The Express.
London, England, 1861-06-13 00:00:00

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LONDON, TNURADAY, JUNE 13.

Tor British public now know what it is that
Mi. and his friends want. They are
311041,.U4 that the QeerN'e Government should
tak.• the affairs of the people of North America
immedi..tely into consideration, and, abandoning
..ur present neutrality, settle them by decided
action. Mr. °Kumar did not urge this course
spoil Parliament the other day. Circumstances
bail greatly changed since he placed his motion on
th.- books, and the prospects of the slave-league
which lie champions are looking gloomy. The
rebellion which loomed so large while it was let
alone is now shrunken and abject. His
proposal to acknowledge the Southern Confederacy
before it had done a single act to assert its ability
to maintain a separate sovereign existence was
sufficiently extravagant, but now it is too wild to
be ventured for a moment. The Confederacy is
helpless, and if its tyranny is not yet overthrown
he the freemen of the North, it is only be-
cause it u protected for a time by an unhealthy
climate. Meanwhile, there is nothing at Mont-
gomery to which diplomatic recognition could
seriously attach, no sufficient demonstration of
power, no guarantee of permanence.

tr. ;Ittooar hail told us the rumons for the
eourse he would like to advocate if circum-
stances favoured. " His object," ho &mums
us, " was twofold—to advocate the recognition
"of the Southern States on the ground of
" humanity and of unrestricted commerce." The
aristocratic partisans of the planters, we are
assured, arc no advocates of negro bondage in
the abstract—only of its practical perpetuation ;

and as for commerce, they are free-traders in
everything but slaves. Then Mr. GREGOKY has a
great horror of war. But the possibility of a pro-
tracted civil war nobody seems to contemplate.
Thu struggle may be sharp and sanguinary ; but it
wiuit necessarily be brief ; and the responsi-
inlay and guilt must be upon the heads of
thee who amid the golden stillness of prosperity
and peace have suddenly raised the treacherous
cry of deadly war. But putting aside every con-
secration regarding the future of the negro
nee, if perpetually consigned by Separation
to the merciless mercy of a Confederacy
founded upon and for the sake of slavery, what
hopes can the friends of humanity rest upon the
establishment of such a Sheet Every impartial
observer of the condition of society in the revolted
region concurs in describing the numbers of what
use called the " mean whites"—that is to say, the
white population who are destitute of property,
led who are precluded from labour by the fatal
existence of a servile race of another colour
amongst them--as constituting an ineradicable
source of peril and perplexity to the comparative
few who govern. These men cannot dig, but to
bully and rob according to the laws of war no class
of the sort ever was ashamed. They are the ma-
terials out of which filibusterism has in
past tines been made ; and they are the mate-
rial out of which public expeditions to invade and
annex Cuba, Mexico, and Central America would
inevitably have to be formed by a Government
that dare not lay its head upon its pillow with an
outnumbering restless and pauperised section of
its own blood, language, and traditions con-
spiring by its side. The superincumbent weight
led power of the Federal Union has hitherto suc-
ceeded in repressing the lawless ambition of the
seen whites ; but from the moment this
restraining influence was lost they would be in a
condition to exact terms from their elder brethren
who peewee landed estates and political ascen-
dancy ; and the only terms on which it world be
possible for the two sections to agree would be an
indefinite series of aggressive and slavery-planting
wars. So much for the interests of humanity.
As for free trade, we own we are very *say as
to the future on that score. The Monza'. tariff
was notoriously a political device to secure the
adhesion of Pennsylvania at a critical emergency.
But its days are already numbered ; and even if
they were not, the pretence of its being a great
or general interruption to trade between this
country and America is simply absurd. Nothing
can break, or for any long time even suspend the
countless ties of commercial intimacy and benefit
subsisting between us and the people of the Union,
ensept such a breach of all faith and amity as
would be implied in our wantonly aiding and
abettiqg the traitorous minority who are seeking
to destroy, as far as in them lies, the integrity and
the security of the great Republic. What ilesiwnite
resolves might possibly be suggested in the ex.
astieration caused by such treachery on the
part of England we care not to ireinir,; ; for
we know that the case can never arise.
The people of this country are a long-atitkring
people ; but there are some things they
would not and will not bear ; and one of
diem is any trifling or equivocation on the sub-
ject of the rebellion in America. Of this let
Americans be well assured, that though our Go-
vernnisint may observe neutrality in the lament-
able conflict that still appears to be impending,
there is no wavering or indecision in the mind of
the people of England about which is the right
sole, and for whose success our hopes and prayers
ought to ascend. When Mr. Gazooar talks
of England pursuing in the present instance her
usual course of recognising every Jr facto
government, he forgets that the practice of
England has never been anything of the kind.
Ile has , indeed, had the training
which gives inexperienced men some rudi-
mentary notions of the value of political
terms, or of the necessity of distinguishing
b. tween their meaning according as they are
applied. The maxim of our Government hiss, in-