goad;
and which cantle, by any regulations or schemes,
Christian or pagan, be got rid of. They characterile
the working tailors is every town in England,—in
am city of Europe. It is hopeless to advise the
working classes not to put their children into a trade
that is readily learnt; and as such a trade will always
be overcrowded, it is childish to expect that it will
ever be a highly paid trade.
The practical question for solution is, are there
(beyond and in addition to the general and irremove-
able) special and removable mares of distress and
suffering, affecting the working tailors. It is probable
that there are such exceptianal and avoidable intim-
(nets; and that they are principally to be found in
the sweating system, which interposes between the
master and working tailors, and which ensures to the
former punctuality and expeditioni by imposing heavy
pecuniary exactions on the latter.
It is the fashion to speak harshly of these cheap
establialungsts ; and it is certainly impossible to
sanction the practices on which mail of them sub-
sist, and even flourish. But, it must not be forgotten,
that cheap estaleishments are the natural revulsion of
dear shops. The price of c:othes in the best shops of '
London has, until very lately, remained stationary
fur years, though the value of all materials has been
gradually falling. And the exclusive prices of
our Bond-street and St. James's-street tailors have
forced into existence the Ntcotts, the DOUDNEYS,
and the NIOSESES of the metropolis. Tracy the sub-
ject farther back ; and it is quite possible that the
credit system is very much to blame for the long
reign of high pricer. But be their origin the credit
system or the cupidity of tradesmen, certain it is that
the high prices of the west end led to the low prices
of the ea-t end, and that it is from these low prices
that the special and avoidable suff.rings of the work-
ing classes have mainly arisen.
There excessive low prices, and their accompanying
consequences, admit, it may be said, of no remedy.
The evil is d,ne. and can't be undone. This is a mt.>
take. The higher class of tailors have only fairly
to meet the altered position of society by lowering
their prices and shortening their credit, and the supc-
rinrity of their workmanship and tho crest durability
of their clothes, will ;form more attraeion than the
mere cheapness of the establishments, which arc said
to have dore so much harm. This ought t, be the
first hope of the working tailors: vdti Von' of price
by the bAter sorts of master tailors : for it is only by
such reduction that they eau entice Lord Stewards of
her Msjesty's household back from Iloundsdi'eh ; and,
with Lord WESTMINSTER, much worthier people, and
better customers. _

The great tailors of London, are in reality, great
manufacturers, without, unfortunately, great work-
shops. Their establishments are defective in concen-
trated lablurs, and ;n personal supervison over their
workmen; principles of primary importance in all manu-
factories subjected to great competition sad low pi ices.
High prices have enabled the great master tailors to
dispeLte with these instruments of eroflt ; and in eon-
eequeece the working tailors have suffered. Work
has become more and more irregular, and irregular
work produces irregular habits; the eye of the em-
ployee has ceased to be on the labour of the employed ;
personal interest in tho men ham bean lost by the
master.; and when any sudden demand for labour
arose, the employers were obliged to fled it either
through the intervention of middle men, or at the
public-house.
These evils might be greatly mitigated by the
master tailors applyiug the principles and practices
of other manufactures to the manufacture of doles;
by haying este lishments of their own wherein to
carty on and through all the operation of their
trade ; and by having in some central part of London,
but not in a public-Louse, a registry of working tailors,
their addresses and the last shop at which they
worked. _ . .

By these and similar means, and not by any
schemes of Christian Socialism, or reducing the hours
of work (which is only another form r•f the same
vicious principle) the sufferings of the working tailors
might be greatly lessened. Hut the trade, we fear,
contains in itself elements that will ever forbid its
enjo3ing great prosperity.

FRANCE.

PARIS, SATURDAY, 5.30 P.M.

To-day a long letter hesappeered in the Pane from
the pen of Lamartine, in answer to the proposition of
M. de Larocheiaquelein. The style of this document
is more dispassionate than is usually the case with
comp. sitions in which men defend their own actions
during a perilous crisis against severe criticism. It is
in fact a moderate and logical apology for the repub-
lic, and for the lion's share which 111. de Lamartine
took in the organisation of the government of Febru-
ary. The motives upon which M. de Larochejaiinelein
bests his proposition are cited in order and iefuted ,
and the whole winds up with the following observa-
tions :

As to the proposition of Di. de Leroehejequelein, I will
not discuss it. Evidence is not discussed, it is felt or it is
not, that is the whole controversy. If, however, I had to
discuss it, I would merely, like 8 aerates, ask the author of
the preposition five or six questions, and from consequence I
would constrain him to end en anarchy which he detests as
much as we. Thus, I suppose, it had triumphed, and the
nation bad chosen the monarchy ; the nest dey, the author
would be obliged to have another trial to decide which mo-
naschy. I suppose the nation replied that of the empire.
The nest day, M. de Larochejaquelein, or a parisen et the
majority of July, would come and ask for a third trial, found-
ing his demand on this pressure of the reminiscences of the
glory of the army, of the government then existing and do.
relating the ballot. I suppose that, at this third trial, the
nation replied by the monarchy of July. The next day, a
proposition, signed by an imperialist and a legitimist, would
demand a fourth trial, founding his demand on the pressure
of the functionaries of July still in plait., of reeont influ-
enoe, of affection not yet extinct, of habits not yet fork hen.
I suppose the nation replied by choosing the legitimist
monarchy. The nest dey, republicacs, imperialiete, reti-
nas of the illegitimate royalty, would sign • proposition to
demand to have the ballot annuli. d, bonding the applioa
lion on the pressure of the nobility, the el fee, t` ,e great
proprietors, and the other aristocracies influencing the
country districts. I euppoee that the nation, at last tired
of these trials, should divide into two nearly (quid
pans, and should give only one or two v.ites ma-
jority out of twelve millions of voters. Does Dl. de Ls-
viehejaquclein suppose that there is under the vent t of heaven
• nation of phibeophen sufficiently *eruptions ,h.crversot
the metaphysical decisions of number, in matters like
these of government, to stop short hetoro a vote and not ark
foe the annullation of the ballot, 'founding their demand on
some pressure or other, for what is there that is not pressure
here below ? Natiems feel the pressure of circumstances, of
events, of panics, of ideal, as the mercury leas the pressure
of the atmosphere. I suppose, also, that dm votes arc (meetly
equal. Then, is it an appeal to the people ? No; but an
appeal to civil war! Here, then, is the nation setting up
*caws Belli against WAD. What histc that is which gouda to

brood I Key the republis preserve us from it 1 Let us re.
main la ft and Improve it, in place of discussing ft laces.
sanely sad se weakening ft. I doubt that this meessant wi-
sh Is which the propmition of M. de Lsrochelaquelein would
phew us, that this eaceruive change of kings, dynasties,
empires, Cr republics, would be an efficient remedy for the
crisis of'hurinees whisk the author of it steal to think. An
appeal to order, to common sense, to labour, would in my
be better than eight or ten appeals to the people. In
Waking, as idea oceans se Me, end would eases me to par-
don the republic if I was among the number of tholes who
are Impatient against time—it Lads :In 1790, a proposition
like M. de Larochedaquelein's would have the nest day NCI
its author In pleas ;in 1783, would have led him to the
scaffold; in 1810 would have seen him on the plain of
Grata.; in 1816, would have curled him to the pivotal
mart ; in 1840. wouldhave had him before the court of peers ;
whilst In 1860, the republic, free and megnanimous, listens
without being angry, dimming without scandal, and confines
itself, after having honoured the courage of the proposition,
with sending its author to what ? —to reflection. I cannot
help hoping well of a republic which has at ones caused the
good seam, humanity, tad morals of soy emery to mks
each progress.

The Vosges elections of March 24 presented the
following result: M. Guilgot polled 31,195 votes;
General Raoul, 23,779. The majority in favour of
the democratic candidate was therefore 7,416. The
votes of the army are net reckoned. The votes were
double the number of last year. The death of Gene-
ral Raoul had no influence on the election, since the
rural districts were completely ignorant of it.
The Minister of Commerce has addressed a circular
to the different chambers of commerce and manufac-
tures, calling their attention to the exhibition which
is to take place in 1851 in London, and urging on
them the necessity of using their utmost efforts among
thelmanufacturers in their respective districts in order
that the products of French industry sent to England
may be such as to keep up the character of the country
foringenuity and skill in workmanship. The circular
also explains that the exhibition will include agrieol-
tural productions, and calls the attention of those
connected with those pursuits to the benefit which
may result from their taking part in it.
General Pacheco y Obes, envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary of the Argentine republic,
embarked the day before yesterday from Havre for
Rio Janeiro, on board the Ville de Rio, .Captain
Hebert. M. Eugene Guillemot, who long filled di-
plomatic
functions in South America, accompanies 1
General Pacheco y
The Central Congress of Agriculture has proposed
that a duty of 501. per head shall be levied upon all
cattle imported into France.
M. Victor Hennequin, whose election for the Saone-
et-Loire has just been annulled, had been condemned
by the Court of Assizes of the Seine in February last,
as responsible editor of the Dlntaeratie Par?five, to a
year's imprisonment and 5,000 f. fine. He appealed
against the sentence, and the case came on for hear-
ing before the Court of Catenation the day before yes-
terday, when judgment was quashed on the ground
of some informalities in the proceedings, and a fresh
trial ordered.
PARIS, SUNDAY, 5 P.M.
The prospect of a fresh election in Paris is already
beginning to agitate the public mind. Before M.
Vidal was aware that he would be proposed as a
candidate for the capital, he contracted a formal
engagement to sit for the department of the
Lower Rhine in case of double election. After
the 10th of March M. Vidal, mindful of his promise,
announced that he would only choose to sit for Paris
in the event of his being released from his previous
engagement. The term of option expires on Mon-
day ; therefore it is expec'ed that M. Vidal will de-
clare to-morrow his intention to sit for the Lower
Rhine. The democratic party, who long for some
signal occasion to mark their reprobation of the ap-
peoritment of Baroche to the ministry of the interior,
will gladly seize the opening thus afforded them by
the electors of the Ban Rhin to answer that defiance
of the government. The monlestation of the popular
will in the elections of Paris had only the effect of
increasing the government's opeosition, and of elicit-
ing a marked token of contempt for the principle
of election upon which the President's government
is based. He has drawn upon himself a war d
tolerance with the democrats by an unseasonable
sally of perverse disdain for the most emphatic indi-
cation not only of their disapproval of his policy, but
of their power to give to that disapproval a parlia-
mentary efficacy. The opportunity was favourable
for calling round his chair as ministers men
who Lad blamed the Itoman expedition, and
who were prepared to maintain the institutions
as well as order. But, instead or pursuing
a conciliatory coulee, the most obnoxious man
was called to the mcst important seat in the cabinet,
and the most obnoxious measures instantly proceeded
from this minister. Hence the situation has become
one of still greater peril and difficulty than before.
A sharper appetite has been raised in the democrats
N use the power of which nothing bat their defeat
in a civil war can deprive them. If their candidate
carries the next Paris election, as the recent elections
have shown that he muse, a new proof will have been
furnished that such a foe canrct be put down by
kicks. Meanwhile, there are but too many proofs
that the present system of reactien is instigated by
persons whose professed object it is to drive the
socialist party into a field of fiercer struggle than
the electoral. Like picadors who tease a bull to make
the charge, which cools in the sword being buried in
Lis neck, these cold-blooded politicians aro bent on
goading one half of the people into an armed rebel-
lion, which may procate their destruction by the other
half.
M. Emile de Girardin declares his intention of
coning forward as the democratic candidate in the
event of M. Vol,' choosing to sit for the Baa Rhin.
General Changarnier had, yesterday morning, a
long interview with the President of the Republic.
'the Napokm insists upon the urgent necessity of
passing the repressive laws on the press and clubs
without loss of time.
The real reason of the adjournment of the cham-
ber from Wednesday until to-morrow, was to give
the Minister of Finance time to work on the budget
of 1851. _

M. (iuilgot, the democratic candidate for the
Vosges, has been elected definitively by a large MD:
jority. He polled upwards of 10,0) votes.
The Journal du Harre announces the disoovery of
a legitimist plot, in consequence of which many per-
sons have been arrested at Ilavre a d in the neigh-
bourhood of that city. By virtue of warrants issued
by M. Haton, the june d' instruction of the tr.bunal
of the Seine, MM. Joubio, Levsslot, Legrain, and
Beringer have been committed to the house of arrest
at Havre. M. Perier, lately arrested on suspicion of
being implicated in a similar affair, bas.been liberated,
by orders from Paris.

MADRID, Marten 26.—Three per Ceuta., 29 13-16 cash; after Boleti,
29 9-16 paper ; 291 cash. Four per Cents., 131 Filer. Fire per Ceuta,
121 paper; after 13olsa, 121 mash; 12 946 paper. Pastan* 31 paper;
after t olee, IMO nub. Coup iee, 7 paper. Bank of St. Ferdinand,
81. Exchange on Lagos. 20.30.—0 n the 27th, 25th, and 29th, there
will be no Bon.