The Express.
London, England, 1861-04-15 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 15.

To-NIGHT Mr. OLADSTONS is to tell his well-kept
secret and release public curiosity from suspense.
By this time to-morrow thousands of people, not
wanting in shrewdness, will try to look their wiriest
as from the plain tale of the CHANCILLOR they
discover how perverse the misstatements, how
wanton the tricks, of which in the blindness of
their confidence they have been the dupes. In-
stead of statistics picked up out of the street, and
even then not understood, we shall have a simple
comparison of the national income with the national
expenditure, and thereupon the expedients for
filling a gap in the public revenue with which a
malevolent imagination has surrounded Mr. Gun
cross will vanish like spectres. It is announced
on semi-official authority that there will be no
deficiency, but a surplus. This fact will suffice for
the next four-and-twenty hours.
Finance, it is often remarked, is the key to most
social and political questions. If money is not
the motive power of change in a given case, that
power, whatever it be, is sure to be represented
somewhere in a financial shape. The crushing
load of taxation we have lately been called to bear
is accounted for by the general unsettlement of
Europe, by our little war in China, and
by the advances in seience which have made
necessary two reconstructions of the Navy and the
provision of a new Artillery. We are getting to
know, and to lower the cost of OUT Armstrong guns,
and the expense of these weapons will soon take a
regular limited place in our War Estimates. But
iron ship•building threatens us with a repetition
in an aggravated form of the continuous and heavy
drain which our wooden vessels have entailed on
us. The Government will set up as iron ship-
builders if the House of Commons permit it ;
and then, of course, the concern must be kept
going at the national expense whether useful or not.
A Ministerial contemporary animadverting on
Mr. LINDSAY'S motion, objects to it firstly
and chiefly, not that its adoption by
the Government would have been injurious to the
navy, but that " if carried and acted upon it would
" have had the effect of shutting up the royal
" dockyards." This statement is not true, because
it was expressly recommended that the royal
yards should be maintained for repairs; but the
predominating anxiety of the semi-official writer is
characteristic. But if this folly is avoided, if the
Government can be induced by any means to leave
the construction of our new iron fleet to the pre-'
eminent skill it fears to eerie, and the free enter-
prise it cannot rival, there is nothing in the fair
cost of these vessels which would stand in the way
of a considerable and easy reduction of our warlike
expenditure, especially as the extensive fortifica-
tion scheme which Parliament sanctioned last year
has already collapsed, as we warned its promoters it
must as moon as it could be examined calmly, sad
free from the political influences under which it was
brought forward.

Our China war is over. We charitably hope
that it disappointed the expectations of its pro-
moters, w it certainly belied their promisee to
the nation. We have not got, and we are not
going to get, the expenses from the Chinese, but
have paid them ourselves, as from the first we were
sure to have to do. However, thanks to the
firmness of our Plenipotentiary, who refused to
be bullied into extreme courses, the expenditure is
over. We have no other on hand just now,
except that in New Zealand, waged not with the
Ili safe's enemies but with her subjects. The
news by the mail just delivered holds out no pro-
spect of its early conclusion ; we are led to expect,
indeed, that it may last as long as the natives can
get provisions and powder and ball. The House
of Commons has tried to deal with the merit, of
the Taranaki dispute, out of which the war grew, but
has only discovered how impotent it is to deal with a
question of native law and complex facts extending
over hundreds of official folios, where almost every
single proposition and allegation is disputed. A
close examination of these papers has convinced
as that Sir WILLIAM MARTIN, late Chief Justice
of New Zealand, is right in saying that the first
wrong was not on the part of the natives, but on
the part of the Colonial Government, who took pm-
session of the land without lawful authority, that
Kum and his people had no legal and peaceable
means of redress through any tribunal capable of
entertaining their suit, and that the resistance of
Knee and his people, though highly criminal, was
not treasonable or rebellious, having only for its
object to amen and maintain their own rights to •
particular piece of land. But to what purpose does
any one spend on these questions as much time as
would suffice for acquiring the Maori tongue
When blows have been struck, we deceive and
flatter ourselves by discussing the justice of the
quarrel. The war will go on until the ascendancy
of the white raw has been wearied. From the
moment the sword is drawn we are no longer free
to consider any interest as secondary to that.
Philanthropists and all who desire that
politics should be brought into conformity
with the rale of right and wrong, should ponder
that fact. It will save them some useless efforts,
and teach them to concentrate responsibility on
the authors of unneceseary wan. In the mean-
time, as we meet the question on the ground of
finance, we may point out that while this war,
waged nominally to assert the Qrate's authority,
but really to make more land available for
settlement, is undertaken in an interest strictly
colonial; we who are called on to furnish the means
of carrying it on, have nh effective control over it.
As Mr. ADDERLZT observed in Parliament, "The
" colony had been allowed to have representative
" institution; and the Parliament of New Zee..