The Express.
London, England, 1850-07-18 00:00:00

EVENING, JULY 18, 1850.

for their avowed aim the etrengthening the bands of
hish landlords' against their tenantry. Nobody, of
course, in the Upper House was found to raise
a voice of protest or of warning. All went
smooth with the anti-tenant project there. In
promos of time, however, it was met down
to the Commons, where its reception was hailed with
delight by all whose earlier efforts in the unto cause
bed met with a premature fate. Under the burlesque
title of" A bill to amend and Improve the Relations
hi tween Landlord and Tenant in Ireland," it appears to
have b:en set down, with a score of other crazy
crotchets, to be considered daring a morning sitting;
and when in its tarn it was actually called for erected
reading, there were probably few who regarded the
proposition as anything more than a futile fcrmality
which must be gone through in order to obtain for
the mischievous measure the honours of public
interment. _

Mr. S. CRAWFORD, in I few contemptuous sen-
tences, moved the rejection of the bill, pointing out
its pernicious and unwarrantable tendeocy, and re-
minding the listless legislature of the weightier du-
ties to the oppressed and evioted peasantry which,
during the present seesioa, they bad utterly disre-
garded. Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. Hume, and Mr. ARMY
followed in the same strain ; and after some ineffec-
tive end inconsistent observations in palliation of the
bill from Mr. HAMILTON, Mr. SvusitT, and others,
the house would no doubt have proceeded summarily
to dispose of the matter, when, on the part of the
government, Sir W. Someavlus rare to resist. the
amendment, and to recommend that the bill shculd
be read a ►ecotd time.

It is but just to the Secretary for Ireland to say
that he carefully abstained from saving a syllable in
direct approval of the obnoxious and tyrannical prin-
ciples fur which it has thus been a.ught to obtain
a legislative 'section. The fact, of which he was
pointedly reminded by a subsequent speaker—that he
bed not deemed it necessary to peers any such ceer-
civet and penal enactments on the attention of paella-
,ment, though bound by his official responsibility to do
so it really nquisite—this fact alone deprived Sir
r WILLIAM SONIERVILL6'B advocacy of the bill of all
force and seemliness. If it were true that property
needed Foch Asiatic laws for its protection as Lords
WEIVIMEATH and LCCAN recommend, then it was in-
cumbent on the Irish executive at the beginning of
the Year, and while all the representatives of Ireland
were present, to lay upon the table suitable
provis'ons for the accomplishment of that end.
Failing to do so, the inevitable presumption must
be against their necessity; and the Secretary
for Ireland has no right sucheeely to adopt
on the eve of a proragation the amateur projects of
law of men whose whole policy he professes to oppose
on the most critical subject with which, in the pre
sent state of Ireland, the leg:s'ature can be ca.led
upon to deal. Practices of this kind ate only calcu-
lated to throw all public busicess into coefueion. We
can only ascribe it on the occasion in gees, ben to too
ready a disposition on the part of the Irish S-crttery
to yield to the insidious counsels of these who would,
if they could, turn him out of office, and out of psrlia-
ment, to-morrow; and we hope that the s'gnal failure
of the attempt by this means to avoid prutracteel dis-
cussion may prove a salutary lesson to the right
honourable gentleman.
For it needs no powers of prophecy to divine that
when the tidings of this preliminary struggle reach
Ireland, they will be met with a response that no
sane or cautious friend of the infatuated oligarchy
who have provoked it can do otherwise than deplore.
We most say that we think no terms of denueciation
can be too str-ng for the insult and slight thus
openly offered to public opinion on the other side rf
the channel. If there be one subject upon which the
expression of popular sentiment has of late become
truly national, It is that of the relations between
landlord and tenant. With ore necerd the clergy
and the laity of every creed, the dwellers in tz,wn
and the inhabitants of the country of every grade in
industrial life, have pronoureed in favour of add -
tional securities being afforded by law to the occu-
piers of the sell. Yet here is a bill avowedly propos-
irg to take away from them the few safeguards
against oppres.ion which they still possess ! And
here ate a set of gentlemen who came into effice upon
the express ground that they were willing and able
to govern Ireland liberally and leniently, white the
tones avowed that they could not do so without te-
preesive laws—hire are Whig ministers, setting at
open defiance every protest and ternonstracce from
the Irish people for tenant redress, and absolutely
endorsing the scheme of their implacable foes for
landlord coercion !

The main feature of this most objectionable measure
is •o prevent ary tenant in Ireland from raping or
removing any part of his crop before sunrise or after
sunset. The pretence for this barbarous innovation
is to prevent fraudulent carrying away of the fruits
of the field ; e., their removal until the letting fr..c-
tion of rent or arrears of rent shall have been satisfied.
It isnot enough for Irish rack-rent that it has (as in
England) priority of claim over every sheaf that is cut
down, and every root that is dug out of the earth;
and that until its insatiable cravirgs are
satisfied, no other creditor, be he whom

he may, has any power to seize aught
for the discharge of his deb•. Irish landlordism
must have more than English remedies, more than
English powers of restraint, more than English me ins
of rendering the tenantry of the kin4dom passively
obedient to its will. The House of Lords have f.ele-
berately declared by this bill that no tenant in Ire-
land shall reap his corn or dig ) is potatoes except at
such hours as it may be convenient for the proprittaty
to watch him; and, in ease of his presuming to do so
daring the prohibited time, he shall be punished with
fine and imprisonment. We shall not degrade our-
selves by asking is this right, is it decent, is it ju.t ;
but we do ask—Would any minister, whip; or tory,
dare to support such a propceition for any part of
England ? And if not, how is it possible that it
should be thrust without scruple upon our kinsmen in
Ireland ?

Another provision memo to be meant to take front
t. mints-at-will the defence to which (as in England)
they now are entitled under the form of proceeding
commonly known by the name of •" Notice to quit."
The bill proposes that every tenant at will in Ireland
should bu liable to be ejected wi'hout any notice, and
treat. d, in point of fact, as a trespasser, from whatever
day it suits the whim of the landlord to turn him out
of his holding. Again we ask, would such a proposal
meet with a indent hearirg, to say nothing of parlia-
mentary adoption, if introduced tor England? And
if not, how is it reconcileable with imperial prudence,
justice, or decency, to lend any sanction to the endea-
vour now made to force such an etact meat on Ireland?

TPA's. the Savings Banks Bill is a min isterial diffi-
culty the public are aware. It may be a conve-
nient way of getting oat of it for the present session
to fix its discussion for an early morning sitting under
a pretence of ascertaining what may be the views
of members. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
will make a long speech, not very explanatory of the
opinions of somebody who is prompting him. Then
two or three ministerial members, who know very
little about the matter, may express general approval
but urge some points which c matituents have sug-
gested for consideration. A member thoroughly con-
versant with the subject
_ gets up and proposes to enter
into it at length. He speaks for forty minutes; is
listened to by a thin house ; and obtairs notice to the
extent of a quarter of a column from a tired retorter,
who finished a speech of the Prime Minister's at three
o'clock, got home at five, and was brought down to
the house epee at twelve, with no disposition to do
justice to early morning sitting oratory. The
debate is probably concluded by a postponement of
the b:11, orby reading it a second time,and then drop-
ping it entirely ; and so ministers escape from the
difficulty in which an imperfect attempt at legisla-
tion has involved them, but in which they would
never have lost themselves had Sir CHARLES WOOD
consulted those who, with a sole regard to public
interests and feelings, are able to advise him upon
this important subject.
Convenient as all this may be, it is scarcely the
way in which this question should be tr sited. The
time has arrived when it is necessary, not to reduce
the small amount of interest row paid on Savings
Banks deposits, not to make petty regulations ab nit
management, affording no security to depositors, but
greatly increasing theintsponsibilittes and difficulties
of trustees; but the time has come when it is
necessary to revise altogether the system of ma-
naging and dealing with the money of the Savings
II rink ',and to provide an effioient eontrol and cheek upon
all transactions connected with that interesting branch
of public business. Thirty millions of money is (or
rather ought to be) now held by the government on

' account of the savings of the poor. Under a proper I
system this large amount might be greatly sag- •
mated. There 111 no limit to the extension of the •
system of Savings Bankaand Provident Societies pro-
ps •
ly managed and =trolled. We believe that that
extension is very greatly to be desired: that every
additional sovereign put into a Savings Bank is
by so much an additional security for the
peace and prosperity of the nation, and for the
continued happiness and welfare of the people.
What we want, then, looking at the large amount i
already invested, and at the great importance of en-
eouraging and fostering the system, is an improved
management ab isitio. We say that the arrangement •
which places the Savings Batiks under the control of
the National Debt Cornishman/re, is proved by the
result to be a bad arrangement. These commissioners
have nothing to do with Savings Banks,exoept to re-
ceive and take care of the money they pay over to
them. They scarcely trouble themselves about their
accounts, they have no concern whatever with their
system of management, they are &ethernet to
afford them no sort of assistance or eteauragement
beyond the payment of the small per ventage allowed
by parliament on the sums deposited. The wcrking
of the plan has been anything but satisfactory.
The National Debt Commissioners have abused their
duty as bankers. They have used Savings' Banks
money for other than Savings Banks purposes. They
have tampered with the funds in hand to suit the con-
venience or to meet the necessities of successive Chan-
cellors of the Exchequer. The consequence is that
they have lost two millions of money, which the
nation sooner or later will have to repay to the poor
depositors ; besides which, as a forthcoming report
upon Irish Savings Banks will show, they have in-
curred responsibilities which, to a great extent, par-
liament will be required forthwith to make good.
Now, we ask that this system shall be changed.
We ask in justice to the public and the poor that
the savings of the people shall be so invested
that no loss shall be incurred upon them. We
ask that means shall be taken, involving no
pecuniary sacrifice, to extend the principle of
Savings Banks, and to encourage their establishment.
We Rik that, at the same time, they should be
put upon a proper footing as regards management, in-
spection, and control ;—arrangements which are necea-
eery for the security of depositors, and desirable for
the protection of th managers from loss. We believe
all this may be secured witnout any additional cost to
the nation, and purely by a better system of regula-
tion. It is the discussion and considaiation of these
points that would be useful and desirable in parliament,
hut we are scarcely likely to have such a discussion at
an early morning pitting.
The government bill is framed upon a widely differ-
ent principle from any that we advocate. Itegardieg
Savings Banks as institutions a ntailin g a certain charge
upon the public revenue—looking at them in a merely
s. d. point of view—anxious to ex'ecu to the mis-
management of the fund—desiring, as it were, to get
a bill of ind-muity for the misapplications of the Na-
tional D.bt Commissioners,—the CHANCELLOR of the
Elm-if:QUER has introduced a bill which proceeds on the
assumption that all Savings Banks entail a lose on
the Exchequer ; that 21 per cent. is a fraudulent rate
of inters st to give the poor ; that no trustees or
managers can be trusted ; and that to improve the
system it is necessary to discourage the depositor by
re& •in ^•• Lis interest, and to impose on the managers
• •
entire respor,sibility at the same time that they are
divested of the least control! We predicted, three
months ago, that this meisuro would not do; we
told Sir CHARLE9 WoOD, six weeks back, that the
bill was virtually beaten and that it had better be
abandoned. The right hon, gentleman does not take
our word. Instead of boldly announcing the aban-
donment of the measure with a view to introduce a
better bill another year, be prefers to let the bill shuffle
off this mortal col at au early morning sitting to the
great incener nience of a number of persons who are
detained in town to watch it, and without a remote
probability of its receiving the consideration which
would alone justify any such prcceedirg. The
house, we think, may fairly protest against the waste
of time, even at an early morning sitting, which such
a discussion must necessarily involve.