The Express.
London, England, 1861-03-26 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 26.

We earnestly hope that we are not about to
witness another useless and ruinous struggle
between capital and labour in one of the largest
branches of metropolitan industry. And in spite
of some unfavourable symptoms that have already
appeared, we cannot but believe that the revival
of the old agitation and the threatened strike in
the building trade may yet be averted. The
miseries and mischiefs of a strike in any large
branch of trade are so manifold and notorious that
a numerous and intelligent body of workmen
would surely shrink from incurring them except for
the gravest reasons and on the severest necessity.
After the sad experience of the last strike
in the budding trade it is needless to dwell on the
terrible hardships and privations which the renewal
of the struggle would bring on the workmen and
their families. A year and a half ago thousands
of able-bodied men not only suffered in silence
from want in its sharpest forms, but were com-
pelled to see their wives and children pinched
with hunger and pining away for want of the com-
monest necessaries of life. During that trying
time the men displayed powers of self-denial
and endurance that extorted the admiration
of their opponents. But all true friends of the
industrial classes deeply lamented to see these
noble qualities wasted in a useless struggle, and
dread a renewal of such wide-spread misery that
can lead to no result. But the suffering of the
men themselves is not all. A strike in
any branch of trade necessarily tends
to lower ultimately the rate of wages. It dis-
courages the employment of capital, and at the
same time gives an artificial stimulus to labour.
While the best masons and carpenters refuse to
work, a class below them gradual': rise into their
Dl"'r, and fresh hands are pressed into the trade,
which, under ordinary circumstances, would have
found other employment. A prolonged strike
thus has the suicidal effect of increasing the num-
ber of workmen and diminishing the wages fund
to be divided amongst them. But the worst of
all is, that while' it does so much certain harm, a
strike rarely accomplishes any good whatever.
It does not, in general, advance the in-
terest of the workmen a single step.
They are no doubt at perfect liberty to try, by a
concerted refusal to work, to obtain better terms
from their masters. But experience shows that
this is the very worst machinery for the purpose.
It simply embitters feeling on each side, places
the men in avowed hostility to their master*, and
thus multiplies the difficulties in the way of any
fair adjustment of their rival claims. After the
experience of the last strike in the building trade
we can hardly believe that the mass of metropo.
litan workmen will be much disposed to push the
difference between the masters and themselves to
such a fatal extreme. They will try what negotia-
tion can do instead of resorting to the old, obsti-
nate, hopeless policy of war to the knife.

A basis for such negotiation is fairly opened in
a proposal which, wo understand, several of the
leading master builders have just made to their
men. They offer • slight increase in the rate of
wages, and a new method of assessing the work-
man's labour. At present the men are paid by
the day, and a skilled mechanic may earn
about thirty-three shillings a week, while the
wages of • common labourer ate twenty shillings.
The masters propose henceforth to pay the men by
the hour instead of by the day. At present a
skilled labourer earns sixpence three farthings an
hour, and a common labourer fourpence
an hour, but under the new proposal the
rate will be raised to sevenpence an hour for the
former and fourpenco for the latter. This would
be a substantial addition to the present weekly
wages of both classes, while it would leave the
workmen themselves free to determine their hours
of labour, and to fix according to their own con-
venience or necessities the average length of their
working day. It is not for us to say that these
terms ought to be accepted. Every workman
has a right to judge for himself what is the lowest
price he will take for his labour. But the proposi-
tion of the masters is evidently dictated by • spirit
of conciliation, and • sincere desire to heal the
unhappy differences that have arisen on the nine
hours question. Though it emanates from the
masters, the proposal is evidently not made ex-
clusively in the masters' interest. It is •
direct advance on the rate of wages,
while the question of time remains wholly with
the men. This really seems to be the only fair
and practicable way of settling the long-vexed
nine hours question. It is equally liberal to
the men and just to the masters, the latter only
paying, though at • slightly increased rate, for
work actually done, and the former only working
as long as they please. Those who wish only to
work nine hours are at perfect liberty I. do so,
and they will still, with the increased pay, realism
very nearly their present amount of wages. On
the other hand, those who are ready and willing
to work b.nger may indefinitely augment their pre-
sent income. And this freedom—the liberty
to employ his powers in any honest way he chooses
and to work as many hours as be will—belonp of
right not only to every mechanic, but to every
free man. It ts a right asserted and enjoyed
amongst all ranks and in all occupatious. Who