The Express.
London, England, 1861-07-30 00:00:00

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LONDON, ruzsoAr. Aar 50.

TO OUR RLIDKR&

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

A late edition of the E.rpress is published every
weeping during the racing season, containing the
results of the day's races.

Few earthly ills are unmixed with good, and
perhaps it is not wholly unfortunate that according
to the latest accounts the difficulties in New
Zealand are still unsettled. Experience shows
that any reform is impossible except under the
pressure of the strongest necessity ; and it is tole-
rably certain that, until the pecuniary burden of
providing soldiers for our Colonies hasamumed not
only extravagant but anomalous proportions,
Ministers will leave things as they are. But in
the current year it is probable that the Colonial
military expenditure will exceed by at least
1,000,000 f. what it was two years ago ; the num-
ber of troops in New Zealand is quintupled, be-
sides which an sites general has been sent to Aus-
tralia, although it is admitted that there is not a
sufficient number of troops for such • com-
mand. If next year should find the country
with a House of Commons moderately bent upon
economic.il reforms it may be hoped that some
effectual measure will be taken to compel the Colo-
nial Minister to act epee the Report of Mr. A.
bf iwi'm Committee. Is the meantime it must be
confessed that very little encouragement is to be
derived from the tone of the Duke of Nes/exerts;
for it appears from his remarks on Friday last in
answer to Lord LYVIEDIN, that he has not even read
the Report of the Committee on Colonial Military
Expenditure, and at the same time it is clear that
be is not prepared to act upon the principle laid
down in that document.

In diecussing the motion for granting that Com-
mittee, it wee said by Lord Plaid CANTON that if
any reduction was to be made in the Imperial mili-
tary expenditure by obtaining increased contribu-
tions from the Colonies, it must be done by nego-
tiation. This is the plausible reason generally
urged against fettering the discretion of the Colo-
nial Secretary. But, in truth, there never was
a greater mistake ; and it has now been esta-
blished by the clearest evidence that any such
policy must fail. Every witness declared to
the Committee that it was idle to attempt
to make bargains with the Colonies. The mother
country is more to get the worst of it. The plan
to be pursued must be that pursued by Lord Gaut
in lAA, when he announced to the free Austra-
lian Col..mes the terms upon which alone Imperial
troops would be sent out there. It is quite pos-
sible that these terms may vary in different Colo-
nies, but admitting this, it is the clear duty of the
Colonial Minister to declare the number of troops
which the Home Government intends to supply,
to settle the expenditure which the Home Govern-
ment is prepared to make, and then to annotmes
to the particular Colony that, unless these tame
are accepted, no troops whatever will be sent. A
policy such as this has the advantage el

simplicity and of practical success. It iti
moreover, the only policy which is pradile
able, or, in other words, which the Colonists can-
I not defeat by passive resistance. The Duke of
NEWCAMTLX candidly admits this. Indeed, he told
the House of Lords on Friday night that the only
way waste say to &Colony, " You must either pay
" for these troops, or we will withdraw them ;"
but then, in • tone of somewhat feeble hesitation,
he added that he had not made up his mind that
such a course would be prudent or advisable with
respect to our great Colonies.
The principles upon which Colonies ought to be
called upon to contribute largely to their defence
are very simple. The habit and the responsibi-
lity of self-defence are essential in any good aye-
, tem of government. It is admitted that the pee-
sent system, instead of tending to produce such a
result, directly tends in the contrary direction. It
has been proved by history that, prior to the
American War, the Colonies not only provided for
their own defence, but increased by military con-
quest the possessions of the mother country. But
under the Colonial policy of these days the Colonies
insist not only upon being defended against invasion,
but upon having their internal tranquillity secured
at the expense of the mother country.
So long as the mother country continues to sup-
ply the Colonies with troops, and to pay for
them, the Colonies will refuse to exert themselves
in order to provide for their own defence. The
only means by which the Home Government can
ad is by declaring that the Imperial troops will be
withdrawn unless they are paid for out of the Ce-
lestial Treasury. It becomes important, therefore,
to ascertain the reasons why the Colonial-office
hesitates to act upon this principle.
In the first place, it was said that the Colonies
were entitled to be defended at the expense of the
Imperial Treasury, because they are obliged to
adopt the Imperial cause in case of a declaration of
war. But it is obvious, on the other hand, that
the Home Government is in like manner involved in
Colonial wars for Colonial purposes, and that in
fact no Colony, in the event of war between
the mother country and any foreign power,
would adopt the war unless the Colony considered
it just, and in fact that it was more for its own
interest to side with the mother country than to
declare its independence or to transfer itself to
another power. Again, it is said that the Colo-
Wets cannot be left to deal with the natives with-
out being controlled by the mother country.
But according to Mr. GLANITONK there is no
reason to believe that the Home Govern-
ments • whit more humane to natives than
the Colonists have shown themselves to be. It is
certain that in the last century the local govern-
ments in America had no wars with the na-
tives on the frostier ; and it is equally certain
est the presume of the Imperial troops would
encourage the Colonists to treat the native tribes
on the frontier with insolence and injustice. The
Colonists know by experience that as soon as
blood is shed the Home Government must side
with the English Colonist. Again, it is said that
the presence of • few disciplined troops is useful
as • nucleus in case of invasion. Provided that
the Colonies are willing to pay for such an advan-
tage there can be no objection to its being granted.
But in many cues it is clear that such • nucleus
Is absolutely timeless. The dispersion of the army
is small parties throughout our dependencies is
eminently useless and eminently extravagant. Take
the case of the Bahamas. Since 1814 we have
spent two millions el mosey in their defence, and
duties the whole times there has never been force
enough to re dei mews of two frigates. To sum
'up the argument spinet such • system : it is clear
that sides we have the supremacy at sea, in
which case their small garrisons are useless; or we
have not the supremacy at sea, in which ease the
troops must be caught in a trap. Lastly, it is
said that the policy of withdrawing the Imperial
troops is impossible, because the outcry in the
Colonies would be intolerable, and • disruption
would be the inevitable result. No doubt the
Colonists would do what they could to save their
pockets ; but, upon calm reflection, it is not to be
doubted that they would acquiesce in the justice
of the principle that they must provide for their
owe defence. The right of self-government
obviously involves the duty of providing for sell •
defence. Nor must it be forgotten that the principle
upon which Lord Gm successfully acted was
suggested by the Colonial Legislature ; and those
best acquainted with Colonial feeling do not doubt
that any British Colony enjoying constitutional
government would, if required, readily provide for
its own defence. No doubt there might be con-
siderable agitation in the Colonies at the inaugu-
ration of the new Colonial policy ; but there can
be no reasonable doubt that if the Colonial
Minister acted with firmness and discretion the
agitation would soon subside.