The Express.
London, England, 1868-10-29 00:00:00

Elie erireoo.

DRURY-LAXS
fu Mmes&Z MoDEL UM:Lg.—MG cy secoTs.
2dr. l'aelpa Addawn, Irving, Rome, de- ; Mesdames
Ewa, dteass,yraek Matthews, Ite.—And • URAMD MALLST

HAYMARKET.
Tat* FYINIII6, A (Xi-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT.—T.EAH.
Noire, Bogen, F. Ruaatcate, ke.; Mesdames Bateman.
Flunnillam, Ac.—And A PRETTY PIECR OF BtaLNDIS.
Messrs Buckstone. Howe, &e.—Cocamaisse at seven.

TEI Ivionse, A CHAIMIG PIiIL—APTAA DAR& A
TALE Of LONDON LIVE. Mr. Vlaing, Maws. Walter Lacy,
Dominick Murray, Harman, Edson% ; Mimeo Marston and
Inalaraq.—And MANTES JONSILB SLAV/MAY.

QUERN'S =RAM LOBO-AURA
Manager, Mr. W. M Liston.
TIM Beams, ar. 7, TOMICINB THE TROUBADOUR.
Mr. L though, Ides Mootagos.—And THE LANCJAMIRB
1.1/3& Mom trooßragnano Wradnarn. M -
too. and & &nary; t" Montagu, and NaLly
Mears.

ROYAL ALFRED THEATRE.
New rburill-street, Edgware-road.
Tao. F• 11.1,., at 7. TINDER BINGE. Was Mn, PedgariA,
suppiaUd be W. Ned Warner, George Woleilk. and a piwattul
tompany.—to conclude with DIAMOND CUT DIAMOND.

FTRAND.
Two Immo, FIFTERLY FERVICIL- -TM MELD OP TEI
MOTH OF OOLD.—And KARRIAOI AT ANT PRICK

BRITANNIA.
Tors The Fitorth Act of VIROINIVA —Mr. A. It-n-
-it —7ILE OLD. OLD STORY. Mrs. S. Lanes—And BLUM
BEARD, OIL FEMALE CURIOSITY.

NIGH WATICS AT LONDON BRIDGIL
To-bay -Morning, Ob. Nu. Afternoon. oh. Sea
Toatcuow--Ifamlng. lb. 1T0e..-...Aftensoca. th. tarn

NOTICL
Pmts. of BMWS, MAZZUOSI. sad Doses% ate teeeteed
masa te o'cieck tat balsams same webs• Pees

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LONDON, THURSDAY, OCT. 29.

THE NEW FRENCH MAP.

IN the time of the Grand Monarque, the
government of France was described as a despo-
tism tempered by chansons. All governments in
France have a tendency to be despotic, and all
are equally tempered by epigrams. It has been
reserved for the Second Empire to present to
Europe the spectacle of a great military monarchy
tempered by—maps. The Second Empire is the
First revised and corrected by the civilization of a
later epoch; 1805 tempered by 1852. The First
Empire was insatiable in ambition, unmitigated
in repression, incessantly at war, unlimited in
annexations. It absorbed states, distributed
kingdom., aimed at nothing less than the tem-
poral and even the spiritual sovereignty of the
Western and the Eastern Empire. It was
to be the universal Empire, the universal
Papacy, the universal Patriarchate, and sooner
or later perhaps to combine the double
supremacy of the Crescent and the Cross.
What became of these insensate dreams
and these monstrous hallucinations of a brain dis-
ordered by absolute and irresponsible power;
how in the apace of two short years this visionary
fabric of omnipotence vanished away, and
in the returning light the nightmare was
no more, what need to relate ? Liberal Franc::
has long since expiated the folly of its alliance
with the disciples of the Napoleonic faith under
the Itaitoration and the monarchy of July. The
Second Empire has destroyed the legend of the
First.

But the Third NAPOLEON, as a man who under-
stands his epoch, has had at least the moral courage
or the common prudence to content himself with a
duodecimo edition, and a prose version, of his
Uncle's epic. His own particular wars hare
been very short if not decisive ; he has taken
provinces from an ally, not kingdoms from his
enemies ; and, after all, the withdrawal from
Mexico, at the summons from Washington, and
the abandonment of MAxisilmts to his fate was a
very pale copy of the retreat from Moscow. At
Rome his diplomatic and military action, teasing and
lecturing and pamphleteering the HOLY FATHER
to-day, letting him lose half his States to-morrow,
doing wonders for him with the Chassepot the
day after, alternately vowing to defend him for
ever, and threatening to give him up aa in-
curable, has recslled only by the force of
contrast the passages of the " Napoleon Corre-
" spondence" which concern the captivity of a
former Pius, and ;the abolition of the temporal
power. Even the domestic policy of the
Second Empire has scarcely ventured to repro-
duce the likeness of the First. There has
been the same administrative organisation
of universal suffrage, the same sort of Senate and of
Legislative Body ; the &Inn system of police ; the
same fury of public works; the same of dis-
cussion. Still there has been discussion ; and it has
been found practically impossible to reduce public
opinion to perfect silence. The press has never boon
so completely hushed under the Second as under

the First Empire. And now, after eighteen years'
comparatively peaceful experionoo of the blessings
of personal government and arbitrary power, the
French nation cannot be restrained from d-
ing those guarantees and rights which trlrilitet
NAPOLEON pronounoed in his Ads Ida.-
tionnet, after Loipeio and Moscow, and en
the eve of Waterloo. Among other ugly
symptoms of the awakening of pubs spirit is the
recent publication of a narrative (based upon
official documents) of the coup d'etaS of the 2nd
of December, and the announcement of several
histories of the Second Empire. No man race to
read his own biography, and a biography written
by a hostile hand. No sovereign likes to be warned
that he has passed into history. Notwithstand-
ing, however, the abatement and moderation of
the Napoleonic Ideas under the Second Empire,
and the peaceful inclinations of a ruler who is not
a soldier of genius and who had passed
the meridian when he rose to power, personal
and military government in France has been found
compatible with the semblance, rather than
the reality, of a policy of peace. Irre-
solution, equivocation, a disposition to ad-
venture, a habit of conspiracy, the rest-
lessness of a master of legions panting for
glory and promotion ; who, being afraid of
liberty at home, is continually in search of some
diversion abroad, who is for ever tormented by the
desire to domineer, to threaten, and intimidate
without actually coming to blows, who from
time to time feels that something must be
said or done to convince his subjects that
he is the arbiter of human destinies—all these in-
compatibilities of temper and position have made
the last eighteen years of French Imperialism an
anxious and unsettled time for Europe. The fatality
of its origin seems to pursue the Second as it
did the First Empire. It must be always looking
swords if it uses none. So, whether as a sop or a
blister, a sedative or an irritant, the Enrison
has just brought out a now map of Europe,
at which all Paris is staring with derisive curiosity
and wondering what it means. One semi-official
paper believes that the importance of this map
has been exaggerated. Another dismisses it with
the remark that it is a handsome one. Another
journal, dependent in its criticisms, yet on
good terms with the Government, insists that,
so far from being an argument for peace
it is the reverse, since it shows that Ger-
many is infinitely more compact as a great
military power since Sadows than before
and all are agreed that Algeria (which was
a conquest of the Restoration and the con-
stitutional monarchy) can scarcely bo treated
as a source of strength to France. In some
cases the mapeeller has presumed to interpret
this imperial enigma, and to call it " Prance satis-
'• tied." Let us hope that this interpretation may
prove to be the true one. In that case the map
would be only an illustration of M.1)11 LAVA-
LETTS'S celebrated despatch, expressing satisfac-
tion at the results of the German war, which has
disappointed all the Betrattote s calculations.
Of course disinterested foreigners can see that if
France is not satisfied with her position as a great
military power in Europe, she ought to be.
If she is in search of causes for dissatisfaction let
her look at home. The more dissatisfied sho
is with her domestic politics the better for the
peace of Europe. If this Map is to be taken as an
argument for peace, it should be the preface of
disarmament. If it means to justify the con-
tinuation of an armed peace, it can have no
other object or effect than to disturb the money
markets, paralyze industry and commerce, and
set men asking whether war with all its hazards
and its havoc is more unendurable than a peace
without confidence and security. By way of
companion to this mysterious production may we
suggest to some enterprising French publisher
to bring out a map showing the frontiers of
France at the beginning and at the end of the
First Empire; as the " Great Captain" received
them from the First Republic, and as he left them
after on three distinct occasions rejecting with
disdain and anger the liberal terms of peace
offered by the Allies

THE DUKI OF OENOA'S ENCILISH-LATIN.

THE Pull Mall Gazette fears that the Duke of
GENOA Will " undergo no small perturbation of
" spirit" on having to read the classics with the
ordinary English pronunciation at Eton, and
hopes VICTOR EMMANUEL will interfere " if such
" an outrageisofferedtohisnephew." Our contem-
porary suggests that " some schoolmaster" should,
of his own mere motion, go and " revise the
" old vowel sounds" in his own practice,
and so set a leading example. But may
not the mere presence of the young duke
at Eton initiate the desired change? It
may be all very well to ten him to pro-
nounce tres paths treeze parteeze : but can he
do it if he tries ? And if not, what then ? Is
an Italian prince of the blood, fresh from the soil
of the CESARE, to be—no, we dare not write it—
because he can't pronounce the word Selzer '
No; our advice would differ from that of the
Pall Mall. It is possible the youth may have
private instructions in his pocket never to give iu
to the mispronunciations of the islanders ; but, if
not, let him be put up to the trick, and let all the
forms in Eton be incited to rally round his stand-
ard, and " revise the old vowel sounds." We
rather think the masters would have bad
quarter-hours, as the French say, in trying to put
down such a revolution. Then, too, the infection
would spread like wildfire. All the public school-
, boys would wish to talk like the Duke of GENOA.
And the thing would be done ! Of course that
need not prevent the head-masters from taking
credit for it afterwards.

Etta Rownixia. PALMER'S Committee at Oxford,
which, as we said yesterday, represents, with
very few exceptions, all the working intel-
lectual forces of the University, and all
schools and sections of political and theological
opinion, derive a double advantage, in the first
place, from the singular and almost unique quali-
fications of a candidate who is at once so eminent
a representative of the highest Oxford culture
and so true and faithful and powerful a son of
the Church—and secondly, from the obvious and
even glaring inferiority of the rival candidate,
whether as the successor to Sir Wri.w.tx HEATH.-
COTE or even as colleague to Mr. GeTnottan
HARDY. There must evidently be many of
the soundest Churchmen and even Conservative
members of the University, who, while
they would swept with a certain enthusiasm a
candidate of Mr. HARDY'S stamp, a party leader,
a p►rliamentary speaker, and a minister whose
vigour and capacity no one denies, could hardly
persuade their consciences or their common sense,
or their loyalty to the interests of the Church and
the University to reject a ROUNDEL!. PALMILR for
a MOWDRAY. No one can be surprised to find a
conaiciei•,!de number of Mr. HARDY'S adherents in
the ranks of Sir 11011tbr.:2.,P•Lifisn's supporters.