The Express.
London, England, 1850-06-29 00:00:00

gfte •rponio.

OUTGOING MAILS.
The West Ledia Malt imiadiew Bermada, Havaneab,
Noma, Wwdarea, New Grimm, and Meldemasd ezeladiap
them lir Madeira, St Jaamole-Itimarmas ixewef Gran ad a,
ChM, mid Para. will be made wea the Imabs July 2.
The mile far Maw* th• Dresoe. sad %saes Arm, will
be as& tap as tke everdag of Jaly 4.
The mails tor &Web North Amoeba aad the: United
States will he made up ea tie meshy; of 'alp 5.
The malle for Liaise, Spa* sad Gibraltar will be made
ao ea Jalp 7.
The aiMe eid Marmillet to tha Mediterranean, laid,
Cqlse, !edit Hoarloni, &a, will be made ap ea the
'Tombs of July S.
TM mile for Gibraltar, Malta, Greene, the lonian Islands
■ Crofts, India, sad China, via Southampton, will
F4l a ea the yawning of July 20.

MON IVATIM AT LONDON =IDOL
Tye Das—tlerossa„ N. Aftssuons, Ss. To.
11www••—ilmililh kite- •
4111/121•14: &a. 0.11.

LONDON, SATURDAY, .TUNS 29.

Tau decisive vote has taken place. A majority of
the House of Corneae@ has declared its preference of
the liberal policy of Lord JOlll4 Ruemtu, and Lord
PALMERSTON to that reactionary one by which, under
the auspices of Lord ABERDEEN, we were to enter
once more into the Holy Alliance of despotism. The
country is saved from disorder, and from utter de-
rangement in its domestic administration ; and foreign
lands have escaped that fearful impulse, which the
adherence of England must have gives to those re-
actionary tendencies too visible in every state of
Europe.
The majority, indeed, by which this vote has been
is not so considerable as the Mends of
runssclpean liberty could have desired. But it was
swelled by the vote of many a man who, though
not disapproving the general princi .des of Lord
Paussurrox, were stall desirous to check the
tendency to implicate their country in
either the back or forward movement of foreign
states. We ourselves thick this highly desirable,
though we have refrained from saying so during the
debate. We cannot, however, but look upon 1848
and 1849 as exceptional years, full of events and si-
tuations of the greatest difficulty and moment; years
daring which it was absolutely impossible to maintain
an attitude of indifference. For ina'ance, the chief
accusation of Austria against Lord nemiaatrron is,
that, being called to mediate between the courts of
Vienna and Turin, he declined to do so. Neutrality
and a passive attitude were thus taken for offence ;
and the tory speakers and writers who impugn
the Foreign Minister for his conduct in those
years adopt the conclusion. We therefore think
that the aim can be attained of securing greater
abstinence and caution in our foreign policy for
the future, without either accompanying it with
blame for the past, or with • change of men, that
would fling us into the opposite extreme. This, we
are rejoiced to find, has been the thought and the
decision of parliament.
Tun accusations against Lord PALMERSTON had in-
deed now dwindled pretty much down to the one item—
want of filizons; which want of sums., when it comes
to be explained, means absence of cordiality between us
and the despotic pow( rs of Europe. Even admitting
this to be • misfortune and a crime, those who accuse
• minister of want of success should take into account
tee difficulties and necessities of the time. Wise'
should we say to the fairness of denouncing a eras-
oellor of the Exchequer,because in a year of famine and
commercial distress he had not obtained the acme
amount of prosperity as his predecessor during years
of abundant harvests and meet active industry ? What
should we ray to the fairness of an opposition, that
would make no allowance for the difficulties of colo-
nial government at the prefect time, without taking
into calculation the necessary discontent occasioned
by the abolition of the 'system of colonial protection ?
The perilous disturbances and events of 1848 and
1849 have beset the last three or four years with diffi-
culties to • foreign minister, which are almost
incalculable. Yet no one seems to take them into
account. One would think these years were quite
fair and ordinary weather for the barque of Downing-
street, and that Lord PALMERSTON had no more ;to
do than go sleep at the helm as had been dune by his
predecessors.
To the difficulties of 1848 and 1849 must be added
the impossibility of explaining them. Lord PALMER-
STON, by the admission of his inveterate enemies, made
a most powerful speech. They attribute that power
to the talents and ability of the noble lord. Nci one
will deny him those qualities. And yet we
read • speech that owed so little to the science of
oratory or the tricks of eloquence. From beginning
to end it was one plain unvarnished tale. And,
in our idea, the chief eloquence of that speech
was its simple and powerful truth, which there was
DO one to gainsay. And if Lord PALMERSTON could
have spoken out ; if he could have not merely ex-
plained the true circumstances and excuses for enter-
ing the Dardanelles ; if he could have not merely
narrated the events connected with the appearance of
oar fleet in the Dardanelles, but have reviewed the
motives, the reasons of state, and made known the
grave facts that weighed with a minister in ordering,
and a cabinet in adhering to, such measures
what would have been the triumph of
that speech ? But a foreign minister in a constitutional
country speaks with a gag in his mouth. He
makeithe best of his hand, but he can show his play
only to his colleagues. He cannot speak oat in per-
lament. lie cannot denounce the machinations of
Russia, or the underhand dealings of Austria—coun-
tries with w hone he may be called on to negotiate
to-morrow. Aware of these necessities, we were
astonished to find Mr. COBDEN, amongst his
other complaints against Lord PALMERSTON, enume-
rate that of his having made • speech without de-
nouncing Russia. As if that maths part of a foreign
minister ; or as if it should be demanded of him to be
at once sheepish in his feeling and wolfish in his
words.

The debate, in which the principal orators spoke
late, is too important, both from the eminence of
these, and the greatness of the principles at issue, to
be examined, or a proper jLdginent paned upon them,
in a summary way. The public, however, will see,
that, in general, the chiefs of parties were inclined
to bear hard upon Lord PALazturrox, and to
make the noise and squabble, rather than
actions difficulties growing out of his policy,
an excuse for ostracising him. Of all that was said
against his policy we neither see the point nor the
cogency. Bit ROBERT PEEL WY able or willing to
find little specific fault. His groat complaint was that
the name and the measures of PALMERSTON were put
up in rivalry to those of ABERDEEN, and for
his part he preferred the latter. This personal
argument and preference is quite inteliigible,
but neither satisfactory nor just. It is impossible to
comma the halcyon years of calm and peace, during
which Lard ABERDEEN held the helm, with those
terrible years which shook down half the
thrones of Europe, and threatened utterly to
displace the balance of power, a threat not altogether
unfulfilled. As to the result of those two
years, what have we ? Certainly not war.
But we have differenoes between the liberal views
of our own minister and the illiberal views of cc-
temporary ministers of Europe. Is it supposed that
these differences could lead to war ? By no mean'.
And why have they led to even strife ? Simply, because
the despotic and reactionary posers, with their agents
and friends here, have been told and have perceived,
that Lord PALMERSTON, the representative of that
liberal English policy with which they differ, is
weak; that he has been a minister very long, had
made a great many enemies, without belonging to
say close clique of friends to counterbalance those
eeemiss ; and, finally,
. that there is not so liberal a
statesman in foreign policy to replace him.
Accordingly, they conspired to oast him from
power, and the way in which they have conspired,
was to cause embroilment in the first actof his foreign
policy. Nothing in ordinary circumstances would
have been more simple or effectual than the coercion
of insolent little Greece. Bat in little Greece were
Rameiaa and French agents. They got up delay,
resistance. They worked the question in Paris and
London, was upon eves the French negotiator sent
oat. They persuaded the moat accredited press la
London and Paris to set as their tools;
and through these they circulated the most infs.
wow eilmehoods at Athens of what passed in Leedom,
and in Paris of what pawed at Athens. They then
got up a quarrel Wires, the French and Keith&
governments—a tunnel founded on a live Out of this
quarrel the tory Home of Lards made an Made, ta
order to displace the only liberal government possible
in is coantly. And ia but the Hound larbwas foe

a moment master of the government and the country. I
It hes thrown out every bill that has come Wore it;
and nothing bet such • vote as that of the Commons
could have prevented it from restoring protection and
establishing military government in England and
Ireland by the same mancouvre, with which it hem
routed and trodden under foot the liberal policy and
minister of Finland.
Fears of this are now at an sad. The majority in
the House of Commons is salisient to give book to
the liberal party the sceptre nearly wrested from its
hands. We congratulate the country upon the re-
sult, and are the more rejoiced at it from feeling, that
the House of Commons has spoken by its vote the
great and growing sentiment of the nation.