The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-02-12 00:00:00

ar—Medium grades State and Western a shade firmer

with a moderate demand for export and home consumption :
salee-8,1500 brls' com. to extra State 8 to 8 31, com. to
good Michigan- 8 to 81, good to fancy and low grades extra
Western 81 to 81. extra Genesee 9 to 11 ; 400 brls Canadian
84 to 10; 900 do. corn meal $4. Rye 129 to 1 31. Bar-
ley-800 bush. fair two-rowed 1 221 Shipping cJrn a shade

es 17,000 bush. at 81 to 84 for Jersey yellow, 86
to 92 for new Southern yellow and white, and 90 in store
ed Western. Oats lower, 44 to 47c and 48 to 52.
r firmer, 34 to 35c. Pork—Sales 600 brls, mess 164
prime 141. Beef barns-100 brls $l2 to $l5.
ness beef more active, 1,000 tcs Ohio and Illinois
?3. Dressed hoes 74 to 7-4. Cut meats—Shoulders
1. hams 81-, to 94. Bacon--400 bxs 04 for city
Lard-650 brl 101 to 114-. Sugar-200 bhds Cuba
olasses— 200 brls N 0 41 to 45c. Spirits. turpen-
-50 Hs 414-0. Iron-70 tons Scotch 33 to $34, Ems.
i-40 hhds Ky 9to 13c. Rice firm, 80 tcs 42 to
weights to Liverpool quiet, flour 2s 61, grain 71 to
)n 7-32 'to ;to Havre nominal, flour 75 to 80,
to 18, cotton to I, rice 5 10, lard Ito Be.
quite dull, and sales confined to wants of brokers.
not plentiful, but a fair supply at full previous rates.
exchange 108 to 1081.
NEW ORLEANS, Jan. 29.—Sales of cotton up to noon to-
y, 1000 bales; demand fair at unchanged prices. Freights
to Liverpool 1d by British vessels.

Sterling

THE CENTRAL AMERICAN QUESTION,

PROCEEDINGS IN THE AMERICAN SENATE

On the 24th of January, in answer to a call from the
Senat?, President Peirce sent to the two Houses of Congress a
message communicating the letter of Lord John Russell to
the American Government, under date of January,' 1853,
and which was as follows :

RD JOHN RUSSELL TO MR, CRAMPTON

LONDM, Jan, 19, 18.53,

Sift—ln treating of the affairs of Mosquito, I must in the-
first place refer you to the despatch of Lord Malmesbury of the
6th of July, 1852, upon this subject. It is evident that
since Great Britain first assumed the protection and defence
of the Mosquito Indians, the position of all parties has
changed.

First—Spain, instead of exercising absolute sovereignty over
Central America, and prohibiting all commerce on the coats
under her sway, has entirely lost her dominion over the con-.
Cape Horn to Florida,
The Mosquito Indians, instead of governing their

Second

own tribe according to their own customs, furnish a natiie and
title to Europeans and Americans who carry on trade at Grey-
town and along the Coast of Mosquito, according to the usages
of civilised nations.

Third—Great Britain, instead of having an interest in the
defence of the Mosquito Indians, for the sake of rescuing part
of the territory of Central America from Spanish control, and
obtaining an authority for her commerce, has no other interest
in Mosquito than that which is derived from an honourablq
regard for her old connection with the Indian nation of
Mosquito.

Her Majesty's government has for several years endea-
voured to suit her engagements to the altered circumstances of
the case ; but every proposal that has been made with this view
has encountered some insuperable obstacle. The contentions
in Central America between Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Hon-
duras ; the absence of any authority with which any permanent
agreement could be made; unfounded jealousies of Great
Britain, and various other circumstances, have prevented the
settlement of this vexatious question.
In conformity with the o. inions stated in Lord Malmes-
bury's despatch of July 16, to which I have already referred, I
have to state that the committee of government of Greytown
are in fact the real power that exercises authority in that part
of Central America. To her Majesty's government it would
atter of indifference 'whether that authority was exer-
the name of the King of Mosquito or in name of Grey-
self. But it is desirable that what is apparent should
eto conform as far as possible with what is real. What
•ent is that the King of Mosquito exercises sovereignty
over Greytown. What is real, is that ho has no authority
there whatever, but that the committee of Europeans and
Americans carry on the government of that port.
What her Majesty's government should consider a good and

be mad

flee and independent port, connected with Mosquito by such
relations of friendship and alliance as may be agreed upon,
Second, thnt indemnification, or advantages equivalent to those
laid down in the project of convention of the 13th of April,
1852, shall be assured to Mosquito in return for its withdrawal
from its present position with regard to Greytown. Third,
Britain and the United States, without guaranteeing
L-1 be ready to act in concert to defend the

that Gr

of the free city or port of Greytown, from what-
t might be attacked. What is essential and of
iportance, is that the authorities of Greytown

should be ready to assume either unqualified independence,
with an engagement to defend Mosquito, or qualified indepen-
dence, owing allegiance and support to Mosquito. For this

purpose, some person qualified to treat should
proceed at once to Greytown. Whether a naval
officer of her Majesty's service, or a civil one would be
3n to be entrusted with this mission, I must leave
.ride. It would be desirable if the government of
Pfates should concur in these views, that a nes
f the imaccente4

a fitter

g►rcem en t

ualified should be sent by that

zovernment

the same object

y further to say that indemnity to Mosquito
be not made in money, but in greater security
'd territory within which the free port of Grey.
by her Majesty's ships of war, might manage to

defend the Mosquito nation: The Governor General of Canada
and authorities in other of her Majesty's North American
possessions have made, from time to time, agreements some-
what similar. The President of the United States has
frequently made conventions with the Indians to the like effect.
The peculiarity of this case is, that certain neighbouring States
deny altogether the independence of Mosquito, and the Mos-
quito nation are liable every day to new incursions upon their
territory. We can make no complete provision against this
danger. Our policy is to do all that honour and humanity
require in behalf of the Mosquito nation. But we intend to
adhere strictly to the treaty of Washington of tho 19th April,
1850, and not to assume any sovereignty, either direct or
indirect, in Central America. J. RUSSELL.

4EMORANDUIII IN MR. EVERETT'S HANDWRITING

Mr. Crampton authorised me to communicate this to
Congress in any way I thought proper.

After the reading of the letter, Mr. Clayton rose and
said.—

Mr. President, I desire to move the printing of that
communication. I hope that the Senate will order that
five hundred copies, or some other moderate number, in
addition to the usual quantity, be printed, and that it will
be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. I shall
make such a motion before I sit down; but my immediate
object is to call the attention of the Senate and of the
country to that letter, particularly to the concluding
sentence of it, and to its whole tone and spirit. The
declaration solemnly made by the British government to
ours on the 19th day of January, 1853, then was, that
Great Britain " intends to adhere strictly to the provisions
of the treaty of Washington of the 19th April, 1850, and
not to assume directly or indirectly, any sovereignty
over Central America." Sir, we could ask no more ;
that is precisely what was meant by the treaty ; and
that is the language of one of those who was a rleading
man in power at the time when the treaty was made.
I say, sir, that it was under the administration of
this gentleman and his friends that the treaty
with Great Britain of the 19th April, 1850, was made; and
it to all fair men, whether they who made the treaty
not better competent to put a fair construc-
tion on it than those who came in afterwards under a new
administration, hostile to that, and were never believed to
he friendly to the objects of it. True it was that Lord
Palmerston was at the head of the Foreign Office at the
time the treaty was formed, but his letters were subject to
the direction of the Premier; he could write nothing which
the Premier did not approve of, no more than I then could
Lve written anything of which the President of the United
States ,f,id not approve. Shortly after that letter was
written, Lora;
Tohn Russell went out of the Foreign Office,
and Lord Clarendon -7.11nn in
of Lord Aber and Lord Palmerston, instead
'een or Lore;
n'hn Russell, stood at the head
of the administration of the Briz;1! eovernment. From that
time, and not until then—from the-time of the change of
that administration—commenced a series of hostile decla-
rations—declarations entirely subversive of the true
meaning of the treaty—which, at last, have brought us to
GreaPtolßnrt* where we now stand—in peril of a rupture with
'tam. Mr. President, need I call the attention Gf
the Senate to the difference between the language here used
and that contained in Lord Clarendon's letters to our
Minister in London, which were lately laid beferpCon-
Tess ? Lord Clarendon were
under the direction of Vise
ra,l7takreinetsaiiitulles position that the
iunt Palmerston, the
.to operate, so far
instead of operating
o the interest of Giniree
_t futuro. It is
erospective in its operation," Ilene effect of which
hem in possession of everything they claimd
reaty was made, while it debars us from the
an acre of ground in the whole territory of
States. Directly hostile and antagoe
metie—as strongly as two positions can be—are the
letters of Lord John Russell, one of those who assisted in
making the treaty, and were understood at the time to be
in favour of the treaty, and the declaration of the new
British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, acting under a new
British Premier, suspected at the time of being hostile to
the arrangement, now informing us, for the first time, that
the treaty was prospective in its operation, and did not
either retract, or act in prcesenti, when it was made, Mr.
Presia.”,

I put 1
with us wc

as relates

says he,

is to lea

acqulst
the Central Americ

the able audaadmirable State papers which were
submitted by our Minister in London in opposition to the
special pleading and pretexts of the British Ministry, have