The Express.
London, England, 1850-03-12 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1850.

Wesel SIBTHORP amid that ....other eseeeks he
*sad a
Adatieriap istwatiew or 25 per peat. oa tie Werke of
the WM* (Laughter.)
PILHAM old be was sae or these who *matt
thatCaltiteseue which had bass eel ea Hot by lb. First
Lint et lb. ty would aot prove satiebetory to the
cowslip, Inaba' it were carried tardier.

Yr. -itANILES fully agreed with ;the hos. member for
Montrose, that a portion ef our naval form was employed
is a vary questiocable manner. Whoa emit • ue
wee made of the navy, it was not warysielas if the estimates
were munive. He would be glad to be informed by the
noble lord, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, is
what light they were to regard the Ortolan week which
had been 'sphered, ainottatisg, amorelieg to • morteing
Journal of that day, to IGO sail.
Vieooust PALMERSTON said he thought the hon.
sad learned gentleman had been rather misinformed as to
the number of vessels taken, which, wording to the last
wound reeeiv,d by the government, was between forty and
atty. The position in whisk those vemsle were placed was '
that of pledges held am • deposit for the eatiefastion of
certain thine, If the dolma were satisfied the washy would
be released. If it should become to wry
reprisals to the full extent allowed by law of
nations, they would be condemned sad sold. sad the
proends would be applied to the satidaetlon of the claims,
a proems under the law of anions which was well knows.
A tomaimion would be lewd for the purpose, under an
order in council. With regard to the apprehensions of the
hon. and learned gentleman, he could so far relieve his
naiad as to state that the government had not accepted the
mediation of any foreign power; they had accepted the
pod cans of Prance, with the view of securing an
aml-
cable termination' of the dispute.

. - -
Capt. HARRIS thought it would have lama a graceful
act towards a political opponent If the government had re-
eotaieed the claim of Sir Georg* Cmkbani to promotion.
TIN isomumittee divided :

---
iPo;Ti;ain;;Finent l9
Against it
The vote was then agreed to. 117-98
The Chairman repotted progress, and the house resumed.
REGISTRATION OF NELRGPOLITAN CARRIAGES

--------
BILL.
This bill was reed a third slaw and passed.
SALARIES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF COURTS
OF QUERN'S BENCH AND COMMON PLEAS.
Lord J. RUSSELL moved for leave to bring in • bill to
Mutate the eateries of the Chief Justices of the Qeeen's
Bench and Common Pleas. The object of the bill, he said,
wss to reduce the gaiety of the Lord Chief Justlat of the
Queen's Bench from 10,0001. to 8.0001. a year, and that of
the Chief Janice of the Common Fleas (tom 8,0001. to
7,0001. When Lord Denman accepted the office, it was
nude/stood that his salary wet to be 8,0001., and a treasury
minute was made to that effect, bat no act of parliament
was passed to settle the salary The present bill was brought
in for that purpose. Lord 'Campbell would only receive
8,0001 a year, and every (store Chief Justice of the Com
MKS Pima sel, 7,0001. Leave given.

FRES IN THE COMMON PLEAS.
Mr. BOUVERIE moved for leave to bring in a f ill com-
pelling cartel* *Meets of the Court of Common Pleas to
mete quarterly returns of the amount of fees received by
theta to the Treasury.—Leave Oven.
POSTAL COMMUNICATION.—PARIS AND NORTH

Vie erlirtf4o.

ITTGOING MAILS.
The walls kr LOisboa, Spela, sad Meshes will he nude
spa the 17th inst.
Tit• West ladis Mails, excluding Betwoula, Havana,
Na,ma Hoedown, New Orleans, end Neale% sad lactuding
thews kr Nledetra. At. Jaan-de-Niserseaa. New etewellep
Chili, end Pernorill be wade up on the 17th but.
The mils fee Gibesher, Naha, Grease, the halm lauds,
Osplea. Wks. sad Chime. WO 80111k•Apt0a, will
ea the einealag ot Mush SO.
The wee iho NAM North Ammer sad the liaised
Buda will he aide sop ea the maims of the 214 last.
The Nei otid Illesseillee, to the Mediteresaese,
Ceylon. leWEesg, act., will be made up Irt
maim of lb' lab lA.
The taxi he Kederie, the Brasile, led Boma Ayres, will
se =tug we the maim, el April 4.

1111111 WALT= AT LOOMS! 1111171101.
TAW lan—tifirstast.
Toensow—tierstas. ft. Oa atom's& SA MIL

LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 12.

We have ever esteemed it a matter of vital im-
portance to Cheat Britain to retain the affection and
loyalty of its colonies. We believe, indeed, that by
giving the inother.country a monopoly of the colo-
nial markets, or the colonies a monopoly of the
mother country markets, both parties would recipro-
cally impoverish each other. We halbrt, moreover,
that the mother country would derive as little benefit
from insisting upon administering the local affairs of
the colonies by its despotic will as our gracious sove-
reign would from insisting upon being a " fres queen"
in the sense of Hing barn, of blockheadly memory,
instead of acting indirectly through her parliament
and ministers subjected to a parliamentary re-
zponsibility. Bat -we are not prepared to aequiesce
i
in the possibility of this country's sinking nto the
character of a secondary power as compared with the
United States ; and seeing that every new territory
and state formed by the colonising operations of the
transatlantic republic remains a loyal integral part of
it, and augments its power, we wish to see a
colonial policy adopted under which our English
colonists will be as anxious to claim, and as proud to
acknowledge, the character of British citizens as the
men of the new states are to claim the character of
An erioan citizens.

Holding these views, it has been our object
throughout these colonial discussions to keep ourselves I
entirely free from home party or sectional influence.
We regret to have to say, that on the part of ministers
we have too often witnessed the influence of a love of
power, or reluctance to confers that their system has
been erroneous, warping their better judgment. And on
the other hand, we have been unable to shut our
eyes to indications of a spirit of personal antagonism
to ministers biassing the views dame who plead the
cause of the colonies. We state these facts merely to
account for our resolution to remain independent of
both. We have not hitherto adverted to them in
arguing the question of the Australian Colonies Bill,
and, as the theme is rather an irritating one, do nut
intend to advert to it again if we possibly can avoid
it. We will freely and frankly state when a measure
or proviso seems to us sound and polit'c on its own
merits, without enquiring too curiously into the
motives of those who recammend it. We believe that
the loyalty of the colonies may be retained by doing
them Justice, and paying respectful attention to their
representations, and to ensure tEis being done shall
be the constant aim of our efforts.

. -
Now with regard to the Australian Colonies Bill we
are convinced that its defects are many, and of a
grave character. There will be ample opportunities
afforded hereafter of pointing them oat in detail, at
present we content ourselves with • rapid enumera-
tion of them.

The first eleven clauses of the act relate to the esta-
blishment of representative legislatures in the Austra-
lian colonies. To this end the various acts of parlia-
ment by which the existing constitution of New
South Wales has been introduced piecemeal are
enumerated in the preamble; the province of Victoria
is declared to be separated from New South Wales ;
and legislative councils on the model of that existing
in New South Wales are ordered to be introduced
into all the other colonies. The claims of the old
acts relating to New South Wales which shall be held
binding upon the other colocies are then enumerated ;
and the rest either expressly or by implication re-
pealed. Such a mode of procedure necessarily intro-
duces much of confusion and uncertainty into the act.
Instead of having a distinct and explicit fundamental
law upon which to erect their constitutions, Van
Diemen's Land, Victoria, and South and Western
Australia must set themselves to study the antiquities
of the New South Wales constitution, and with th
advice of lawyers, and possibly through the instru-
mentality of litigations, discover at the expense of much
labour and money what parliament meant to enact.
This might have been avoided by declaring the old
acts repealed, and re-enacting in express words as
many of their provisions as it was deemed expedient
to retain. The Australian Colonies Government Bill
ought, in short, to have been made complete in itself
and self-explanatory.
A still more serious objection, in our opinion, to the
part of the bill now under review, is the partial and
insufficient manner in which the priacipre of repre-
sentative legislature is conceded by it. We have
frankly avowed from the first our prepossession for
single chambers of legislature. We have stated our
reasons for believing that the colonists of New
South Wales and Van Diemen's Land are not
hostile to the principle of single chambers, and
are indeed, if anything, favourable to it. But we have
from the beginning declared that one, or two, or three
chambers, should the colonists wish so many, are
considerations entirely subordinate; that the one
thing needful is, that whether there are to be one or
two chambers, the power of local legislation and taxa-
tion shall be really and effectually vested in the repre-
sentatives freely elected by the colonists. If there is
to be one chamber, let all its members be elected by
the colonists; if there are to be two chambers, let
both of them be elected. On this ground we contend
that the provision which vests in the crown the power
of nominating one-third of the members of the legis-
lative councils, ought to be abandoned ; and we main-
tain that, if Mr. WALPOLE carries his resolutions,
declaring that there ought to be two chambers, and
that the members of one of them ought to be nomi-
nated by the crown, this will be an amendment for
the worse.

Clauses 12 to 23 of the bill inclusive are intended
to define and regulate the powers of the local legieda-
I tures, and what is not superfluous of their prbvisions
is something worse. That part of clause 12, which
empowers the governors and legislative councils in
general terms to make laws, not repugnant to these
of En land—chase 24, which declares that existing
laws shall remain in force till repealed by the local
legislatures—and clause 26, which seems meant to
guard against the adoption of a oommsrcial protective
system in the colonies contain all that is necessary.
The enacting even of a temporary civil list by the
imperial parliament is objectionable on two grounds;
it unduly circumscribes the authority of the loca
egialatures in matters of finance, and it compels
them to adopt administrative institutions more
complicated than their public business requires,
and more costly than their means can afford.
The regulations about district councils would
I also, with advantar, be left entirely to the
decision of local legislatures who are in a much
better position to know what is wanted and
will be useful than members of parliament at the
opposite side of the globe. The bill would be much
improved by the condensation of what is essential in
these clause into one brief clause.

To chases 28 to 28 inclusive there appears to be
nothing to object ; they confer the necessary authority
for establishing law oonrts and judges, and defining
the boundaries of New South Wales and Victoria.
The remaining enacting clauses-30 to 36 inclu-
sive—relate to that absurd excrescence, the General
Assembly for the Australian colonies. As we proved
formerly the time has not arrived when such an
institution is required, or indeed possible ; and to
lay down rules for its construction in advance is
about as wise as it would be to prescribe what kind
of a chief magistrate these colonies are to have
in the event of their becoming independent states.
The kind of general assembly to be adopted must de-
mid upon the circumstances of the colonies when it
shall become necessary or useful. All these clauses
would be better omitted.

Seeing that there is en much both in the form and
matter or the bill that requires amendment, we see
with regret the leaders of the opposition to it in its pre-
sent state, wasting their strength by giving such undue
predominance to so minor a question as whether there
shall be one or two legislative councils in each colony.

We must take the liberty to my that even the most
intelligent among them display a deficiency in parlia-
mentary tactics. Mr. WALPOLE is to move that there
shall be two °pencils. If that point is carried, Mr.
WALPOLE is to move that one of the councils shah be
nominated by the crown, Sir WILLIAM MottsWORTH
that both shall be eleetive. From this we infer that the
supporters of a nominee first chamber, and the support-
ers of one elective chamber, are to club their forces to
compel government to adopt tire two-chamber princi-
ple. What will be the result of their success?—that
government, which insists upon nominating one-third
of the one chamber, will join with the supporters of a
nominee first council and outvote those who would
have it elective. The consequence will be thtt in-
stead of having a legislature with power to decide
finally in matters of legislation and taxation, having
in it a minorit of government nominees, the colonies
will be saddled with an entirely nominee council
empowered to veto the resolves of the elective council

Own might have expected our country gentlemen
in the House to have been endowed with some little
cossisteney or shame; a'. least, sufficient to prevent
them, just after having made a strenuous attempt to
fling two millions more upon the general taxation of
the country, from voting, so many of them, against any
reduction in the most serious and enormous items of
expenditure. The county members are for loading
the poor consumer with an additional burden of two
millions, of which they would relieve property.
These two millions might easily be saved on military
expenses. We have done without them fifteen years
ago. But the country gentlemen come forward in a
phalanx to say, "No, not an epaulette shall you re-

In fact, the county members are the great national
spendthrifts, anxious to swell the outlay of the coun-
try for selfish as well as political reasons. It is they,
their friends, connexions, and families that batten on
the army and navy estimates. Nor is there
one of their names, from HENLEY down, that you
will not find in Army and in Navy List.
Bat this selfish motive is not the only one that in-
fluences them. 'Their best hope lies in augmenting and
exaggerating expenditure, which if they render more
burdensome and overgrown, they imagine that par-
liament will be driven to sanction the introduction of
fresh import duties for purposes of revenue—that
same flag under which the American protectionists
sail.

The farmers, however, throughout the country
are, we believe, by this time pretty well convinced
that protection in the shape of a corn duty is not
to be wrung from parliament, because it would
not be borne by the country. What they want there-
fore is that their landlords and the county members
should keep their promises, and, by supporting
economy and reduction, render possible the repeal of
the malt-tax, or of some of the burdens that weigh on
the agriculturist. We recoil( ct that the Protectionist
Society for Oxfordshire met and dissolved themselves
some months ago at the instance of a sturdy yeoman,
who declared protection to be gone for ever, and
that the society had done more harm than
good by impeding the movement for the re-
peel of the malt-tax. The society was die-
'solved, and its funds handed over to the county
infirmary. lint the members for that county, who
were present at that scene, have taken the most effec-
tual means in the Home of Commons of preventing the
farmers of Oxfordshire from getting the malt-tax re-
pealed. Mr. COBDEN'S motion was for a reduction of
about the amount of that tax. The formers' friends,
Messrs. HENLEY and Co., by voting against that
motion, have rendered all Mr. COBDEN'S efforts for a
repeal of the malt-tax nugatory, and have thus
nailed that tax upon the backs of the farmers.
These farmers' friends would not even wait for Mr.
Fox HALLE'S figures to vote the augmentation of
the army. Fur augmentation it was. We had
80,000 soldiers, independent of those in India, in
1835. There were 100,000 voted last night. The
addition was made in consequenceof Canadian distur-
bances and of Indian war, both of which causes have
disappeared. There are bat four or five thousand
men in Canada ; and the Prime Minister declared, that
whenever • colony was ripe for mdependetca and de-
sired it, it would not meet with any unfair desire for
coercion or dominion in the mother country. With that
declaration evaporated the necessity for expensive
defences and a large army in Canada. In India
what power remains that durst provoke a war ?
Whatever events or circumstances in Europe might
menace the b dance of power, it was plain ttat
we could send no army to contend with
the great military States on the fields of the conti-
nent. We have but 35,000 men at home, the War
Secretary told us last night, to 30,000 in the colonies.
For it seems we had not only a dead weight of
millions in the non-effective service, but we had a
dead weight in certain regiments, called household,
which, consisting of a large body of officers of birth and
wealth, were not to be moved any distance from
the metropolis. We paid for 59,000 men at home,
but deducting the Guards and the immovables we
bad but 35,000 to relieve those engaged in colonial
service. We never recollect so strong and pointed
an argument against our privileged and household
regiments, as those of Mr. Fox MAULE. The chief
reason for the extent of our home force is pre-
cisely that it may be competent to re-
lieve the force in the colonies. And yet
one-third of this home force, especially as far as re-
I garde officers, is incapacitated from performing this
Iservice—by what? A foshionable and idle privilege.
Independent of the stationary Portion of our army
not fulfilling the great function of relieving its dis-
tressed and overworked comrades abroad, this same
household portion is also wanting in the other great
end for which regiments are kept up—viz., the
instructing and accustoming officers to military life.
Will any one pretend to say that the regiments of
tae Guards are a military school, or that they fit
officers either for the duties of • campaign or the
knowledge of managing soldiers?
The existence of a privileged and a non-privileged
portion of the army appears to us even more
reprehensible and fatal than even the numbers of
the army, augmented as they have been by one-
fourth or one-fifth above the standard of 1835. It is
evident that by an equalisation of the duties and
honours of the different regiments of the army, there
might be effected an immense reduction of expendi-
ture, a more efficient creation of officers, a more fre-
quent and effectual relief of those serving in un-
healthy climates, and an infinitely fairer and more
encouraging system of promotion in the army.
We must have startled our readers, for we were
ourselves surprised to find that the officers of the
British army cost nearly as much as the officers,
treble their number, of the French. If we took the
half-pay expenses into the computation, the proper-
tion would be still more startling. And the com-
parison would be monstrous, were we to add what the
English officer spends in purchasing his commission
and eking out his pay. Were we to follow out the
entire computation, we have no doubt we should find
that our military expenses are equal to what on the
continent would maintain a million of soldiers.

And Mr. Fox MAULS thinks this a defence. The
British officer, he says, is the worst paid and the
hardest worked of all officers :—Aye, the working
officers. A colonel who has purchased his several
grades gets but 1071. a year as his salary. This is
very severe no dcubt on the colonel. But what
does it save to the nation ? Money is exacted of the
British officer, not to save the pockets of the
British tax-payer—oh, no—but to secure the
poets and the rank of tte army to men of
wealth, or men of birth. They must have much
money or high connexions. In fact, our military
code has but one all-pervading principle—keep down
the poor, pamper the high-born, and extort a high
price for every military grade from the wealthy
parresu.
These, far more than advantages of science or
efficiency over an enemy, have beea the anxiety of
our military legislators.

THE CULLODEN MONUMENT.—The /users:est Cou-
rier says: "This monument has now progressed to some
height, but the fund receives accessions so slowly, that the
possibility is anticipated of seeing the monument stuck in a
half. flaisksd state, and so left aeon to become a shapeless heap
of rubbish, sat musk to the credit of that enthusiasm out of
whisk the proposal uses."

A FRAUDULENT FREACITER.—The Kendal Mercury
Mlle a story of a preacher who Made a great 101111101012 the
other day in one of the "secluded dales" is that neigh-
bourhood. After he had astonished the entire neighbour-
hood with his eloquence, it wee whispered abroad that the
admired prseoher was not In holy orders, and had anise.
fully desecrated the place of worship. The rural cleaning
referred the Cale to the high dignitaries of the church, and
the
the result is, thastkalat
Conn. the parties are cited to appear before
elesi