The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-06-17 00:00:00

TUESDAY.

PEACE OR WAR BETWEEN GREAT
- BRITAIN AND AMERICA.
By the overland mail we have received papers
from Melbourne to the 28th March, of which a TO THE COMMERCIAL & INDUSTRIAL CLASSES
summary has already appeared in the NORTHERN
Q

AUSTRALIA.

TIMES.
In the commercial intelligence of the Melbourne Argus
of May 27, we read Duty has been paid on 6,565 oz.
of gold for shipment in the following parcels :—For
Liverpool, per Marco Polo, 271 oz 9 dwt ; for Point de
Galle, per Marion, 5,098 oz 11 dwt ; for Hong Kong,
per Mandarin, 420 oz ; for Hobart Town, per Tasmania,
74 oz ; for Adelaide, per Burra Burra, loz The total
amount of gold shipped by the Marco Polo amounts to
68,737 oz 9 dwt, of which there were shipped by the
Bank of Australasia, 20,000 oz ; Bank of Victoria, .
12,000 oz ; Bank of New South Wales, 20,000 oz ;
Union Bank, 3,336 oz ; Lindon Chartered Bank,
8,580 oz. There was also 41,140 sovereigns, of which
40,000 were shipped by the Union Bank."
The banks are still the principal gold buyers, and on
some of the diggings their agents have given so high as
£3 18s to £3 18s 6d per oz. The rate of exchange on
London has been raised to 2 per cent prem. The con-
sequence has been n large exportation of specie, even
the colonial coinage being shipped at Sydney for London
to a considerable amount, although this operation
involves a loss to the colony of the cost of coining, viz.,
It, per cent. A reduced rate of interest continues to
prevail, eligible investments being scarce.

THE COURT

Her Majesty and Prince Albert, with the Regent of
Baden and Prince Frederick William of Prussia, left
Windsor Castle with the Royal Family on Saturday for
London. Her Majesty left the Castle at ten minutes
past one o'clock for the station of the Great Western
Railway at Windsor, where a guafd of honour of the
Grenadiers, with the band of the regiment, received the
Queen with the usual honours. A special train conveyed
the Queen, the Prince, the Regent, Prince Frederick
William, the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal,
Prince Arthur, Prince Leopold, and the Princesses
Alice, Helena, and Louisa to Paddington, where the
royal party, with the ladies and gentlemen in waiting,
entered nine of the Queen's carriages, and proceeded to
Buckingham Palace, where they arrived at ten minutes
past two o'clock, and were received by the Marquis of
Breadalbane, Lord Ernest Bruce, Lord George Lennox,
and Colonel Francis Seymour (Scots Fusileer Guards.)
The Queen and the Prince Consort, with the Regent
and Prince Frederick William, honoured the Royal
Italian Opera, Lyceum, with their presence in the

evening.
The Prince was attended by Lieut.-General Baron
Schreckenstein, Baron Moltke, Captain de Heinz,
Lieutenant Schreckenstein, and Dr. Wegner.

On Sunday her Majesty and Prince Albert, the Prince
of Wales, the Princess Royal, the Princess Alice, the
ladies and gentlemen of the Court, and the domestic
household, attended divine service in the chapel of
Buckingham Palace. The Hon. and Very Rev. the Dean
of Windsor officiated.

_
The Regent of Baden and Prince Frederick William
of Prussia were also present at the service.

VISIT OF HER MAJESTY AND PIitINCE
ALBERT TO THE CAMP AT ALDERSHOT.. .11.

Yesterday morning, at twenty minutes to ten o'clock,
her Majesty, accompanied by his Royal Highness Prince'
Albert, the Prince Frederick William of Prussia, the.
Regent of Baden, the Prince of Wales, the Princess
Royal, and Princess Alice, attended by Lady M'Donald,
the Hon. Lucy Kerr, the Hon. Mary Bulteel, Lord
Waterpark, Lord Charles Fitzroy, the Hon. Colonel
Bouverie, and Lord de Kos, left Buckingham Palace in
five of her Majesty's carriages, escorted by a
detachment of the 3rd Light Dragoons, pro-
ceeded to the new station, WandswOrth-read, and
travelled to Farnham by the London and South
Western Railway. On arriving at Farnham they entered
five of the Queen's carriages, having an escort of out-
riders in scarlet liveries, and drove to the camp at
Aluershott. lig. Majesty on entering the- camp was
received by the Duke of Cambridge and Lord Viscount
Hardinge, the Commander. in-Chief. The troops foLined
in line, presenting arms, and the united bands playing
" God Save the Queen." The military evolutions then
commenced, and her Majesty inspected the several
regiments as they marched past. The ropal party will
return to town to-day, according to the present arrange-
ments.

RETURN OF TROOPS FROM THE CRIMEA.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 16.—The following vessels
passed the Bosphorus, on passage to England, on the
13th, 14th, and 15th inst.:-
13th. Imperatriz, with 7th Regiment. Admiral
Moorstom,- with Ordnance stores. Jura, with 250 men,
Royal Artillery. Princess Royal, with Scots Fusilier

Guards.
14th. Oneida, with 310 men, 6th Dragoons. London,
in tow of Oneida, with 130 men, Royal Artillery.
Belleisle, with 88th Regiment. Firebrand, with
150 men, Royal Artillery.
15th. Simla, with 320 men, 4th Dragoon Guards.
Severn, with 380 invalids. Deobah, with 100 in valids.

ARRIVAL OF GENERAL WILLIAMS AT

DOVER

Dovxa, Monday, 10.47 a.m.—General Sir William
Williams of Kars arrived in Dover harbour in the Queen,
special mail steampacket, at ten a tn. He was recAved
at the landing t lace by Colonel Streatfi,ld, the coin
mandant of the garrison ; Captain M'llbain, naval
super intendant of the port; Colonel Lake, his late com-
panion in arms ; and by the Mayor and corporation of
Dover. The gallant general, who was looking extremely
well, was welcomed by immense crowds of people with
the greatest enthusiasm; the whole route from the quay
to Birmingham's Royal Ship Hotel was a complete
ova'ion. After partaking of a collation which had been
provided by the tsiayor at the Ship Hotel, and where an
address from the corporation was presented, the gallant
officer left for London.

Sir,—ln reply to the letter of the above writer, in your
impression of to-day, allow us to say that we felt it our duty
officially to state the facts of the case which had been misre-
presented by him. It is not within our province to correct
opinions or inferences, but were it so we should certainly

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Friends and Brethren,—ln the present critical position
of our international relations, we, the Council of the Liver-
pool Financial Reform Association, deem it our duty to
address to you a few words of friendly remonstrance, in the
hone that our doing so may be the initiation of such an
expression of the national determination, on both sides of
the Atlantic, as will serve to convince those to whom we
have respectively deputed the management of our affairs,
that, whatever they may wish or propose, they cannot and
they shall not transform the people of two nations so closely
united as yours and ours into deadly and unrelenting enemies.
We take up this question on higher grounds than are
afforded by financial or mecca! tile considerations only,
though their importance can herdly be over-rated ; and we
believe thet the sentiments we are about to express are
those entertained by cur fellow countrymen of the com-
mercial and industrial classes, almost without exception.
May they be re-echoed in the same spirit.
There is rnmeur of war between us! For a long time
past your diplomatists and ours have been corresponding,
with more or less of acrimony or superciliousness on either
side. We confess frankly that, hitherto, we have paid no
attention, or very little, to their disputes. Do not attribute
this, apparent neglect to indifference. It has arisen partly
from a sort of foregone conclusion that, whatever they might
say or do, a quarrel between you and us, to be brought to
the mortal arbitrament of arms, was. in the nature of things,
all but impossible ; and partly from the fact that our system
of diplomacy, aristocratic both in its instruments and objects,
is secret in its operations. The theory of our rulers is that
the making of treaties, whether these relate to peace or to
war, is a branch of the royal prerogative, with which we
(the people) have no concern beyond fin.iing the means for
their observance,—not even the right to know what is doing
until all is done, and we are irrevocably bound by their sti-
pulations. We aim at the reversal or modification of this li
very slavish theory, and hope to accomplish it by and by. In
the meanwhile, permit us to observe, that you also have been
quiescent, without the same excuse fer your supineness; for
your diplomacy is open; your executive can do nothing
d, finititi e rit.hout the sanction of the legislative branch of
your constitution, of which you have the appointment far
more effectively than we of ours. Whence is it, then, if you
do really disapprove of the acts of your Ministers, as we are
led to believe you do, that there has been no public manifes-
tation of your disapproval ?
The causes of our inactivity up t o the present period have
been indicated for yours we can only account on the sup-
position that you, with us, have believed it all but impossible
that diplomatic warfare should terminate in actual hostilities.
As to the merits of the questions at issue we shall, of course,
differ ; but you must agree with us that, whatever be the
pretexts, a war between Great Britain and America would
cast into the shade of insignificance all the scenes of carnage
that have disgraced and cursed the world since the son of
the first man slew his brother Abel. Standing apparently
on the verge of such a deadly check to human progress and
civilisation, it surely becomes the people of both countries,
as rational beings, to ask themselves seriously for what it is
they are about to fight, and whether there is any necessity
for fighting at all. Aggressive war may be the ultima ratio
of kings ; but for the rest of mankind, it is, generally
speaking, the perfection of human folly.
Connected with you by affinities of race, language, insti-
tutions, and religion, as well as by common interests, we
have no feelings towards you but those of friendship, no
wishes but for your prosperity, no desire but that the immense
capabilities of your country may be developed to the fullest
possible extent. Ia all this we claim no credit for disin-
terestedness, since with your welfare our own is closely
involved ; you cannot prosper without our deriving most
substantial✓ advantages from your progress; nor can you
suffer a check to your yell being which will not re-act most
strongly upon our own. All that is true of material British
interests as regards America is equally true of American
interests as regards Great Britain. Are we wrong in assum-
ing that the feelings of the commercial and industrial classes
cf this country towards America are these which animate
Americans of the same classes towards Great Britain ?
If there be indeed this bond of friendship and mutual
interest between us, for what is it that our respective rulers,
no matter which are right or wrong, would have us quarrel?
Is it to vindicate any great principle, to enforce any right,
or to avenge any wrong? Nothing of the kind. The mother
of mischief, says the proverb, is no bigger than a midge's
wing ; and, verily, the origin of the misunderstanding which
threatens such tremendous consequences would seem to be
of no larger dimensions. It rests on two grounds, the
Enlistment question, and the actual meaning of a treaty
concluded between our respective Governments. Of these
it is difficult to say which, comparing both with the mighty
results that may proceed from them, is most insignificant.
As to the first the people of this country disapproved from
the first of the Governmental project for raising reinforce-
ments for the Crimean war either in America or in Europe,
and it was only forced on Parliament by the threat of Mini-
sterial,resignation. It was and is the universal conviction
hat, with the same inducements that were offered to foreign-
ers, at much less expense, and without danger of embroilment
with friendly nations, arty number of British recruits that
might be required would have been forthcoming. We must
say, however, that for what our Government proposed to do
in America they scene to have had the implied if not the ex-
press sanction of yours. What else is to be inferred from
your Minister's observation that the American Government
would enforce the strictest observance of the neutrality laws
in its own territory, but that thee wa; nothing to prevent any
American citizen or resident from leaving the States and en-
listing elsewhere in any foreign service, if it pleased him so
to do ? On this hint arrangements, supposed to be perfectly
compatible with your laws, seem to have been made ; but
these were abandoned before a single man had been enlisted,
on grounds which common sense ought to have suggested to
our Ministers,—in the first instance, as conclusive against
the making of any such experiment. They have since, how-
ever, formally and solemnly disclaimed all intention to in-
fringe your laws ; they have expressed their regret if any
such infringement has occurred ; they have tendered what is
here considered an apology for all that may have been done
amiss, either by themselves or their agents; but they have
refused to submit to the degradation of branding with renal
and disgrace the principal of these agents, because they say
they believe him to be guiltless of any offence. Your Govern-
has dismissed or are about to dismiss Mr. Crampton ; snould
ours lack the magnanimity of refraining from reprisals, and
dismiss Mr. Dallas, you will no longer have a minister at
London nor we at Washington ; but the temporary cessation
of diplomatic relations between our respective Governments
need not bring with it any interruption of friendly inter-
course between you and us. We can manage our affairs
quite as well without as with them ; and, in any event, this
is no question for us to go to war about.
Our second supposed ground of quarrel seems to us equally
irrational with the first. There is a difference as to the in-
terpretation of a treaty. Our negociator says that he meant
one thing,—yours that he meant another; our two Govern-
ments are at issue as to the meaning of both, and the true
construction of their united handiwork, which, nevertheless,
is there in black and white and to speak for itself. Our
Government teas offered to submit the whole question to any
arbitrator whom yours shall select, mad to abide by his
decision whatever that may be. As between man and man
nothing can be fairer than such a proposition ; why not,
then, as between nation and nation ? Your ministers refuse
to act upon it. They say that their construction is the only
true one,—that there cannot be two opinions on the matter,
and consequently, that there is nothing whereon to arbitrate.
But, being so confident, why reject a reference ? If they be
right the task of the arbitrator will be all the lighter, the
delay in an amicable settlement all the less ; but when ;here
are notoriously two opinions on the subject which is said to
admit only of one, the party standing so obstinately on its
own as to refuse to submit them to an umpire of its own
selection would seem to be manifestly and consciously in the
wrong. Such, at least, would be the conclusion in any dis-
pute between individuals, and the same reasoning holds as
to a cispute between nations.
Again we ask you, in all solemnity, is there anything, in
ee
cities, h er
cutting,
eachh
other'soul
this second ground of difference, or in both of them put
tog
d setthroats, h
usr o a tt
s, to
aod destroyingdoto;
all
teachthat
a other's
tihne ro'
us
lies for the utter destruction of each other's name and nation ?
Reason, justice, common sense, humanity, religion,- all
answer, loudly and emphatically, " No."
We were told by our Prince Consort, during the late war,
that that war had put representative institutions on their
trial, and that it might be found necessary to diminish our
present freedom both of speech and publication. This was
the captious objection of an individual whose residence
amongst us seems not yet to have eradicated the despotic
leanings contracted by his continental birth and breeding :
but if war, between the only two great countries in the
world. which have representative institutions, founded on the
sovereignty of the people, is to result from such causes as
those which we have examined, most truly may it be said,
not that such institutions are upon their trial, but that
they have been tried, and are condemned. How utterly
worthless must they be if the squabbles of deputed ministers,
having merely personal ends of their own to serve,
can suffice to set two friendly nations in deadly oppo-
sition to each other ! Hoay gladly will the upholders of the
despotic
principle look on and laugh, whilst the two great
champions of human freedom and human progress are en-
gaged in dti internecine, a fratricidal, and a suicidal struggle,
which, in whatever way it terminates, must be mutually ex-
haustive, and is sure to end at last in some paltry compro-
mise, after the squandering of millions of treasure, and the
shedding of oceans of blood
To protest against so dire a calamity to you, to ourselves,
and to the whole human race, is the object of this address.
We may say, also, to prevent its occurrence ; for we feel as-
sured that if you, the commircial and industrial classes of
America, are actuated towa Is us by the same feelings as
those which animate the people of this country with regard
to you, we shall not enter upon this course of mutual destruc-
tion. Our rulers and yours may bluster as they please, but
with the veto of their constituents on any proceeding to
extremities, war between us is impossible.
By order of the Council,
ROBERTSON GLADSTONE,
Liverpool, June 9, 1856. PRESIDENT.

recommend your correspondent to peruse some simple
manual on logic before he commits himself to newspaper

arguments on theological or other subjects.—Yours, very

respectfully,

FRANCIS J. EATON, } Churchwardens of St.
WILLIAM lINWIN, Chrpostonfe, Everton.

Everton, June 16, 1856