The Express.
London, England, 1861-12-06 00:00:00

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Gewn►t, Scoer's temperate and manly letter is
almost the only authoritative expression of Ame-
rican feeling we have yet had on the exciting
.iuestion now at imam between the two countries.
It is scarcely surprising that such a document
should have rather disconcerted the calculations of
those who, under the influence of strongly biassed
feeling, had virtually decided beforehand the
course which the Washington Cabinet would
pursue in this grave emergency. It was instruc-
tive, for example, to notice the ludicrous alarm
which Lord MALVIDIBUItY'M organ yesterday be-
trayed lest the General's letter should contribute
in any way towards bringing us nearer to peace,
and the nervous alacrity with which it hastened to
more its readers that there was no ground what-
ever for such a suspicion. This alarm is never-
theless not altogether unfounded. The voice of
an upright honourable man like General Scow,
who through • long career has served his
country in the most difficult and responsible
poste, will be listened to with respect, and every
paragraph of his letter breathes an earnest desire
for peace. It is true be writes rather as an en-
lightened and responsible citizen than as a jurist
or politician, and his letter is accordingly more
valuable for the broad and calm view it takes of
affairs than fur any specific opinions expressed on
the points of law. But there is no ground for
representing that General Scoff regards the act
which threatens the peace of the two countries as
a " very small affair," or for assuming that because
be refers to the legal points in dispute as matters
for consideration he necessarily denies the justice
of our claim for reparation. Our outraged honour
must be satisfied, and no one knows this
better than General Scorr. But we ima-
gine that the communications between
our own Government and the Weshingto,
Cabinet are conducted according to the usages of
civilised nations. To suppose the contrary would
be • deep and gratuitous injustice to the
responsible advisers of the Crown. But while
we require and expect a practical result from the
application to the Washington Cabinet which Lord
Lives is instructed to make, we do not imagine
that the British Government will arrogate to
themselves the right of refusing to listen to what
may be urged at Washington on points of law.
The law under discussion is a law for both coun-
tries, and each Government, therefore, has an in-
terest in receiving the representations of the other.
For the rest, General Scorr's letter displays
throughout the good sense and good feeling which
belong to his character, and have been so often
exemplified in his public career. Those who form
their notion of the Americans from the worst pas-
sages of the most disreputable rowdy journals,
may be surprised at the terms in which he refers
to this country, and the value he attaches to a
good understanding between England and America.
Wo have been so repeatedly told, on the authority
of sensation articles of the lowest descrip-
tion, that the Americans hate England, desire
to humiliate her, and would welcome any
pretext for a war with this country,
and that these national sentiments are faithfully
represented by the present Government, that many
may well be startled to bear, on the authority of
the veteran who, till recently, was one of the lead-
ing members of the Washington Cabinet, that it
would regard " no honourable sacrifice too great
" for the preservation of the friendship of Great
Britain." Those, however, who have taken pains to
ascertain the real feeling entertained towards this
country amongst the better classes of American
citizens will not be surprised at such a statement.
General Sarre goes on to add, still referring to Eng-
land :—" At no period of our history has her friend-
" ship been of more importune to our people : at no
"period has our Government been in a condition
"to make greater concessions to preserve it. The
" two nations are united by interests sod ern-
" pathies--commercial, social, politic 1, and reli-
gious—almost as the two arms to one body, and
" no one is so ignorant as not to know that what
" harms one must harm the other in a eorrespond-
" ing degree. lam persuaded that the British
" Government can entertain no doubt upon this
" point ; but, if it does, I feel that I may take it
" upon myself to say that the PIIIISIDCNT of the
" Cuited States, when made aware of its ex-
" istence, will lose no opportunity of dispelling

" it."

are of peculiar value at
the present moment, end if they at all accu-
rately represent the spirit that prevails at Wash-
ington, there can be little doubt that the good
understanding between the two countries will be
preserved. If the American Cabinet is really
anxious for peace, and willing to make any hon-
ourable sacrifice to secure it, it can have little
difficulty in complying with a demand sanctioned
and enforced by international law. So far
from there being any lose of honour in such
compliance, it would be no lees dis-
honourable then injurious to refuse it.
And who will undertake to affirm that the l'ae-
tt,CMT and Government of America have not the
courage or the honesty to redress an international
wrong even at the risk of having to brave some
local and temporary unpopularity? If,whether from
considerations of justice or expediency, Mr. lan-
eut..• decides against war with this country, we
venture to say he will be supported by the great
body of the American people. TM Pintoes? and
his Government do not depend for support on
rowdy prints, but on the American people. And
whatever these journals may my, the nation has
no desire whatever to go to war with its best
customer and best friend.
The part of General Scorr's letter which refers
to the future is too important to be overlooked.