The Express.
London, England, 1850-01-19 00:00:00

Vie eryteoo4l.

00TOOIN.0

The taails kr Clii;l;;,lielie,
Sept, Ceylon. ludia, end C
ATMup tbie Greek,. Jea.t • 7=‘• JI
tak oid llassinto4 to • KeditOnateen,
C. 'kn. ladle, Hose-temp, &a, will be nark oplrnitci
main; of Jen. 24.
The mar kr British North Marisa mad the Mined
pulse will be made up ea the of Jett. 36.
The nails ter Lisboa, Opein, sad Gibraltar will be =de
op ea Jam. N.
The West India Yana, kelading Bariada, Nevenael,
Nemo, Hankins, New Orkens, sail Nosiest sad ezdtulioa
gages for Madeira, Joen•de-Nieeresou, New Orsaade,
Chill, sad Pon, will be node op ea Feb. 2.
The wane kw Maeda, the Brazils, sad Balsa Apresorill
be node op ea the 'vetting el Feb. 4.

iflON RAM AT LONDON DIMON
Tao D•v—Nantai. 1116 Na. .... Afiersoce. 6 la. Um
Toquanow—Molai, ili. MA Aftwoma. Ili. MA

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 19.

Iv is certainly a convenient doctrine to lay down,
that the lending of money shall be exempted ftom all
considerations of morality. We believe the doctrine,
however, not only dangerous to monied men and de-
structive of the respect which wealth ought to in-
spire, but utterly untenable in reason acd in right.
For in what does capital differ from power, from in-
fluence, from any other of those means of command
repaired by men's talents, prudence, virtues, or birth?
It may be mote fractionable, more perishable, appra-
neatly less inherent in the individual, but wealth is
ash rasmsed without merit peat or present. It is
• soustilivilege, one for which the owners should be
imishito ovidence, and for the use of which they
aftaaaweeabr to the same providence.
Mee dare not delegate power, nor employ in-
flames for base purposes, neither should they lend
mossy. And that this is no abstract principle, but
on tacitly admitted and practised by all, is too plain
to be dewed. What capitalist would choose to lend
the fruit of his savings to • nobleman of great re-
venue, who wasted and anticipated it in the corrup-
tion of women? Who, that had a conscience, would
lead money to be enthsrluid in the slave trade or to
it eat a betenneering fleet ? We are accused of
Mon lax in our ideas of the mos-
raliti."7l7 trade, because we have consented to
aimit slave-grown sugar from Brazil into use
port.. But who would have thought of admitting it,
if we could have thereby prevented its sale In
What was the use of the Englishman alone paying
twice the value for the free sugar he consumed, whoa
all the rest of the world was open to slave prodoes t
If English statesmen have abandoned coercion and
exclusion, as preventives of Amery, it is not that they
abhorred slavery less, but that they both despaired of
the prevention, and hoped to flew a truer one in the
ontmoli cy
Nevryertpheless, we almit that the principle, preached
so broadly as Mr. COBDEN does it, is a novelty.
It is almost as startling in the City of
London, as the first speeches which were
made against the slave trade. All London at
that time embarked capital in slaves and slave plan-
tations. Acd when the great cry of indignaka
humanity was raised against the practice, it was
received will precisely that ume admixture of in-
dignation and derision that wails Mr. COBDEN.
" May I not do what I will with my own," said the
slave owner. And he kept for hell a century repeat-
leg that dogma, until his nwn was taken from him.
If,instead of standing out for the right of abusing or
well using his own, the slave owner had admitted
certain moral obligations to his slave, and practised
them, the West Indies might not be as they are
now.
All persons and classes possessed of property,
which gives influence over their fellow men, have
Mau assailed, or will be so, in like manner. The
English landlord has been told of his duties, and they
will be required of him. Parliament has not let the
manufacturer al ne, but has dictated to him a cer-
tain code of moral observance. Does the merely monied
capitalist hope to escape.?
U may be said that, in parting with hie capital,
be parts with its cares and its duties too. He may
shift them, but the character remains to some ne,
and in the case of a loan to a foreign country n at
sharacter is • grave consideration. It is far eh e
grave, end more to be thought of, than the mere act
el individual lending to individual.
A body of capitalists in one country becoming
',editors of the government of another country, and
receiving from it a large yearly interest, eff, eta •
great change in the relative position of the two con-
bite. Foch a bargain at once binds and inter, sts a
Muge and influential portion of our countrymen
lin the institutions and fate of that foreign
government and nation. In a country like ours,
where public opinion governs, such an act as a
loan to constitutional Spain, republican France, or
despotic Russia, is a public event of great and incal-
culable importance. We do not my that on that
account government should interfere to prevent it ;
so far we stand up for free trade in money and in
opinion. But to forbid individuals or parties from
coming forward, expressing their sentiments, their
hope., and their fears, and influencing public opinion
lire or against it,—this, instead of being any &foga-
' ties et free trade is, on the contrary, tarrying the
principles of free trade to the fall.
Of course, those who sera no safety or no desirable
fate for Europe, except in despitto governments,
maintained by large armies, insist not only that
Rana should have any amount of loan, bat that
tie money should be paid over in silence. Austria
and Russia at this moment not only occupy the east
of Europe, but overawe and influence the west.
l'hey keep Italy under priestly rule, fright Prue-
' sin from, constitutional ways, and terrify the
pusillanimous nephew of NAPOLEON into aoticg the
valet of absolutism. All this is done by large standing
armies, which bestride Europe, and arrest and freeze
the progress of civilisation and of liberty. But these
armies are without pay and food. They can neither
continue to awe Europe, to advance upon Turkey, nor
upon Germany, unless the riches of the west come to
aid them. Grant these riches, exclaim in chores all
the jackals of despotism. And no public voice is
raised in opposition, save one.
That, however, is a powerful veiiee. 'The stream of
onerous ideas, humane principles, and heartfelt en-
ihasiasm, poured forth yesterday at the City meeting,
will fill the ear of the country, and make every pulse
beat quicker with the sentiment it inspire'. We con-
fens to have entertained qualms at the objects and the
purposes of the Peace Society, as developed in their
previous meetings. We feared that the peace and
patience which It preached might make converts of
the champions of liberty without disarming its foes.
But, in the noble vein of philosophy and eloquence
which marshalled forth yesterday the principles, and
the cause, and the policy of peace, against those of
oppression, aggression, expenditure, and war, there
is nothing that betokens indifference to the fettering of
the free or the" oppression of the weak.
The straggle has commenced throughout the world
between the military and non-military principle of go-
vernment. It miy be fierce end long, although not
waged by cannon, or conscriptions, or war budgets, at
Lad on one side. England has wealth, intelligence,
sad ideas. There are sums who prompt us to
lay all *see at the feet and the disposal of the
Win powers, in order that they may prosecute their
, and their conquests. Mr. COBDEN shows,'
= have bat to withhold such subservience and
Icon subsidies, in order to render thetcontinuanee of
brute awl military power impossible, and to farce it
to ones te a compromise with the growing sense of
national liberty and national independence.

A irraTEmexT went the round of the paper', a
fortnight or three weeks back, which attracted at the
time some small share of attention. It was a para-
graph copied trout a Buckinghamshire paper, which
averred that, whilst the protectionist party were so
loudly exclaiming about the diaire*ses of the fel mere,
the Teats upon the estate of Mr. DISRAELI had un-
dergone a consider-Ale advance. Such a statement
was calculated to point the moralof many a political
argument, and the leader of the protectionist
party tegarded it as one, which it was incumbent
on him explicitly to meet. He did so in terms which
appeared to leave vc-y little doubt upon the subject.
At the meeting at Great Marlow he spoke thus :
I an sorry that I should be °Wood to refer to an obsura-
ties that has false ban the of ay kind MY. (Abbott*.
las perfectly wall swan of that to watch he Maned. In
a paragr-tph, eat from a newspaper, which has been sant to
no darts, Wm coarse of Ali Maser, I flail that It is stated
that I have Woodsy mats very considerably very ncently,