The Express.
London, England, 1850-01-17 00:00:00

4 highest. Lovett. Closing
———
3 per Gents. I-67
67 65 37 73 37 90 37 70 47 SO
3 par Cants.
Is 5 do. New Lam s• ss o
te par OPAL 92"26 s• wo .. I
pie Puts ....... - 73 26 ~ o
a:wheelies:on Lottoos.; Ni days, 7.3 40 ;"16 470,45 274
Bide. n, lis, 1960
Ds. 6, 1942
Do. 44 .....•••••• 91i „ Treasury Bonds 4 „
Do. Bank Mona ... 2330
.6 If
Boom.—Paris and °eke's, 120; Ports sad Bonen, 393; Sown
and Haw% 34760; Avignon and Mannino., 217 50; Stranboarg and
Basle, 113; Grimm and hoedown, 413; Northern, 463 75;
Paris sad blembourg. 360; Tears and Nantet, 275; Mos:derma and
Troyes, 115; Cahn and Montpellier, —; Bt. Germain, 410; Ter-
sank' (right bank) 943 75; Orleans and 1 lemon, 333 75.

PARIS, lan. 10. Pot -
limey. Opening 1
.... 3
••
•

Foe Account

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.—TunDAy.

The general discussion on the organic law relative
to public instruction was continued; and, alter M. Barthe-
lemy de St. Hilaire had concluded the remarks which he
had left unfinished the day before, M. Ferias, Bishop of
Langres, amended the tribune, and in en ricqu• at speech
stated what would be the conduct of the clergy on this
occasion.

In the mune of his speech, the Limnos of LANGRES said—
Yon tell us that our co-operation in this matter will be
valuable for the tranquillity and security of the country.
We believe your words for your sincerity is not doubt= by
us, end a man whom high intelligence and noble character
we so omen respect, DI. de Falloux, has affirmed the same.
In such a situation, we have only a word to reply, and that is—
We are ready to aid you in doing good. But do not assert that
we have aphid for the mixed position which is given us—do
not say that a favour is conferred on us. I conjure you to
bear in mind during this discussion that the church demiseds
above all things is lull liberty—the liberty to do es much good
as possible, the liberty of its worship, or its instruction, of
its works, ef its alms ; what the church asks is not the favour
of taking part In your schools, but of opet.ing its own. By
your-bill, you ask us to aid you in keeping yours. We reply
by agreeing to the rude labour which the new position pre-
pares for as, and it is in that sense that I accept the bell.
Yet, in consequence of the gravity of the question, I cannot
descend from the tribune without having made certain re-
........... The first is that the bill so= always preserve
certain provisions adopted by the committee,
_ and which
appear indispensable for religious liberty. The second is
that doctrinal decisions adopted for instance with respect to
pupils destined to teaching, adopted, I say, by the Ideal
committee, sewn when the bishop may be there represented,
shall sever be supposed to shackle the conscience, nor inter-
fere with the concise& of the bishop. in their cure of souls
The third is that u this is a new path on which we sre en-
tering, and as we cannot at present calculate with accuracy
all its effects, if experience shall happen to demoastrate that
these effects ere contrary to their faith, the bishops shall be
at liberty to withdraw. Ir, on the contrary, as I hope
and as you yourselves firmly believe, and as is certainly poe
able, your bid effects the good of tire country—inseparable
is my opinion, from the well-being of religion—the bishops
and the clergy will give you most dowel), sod without any
secret thought or reservation, their full support. (Approb.
duo.) Oa thus terms, and with thou red rvatiens and
explanations, I accept the bill. (Renewed approbation.)
K. VICTOR Hvoo said that at that advanced hour he
should bring what he had to say into the shortest possible
space ' • but be nevertheless thought that the Assembly ert.uld
grant him the necessary time on such an important question.
In his opinion, the certain object to which the bid ought to
tend was that gratuitous instruction was obligatory. Gratui-
tous instruction was obligatory in the first degree, and
in all degrees. (Laughter.) Obligatory primary instruo-
don was • right of youth, a right mura sawed than
the right of living, and which was confounded with that of
the state. lie wished to have an extensive public instruc-
tion given and regulated by the state. He wished that its
startiug point should be the village school, and that it thould
rise as far as the Institute ; he would have the gates of science
set wide open to every capacity. He would not hays a com-
mune without • school, not a town without • college, not a
chief town without • faculty. (Interruption.) He wished
that France should present a vast ensemble, • sort of network
of intellectual workshops. France 'hooka present a vast net-
work of intellectual workshops, • group of gymnasiums, of
colleges, and of libraries, witaout say solution of continuity.
He wished that the heart of the people should
be placed in constant communication with the bridge
of France. He was aware that the solution of the prob
km contained en important financial question, but it
the hour bed not been so advanced he could have shown,
by entering into details, that he perfectly understood it, and
those who interrupted him would have been compelled to be
silent. He should, however, now look at the question in its
real point of View. He advocated freedom of instruction
with the surveillance of the state, bat by the state exclu-
sively laical, as was understood and wished for by M. Cluaxot.
He would not admit as the personification of the state any
men who had an interest either of conseienee or of policy
drama from national unity. He would not introduce into
the councils of surveillance either bishops or delegates of
bishops. Ho wished for the complete separation of church
=duet*, for that would tend to the interest of both Toe
present bill would be nothing but • weapon the more given
to the clergy. The tendency of the bill was to place the
country in their hands. He was one of those who
wished for the amelioration of the condition of the
people. it was the duty of all, whether poets or writers, to
turn the attention of the people towards a better world. He
would, therefore, ardently support any plan of religious in-
struction, but he wished for the religious instruction of the
church, and not that of • party ; he wished it to be sincere,
and not hypocritical; he washed the object in view to be
heaven and riot earth. He would not hove the professor'.
chair invade the altar, nor would he have the priest inter
few with the professor. He would open the eye of the laical
state on the seminaries, and, until the day when education
should be completely free, he would not have it watched over
by the clergy. The bill proposed he rewindu a strategic
one ; it was the chef d'onsore of the clerical party. He could
not personify that party ; he did not see it in the Assembly ;
he did not see it in the government. God forbid that he
should be suppmed to make allusion to the Bishop of Langres,
but ..• could not help expressing his distrust at tne clerical
party ; he would not entrust it with the development of the
rising generation he would sot confide to its hands the
mews welfare of Frew*. The btll had one great fault—it
said one thing and did another. It was like the usual plan
of the government, every time that it forged • chain it called
it liberty ; when it de-reed • peceeription it gave It the
name of an amnesty. In the remarks that he had made, he
did not mean to confound the church with the clerical party,
for the latter was the disease of the former. The clerical
party was an ancient one ; it had a pest of several conturits,•
it was it whiskdluove red that truth wee but ignoranceand
error. Its history was written in that of all the progress of
the human mind, but it was written at the back of the page,
It was it which put Campanella seven times to the torture
for having affirmed that the number of worlds was lotions.
It was it which imprisoned Steam persecuted Columbus,
and =sainted.= Passel, and Holier,. It
bad long sought to pet a band on the human mind.
And now it would be master of public instruction ;
but there was not a post, • philosopher, or an emi-
nent man that would accept it. There was a book which
appeared to be the emanation of human united with divine
wisdew which people called the Bible, and yet there had
been popes who bad dared to primeribe that book, and this
petty claimed liberty of instruction; but the liberty which it
really wished for was that of not teaching. (Approbation
and laughter on the Lett) The clerical party wished to
instruct, and it would be therefore well to look at what it
had done for centuries when Italy and flpsin were in its
hands. Thanks to it, Italy, that mother of nations, of posts,
of genius, and of the arts, now knew not how to read. Spain
had lost her rank among nations, but it was use that she
had gained the inquisition, an astabliehment which Lime in
that Assembly bad wished to re-establids (Interrup-
tion.) He rejected the bill bemuse it ciamaged Flinch
feelings—bseauee It degraded instruction, lowered the
level of science, and debased the human mind. He
was one of those who felt the blood mount to his
forehead whenever France experienced a diminution
el territory, as ia 1815, or • diminution of intellect, as
It was now wished to impose es her. He would give the
clerical party • little serious advice ; Let it beware of the
darkness caused is men's minds by the shade of the surplice.
On the 11.Mht—It is instating to the catholic faith.
On the Left.—He is right is what he says.
M. Leo LABORDI.—It is infamous
On the Left.—He demi not speak of priests.
On the Right.— Whom dose he allude to, Men, when he
talks of the surplice?
M. V. Hutio.—The clerical party was alarmed at social-
ism ; it saw the waves rising, and it imsgma that it will have
eared society when it shall have combined material mist.
ance with social hypocrisy and placed a Jesuit wham,
there is not a gendarme. (ff:plosion of marmus, and pm-
longed bravos on the Leit.) Let it, however, Lem to