The Express.
London, England, 1868-01-31 00:00:00

SPEARING OUT IN THE FRENCH CHAMBER

MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS.
The Time can see no excuse for the armament of
France on the grounds M. Marie puts forward, and
attributes it to the distrust of a ruler who is uncertain
whether there exists an identity of interest between him-
self and the nation he rules. This misapprehension
between Prince and people will never be effectually
allayed until "the edifice is crowned" by self-govern-
ment—not by transforming the nation into an army, but
by giving Frenchmen such liberties of speech and such
power over the ministers of the empire that they may
have their full share in deciding the destinies of France,
and may manifest their temper with no uncertainty of
voice or will.
The Standard considers the recall of the French troops
as of the utmost importance to Italy, provocative as it is
of • despondency and an irritation in northern Italy,
which may too easily And their expression in disturbance,
and give confidence to the malcontents of the south. Let
the French withdraw, their courage will sink, and their
schemes be abandoned or adjourned. Yet how can the
Emperor withdraw his soldier' without some security,
whilst the Italian peeliament declares that it regards all
roads as legal that lead to Rome ; and, on the other hand,
what security can the ministry give that the next Italian
government will desire and be able to keep • pledge to
protect the papal territory?
The Daily IV( en anticipates that should the South be
actually reorganised during the spring, and representatives
from the Southern States be actually sitting and voting in
Congress before the summer campaign begins, the republi-
can party will gn to the autumnal elections with all the
prestige of success. They are sure to carry their presi-
dential candidate, and as they will, with a favourable
President, need only a bare majority instead of the two-
thirds they now require and possess, the fear of any re-
action which can really deprive them of their supremacy
way well seem to them to be very remote indeed.
The Telegraph strongly condemns the East London
Relief and Mission Society for persisting in having its own
agents in order that it may combine the exposition of
Scripture and prayer with the giving away of food. The
evils of this bad practice are threefold ; it not only rens
the risk of demoralising the neighbourhood by sending into
it agents ignoring the work of other organisations ; but it
spoils the grace of charity by linking it with towed at-
tendance on peculiar ministrations ; and it stains religion
by associating it with a charity so doled out as to promote
the interest of sect. Strangely must they construe the
mission of Christianity who thus actually prostitute the
_ letter to destroy the spirit.
)bable

THE LATE Ma. CHARLES KEA.N.—The mortal
remains of Mr. Charles Kean were yesterday deposited
by the side of his mother in the family vault at adhering-
ton church, near Horndean, Hampshire. The cortoge left
Oneenaborough-terrace, Bayswater, where the deceased
gentleman died, punctually at 10 o'clock, for the principal
terminus of the South Western Railway, in order to pro-
ceed to Hampshire. It consisted of a hearse and three
mourning poaches. The mourners were Dirs. Charles Kean
and daughter, and Mies Chapman (a niece), the Rev. Mr.
Getty, Sir William Fergusson, Mr. Fergasson, Captain
Barrow, Dr. Joy, Mr. Young, and Mr. Everett. On
arriving at Horndean, a station about five miles north of
Havant, the procession was formed and proceeded direct
to Catherington, a secluded village a few miles distant.
On erriving at the church the body was received by the
vicar. The coffin, which we. severed with black cloth and
ornamented with black menntinp, bore the following and
:—" Charles John Kean, Esq. ; born 18th Jean.
ary, 1811 ; died 22nd January, 1868." The funeral eerie-
roomy "kited about twenty minutes. The church wis
nearly filled with Mends of the deceased from London and
neighbouring villages.

M. PELLETAN, speaking in the Legislative
Chamber on Wednesday on the Press Bill, said. `The
real object of your bill is to suppress journalism itself.
Like the captain of the Alabama, you are willing to save
the crew, but on condition of 'Finking the ship. (Applause
on some benches.) Nor is this all. You have thought fit
to add a new offence to the rich assortment already
found in our laws ; that of publishing an
article written by a man to whom the French
soil is interdicted. And what is the pretext
for such an enactment? Is it worthy of a great legis-
lator? On them unfortunate men who have been ex-
pelled from our territory by the force of circumstances,
you inflict an sdditional punishment—the exile of thought.
("Hear, hear," on the left of the speaker.) I now come to
the question of jurisdiction. We have in our amend-
ment demanded that each ease should come before a
jury, but the committee has rejected our pro-
position. Nevertheless, all great public writers
have pronounced in its favour, and M. Chusaing, an
eminent legal authority, declares that without the jury the
liberty of the press is a mere fallacy. If ever there was a
bench of judges in the world independent, honest, and
generally honoured, it is the English. (Noise.)
Several Voicsa—And the French judicial bench ":
palter IN—Nevertheless when Lord Mansfield sought,
by • mistaken interpretation of the law, to transfer the
judgment in press trials from the jury to the judges, he ex-
cited a tumult of reprehension, and a bill had to be laid be-
fore parliament to remove all doubt on the subject. With
us, gentlemen, the bench of judges forms one of the great
powers of the state, and when it pronounces in any press trial
referred to it by the government, it becomes a political tri-
bunal. If it acquits, it condemns. I will not say, the govern-
ment, but the prosecution, and thus places itself in a
state of conflict with the executive power. (Interrup-
tion.) On one occasion, under the Restoration, when the
Constitutionnel was acquitted, Paris was illuminated at
night. At the present day, we are in no danger of wit-
nessing such a spectacle for every article prosecuted is
sure to be condemned. (Great applause on the Left.)
The PRMIDRICL —This approbation seems to me to be
an attack on the character of those for whom we have the
highest respect, I mean the judges. (Hear, hear.)
M. l'ician—We shall discuss that institution as well as
all others.
M. GARKIRR-PAGE.; —The assembly has a right to dis-
cuss the judges themselves.
M. PICARD—And, in fact, the political judicature lays
itself open to discussion.
The Piummute—You are not only criticising judgments
already puled, but you are throwing suspicion on those
to come.
M. Banoene—This is calumniating the bench.
M. Prcaini—l have but one word to reply to the
honourable minister. For the last lei years we have not
had a single acquittal. (Various noises.)
M. LATOUnDu Mor us—We all desire to maintain the em-
pire and avert revolution, but since the Chamber has been
deprived of Its initiative bythe suppression of the Address,
the only means of control that the country possesses is in
the press. Not that the latter should have an unlimited
liberty, but • degree of freedom, prudently regulated,
because journals in France direct public opinion, whereas
in England, and more especially in America, where entire
liberty of the press exists, newspapers are pure commer-
, dal speculations. I cannot agree with the reasoning which
would take the jurisdiction over press offences from the
1 judge and give it to the jury. The judicial bench in
1 France is moat honourable and most independent.
DL Otars-Brzont —Not in political cases.
M. LATOCR nu Moral'—Even in political.
M. GLant-Insors—l deny it.
M. LATOCR DU MOULIN—That is your opinion and
Ime with pleasure that you stand alone in it. But
we are told that this bill is only • first step
towards greater liberty. It is so stated in the re-
port. Why go by steps? What difference is there
between one time and another ? The jargons of men are
always the same, and if the introduction of the jury in
press cases be contemplated, why not establish it at
once! However, the whole principle of the bill is in the
suppression of the preliminary authorisation ; it is • great
step in advance, and upon this ground alone I shall vote for
it. I also approve of the system of caution-money, and
on this point lam is agreement with high authorities ;
hut I condemn altogether the retention of the stamp duty,
which is • monopoly in favour of the existing journals.
There is no stamp duty in England nor in America, and I
believe it is about to be abolished even in Prussia. Then,
the penalties laid down in the bill appear to me to be
severe, especially those of suspension and suppression.
which practically amount to a power of confiscation.
(Approbation from the Left.) The provisions. too, re-
specting the punishment of imprisonment are most in-
consistent and illogical ; but, taking the bill as it
stands, the government clearly bas not considered it as one
of urgency, for we are only discussing it now a year after
it has been announced. I do not, however, accuse the
Chamber ; but I say as a friend of the government that
those who demand a regulated liberty are the true
Bonapartiats, because they desire to render possible the
maintenance of the Empire end the future of the dynasty
which perhaps you are daily making more difficult by your
thoughtless policy. (Slight murmurs.) Take care that
the day may not come when you shall hear that
ill-
warned exclamation, "It is too late !" (" Hear, hear','
and applause.)