The Express.
London, England, 1850-06-29 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 29, 1850.

member far the I:aim** of Paid is endemei
laagnep el Frahm la Ile
atZtlemear ,Mans
my that I think it le • Ikea people ha be
great levers of ten*, mil MUM Elell Wept* they ere sup
rb, 16 all Mika/. Tel, if yen loch at the reports of what
Wtakes plus in Green, yea wails& that warp
witness
emempel and dieseedited who speak enema* of this
sionts7. Sir Ballead Lyeas, s amilessa irbe hes dietin-
=kimealf pftiMlinlllo.4l MIS of the highest
and great ability—auto:44 that Imbed adopted every
sissy whisk he get from hearsay, and that no weight
was to his given to his spialons. If it is a lieutenant
in *seem who Isola indignant a' insults offered to the
es whisk he Weep he Is laughed at aadridienaled
Cligahltstulike propensities. (Rear, hem.) If it ie the
Mei& sound who tills • Greek police- floor who ventures
se newt that no " thumbeerews ' were need that he had
aasa we. taken through the streets in that condition, his
animiat is doubted, beams, he is an Englialesaa, and the
Mistesseat of • Greek pilimerticer, whien is opposed to -.het
was a notorious feet, is laid before parliament. (Rear, hear.)
I sank,. I feel • little indignant at sack conduct. •I
any, whatever may be the faults of the Englishmen,
however homey pay little attenoion to the sages of other
antissa, and It mover overhearing he may he towards limos
wines he thinks lithely* to himmdf is his privileges and
his advantages, yet is his distinguishing mark his hive
of truth. In the criminal trials of this country. as wog-
pared with thou of other mantels., we perceive the same
tendency to truth. If this be eh I ask whether parliament
will come to • formal resolution on the anumption that
every Greek is to he believed and every Englielsinan die-
credited. Then Mr. Fiala', another Englishman, says
that the arbitration in tie Vale did not go on, although be
was ready to take • pries for his lend similar
to that which was paid to others in the
same situ Won, bat the Greek government would not anent
to it. The right hos. gentleman the member for the Doi-
verity of Oxford does not notice thin, bat relies on K
Grog, who was not present, and obtained his informs ion
meoachkand from M. Privilegis, and says. what " dose it
•Leeify what Sir Binned Lyons or Mr. Wyse say, because I
bane Greek authority for the fact." ( gese, hear.) I avert
that during the time the arbitration was going on M. Oros
was not ia Athena, sad coati only have obtained kis infor-
matioa from that gentleman (K. Privilegia), which
I tOotend is decisive. I do not prove* to
go ie.to the claims of Mr. !inlay and M. Pacifico.
But wino respect to the !assertion of the right bon.
goitlenian, the member for the Usiversity of Oxford, that
Mr. Sudsy changed hie ground from 1848 4,3 1348, I think
in the very letter which the right hou. g. int mut quoted,
Uwe is ea assertion exactly similar to t. at which he ma :e
I. 1848, namely, that he (veld not bays justice frost the
Omsk tribunals, because, as i: was the maniac of the
Greek tribunals that the King wee in lawful possession of hie
lead, it was impossible that they timid give him any
compensition for that land. And the sentence occurs
between two bestowal., which the right ken. gentleman
read, hut which he most unfortunately overlook-d. 11.:r•
is the statement, "With reference to my now carrying the
claim helots the Greek tribunal., they mast page over any
aid ire of my property, and mast act on the einvic.ion that
the kiss can do no wrong." (" Go oat") Weil, I will go
on, but I moat say this was mere than the usual
cave of an unfair quotation. I have certainly seen we.
here of this hews, wishing to nuke out their caves. reed to •
c• nein point, and not read the remainder, *ankh tea
simian them, but the right hon. gentleman went something
beyond this, because he read a paragraph at the bn„inning,
sad another alike end.—(gnu, hear.) Well, I will go on
M. Coleco:nod knows that the expense and d lay of bricigiog
a ease before the warts of law between a subject and the
Crown for damage., when the damage was let did before
1843, is tantamount to a denial of justice.—(hear,
Now the light hon. gentlemen fixed upon thou words,
which are at the beginning of the sentence, and he talked
of expose. and delay, and said, (tidy enough, if that was
the may argument, expense and delay are common to other
esuatries, as well as to Greece, and Mr Finlay has no right
to say that junk: has bean (lonia But the: is not all Mr.
Fielay'a atatunent. Mr. Finlay's statement Is that there le
impeate and delay, and that with regard to cuss that at
stirred betore 1843, he seat get no redress. And Mr.
rinlas's cue was this (as the right houcurable
irentletaan invites me to go into it), his cave was that, in
1838 or 1837, the King. beteg entirely arbitrary and an pule
his land was seized. Ile was tell that it was of 113.1111 at'
for the ireetion of the palace foe the king, and be app'ied th
have • fair price for that land. D.d they tell him to go
before the tribunals and claim it? Nothing of the kind.
They said, "we have not taken your land- you are per.
hotly mietaken, we do not want the land, and it is
still yours." Well, he weal Cu visit Lis land, and
he found he could not get on it. I: was geed by workout,
and he was effectually excladed. Anil having VIM en in
this way for some time, he at length wrote • litter to the
noble lard then at the heed of the F-reign.ofile.e. The right
boa gentleman the member for Garold said this was not •
ease for the law of nation', it was a till for the Woo,
biomes* ant therefore never should have Deus oin.uned
between the t.o governments. But the rgbt hon. grateman
left out ore fact—namely, that the appeal was made, not to my
noble friend, but to tbe Doi of Abirdeen, and that Lord Aber-
deen, instead of 'vying to Mr. Fini .y " take your cue
balers the tribunals," sail to Sir imand Lyons, "sew
your &sod offices to obtain redress for Mr. Fieley."
Therefore, the act of makieg this a question of di-
ploma:it interventoe —of diplomatic negotiation—eas
the act of the Bail of Aberdeen, and nut of
Lord l'aimirston. (Load cheers.) That was another
little circumstance which was ocakte I by the right hon.
gentleman. In no way did Mr. Flai.y obtain any redress.
The arbitrary end despotic power of the king was conclu-
rive against his obtaining • fair price for his land. At !elands
toe reiraution took place, anti about ten years after the
land had bee* takes he is told, "Yin may wow go
before the tribunal." " Why," he said, .' if you
bad told me that in 1837 or 1833. and the king
would have allowed this question to be fairly tried, I
should have been glad or that permischo, but teli:ig
me now in Ib4S, when the ease will be attended with i&-
pew and delay which is to prevent my having Janice, is
only a mockery of my claim." And then the right bin.
gentleman calls that an alteration of Mr. Finlay's ground.
And new without alarming the house by as) log that I shall
go at all into the case of K. Pacifizv, 1 must fay that the
way in which that question has been brought forward as
against the present government is one *lath my hoe. friend
the member fey Southampton said would hardly be
allowed in a court of law. The first question with
regard to this claim is, has this man suffered a grime,
injury and wrong ? The second question is, Can we obtain
from the ordinary course of justice where be is resident a
remedy for that wrong ? Tuttle are the two important ques-
tions, sad I think, if you look at M. Pac.tios's clan& in
reused to this question, you will find that his wrong w.s a
grievous one, and you will find in the neat place that
he c told not procure tams for it in the ordinary
courts of justice. But the hoeourable gentlemen and
the noble lords who argue this question, leave then
claims entirely out of eight, and they go epee a third vial,
no doubt of some important*, that the claim is exaggerated
in amount. Why, be may have claimed an exaggerated
&motet. I will not now dispute that question with you, but,
suppose he hue been claiming an exaggerated amount if the
two first points are decided in his favour, that he has suffered
a grievous wrung, sod that he =net obtain redress—l lay,
according to all the principles of the law of nstions,
he is entitled to redeem. And now what was the
instruction that my noble friend gave when he
first heard of this claim? Ile said get from this gentleman
en mount of his 100, sad if it is a fair claim, ask for a
reassemble amount of compensation. Tnst leas the sub-
stance of my noble friend's instruction. Well, now, with
regard to these claims, let me state that es these claims have
been denied, and as we have been told—but not by the
right hon. gentleman who spoke last—l will do him the
justice to say that he takes no such gronad—but as
W justice of these claims has been dialed, yet

I dO assert that it has been in conformity with the
mares of this nation—it has been in conformity with the
usages of all the other civilised nations of Europe and of
the world to seek for remedy and redress from the
government of the country In which the loss is
sustained. With regard to the United States of
America, I fad that from 1830 there have been no less
than 16 casts in which redress has been asked for in
respect to the Were@ of their subjects. With
nape* to Frame every one knows that the strong-
ish. measures have been taken when Freesia subjects
les* i.e. injured, and there was but lately a
claim en the part of France on amnia of the
property of French subjects destroyed at Naples—destroyed,
nut by the government, but during a riot which the gemeles.
nest were amble te sappier and compensation was granted
In test lessees. Welt, new; an hen. gentleman asked me
• awake yesterday with regime te our claims upon Naples,
sad it so happens that there has e within this day or two
a Met telt giving as memeat of the state of those claims.
We es made • menet to the court of Naples to
hare indemnity foe esrtaia British residents at 31soles
whose goods were destroyed by the temlsa•vhsent of ere
place. Tee Naples Meister of Foreign Affairs said he was
• "'' • with the principle which had been

gait, 'Wig ii-apea
laid time by the mow Immo Odeet- Debi* sewaely,
that sesermaties theeld be awarded for the leis .f sash
property es wee It el. without esilleient seesseity,
whether hatideehel* ethereles. Bat It et happened
that these wowWM at that asoferenee.
Ilan me the Mr sill=m11: minister of Frau*,
sad tfe witabSse of AGMs Loa vim did the minister of
PreeseseleCrieleiseity P They 'mid that the puperty of
toreigesee pissed is the wesehems of a toseign port had
always bus eseeldeeed seder the igullup 01 the go-
verment at whose pert It ess wase mod that ma-
pessaries timid be weed; peeeleg Mealy that such a
*Mph, was wasymd. It wpm. theverote, that the
Cries whisk ere pmeassial wee set only sot beyond,
wtele sahib, the kiw if sathes In June 1848 claims
were made by the Neagellas wadi conceded by the French
E=iwieSsOnbisail by Novelties subjects in the
Pasis es leg ilieleales.Whoo that aloha woo made
the Palultemeemek as bums s gememat that knows
the hod heed wallas le de Jessie. to foreignen,
somplud the Mies ; mil bed the Brook govi mutant not
wet* imbed three these &Ms night be made the source
Of wag Moses the pool Isesyeas tattoos—if they had
Ibilesed only te the digitised the law of nations, and et the
jellies of war shims—l see yeeemied that twouty-'our hours
meld have bola ardrely sillichat for considering the
sigma. pert if we abeeld entirely abaadon principles
whisk all the heslys ealesteries of Mu for this country
have frost Me lisamerial acted up to, and my that we will
so Myer act aceordisg to the pnswples on which we
have hitherto acted, what would be the consequess
The Fresh minister would claim oompeneation for
MIMI* done to hie eriestrymen, the Pelagian
assists would elsim stapeneatioa for injuries
dose to the seem of Prussia, mad he would obtain it, hut
whoa it case to the Bogle& atialates he would be told—
" No, the British subjoin le sot protected, let his maks
what be eaa est of our Whew!' ; let hies go from oas

court to another ; but the English parliament has decided
that while the Amerioau, the Austrian, and the Prussian
may Intel* preteedis asserthag to the law of rations, end
the juties of the use, ao Englielunaa shell
have that protection." (Loud cheers) Sir, that is
oafs reuse therefore that I do ask this house tensest to the
resolution of the boa. and learned gentleman, bemuse I
think it the Tualatin' is carried thou fonden nations who
might be eceourapd by the resolution of the House of
Lerch to refuse all jar claims will see that it is net the
opialon of the House of Commons of England that pro-
tection is to be nausea to English subjects. Sir, • muck,
wider question has been raised by this resolution, sod the
right hen. gentleman, the member for Ripon wee the Ant. seed
he has bees followed by others, to discuss the whole foreign
policy of the paeans government. Now, the allusion
made by the right boa. gentles,, the member for Ripen,
to the time he was is office with my noble frieud,
and what took elate with nem' to Antwerp, when Ant-
weep was besiege d, and the Dutch ports were blockaded,
led sae to ink back to the debates of that day, and I find
that Lord Aberdeen is said to have stated tnat the foreign
enfectary of that day, to other then the foreign secretary
of Chi- day, was animated by vanity; sod that he was sore
thst Lord Gray, rho bead of the goveament, did sot partake
In his views. He observed, as gentlemen observe in this
debate, and with respect to wh;e't the right hon. gentleman
has already been set sight, that three of the great powers of
Barone were separated from us, that neither Austra, Resets,
Owl` Prussia approved of the violent wears that we had
taken to compel the King of Hollaad to sign a treaty of
peace, and he called on Lord (Rey to disavow such po-
licy. Lord Grey made the answer which every one
would have expeced from him, that he entirely
eperoved of the conduct of my nobly friend in the office of
foreign affair,, that *eery step that had been taken had met
with his suction, and that he and the rest of his colleagues
were responsible for the course that had nen taco. Sir, I
any the tame thing at the present day, that we stand here
responsible for our policy with regard to foreign affairs, and
we rand against the same charges now seventeen
lears ago made spina the c induct of the noble
ord. Is regard to the transactions that have
takes place, moat important they have be n since
oar accession to office. The fact; I think that was alluded
to was the question of the Spanish marriegee, My noble
fined has made • statement oa that 'abject. I do sot
believe, say more than he dneo, that the Spanish merriseee
were the canoe of the d mash of the F. enne monarchy;
but I b.lieve, and it is steted by various authorities,
that the prefurence of the interests of the dy
nasty to the inter. ste of the nation did teed
in some degree to weaken the hoist of the able
monarch who then ruled over Fran:e. An 1, sir, I regret
(or my part, seeing whet conarquences had followed from
the &Wont by Louis XIV. to place one of his family on the
throne of Spain, the Cause of a !ong and bloody war—seeing
the consequences which had followed the attempt of another
sovereign of Frown, the Emperor Napoleon, to place can of
hie family on the throne of Spain, thereby causing the con-
tinuance of • wee which, on that ground alone,
w.e continued in 1809—seeing, I say, these great
eonsequenees from such attempt., and the causes
why they should have each c mrequencrs were as grave and
as important es eke consequel no that had taken place I
certaio4 regret that when the subject of the marriage of •
Spanish prince.. with the son of Louis Philippe was first
mentioned to Lord Aberdeen, he had not the foresight sod
&muse to say it would produe. great evils, and the fird
cynic:lotus would be the lOU of the friendship o• Engle-d.
Had that lenges,. been used that Millnitfit would not
have been one of the elements of disterbance is
Frenzel. Bat when we Came into office, the matter had
already proceed:el far, and i: was clear that the French
gover meat woe intent upon its fu flMent. It was very
seen clear thatthe conditions which hal been voluntarily an-
num' to the marriage of the Infante, would not be adhered
to, and that win neturallp an additional c.uae of estrange-
ment between the two countries. There were oth.r causes,
in areal cause, to which of course I need not allude, that
were the main causes of the downfal of that monarchy.
Bat I thick the house most agree that eireutnerances of en •
exampled diffieully—rerbspe, not unrottrapled, but circum-
stances of ininiecse difficulty—have occu. red, who re a mo-
narchy was overter sem and a republic was placed in ire
stead, sod that republic led by men some of whom held up
the temple of the Oirondine, and some that of the It-
cabins of 1792. We had to consider that it was • distinguish-
ing characteristic of the Girondins to show hatred and
animosity, and that it was tho distinguishing characteristic
of the Jecobine to propose sal carry into effect the most
terrible and proprganelist ware. We c aelel not but be
sensible of the danger that men who pr ;tined to admire
such principles might adopt a simile, coarse now. But we
had the warning before us. It must be ad•nittel the: the
c induct wl.ich was pursued in 1792. and which wes intended
to preserve pese--, had failed, and, is so doing, the
fault, as I believe, wee because the eammunics•
Lion between England and the great powers of
the continent, omitting France, were not erenned enough.
.k.• • late period of the war, in 1797,1 think, Mr. Fax amid,
"If you bad communicatee to Frauce what you communi-
cated to Russia, I should have had nothing to any upon the
subject." So apparently sm.!: wee the difference between''
two great men in the case of a most bloody and disarrous '
war. With that warning before us, we thought the best
course we,coull pursue was to show a friendly disposition,
to maintain our adherence to existing treaties,-but with that
adherence to show ourselv.s se ready to concert on political
strain with republican se with mensrelneal governments.
You have seen that, gradually, those men who then came
into power have been replatol by where, whom views are
not so extreme, whose couduct is lees likely to be at
varianos with thou existing arrangements to
womb the treaties of 1815 have Itivfll rise to. I say,
therefore, that our !timidly conduct towards France. our
adieen to concert with France upon any subject of Euro-
pet n interest, thus showing her the- she was in no danger
of any foreign invasion in which Lngland should share and
participate, flu been a great element in the peace of Europe
hear)—it has hem an sletrant in the pence of
Europe is times and in circumstances which bear, at h art,
some resemblance to those times ar.d thee. circumstaines
which led to the most bloody and most costly w it upon
record. (Hear, hear.) I say, therefore, when you come
here, one winds man after another—one picking cut a single
phrase in a derpetch, another telling me of some expiation
of crime in a boloopy—another reverting to some einem-
Emcee actually trivial—l *ay I do not pretend to defend
every one of these particular circumstances, or the tone
of each particular note ; but I tell you that
we have been in circumstance. of great diffieuliy— (hear,
hear)—that we have preserved that peace which cur antes
tors thought that:tele,* cons ennui to abandon; and we
ark you to judge us by the principles we have protested, by
the principles to which we have adhered, by the results
which we have attained—(mer, keer)--and not to look at
trifling circumstance. which now, in ordinary times, when
the oanger is greatly passed, gentlemen may tick out of the
newspapers or other sources. (Hear, hear.) One of the
most difficult subjects, and one on which we had to pursue a
part th.t is sow not exempt from fair criticism, was in
respect of Naples and Sici,y. The advice of L ird Mato,
acting on the instructions which my noble fiend bed given
him, was ',to make administrative reforms, to endeavour to
intrusion, purity into the tribunals, a good administra-
tion into the law and the finances, and thus to pre-
pare the way for representative constitution., but not to
introduce them at once. The King of Naples took an
opposite course. He refused everything, end he yielded
everything. One day, after everything had bees refused,
even the most temperate reform, there was a tumuli in the
streets, and the King of Nrples came forth, granting all the
constitution, granting everything that was asked on behalf
N the people. Tint is narrated, along with many other
eireuntetanews of great interest, by an author of the name of
Parini, who has given a history of the circumstances of
Hue, which has been lately published. The effect of giving
that representative =sense ioa, together with the revolution
of Francs immediately following, was to excite a flame in all
It.ly for the adoption of similar constitutions. A little
before the French revolution, but a little after the grant
of this constitution by the King of Naples, Lord Rota
was invited by the King to come to Naples, to
aid him in negotiating with hie Sicilian subjects.
i Lord Uinta had repeatedly written private letters, both to
my noble friend and myself, saying that he wished to come
home from Rome, and he hoped it would not be necessary for
him to remain in Italy. When there he was employed
day and sight in emulating wi h the King and his
11 ministers, with the view of finning • proposition which he
thought would preserve the crown on the head of
the King of th. Two Sicilia!, and at the same
time be suffifient to 'satisfy the people. At last
he obtained the unseat of the King to what be ineposed ;
he carried these conditions to Sicily ; the news of the French
revolution arrived there at the same time. The conditions
had been previously promulgated by the Neapolitan
government themselves; those conditions were refused,
without some further alterations. Those alterations were
sent by Lord Minto to the King, with an account of
what had taken fines. The King at ones consisted,
and Lord dlinto returned to Nap"... But so tar from
Lord !Cato being at that time supposed to excite the revo-
lution in Italy, the rumour in Noises was that his hues was
about to be attecktd because he had advised the king to
adhere to existing treaties, and not to send temps to attack
the Austrianpossessions is Italy. Thou conditions Wien'
mantle failed, the Sicilians thought the soden able to set
up an independent government; and the question for them
was whether they s iould make It • mouroby or a republic.
Well, I sweat say that the course of events justified either
our foresight, or that of the King of the Two Sicilia, is
thinking that the SiCiliaai would establish their inde-
=nt mu . If ttonad h taken another online, if they
bashed their independence, I think you would now
have been glad, that we took such measures as we did
to prevent the, establishment of another democratic re-
patine. But, in inking you to pate a judgment upon theeg
things, again I ay, I do not ask for your approbation of the,
primula steps ; I ask you to show some forbearance, some
oeseitleration, for eiresmstanose of extraordinary difficulty.
(Hear, hear.) Yoe mut give us credit, at least, for not
having attempted propeganstism of any sort, but (or eudeav-
teering to preserve, if possible, the elements of authority
and liberty in those countries of Europe is which we bad
any influesee. (Hear, hear.) Another question has
been touched epos, with the unfairness which has
marked the way in which they have all been handled,—
I mean our interference with respect to the demand of the
liengnian refugees. The only question that has bun
touched epees was the' prooeeding at the fleet of Sir Wittiest
Parker wichlii the outer cutlet of the Dardanelles, and the
subsequent explanation of my noble friend. Then, it is add,
upon the authoritg of a captain in that fleet, that be was not
driven in by mesa of weather. I think Sir William Parker
is • punts to be believed es Meow& authority—(ther, hear)
—and his statement was—the phrase may net be • strictly
assent* ose—that the aseborage outside them castles was
very unsafe, that the weather at that time wee tempestuous,
end that it the Turkish authorities, and Sir Stretford Can-
ning, our own ambassador, thought that he might pulsed
witkis those outer castles, he felt that he should be safer

there than In any aueborage ha o mid fled ontakle. I believe
that statement to he strictly seenrate; end I
Oita it was proved by this that when, fa
counties's of my noble friend not agreeing, as for
as I remember, with the opinion of Sir Stratford
C omit: that the fleet might atchor there without any vio-
lation the realty and the regulations of the Porte—when,
in oonsoquenes of that opinion, Sir W. Parker went beck to
Bullies Bay,la a gale which Immediately afterwards took
place, two of thou great lissof-battle ships dragged their
anchors In titatgale. That was a proof that there was sot
safety there. Therefore I think it is mere quibblieg to say
that stress of weather is not an apposite term, because the
day was &floe one when the vessels entered the Dardanelles.
The feet was, they went there for more secure anchorage
during the titinpastaoss vitalism' then prevailing. (Hear,
bear.) This is not a circumstance on which to plus the
whole querion of that expedition of Sir W. Parker to the
neighbourhood of the Dardanelles. The question was this.
Pan Haegarian refugees had been demaaded, not their
expulsion, as the right honourable gentleman said, bat that
•hey should be surrendered and given up—(bear, hear)—
And that demand was made by two powerful neighbours, the
Emperor of Russia and the Emperor of Austria. The
Sultan was in alarm . he caked the English and French
arabasesdors if he /might expect support from their re-
speedy' governments. They both replied Mat they thought
he might count upon that support. I know apt what the
French ambassador wrote to his own minister, but oar am-
bassador, u able a man as ever filled diplomatic poets—
(l ear, hearl—said that the reselution of the Turks to main-
tain their independence for the future, after several infrac-
tions of that independence', alter their cower had been so
reduced, would mainly depend upon the answer which
should be given by this country to that appeel. (Hear,
bear.) The answer we gave was, that we would make a
friendly repreeentation to the Emperor of Russia; bat that,
at the same time, we would give instant orders, in case
the Emperor of Ronda end the Emperor of Austria
should penis: in those demand., that the Sultan should have
tre aid and assistance of a powerful English fleet. (Omen.)
The Emperor of Russia behaved, not in a humiliating man-
ner—as we are said to behave when we agree to any condi-
tines different from our former proposals— but in a way
which I consider highly wits and magnanimous. Upon the
representation of the Sultan he entirely altered his former
decision, and abandoned the demand at pace; he made
rasious proposals perfectly fair and reasonable, and con-
sented to withdraw altogether any proposal fur the sur-
render of those refugees. (Hear, near.) But it was not
improbable that an Emperor of Russia, with each power as
he possesses, would feel that that power would be diminished
in the opinion of Europe in having mode a peremptory de-
mand, and then desisting from that demand. In that case,
we took the risk of his refuel. (Hut, hear.) Where is
the truth, then, of the allegation of the hon. member
for the West Riding of Yorkshire, when he says, echoing a
hundred ethers, Y.O are not afraid to compel and coerce
the weak; but if you come in contact with a strong power,
then you take the most humble tone, and entirely weaken
your language." (Hear.) Well, sir, I think this act was a
good deal stronger than soy language. (Cheers.) The
readiness to support the independence of Turkey—the
readiness, at any cost, to spare Europe the degrading spec-
mete of seeing these refugees given up to punishment by a
power in whose territories they had taken refuge—that ant
was a good deal stronger than any answer my noble friend
could hare written to a note which the hon. gentleman the
member for Osford admires, because he thinks it tends to
humiliate the governmsnt. (Cheers.) IL aping this, do
not let me be mistaken in any way—though I think the
language I have used ought to prevent that—se
asserting that the seeding of this fleet, and the sending at the
same time of a French flew, to support the Sultan,
wee the cause of the change which took place in the councils
of the Emperor of Ruda. I give him all credit; I give
him the highest credit for having, on receiving the tepee-
notations made by the Sultan through his own ambassador,
desisted from the demand which, by that time probably, he
thought had been indiscreetly and unfairly macho upon his
ally. I give him every credit. I only say that if his decision
had been otherwise, we were ready to encounter the p rtl of
that decision, and that the dread of those two great powers,
Rutile and Austria, di t not deter us 'rain interfering in a
just cause on behalf of thew. relageee—(het, hear)—a cause
which atonal was connected with the safety and liberty of indi-
viduals, rod with the independence of one of the powers of
Europe. (Cheers., Then we had these demands to
make on Greece; and the lest which had been in toe
neighbourhood of the Dicier idles, instead of going at Does
to Malta, proceeded to the Bey of S tlemis to make these
demands. Great itzportence hes been attached to hobs:in; so
large a fleet. If it had been sent from Malta us purpose,
probably it would have been smaller; but that fleet being
under the command of Sir W. Parker, there was, I thick,
no inconvenience, no fault committed, in desiring Sir Wm.
Parker to go with that fleet ; and as it wee necessary at
length to resort to measures of reprieel and coercion, to show
that we had a force more then sufficient for enforcing thou
demands. I cannot help thinking that if the circumstance
of our making these demands had been fairly considered by
the foreign ministers who were at Athens at the time, halo
difficulty would have been encountered upon that subject.
In the course of the last ten years, some cases under Lord
Aberdeen, and some under !the administration of my noble
Wend, have happened of denial of justice; and the republics
of South America have been instanced. I have one here
is which orders were given by Lord Aber-
deen to the Admiralty to proceed to reprissis,
and then to a blockade, is case one or two
of our met chants, who had bad a law suit there, had not
their claims immediately etttled ? And my belief is, that if
the ministers at Athens had acted in a friendly emitter to-
wards England, in such a manner as the English ministers
ar.d consuls have acted towards the other powers of Europe
who had gone to ierist on redress for eases of injury, this
whole affair would have been a matter of a very few hours,
and Earo;.• would not have beheld the spectacle it has. lie
that as it may, I have stated already toot I think it was our
duty no longer to permit these insults to continue—insults I
toll them, because, not merely were the replies to our de-
mends fur redress ioeutficient, but any one whe will look
through the blue-boobs and consult the letterit!,f S.r Edmund
Lyons, will see that he is continually oompaainiag
that his letters resretiog then outrages were unan-
swered for periods of three or six week,. (Ii ar.) If
there mu • good reason for refusing redress, the Greek

government which every now and then expressed its grati-
tude to England, as being one of the founders of Greece,
had it paid us the common erg trd which nations paid to one
another, ought at least to have answered the request ; and
that the insult must have been intended is evident from their
not doing so. (User, hear.) The right hon. gentleman
who spoke last, without finding much to complain of in
those demands, says that when we accepted the good 081 ~a
of France, the whole matter was finished, and might have
been brought to a opsedy conclusion. I will not dispute
with the right hon. gentleman whether our course has ono
in every point right. It is not very difficult, when a matter
is some time delayed, to say that some little alteration in the
001171111 pursued would have been better, and would have
led to a speedier conclusion. (Hear.) I remember an instance.
Injury was inflicted upon a Mr. Pritchard, a British
subject, and holding an official situation under the govern-
ment. The right bun. gentleman wee asked respecting that
' injury, and he gave an answer which struck me as bet:outing
the spirit of an English minister. The negotiation lingered
fur some time. I expressed myself quite ready to leave the
whole matter in the discretion of government, and to sap.
port any agreement they might come to. Asking, some
time after, of • French statesman, why the matter bad not
been immediately settled, as it was clear the French
officers were in the wrong, and reparation was due to us,
I was told, " The language of your Prime Minister in the
House of Commons, was so exceedingly haughty, and gave
such offence in France, that it was not possible at once to
come to a conclusion." (Hear, hear.) I then saw that
if the speech which I had admired for the spirit it displayed
had been more discreet and more guarded, we should have
had loss difficulty in arranging with the French government.
I then made some criticism, as it was natural that I should.
But with regard to this affair, If you show a disposition to
accept the good onion of France, if you show a willingness to
concur with France, in anything, in a way which, though it
may not be perfectly reasonable, is more satisfactory to tilt if
feelings of honour than in another way, this house will au that
there is not only no danger of interruption, but jut as much
prospect of intimate relationship with France as they, was after
the interference in the case of Pritchard in 1845 —( Hear.)
The right hon. gentleman and others by whom he was pre-
ceded spoke of the g 1 maxims of polity by which we
have been guided. I have no hesitation en saying that the
great majority of this boas' are agreed In the general prin-
ciple that non-interference in the domestic cower= of
foreign nations should be the undoubted rule. (Hear
But that rule has not always been very strictly o
even by the government which preceded us—
(hear, hear) for I fled a despatch of Lord
Aberdeen with respect to the Greek loan In which,
admitting the right of England to enforce the payment of
' the Interest, and even to take forcible possession of the re-
, venues of Greece, though it would not have been so easy to
carry that into effect as It would have been to enforce the
payment of the claims of Mr. Finlay and M. Pacifico—
but in which despatch, after stating that Great Britain
was determined to have recourse to stringent measures to
set the matter right, Lord Aberdeen urges " the introduc-
tion of a system of et:enemy in the different branches, that
the expenses of the state, and particularly of the war depart-
ment, were in disproportion to the real wants of the state.
(Hear.) Here is advice, sash as the hon. member for the
West Riding might have given at Bradford with regard to
our own navy estimates. (Hear) He goes on to say that
the disorders of the state "demonstrated the necessity fur
reform, and a reduction in the armed force." Again, he
says, " the war department absorbs one third of the revenue
of the state, brigandage is on the increase, and
the guaranteeing powers cannot but view these
things as evidence of a vicious administration, which can
only be remedied by promoting measures of improvement.
The disorders of the Greek finances threw en undue barthsa
on the guaranteeing rowers, which Great Britain on her
part will no longer allow." (Hear, bear.) Thetis just lan-
guage, but do not tell me it is not a commentary on the in-
ternal administration of a foreign state. (Hear, Dear.) When
you tell nations to reduce the army estimates, that
the war department is too large, and that the whole
administration Is vicious, you are hardly entitled
to read lectures upon non interference. (Cheers.) It is for
statesmen to judge of the dangers which threatened their
respective countries. I may that we should interfere only
where it is absolutely necessary, for I do not agree with the
hon. member for Oxford that we should interfere bemuse an
opportunity for doing so may arise. Auld in eases where
our interference may be necessary, or where our fanatical
may be exerted without interference, it should be used for
the promotion of tranquil liberty, In which both liberty and
ceder consists. (Hoar, hear.) I see no harm, but mush the
contrary—without preaching any propagandism—if we say.
that it is our desire togas institution', whether they are
called monarchical or republican, but which combine the
elements of authority and freedom, flourish. (Hear, hear.)
I believe that it is for the interest of Beglead, and for the

interest of Europe, that freedom should be extended, and 1
remiss that out ot the tumult, ocintudon, and bloodshed of
1648, two powers, both of them considerable one from its
magnitude, the other fesm its peeklon, Freda and Serdonis,
appear to be in the way of establishing permanent free in- •
litigations. (Caves.) I dunes I am not ashamed to say
that I rejoice et that reset and that I should be glad •
it other nations followed titelr steeple. (Hear, hear.)
lint our best influence, after all, is by affording as examitile
at home of liberty and order combined. (Cheers.) But •
then it is of great advaatage, at the suss time, that it
should bi understood In Zeroes that we take part witk •
neither of the extreme parties which now divide it—that •
while we abhor the cruces which have produced the *Nat-
i sination of such men as Nunn Rossi and Latour we
also disapprove of say sets whisk would deprive nations
of ancient rights—(sheeny—and give their beet blood to be
shed.* the scaffold. (Renewed cheering.) I think it of
great use that Europe and the world should understand that
the government of this country doss not approve either of the
wildness of democracy or the iron rule of despotism.
(Chews.) I see that they have constantly produced
and succeeded each other—the &bidets tyrant
gives rue to the unbridled demagogue, and the
unbridled demagogue is succeeded by the absolute
tyrant. (Cheen.) I wish to swe another kind or form
of government prevail, and I beg of this house to beware
ere they censure a government which holds the middle
course, which equally detests the extreme of despotism and
the extreme of democracy, lest you be thought to declare
yourselves in favour of the one or the other of these forms of
government. (Hear, hear.) I fear that if the House ot
Commons negative the resolution, you will inspire joy in the
hearts of all the lovers of despotism—(hear, hear)—and
in all the hates of liberty throughout Its.
rape. (Cheers.) Let this house then beware how
they countenance en opinion of this kind. That
witch I have now Vend cannot be denied, that
the overthrow of the foreign policy of the government
would be hailed as a triumph by all those men who up to
1848, thought their only security consisted in the silencirg
of the press, the forbidding of free instruction, and in
putting down free institutions. I admit and ackeowlexige
the cordial and colorant sopp rt which we received (rem
the right hon. baronet, and I feel obliged for the fair and
frank manner in which that support was given to the go-
vernment. (Hear, hear.) But if the right hon. gentleman
and the right hon. baronet the member for Ripon think fit
to withdraw their support from us they are aware of the
difficulties that must follow, and of the perils to which
they will expose a policy of which they have been the sup-
porters and approvers, and partly the authors. We have
now been four years in office, and, if hon. gentlemen were
of opinioa that our policy was not consistent with the ho-
nour and dignity of the nation, I must say it is a pity they
did not find it out sooner. (Cheers and laughter.) We
have had to contend with great dangers ; and; instead of
is being the case, ss is asserted, that we are isolated from
the other powers o: Europe, I may say that my noble
friend is in constant and intimate commusication with Hai-
ti", with respect to important subjects on which bath them
powers are fully agreed. (Hear, bear.) The right hon.
gentleman the member for Oxford has said that whilst my
noble friend has been in power this country has been core
stands, on the brink of war. I can only say that of the 33
years since we had a war, upwards of (mitten years the
foreign affairs of the country have been under the
peculi or administration of my noble friend. (Lout cheers.)
•'ter an allusion to a rumoured fusion of parties on the
benches opposite to hint, and attributing the unfounded sus.
picints cut upon the policy of the government to toreigo
arney, Lord John, in conclusion, declared that by the ver-
dict et that house, and of the people of England, he was pre-
pared to abide, fully convinced that the government bad
preserved at the same time the honour of the: many and
the blessings of peace.
Mr. DISRABLI need not althea the hones that it was
with unleigoed reluctance that he rose to address them ; but,
considering the appears that had been made to f in by the
filet minister, he eeould be wetting not only in self-
respect, but in his dial to those gentlemen with whom he
acted, it he wen to give a silent vote. The noble lord had
said that it devolved on him to people some vote for the
adoption of the House of Commons, and that he ought not to
have left it to an independent member who sympathised
with the foreign policy of the government. And then the
noble lord quoted a precedent teat occurred in 1833, when
the Howie ot Lords an Lead at • vote of non-enotidence
in the government in respect to foreign affairs, and then
Colonel Davit proposed a vote of confidence in the govern.
ment. As far ea precedents went, he thought he was fully
justified in letting the telt be performed by the ben. and
learned gentleman. A: a subsequent period the House of
Lords bad arrived ct • vote of nun-confidence in the admi-
nistration of government on the condition and government
of Ireland, and then the tint minister came forward and
proposed a vote of confidence in the government. (Hear.)
Was there any difference between the instance of Irelmou
and the edministration of foreign affairs ? The noble
lord had alluded to the conduct of the Earl co! Aberdeen
in the other house of parliament, and had said that he we. in
toe habit in his place in parliament of attempting to influence
opinions by making statements which lie was not authorise
to make with reference to the foreign transactions of this
country. It was his belief that no stetcrnent bad been mule
by that distinguished man in whi:b he was not fully autho.
r.sed, and that he had never mode • statement which seen!
quent events had not proved to be correct. He now accepted
WS resolution of the hon. aed learned gentleman, whom he
acquitted entirely of any collusion with the governme ot,
but he accepted the resolution as the resolution ot
the government. It had been sanction:l by the F,r,t
minister, and in commenting upon it he felt that he we
commenting upon a resoluti in wnich was put forward who
all the official authority of the Treasury bench. The resolu-
tion or•gioated in one which was passed by the House of
Lords; that resolution recognised that at was the duty of the
government to secure to British @ejects residing in foreign
states, the fue protection of the laws of those states. The
Secretary of Suite said that it did not go far enough,
but the House of Lords had declared that they
recognised no other authority ; they considered the
right and duty of government was limited only to that.
It was said that it wee the 'easiness of the government to
secure to her Majesty's subjects residing in foreign states
full protection, without reference to the law of those stet. e.
This would lead us to believe that in countries like Greece
every person who was a British subject was to look fur
redeem to the British admiral. Consider what would be the
position in which you placed this country. There were
people who would say we have a grievance; we will not
pursue it before the tribunals of the country, but
we will send for a military force. The ludo ,
penitence of Greece would indeed be a mockery if
that was the case. If Greece were created and recognised
and obtained all the rights and responsibilities of independent
states it was not open to us to declare that the tribunals of
the country were not competent to redress the wrongs of
our subjects. Our @abject, must take the consequences of
being its that country, and, if they found that the tribunals
did not give them redrew:, then the national law came in
and gave the supplementary aid, which he was astomished
that the member foe Sheffiele should have spoken of in terms
of contempt. He thought it unpardonable to speak of the
law of nations as the hon. and learned gentleman spoke of
it. When he remembered the names of Mansfield, Sir W.
Grant, Scott, the great talent ot Judge Story—how the de-
crees of Sir W. Grant tended to modernise warfare, he
was surprised that the hon. gentleman bad spoken of the
law of nations as • mass of incongruous maxims.
U. had himself the pertisulan of • claim upon South
America of one of the most respectable house in the
city of London—Mears. Reed, Irving and Co. Would
her Majesty's ministers send sixteen ship of the line
to enforce those dams ? If they acted consistently •
they should do leo. Upon what ground. bad they
not asserted the rights of the poor working
British subjects who were banished frum France in 1848,
when their property had bean sequestered, because they
were obliged to depart the:country, and leave it behind them ?
He (Mr. Disraeli), speaking with reference to another Secre-
tary of State, had expressed hie diaspnobation of singling out
an individual member of any government, and visiting upon
him the responsibility which should rut upon the whole
government. That would be not only highly unconstitu.
Donal, but grossly insulting to the colleagues of any Secretary
of State so marked out for disapprobation. If the noble lord '
opposite had amongst his colleagues any who disapproved of
has policy and did not declare it, they were infinitely
more blameable than he was. The hon. gentleman then
read the resolution submitted to the house. The hon. and
learned gentleman who brought it forward had given them
• disquisition of his views of the opinions of the people of
England, and of the foreign policy which he conceived
ought to be pursued by this couatry. But the case under
consideration was an exception. The honourable and
teamed gentleman laid down the rule, tint, that
It was the duty of her Majesty's government to
defend her subjects abroad in every clime. But the
great feature of the resolution was the expression of approval
of the policy pursued by her ?daj-sty's ministers in support-
ing the principle ot seal-government throughout the whole
world—of maintaining limey and free institutions against
despotism, and freedem against arbitrary rule. There was
undoubtedly something very captivating and delightful in
the picture which was drawn. But was the statement well.
founded? Had the policy pursued by her Majesty's
atheisten been such se to deserve the glowing descrip-
tion of, the honourable and learned member
(Mr. Roebuck), who, while he laid down those rules, and
lauded the policy of the goverament, admitted that uni-
versal suffrage had, in one of the most civilised countries is
the world, produced a government which was composed of a
gang of conspired,. Turn, again, the hon. and plant
member for Mid.lleeex said that the mistake made was eves
to have given a constitution to the Greeks. The
honourable gentlemen then referred to the inter-
ruption of cordial feellnn between England and Frazier,
in gionsequesoe ot Lord Pelmerston's acts with respect to
the celebrated Spanish marriage in 1848. France and
Austria had both been estranged from England by
the coons pursued by her Majesty's adulates,
who had done ell in their power to check the in-
Raines of both those countries ever side 1847.
Pride Metternich had placed his views of the case beers
the house in the despatches then on the table, in which the
" serene" intelligence of that eminent statesman saw what
IVY taking place through Europe in consequence of the pro.
seedier of menet seenties. (Laughter, and " Hear, hear.")
Well, alter the Wash of the French revolution the noble
lord (Lord Pannonian) instantly resumed his French alli-
ance, and all addeflailan appear to have been forgotten.
However, he weal remind the noble lord that he had al-
lowed font meatim be elapse Wore he recognised the
Preach driblis. (Hear, hear.) The French revolution was
followed by the dismemberment of the dominions of three
Harems powers with whom this country were on terms of
elms andestaming sal intimate alliance. Tee Emperor of
Austria was derived of Lombardy : the King of the Two
Skein ream only King of Naples, and the King of Den-
mark ergs deprivals( his Scandinavian territories, in all of
whisk awes English interests were mom or leas involved.
(Heim) What was the policy of the government oaths ocea-

non of that great injustice t Wby, after mush consultation
they tame to the opinion that it was impossible Austria
could ever regain L imbardy—that the King of Naples
could ever again be King of the Two &client, and also
teat it was perfectly impossible that Denmark could ever
again hold sway over the ports of the Baltic and the
mouth of the Elbe. Her Majesty's ministers have been
sincere, end he believed they were, in comic, to such a
emanation; but he afro believed they were wrong, and
consequewly that house should not be called upon to vote
oonfidencein such au adminicrellen. (Hear, hear.) Aus-
tria, with her proviso.* thus dismembered, sent an as.
melted minister to this country, who stated, on behalf of
his government, that he was ready to cede Leconardy,
bat the government inform him that that is not sufficient,
and that he must alto give up Venice; but the result was
that the Emperor of Austria reeuequered aid retained
Venice. (Hear, hear.) Lord Minto left Busked with a
view to prevent Piedmont being taken by Austria; but his
efforts failed. He went to Rome to p e freedom, and
the consequence was that shortly after Rome was fl 3. fl with
foreign bayonets. (Hear bear.) lie neat went to Naples
to prevent a repeal of the union ; but that very event co-
eurred immediately after. (Ham.) Her Id its:ea miuisters
could not deny that whilst they carried on diplomatic
relation* wish the King of Naples, they were intriguing in
order to make him pile up one of his crowns—tbe crown of
Sicily. (Hear, hear) Yet teem were the proceedings and
the policy that that house was called upon by the resew:ion
of the hon. member for Suffield to stamp with its approba-
tion. (Hear, hear.) Well, with Austria, Pimples, and Den-
mark thus dratrae:ed, her Majesty's ministers hit on a plan
to extricate doemselves—they determined on an European
Congress to he held at Brussels. The scheme wes a
celonal one; and in all probability had it succeeded
the Foreign Secretary would go down to posterity es
Richelieu or a Castlereagh. Sir Henry Ellie was rent to
Brussels as plenipotentiary for England, with a view to con-
street and consolidate a Germanic empire, hat not a single
country in Eerops ertept England tent an envoy to the
congress. (Cheers and laughter.) So that all teat was
koowa about Sir H. Ellis was known from his bil of ex-
penses, which the financial reformers would find in the
civil contingencies. (" Hear, hear," cheers, and laughter,)
He _denied [bat As policy of the Fereign.office had
preserved the peace of Europe se affirmed by the
retelution they then called upon to adopt.
There wee one thing clear, that the Foreign Secretary took
no asp. tes:op the King of Sardinia from invading Austria.
la that cue the treaty of Vienna was not appealed to. lie
wanted to ILOOW whether such a course was at ad creditable
to the honour or the interests of thin country. Tee Hun-
garian war wet, in his opinion, occasioned by the first inva-
sion of Austria by Sardinia, which had been canted by the
conduct of her Majesty's g mrnment. (Hear, hear.) If
this was a question of war, which war occasioned by the
policy other Majesty's mimatere he we. at a loge to know
why they should new seek fora vote of confidence in their
foreign policy which, instead of preserving peace, had occa-
sioned war. He threw all consideration u: absolute or
lib-ral principle, overboard, and wished to view the case as
a matter of business, and he wished to know why they
were called upon to say that the goy. violent had aansinio
Scrod their foreign affairs with unexampled ability. They
had failed in every object, everything that the Foreign
cretary had said would be done was nU done, and
verything that he said would not be doze was done.
When he !mud the speech of the hon. and learned mem-
ber for Southampton, and also tcok into account the one
which had been made by the member fur Sheffield,
he felt that the result of the discussion would be contrary to
the interests of the government. Sicily certainly was not
henefiteed by their policy. He woul i remind the house
that during the list four years the conduct of turergn
Zees had been mite-inducted. S mat time air) the Aeetrien
ambassador left London, Freece ambassador bad since
that to en obliged to do tee tame, awl the Hunan ambaesa-
, dor lied taken the only means in his power to show the
government of this c 'entry that the potentate
whom he represented did not bold e,nfilence in
her elajes.y's government. lie asked the house whether
mach circumeances, tended to the honour and dignity of the
gauntry. The hon. gentleman then quoted the historian
Guiciardini to show that is the best days of Venice, when
she we, in the highest state of prosperity en account of her
commerce ant trade, she Ls her vile treatment a other na-
tions drove the powers of Germany, France, Spam, and
Rome to look with a jealous eye upon her, and in the course
of one day to make successful arrangements to
crush her. What was now in their pollen to prevent such
a reult as that, amidst such an unsympathising state of
affairs. He felt confident that the vote of the house, what-
r ever it may be, would be triumphant in showine that the
ceneuct of foreign affairs was rnienanaged, end would show
to &tome and au ether hemisphere that the parliament of
E Aland was resolved that in future the policy in teat re-
spect should oe coeducted with due regent to the rights of
all notions. (Cuero.)
Mr. ROEBUCK, in cooly, had only one thing to say, that
the prop tecy which had bet n mode bytbe honetentlemen was
n t an Eigli, t one, and was not made by an Eagliah spirit,
or by one chn had the heart to dare the dangers he amid-
pued.—(Cnetra ) If he (Ms. lieentek) believed that the
Hetet. art Commons would refuse to tercel et the emus
whit" Her Majesty's ministers had niece, then he might be
led to believe that foreign nations might by combinicg be
enabled to crush this country.—(Cheers )
The house then divided, when there appeared,
For the resolution
Again • t it 261-46
The announcement of the m eity in favour et the
stevernment was received well treneedoess cheeeirg, iced
the louse immediately afterwards adjourned at 4 teclecte.