The Express.
London, England, 1861-05-08 00:00:00

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T. SAIINNS.

THIS Evinrcus. LAW 17411 LADIES. Itmers. Emery, Ashley,
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IaII'ANNIA.

TttD ITHUNG, THE GUILTY MOTHER Mews J. Rey-
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TUSSAHS, MK 01111 AX OF GENEVA. Mrs.& Homer.

HIGH WATIR AT LONDON RIDGE.
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-46AINIGIA AMMONS. lb. Mi.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY &

THE question which the Americans of the North
and South have taken up arms to decide is
one as to the area of territory over which
their respective principles of government shall
extend. And those principles are as contrary as light
and darkness. The quibble which takes advan-
tage of the word "democracy" to represent the
governments of the Free and Slave Stake as
having a common character is, by whomsoever
made, nakedly and flagrantly dishonest, as dishonest
as when a low New York journal, to please its
rowdy readers, under the name of Monarchy con-
founds the generous rule of an English QUIRN
with the savage tyranny established at Warsaw.
" Democracy"—to adopt the un-English word with
which the advocates of aristocracy seek to. alum
quiet people—democracy, or the principle of the
government of the whole by the whole, having long
sustained a disadvantageous war with the principle
of oligarchy, is compelled to take arms against, if
it would not be vanquished by, its most deadly
enemy. All that is moat virulent and repugnant
in the vices of aristocratic governments is
seised on and made the corner-stone of Southern
policy. It was so before the disruption, and it
is so now. The best men both of the North and
South have always seen and acknowledged this
radical antagonism. Last summer Mr. Sitorsan,
in a memorable speech delivered at Dubuque,
said "The controversy is between two classes
" of white men—one having negroes, an aristo-
" =tic class, that wants to extend itself over the
" new territories, and the other the people, who
" have no negroes and won't have any, and who
" mean that the aristocratic section shall not be ex
" tended. It is an eternal question between classes,
" the eternal question between the few privileged
" and the many unprivileged, between aristocracy
" and democracy, and the nation that is willing to
" submit to 1111011 an aristocracy, the riding of the
" privileged, booted and spurred over the un-
" privileged, deserves no better fate than that
" which befall the cowardly and the unworthy.
"livery man arriving hero from Austria, Hun.

" gary, and Naples Slids in another form the irre-
" presaible conflicts which crushed him out an
" exile from his native land." This is the light
in which the Statesman who now holds the chief
place in President Lulcoix's Cabinet saw the issue
last year. Nor let it be said that his words stand
for no more than the fanaticism of a party leader or
the venialextravagance of an election speech. The
great founders and consolidators of the Republic
have borne the mast weighty and emphatic testi-
mony against the political dangers to be appre-
hended from the institution of Slavery, limited
es it was in their day. WASHINGTON'S judgment
on Slavery is well known. Jima/sox wrote re-
specting it : " Can the liberties of • nation be
" thought secure when we have removed their
" only firm basis—a conviction in the mind of the
" people that their liberties are the gift of GOD t
" I tremble for my country when I reflect that
" GOD is just j and that, considering natural
" causes only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune
"is among possible events." MADISON, after
writing that no other form of government than the
Republican would be reconcilable with the genius
of the American people, said : " Where slavery exists
" the Republican theory becomes fallacious." Mow-
aoa, in the Virginian Convention, said : " This
" evil preys upon the very vitals of the Union."
The were Southern men, and we adduce their
wards, as we might do those of Persica limy
and CLAY to the same effect, not to show that
in their several and individual opinions slavery is
wrong, but that they saw its permanent and
fatal antagonism to the vital principles of the
American Union. The modern CADISS, mat call
the usages of constitutional monarchy to his aid,
the Holy Roman Empire may set up its popular
parliaments, but you cannot have republics without
republicans. The southern states of America,
with their chivalrous contempt for labour and the
arts of peace, with religion, morals, and manners
all fashioned to their wants as lords of thelifellow-
men, are no longer capable of doing the duties of
citizens of a free republic. These proud chevalier.
are formed by their entire education to command.
They can fight, they can govern, sometimes much
better than people whose thoughts have been
much occupied with honest industry ; but they
cannot and will not submit to the find
condition of a free popular Government, they
are above being bound by the villa the majority.
While they could have their way unchecked at
Washington they were willing to remain under the
same Government with their fellow countrymen in
the North, but not longer. If the 19 millions of in-
dustrious people in the North, East, and West could
have been persuaded that their public affairs would
be better managed in the hands of gentlemen of
leisure and luxury than retained in their own,
they might have still had the patronage and aid of
the Southern aristocracy. But it was otherwise,
and the division, from the prospect of which the
founders of the Republic turned away their eyes
with dread, has beame a reality.
The two sections of the American people are
about to fight to determine over what extent of
territory their respective principles shall prevail.
Upon the issue of this conflict will depend the
character of millions yet unborn. The future
development of social and national life in the
New World will be infinitely better or worse as
territory is abandoned to the curse of slavery or
secured for freedom. If there is any honest way
of settling this controversy without fighting, then
war will be a grime. That is a question on which we