The Express.
London, England, 1861-05-17 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY. EnbitiG,

loves to indulge. The first part of the speech '
was devoted to an elaborate emaciation
of rotund common-places on despotism, de-
mocracy, limited monarchy, and the like.
Further on Mr. Homuss expounded, with fresh
unction, his irrational paradox of last year—
that the Upper House should have the entire con-
' trol, without any of the responsibility, of the finan-
cial arrangements of the year. But the right hon.
gentleman was as usual greatest of all in prophecy.
And as usual, too, his unhappy temper infected
his judgment and imagination. The Member for
Stroud is a dyspeptic seer, and his visions accord-
ingly are alwaysglooniy, his prophecies are of misery
and woe. His finest passages are all in the
tragic strain. He mounts the cothurnua, gathers
his mantle about him, and pours forth his
denunciations in the deepest and most hollow
tones. Last night he was more solemn and
sonorous than usual, pronouncing that the step the
House was recommended to take was one full of

danger. It menaced in his view not only the
authority, but the existence of the oldest and wisest
legislative assembly in the world. If once taken
it could never be retrieved ; and he entreated the
House to pause before it entered on such a reck-
less, such a perilous, such a revolutionary career.
All this, of course, for the moment, sounded
very awful ; but a simple fact turned it into
the richest burlesque. It was enough to remember
that the course thus denounced is formally recom-
mended, sanctioned, and supported by those reac-
tionary politicians, the right hon. Member for the
University of Cambridge, and the hon. baronet the
Member for the University of Oxford. Argument
wiui out of the question. That fact at one destroyed
the point of the whole denunciation. Unfortunately
too the oration was thrown away on an empty
House. But the Member for Stroud had his
reward. The meek spirit and tone of abject
submission to the Upper House which animated
his speech, though it excited little approbation
from the Opposition generally, won the hearts
of two noble lords—Lord ROM,' Cat IL and Lord
Roster MONTAGU. These twin champions of
divine right stepped across the floor of the
House of Commons and warmly congratulated the
right bon. gentleman. Virtue, no doubt, is its
own reward ; but, even if it were not, this cha-
racteristic appreciation of his labours must have
amply satisfied even the somewhat exacting temper
of the right hon. gentleman.
At length, however, the Bill is read a second
time. The financial and the political principles of
the Budget are equally affirmed, and the Members
of the House of Commons may separate with a
conscience somewhat disburdened.

Tens who are curious to learn the state of
parties in Germany, the hopes and fears which
agitate that country, and the feelings which ani-
mate its different classes, would do well to peruse an
important communication from Frankfort, which
will be found in the Daily News of this morning.
Not having the sources of knowledge and opportuni-
ties of appreciation possessed by this German corre-
spondent, we cannot make light of his fears,
or declare them ill-founded. We can merely
hope that he exaggerates the danger which
threatens his Fatherland, as well as the
treachery which he denounces as the policy of its
Princes. If what he writes be true, all is rotten
in Germany. Independence or patriotism are not
to be sought in any court—at least in any that has
the power to act upon them. Aud that great
country of thirty millions is nothing more than a
manacled victim, not yet brought to his certain
doom, but merely awaiting the coming of the cxe-
cutioner.

But ►t whatever discount the prophecies of the
correspondent must be accepted, the most important
of his statement► is undeniably correct. And
this is, that thu secondary Sovereigns of Germany
—we may name them, Bavaria and Wertemberg,
Hanover and Saxony--are pursuing ► policy ex-
clusively selfish, without any regard for the com-
mon weal of their oountry, for its power, inde-
pendence, or development. It is not that they
are gratuitously traitors. But their situation is so
critical, menaced by the two great Powers of Ger-
many on the one side, and by the people on the
other, that they have conceived no hope for the
future save flinging themselves into the arms of
Prance.

We have every reason to believe all that the
correspondent says on this point to be perfectly
true ; and the facts furnish the strongest possible
condemnation of that system of dividing a country
between federated primes, from which Italy has
just escaped, and which has flung Germany, now
under the military power of France, now under
that of Russia. The secondary Kings of Ger-
many are, and can be, but mere tools of either of
those great Powers for the nullification in time of
peace, for the subjugation in time of war, of that
Fatherland, to which their whole lives and reigns
are but wearisome and dastardly treason.
But if this zealous historian of German politics
is not more than justly severe upon what he calls
the Wurzburg Coalition, the League of Secondary
German Kings for their own exclusively kingly
and personal interests, is it either wise or just on
his part so sweepingly to denounce Prussia, not
only as incapable and supine, but as even in some
degree treacherous oleo ? One of our leading
contemporaries told Prussia the other day in a
passionate article, that if its police continued to
be so rude, England would not object to see
her Rhenish Provinces made over to
France. The writer of such a threat no
doubt thought it very unpalatable and severe.
Yet this correspondent informs us that Prussia is
ready to give up her Trans-Rhenan provinces to-
morrow, on being indemnified by equivalent terri-
tories east of the Rhine. We must confess the
difficulty we feel as to this part of the accusation,
which, indeed, is incompatible with another re-
proach, that Prussia fatuously thinks itself pre-
destined to march again upon Paris and achieve
another conquest of France. Prussia cannot at one
and the same time be guilty of puerile hostility to
France, and of treacherous connivance with it.
It is a great misfortune, as well as a disgrace to
France, that its traditional policy is that of op-
posing the unity, strength, and regeneration of
Germans as well as of Italians. Paris senators
and journalist. thunder against English selfishness
in the East, because we persist in supporting the
Turks till we see who is to take their place. With
how much more severity and truth might we de-
nounce the French for most shameful selfishness
nearer home, grudging not distant people, but
brothers and neighbours, like Italians and Ger-
mans, the natural blessings of a united country
and an efficient government. France has always
striven to make a party of the secondary princes,
both against the great ones and against the Gor-
illa& people. The policy of keeping that country
divided into the.. was that of Louis Pinurra as
of Loom NAPOLION ; and it is argued from it
that he seeks altogether to subjugate the country
and conquer its Cis-Rhenan provinces. We do
not imagine, indeed, that the political
morality of NAN/LION 111. is more rigid than
the domestic principles of Charles Surface, who

would not answer for himself if temptation were'
thrown in his way. So with respect to Germany.
If the Germans will conduct themselves lilts the
Poles in the last century, they may meet the IMO
fate. But thirty millions of Germans, developed
as they are, have surely brains, and arms, and
power equal to defend their country'. indepen-
dence against France, even although neither Eng-
land nor Russia could interfere, nor Austria. be in
a condition to take the lead as an empire.

The French Fairmaoa liked a divided and
federated Italy. He wished to substitute his
own influence for that of Austria, and perhaps
thrust one of his own family into the place of one
of the Austrian princes. He resolved upon invasion
in pursuit of such aims. What has it produced /
Results the very contrary of what he meditated.
And why I Because it awakened and gave con-
sistence and power to the national spirit of
Italy, which cannot suffer foreign influence
_
or

at its expense. The same
policy would have the same effect in Germany.
A French campaign beyond the Rhine might
shake down the princely rookery of the country,
as it did beyond the Alps that of the Italian
princes. But it would give no preponderance to
France. It could not but prove in the end the
making of Germany. And France face to face
with an armed Germany would find it as impracti-
cable as an armed Italy.
But, however little tho actual invasion of
France in Germany may be to be feared, it is
certainly a serious symptom when four German
monarchs prefer French alliance, dependence,
and policy, to native progress. Since Prussia and
Austria are both opposed, and naturally so, to
such a state of things, it is for them to unite to
remedy this. And should the existing anarchy of its
empire preclude Austria from participating in other
than domestic cares, Prussia has but to
appeal to popular opinion by • broader
adoption of liberal principles, in order to
be quite strong enough for the teak. Should
the Prussian Government prefer remaining under
the control of a Yunker party in its Upper
Chamber, and in the fear of its own bureaucratic,
to giving more ample freedom to the press and
scope to popular opinions, then indeed it can do
nothing beyond beating time without advancing,
whilst the whole nation cries " Forwards." In this
respect we fully join in the exhortation of this cor-
respondent to Prussia, though we may think some
of his reproaches unjust and severe. But they
are the well-meant reproaches of a German
patriot; and we only wish that some trumpet-
tongue would sound them forth iu that country.

MAY

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

FRANCS AND SYRIA.
M. THOUVENEL'S DESPATCH.

17

The following is the important despatch of the
French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to which allu-
sion was made by M. Billault, in the French
Senate, on Monday. It is addressed to the Mar-
quis de Lavalotte, the French ambassador at
Constantinople :

Paris, May 3.
Monsieur Is Marquis,—The Emperor has just given his
orders that the evacuation of Syria shall take place within
the delay fixed by the conventioo of the 19th March last.
In begging you to make this known to the Porte, I must,
is conformity with the intentions of his Majesty, request
you to again call the attention of the Sultan's ministers to
the duties which the departure of our troops imposes on
them.

It is solely from • sentiment of humanity, and with •
view to arresting the effusion of blood, and preventing
greater disaster; that France accepted the mission which the
power, with • common accord, confided to her in Syria.
That mission we have fulfilled without any afterthought,
and with complete fairness ; we have employed all our
efforts to realise the object which Europe proposed to her-
self. We could have wished, however, to be able to re-
establish order on the conditions and guarantees which would
have permitted us to reckon on the maintenance of tran-
quillity after the departure of our troops. In our opinion, as
we havealways said, and se we still think, it was necessary, in
order to assure the security of the Christians in Syria, to
reader the evacuation dependent on the entire execution
of the political and administrative measures which are in-
dispensable for enabling the government to exercise its
action efficscioualy. If the Porte, as its interests certainly
required, had seconded us, the powers would have been
unanimous in sharing our views. Bat it preferred to eltim
exclusively for itself the task of providing for the preserva-
tion of peace, and its plenipotentiary affirmed that it is
able so to do. His declarations in this respect were so
formal and absolute that the omferenee found itself under
the obligation of taking them into account, and of confining
itself, in its last deliberations, to simply proroguing the
occupation for a period of three months.
The Ottoman government has thus assumed a responsi-
bility which will throw on it the peculiar obligations which
we shall be justified in indicating at the moment at which
we leave Syria. After having co-operated, by sacrifices
which France will not regret, if the populations derive the
benefit of them, in re-establishing internal order in that
province, the Emperor's government cannot permit that it
shall become the theatre of new disasters. Such an even-
tuality, if it were to be realised, would excite public
opinion in all Europe, and would demonstrate, on the part
of the Ottoman government, impuissance which must be
inevitably provided for.
Unless the Sublime Porte itself proposes another combi-
nation, we are bound to evacuate Syria by an engagement
of which we cannot decline the execution, without failing
in the respect due to • treaty. It is in virtue of that act
that we lent the co-operation of our troops, and we cannot
refuse to recall them at the expiration of the stipulated
period. We undertook to supply, in the collective name of
Europe, the forces necessary for the occupation, and it is not
permitted to us to alter the character of the million
which the powers confided to us. We have asked our-
selves if it would not be opportune to propose to them to
prolong, for another period, the mission of our troops. But
the discussions which the first prorogation occasioned, and
the invariable declarations of the Porte, have convinced us
that our own dignity did not permit us to again assume the
initiative of such • proposition ; It is only the Sultan's
government, which, better enlightened as to its own in-
terests, would have • right to make it.
We shall therefore evacuate Syria at the date fixed by
the treaty of Paris ;but we shall not proceed with the swam-
ation without having loudly expressed our apprehensions,and
urgently recommending the Porte to prove that it has at
its disposal, as has been affirmed, the means necessary to
guarantee the Christians against a recurrence of the cala-
mities they have undergone. We shall thus have failed in
none of our duties—we have on the one hand pointed out
to the powers the motives which led us to believe that the
evacuation would be premature if effected before the ad-
ministrative reorganisation of the Lebanon, and on the
other we have neglected nothing to oblige the Porte to
satisfy the obligations which are incumbent on every
regular government towards its own subjects.
In presence of an international act we conidnot, Monsieur
le Marquis, do more, and our responsibility is protected,
but the very expiration of the term during which we were
bound by the necessities resulting from an accord debated
and regulated with the other cabinets, restores to us
our entire liberty of judgment and of conduct. We
shall be therefore free to examine, aloof from any
special stipulation, the events which may take place in
Syria, and we have not to conceal from the Porte that
ancient traditions would impose on us the duty of affurdiug
to the Christians of the Lebanon an effectual support against
fresh persecutions.
Yon will, therefore, explain yourself in this sense to
deli Pada, read to him the despatch, and give him • copy
of it. THOUVENZL.
PARIS, Mar IT.
_ _

The French Academy of Science has decided by
18 votes to propoeo to the government that the
biennial prize founded by the Emperor should be
conferred on K Thiess for his " History of the
Empire."