The Express.
London, England, 1861-03-13 00:00:00

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LONDON, IVEDNESDAY, MARCH 13.

Tu►. Emperor of the FRANCE has great reason
to congratulate himself upon the freedom of
speech and publicity which he has allowed to his
Chambers. For it has discovered to him a gulf
yawning under his feet into which, unless fore-
warned, his dynasty mast have fallen. For the
descent and settlement of hie Crown NAPOLSOR 111.
proposed to trust, as Serums, L did, to his Senate.
It is well known how the Swats et 1814 betrayed
its sovereign. The excuse was, circumstances were
too strong for them. Hut what ie to be said of the
Senate of 1861, of which the majority now evi-
dently prefer the maintenance of the Pore and of
the Austrian policy in Italy to that generous view
of Italian unity and emancipation, as well as of
the abrogation of the temporal authority of the
Pope, which is not more the policy of England or
of the French EMPEROR than of the ago' Although
the Senators are but the stipendiary counsellors of
the Esireeos, they were still prepared to fly in his
face on this question ; and it is well known that
had not some general officers been absolutely sent
away, and the strongest influences exerted to per-
suade others, a majority of the Senate would have
proclaimed a vote on behalf of the Pura against
the EMPEROR. NAPOLEON 111. tula but to suppose
the case of a demise of the Crown, and of the
clergy being opposed to its transmission in the pre-
sent family. Is not ttir Senate of 1861 just as
likely to vote a dickiance in the lapse of a few
year. se it wiui to vote such a condemnation
in 18141

The question which naturally suggests itself at
such an aspect of circumstances ia, whence 0011188
this hostility of the Senate I Surely the Imperial
Government was not so shortsighted as to compose
it of Legitimist and Orleanista t It must
be admitted that it did nominate them
in great numbers, at a time when neither publi-
city nor importance attached to the speeches or
votes of the Senate, and when N APOLEON 111. not
only thought himself, but was thought, the great
safeguard against collision or war between the
upper and lower classes. This feeling has, however,
worn itself away. Fears of the mob have vanished
from the minds of the educated and wealthy
French, whilst in it place that galling sentiment
of the Imperial yoke put upon them has irritated
the minds of the upper ranks. Amongst these
the royalists of both categories are probably the
most numerous _ and influential. They are the

respected, the fashionable class, they dominate
society, and thereby cunterbalance the power
which the Government does but gently wield, and
the patronagii which it does not always wisely dis-
tribute.

Since the proclamation of the &crouton, the
royalist party, whether Orleaniat or Legitimist,
have adopted the tactics of rallying under the
banner of the Church. It seemed at lint almost a
forlorn hope foraconatitutional and a so-called pro-
gremive party to pin itself to the retrograde policy of
churchmen. But so it was. Not only did the RAY-
siva" the Peauts, and even the Tuciavinnass
fall into the policy of lending military suocour to
the Pore in the city of Rome ; but the Vn.a.v.-
mAIIIS, the Cocain, and other eminent intellects
of the Orleanist and constitutional section, de-
clared there was no hope for French freedom or
French mind union both rallied to the standard
of Rome, and even donned the livery of its
Pontiff.

ROM= Catholicism has thus become, not indeed
a religious conviction. but • political expediency ;
not a principle of conduct, bat a banner of Wien ;
not a coescientione belief, no much as • mmti-

mint in vogue. Under the Restoration even the
middle classes used to send their daughters to
convents to be educated, because there they came
in contact with the daughters of the noblesse. Of
late it has been the fashion to send even boys to
the schools of the Jesuits for the same reason that
the rich English upstart sacrifices 3001. a year to
place his son at Eton.
The Imperial Government, it must be owned,
hes hitherto weighed more upon the educated and
intelligent class than upon any other. The people
has merely felt its protecting care ; those above,
he rigid exclusion and seventy. The educated
class has rebelled, and has had the good fortune to
find an ally in the clergy. Had the Kinplifer INIA PO-
Lam granted the extension of parliamentary and
pries freedom some five yeses ago, he would have
broken up this coalition of his foes, and rallied to
him the constitutional royalists. In 1861 it came
too late ; for Legitimists and Orleanists, feeling
themselves supported by the Church and by a
general conservative sentiment against that revo•
lutioa which menaces throughout Europe, now
hold firmly to4ether, and resolve to make use of
the liberty accorded to them to bite the hands and
resist the power of him who gave it.
Independent of the royalists or religionists of
old dynasties, there remained in France the broad
Liberal party. Of this the more moderate have
certainly rallied to the Eseeson, and are inclined
to support him, not so much fur his insignificant
grant of parliamentary rights, ea for his generous
policy towards Italy and towards European
nationalities. The thorough Republicans still, in-
deed, harbour distrust, if they no longer look de-
fiance. But even they are willing to step aside
and allow the Imperial Government to pursue its
aim, especially such a course as has bean marked
out in the speech of Prince Naroszoir.
From what has been said it will be seen that
the true strength and support of the &restos and
the Imperial Government are to be sought more
and more in the lower and middle strata
of society ; the wealthy, the educated,
and the fashionable are more than
ever irrevocnld y "seed to him, and re-
fuse all coot iliatiou. The opposition would