The Express.
London, England, 1850-02-22 00:00:00

eemilesent with the audition of the nada' penis a hie
nidnefeelee4 and he omit my that gesseally then had
hen se et wages, ant be never mannered ee
Mialltad neaten man the
ispendeat to dkaarts Oi".1141111/ ITOC/ti
eseigeolen view to what fe lassly radar yen eyes,
bet loth thread, end me what is moths then He wen
grieved to beer Me km anither 11=11e
ease sight raft. alma_ at
Os motes sad lesmadel ikon la
le Men dean alike hew sad wathallei end Ite
ma ear the OW k• slapping% slime% et lest pro-
ductive el isinos to MN lanied aliesth wasomia his heart
awl esnesimee ke Went, esseadve w lho newreeity of
the enemy. The light la.. botent *ea seal ea soma
foes. essitery report Nadal to the sate el the city of
Ginpar, mbleb Med that eity at anon WY
le from any
=Lae woMftelotai were fall Menglentest, the
and liehtdalf damn woes IPA sad
there was tbewase• wreelaef a diminald sseetallty.
Hada Nana te deal la least bones,lint he kid a
conithat bird tort it wee tbet the Mown meld
he Marna, that the manertiel Mein shoal nesper,
that the mastanseing damn shoal he fully
that yesepaity nisi* Si genstal, worm only Ik.
istereet He weeldnot Wine that peemansatly, or he a
adew the main sad ealtivatees of the soil want sot
tthebuseef ti:=l4 jaaperiirastin-
thr2ll4o said 1.
oTirhsliattel
in ilea( a desired agile to tltre makes.
Mr. GLADSTONE eald—Coccurring cordially, se be ed,
with his right hon. friend in the penal opinion he hod
expressed with regard to the effect of our meat einsmadel
policy baying uniformly voted with Ma shin the
Maleness of the late mermen upon evuy
portent nestles affect the trade sad the internal mann
of the contry, and atiag as he did the greaten weak%
to his authority, he felt It incumbent ea him le state briefly
to the hoses the grounds of the vote whisk he iatesded to
• insmanch as on this maks that vote meld be diffe-
rent from the vote of his right hoe. Mead. (Cheers from
the opposition.) His right hon. friend told then that they
were now really considering a change of administration,
the Waster d eighteen minims of Wades to
the onsolidated fund, awl the reversal of the
ahoy of hoe trade. He (Hr. Gladinne) saw neither
the one nee the other of these three Wags la the Manikin
they were wiled upon to give. With men to • Ann in
the &databanks., he must my, witbent enteeing We a pe-
Waal Inessisa, that that was a Mph MI6 mein net to
emir a perantant inflame genes denies on a claim
whisk was win ea salsa Oland& Eat hoes the cos-
strenion he pat es the eLeen lbefirmeary of State for
the Nem Dotatztosit, ma eadmossid that that was
the peand alas by kr Msjoitfip getuestalat, becalm the
right hen. told them that Means fleanolal state.
meat of eke your wee predated it mall be rpm to the
t M se eider soak of them topise upon its merits.
Oft did hot seasirea :that by voting ter the motion they
Mimi themeless ton. transfer of the 18 millions to the
enseelidated fend. It was the practice to alum the house
with the prosgem of ulterior meastins if they pasted
paetiau measure, but the noble lord at
any
heal of the government had replied to such
an argument that they must consider each inessure on its
own merits, and not withhold that which woo just and rea-
sonable because it might be followed by that which was uof and unreasonable. Then with respect to the reversal of
the policy of free trade—
Sir J. GRAHAM here was understood to observe that if
be used that expression it was not his intention to do so.
What he said was that by this motion it we. intended to
reverse the relief of the labouring elutes and transfer to
them the bathes; on real property.
Mr. GLADSTONE said he was glad to naive that expla-
nation, because if he saw in this motion that tendency which
he thought his right hon. friend had discerned—a reversal of
the policy of free trade—he certainly should hay. joined with
him in °florins the firm. at resistance to it. The hon.
member for Buckinghamshire urged that them was •
considerable portion of the charges connected with the
poor rate that might be transferred to the consolidated fund
without abandoning the advantage of local management.
Concurring in that proposition, he was willing to go into
the committee, and consider which of the charge, desiccated
establishment charges unelected with the poor rates, whether
in England or Ireland, or in Scotland, under the term of
expenses of management, might, without impairing the
great principle of local control, be advantageously trans-
ferred to the consolidated fund. (Hear, hear.) He Will
the more encouraged to do oo as his right bon. friend who
spoke last, and the right hon. the Home Secretary, bad
both said that this transfer would only be acting en a
principle which had already ban established and affirmed,',
and the further application of which was only a question
of degree, of policy, and of prudence. (Hear, hear.) He
thought there wee some connexion between this pro-
posal and the commercial polity r.contly adopted ;
for the adoption of this proposition would ,
tend to weaken the agitation for the restoration of protection,
and to draw off from that agitation all who were =abeam is '
their views and less apprehensive that ruin was likely to be
the remit of commercial freedom, and in consequence to
diminish the chance orally formidable agitation for the reel-
val of protection. (Hear, hear) The connexion between
the two subjects was one adverse to the revival of protection,
for whatever was now given to the fernier or the landed in-
terest, upon whatever plea or ground in connexion with his
existing circumstances, was so much deducted from the items
of their clam ; it was a part, if not the whole, of what
agriculture had to demand ; and while deducting this con-
cession, because it was just, the fervour, stren, and force
of the demand would be dimlaished. (H gthear, hear.)
He should vote for this motion on the ground on which his
right hon. Mood (Sir J. Graham) resisted it,—upen the
around of its justice. (Loud cheers from the protectionists.)
It was isniaceeiole to look .t the nature of the tax for the
support of the poor without beiagstruck with the inequality
of its incidence. (Hear, hear.) It was partway true it was
impomible to have an exactly equal tax ; amain the 'recent
expenditure of the country, the inequalities of one tax
might be set against the countervailing and compensating
inequalities of another. But this was a tax levied locally,
and for • special purpose,—first, for the essential function of
police connected with the support of the par; and,
secondly, in diszharge of the sacred obligation imposed on
us by our religion. (Hear, hese) The maintenance of the
poor had been recognised in this country, not only as the dic-
tate of political prudence, but as We fulfilment of a religious
duty. If so, it was certainly • duty applying to all
classes of the community. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, in
assatial justice, nothing could be more clear than that it
wee desirable, as an abstract proposition, that property in
general should is some way be made liable for the support of
the poor. But it was objected, first, that it was impracti-
cable to rate penonal prop-rty So it was; and let them
settle that question, if they chose, by converting the annual
bill for exempting stock in trade into a permanent law, and
so put an end to all further discussion. But the objection of
impracticability did not apply to the proposal before the
hone; that at all event' was perfectly practicable. (Hr,
hear.) Though the hon. gentleman had been taun ea
ted with
its receemer imperfection, it was an approximation to
(quality and justice ; and the impracticability of rating per-
sonal property could not be an objection to • plan which
was obviously and plainly practicable. This was not a
question between property on one side and industry
on the other, but between certain descriptions of property
on one side, and certain descriptions on the other. (Hear,
hear.) It was said this tax had been inherited by the
landed interest, and that, having come to their properties
on the condition of being rated to the relief of the poor, they
had no claim on the ground of inequality to relief. They
were only seeking to be relieved from a small portion
et that tax ; but how did the matter stand with respect to
the inheritance of the burden ? They did inherit it. but
they inherited it along with a protective system—(loud chute
from the protectionists)-which gave to their produce au arti-
ficial value, which was as contrary to abstract justice as the
inequality of the incidence of the poor rates, and which on
that account had been properly and effectually destroyed.
Bat, as far as the inheritance of the burden was
concerned, if it had been more than compensated
by the other inequality, the fact of inheritance
could not be pleaded against them when the compensation
had ben abrogated. (Hear, hear.) Ills right honourable
friend (Sir .1. Graham) had raised another objection as to
who would be the party relieved by the change. It was
with the greatest deference and hesitation, on a question
connected with the relation of landlord and tenant, that
he ventured to entertain and express an opinion dif.
firing from that of the right hon. baronet. Passing
by, in the first instance, the case of yeomen
and small independent occupiers, who were as much entitled
to the sympathy of the house as any clue of the community
—(hear, hear)—he would come to the holders of leases. The
right hon. baronet admitted that, during the currency of the
lease, the tenant farmer would get the bees& of the pro.
peed change; but in regard to tenants at will, his opinion
would be shared by few who were conversant, not with the
legal, but with the moral and social relations existing be-
tween the English landlord and his tenant. He did not
believe that, in one eau out of a hundred, the farmer who
held from year to year would lose the benefit of the change
owing to the grasping of the landlord. (Cheers.) In a
change of occupancy, the landlord might get the whole or a
portion of the benefit ; but he would not extort it from the
tenant farmer under actual circumstances. (Hear, hear.)
He said this, not from any mere abstract opinion
as to the high character and honour of British g, nehmen,
but from the actual working of the relations of landlord and
tenant throughout almost the whole of the country where
the ordinary holdings were holdings from year to year.
(Hear, hear.) The independent yeoman permanently, and
the tenant farmer dieing the currency of his lease, or during
his occupation, were the parties who would get the benefit
of this change. (Hear, bear.) Even if a portion, or the
whole of the benefit, might, after a time, owns to the land-
lord, the right hon. but. would hardly say that of itself
was a fatal objection ; for he advised the landlords, whea the
income tax should be re-imposed, to ask, not only on behalf
at their tenants, but of themselves, for a removal of its in-
equalities—inequalities certainly net greater than those of
the roor rate, which fell with its full force on real, and not
at all on persenat property. The measure the right hon. ba-
ronet recommended would be one immediately, exclusively,
and directly for the benefit of landlords ; this would be one
frost which the tenant-farmer would derive benefit during a
eisimber of years, and in a season of possible difficulty and
dither. (Hear, hear.) As a financial objection, it was
said that they ought to have the statement of the year before
them, to know their actual surplus, and to consider the rela•
aye claims of different branches of industry. He would not
allude to the amount of relief this motion proposed to afford,
es that could only be ascertained from a rigid investigation
of the charges proposed to be transferred • all he said was he
was disposed to consider what charges would be transferred
from the load rate to the consolidated fund without impair.
ing the *enemy of local management; also what charges
there were arising incidentally ander sets of pat-
hament, inch as the registration sets, which bad no fair or
aslant wax .xioa with the landi or real property,