The Express.
London, England, 1861-06-04 00:00:00

. 2

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LONDON, russDAr, JUNE 4.

Lino Jose Remixes, with the complete sanction
of his colleagues, has proclaimed • strict neutrality
in the American war. In accordance with the law of
nations, this cv try, in conjunction with France
and the other Powers of Europe, has determined
to grant the South belligerent rights.
This, be it remembered, does not imply
that the so-styled Confederate States are
to be acknowledged as an independent Power.
Under cover of the privilege granted, they can only
claim the right of being treated as open enemies.
And, according to the instructions of the
Foxems SID'ItITAKY which we publish to-day,
Nu right will be carried to its legitimate conclu-
sion. In the case of an ally it is usual to allow
prize courts fur the purpose of condemning cap-
tured ships, to sat in the territory of an ally.
lied this country, in the contest which has now
arisen, considered herself the ally of the Northern
section of the American people, prize courts
might have at to adjudicate within British terri-
tory. But oven this has been refused. Neither
the North nor the South is to be permitted to take
advantage of any British port for the purpose of
securing the prizes which either party may capture.
t is impose ble to furnish more conclusive proof than
this of the determination of Ministers to maintain
the most complete neutrality. But if any further
proof were needed, it would be found in the cor-
respondence of Mr. SEWARD with Lord Lewes our
Minister at Washington, and in the instructions
furnished by Lord JOHN Ilium to his lordship.
There are two matters, however, which, accord-
ing to the latest accounts, have just transpired,
and which demand serious attention. It is said
that President LINVOLN has accepted the services of
a Canadian regiment of volunteers. The relations of
such colonies as Canada, endowed with constitu-
tional governments, are new and peculiar. The
limits of the quasi-independent powers exercised
by colonies of late years cannot be determined
by precedent. If any number of British subjects
in these realms were about to embark for the pur-
pose of serving the cause of President LINOOLN
they might be dealt with according to law, and if
they managed to escape across the Atlantic the
British Government would be entitled either to
abandon them to their fate, or to prosecute them
when they returned within the jurisdiction.
But in Canada tho case is different. Even if
the Foreign Enlistment Act is applicable within
the colonial territory, it would obviously be im-
possiblu to enforce it. The Canadians are too near
the scene of action, and too keenly interested in the
questions which agitate America, tomake it possible
for the Colonial Government to enforce any law
preventing a Canadian from joining the Americans
of the Notth. It is perhaps difficult to understand
how • strict neutrality can be maintained when
the British subjects of a British dependency
openly join one of the belligerents. No great in-
convenience might arise if, the moment the Cana-
dian crossed his own frontier, he lost all claim to
British protection. But if the South choose to
deny to Canadians the right of war which they
extend to the Americans of the North—if these
British subjects are treated in some exceptional
manner—and if, consequently, the Canadian peoglie
insist upon some remonstrance or more oserplis
action of the British Government, it is reale
that either England must abandon her neutraLt
or must alienate her colonial subjects. The solu-
tion of this problem is not obvious. But one thing
is abundantly clear, that under the new system of
colonial government these difficulties are inevitable,
and that these results arc only an additional argu-
ment for reducing to the fewest possible the ties
which bind this country to colonies endowed with
constitutional privileges.
But further, it is said that President Lir:our
has determined to adhere to that declaration of
the Treaty of Paris which forbids the use of pri-
vateers. It is well known that when this proposal
was first made to the American Government it
was declined on the ground that the European
Governments occupied a different position from
those on the other side of the Atlantic. If, in-
deed, England, France, and the rest had agreed to
resp:43 imitate property DD the high seas, the
Americans were prepared to entertain the
question of abolishing privateers. But, ac-
cording to the Cabinet of Washington, the
American navy was too small to forego the privi-
lege of issuing letters of marque. sow, it seems,
the Wiles are turned. The North find themselves
with • considerable navy, and their enemy, the
Confederate States, have no navy at all. The ad-
vantage which would accrue to the North by the
abolition of privateering is obvious. The result
must be to make a naval war with the Confederate
States impossible. At the same time, it is by
no means clear that the consent of the North
to forego the privilege of issuing letters of marque
would really accomplish the purpose which the
North has in view. At present that privilege is
consistent with the law of nations, and the.
South being now acknowledged to pewees belli-
gerent rights is entitled to issue such letters,
and to have them respected. It seems difficult to
understand how any agreement made by the
Northern States to abandon a present privilege
can diseutitle the South to its exercise. And
therefore it may be doubted whether the North
can be seriously prepared to put an end to pri-
',steering unless a similar concession is made by
their Sou:hern opponents.
In the meantime it becomes every day clearer
that the day of compromise is pest, and that the
dispute must be settled by the sword. The
forbearance which has hitherto been exercised