The Express.
London, England, 1861-03-15 00:00:00

EXPRESS FROM PARIS.

GREAT SPEECH OF M. JULES FAVRE.

(MON 001 OWN

PARIS, THUUDAT MORNING.

The knowledge that Jules irnvre was to speak to-
day brought crowds to the doors of the Corps Le-
gislatif, and extra sentries were put in the lobbies
to keep order. The space devoted to the public is
so small that deputies were utterly unable to com-
ply with the supplications of their friends for
tickets. The Prince Napoleon and the Princess
Clothilde occupied seats in the president's tribune.
The amendment to the first paragraph of the ad-
dress touching the internal state of the country
being read by the President,

M. Jules Fevre rose and commenced what I
am certain will turn out to be a grand oration by
the following exordium :
The most captious critic could not possibly reproach the
tamers of this address on the score of too much boldness.
In my opinion • firmer tone would not have been out of
place, and, indeed, I think that to • certain extent such a
tone was called for by the grandeur and novelty of the
situation. It is the first time, for the last ten years, that
the two assemblies have been called upon to manifest their
sentiments on the march of public affairs. True, we are
forewarned that their counsels will in DO respect modify
unmet resolutions. Nevertheless, such is the inherent
power of every liberty that this limited and partial revival
of the exercise of our rights ha, produced a profound and
legitimate sensation in Europe, and has been hailed
by all those who prefer progress resulting from
discussion to that resulting from the shock of
revolution. The framer" of the address have thought fit
to begin by offering thanks to the head of the state. I
beg leave to differ from them on this point. For the last
ten years power has met with no serious residence. It has
had its flatterers—it has also had. I feel bound to say, it.
disinterested friends, and it has sometimes been ma&
aware that oppooenta were not altogether wanting, bat the
plenitude of its sovereign action has never been is the
slightest degree thwarted. The government aloes hes
decided all the greatest questions. Have its decisions
always been in aosoethuare with the national sentiment!
That is • difficult problem. But this much at least I can
affirm—that they have not always been in accordance with
the majority of this house. If, for example, the chamber
bad been consulted upon the Italian question, • vote of the
Corps Lagislatif might possibly have stood in the way.
(Cries of "No, no.") You must admit, at nay rate,
that we were not consulted upon the subject, for
when once the sword is drawn it is idle to talk of consulting
• French chamber upon a question of puce or war. I main-
tain then, that the action of this power has hitherto been
sovereign and unlimited, and that it has laid itself out to
discipline armies, to crush agitation, and to extinguish all
independent thought. (Marks of dissent.) It was, in fact,
the restoration of authority without control But most
strange and unexpected results have come of the exercise of
this uncontrolled authority. This absolute power has sown
broadcast in Europe the doctrines of popular rights, torn
up the treaties of 1815, and destroyed the authority of the
old monarchies. These governments rejoiced at first at the
restoration of monarchical forms in France, but now the
tempest has bunt upon them. What are we to conclude
from these undeniable facts ! Italy has been almost freed
by our arms. The House of Hapsburg, as you have been
told, has been driven to give a constitution to its peoples
in this hope of saving itself. Russia breaks with her own
hand. the chains of servitude, and is forced to receive the
petition of Poland, a petition signed with the blood of
martyrs. Well, do you suppose that all these events have
no influence upon our interior regimes? Do you suppose
that France will always consent to be the disinterested and
platonic apostle of liberty, without obtaining liberty for
herself ! No ! the contagion is too strong ; but I will add
that France did not require this stimulus to aspire to more
liberty. France has evinced her uneasiness, her desires, her
bops' ; she has made respectful but energetic murmurs
heard, and the government has done well not
to turn • deaf ear. Our foreign policy has
made such rapid strides that the government feels it
usceseary to share its responsibility, and therefore demands
your support, sod consents to suffer your control. Such
in my opinion is the only explanation of the decree of
NoveiLber 24. But what I particularly admire in the
spectacle which we are witnessing is the irresistible power
of those rights, of those primordial priociples, which God
will never permit to be weakened. The decree of Nov. 24
is the most eloquent reply which could possibly be made
to that inflexibility of absolute powers which entrenches
itself in • non pastramis". To respond to the appeal made
to the representatives of the country we must banish all
equivocation, clear the way, and say all that we feel in the
bottom of our harts. Such candour is more conformable
to the spirit of the decree then vague formuluies of appro-
bation, which may be merely a device to escape respon-
sibility. I purpose to may what, in my opinion,
are the measures which the internal state of the country
imperatively calls for. If I may credit official declaration
we are perfectly free to speak our minds. We must not
confound the present time with the past. Formerly the op-
position was animated by ambitious views which weakened
and degraded it, not the general interests but the perapec.
tive of a portfolio was then the stimulus to action. But
now ministerial impersonality has put an end to all such
°deviations, and the opinions of the deputies should recover
their moral authority. Nobody is in a better position to
understand the truth of these obeervatiotis than the
government commissaries.
[Left speaking.]

The reduction of the rate of the Bank of France's
discount was not known for a certainty during
Bourse hours, and, indeed, the prevalent opinion wall
that it would not be lowered. The Rente clotted at
yesterday's prices and there was very little change
in other securities. Mobiliur rose 21r. 50c.

(axorsa's tinsmuw.)
PARIS, THURSDAY Emma
The debate on the address was continued to-day
in the Corps Legislatif.
M. Jules Fevre proposed an amendment in
favour of the abolition of the exceptional laws on
public security.
M. Jules Fevre spoke of the sensation produced
in Europe by the return of France to the exercise
of representative rights, although limited. He
asserted that the government had caused the doc-
trines of popular right to germinate in Europe, had
broken the treaties of 1815, had liberated Italy and
other great nations who were entering on the path
of liberty. France embed (he said) remain a Pla-
tonic apostle of liberty, without obtaining liberty
herself. He then recalled the principles of 1789,
which he maintained had not been followed up.
He criticised the law on general security, and pro-
tested against the present condition of municipal
power, and against the system of candidates being
nominated by the government in the elections. He
also mentioned several facts in reference to the
electoral system. M. Jules Fevre also censured
the regime of the press.
M. Baroche refuted the arguments made respect-
ing the interior policy of the government, and
spoke against the adoption of M. Favre's amend-