The Express.
London, England, 1868-09-09 00:00:00

THE PUBLIC HE.ILTH.

The Begistrar-General', weekly retunt says :
In the week that ended on Satuntay. Sept. .1, 4,313 With.;
and 3,363 deaths were registered iu Loudon and in 13
other large towns of the I.7uitcd Kingdom. In Lou-
don the births of 91.1 boys and 1.U04 gods, in: all
1,1423 children, were registered in the week. In the
correspeueling weeks of ten years Itefe4-6: the average
mauls r, corrected for base ase of population. is 2,003.
lie e:enthe registered in Loudon during the ueek. were
1,362. It was the thirty-sixth week of the year : and the
average number of deaths foe that week is, wale a
cc:erection for increase of populatiou. doethe in
thepreteuteeturn exceed by.l9 the est inert ale.) int b state
slightly below the number recorded in the pn.ceeleei eek.
The deaths from eynnetic thseake• were 438, the co.
average nemilmr being 429. 'lwerity-two ilectbs from
measles, 63 from scarlatina, b fr eliphthe ti, :11 from
when)} ing-e ough, :and 49 from fever were registenth One
bundled end seventy-throe deaths from dial-thine were
recorded : in the preceding week the number was 186.
At the Royal Observatory, tireencrieb, the mean height
of the barometer iu the week way 301120 in. The baro-
metrical reading increased from 291 1 in. on Monday, 31st
August. to 30.16 in. on WeAlues.hey, bed September.
The wean tempi:suture of the air iu the week warn 63.3
deg.. which is 6.6 deg. above the average of the moue week
in 64) years (as determined by Mr. tilintherl. The highed
day tompendure was 862 deg. en Friday, 4.1 a Sep-
tember. The lowest night tASWIWratIIA) was 19.; deg.,
on Tuesday, let September. m• entire range of tem-
perature in the week was, therefore, vra deg. Ac-
cording to a return furnished by the engiueer Of
the Metropolitan Bused of Works, the daily average
quantity of sewage pumped into the river Thames at tho.
Southern Outfall Works, Crossness. was 43,29'2.1.52 gal-
lons, or 196,696 cubic metros, equirttlect to about WI
many tons by weight.

CLOWN-OFFICE, SEPT. 7.—The Queen has been
Veatod br a commission eider the Great Seal of the
Tilted hiugdem of Great Britain mut Ireland to appoint
Janes Itaton,l.r.q., one of her Illapetty's counsel learned
in the law, to be one of the oatuariesiouere of the Court of
Banktuptcy, ill the room of Edward tioulbuni, earjeaab.
at-law, d. tot Caalte.
ACIOIPTI4T TO A PAPSENtIEtt BOAT AT MARGATE.
—CM the artier.' at Margate yeterilay of the Moodie
eh-ear-ix at (Captain Frcat), which belongs to the (legend
Steam Navigation Company, and plies between Thema
Haven aud Margate, she was driven en the cost aide of
the old landing place, where the iounained m us very peek.
lout pesitien for about two hotne. During that time a
Aram wind way blowing from the V.l't and she was
fre.it.ently teas bed agaistst the iron jetty with great
force. Iller ptitldlt,wheel v. :is 1.. a' to at. so 4. rid her
trop work lvut into a vatiety ..t 8..d.1,..• sustain.
ing these at,l ether jai. •ie away th Neuter
volition of the east tide et ll t• tinting
place. ieviral of the n . *aptaitt
unfortunatelyk greatly injured ~L hi. hall 1.. Shortly
after 6 cieka. on the tide falling, the v.•.ael was renamed
Lau iL:4'llSL:eta . • 'a:J. 1.1 !Li= :kW,

Vie erpress.

PREVICESeI!,

Ti4l4 Et-117.411M, A CHARII24O PAIR.—ATTRII DARK: A
TALEOF LONDON LIVE. Mr. Vtaing, M. Walter Lary,
Inaustsok M,,rrat-, Montague, %ore, • lAtoses Yaratonand
Lhl.r•'l —And MATTER JONES'S BIRTHDAY.

QL-ELVB THEATRE, LONG-ACM.
Mlnagar, Mr. W. U. Ltat.m.
Tn'a Eraarso, at 7, TOMKIN'S TR(WIIT.E.4. Mr. T,.
111.4 Mon,agv• —.trl THE LANCASHIRE LASS.
741,;a, . 1. ,Inz, L. Bratzb, titephoa, Wyndham, Carton,
,r. Manta..aa., and Nety IGpare.

STRAND.
, r.,•.trva. RTSTF.IIT,Ir HERVICE.—Tur FM. .D OF TEE
CI.VIII vi'uGLl).—Ani MARRIAGE AT Asir plum

BfUTAN'NIA.

I!..MANT FATITCR.
M• -Law . lien' atrt

11: IN", htt.

1:';17.;,i;',.T.t
-. I.II.,DWAVMAN rAnstri!. Mr

TIME WAILS AT LONDON BitTDOE

T - --31);a4,z, .1. Mn Afternoon.~
•;6. 3!re.
Z4,m Aftkmook, n. _as.

NOTICE.
- P:7.115, 'ls!-.p.:l6ea, and D71T71., are rtttilNA
va;11 12 4,',14a,k tor in-. ition sane evogna. Frit.* 1. IL

Lr,N hfiY, WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 9.

71: I. ID ILI I. PART)" IN

T:- ~f the opposition in the Corps
1 if France are a noble little bawl, all
is •:•ii c i hole character awl ability, if not all of
(goal oratorical power. bent on doing their duty
and Fla Mg courageously the overwhelming majo•
• •Ly that tries hard to crush and silence them. But
they or:. not all /litany consistent, and among them
are In, n like Thies and the Ligh-sonled Berryer,
who are limited in their usefulness by some old
*OA,/ hments and obsolete theories which vitiate
consequences of their political position
asi,l stake 11 their power for good. Nothing can
give weight and strength and make amends fur
vise,. of zoiruhm s in the opposition party but die-
itoor-atisi allegiance to every established truth,
w luiwelcome. which conies of freedom
(.% d:./cr-slcn and better knowledge of what makes
good government. and increases the welfare of
Oils:kind. Artificial theories, based on the super-
of lees enlightened ages, although sane-
-1 e • .1 by eusioni and hallowed by sacred memories.
ell I,:toi,h before the light of reason and the
ogr •fts of a more scientific interpretation of the
Ise/ of nature. Now. within this narrow
cir- of iiidepenclent men who are sent
to the Corps Li•gislatir to defend the
rights anal freedom of the French nation
against the insiilious endeavours of an arbitrary
gor•rniveut, haunted by the feta• of revolution
end by the memory of its own antecedents, to
tighten the bonds of its authority, is a group of
ttslroughgoing patriots who acknowledge 160 law
fait justice, and scorn all compromise with truth.
'IV. worthy son of a great man, Carrot, the honest
Ostrnier PagOs, the enthusiasitie Pelletan, that un-
tiring critic (dais-Bizoin, and last not lewd, the
occomplisheil orator, moral philosopher, and press-
tics! philanthropist Jules Mission, the author of the
book which we take for our text, are the most united
in w lion and advanced in political opinions of the
Cott: gauche...
`• f. l'olitique Ittislicule• - is a defence of the
do:Alines and condw:t of this little group of large-
hearted and able men, men tried in the furnace
of revolution sad found pure. M. Jules Simon,
availing himself of the 80th article of the imperial
docr:o of the 3111 of February, P4Bl, has published
,soma of his speeches delivered in the Corps Ikgis-
Setif OA such important subjects as the " Separa-
boo of Church end *ate,- " Liberty of the Fem.,"
rftholition of /standing Armies," " Public Educa-
tion," " ltight of Meetisigand Association." and has

•In Politivie ltvdiad.. P,v JuLau Stuox,
Puri% Libratirie Intenustiouale. 11.438. London :
LO Nutt.

added a preface in which ho explains • a 1 analyses
the opinions and defends tho prinoiple • of what he
«sliders the only genuine rsdioal policy. We
will proceed to give * short amount of the book
and its oontents.

"There are so many parties in Frames, sad so many di-
visions in those parties." says M. gimps. "that there
'rarely remains any word in the language of politics which is
positively clear . . As in England at the present moment
every rotitiad party, and every division of the two great
notions of politicians known as conaervative or liberal, all
claim to be the only ' true liberals,' so in Prance ' absolu-
tists,' monarchial*, or Jacobins—who put their system
above liberty— and the ultra-liberals, who pot liberty
above everything else, claim equally, and with equal rea-
son, the title of radicals,' whroh signifies, in their use of
the word, oimplymea of principle . ." "It iadearable,
therefore, to add that the railieslime dismissed in this book
is radicalism in the sense of liberty." "Neither in theory
nor in practies," M. Simon goes oe to say, "is it safe or
wise to hesitate, and the first conditioa for Willing oar
duty is to know with reasosable oertainty what that duty
is. To believe without understanding is to roams our-
selves ineerobleo, and is not belief at all ; not to use our
resem is resign its authority altogether. It is both
neocesary to know what we do, and why. we do it,
what we believe, and why
.we believe. It is of tittle
consequemoe to me whether the symbol of my
politico comes from • prophet, or • tradition, or a ma-
jority. I only believe what my reason sanctions; I
submit to nothbg bat the proof. . . . Prophet, tra-
dition, majority, must all pain before my reason as their
supreme judge."

But this haughty resolve of the true " radical,"
to listen to no authority but reason, must be
qualified by obedience to laws established, on pain
of his exclusion from all practical action in the
improvement or repeal of these laws, and this
qualification our author gives us further on in his
preface, when be says :

In tho society of which we are part we demand before
anything elm the right to think and speak ; and as to our
seta, we submit them to the general will expressed in the
existing laws, provided always that we are permitted to
help in the making of those laws, and when those laws
!UV establislull we may stall, while obeying them. exert
all our efforts to reform them if we think they have need
of reformation.

In this defence of the sovereignty of reason M.
Juke' Simon only follows in the steps of the " doc-
trinaires." It is due to them to remember that
they were the first to introduce and establish
this pinciple in France, although they failed
in their subsequent conduct to follow its logical
consequences. M. Guizot and his school all went
so far on the road of radical policy as to maintain
that the true legitimate sovereignty was not to be
found in the monarch, not in the senate, not in
the multitude, but in justice and reason ; not cer-
tainly the particular reason of one man, but reason
in its purity, unalloyed by human passions. It
was a great step in political science to show that
arbitrary power is not more legitimate in the
people than in the prince, but that above the will
of the master, whoever he might be, or above
whatever body in which the principle of authority
might be centred, it was necessary to place reason
and right, the principles of liberty. But this
point once gained, the problem still remained—to
whom belonged this limited sovereignty—inherent
neither in prince nor people, but still the only ono
possible in civilised human society. In the solu-
tion of this problem the doctrinaires most signally
failed, and the sacrifice of their first principles to
the intriguing, mean, and corrupting policy of
Louis Philippe, led to the disastrous revolution of
li44M. It was not a little attributable to the criti-
cisms and comments of the men who now form the
"little group of radicals" in the Corps Ikgislatif
that the government of Louis Philippe was so
easily upset. Not that they bad aimed at revolu-
tion in their writings, for they asked for nothing
but reform : (see in the first volume of "Ls
Liberte de Penser," "De la Ri-forme Electoralo
par Jule.; Simon," published in January, 1861) but
because under their scathing rebukes of the gross
violation of the first principles of morality and
justice by the administration of the Chamber of
Deputies. the people lost all respect and confidence
in the " Roi bourgeois" It is this same moral
point of view which characterises all M. Siincm's
disquisitions whether on the conduct and objects of
the radical party, or the policy of the present go-
vernment of France. It is to be borne in mind
that the men composing this party have all taken
the oath of allegiance to the Emperor, and that it
is not a dynastic opposition they represent, but the
opposition of independent critics and sworn
telhereuts of the great principles of liberty,—
rty of confidence, liberty of thought, liberty of
'l4, eh, lil.crty of industry. There must Le certain
institutions which " this little group," whose
poliey we are now reviewing, are bound to res-
iset Lye reason of the terms on which they are pe•r-
ntitte to enter the Chamber, and the discussion of
wb ill) i • necessarily protected by thejealotisansiety
or tv for the preservutien of public order.
Bat all disc ussion mud opposition within these
liillits site alike their privilege and duty. It sub
rec. for their justification that liberty and autho-
rity are not contradictory elements in political
rare,seio and they Lave a perfect right to defend
tie lip erly of common rights against the encroach-
ea ids of the Meaty of pri% liege. We will quote
Jules Sin.ii's own words in his de,criptiun
of his party and its characteristics :

The little group which now (April, 1988) forms the op-
position of the teat (r.i.pout:on de la gauche) is composed
of radicals. It is much attacked by its enemies, as it
naturally would be, and al,o by its friends, which is
about as natural. Their enemies reproach them for
making no concessions, and their friends reproach them
for makingtoo many. They reply to their ene.niee ever
day, as they would reply to their friends, that in all
=Mere of principle they defy any one to accuse them of
ever de g from those they profess. If they have oc-
Cirri voted for measures only relatively liberal, awl
neither up to their level nor their hopes, it his only bees
after defending their own principles openly and fervently,
and appealing to their future vindication.
They cannot forget that they are bent to the Chamber for
political business. and to do their best to forward every
measure which tends to progress. They have not sought
and obtained their noruiliation of deputies to upend their
time in inaction, which would indeed be very comfortable,
but very welts& There is a great difference between ac-
cepting a partial progress and stopping there, which is
characteristic of the tier. perti, anal -accepting it only as a
step in advance, which is certainly the duty of the radiml
party. . . . . To resume our policy we may say—we
do not damned all or nothing—we do not call fur liberty
entire or not at all. We say, give us freedom everywhere
and in all things at once, if it can be done; but if such a
full, and complete, and immediate success is impossible,
every liberty, one after another, until the reign of liberty
has Italy come. Only we do not choose to be duped by
words, and as ept for liberties a mere increase of pri-
vilege,.

No reflecting Engll4i reader will object to
suelt a statement of principles, and every liberal
tiolitieian will rejoiec to see them so nobly applied
as the speechee reported itt this volume show
them to Le.

The same independent action, IL. Jules Simon
proceeds to show, guides him and his colleagnes in
their refusal of all alliance with other parties in
the Chamber, and he says to those less uncompro-
mising than the opposition de to rtuche:

It is by out obstinaey and endurance that we do you
ti nest service. We could not, by meeting you half way, give
you more than fifteen votes, which would not transform
you into a majority; while, by our mordant adherenec to
the absolute" we prevent you from being satisfied too
ea•ily. We are constantly attracting you to the summits
whereon we stand. We put au inflexibility into politics
which, without us, would be but the low art of managing
Inmanity by taking advantage of its weakneeses.
Granted, if you like, that you represent knowledge,
moderation, and ability, our function is not
the same ; we representun.seiener.

Au opposition party, however, must not confine
itself to opposition only, or it becomes a perpetual
negation. A party really in earnest to promote a
certain policy must so define the principles
of that
_policy, that it may be in a position
to take office when called upon to put those prin-
ciples into practice. But II programme sufficiently
explicit and exhaustive of the manner in which its
principles are to be applied to existing questions
in discussion, and to future questions which time
must bring, is not an easy document to draw up in
such a comprehensive manner as to insure the
unlinching support of the whole party. There
may be traitors in the eamp- at any ratreweak
spirits, men with crotchets and with prejudices,
the plague of real radicalism iu England as wall
a,, in Flaws%

II wit Comedy (..ays Simon) to be either
hilt al or convervative. It L. trot so tam, when society is
an pi neliated, with Luigi. ting opinions. waut of faith, auil
positive rotivictious. A liberal politimil programme must
modals not owly what tho party it reprrAonta calla liberty,
but what M gluteus are ow ouch questlous us deszoororT,

sots and metaphysics—fur tuttaphyss:, Lieu im•e4,Bii
again to a canoe of dieoord ; and ao my di the better, if
it t e an indication of a return to the philosophy of politic.
i E and blatory. Mite if the prim.* ot rqrfe•,e4sh-
lashed as tht luddhig test, it lionslif not rent ampllta
Wm MA disagreement. The is nothi 'dawn difficult ta
data said to understand t -., libo ," and the best
of that is Prot ererytx calls "liberal."
has lb* war fate as prineilaiss of VI% i it .is
ionnibtad upon .4wery below?. Mare not We latatd during
the peat winter that the best way to secure liberty was to
repave@ newspapers, or, what comes to the aunt thing, to
put them under a censorship? Do not wo see liberal
legitimists and liberal Jacobins? Is not decentralisation
the very mane of liberty according to some, and is it not
according to another upon centralisation alone that liberty
can repose?
---- - •

- -
Divided upon so many points it is impossible to
concert a programme that will unite all the libe-
rals in a homogeneous union, " One party, and
one party only can have a programme, the radical
party, because everything is sample and clear to
demonstration in the world of principles. They
treat polities as a science; developing- the conse-
quences of a principle without reference to the
obstaakethat Iwo! it ; and
_are not diverted from
Omer resolution by any Wash interests or any
artificial restraints of custom or antiquity.
But these advocates of liberty, " just and im-
partial liberty," are not its fanatical worshippers at
the expense of reason and experience. They are
the immortal; of order and the authority which
insures it. Without a settled and strong govern-
intuit society could not exist a moment—a merely
tolerated authority does not fulfil the oonditiona
of its existenoe and always ends in violent excesses.
We will quote M. Jules blimon's own words :
There are two ways of being violent : —by temperament,
or by weakness. If it were only a question of abolishing
either liberty or authority, they would be but two
ways to do it, and both are simple enough—des-
potwm, or authority without limits, and anarchy,
or liberty without restraint. The science of polys
ties really oonsibts in reconciling authority and
liberty in • just equilibrium—and the dilferenee of
the e third party" and the radicals* that the latter would
go to the utmost limits in the limitation of authority.
Their formula is not "no action," but " as little action
as possible." They are, in fact, the very opposite of
anarchists, for they maintain that anthority cannot he
strong unless just, and that it is only just when 11ACIMI.
hSII7, and within the limits of uneasily. When thelitate
donlinds • useless sacrificed liberty, it is not strengthened
but weakened, it excites the opposition of reason and
right. Thor* then, who endeavour to restrain it within
the limits indicated above, are the only true conserva-
tives. Authority should be stmng but restrained—
strong because it is reetrained; the servant of the law,
supported by the national sovereignty, it not only derives
its authority from that sovereignty, but because it
depends upon it. Such a power is the only one of which
it can be said that it only limits liberty to make it more
efficacious. We pretend that the moat perfect social state
is that where authority is most limited, and liberty most
cemplete; we do not go Po for os to say that the relation
of liberty and authority ought to lawthe same in every
country and at all times.

This is philosopical and statesmanlike language,
and the practice of the party whose theory of go-
vernment it deecribes--a government whose i..m-
atant endeavour should be so to educate its sub-
jects that the necessity for its interference may
grow leas and less. Now, this principle of the
least possible exercise of arbitrary power (fa
moindre action) being the essence of " La Poli-
tique Radicals," what should be the doctrine of
its advocate. in questions such as these—freedom of
the press, public education, right of public meet-
ing, right of association, religious liberty ? The
doctrine should be liborty—juat and impartial
liberty—including withdrawal of all prelimi-
nary authorisation for opening places for
religious worship, all State payment of
the clergy, and all alliance., with Rome.
From the tnumph of the principles of policy here
indicated M. Jules Simon regrets that France
is still a long way off. The " little gronp of
radicals " in tho Corps Ugialatif have three great
obstacles to overcome before they can make any
way ; them obstacles are, ignorance, bayonets, and
isolation. In the speeches contained in the volume
we are noticing, the author says he has attacked
these obstacles on the principles of the " ecolo radi-
eak "—the obstacle " ignorance," by demanding
tic suppression of all " concordats," by liberty of
the press and liberty of private efforts. end, in the
absence of sufficieut private action, the assistance
of the State, within the reach of every citizeu,
rich or poor, man or woman the '• obltaele
I.ayolettr, or military ambition, by the suppres-
sion of standing anima ; the obstacle " isolation,"
by demanding us a natural right, anterior and
superior to all political law, the right of meeting
and association. Ile concludes his preface by ex-
pn ssing a hope that A men of good faith—
patriots, democrats, awl liberal thinkers -will re-
cognise in his pages C.lle of damsels... 4. Ile asks
no indulgence for their werkkne44, of which he
hirmelf, he says, -is a seven• and uusatisti
judge.''
c have occupied so much of our spare with M.
Jules Sitredi's i.n.fav-e, which dbicumics his theory
of the " Politique ltudieale," that ace have scarcely
room enough to show his practical application of
it to the important subjects of his spcssles which
all turn upon new measures proposed for adoption
by the government to the Chamber. or amend-
ments to tie .84. 111(118111VS, and to original proplsi-
flow; for the amelioration of laws already in
force.

These speeelw. are all characterised by fer►ent
eloquence and love of liberty and truth ; but while
all pervaded by what he describes in the many
noble books he has written on the condition of
the working dames (" L'OuvrWre,"
" ler Travail," " L'Ouvrii•re de Bait Alio," awl
others) as his "Wrouement d la dt:mocratie," they
are inspired by the highest views of the relstive
duties of the State and its subjects, and permit no
departure on either side from the positive moral
laws of nature and religion. His prevailing ideas
are the sacredness of family life, theiroliness of mar-
riage, the duties of parents, and the helplessness
of children; and every violation of these natural
tier., and every invasion of the domestic affections
by the arbitrary authority of the State, or of
society however expressed—in standing armies, for
instance, or manufacturing industry—is denounced
and exposed, while remedies arc proposed, and
alleviations suggested, with uu enlightened wis-
dom and a meet tender heart. For en illustration of
what we mean, our readers will permit WI to quote
a passage in one of M. Jules Simon's books not now
under our notice. In his work on " L'Hesile,"
amid dry statistics and scientific discussions of the
best means of educating the people and preparing
them for the hard struggles of life, his feelings
frequently brook out in such sentences as these :

UP to this time society has employed all its art to
create, in the ink:reefs of children, an a tificial maternity.
First, it has invented public nurseries (14 ee,'ehey), which
are adnibuble institutions—then intent wheels and mhools
for elders. One deficiency alone remains to be filled.
The school does not open until /I o'clock, the factory at
6 • leaving two hours solitude mid danger fur the
child, and Metres* for the mother. With this exception
nothing can be more ingenious than this 'web:mega in-
vented for replacing nature. No one eon help blessing
it, whit n one think:. of the starving and the abandoned.
An infant nursery, especially, when well attended to—
and they all are so - when managed by an affectionate
superintendent, and till of them seem to be so—pus some-
thing about it that looks calm and fredi, and smiling. Do
not ask yourself bow it is that still a profound sadness fills
your heart. Ah ! sweet reoollections of childhood, ma-
ternal ewes, tears wiped away, wise words of tenderness
and experience, where are ye r Who will, who ran. ever
mestere them to these &solute and disinherited little
fines ? And who will teach us, who have a feeLle in-
Ammo° upon society, that nature is never replaced, and
that in the world of matter and the world of mind all pro-
inns k. bought too dear, if it makes the least attack upon
the eatattl ties of bulkily
And in the same spirit, speaking before the
ak.erobled representatives of Prance, or railer,
we should say, of the Emperor, for the imijoritv
only register their master's wishes, M. Jules Simon
eoursgeously attache such plague-spots of his
country WI the huge snd increasing standing anuy,
which so lamentably invest,* these •• furred tie.: of
family" :
And now I coine to a put of the qneehon which i, of the
utmost gravity-- the question of marriage. . . . fie-
member the number of young soldiers you take every
year-- not leas, I believe, than one hundred thou:mind
and send them to the army, there to remain for seveu ear
eight ream forbidden to many. The result of this is
threefold and equally fatal ; the first is the fact I hien,
mentioned, the ultercUction of mairLage to a handesl
thousand young men hi the dower of their age, chosen fr rear
the moat healthy and moat robust. The mound is th nt eh our
a hundred thousand young men ale left every year who an,.
too shod in stature for military service, or aftlieted
seine incurable infirmity, and left for these motives alone
in their homes. They have mars epportunitiesand facilities
for motrsotiag marriages. (Rue the speaker