The Express.
London, England, 1850-07-05 00:00:00

Eke ilErpreoo.

OUTGOING MAILS
The sidle ter Britt& Math /Marie' sad the trailed
dimes will be Mae up Ude eresiac.
The mails for Liebe., Spain, tad Gibraltar will be made
ep es Jell, 7.
The meth aid Mereeillee, to the Mediterreasea,
O ilea, Leda,. HasunKesg, dtc., will be made up ?go
'waist of J4l, I.
The West India Mails, eseludiaa Beranols, Ileveaust,
Illeseau, Honduras, New °slams, eat Mad*, sad leidading
them ler Madeira, et. Jamt-de-Nlearegus, New Grenada,
Chili, sad Peru, will be made up es dm siersbig et July 17.
The wells ler, Gibraltar, Mahe, Meese, the Imams Wawa,
larpt, Cerium, LAM, sad Cldas, liambassptisa, aIU
be made up ea Me moeutag 411 Jay td.
I The mail ter Medsrisolt• Btmib, sad Steam Ayres, will
be made up as the amain of Augsat 4.

MION WATIII A. LIAM= MUNI&
Tess Da—Wsnums. S. Mumma le.. lea
t•-■•••••—lbsislag, Bar • Akinesa. Us We.

LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 5.

Lard HARDWICILIN philosophy of education is
borrowed from Urials limp, and is eontaioed in one
maxim—Be humble. Hs is terrihly afraid that eiu:

cation will make the lower claaat; better informed

than the middle; and that canaquently the lower
class wili leak down upon them, not look up. Ifs is
also mons'rously afraid that model and training
schools will produce a crop of echoolnasstere who will
' dignify their profession. Ar.d Lord HARDWIOKE is
very much afraid of what school muter, may do, it they
should happen to be superior men and "get abroad."
One shou:d think that to keep the middle class
ahead of the lower, it was merely necessary to give
them also superior means and modes of educatioa,
such as continental countries afford in their gymna-
siums. Bat Lord HARDWICKE can discover no mode

of maks the middle cl.o be looked up to but by
keeping the lower clue ignorant. Now, will the
middle class of Englishmen accept such a oompiiment ?
Will it not rather spurn such protection ?
We are sorry to see that matt of the speakers in
parliament, when treating of the subject of education,
utterly ignore the serious revolution that has taken
place in mon's minds, and in the ideas and feelings
which occupy them. S 31114) centuries ago religion
filled the whole mind during its whole time. Either
in contemplation, in disquisition, in ceremony, in
hope, and in fear, rel'gious ideas and aims not
° only dominated but absorbed. At the present
time Englishmen are, we think, just as truly
religious, that is, actuated by reli.zions principle, as
' they were one century or two centuries ago, but they
are not so absorbed by religion. Worldly or secular
knowledge, as it is called, bas come to fill a much
larger portion of men's minds and exiiitence. Reason
is exercised and required to be exercised on a crowd
of subjects which never before presented themselves.
Man was the creature of traditit n. But men now
have fallen upon a time when they have need
of all their faculties, inquiring, calculating, rea-
soning. Men's mutual relations and respects,
and fortunes have become exceedingly oomph-
eated, and the humblest are compelled to raise t, eir

thosibts to sabieets which ceuturi-•s ego were as re-
mote frum them as the fixed et.rs. The French are
dismissing what they c►ll socialism, which stirs up
society to its depths. And our humblest classes are
not alloyed to remain strangers to politics. We
have factory bills, poor-laws, corn-laws and education
laws. We have an extended suffrage, and will
inevitably have a more extended one.
To meat this new order of things, these new and
great requirements, the majority in the French and
English parliament see the chief mei ssity to be
to return to that old narrow system, not of education,
but of • mere instilment of religious creed, which
prevailed in past centuries. M. Times and M. DE
MOtTALEMBUT would give up French youth once
more to the Jesuits, whilst st.th us the .poor are to be
taught to solve the great questions of polttical economy
which affect them by being made to read and to
learn the church catechism. We cannot imagine more
dangerous or short-sighted folly.
Nothing has been more fully proved than the
strength of the current which rune in the midst of our
society, a current in which religion., political, social,
oe'tish, and sentimental ideas are blended. The idlest
of hopes is for a caste or party, whether of nobles,
priests, or dortrinaires, to endeavour, after having
failed to influence the risen and living gene-
ration, to try and lay hold of the young
generation in order to turn them back into
their peculiar way of thinking. The atte met is
absurd, far the stronger the contrast between the
spirit of the education given and the tone of society
into which the youth falls, the more merked is the
revulsion of character and principle. And thus it
was remarked in the late debate of the French Cham-
berath st forced education in general bege's its con-
trary in principle. The Jesuit" of 1775 reared the French
generation of 1790. The military and mathematical
professors of Numeral' produced the philosophic, the
speculative and religiously inclined school of Cousin
and the eclectics. And so will it ever be. Opinions
progress in the adult generations, more owing to
events and circumstances than to reason or to right.
If there be any things, or institutions oppressive, dic-
tatorial, retrograde, popular ideas rush to overturn
what stand, forth as an obstacle. But it is this
very obstacle that in general ham undertaken to
mould and direct education. The very effort
being one to dominate and perhaps pervert, the young
mind swells indignant against it. And be this power
church or state, it is eventually weakened, and possi-
bly overthrown, by the very power which it sought
to wield and to grasp.
We have great fears of state education, as our
public men understand it, because by the state's mono-
policing this power it compels the church and all
churches to aim at either sharing or weakening the
power of government. What is more, it prompts
the people and the people's parties to do the same.
We admit, however, that we are in an inchoate and
exceptional condition. Education, to be universal and
organised, requires both the intervention of the state'
and the co-operation of the religious bodies that have
originated it. But to leave the task, and the guidance,
and the patronage of education, to one or the other,
or both, can merely lead, in the end,
to nullify education from its true purpose, that
of making men fit and intelligent members
of society. Generations succeed each other, inherit
eath ether's ideas, and modify them to suit the
wants and the developments of the time. Seek to
tie them by anticipation to a stake, or to move them
by some old idol of a popedom or an establishment;
and the effort succeeds not in enchaining and anode
ing Time, but in pulling from its anchor and casting
afloat and adrift the superannuated and rotten thing,
0 which a parliament attempts to tie Eternity.
In the course of the debates, however, the great ob-
ject dell parties seemed to have been to find some stake
or mother to which it could tie the education—nay, the
dogmatic opinions of the country. One set of people
think laymen far too wavering in their sentiments,
and opine, that the only way to secure an undeviating
coarse of philosophy of education is to confide the di-
rection altogether to the clergy. Now, we think we
Gould prove that there is far more frequent and lam
swim alternation of religious opinions in the Avila
than in the lay body of a church, and we think we
might also prove that there is wider antagonism b►
twos different bishops than between any two bodies
of laymen.
The Bishop of OXFORD is not only afraid of lay
influence interfering with scolseleatical, but he is
afraid of the influence of the state, as a guiding is-
etitotios, in which other than Anglican tenets =or
have influence. Thus, whilst one will not allow the
largos of education to be anchored in the bosun if
the great lay community of the church, another will
sot have it tied to the state, which favours and up-
hold. that church, nor yet to the lower clergy, nor to
public wants nor public opinion. Is it not plain that
these narrow views and isolated exigencies with r►
spect to education will totally annihilate it, or redoes
it to the mere teaching of a catechism, and the lasal•
cation of religiose principles, for which these is
already ample national endowment, and whisk is ea
widely apart from real education as the church is
from the wheal, at as the next world is from this ?

Nointsr; out tell more plainly the anomalesis
condition under which English farmers sorry an their
business. than the measure which Mr. PIIBIST has,
session after cession, forced upon the attention of the
House of Commons. The mann whisk hes sow
assumed the form of " a bill to improve else reislisne
of landlord sad tenant in &shad aid Ireland," was
discard on the third reading on Tuesday night. Its
history and transmutations are carious sad signifi-
cant. In its origin it was a tenant farsam's mum"