The Express.
London, England, 1861-03-01 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1881.

for remiss Affairs at Constantinople, commenting our the
report made by the Grand Vizier to the Sultan of the re-
sult of his inquiries into the complaints of the Christian
atiej,,cta of the Porte ; whether that note bad received the
suppoit of the French Minister ; and whether the subject
of that note, and the demands it contained were to be
brought under the notice of the conference at Paris.
That note, he conten.lea, wan not only inaccurate, but COD-
titled an unwarrantable interference with the internal
affairs of tbe; Turkish empire. to much discontent Lad
arisen in conesquenee of former notes in the European pro-
vinces of Turkey, that serious consequences were appre-
hended, and the government was prevented from sending
sufficient forces to oittell the disturbances in Syria. Ad-
verting to this subject, he declared that the fiuther occupation
of Syria was most perilous to the pence of the east, and might
affect Arabia sod even India itself. The note now in ques-
tion added to the difficulties of the position, and weakened
the Sultan'. authority at the very time when it was most
netemary to strengthen it. He urged on the Foreign Minia-
tar to persevere to the utmost in the long-continued
policy of the country, and not to vacillate for a moment
in a • and defending the independence of Turkey.
Sir J. F USSON robe to ask the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs whether, in the event of the French oc-
cupation being prolonged beyond the period fixed by the
convention of July, IMO, her Majesty's government were
prepared to act upon the right reserved to the other powers
by that convention of uniting bodies of their troops with
those ~f France in the occupation ; and whether her Ma.
jetty's gcternment were in possession of further information
upon the subject which it would be consistent with the
interests of the public service to communicate to the house?
The lion. member then reviewed some of the cir-
cumstances which preceded the outbreak in Syria, ob-
serving that up to the present time we had not thoroughly
looked into the origin of the disasters which had occurred.
By Fusel ?ache'. vigorous action at Damascus a great num-
ber of guilty parties had been brought to justice, and active
measures were taken for their punishment. Had the French
remained at Bsyrout to support the Turks, as war expected
from the terms of the convention, and had England given
her moral support by keeping • fleet along the coast, the
Turkish government would probably have base enabled to
maintain peace in the country ; but the French, as soon as
possible after their arrival at Beyrout, advanced into the
interior of the mountains, and took into their own bands
exclusively the pacification of the country. He was afraid
that their passage through the mountains was accompanied
by pillage, murder, and atrocities of every kind, committed
by the Maronites, who followed the French army and
avenged themselves under their protection. He was marry
to my that in many instances the French soldiers, far from
Wag free from blame, had acquiesced in some of the atro-
alien. The period of occupation bad now expired.
Was the aspect of the country such as to justify the with-
drawal of the French troops‘? He believed that every
day the French troops would remain would
diminish the prospect of peace. Their avowed
predilection for the Maronites prevented their oc-
cupation being conducted on the principle of justice.

Mr. LAVABO mid there had been so much in the
foreign policy of her Majesty's government which he be-
limed fairly represented the feelings of the larp mass of
the English people that he should be sorry at this moment
to say anything which might induce her Majesty's govern-
ment to believe that he differed from them in their foreign
policy. Moreover, on the question of Turkey, the noble
lord now at the heed of her Majesty '.s government bad
always pursued a policy to his mind wise and consistent,
and as he believed in accordance with English interests.
He traded. therefore, he should not be misunder-
stood in the remarks he was about to make, but
he thought the question was of peat im-
portance, and he should therefore armee himself
frankly upon it. He looked upon this couvention for the
occupation of Syria to be most diratrous—dieastroine in the
pimples and precedents it had established, disastrous
in the effect which it bad already produced, and disastrous
in the results that were likely to ensue. He said disastrous
in the principles and precedents it bad established. What
were those principles and precedents? The representatives
uf the peat powers met in Pada, and laid down a principle
that they could interfere in the internal affairs of a fm
date, and not only interfere but occupy a part of that
state with an army. He might be told that Turkey
was a eassesdlng party. Now it appeared to him
that the dement of Turkey was very like tie ausseet of the
individual whom Dr. Johnson likened to the Cordelier who
was thrown out of window and recommended to fall soft.
Was Turkey really • consenting party, or was she forced
into compliance? He knew the gentleman who represented
the Porte at Paris, and knew from his opinions that he
would nevercoasent that his country should be occupied by a
foreign army. Should we have pursued the mine policy with
other countries ? If so, why did we not occupy
part of Austria? Why did we not occupy Venetia, where
he hesitated not to say there was more cruelty, oppression,
' and injustice than In any part of Turkey? (Hear, hear.)
H. trusted that what bad bees said was not true, but
they bad heard from no lee a poem than the Under Secre-
tary of State far Foreign Affairs—his word' read as if it
were under Use sanction, or with the concurrence of the
French army—that in one place 120 Drone were put to
death, among whom were 25 women sad six children. If
that were the cad, if the French troops had sanctioned the
destruction of these people, we should distinctly declare
that we were no parties to this deed, and let It be clear
that our Christianity was something better than such a
Christianity aa that. He should be glad if the ideas in
England about Christians it the east were somewhat en.
lightened. They had hard that when the Marmites were
diced how many lives would satisfy them, at Ant they said
5,000, and then, by a Mad of Dutch annum, they come down
to 1,200. And who mode this deemed? Why, the bishop,
whom he had beard some in this country looked
upon as representing the Fasters church. The
convention appeared to him to be the must die.
estrous political measure which had been known in
Europe for many years past. He be to assured the
noble lord that he had not made these orvations in any
spirit hostile to the government or to himself. But he
hoped and believed that, supported by the opinion of the
house and of the country, the noble lord would put an end
to this convention. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. D. GRIFFITH rose to put • further.mwetion to the
noble lord, but being received with cries of Oh,' oh," sad
groans from all porta of the house, the hon. gentleman
enured his seat.

Lord J. RUSSELL, in reply to Mr. Flingersld, detailed
the successive proposals made by the Russian government
in reference to the investigation into the alleged ill-treat-
ment of the Christians in its European provinces. These
proposals had bean rejected as dangerous to the indepen.
deuce of Turkey. The note of Prince Labanoff contained
grave charges, to which our government had recommended
that of Turkey fully to reply. With regard to Syria, the
arrangement, of 1842 and 1.815 had established jurisdiction
in the Lebanon virtually independent of the government.
Theeswere natandly objects of jealousy to the Tarkith autho-
rities. Hence arose a confusion of administration, which
led to misconduct on the pert of the Turkish governors.
Hence evil occurrences were liable to arise, which it was
impossible to prevent. He admitted that foreign in=
had long been rife in Syria, and had been used for
=by the various parties is the country. He traced
the history of the conflict, in Syria, and reminded the
house of the atrocity of the massacres there perpetrated. He
stated, upon good authority, that foreign Interference aloes
preyentedsimilarmassacres at lispladandJerusaleni. Head-
witted that the consent of the Sultan to the occupation wee •
reluctant one, but if the massacres had spread, acme
Christian power would have interfered—not in Turkey
alone, but throughout the empire. The oceopatiou of
Syria wen, doubtless, • calamity, but it was intended to
prevent • still greater calamity. The French government
from the first had declared themselves ready to permit the
troops of other nations to share in the occupancy ; and he
believed them to be perfectly sincere in their declaration.
He explained the reasons which had induced him—so far
as England was concerned—to decline the offer of a joint
occupation. As to the atrocities reported to have been
committed by the Maronites, all accounts concurred. He
was sorry to say that these last took advantage of the
French advance to wreak their vengeance on the enemies—
murdering both old men and young children. "Thu
is one of the reasons (continued the noble lord) which
makes me wish to see this foreign occupation at an end ; for
the army is placed in this dilemma, either it sees these atro.
citiesgoing on, it knows thepersoss who committed them,
and if it does not interfere it is accused of
sanctioning or of promoting such murders. On the other
hand, if they seed • corporal's guard or officers to take the
offenders *Ad bring them to trial ; then they are liable to
the charge of taking the administration of a Turkish pro-
vince into their own hands, and that no longer Turkish
authority, but French authority prevails. (Hear, hear.)
That is a serious dilemma, and it is not oue for cautioning
the occupation but for discontinuing it. I must add, how-
ever, that the French Minister for Foreign Affairs has
different accounts from the Lebanon, and does not believe
one word of the statements which have reached us. The
Corot de Flahaot, a man who had dis himself in
the wars of the first empire, was natr shocked at such
an imputation. He could not bear that the honour of
the French army should be called in question,
and he was naturully and justl indignant. I
erne only say that I don't think that whilst
the French occupation continues we can have any remedy
spinet acts of individual vengeance, and that the only
remedy for thee murders of the Drums would be an aban-
donment of the occupation. The boo. member for Ayrshire
has mentioned the case of Seyd Bey. I believe that that
man is innocent of the atrocities with which he is charged.
Lord Dufferin has used every exertion to secure for him a
fair trial, and, I have no doubt, will continue those efforts,
se that I expect that man's life will he saved. (Hear, bear.)
This case discloses the peculiar defects of the Turkish mode
of administering justice. They know nothing of our system
of bringing the accuser and the accused face to face. Such
this*, as eresseiarnination and other means used by IP for
eliciting the truth are unknown is Turkey. They say "•
crime las been committed, a life has been taken, and a pri-
soner has been secured. It makes an matter whether the
sammed is guilty or not, we shall have • life for • life,
and public will be satiated." (A laugh.) Let it be remem-
bered also that with regard to the Drums and Marmara the
Turks would not willingly see either independent of the
other, and therefore when the French say, " Let the
Drums be punished," the Turks are rite willing ; and if en
the other had the English eV. "Them Maroniths have
committed serious offences and must not be intrusted with
toWer," the TIMM era eAsally willing, for their opinion is
that hi the Lassos the Turkish authority should over-ride
bath. (Hoar, bear.) Ammer& all these eosflieting in.
fluesima, it is very hard at any time to obtain justice.
(Hear, hear.) I tea say bat little respecting the conference