The Express.
London, England, 1850-06-01 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 1.

Tun* le an ambiguity in the' wording of Sir E.
BUrrore motion, whioh hie speech last night failed
to dear up. In terms the motion is directed gamiest
" nerestricted competition with the ogler of foreign
slave-trading countries." Does Sir EDWARD mean
to exclude or impose differential duties on the sugars
of tides sountriee only which are engaged in the
Atkins dm trade P Or does he hold all Gantries
in which slaves can be bought and sold to be slave-
trading countries ; and seek to exclude or Wigan
differential duties on slave-grown sagaregenenilly
The quietism is not umnapertant. Exclusion or
discouragement of sugars produced in countries
which carry on the African slave trade does
not neossearily imply an assumption on the part of
England to prescribe to dbar coasts* the mode in
which they shall regulate the civil dates and rela-
tions of their inhabitants. But the adoption of such
a mann in respect of all slave-grown sugars is vir-
tually an attempt to coerce independent states in their
domestis inatitations. If we exclude or discourage
the importation of Louisiana sugars because they are
grown by slave labour, we may next be called upon
to exclude or discourage the importation of Ruing
commodities because they are produced by the labour
of serfs. It was free to England to emancipate its
own slaves ; it is free to England to ad-
vise America to emancipate its slaves—Russia
to emancipate its serfs ; but for England to
attempt to coerce these countries into adopt-
ing its views of what is right and just, is more
likely to raise resistance than to ensure obedience,
and is pretty certain to engender hostile sentiment'
unfavourable to the continuance of peace.
From the tenor of Sir EDWARD'S speech, however,
we are inclined to believe that he does not advise the
adoption of such an overweening and preposterous
policy. His arguments were all drawn from the
cute of countries engaged in the African slave-trade.
He imagines that by refusing to admit into this
country the sugars of the countries which still carry
on that traffic, we can compel them to desist from it;
and be believes that Cuba and the Brazils (the only
countries that persist in the African slave-trade) ars
of too little consequence to render their enmity of any
moment.

There is no country so unimportant that its hosti-
lity can he despised with impunity is international
affairs, any more than there is any individual ro un-
important that his enmity may be safely provoked in
private life. We must in common prudence regard
our international relations with Brazil and Cuba from
the same point of view that se would do those with
the United States. We know already that
our anti-slavery policy has provoked hostile
feelings towards this country in Brazil ; the
exclusion of Brazilian produce from our mar-
kets will keep these feelings alive to certainly as
would our system of cruising against Brazilian slavers.
Let us see what gain Sir EDWARD expects from the
pulioy he recommends in respect of Brazilian sugars
to compensate_ fur this disadvantage.
Sir EDWARD imastin, a that by excluding the sugars
of slave-trading countries from English markets he
can put an end to the African slave trade. The ides
is preposterous. The only effect of such a policy would
be to transfer the sugars of countries not engaged
in the African slave-trade to this country from all
other markets of the world, and to supply the vacuum
thus caused in there markets by the sugars of Brazil
and Cubs. If the African slavt-treds can be put
down in no other way than by excluding from com-
merce the sugars of the commies engaged in it, its
being put down is hopeless so long as the markets of
Ilamourg and America are open to these sugary. We
may derange and endanger English commerce by
excluding the sugars of Cuba and Brazil, but put an
end to the slave-trade by such means we cannot.

So far we have argued the question on the assump-
tion that the supporters of Sir EDWARD BUXTON'S
motion have nothing but the suppression of the Afri-
can slave-trade in view. But this is not the case.
Whatever it may be with the honourable baronet, his
motion is with nine-tenths of those who intend to vote
with him protection in disguise, and is acceptable to
them on that account, and on that account alone. They
fancy that it is impossible to produce sugar by free
labour at a Cost that will enable its producers to
compete with the owners of slave labour; they know
that in the British possessions anger mast be pro-
duced by free labour or not at all ; and on these
grounds they demand protection for British sugars.
Let us extend a little the application of their argu-
ment. Parliament has passed an act limiting the
hours of factory labour. There are no such limita-
tions in New England or Switzerland. Grant that
the claims of the Wert Indians are just, and we may
next have our factory proprietors demanding protec-
tion against the produce of those countries where
tke hours of factory labour are unlimited. Con-
cede what is demanded by the West Indians through
Sir EDWARD BUXTON, and you give up the principle
of free trade at once. The vote on Sir EDwaity's
motion will decide whether free trade or protection is
to be the policy of this country.
In the peculiar condition of the West Indies we
confess we see nothing to make us waver in our faith
in the soundness of free trade principles. The West
Indies have suffered since emancipation, but not in
consequence of the competition of foreigners, for
to such competition they have not yet been
savaged. They have suffered since emanci-
pation but not in consequence of the sub-
stitution of free for slave labour. The sugar
production of the West Indies began to de-
cline from the moment that the amount of
labour to be exacted from a slave in one day was
fixed by law. The legal day's task was no more than
either man or woman could perform in four hours. Of
mares those who had been accustomed under slavery to
regard each light toil es a sufficient day's work could
not easily be persuaded to give more when they were
free. For this a remedy might have been found in
competition in the labour market ; bat the English
government, by at first preventing and then obstruct.
ing the immigration of labour, precluded each com-
petition. If free labour has been more costly and less
productive in the West Indies than slave labour this
has been owing solely to legislative blunders.
The tide has already turned. In Guiana the wages
of labour have been reduced. In Jamaica a little
more care in the distribution of labourers would
render labour as economical there as in any country in
the world. By removing all artificial obstacles to the
immigration of free labourers this re-action would be
accelerated. A return presented to the House of
Commons, on the 29th of last month, shows that the
falling off in the quantity of sugar annually exported
from the British West Indira, which continued from
1831 to 1841, stopped in that year, and that there
has since been a steady increase. To revert to protection
now would be to do so after any apparent need
for it has ceased to exist ; would be to
withdraw from the West Indians the great stimulus
which has enabled them to struggle out of their
d.p.ression, to enter upon the path to restored pros-
PeritY-
Nothing can hinder the West Indies, with their
free labour, from placing themselves, in a few years,
in a condition to compote with countries using slave-
labour, except giving them a protection which will
deprive them of a motive to aim at this. And uto
slavery and the slave trade there is but one way to
put an end to them, and that is by proving experi-
mentally that free labour is more efficient and leis
costly. To give protection to our English free labour
sugar, is to confess that slave labour is more profitable
than free labour; is to perpetuate slave labour, and
with it the African slave trade.

THE meetings of the National Society have of late
lost much of the interest which formerly attached to
them. Ti.e rampant bigotry which distinguished
the orations of the speakers has suffered by oompari-

sou with the bigotry, still sure tellerelf• at the
oratory so plentifully poured troth On Me Gorham
ease. Yr. Dimon even seamed to basy that his
trade of agitation was Need in this peculiar
dimities, en be took himself to ether essepatimos.
As sat ift
_store wee left to be denser Ind in the
way d *fake the elloodion
of:absiEe in the bud,
he found avast for * O4-up i , raving in
el the Al:Meowing the sama All partin
that sew the National Sedgy had anon-
illlslied lb ads* that of deride( the poor of the
Milllgnes offered by the government in the matter of
edneatioe, all agitation on the subject would be at an
sad. This was evidently the belief of a large number
et those who attended the meeting of the society on
Wednesday. A crowd of prelates and peers, and
sews, made their appearance; who, it is well
know?, have asdukinely shrunk from atteadenes &r-
-ing the finagle: an ima The Areltbiet Cui-
TaltettßY ex the feeling of this of the
assembly, w en he gave utteranes to a hope "That
he was not deluding himself with the idea which he
entertained that the amain* met their friends now
under more auspicious circumstances than was the
ease on the last occasion of a similar meeting."
This hope was destined to be frustrated of its fel-
fliment. The business of the day, indeed, presented
no subject of disagreement ; but after the business
was concluded, such a subject was introduced nook
and heels to the notice of the meeting. There was
'no giant to kill, so Mr. Daoeieox made one. He
proposed for adoption a set of resolutions, which,
with a preamble prefixed, were intended for no other
purpose than another attack upon the committee of
council on education. There was nothing to be
gained by the attack. The National Society has ob-
Milled its object. It has so far beaten the govern-
' lent that the latter are prevented from interference'
with the management of any school under the So-
ciety's care. Nothing, therefore, was to be gained
but the satisfaction of administering a last rebuke.
This satisfaction was not to be given tip. Mr.
DENISON gave his parting kick to the dead lion.
We notice this meeting, not from any wish to give
prominence to the acts and words of a set of men,
who, however honest or amiable in other respects,
are evidently blinded by bigotry. The only interest
which the friends of education felt in the National
Society failed when it was found that the society had
allowed itself to be ruled by the bigot party, and
defeated the well meant attempt of the government
to educate the nation. Our object in rescuing the
acts of the society once more from oblivion is to point
out two facts which struck us as possessing peculiar
significance.
The first is the evident impossibility of educating ,
the nation by any machinery which we now Fens.
We advocated the government plan as long as we
fancied there was a chance that the ignorant opposi-
tion employed against it by fanatics in all quarters
could be overcome. Our hopes hue been frus-
trated. Five-sixths of the money voted by the
government for educational purposes was absorbed by
the church; and now the principal Church Society
puts a veto on the acceptance of that sum. It is ab-
surd to suppose, that this deficiency even will be sup-
plied from private sources; and if it were, the
need of large funds would still remain.
The evidence of the fearful absence of education
amongst the church poor is overpowering. Enough
was said even in the flattering report read to the
meetin to prove this fact. The National Society re-
fuse tote assisted by the government in educating
the poor, and are confessedly unable to accomplish
this purpose themselves. The immense special fund,
which was the result of a convulsive effort of the
church in the year 1843, is exhausted, and it is
clear enough that no attempt can be made
to collect a similar fund for many years
to come. Here then is an utter deficiency of resources.
The church has thousands of its children untaught ;
it suffers no one but itself to teach them ; it finds the
labour too great ; it confesses to a deficiency of money ;
it !erases the help offered to it ; and, after this exhi-
bition of pride and beggary, it points to the ignorant
horde which it claims the right to instruct, and bids
you mourn over the sight. With a body like this op-
posing every effort for improvement, the friends of
progress have a sad prospect before them, and this
prospect is not brightened when we consider that
some other religious bodies must plead guilty to the
charge which is brought against the church. As the
case stands at present, general education is impoisible.
The other remark that is suggested a conside-
ration of the proceedings at the meetings, that those
who are really friendly to the disseminates of edu-
cation 7 must begin to act at once, and inde tly,
if they cannot get the assistance of larg tee.
Aide-toi, et le der eaidera, most be their es . We
were most forcibly streak with the imperious necessity
of this mode of action by some very sensible remarks
that fell from two speakers at the latter end of the
debate. It is rather strange to quote from the pro-
ceediogs of the National Society in support of any
rational method of action, but we are only
too glad to be able to do so in the
present instance. The Rev. H. Hroues, after
some very pertinent remarks upon the nature of the
quarrel between the society and the government, I
moved an amendment to Mr. DENISON'S resolution,l
and concluded by " lifting up his hand on behalf of
the poor, destitute, ignorant, degraded population of
oar great towns, who, while the church was quar-
relling, were lett to wander like sheep without a shep-
herd."
Mr. Pace WOOD, in spsakitig on the amend-
ment,
told the meeting that in the parish of St. John
and St. Margaret, Westminster, "there were 12,000
children running wild about the streets, and he asked
whether this was the time, under such circumstances,
to allow infidelity to make rapid additional progress I'
in the metropolis and the country ?" - .
~ _

These 12,000 children in St. John and St.
Alsrgaret are shut out from all hope of instruction
because the clergy, who, in that quarter, suffer under
a plethora of riches, will not educate them themselves,
will not allow others to educate them, and will not
receive the assistance of government. Does not this
reproof however touch others beside the National
Society ? Are not too many of us waiting until a
perfect system shall be established ? Ought not each
man, or each united body of men, to do everything in
their power to produce some fraction even of
good ? It is clear that we are at present
far from seeing our way clearly in this
most complicated, but at the same time most im-
portant of all questions. Theories must be given up.
There is enough work for an army of heroes. Let
each man set himself to the work. When all find
that they are working towar‘s one common end,
they may begin to see that there is something more
imrrtant than their differences, and consent to merge
them in the endeavour to attain one great end. When
this happens, and not till then, national education will
be possible.

ITALY.

NAPLES.

Our Neapolitan correspondent, in his letter (May
24), states that the word constitution had been taken
away from the official journal. A decree abolishing
the constitution was expected to appear on the 28:h.
Naples was tranquil.
Five per Cents., 99, sellers. No buyers.