The Express.
London, England, 1850-07-10 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 10, - 1850.

Mr. PLUMPTRI esugliebed that Ile gseettaa was set
brought to a satidasiery torsisaties.
The 'spites for the adiesisisest et tke debate was then,
by leave, withdraws, mad the imps divided as Lord J.
ihrealre asiesdaaest.

195
Asalast ft ll2-83
Tie same wan of dm day wore tion disposed of, and tin
boon ad)ontaod at twisty minutia to 8 o'olook.

Thies manor he a more valuable mobs: of a run-
way company than the shareholder, who, folly in-
herited*: its affairs, attends its mating., and discus-
Ing them in temperate hinguago, aims at pectin' and
pm:doable ends. Bat there is not a more
press than the proprietor, who, belisetheasi= I
railway directors are rogues, sad seeing heath* fa
all their acts, caliphs the time of thus mestafiernet
exasperating the temper of the weak end eel
by disgusting those who would profitably and
take Partprinesertlrereeedings were decency anutalliA
MADAM , and by alarming capitalists oat
of doors and proprietors who remain at home. It is
by the intemperance of snob people that defective di-
rectorates are continued, jobs concealed, and improve-
meets prevented. And until these habitual dis•
tethers of railway meetings are "pot down" as
effectually as Sir Perth Limes would suicide, no
great improvement in railway administration can be
expected. It is only by all parties deeply interested in these
undertakings " putting their shoulders to the wheel"
Ramici, be overcome,
amicably sod cordially
and ordr intro-
y together,no.
that
anthedirwditinalties can
duced where disorder prevails; and though it is quite
possible that the present administration of some com-
panies may not invite much confidence, experience
does not as yet show that much benefit is to be
pined by wholesale changes in railway boards.
Mr. RICARDO may, for example, have been far too
sanguine in his expectations of the North Stafford-
shire line; but while his removal from the presi-
dency of that company could not fail to be a great
relief to himself. it is hardly possible that he amid
be replaced by any one more competent to work out
its future fate, whatever it may be. So, too, with
Lord YARBOROI3OII in relation to the Manchester,
Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, with Mr. CHAPLIN of the
South Western, Mr. Rues of the Mallands, and, we
doubt not, with Mr. ?decoration of the South
Eastern. It is easy for excitable and intemperate
persona to urge shareholders to get rid of such men ;
but it is difficult to see by whom they can be safely or
advantageously replaced.
The truth is, that parliament is much more to blame
than directors for the fallen condition of railway pro-
perty ; and the debate and division in the Lords, on
Tuesday evening, on a bill to amend the Great
Northern Railway Company's acts, form a very cha-
racteristic illustration of the difficulties which impede
the construction, augment the cost, and diminish the
pecuniary returns of these public works.
The Great Northern Railway Company was, on
the ground, as stated in the preamble of its act, of
great public advantage," incorporated to °insignia a
railway direct from London to York, with
a loop line springing from Peterborough,
nearly midway between those two cities, sweep-
ing through the heart of Lincolnshire, by Boston,
Lincoln, and Gainsborongh, and rejoining the
parent trunk at Bawtry. Those "great public
advantages" were, of course, to give railway facilities
to the important districts through which the old north
road passed, to diminish the distance between London
end the North of England and Scotland, and to eon-
sect the agricultural productions of Lincolnshire with
the manufacturing
.towns of Yorkshire and Lanca-
shire; thereby diminishing the cost of production in
the firmer, and the price of food in the latter.
So far as the main trunk was concerned, the Great
Northern was a competing line ; on the one side it
had the North Western and the Midlands for its
rivals, on the other the Eastern Counties. But to
Linoolasbire ;it introduced railway communica-
tion. Before its projection there was not a
mile of railway in that great county ; subsequently
Lincolnshire has been covered by a network of rail-
ways. The East Lincolnshire, for instance, connects
the Great Northern system with the port of Great
Grimsby. There a company is forming docks and
enlarging the harbour, so as to render it the entrepot
of our trade with the North of Europe. The Man-
cheshr, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire line continues the
system from Great Grimsby to New Holland, opposite
Hull, lessening the distance between Loudon and that
town and the East Riding of Yorkshire by 40 miles ;
and thence it cuts through Lincolnshire to Shef-
field, intersecting the Great Northern at Gainsborough.
For the privilege, as it was then thought, of carry-
ing out these " great public advantages," the Great
Northern bad, we find from the returns before parlia-
ment, to pay, in the shape of " preliminary ex-
penses," 436,00 IL; and, in the shape of subsequent
parliamentary expenses, to correct the errors and
supply the deficiencies of its originsl legislation, the
further sum of 130,0001., together nearly 600,0001.
The cost estimated in parliament of this great line
was 6,600,0001., or 22,0001. a mile ' • and, on the as-
sumption that it could be constructed for that sum,
the company agreed to carry passengers at cer-
tain low rates of fares, anti to take tolls
for goods lower than those granted to the railways
then in existence which competed with its trunk.
But as the estimate of its cost was necessarily calcu-
lated before the application for its bill was made to
parliament, it was not of course supposed that the
legislature would so conduct the investigation as to
fix on the company a preliminary expenditure of
nearly half a million sterling ; consequently the
0114 to take with any success the low fares and
tolls was at once disturbed by that expenditure,
Those tolls were also fixed, so at least we find it
stated in the proceedings of the year 1846, on the
further assumption that the land required for the line
would cost the company at the very handsome rate of
2,0001. smile ; or, in the whole, about 600,0001.
The legislature wan not, however, satisfied with
fixing, on those calculations and estimate', a very low
rate of tolls; it went further. It enacted that those
low tolls should not be charged on the distance
actually travelled en the line, but according to the
distance measured on the Ordnance map between the
points of entrance and departure, the consequence of
which enactment, known as the Geographical Clause.
was, that passengers and goods might be carried 50
miles, and yet could only be charged its exceedingly
low fares on half that distance.
Well, in periods of unexampled pecuniary difficulty
the proprietary furnished the means of providing
"the great public advantages" for which they were
incorporated. By the persons, however, who were
certain to reap the greatest benefits from their out-
lay, even though they themselves got none—by the
landowners generally, its chairman has repeatedly
told its shareholders, their expenditure was met in a
grasping and selfish spirit. Protected and encou-
raged by the Land Clauses Act—s statute passed by
two houses of landlords—they made demands for their
land, and ran up law charges so extortionate, that the
land has, it appears, cost nearly thrice as much as the
original estimate; for in the last half-year's accounts
we find that the total amount paid for land and coin-
position up to the 31st of December last was stated
be be 1,168,9071. 10s. 7d.
While, however, the preliminary expenses and the
mat of land so far exceeded the parliamentary est 4
mates, on which the tolls were fixed, the wain time.
selves have, it is understood, been substantially ene-
anted within these estimates; and there is rimy
reason to believe that the line will yet be made fie
30,0001. a mile, or one-half less than the silage
roost of the North-Western.
The line has, our readers know, been for some the
in operation in Lincolnshire, and with the greatest
advantage to its inhabitants. On the one hand, it
ban opened up new markets for the produce they
before grew, and encouraged them to enter on
the cultivation of produce previously un-
known on a large scale • and on the other,
it has improved the quality of the apply
and reduced materially the cost of some of the
prime necessaries of life. Lincolnshire is now 'ap-
plying the great manufacturing towns with grain and
vegetable', such as carrots and turnips; and London
with large quantities of dead meat; and in return
coal is tarnished to it from the fine coal field of South
Yorkshire at a induction of probably 20 per cent. on
the former coat of an inferior article, an advantage
which, it is to be hoped, will soon be extended to
Leedom.
By lbws advantages the value of land in Lincoln.
shire (and Its owners, as we have seen, pines a tole.
'ably high value on it) hes been maintained, if not in
; and its great proprietors largely benefited.
Experience, however, soon proved that the tolls
originally granted to the Lincolnshire Railway were
not remunerative on the increased expenditure par-
liament and the squires had forced them into, baeel
their original estimates. The Manchester, Shepttle
and Lincolnshire, of which Lord YARBOROUGH
chairman, accordingly applied to the legislature free i
and obtained powers to increase their tolls. Natu-
rally enough, the Great Northern claimed for its pa-
pristary the increase given to that line. To this,
however, the railway oommlneioners objected : and on
their objection the application was Wand

to the -rate of toil, of the North Western,
and to the repeal of the geographical clause. To
this seasonable proposition the Hones of Commons
assented without hesitation ; and so also
did the Lords' committee, to which the bill was re-
fined. Thus motioned, the bill stood for a third
reading in the Lords last week. On the third read-
ies being moved b 7 Lord WEARNCLUTE, an opposi-
tion suddenly manifested itself; and the motion was
ed until the great Lincolnshire
shire landowners
should present. So summoned, they appeared on
Tuesday evening, and opposed the WONSAN of tolls
rendered necessary by the enormous sums paid for
land. Happily, however, the desire to have produce
carried without profit to the company was defeated,
but only by a majority of nine votes; and so the
Lords have decided that the Great Northern may
have profit on the millions it has been induced by the
legislature to spend to realise " greet publics ad-
vantages."
But what a system it is, which first mulcts com-
panies of 600,0001. for the opportunity of benefiting
the country, then compel, them to pay three times
the real value of the land they revive, and at lest
makes it dependent on the votes of nine peers whether
the produce of the surrounding country shall be car-
ried with or without profit ! No wonder that under
the influence of such a system, railways suffer and
shareholders get reduced dividends!

FRANCE.

PARIS, TUISDAT Evenixo.
The sitting of the Amenably to-day was looked for-
ward to with much eagerness, in consequence of the
stormy close of yesterday's debate, and the expected
protest of the Mountain. Groups formed about the
hall,talking with much animation of the incident of yes-
terday. The atones of M. Emile de Girardin was re-
marked. It was not known it he had determined to
adhere to his original intention of resigning. Great
agitation reigned in the Mountain, and a sheet of
paper signed numerously, doubtless the protest, was
peeved from hand to hand. It was still further signed
in the Chamber by members of the Left who had not
been present at M. Lemardeley's. The majority were
still. M. Rouher stood smiling amid his colleagues.
M. Cremieux was the first who spoke. He said that
yesterday the Minister of Justice, in speaking of the
condemnations incurred by certain journals, alluded
to the juries which had given those verdicts as a de-
footles institution, which placed the right in the
minority instead of the majority, and was weak and
irresponsible. The Right had applauded these
opinions. M. Bandin then said, " Yon attack the
fundamental law." M. Rouher replied, " These con-
demnations were pronounced the day after a social
convulsion which I shall always consider as a dis-
astrouscatastrophe." Now when the minister of justice
attacked the institution of juries, and a minister of the
republic insulted the republic from the national
tribune, the censure was a just castigation)
for each conduct, but the president of the I
Assembly had not even been induced to call
the minister simply to order. Against such an
attack, sheltered by such an indulgence, he and his
friends thought it was their duty. to offer the most
energetic protest. Here M. Cremieux, whose voice
was drowned in the clamour of the Right, presented
the protest of the opposition. The president refused
to receive it, alleging that he could only take motions,
petitions, and demands for addressing interpellations.
Here M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire occupied the
tribune, but was driven from it by the president,
who said that the Assembly bad adopted the
proces-verbal, and pawed to the order of the day,
which was a bill of local interest. After the adoption
of this the debate re-opened upon the law of the press,
for the discussion of the separate articles. The first
article related to the caution-money.
M. Vicroa HIIOO said—Although three truthe, which are
the bass of all democracy, received on the 3lst May so grave
a check, it is always time to bring them to the recollection of
a legislative assembly, for the future is always
.at their
petaldie-
These three truths are the sovereignty of the
people, universal suffrage, and the liberty of the press:
these three things constitute our public rights, and nee's-
earily consolidate themselves in unity, and this country is •
republic. Where these three things are found, a republic
may exist even under a monarchy; where they are
absent or rejected, there is • monarchy or oligarchy, even
under a republic; and in such circumstances may be
witnessed the monstrous phenomenon of a govern-
ment repudiated by its own functionaries. Then do men of
the soundest judgment begin to doubt of revolutions which
produce such exalted ideas and snob little men. (Ap-
plause on the Left.) [Voice on the Left: "True." Another
voice: " You speak of the provisional government."] Revo-
lutions that we all regard as benefits for the human race.
When we see the ministers they produce, they may well be
called catastrophes. The three principles of which I have
spoken laud mutual:support to each other: you have al-
ready attacked the two first, and you now come to the
third. What is the object of the law ? By attacking the
puss, to make a prey of the sovereignty of the people. When
I I see this it it impossible that I should not rise sponta-
measly from my seat and protest. I thought at first that
the minister would renounce his project. as he not an &r-
-etail of arms alresay tarnished against the Fes.? What does
he want more, or more powerful? Is not the liberty of the
press already sufficiently shackled in the persons of the
criers and the bill-stickers, persecuted in the reading-rooms,
imprisoned in the persons of the editors? There is but
one thing wanting to the production of mind—to be burned
alive in the market-place. (Murmurs on the Left: " It will
come to that.") Amongst all the obstacles which are opposed
to the press, it is told ironically that it exists. How excellent
is the law of the printers' license ! It was thought that it
was abrogated by the article of the conciaation which pro-
claims the liberty of the press. It was /a
id that this law of
1814 was thenceforward a nullity, and, if t were not so, the
pretended enfranchisement of the press was derisory. It
was said after Binjamin Constant, that writing and
the press were the same; that the press wen, merely
writing carried to its utmost limit of power, and by Gutten-
berg created into legion. One can understand that for the
people of a country truly free, for men possessing. an idea,
with a writing desk on their table, to have • printing press
in their house, was a right. Doubtless there should be some
guarantees, but these guarantees should not be the distinc-
tion of liberty. Row excellent is the law of the printers'
license which, delivers the author to the police, which says
the press is free but the printer a slave. In Jane, 1849, a
printing office was sacked. I will not inquire by whom. A
sommittee was appointed to inquire. I was one of the mem-
lees. A report was made proposing 75,000 francs as an
ndennity. A year passed away, and at length the printer
seseleed • letter from the minister, containing, of course, the
indemnity. No !—the suspension of his license. This was In
sempeneation—ruin at the hands of the government. Are these
act guarantees sufficient without this law ? I cannot speak
et it coolly. It enchains all thought ; imposes a caution of a
new kind on the journals, which may amount at discretion
to • monstrous sum, payable in three days. It condemns
to ruin a journal not yet proved guilty. It destroys it be-
tween two modes of escape, and throws it to the jury when
it is dead. It favours one portion of the press at the expense
of the other. It puts two weights and two measures into the
hands of the law. It does all that is possible to lower the
glory of France. The speaker went on to say that Pascal,
Lafontaine, Montesquieu, J. L Romeau—all the men of
genius who have done honour to France, would be affected
by the tax—there was not an illustrious page which it did
not threaten. M. Hugo then condemned the idea of stamp-
ing all books published in parts, whether written by dead
or living authors. It taxed Corneille and Metiers and all
drass plays, and actually ruined the French book trade
to the advantage of Belgian and other pirates. It suppressed
at Paris upwards of 3001itenry and scientific periodical pub-
lications. It destroyed ten or twelve great branches of na-
tional industry ; conceded the privilege of reading to the
rich, and deprived the poor of that right ; re-established con.
fiss=ll 64 1 and placed the execution before the judgment. 14
fra lett H. Peyronnet far behind them, and if ever
M. Galwt became • member of the Assembly he trusted
that he would deposit on the table a bill of indictment
enlist M. Barochs. (Loud murmurs on the Right,
applause on the Left.) In so enlightened an age, after three
revolutions, there was no other government practicable bat
the one that accepted all the developments of social
order, and treated liberty of thee se uan auxiliary and
not as an adversary. That government should manfully place
at the order of the day the fulfilment of all the promises
contained in the 13th article of the constitution, and take
gradetiav of the realisation of all useful ideas. A retro-
goverment shall never rule over France. Ind.
pendently of the official ministry there were occult ministers.
The President of the Republic was a Nun, directed b
than
tßgerinhe
bad
ca(uLotiouadediathugehttewrz4nonarld. catigritLaivandi
he now told ministers t they were not making to,
but retrogaMag te, an ate. was *PPOs
to all revolution. If those were revolutionists in the
AssitaililyA they wen not on this dale—(painting to the
Left. [." There are some" cried a voles on that side—laugh-
astienbsotn] orevolutiasicetatheweireiraithtes
anabsod
the
ne
Ingannisidtiroe-n
(iambi ollg„ne-Iseahert), of that diabolical sect, who,
the menu of kings, now preached the
imago,— or ,ms- who mixed maxims of death with
those of the gospel, and poisoned the holy water urn.
(Load laughter.) M. Victor Hugo then addreeed the real
majority of the Assembly, which had a few days since rejected
the iganicipelity Bill, and refused to sanction retro-activity
in the transportation law, and entreated them not to
follow in their libertine projects men who, because
they rooted up • few poplars, without resistance, imagined
they could as easily eradicate liberty of the press from the
bons of the people, and who declared that the best journal
was not worth the worst preacher. (Ilarinurs.) lie
entreated them to brand by • solemn votelead decree
• bill whin, if carried, would be • peril for moiety. He felt
the most profound respect foe the religion of his ancestors,
of whisk he blind! assepted all the dogmas, notwith-
slaadiag the to the eontrary of the clerical
orator. (Idannais. IL de Watalstabort, who censidered