The Express.
London, England, 1850-05-31 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 31.

IT is inamMatoniistakeitimaisederitty of the pro-
Etman ioo which the Howse of llama= will taillight
called on to slept withiregend todshoportadesof
sugar. Sir EDWAZD Belvieu Mks the
leg' adman that in oda to p* down Negro
slavery we most robes to partake el iss
is faits ; ai
d d
ra eserequoto et laying doom th prepai's
d seem to any dull intellect equivoeal, air. T.
Lew., airge
ogsts the practial addittoo....tha
neteme" dation; with reg t,
ard to *was
estate be forthwith sconsidored. :.• , ,
is, in short, a proposal, in terms, that we
should go back to protection. There is no attempt at
dispiek it ; indeed, the pilled itoirosly admit" of
disguise. We do net atop is inquire whether a bive
of differential duties larks unconsciously in the mind
of the amiable baronet who hma been put forward by
more wily politicians malls instrument of their most
nnphihmthropio purpose, or whether hie zeal in the
cause of abolition has consumed all compunction
shoat taxing the poor and laborious population of his
own race and clime, and that, indifferent to the priva.
dons to which they may be legislatively devoted, he
deems its, duty to wage romantic war in defence of
the sable children of Hart. With Sir &mean oi
his political metaphysics we have practically nothing
-to do. He represents no party or even clique in par-,
limed about whose opinions the public add enter-
. hiln a feeling of curiosity.
It is not by those who resemble or who sincerely
sympathies with him, that any motion of this or any
other kind can be carried. He is notoriously the
mere instrument in the hands of that inveterate fac-
tion who thidntained both protection and slavery 65
long as they were able, and who now are as ready to
clutch at any chance of recovering the one as they
are of restoring the other.
Sir J. PAKINGTON moved a resolution in substance
similar to the present proposition two years ago, and
after a protracted dimension of many nights' duration,
ministers were only able to defeat it by a majority of
fifteen; the numbers being 200 against 245. On
that occasion there were found in the minority twelve
members of the liberal party. How will these gen-
tlemen be found voting now? Are they still pre-
pared to say on behalf of their constituents that they
are desirous of seeing the price of sugar raised twenty
or thirty per cent, in order that the absentee landlords
of Jamaica may once more enjoy an annual income
out of customs duties?

Then there are the followers of Mr. GLADSTONE :
what will these men do ? In 1848 they helped to
Eyel: the ranks of the protectioniets, from whom they
never been, perhaps, in feeling alienated, but
whom their confidence in Sir ROBERT PEEL had
temporarily lured them. If, while the bitter fetid
et 1848 was fresh, and the stinging tattle
BENTINCK and DISRAELI were still nnging in
their ears, the instinct of exaction proved sufficiently
strong to re-unite the mutinous host into one firm
bud again, may we not expect to-night es ready and
esmplete a fusion of sections and confusion of chatinc-
dons on the tory side of the house ?
Two remarkable names will indeed be wanting.
Tape-isle are no longer led by LINCOLN, nor
the anti-Tape-lets by BENTINCE. DISRAELI and
GLADSTONE, however, remain—the exponents of the
old and the new dispensations of for ism, and infi-
nitely abler exponents of their several covenants than
their predecessors of ductal derivation whom death or
absence has removed. All that dexterous sophistry
can suggest and diverse kinds of mystification can
secomphab, will doubtless be attempted by these rival
aspirants to the post of leader of the reactionary
party. Nor are we so sanguine as to doubt that each
will bring his usual contingent into the field; and if
to these be added as many soi-disant liberals as were
fooled into changing sides in 1848, on similarly vain
and vague pretences, we don't see why as large a
minority should not be reckoned in May, 1850, as
there were in June, 1848.

A minority, nevertheless, it is certain they will be,
if the representatives of popular sentiment and reason
are true to themselves, Ile confess we should not be
contented with a mere preponderance of fifteen friends
of free trade over its beleaguerers. If two years' addi-
tional experience of the solid benefits which cheapnees
and abundance are capable of conferring on the miss
of the community be worth anything, it ought to be
manifested in an increasing fixity of resolution to re-
sist on all occasions any attempt at encroach-
ment or retrogression; and an increasing re-
luctance on the part of those whose pru-
dence not whose will consents, to reopen the
perilous controversy between the many and the few
respecting the cost of the necessaries of life. To give
confidence to the timid, and courage to the wavering,
to set at rest all thoughts of fiscal change, and to
quench the smouldering plots and schemes of the an-
cient enemies of free industry, something more deci-
sive than a majority of fifteen is necessary. That
something more will be shown upon to-night's divi-
sion we have little doubt. It is such opportunities
that serve to exhibit the true strength of the liberal
Earl in
parliament, and which every wise and true-
earted friend of his country, to whatever section he
belongs, must gladly seize to aid in demonstrating the
futility of those hopes which toryism may have built
on appearances of disunion.

IF there be any place in the United Kingdom
where the United States ought to be more popular
than another, it is, of coarse, Manchester: for Man-
chester is not only dependent on the States for the
supply of the raw material of its staple manufacture,
but the United States are the best foreign cus-
tomers Manchester has for its cotton.. Yet Man-
chester, in spite of this mutuality of interests, is
yearly getting more and more uneasy at its depend-
ence on that country. Not, however, from any
serious apprehens'ons that America sill either
supply itself with those fabrics, or drive us oat of
neutral markets; still lees from political motive..
The unsoundness of the system on which Lowell
has sprung into existence is now becoming
apparent, and may w:11 relieve our manufacturers
from the fear that they are shortly to lose the trade
of the United States; while the annually increasing
exportation of their cotton goods elsewhere assures
them that their bold of other countries is growing
stron er, net weaker.
The uneasiness of Manchester has reference rather
b the imports of the raw motet's' than to the exports
of the manufactured article ; for if they eau have the
former in abundance, any rivalry as to the latter is
chimerical. Now, there is yearly a terrible uncer-
tainty in Manchester as to the extent to which they
can depend on the import of cotton. With a plenti-
ful supply, there is profit, ample employment, and
contentment. With a deficient import, there
is loos, short.time, discontent, and hazard. This un-
certainty,
too, makes the trade in raw cotton on both
sides of the Atlantic a gambling trade ; false reports
on the American sea board, and i•accurate returns
in Liverpool, are means very commonly used to 1,
raise or depress prices ; and divided between
the English speculators and the English meat:Ken- I
tutees, it may be safely stated that America annually 1
extracts from this country at least half a million ster- 1
ling a year more than the cstton she sends us is really
worth, in reference to i a supply and our demand.
No wonder, then, that Manchester, notwithstaud-
ingl all its prejudices and prepossessions in favour of
the United States, is desirous of beiug relieved from
this dependence. No wonder it turns from east to
west, from South America to Africa, in the hops of
enlarging the field of supply. To whatever part it
turns, there it sees natural capabilities to produce in
abundance what it most wants. In Jamaica and
Guiana, in Natal and Brazil, there is soil, there is
climate : and in all, except Natal, there are old rot-

fields. Yet fres thane ra----pplies
are
ho
for poplins& mad cheap hamar are as epees
ohi to the abeashost production of rattan as rail esi
amis.; sedition lee aionerass ere deficient in soch
elemena et imedastion. Oa the western Ott
Addeo thilft let helmet'; , pm:nation Is iMiens but in
, wind" curatisuous sad systematic labourtr obi
Mideralwars mot the nesenery onoomitants 0 evell Au spopedstiera True it io. our exports into
deshlath, Africa me inorearan a but pan oil is col.
Weed Mod, lansiseitimed with little labour se i,,,,
dpiger s. Ma nedectiois don set require habits st
order. eshordineties, mei dentisabus applielt.ob ; its
sesewdal grows speatiosemly ; its collo suits deealtoryto irregular, saiindeint hie o hen
v
.....ei I the Astalititin M. which it is brosight down rs
the coin us minus' rather of what the negro is
•we - Woman& then of his {meant
cops. dorm: to lay prawn demand for enty,u,
w .shea shave ben infused into the
rade ind.berbizoss fruiewock of the Ashanti osi
DaMeod sinus, then. emiainly, not before, Min.
nester may empeatte remiss cotton from the wtru.ro
neat of Itlness...- 7.4:-- • - -

But these me istilti•mmistries to which Manche,.
tea hen mainly tamed. It is to India, where, i
addition Nil an* climate, there is also c a
population, asap .labour, and systematic :ndostitre,
that Manehester hoe long looked for relief from cf.
pendenoe on the United Staten. As yet, h
vain. .For mom .than .ten years Manchester hes 'i„,"7,
eiegedthe doom the India House and the Boned
of Costrbl withemmest entreaties to encourage the
production of cotton: and for full that time the gs.
vernment of India bas been engaged in carrein4-04
-experimental tarnse,in providing American planter.,ie
sending out improved machinery, in offering neve,:
and is transmitting samples of cotton produced wide;
these auspices to Manchester. But, alas ! for such
good intentions, such scientific efforts and such bele.
volent designs, the bulk has never followed the
sample; and, after ten years' anxious expectivinn,
Manchester seems as little likely to gain rehrf in her
dependence on America as ever. It was in India
that weaned compensation for our loss of the Ame-
rican colonies; it is now in India that we seek tor
safety against the monopoly of cotton enjoyed he the
states formed out of those colonies.
The failure of these efforts Manchester cannot no.
dentand : her energetic manufacturer, are puzz.ed
' to comprehend why India with every element of pro-
duties, cannot, or does not, supply them with ,ottoc:
they seek to know the reasons, and to remove the eh.
stractious if removable; and with this view, trey
have requested Mr. Bitinut to procure, ttnylgh
parliament, a commission to be sent to India n.r :te
pareCee of investigating the cotton question.
They are not, of comae, without their suspici vas
t - the causes; but they desire the commis ins, net to
confirm their anspicioue, but in perfect good tsivn;
their object is to benefit themselves, and tnrouh
Manchester to benefit India. The inquiry it it-. pro-
' jested to collect evidence whereon to toned
meat against the East I••dia Company or its 4
ment in India ; the inv2stigation is not mean:
up charges to be used when the present chatter ex.
pires • the examination is not intended to have any
politiUal effects; above all, the oonomieeien is r../.
asked to dams,e the character of the present rtnert
of India in the estimation of their subjects.
What is wanted is the truth on this quettiot
cotton only : to know whether India cannot
with the United States in our markets ; to ascrr:tin
the best way of bringing India into such c001ie.... ;
; to arnve at convictions founded on adequate
, tion on the subject. It maybe possible, how- r
likely, that free Indian labour, though ao.ndant,
cannot raise cotton at prices to supply Manch( •:.r. li
so, let us ascertain the fact. It may be that there
some inferiority in Indian freedom, some superi,r :y
in American slavery, connected with this cion,?(:.
If so, let us find it out. Don't let as rest canter: v
fruitless experiments, vague statements,
accounts, inconsistent reasons, and de:us.‘, ;
mimes. When Canada was disturbed, a (
sion was issued to tell us, and ttei
tell us, the causes of its uneasiness. Wlten we were
, ignorant of Ceylon, a commission was sent thither to
enlighten our darkness. When Ireland
organised, Lord DEVON and his brother comni,soci rt
traversed the island to examine into its bad
lion. Why then deny to India an investigitt. qt. ' y
commission which Canada, Ceylon, and Ireland, t:
if we recollect right, New South Wales also, have ..
bad to their great and manifest advantage ? Vr :.y
refuse to our fellow subjectio in the cotton districts
India an inquiry ouch as there is scarcely a gees:
branch of suffering industry has not enjoyed
home ?
On no subject probably are there such discordant
opinions as on this question of Indian Cotton. It um
in vain a Committee of the House of Commons tit
thereon two sessions ago; in vain they exam..r.el
witnesses the most able, political economi-ts
most scientific, retired functionaries the mss: cl,t-
rienced, naturalists the most learned. Thee v.:-
lected a masa of facts most useful ; and of op ril,:ts
very suggestive, but causes they could assign none it:
their report why India did not eend us raw c :ton.
Mr. F. C. BROWN assured the committee !.7.e
land assessment was the cause. Mr.
pledged his character that the land asseesment
nothing to do with the matter ; yet both agree,' :ca:
India ought to supply Manchester • whilst Mr.
CRAWFORD as positively affirms that India
under any circumstances, compete with the
States.
It is not a year since the Times was quite "'ran
that Indian railways would remove all the
now cue contemporary is as corfident that tie 04%4
want is Manchester agents in the cotton distrl.:s.
Like Mr. Bazaar, we have our opinion : Hitt hlu
we cannot think a lend assessment, which Sir 11.
BERT MADDOCK told the Ceylon committee as', r
throughout India 40 per cent, on the gross
the soil, favourable to the culture of cotton ::end
him we think the beet mode of proving who is
who, wrong, is to despatch a commission to loots
investigate the matter on the spot.