The Express.
London, England, 1861-11-22 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 22, 1861.

latent. should rest upon the Oosouirnza-ix-Cntsz.
This recommendation was fully adopted by the Go-
vernment. Indeed it was stated in the Report of
a Select Committee on Military Organization, that,
although the Duke of CAMBRIDGE declared himself
enable to undertake the duty of selection, the Cabinet
solemnly decided that the plan of selection should
not be abandoned. " The Duke of Cimatursoz,"says
the Report, " was heard by the Cabinet, and stated
" his objections ; but, when he found that these ob-
" jections did not prevail, he declared in the House
" of Lords, that although he saw great difficulties in
" the measure, he would do his utmost to carry the
1" views of the Government into effect." It was im-
possible for any Ministry to commit themselves
more completely. But they did more. For, as
Sir Di LACY Evans tells his constituents, during
the three years which have elapsed since
these pledges were given the House of Com-
mons has again and again been assured by
the late Lord HERBERT, usually in presence of the
Paxatiza„ that arrangements were being made, or
should be made as soon as practicable, for defi•
nitely putting an end to the purchase of the rank
of lieutenant-colonel, which involves the com-
mand of a regiment. Hitherto, however, these
promisee have remained utterly unfulfilled.
There are, indeed, certain functionaries who are
commonly known as Gentlemen-at-Anus and Yeo-
men of the Guard, whose duties require their attend-
ance at Court on some state occasions. There
would seem to be no great harm in putting a price
upon the privilege of wearing a particular kind of
drew and of appearing on great public occasions.
A tax on hair powder, on poodles, or even on
shoes and silver buckles, is fair enough. At all
events, neither the safety of the empire, nor even
of her MAJ env's person, can be said to depend
either upon these State-Gentlemen or upon these
State-Yeomen. Unlike the colonels of regiments,
they cannot lose a battle or an empire. The question,
therefore, whether these ornamental attindanta are
appointed by merit, by favour, or by the posses-
sion of a certain sum of money, is a matter of the
merest indifference. And the announcement in

the Gazette that purchase has been abolished
in these corps is an ostentatious mockery.
It can scarcely be imagined that the House of
Commons will be satisfied with so miserable an
instalment of a reform which was advocated ea
essential to the public service. If the WAR
'MINI:VIVI and the Cabinet have satisfied them-
selves that the principle of selection is impractic-
able in the Army, let the reasons be explained. If
the Duke of CAMBIUMS has convinced them that he
has neither the ability northe moral courage to select
the best officer to command a regiment, or that
the officers in the army so distrust his impartiality
that they prefer the present system, let the truth
be told. But if such be the fact, the conclusion is
certainly not that at which the Cabinet has I
arrived—that the principle of selection must be
abandoned. It may be impracticable under present
circumstances, but these circumstances may easily
be changed. Assuredly it ought not to be abandoned
because the individual who happens to be charged
with the duty of applying it is unequal to the
teak. It is devoutly to be hoped that some less
humiliating reason may be found for postponing so
urgent a reform than the confession of moral and
intellectual incapacity in the COMMANDER-IN-
emir to discharge the admitted duties of
his high position. Nor is there any more
important service which Sir Da Lacy Evans can
render to the army and to the COMISANDINI-IN-CNIII
himself than to insist upon a statement of the real
moons which have compelled Ministers to vio-
late all the most solemn pledges which
they have so often given upon this subject.
At the same time it will be a curious question to
ascertain the grounds upon which the WAR
MINISTER has determined to abolish the purchase
system in the corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms and
that of the Yeomen of the Guard. If the public
purse is to be called upon to contribute 1,2001.
for every Gentleman-at-Arms, 8,0001. for every
Lieutenant in the corps of Yeomen, and 3,500!.
for Exons, it will be interesting to know the public
advantage anticipated by this change, and the
reasons upon which this alteration is to take pre-
cedence of that other alteration by which the Com-
DIANDIR-IN-CHIET would have been required to Se-
lect the commanders of regiments. The one
alteration is a mere fancy, the other is not only
admitted to be of vital importance to the public
service, but has been strongly insisted upon by
many of those who now hold office under Lord
PALNERSTON.

it, Holy Father, when, writing to the Emperor of Austria
in 1848, you exhorted him "to put an and to
• mr which cannot reconquer for the empire the spirit of
the Lombardi and the Venetians, rightfully jealous el their
nationality." The Christian idea does not admit that the
social power should issue in the oppression of one individual
by another—it does not admit of the oppression of one
nation by another. Conquest cannot legalise the doming'.
Con of one nation over ►nother—for force is powerless to
constitute right.

Thus the &thane, in recovering their rights as a nation,
and forming • kingdom with free institutions, have at-
tacked no principle of religions or of civil order. They have
not found is their faith as Christians and catholic' any pre-
cept which condemns their work. The proof that in enter-
ing on the paths which Providence has opened to them they
have not entertained the idea of failing towards religion or of
injuring the church—the proof is in the joy and the venera-
tion with which they encircled you in the early days of
your pontificate ; the proof is in the profound grief, in the
unutterable concern, with which they received the encyclic
of the 29th of April, 1848. They had to deplore the conflict
which unhappily took plane in your soul between the duties
of the pontiff and those of the prinks ; they desired that
an agreement might be effected between the two eminent
characters united in your wand person. But, unfortu-
nately, repeated protests sad significant acts convinced
them that this agreement was sot possible. Then, not
being able to renounce their own existence, their indefeasi-
ble rights es a nation, any more than they could give up the
faith of their fathers, they deemed it necessary that the
prince should cede to the pontiff. The Italians could not but
observe the contradictions into which the meeting of these
two attributes frequently caused the apostolic see to fall.
These contradictions, inembittering men's minds against the
prince, added nothing certainly to their respect for the pon-
tiff. They began then to examine the origin of this power,
the manner of its existeeoe, the use which has been made
of it ; and it must be avowed that in "event respects this
examination was not favourable to it. They inquired
as to its necessity, as to its usefulness relative to the church.
From this point of view also public opinion did not pro-
nounce favourably. The gospel contains numerous words
and examples of contempt sod condemnation of tam:atrial
wealth, and Jesus Christ himself often warned his disciples
not to dream of possession and domination ; end we do not
find one of the doctors and the theologians of the
church who affirms that political sovereignty is
indispensable to the exercise of the holy ministry.
There was • time, perhaps, when all rights were uncertain
and a prey to force—when the prestige of a temporal
sovereignty contributed to the independence of the church.
But since modern state' have left the chaos of the middle
age—since they have become consolidated by associating
through their natural element', and the public European
law is founded upon a Jed and reasonable basis,
what advantage can the church find in the possession of a
little kingdom, excepting to be thrown into the agitations,
the contradictions, the emberrassmeate of politics ; to be
distracted by the care of its mundane ititerests from the
care of He celestial good, to be enslaved to
the jealousies, cupidities, intrigues of the power
of the earth ? I would, Holy Father, that the
rectitude of your eonscieeos, and the goodness of your
heart, would alone judge if this is just, useful, expedient
for the Holy Bee and for the church. This deplorable con-
flict has the saddest consequences for Italy as well es for
the church.

The clergy are already divided ; the flock is separated
from its pastors. There are prelates, bishops, and
priests who openly refuse to take part in the war
which is being waged from Rome against the kingdom of
Italy ; • much greater number loathe that war in secret.
The multitude sees with indignation ministers of the
sanctuary mixing in conspiracies against the state, and
refusing to the public voice the prayers which are asked of
them by the authorities. They groan with impatience
when they hear the divine word abused from the pulpit, so
as to make it an instrument of censure and malediction
against all that the Italians have learned to admire
and to bless. The multitude, little accustomed to
subtle distinctions, may in the end be led to
impute to religion that which is but the act of
men who are its ministers, and to separate from that
communion to which for eighteen centuries the Italians
have had the glory and happiness to belong.
Do not, Holy Father, cast into the abyss of doubt an en-
tire people who sincerely desire to be able to believe and to
venerate you. The church needs to be free ; we will give
it its entire liberty. Yore than anyone we wish that
the church may be free, for its liberty is the
guarantee of am But to be fres, it must
disentangle itself from the ties of politics, which have
hitherto made it au instrument of war against us in the
hands of this or that other power. The church has the
eternal truth to teach, with the authority of its Divine
Founder, whose assistaues is never wanting to it, It should
be the mediator between the combatants, the protectress of
the feeble and the oppressed. But how much more docilely
will its voice be listened to when not open to the suspicion
that worldly interests inspire it !
Yon can, Holy Father, once more change the face of the
world; you can raise the apostolic see to a height un-
known to the church during the past ages. If you wish to
be greater than the kings ot the earth, free yourself from
the miseries of this royalty which makes you their equal.
Italy will give you • MOW, SON an entire liberty, • new
grandeur. She venerates the pontiff, but she cannot arrest
her march before the prince ; she wishes to
remain catholic, but she wishes to be • nation
free and independent. If you listen to the
prayer of this favourite daughter, you will gain in souls
more power than you will have lost as • prince, and from
the height of the 'Fatima, whea stretching your hand over
Rome and the world to bless them, you will see the nations,
re-established in their rights, bending before you, their de-
fender and their protector.

The articles proposed for the acceptance of the
Pope are AM follows :
Art. 1. The Sovereign Pontiff preserves the dignity,
the inviol►bility, and all the other prerogatives of the
sovereignty, and, in addition, the precedence esta-
blished by custom over the King sod other sovereigns. The
cardinals of the holy church shall retain the title of prince,
and the honours which are attached to it.

Art. 2. The government of his Majesty the King of Italy
pledgee itself not to interpose an obstacle on any occasion to
the acts performed by the sovereign pontiff in virtue of the
Divine right as chid of the church, and in virtue of the
canonical law as Patri►rch of the West and Primate of Italy.

Art. 3. The same government recognises the right of the
Sovereign Pontiff to send nuncios abroad, and under-
taker to protect them so long as they shall he in the ter-
ritory of the state.
Art. 4. The Sovereign Pontiff shall have full liberty of
communication with the bishops and all the faithful, and,
reciprocally, without interference on the part of the govern-
ment. He shall also be able to convoke in the places and
in the forms that he shall judge expedient the comae
and the ecclesiastical synods.
Art. 5. The bishops in their dioceses, and the curates is
their parishes, shall be exempt from all governmental in-
terference in the exercise of their ministry.

Art. 6. They shall live, notwithstanding, in 'abjection to
the common law in repel to offences punished by the laws
of the kingdom.
Art. 7. His majesty renounces entirely the right of pa-
tronage u respects ecclesiastical bene6ces.

Art. H. The Italian government renounces all interference
in the nomination of the bishop,.
_

Art. A. The same government undertakes to furnish to
the Holy See a Axed sod irrevocable flotation, the amount
et which shall be regulated by mutual consent.

Art. 10. The government of his Majesty the Bing of
Italy, in order that all the powers and all the catholic
peoplce may contribute to the maintenance of the Holy see,
will open with those powers the proper negotiations for
determining the quota of each of theta in the dotation
spoken of in the preceding article.
Art. 11. The negotiations shall also be directed to the
obtaining the gurantees of what is established in the pre-
ceding articles.

Art:l2. In sooordance with these conditions, the Sore.
reign Pontiff acid the government of his Majesty the King
at Italy shall come to an agreement by means of commis-
gown delegated for that purpose.

Another important document is a despatch from
Baron Ricasoli to K Nigra, the Extraordinary
Envoy and Minister Plenipotentiary of Italy
at Paris. In this despatch the dangers to
Italy and to Europe of continued delay in the
settlement of the Roman question are enlarged
upon, and the minister is charged to present the
documents given above to the French government,
with a request that they may be placed in the hands
of the Pope by the representative of

the imperial government at Rome. Baron
Ricasoli invokes also the good offices of France,
in preening upon his Holiness a favourable reply.
The Italian minister adds :

While you are careful, M. Minister, to express to the
government of his Imperial Majesty how entire is our
confidence in his friendly dispositions and in the efficacy of
his participation in this important affair, you will do
well also to make it clear that the Hines government,
if unfortunately this last attempt should fail, would find
itself surrounded by the gravest difficulties, and that in
spite of all its desire to lessen the unhappy consequences
I which a refusal on the part of the Roman court
would produce, both is the religious and in the political
order, it could not prevent the public mind amongst the
Italians from being moved by strong and profound emotion.
The effects of such a refusal may be more easily foreseen
than settled; but it is certain that the religious sentiment of
the Italians will be greatly ehaken,and that the impatience of
the nation, checked until now by the hope of a solution
more or less near, would become very difficult to restrain.
Before closing this despatch I think it not useless to anti-
cipate an objection which may be raised relating to the form
adopted in this grave affair. It may seem little in confor-
mity to usages, traditions, and, perhaps, even to re-
spect, that the address to the Supreme Pontiff should
be signed by me rather than by his Majesty our Sove-
reign. This exception to the formalities generally
observed arises from two reasons. It should be known
first—and you are not ignorant of it—that under other cir-
cumstances analogous to this in which we were placed.
his Majesty has personally addressed himself to the
Pope, and that it his happened either that he
has received no reply at all, or one which was offensive to
the royal dignity. It was not possible, after such prece-
dents, to expose the dignity of our sovereign to fresh in-
suite. It appeared, moreover, to the King's govern-
ment
that on an enstaion on which word.
are respectfully addressed to the Sovereign Pontiff in
the name of the Italian cation, Rhe ordinary interpreter of
the deliberations of the executive power, which, in the ab-
sence of the Italian parliament, is that specially representing
the nation itself, should become also the interpreter of it.
wishes ►nd sentiments.

I authorise you to road to, and to leave a copy of this
despatch, as well as of the address, to his Holiness, with
his Exoellsacy the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

According to a Naples letter of Nov. 11, the op-
position programme of the southern deputies is
settled as follows :-1. To attack the government
in regard to the means resorted to by General Cial-
dini for putting down brigandage. 2. To oppose
any increase of taxation. 3. To demand the trans-
lation of the seat of government to Naples until
Rome shall become the capital of Italy.

(nuns I Talsowts.)
AMERICA.

NEW YORK, Nov. 8, Eva.
(Per Glasgow, will Queenstown.)

- .
It is reported from Fortress Monroe that the
commander of the Minnesota has received informa-
tion that the Federal fleet was bombarding Port
Royal, and was meeting with a warm reception,
the Confederates having been prepared for an
attack some time before. The Confederates were
commanded by C ommodore Patrick.
Another despatch states that Port Royal is in a
critical condition, and just ready to surrender to the
fleet. The accounts received are very confused.

Two Federal steamers have been wrecked off the
coast of North Carolina. The crews were taken
prisoners by thu Confederates.
Important movements are taking place on the
Lower Potomac indicative of the despatch of large
Confederate reinforcements to the points threatened
on the southern coast.

It is reported that General Beauregard has re-
linquished the command of the Confederate army
on the Potomac, and has proceeded to take the
command in South Carolina.

A despatch from Cairo announces that a Federal
expedition from that place, numbering 3,500 men,
had landed at Belmont on the Mississippi, and
attacked the Confederate forces there, cap-
turing cannon, horses, and 100 prisoners.
After the Federals had taken possession of the
Confederate camp it was reported that the Confe-
derates were crossing the river from Columbus in
order to attack the Federals in the rear. The
Federals were then ordered to return to the boats,
when a severe engagement took place, and the
Federals ultimately retired. The Confederate force
was reported to number 7,000 men. The loss was
heavy on both sides.
The southern journals report the arrival of the
Confederate steamer Theodora at Savannah with a
valuable cargo.
The privateer Sumter is again said to have
been captured near Barbadoes.
It is reported that President Davis will certainly
be relieved of the presidency.
There is a large majority for union tickets in
Maryland.
The captain of the slaver Erie has been con-
victed of the capital offence of piracy.
It is asserted that the Federal army in Missouri
will not advance beyond Springfield.