The Express.
London, England, 1850-01-14 00:00:00

with the amounts in the wig* @global's
Lattbeins" sad the result has Use wagon bat satie-
fielley. They led that while the ate-m*lo St.
PINSON 1•01111111111.1 at IL 2d. to the ''po=i, those et
Is. kw% Inseniastei,*at la Old,, these of Bt.
Bosom-Kure at le., aid those et Bt. Max-
=the-Fields at 1041., their own rates ere no less
than le. ed. in the pound.
The rate-payers of St. Giles-in-the-Fields and St. I
Amp, Bloomsbury, happen to be rather of a mac-
deal tern of mind. They value knowledge °Melly
with a view to its useful application in the badmen
ci life. As soon, therefore, as they had ascertained
that their local' taxation wee so much heavier
they that of their neighbours, they est themselves to
dissever bow this same about, mad how the matter
might be amended. Seeing that their parish affairs
area administered by a vestry to which a local am
has imparted rather an oligarchical and irresponsible
ismpirdes, while the neighbour parishes are under
the pooehions of " Hobhonse's Act," it struck them
that, by adopting this act, and thus imparting a mole
popular character to their local institutions, they
might have a chance of getting their local burdens
alleviated. Experience is in favour of the affirmative
view of the question; for the rates in the parish of St.
George, Hanoveraquare, have been reduced nearly
one half sines the adoption of the " Hobbouse Act."
In the same practical spirit the parties who insti-
tuted these inquiries forthwith organised themselves
into a "parish association," to promote the introduc-
tion of Hobhouse's Act" into the united parishes.
And that all things might be done civilly and in order,
a deputation was appointed by the association to wait
on the rectors cane request their co-operation. An
interview was granted, the rectors listened to what
the deputation had to say, and intimated that it was
their intention to return their answer in writing, " as
being more reep.ctful to the householders whom they
[the deputation] represented." So far all had gone
well; but from the subsequent proceediegs of the
rectors, it must be confessed that their ideas of " what
is respectful" appear to be of the strangest.
On the mate day that the "answer in writing" of
the rectors was transmitted to the association, a
printed circular, containing the answer, was delivered
at the houses of all the parishioners. The answer
purports that the rectors " Sad themselves unable to
co-operate with the association." This, in the ordinary
acceptation of tks words, might mean that they intend
to stand neutral in the controversy ; and perhaps, on a
purely oracular question, neutrality would have been
the most becoming ground fur the spiritual guides
of the parishes to maintain. But the rectors go on to
express a hops that the aseeciation will, "on farther
reflection, save the neighbourhood from the evils of a
parochial struggle ; " and to declare that they "can-
not withhold from the rate-payers generally their
earnest advice, that they will not engage in a move-
ment, which, is their consciences, they believe to be
fraught with danger, and which cannot produce any
countervailing good." This is the most comical way
of showing "respect" to a body of men we ever
heard of ; w promise to return them an answer, and
instead of doing so, to turn round and adjure their
fellow-parishioners to stand aloof from them as dan-
gerous characters.
The rectors are ex officio chairmen of the vestry of
the united parsides, and their circular must therefore
, be regarded as the msnitesto of the existing vestry.
A number of the parishioners haw) intimated that it
is their intention to have the sense of the parish
amer-
taiasd as to the expediency of having the %wavy re-
sesistituteri under Hobhouse's Act," and forthwith
the rectors, as organs of the old vestry, i.eue an
=cyclical epistle, adjuring their parishioners to have
nothing to do with these men, who are revolutionary
and given to change.
The motives for abstaining front participation in
the movement held out to the parishioners are partly
argumentative and partly minatory.
The argumentative are of the kind usually resorted
to on such occasions. The ri eters, in the first place,
give themselves and their colleagues a high character
for " respectability of station and personal character,"
for "general ability," for " pr:.ctie,al knowledge,"
for " sound judgment," for "cheerful and persevering
nevotedness to their duties," &c. &c. &c. It is highly
probable that to these representations the parishioners
wid reply, " This is mere sett- prnise ; it may or may
not be tree; as the vestry is at present appointed, aa.d
under its mode of managing business, we nave no
means of knowing whether these encomiums are =-
served or net; bat the system of election under' Hob-
house's Act' would place us in a condition to judge."
The rectors proceed to argue that the parish affairs
are managed better and more economically under the
existing local ect than they were in 1830. This is
not exactly the question ; the complaint of the rate-
payers is that they are not so well and economically
managed as in other London parishes at the present
day. Besides, the improved management of the
vestry is questionable, on the rectors' own showing.
They state that the average of poor rate, county rate,
and watch rate for ten years previous to the passing
et the local act was 43,0001., and that now it is only
16,0001. But they omit to state that the number of
paupers maintained by the parish in 1830 was 8,600,
*ad that in 1849 it was only 2,300. The number of
paupers maintained of late years is less
thaa a third of the number formerly maintained,
and yet the annual expenditure is more than half of
what it formerly was. This indicates an increased,
not a reduced expenditure, in everything but the
relief of the poor, and the reduction on that item is
due not to the vestry, but to the new poor-law. The
rectors betray their sense of the hollowness of their
representations' by going on to assign reasons for an
increase in the paving rate.
Reasoning of this kind is not likely to have much
effect in inducing the parishioners to stand aloof from
a movement for bringing the parish under the provi-
sdons of " Hobhousts Act." And if the rate-
layers of St. Giles-'n-the-fields and St. George,
Bloomsbury, resemble the average of London rate-
'payers, the threat held out to deter them from joining
in the movement is more likely to have the contrary
effect. They are told by the rectors that if the asso-
ciation persist in their intention, they cannot long
without entailing. on the parishioners at
urge the expenses of litigation." This is really cool
insolence. It is in other words to say, "Do not in-
sist upon rights which an act of parliament has con-
ferred upon you ; for if you do the vestry will oppose
you by vexatious litigation, and pay its expenses out
of the rates they exact from you."
The ratepayers of the united parishes know better.
They know that by "Hobhouse's Act" (1 and 2 Wan
IV., c. 60) the churchwardens on being applied to by
fifty of the rated parishioners must forthwith take the
vote of the parishioners for cr against its adoption ;
and that it the majority of the parishioners vote for
its adoption the whole of the ratepayers must be
summoned (by a notice of 21 days on the church
doors) some day in May to elect their vestrymen out
of the resident householders assessed upon an annual
rental of not lees than ten pounds. There need be—
there can be no litigation about the matter. The
parishioners have the power in their own hands to
get an open, freely chosen, responsible vestry.
We say " responsible vestry," for at present the
rate-payers of the united parishes have no means of
compelling their vestrymen to render their accounts
publicly. Hobhouse's Act prescribes that the perish
accounts shall be open to the inspection of all the
parishioners, and that on the day of electing vestry-
men the ratepayers shell elect, out of persons with the
same qualification as is necessary for vetarymen,,five
auditors of accounts, whe shall not be members of the
vestry, or concerned in any contract with the parish.
The general character of the rector of St. George's,
Bloomsbury, makes it difficult to believe that thevery
extraordinary circular upon which we have been
commenting expresses hie deliberate sentiments. It
is more probable that, from a gocd-natured desire not
to differ with the oligarchs of the vestry
with which he is at present obliged to
ace, be his tansented to put his name
to a document, the drift and purpose of which
he did not clearly see. This comes of the absurd
arrangement by which good men, entirely absorbed
in the spiritual duties of their office, are called upon
to preside at a beard for the management of secular
affairs. They inevitably become mere instruments in
the hands of the dexterous secular tacticians by whom
they are surrounded. It is to be hoped that the rectors
of St. Giles and St. George may see the necessity of
diwntbralling themselves from their misleaders,
otherwise it may be worth the while of the rate-
payers to inquire whether the ex qicio right of parish
rectors to preside over vestries, so generally taken for
granted, ;has any better ground than an implied
opinion of the ecclesiastical courts, end a dubious pro-
viso of the act 38, °soma 111., c. 69.

• PARIS, iIATMIONT, HALT-PAST 6, P.M.
The kw ces primary sesame hes hem used, bat
with many antendatente, which will diminish the
centralising effects which the 'nicotine had given to
it. As amended I find that several partisans of free
education voted he it, whilst the legitimists, apart
from a few deluder, voted against it. The kw u
now paned, k worded se Mews:
Art. 1. Primly iamenstissia sea insai Is specially
pined under the median, of dm
Art. 2. The eseasiessi tee Ql7ll anted by the
nominee drweakessmem, sea &ems by it, either mon
the laity, vsmag ties as bms of isas associadene •
nisi is inseste sad nesgalmi by the state, the
emeaditee efaiswing itself relative to NW that., se the
wishes by sae musidpi masse/dthe seaman e
IP Ibis wish the aaainlpat enema goy ladies*
lss ; bat thesemsalttee ma make Its Ames swag
ethers them the endidslis so pr=tiby nnsent Thu
talkies wee shots amen foe set Issise&g he the
resegaissil eatbsile wan*, from lisle Inseand by dm pow
tartan se braelhe assisterles.
An. 3. Is the seem) melded for by stet IS et the law et
:sae 22,1870, the per may reprimand, empead, er
miss taselters. Se may dismiss then In a Colwell of Pre-
fecture, after haring taken the apinien of the Osemehtee of
Arrondissement, the teacher so dlsmissed hawing a right te
appeal to the Minister of Public Instruction in C. of the
University. The committee must give Its opines within ma
days.
Art. 4. A teacher who is die:aimed cannot tiontisse te
exercise his &natant during the preeeedices of hit appnL
Suspension can be pronounced by the prefect with or with-
out privation. The duration of the suspension cannot exceed
six months.
Art. b. No teacher, when dhadesed, can open a prints
school in the commune in which he had exercised the fear
does from which he has been removed, nor can he be coo.
maned teacher in the ease department.
Art. 6. The Committer of Arrondissement remains is-
vested with the right of suspending teachers, suds, res
officio or on the complaint of local committees, as ordered by
the 23rd Act of the law of June, 22,1833.
Art. 7. The provisions of the bill of 1833 remain in fore*,
in all that is not contrary to the present bill.
Art. 8. The present law shall not remain in force men
than en months.
The changes wrought in the law as originally pre-
sented are to be found in the second article, where the
cabinet desired that the prefect should have the nomi-
nation, and not the committee of arrondissement, sad
in article 3, where it was proposed originally that the
prelet should dismiss, whereas now he is to be fet-
tered by miring the advice of the committee of arron-
dissement. The Bth article was also an amendment,
but peremptory as it was, it did not satisfy the legi-
timists, who, in order to make sure that the transitory
law would not last, moved on the lead of M. Leo de
Laborde, that " if, at the expiration of six months,
the organic law on primary and secondary instruction
shall not have been voted, all the decreer, bills, and
ordonnances, which at present direct primary instruc-
tion, shall be virtually abrogated, and that branch of
instruction shall be completely free." This amend-
ment was rejected, and the law voted as a whole by
385 to 223.
The debate on the organic law on education will
commence on Monday next, and it will lead to an
immense debate. The Chamber will not go half
throrgh with it, however, for the law will be rejected,
and then the little law will remain in the code.
This is what the government expected : that was
their intention in proposing the small before the
great law; bat they have been much disappointed
in the changes made in the small law. What
will they say when the Chamber rejects (which it Is
sure to do) the motion for increasing the pay of OOP-
' commistioned cfficers in the army ? The hostility be-
tween the executive and legislative powers will then
be at the highest. The President cannot safely how-
ever do anything unconstitutional. Tie budget is
not voted, the committee having carefully withheld
from presenting their report for some time past. The
effect of this postponement would be that the budget
not being voted, if the president attempted any un-
constitutional proceeding the chamber would call on
the people not to pay taxes. The rumcurs of which
I have riven you notice are however more than ever
rife.
M. Hubert Delisle has put a motion on the paper,
fur inert asing the pay of non-commissioned naval
officers. At the same time, M. de Parieu is con-
cocting a plan for increasing the pay of primary
teachers, which from 500 f. a year will be increased
to 600 f. This fresh charge will amount in the budget
to 500,000 f.
There was nothing of any interest in to-day's sitting
of the legislative assembly.
The mixed Commission of Public Worhs, charged
by the Ministers of War and Marine to examine the
different surveys made for the purpose of fortifying
the port of Havre, so as to place it beyond the risk of
any bombardment, has adopted the following recom-
mendation :
The number of forts to be erected for the defence of Haire
shall be three. A local commission, composed of the chi, f
of the engineers, the engineer of the port, a superior uffici r
of the navy, the commandant of the artillery, and an officer
of the marine artillery, shall be charged to verify and rectify
the chart of the coast and the mouth of the Seine ; it shall
!eopose the proper points for the erection of the torts, the
number of guns, the quantity of ammuni'ion, the sire and
proportions of each work, and the expense of their establish-
ment; it shall also examine into the influence which these
works may exercise on the currents, on the soundings, the
displacement of the sand bank., sad every thing connected
with the navigation of the port. Tne project for the defence
of Havre will not be definitively adopted until this lJeal com-
mittee shall have made its report.
SUNDAY, 5.30 vie.
The legislative power represented by the Assembly
now in existence has been from the first unable to
cope with the executive. It could not, or dad not,
exercise its preponderance efficiently under the coin-
iparatively parliamentary sway of M. 0. Barret. It
has done so much less under the more despotic rule of
the President's personal policy. The struggle has
become one of cunning on both sides—cunning and
discreditable to the one as to the other. Confident in
the good faith of the executive, the Roman and La
Plata questions were voted by majorities which com-
plaisantly as regards some parts, confidently as re-
gards others, left the door open for the executive to
do as it pleased. In the Roman affair every one
knows what has been the result ; reaction is triumph-
ant, and the French Assembly is humbled. In the
La Plata affair the government obtained a vote by
staking promisee to some, and working on the fears
of others. Those promises are destined not to
be kept. The fears that were created never should
have existed. M. de Rance, when he presented his
amendment, affected to believe that an expedition to
La Plata—small indeed, but of sufficient force, as he
thought—would be sent out to strengthen the negoti-
ation by their presence. The government did not
deny its intention, and under the effect of these half-
whispered promises, gained the necessary, victory.
M. de Rance might have known from precedent—one
cannot accuse him of knowing from fact—that under
this apparent acquiscence, the cabinet concealed the
fixed intention of sending out no forces at all. So it
is, however. The paragraph of the government print
to that effect is plain, sod supported now by con-
clusive evidence. There will be no expedition. All
this of course is exclusive of the question of expe-
diency, of which you are the best judge, but my
object is merely to show the small cunning by which
things are done here, and how the executive have
gained their point. On the other hand the legislative
power exercises the small ingenuity which it pos-
sesses to stop the proceedings of needful public
business. Committees delay their reports. The
budget is withheld. Ne•essary laws arrested in their
course; and yet in the midst of all this it is expected
that the country should be prosperous and contented.
The result cannot be long doubtful ; one or other of
the antagonists must soon succomb.
To return to the La Plata affair, and to the inten-
tion of government, I find in to-day's number of the
Napollon, which now confesses to being under the su-
pervision of the President himmelf, an article which
, begins thus :—" The following report, which expresses
I the opinion of government on the La Plata question,
semi to to of the greatest interest to the public,
esprcially after the long debate, in the midst of which
this affair his been put in so many false lights.'
Dien follows the report, which is an extract from a
document sent to the minister of foreign affairs by M.
de Mareuil, minister of France at Buenos Ayres. It
describes the fettility of the two banks of the river,
duet) populated by a jealous raor. That populasio..
on the event of war, would Hock together to its several
standards, and the land would become uncultivated in
those parts where cultivation is active, whilst
its the %elide the flocks would no longer bo tended,
and the skins wnich they produce could no longer be
brought to market. It is from these considerations
that peace is necessary, for without it there would be
tin immediate cessation of trade. But in order to en-
sure peen, a powerful and lasting government is
requisite, and such a one exists at Buenos Ayres.
Cienuita RAN, ikolxled, and he is kind to foreiguers;

ea • palm need only martieu that km years ego
there were 4,000 Frenchmen in Bassos Ayres ex-
'whin, their Neveml trades without hindrance. At
Neste Video, on the contrary, there is no regular go-
verment. and pease alone can ensure the r opera=
et cm The report then proceeds to show how peace
can be maintained, whether by the fusion of the two
states into one, at by the emblems of both kept allied
by common interests and dangers. The first hypo-
thesis is at once admitted to be impossible. Row
cannot and never intended to conquer Uruguay. Even
if he would he could not, for the interests and passions
of the population of Buenos Ayres would oppose each
a course. Monte Video would be too pm a rival to
Buenos Ayres, whose inland trade she would
monopolise ; ssides, the power of General
Roam would be in danger of perishing
were it exercised in so wide a field. The
only course left, therefore, is to allow both re-
publics to exists together. atters so stood before
1838. It was to re-establish that very order of things
that Roam and Oribe spent their efforts, and to coun-
terbalance which the French used all theirs. The
intervention has thus been the cause of all the evils of
La Plats. Let the intervention cease. Let the foreign
legion at Monte Video be disarmed. Tee system
organised by Mr. Rood's treaty is good, and should
be adopted. Such is the course advised in M. de
Mareoil's despatch; Inch the course that the French
cabinet declares itself ready to adopt.
I have said that the Napoleon admits the presiden-
tial supervision ; it does so by saying : "The Emperor
Napoleon often gave the Moniteur its political direc-
tion, though he was not its editor. Is the President
forbidden to do the same either in the Moniteur or
in any other journal? As for the Napoleon, it will
endeavour to express, as much as is in its power, the
ideas of the President of the republic, without pre-
tending to have its very words and ideas taken for
those of the President hunself."
On the whole, the present number of the govern-
ment weekly print is more clever than the last; it is
lees forward. It returns to the subject t f the presi-
dential responsibility, and persists in saying that it is
essential that the President should be completely free
in choosing or dismissing his ministers; for, if a mere
vote of the Legislative Assembly taxa overthrow
them, the President would become responsible for a
policy which he could not direct. Under the consti-
tutional monarchy no bill had force of law unless it
were sanctioned by the three great powers of the
state. But as now the Assembly aloi.e makes laws,
and as, when once they are passed, the President must
put them in force, the Assembly would at once be judge
and executor, and the President might be put on his
defence for acts that were not his. It is not, there-
fore, from pride, or from want of deference to the
Assembly, that the President asserts his entire liberty
, of choice, but because he knows the spirit of the new
institutions under which be governs, and, in his view,
it is even the most modest course he takes to reduce
himself to the legitimate part which is his in the
rigorous execution of the most democratic constitu-
tion that ever existed.
Though the Nap'kon thus condeseeeds to explain,
it does not hesitate to continue its attack on the Legis-
lative Assembly ; it complains of the false lovers of
order, who in words are always ready to support the
executive, but who are oftener hostile than friendly,
for the simple reason that they seek to satisfy their
interest rather than to strengthen society. It shows
that the accusation cast upon the government (of wont
of action) is deserved fur more by the Assembly,
which purposely delays tie budget, and hes not a.:
yet touched one of 35 protects submitted to its deli-
berations, and it quotes as applicable the words of M.
Desmousseanx de Givre to the moderates of the Guizot
majority : " Nothing, nothing, ni thing."
It is curious also to find the Ely-ean journal praising
up the absolutist governments of Aus•ria and Spain.