The Express.
London, England, 1850-06-15 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 15, 1850,

with regard to the treatment of Mr. O'Brien, it WOO that of
Boeing shows Mt r. tatlalgesee towards him thaa perhaps
paSlie spisies
Mr. 1. GRATTAN denied that then tree 'l4 law to as-
*cent the torture to whisk this gratlespas wu "Vowed.
He lad 601. neeitted to Ma th+ purpose of bay-
ing tea and dukes, bat he was net 'Honed to have either.
The right ken. ratlines said that this we the law
of the Lad: he (Mr. Grattan) dialed that it was.
The conduct of the govenusest towards Mr. O'Brien wet
like their undue to the celebrated prissier of 111. Hitless,
with Tigard to whoa a sebum 'cooed had boos 'ellen to
deters fait if he wee to be allowed the see of a pienefortr,
the nosh of whisk wee that it meld aft be Mewed.
(14110blar.)
THZ 811 01 MANDAN,. _ _

Mr. SORfiliAl eald dirt, in theT*4mi; of lie noble
lord at the keel et Mt retersweet, b would postpone tim,
question of whisk ko had riven maim torgothdes the diem
et Llaadaff ; bat kir begged to give miles that he would
briar the mignon beim the bon* on tie motion los pier
late eseantitte• of supply, and would make a etatment en
the esessies la reply to the obwinations of the sable lord—
observations whisk le had meta to knew were Minded en
viry famoserata laiemation.

ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.
It twos agreed this the ham at its rising &mild adjourn
till Monday.
FACTORY BILL.

On the queetion that the ameadmeate ea the bill be con-
sidered,
Lord J. MANNERS presented several petitions from Bol-
ton, Oldham, Cahn, Preston, Bevy, sea other ?pane, in
favour of a Tee Howe Bill.
Lord ASHLEY thee moved the followlog amendments:
Is pspe 2, lime 12, atter the word "act," to bunt "no
child : and in the ems pert, line 16, after the words
" provided and," to insert • no child." The effect of them
amendments was, that so child eider 13 years of age should
be employed before 6 o'clock in the morning, nor after
6 at night. Unless these monuments were carried, the
children would be I. a relatively wens position than they
were before. He considered that 6 o'clock wee too early an
hour foe children to go to work, and that kalf-past 8 was too
late to keep there at it.
Sir O. GREY repeated the objections whisk he urged cm
a former ocean= to the amendments. Under the law, es ft

stood, the labour of the children could never be excessive,
for they were only called on to work foe 7 hours in one
partionlar ease, and 61 in anotber—tbat was to sty. there
wen to be two sets of children, who were to divide the 131
hours between them. The effect of the propositimi of the
noble lord was, to restrict that tins. He cossadered that
the proposition imposed an important sad additional result-
two on the motive power of machiner!, which would pre-
vent the mill-wners from carry iop on any work when a pest
pressure sense upon them without having remorse to youths
and women. - -

—Mr. AOLIONBY said that the right hon. pedestal had
failed to convince him either now or on the previous meg
11-0, end he should vote for the amendment. Ile considered
the whole question was re-opened, and that the factory
workers had a right to the Ten Hoare Bill.

Mr. 8. CRAWFORD did not think that children were
sufficiently protected if they were obliged to get up at half-
put four, or if they were kept at work till half-past eight.
He should tote for the amendment.

----------
After • few words words iraaa Mr. HOLDSWORTH, which
were inanilible,
Mr. BRIGHT wished to call the attention of the house
and of the noble lord tr the practicel effect of the proposli
irons if carried ; because, if the noble lord was as convinced
of what the tit eta would be as he (Mr. Bright), who under-
stood something about the matter, why the noble lord would
be the last person in the how' to propose the measure now
submitted to it. At present children under thirteen years of
age—for It was only to these that the motion applied—could
not work, speaking generally, more then 61 hours a day.
Now, when that great reetrietion was enacted, the result
was that many hundreds—he might almost say thousands—
of children, were discharged from factory employe:teat.
(Hear. hear.) The reason of this was obvious, for it persons
who had been in the habit of working 10,11, and 12 hours
a-day were restricted to 6 rr 61 hours, they vital only ex-
pect half the waw a they received before ; sad thinking that
too small they mouthed sway from work, and the lab sur ol
pang omens was too costly to wake see el.
Mr. EDWARDS should like to know Crum the hon. gen-
tleman what became of the children whom he said were
thrown out of employment, for in Halifax, in which district
he resided, it was difficult to meet with • child unemployed,
and they received on the average fra. • week, which was
nearly equal to what agricultural labourers in the mouth and
west of England received, although they had to support a
wife and family. (Rear. hear.)
Sir 11. WI LLOUGIIBY wished to know If the proposi-
tion would not interfere with the labrur of young persona
and women.

Mr. T. EGERTON said that it could have no such
effect, because the work on which children were employed
was of a quits different description trout that on which
young perms and women were employed. With respect to
this amendmeat, be looked upon it as an indirect attack
on the motive power of machinery and on the employment
et adult labour, because the labour of children was essential
to their labour. (Hear, hear.) Let them, if they so de-
sired, restrict the great mill power of the country to ten
hours a day—let the house, if it thought proper, sanction
the amendment, but let them weigh well tee consequence.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ELLIOT rose to cantina what had been slated by
the boa gentleman who bad just sat down. If the amend-
ment was carried, it would put a stop to the entire motive
power of the mills atter 10 house working sad he could
not but thick that was the real intuition of the noble lord
and others on both sides of the house. (Hoar.)
Mr. HUME said that the hon. member for Cheshire
directed the attention of the house to the real character of
the proposition. Its object was to restrict the
hours of labour by legislative interference, which he
ofinsiderod to be a moot pernicious cause to adopt.
Lord R. GROSVENOR begged to deny the conclusion
arrived at by the bon, member for Montvale, that labour
would be injuriously interfered with by the amendment of
his noble friend Lord Ashley. (Hear, hem.) It merely
went Vi protect children ; and if not carried, the children
would be at the option of the employers to be worked, not
merely ten boon per day, but perhaps twelve, or even
fifteen hours per day. (" No, no," md " Divide.")
Mr. W. I. FOX said some members seemed to think
the question had been brought to the reductio ad absurdum
in limiting the labour of adults to 10 hours par day. Now
he did not apprehend any such thing to have boon doss ;
and though some of the manufacturers might look on the
matter with aversion, yet he believed tho great body of ope-
ratives would rejoice. (Hear, hear.) It was said that the
effect of the measure would be to prevent men labouring
who were desirous of doing so longer than they worked
at pretest. Now on that subject the opinions of the
workmen had bean expressed most ezplicitly and perste
veriogly. He auppoe-d the hon. member for Montrose was
an advocate for a tree-labour market. (" Hest, hear," from
Mr. Hume.) But could that be called • froo-labour market
where the option was given a man to work only wtthia cer-
tain restricted hours seek day ?
Mr. BROWNE was of opinion that bath the noble lord
(Lord Ashley) and the hon. member for Oldham were
wrong. He could enure the house that in cams where mills
worked longs/ than 10 hours per day they engaged the very
best axon for the labour. (Hear, bear.)
After a few words from Mr. IiTAIIIPIELD, which were bat
in the loud mills for a division,
The home divided.
For the amendment
Against it l6O-1

The announcement was received with loud cheers by the
supporter of the amendment.
On retuning to the gantry, we found
Lord J. MidENBRB addressing the house, and submit-
ting for its adoption the Woman amendments. In clause
one, line 14, that the word " six" he omitted for the purpose
of inutile, the words " half-past nee," and in line 18, that
the word " two" be omitted for the purpose of inserting the
words " half-past three." In the event of these amendments
being married, to move, in clangs three, lite 39, to omit the
word "sis." for the purpose of inserting the words " half-
past Ave." The questis,n, he said, then was would the par-
liament of England ratify to the' people of England
the b)on which they had deliberately agreed to give them ;
end that was the matter at UAW, and upon which they
would have to pronounce " aye" or "no.' (Hear, Mr.)
He hoped and entreated heaven that the decision of English
gentlemen would be in accordance with English honour and
honesty. (Hear, hear.) He appealed to one *opulence of
every session, whether it had not been customary, when an
enactment failed in carrying out the intention of the legis-
lature, to pass a declaratory treasure, with a view to sensedy
that defeat. (Hear, hear.) He was prepared to assert that
the working of the Factory Bill, previous to the decision of
the Court of Exchequer, had been satisfactory, as indeed the
evidence of the factory inspector, Mr. Homer, testified
The manufeeturas had told them, day alter day, that never
before was trete so bloomed, never was inaanfacturiag industry
placed on so more a basis, as at the present time ; and now
they came forward and mid that, if this great boon were not
taken away from the berry workers, the employers would
be gatelike& The people of Er gland did not place much
reliance on the prephselos of the Manchester school. When
these Command= of Etaisybeidge, of Manchester, and of
Yorkikire told them that the weal or woe of the minute.-
tariag interest depend= on the retention of this half-hour,
they did not value the pndietion. "Give us this half-hoar,"
said bon. teenage= oppoeite, " and we will defy Morita
and the Z)llverda ; refuse It, and the gm of Essiand'a
manufacturing pempitity has set for ever." What I wore
them the gentlemen who, night alter night, had been telling
them on the part of the 'manufacturing interest that they
emsraid protection and and would defy a world in mindles
(Hear, hear.) He held in his hand a meat remark-
able document signed by a umber of Lancashire seasinfac-
toren in (avoar of the maintenance of the Ten Hems AM.
They observed that they had a Ceep interest in the metal
and worldly welfare of those who worked for them, as well
as in the prosperity of their own trade, and that, ha re
fleeted on the operation of the Ten Hem AM both viag
as re.
yarded the working men and as respected trade they were
convitmed that its advocates did sot over.estiniate its value
when they promoimi it in parliament. What was the ad-
Tweee which this hill cionforred an the workpeople t It took
away from them two boars. What, then, was the compen-
sation white livened it with the same of a otnaprmUe
It was saM that =ere would be a benefit in the prohibition
of women and ram persons from working after six o'clock
in the eveniog. He appealed to those has. gentlemen who
were conversant with the mentsfacturleg districts whether,
even sines the dsoision of the Court of ll:che-
viot, 11011•1111 and young persons had not, la 99
eases oat of 100, left off work at half-put five J
(Hier, hear.) He Gould not but regret that the
government were Meiling the house by lea Tots
that evening to compel her Majesty to return
to the working people the testimonial which ha had

bees soEudowkatteepted by her Majway. Oe the rev**
of that partiiesed wit* the posse of bee Majesty's
ll
*ea, a 4 obtefelted, be haw. by bar Melsety as
set lee* elitism of the may *sold* is ber itapaW
*owe —ass the sevens of that medal were isyseibed Ibe
words, "Tea Moen DM." (Rear, lest.) Was.% Well that
the aseld.atlel advisers of the sovereign should ask them
that weals. to erne tee vole which would reader that
media a sat uossealog toy; or that they should se a*
that its roves* sighs to press*, " The laseashteasy el
puti.sueut," " The levity sad lodifferewes of the sal
toss, sod "The folly of the people who walled in
either ? " (Cheers.) Let set the hewn vete with
lee eyes elosed
stee to
d Did lawritalge result of
- It . , dned •
seats els '

this measure ae ts. they agita-
tes"? Did they wish to renews _ far esditioa t
If tartlet evidence of the Janne of the MIS were neasmary
he would nfsr to the authority, expesend, not in public but
in private, of no Ins a person than the right honourable
member for Manthonter (Mr. M. Chinon.) When •
depatatiest waited open that right benearabie gentleman
sad two other boa. gentlemen who were leaden ea the same
beset, and sand teem whether they thought there was any
shone. of the Hone of.Commeas scanting to a twelve hours
kill, an eleven hours bill, or even a ten sad a ball hours bill,
they replied that so deeply was that bores pledged to a ten
hears bill that they coald sot hold out to the deputation say
hope that either of then manta would be successful. He
(Lord J. Hamm) trusted that the hone did feel itself
pledged to a ten hours bill. He asked the donee to redeem
their pl. dee' sad to prove to the working people of this
eostan that they attached sore value to the declared inns.
doss cfy the leginstare, and to the elaims end rights of the
industrial populstios than to the back-stain minas.
and coffer-house erroshinatioa of any set of amneisted sap
porters of the governasent. (Hear.) He appealed to the
ancient spirit of English homer to 'indicate the rights, the
admitted rights, of English labour, and he appealed to that
house to show that they were net only in lame and in
theory, bat in deed sad reality, the representatives if the
Commons of England. (China)
Mr. HORNBY seconded the motion, and nagratuls'ed
the errantry la having found is the noble lord such an able
sueoresor to Lord Ashley, who hod, be regretted, abandoned
the glassine in despair. The desertion of that noble lord
bad, be believed, produced a most prejudicial effect upon
many of the votes upon the abject, but he still hoped they
would be enabled to carry out the wish of the operatives for
a re.l ten hours bill. The hen. gentleman quoted the
opinions of members of the government, when the former
bill was under discussion, in favour of a ten hours bill, and
celled upon them to state a Nicole circumstance which bad
linos occurred that could operate to induce them to charge
then opinions.
Bir G. GHEE said that be hoped that the hone
would not agree to adopt the amendment of
the noble lord, and in saying that he must
elvers his ocincurrenes with thole who hoped
that they would not decide the guestion is ignorance of
what the facts were, and with their eyes closed against the
provisions of the bill. Any bon. gentleman who may hove
eons Into the house and heard only the speeches of the
noble lord who proposed the amendment and the hon. mem-
ber for Blackburn., who eecondsd it, would be now equally
ignorant of this bill and its provision. The noble lord
treated this case as if it were simply a repeal of the act of
1847. The hoe. gentleman who followed him treated it in
the same wanner, and, after having quoted what was known
to everybody, stated that he could not conceive on what
grounds the government could have been pithy of gross in-
consistency in altering • line of policy which they at ono
time maintsined and in supporting the bill which was then
before the house. When the hon. gentli man mooted him
(Biro. Prey having given a vote on the other sided the
cause which be was now going to neutralise by a vote which
he was going to give while in ogle., be must be allowed to
tell the bon. gentlemen that he frrant to tell them that be
(Bir G. Grey) sitting in that bongs in 1847 followed the same
course as be was now about to adopt, and he had not the
kindness to remind them that between than mini a there
was no iocosstateocy whatever. He also forgot at the
Ant that. the vote which be (Sir G. Grey) and
the noble lord at the head of the government
were about to give on that night were intended
to give effect to the votes which, in the year 1844, they
thought proper to give. It was said that it was only
necessary for government to correct a clerical error

whiob'oec. orred in the act already passed. There were two
or three clauses in the sot of 1844 on which doubtful deal
sloes were given. That was the inconsistency of the state of
the law, and it was not an error which an act of parliament
Gould remedy. If so, it might have been remedied
long ago. The operatives celled upon the govern-
ment not to legislate on the matter until it had
been ultimately decided in a court of law. That
ides *ion was given, and then his noble friend the member
for Bath, feeling sure that the intention of parliament was
that relays and shifts should not be allowed, asked parlia-
ment to sri-nt to the introduction of a bill which was ro
carry into f fleet the intention of parliament. He (Sir G.
Grey) had no objection to it, hut he stated that the noble
lord would not find it so easy a matter as he thought, not
because or any eerical error that might arise, but because of
the difficulty to form any that should express the
intentions of parliament; and he added that the only
effectual way of obtaining the objects which they
had in view, would he to limit the range
within which the Ten Hours Act of 1847 would be taken.
The noble lord carried the second reading of his bill, and
neither he nor the noble lord (J. Russell) objected to it.
The noble lord then found out that the bill did not carry
into effect the objects which he bad intended; he there
asked leave to bring in another clause, and he afterwards
Ibund that that would be equally inoperative. It was not
till then that be (Sir G. Grey) interfered, and he was
sure, after the communications that had been received
from Mr. Horner and other inspectors on the sub.
ject, that the vote of the noble lord the member for
Bath, who had that night been traduced, and spoken of as a
renegade would be foxed recorded against the amendment
which had been proposed. The noble lord the member for C cl
chewer took a one-sided view of the question, when be sup-
posed that this bill was not intended to carry out the objects
of the acts of 1844 and 1847, which were to include the ten
hours labour within the rage of fifteen hours. There was
no doubt that each an arrangement as that would he bene-
ficial to the operatives, as it would enable them to devote
their evenings to some useful oecupatione, either in in-
struction or recreation. It was said that the mill-
owners were in every way disposed to evade the
law ; he thought that they could not evade such
an arrangemert as this bill proposed. It would secure
to the operatives the immense advantage of having
the uninterrupted use of their evenings after 6 o'clock.
He hoped that the hone* would pause before they,
in deference to the arguments of the noble lord who
made use of much declamation about good faith, agreed
to the amendment which he proposed, and before they al-
tered a bill which would cause a satisfactory settlement tit
this question, such es would be highly acceptable to the
great body of operatives in this country. There were mac,
of them who he knew were favourable to an eight hours bill,
but be did not think that such a measure would
be satisfactory to the entire body. He was ready now to
repeat the opinion which he on a former occasion caressed
that it was desirable that parliament should attend to the
reasonable wishes and expectations of the operatives of the
country; and also that it was desirable that the operatives
should feel that their interests were eared for le that house.
Mr. BAN KRS supported the amendment, and claimed for
the operatives their full rights under the act of 1847. He
could not understand why they should be the nut jeet of any
compromise—a condition of which, however, he believed was
the am. mho. nt whit the house had just rejected.
Mr. STANFORD likewise supported the amendment,
which would place the operatives in the position in whist it
was the intention of the act of 1247 to place them.
Mr. NEWDEGATR supported it upon the same ground,
contending that those who gave up the limit of the act of
1847 did not keep their word wilt the factory operatives.
Mr. MUNTZ said the question was, what did the house
vote for in 1847 ? He believed all voted for a bona fide tea
hours bill. Teen, would this measure give the operatives
a tea hours bill) It would not. The case stood thus: the
house gave them what purported to be a ten hours bill, but.
fiddle% a flaw in it, tack advantage of their own wrong. 11..
had voted for a ten boon bill in 1847, and, as an honest man,
he should vote Li. it now.

Mr. HEALD, alter • most conscientious examination of
all the bearings of this question, as • man of honour, was
constrained to the inclusion that he was bound to vote icr
the amendment, end believed there would be en ultimate
gain in maintaining the high standard of honour of the
British parlismen..
Mr. HEYWOOD said a few words in opposition to the
amendment, which was supported by
Mr. W. J. FOX, who cosidered that the engagements of
parliament should not be revised until ample reason was
shown. A promise was binding on the putt promising in
the sense in which it wee understood by the promise*, and
the operatives understood that they were to have a tea hours
MU.

Alderman SIDNEY supported the amendment, consider-
ing it a question in which the honour and integrity of parlia-
ment were concerned,.

Mr. W. PAT YEN mid it was not just to argue the ques-
tion as one of contract. Many persons di,issoted from the
act of 1847, and he, as one of those person., considered
this bill as an honourable compromise, advantageous
alike to the operatives and the master mansion-
facturere. From his connexion with • miinulacturing
county he knew that a great number of millownen were
sutiffly opposed to the law of 1847, but they had declared
their willingness to renounce their opposition if the compro-
mise WIN accepted, and the great body of the enlightened
operatives were prepared to accept it.
Mr. ANSTBY and Mr. B. CUCHILIitiI supported the amend-
ment, as well as

Mr. 8. CRAWFORD, who said he expressed the unani-
mous feeling of the working dames of Rochdale, and of 44
proprietors of mills to its nesghbourhood.
Mr. OusznaLL likewise supported the amendment.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he was anxious to suits the
ground on whist i he should support the proposal of his
right hon. friend (Sir 0. Only.) Hs must take ranch of the
re/possibility of the act of 1847; both to that and the pre-
ceding esiaion he had smoldered that the bill would too a
great advantage to the families of the working clause who
were employed in mills. He had considered that it would
give them time which they could not otherwise
procure, whe,her for attention to their domestic do-
bac, for lemming, or for such other improvements as
they might attain for their families. He had not thought
It likely that the measure would be attended with the con
sequences Mat were predicted—that It would be a depriva-
tion of ene-sixtb of the manufacturiag power of the country,
and thereby a great diminution of its wealth lad induttrial
energy. He retained the opinion he then held—he believed
that the act of 1847 wee founded upon sound prineiples, and
be bad no wish to repeal that act. (Hear, hear.) Being •
supporter of that act, he should have bean quite willing—
and he had tweeted to several members of the house his
opinion that that world be the beet eoarse—to leave that

last entirely .andisturbed during the present session' not to
latest.,.e in any way with Ito provisions, hat to leave it to the
iaterpeetatlon put upon it by the courts of law, and not to
leveke the intervietion of parliament to make any alteration
et explanation, ' Who had proposed that alteration ? Not
say or those who untended' that twelve or sieves hours wee
the peeper period of labour for young persona, but the
noble lord the member Mg Bath, who had come forward on
behalf of the operative*. es the advocate of the young per-
' sons engaged In futorke, and had said that it was absolutely
neemeary to mall for the 'Unfreezes of parliament with
teepees to that set. Then, if he were boned egaiset his will
to prosonses au opinion with rupee* to that set, he mast
look at it in ocajusetion with farmer sets, and see what it
did, end what ft did set, provide. Some hon. gentlemen
geckoes If that act had derided the whole question, and had
given all the advantages which this bill proposed. Bat this
was elnicull net theism. There wee no provision, either
is the set el 1847, or is that of 184 i, that these persons
should not be employed at any time except between
the hours of six and nit,_ that they should not begin earlier
than six In the morning, nor finish later than Mx in the
evening. On the contrary, those acts provided that this
elms of ppeersnoons inlet begin work at half-past flu, and that
the egos of their period of labour should sot be later
than half past eight. So that, according to those acts, there
were sot 12, but 15 bows, daring which their Moor
nthsht be performed. (Hear, hear) Therefore he could
not conceive how hon. member could say that the proposal
of the noble lord opposite—that they should work so Men
than ten hears, and that those ten boors should be takes
between ax sod six—wee merely carrying into effect the
provision which parliament had already made, and that
there woe say broach of (pith In meklag any
alteration In that set ; Ilse the noble lord -himself
proposed a very considerable alteration, mid as ea-
drily new restriction with respect to factory labour.
There was indeed a forced construstios of the set, which said
that it any of thou persons began work at half-past five in
the morning, and others came in afterwards, at twelve, or
one, or two, in the doy, the whole should be construe! to
have began work at half-past five in the morning ; but, at
all events, and ladle' pliably, it wee in the power of the mill-
owners either to bung in these young persons at half-past
five in the morning, and continue their labour till five in the
afternoon, giving an hour and a half for meals, or to bring
them to the mills at nine in the morning, and continue their
labour till half put eight in the evening. Of that there was
no doubt whatever. (Hear, beer.) Th-refore, any bill
which proposed that they should not be employed at the
mills, but between six and six, must be a considerable alter-
ation—must inquire a fresh restriction, and, as he thought,
give a froth benefit to those classes. That being so, we*
it sot allowable, when they were called upon to
legislate by tha *obis lord the member for Bath, to say that
if fresh restrictions were placed on the employers, and they
were obliged to give up three out of the fifteen hours during
which they might employ these young persons, and thereby
so far to diminish their productive power--on the other
band, the time is which they might labour should be some-
what le, gthened, so that on the whole two hours additional
labour in the week should be given? As they were departing
from the acts of 1847 and 1814, the real question for the
house was, whether this arrangement was upon the whole
one which the operatives and their families might agree to so
upon the whole beneficial to them. The bon. member for
Stockport had said he entertained no doubt that the enact.
merit of this bill would be an advantage to those elutes—the
classes for whose benefit the act or 1847 was orieinally parsed.
It this were so, and if the millowners, on the other side,
who originally contended for twelve hours, and who for the
last two years had asked for eleven hours, were content
that this enactment should take place, was it ant consonant
to the wisdom of parliament to endeavour to make an ar-
rangement which some of its opponents admitted would be
bens fi•ial to the working cleat., and which was BO far ac-
ceptable to the millowbers, that, according to the hon. mem-
ber for Lancashire, many of those who had entirely opposed
the policy of those acts, would cordially consent to act in
conformity with the law, supposing the bill were passed ? If
such au advantage could be obtained, there was no weight
in the objection that, because in 1847 they contemplated the
restriction of labour to ten continuous hours, they ought not
to pass this act. It was obvious, and no one (toted gainsay
it, that the act of 1847 never contained any proviai r.-
strieting the labour of these young persons to the hours
between six and six; and therefore, supposing this
bill to be carried, with the noble lord's amend-
ments, it would not be a mere correction of a
technical error in the acts of 1817 or 1944, but it
would be in effect a new enactment, considerably more re-
strictive, aad thereby threatening that fresh agitation which
the house ought to seek to avoid. With these opinions,
therefore, being in favour of the set of 1847, he still
thought it would be expedient to adopt the proposal of his
right honourable friend (Sir G. Grey). (Hear, best.)
This proposal, it carried, would be the signal for the attempt
to resist any legislation at all on the subject, and to rest satis-
fied with the act of 1847 as interpreted by the courts of law
—which would be ac insiderable disadvantage to the opera-
tives. While disagreeing with the hon. member for Stock-
port, he founded his vote for the bill very muck on the rea-
sons to which that boo. member attached weight. If hi*
bid would give great advantages to the cperative theme, and
at the same time be ace ••ptable to those who had hitherto
contended against the limitation of labour, parliament could
mot have a better opportunity of settling the matter. lf, on
the contrary, they adopted the amendment they could not
expect it to be settled ; they might expect agitation in that
and the following years, and that would be a very great mis
fortune. (Hear, hear.) With respect to a great portion of
the mills in this country, those that were already working
11 hours, there would be no difference ; in others, where
were shifts and relays, those would be put an end to, and
the operatives would thereby gain a very great advantage.
Air. ELLIOTT feared that, even as it stood, the bill
would seriously injure many of the smaller proprietors of
mills moved by water power, such as existed in the county
lie represented {Roxburghsbire).
Syr. SRO TII EILTON approved of the bill, and he thought
it sufficient.

Mr. EDWARDS hating briefly spoken in favour of the
air.endinent.

Mr. DISRAELI said he kad not yet spoken on this quer-
tion, though he had voted in all the divisions. The
subj in, though a simple one, was one of deep interest.
Metre than thirty years ago the agitation for the Ten
Hours Bill had been commenced in the north of England.
In that movement he descried the action of an over-
worked population ; and it was gratifying that a people in
such a position had not sought relief in conspiracy sod coin
bination ; but at a time when education was more limited,
and a ',Mini information less diffused than at present, they
' had confidence in parliament, and sought at its heads relief
from their sufferings (Hear, hear.) It was not till the
lapse of 30 years that in 1817 a legislative enactment sanc-
tioned their convictions. He was not surprised at so great
an interval between the expression of the popular wish and
the act of the legislature. Statesmen and senates might be
well appalled at a proposal which threatened to restrict the
industrial power of the country; and it was only after very
full inquiry as to the condition and wants of the people that
the act had been passed. It had been regarded as • great
political experiment. Had it failed? (Hear, hear.) Had
experience shown that parliament had committed a great
error ? Bfra• ge to sty it was at a time when the labouring
population was moat prosperous—at a time when, according
to their own representations, that working population was
most improved, materially and morally, that they were
called upon to alter and to revise their legisla-
tion, and to acknowledge that the law was a mistake, while
admitting that its consequences had been most successful.
Long as the agitation which heralded the law, had pro-
ended, though ills subject had paused through periods when
political excitement and party passions were strong, yet, be
would not say by a fortunate accident, but by a happy pro-
.idence,
what was called the factory question had never
been connected with the fcrtunes of any political party.
And the act of 1847 passed that house in a manner which
must have convinced the people that it was the result of
unimpassioned deliberation, and not of party combinations.
(Hear.) The act bad beea most successful. It was tested
by experiment ; and its existence was, it seemed, accompanied
by great commercial prosperity; with not only the mainten-
ance but the increase of wages amongst all cloves; win not
only the maintenance but the increase of the export of coin-
! modifies to those markets where the demand for these cone
moilities ought to be most materially injured by this law ;
and now they were called upon to give • verdict as to its
character. (Hear.) What was the reason, he wished to
know, that they were now, in 1830, called on virtually to
repeal and abrogate that law ? If, indeed, the case
had been otherwise; if the members for Manchester
and other great towns had said that the mills had stepped,
that the workiog classes were not remunerated for their toil,
if they gave a gloomy picture of the society in which they
mixed, and of which they were the leaders, he could under-
stand—not in :red that they should hastily and without con-
sideration set about repealing the act of 1847—but he could
understand why the house should calmly, seriously, and
se-teasingly examine these complaints, investigate the cause,
and then, if they found they were caused by the opera-
tion of this law, they could without shame, if not
without regret, proceed to its repeal. (Hear, hear.)
But nothing of the kind was alleged. On the contrary,
gentlemen connected with the north of England told them
that the north was never in a more flourishing condition.
(Hen hear.) He wished to strip the question of all
the hair splittiop with which its consideration had
been mixed up The factory workers imagined that
j when the act of 1847 passed their labour would be re-
strieted to 10 hours a day. And when they wen told they
were deprived of its benefits by the act of 1844, they
were entering upon • mystification which the people
could not comorehend, and which, as plain unsophistieoted
men, they did not wish to understand. (Hear, hear.)
By pursuing such a course whilst they failed to satisfy the
reason they lost all hold upon the allegiance of their hearty.
(Hear.) The ground taken by the noble lord could not be
admitted into the discussion of this question now. They
had it. longer any thing to do with the economical con-
siderations involved in it. The decision to which parlia-
ment had come upon that might have been erroneous,
might have been nowise, might have been impolitic—
though it was not his opinion that it wae—
but at all events parliament had decided sad they were
not there to consider whether it was wise or not to
regulate factory labour. The getr scion was now a moral
and not an economical question—(hen, hear)—and he quite
agreed with the hon. member for Warrington (Mr. Orman)
that in this question what was concerned was the honour of
the parliament of England. (Hear, hear.) The legislature
had to consider what war involved in these momentous
words. It was a dangerous thing, in a legislature to
violate its faith. He denied the right of the House
of Commons to come forward now in a fit of fickleness
a
aa.ndd cathpaeti
theyc e an dworesay
nthaottpthreepyareha
dd comet oaiain to
tainhaaftztoohnweiltutsior,
the
pea le of this country. (Cheers.)
The hone then divided
For the amendment 142
Against
The report was then brought up and resolved.

MEOPTER)--11
The eonsOl
t
his anal
Clo this billlNwas thee reamed arBILL.
1
eln 'ed, several additional clauses being agg,,i %s.
miscellaneous discusion. The el.'s.a by whieh the .4 '44
the principal secvetary was allottedthe
„,)!".1 of
some lively debating. Ultimately the clorrance • '"I
at 1,2001 per spouse. as god
The bane renamed.
LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) Rio. Major ELACKALL *eked whether toe goverm,.. "" proceed with this hill in the present session ? at
Sir G. GREY flied the second reedih; Lir Thur. 4.,
nat inst., but said he could gine bo promise
timer might be done after it bed been reed a mend time -""
TURNPIKE ROAD (IRELAND) BILL.
This bill went through eonimitree.
BOROUGH COURTS FL. RECORD (IRELAND)
BIL
The hens* having gene into committee on this bill,
Mr GROGAN moved as an amendment, list 161. be
anhetitiated for 201., as the sons recoverable uhaer th,
111M51155.
Mr. HATC
The committee divided. HELL could not consent to the amendiue,,.
...
For the amendment l7
Fur the clause
The other clauses were egreeg to, and the homelrxl_.
sensed.
HOME-MADE SPIRITS IN BONI,.
Oa bringing up the report,
BritishOULß, in reference to the relative ,1,,,u s
ispirits and rum, wished t'-.e hon.
introduce resolutions to give a corresp•mdir
•0
51115.
Mr. F. MACKENZIE thought be had doe* his ik.„
kis country by causing the resolulion to be pa..d,
the bon. member moved to put rum r n an eqeal Mobil
whiskev, he aural' have his cordial supoort
Mr. I'ORBES hoped the British ci.tiaer would hi pit upon a level with the French distiller.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER ,„,) out
NY
had given nAice of his intention to oppose Liu, hi.,
'straws&
MARRIAGES BILL.
The report of the Marriages Bill wee brosebt up, mita
thiid reading fixed for the 10th July.
CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE QUEEN'S DENtli.
Mr. MULLINOS moved an address fur C
patent appointing Lord Denman Lord Chief J
Court of Queen's Bench; and copy of any Tr....,
or sign manual warrant appointing or grariti/
be paid to the present Chief Justice of the Q
Lord Cami.heli. Ordered.
The house then adjourned at one o'clock.

~cats
.t 7 t 4

Loans.—On Thursday the t,i,onint
bill' were reported specially front the ratilont
mittce, and leave given vi pretend with th,
%Vet' Wok., Montrose Harbour, Stour'aido.
Herons) ke and llaniont-Bridge Turnpike-r
Heiring Syke Tutopik, road, Cl -r ot N
Works (for supplying the City of Norwith awl N
burhood thereof with Water), Snith Wale. t ,I"
tal) (Powers to secure Advantsger on the re-itou, •:reAtt
and on un-issued sham.. and'arn,ndtotht of at.3l), L
C ,rporation Water Work.; bills.
MR. PORTAL pair. d off in favocr of Lord J ..11
Manton 's amendment on the Factorits iii wro tr.t
E. Bulimia against it.

ghe CysprE.4,-3::4.

OUTGOING MAIL..
The mails for Lisbon, Spain, and Uinta:tar
up on the morning of June 17.
The West Ind:a Mails, exeludirg Berrtudit, i
Sasseu, 110. duras, New drietns, and M _inc.),
itp•se for Madeira, St. Juan-de-Nieerssua, Ne*
Chili, and Peru, will be made up on the mornio ~1

The mails tor Gibraltar, Malta, Orrece. t;...
Egypt, Ceylon. India, and China, rut Soul
be made up on the morning of June '29.

The mails for British North America an 1 th.
Stan Wig be made up on the evening of June 21
The mails rid Marseilles, to the hicchter,ere.,
C ylon, bat, Hong-Kong, itc., will he mad •' or,
@resin; of June 24.
mails tor Madcria, the Brasile, and Buenos Ay
he
made up on the evening of Jaly 4.

HIOH WATEK AT LONDON IHtITO6
Tito I)4l—Honuai, S.
To-wo.ac.—Morulac G.. 31.

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE I

TUE difference between the French ar d En.
cabinets with respect to the Greek e-ttlernont

understand, be terminated ; and Lord LANS!

will no doubt so announce on Monday availing.
presence of M. TRIERS Margit um of itself a,:. .

this conclusion. For the PREIZDF.NT of the ltt

being known not to be anti-English, /motel,
appreciation of Greek politics, a c
acerbation of the grievance cou'd only hal,
from that dominant majority of the A• at
M. TRIERS is perhaps the foremost mem' -
It cannot be forgotten that when the ant
was made the other day in the Frreel,
that M. Intouvr DE ',RUNS Vt as recalled, •

semi-hostility to England was hailed with loolsho.:1
of approbation by this patty. On he part of tit,.
timis•s this was hatred to T•.c;: u d a,t a coantrv•
on the part of the Guicatiste, it vi..ts hatred to
foreign office; both proceeding from the es"•.e sent,
ment, the belief that the whigs are too liber,d. ati
that they do not always sympatb.i :e with guar,:
meats when they get into cliffi recces uitn
people. The legitimists can never fa:gire
recognition of Louts PHILIPPE : acd :Le

Louie Philippiete are Nosily cl!sgustid
recognition of the republic. The Ecg goc

was complacent wi•h•CAVAI©NAC ; and ever

election of Louis NAPOLEON, English politic:it.-
pecially of the whig and liberal school, hare
rally held that it would be wisest for the
to govern in a middle course by a cmprotn.,e
tween the contending classes, and that
ROT and DCFAURE were perhaps the Stott :4.I;TC .
fitted, from precedents and positions, to trt.c:
compromise, and guide the government bc:i
the Scylla of reaction and the enarybdis of rtr,
t ion.

This is considered high treason &gains.
and interests of the better classt P by the :al

en 3

the majority, who see no hope of kis pirg their
tion on the surface of society ex.ep: [Le pei,cr.t
popular party and popular ideas be pu: down.
tarp predominance, coercion, restr.,:l,,n of popular
liberties and a monarchy, are the mbar,‘ y have
determined to employ. And in order they ,tralnly
lean and look to alliance with d spots and reu;rado
governmentsof Europe, in preference to those a: can•
atitutional habits and liberal leanings.

M. 'Nuns, however, does not go these krzti.
Of the statesmen of the majority, we believe h:ni
be most sincerely inclined to the Ergliab ince.
and most thoroughly convinced that it is the s
and the best for France. M. Tutins can be to ..)rer
either of priestly rule or of military government.
however he may see the necessity of tnik.n4 ure
two such crutches for the present. llowoer ;ow of
his party may look upon the Jesuits as the on:y
twat regenerators, whilst others worship the isw
martial as that rein/ion dtr drag, which is soesal
salvation, M. TnIERS must see Itt•it W escape
from the dominion of the unorglni to
fall under the dominion of the soy -cite 111`)•
organised as either illiterate priests or selii.tia. were
in truth no progress, but a mere running wand in
that vicious circle, from which fortune, nvre t:Aa her
own efforts, liberated France in
M. Tams, however, is one of the many french
who deem that without the cooe.stoce et rao:.irehy
the present notabilities of rank and inte;:iz.n.y ;ge-
net maintain their due and salutary inn ott.e. A

republic
sheorieethsenectuarDE FtileYtrrgeosv,erannedl .117.
thing preferable to a subjection of the intelagent to
the half-informed, and of the expetienced tote
novices of public life.
The great question is, however, not whit Je"
citable, but what feasible. Aml we ca-. 11.: hat
think that in aiming so recklessly st a rectos' •' of
monarchy, French conectvatites tire iir.lsaig this
amount of order and influence which they hese Pa'
served and wielded under tne repub:a.. -k
Fr nch conservative, when asked why he
eiders a restoration of royalty so be% tuit'•,•
asks you to question any and every Frenehm.in
is
society. The reply will show that all regret nonstell
—to restore it, therefore, must he easy. Now. t" r;
haps, if one were to question each American of B`"'d
society, and were those Americans t reply sina"lY'
it is probable that a desire for monar,:hy, Its repo4
and distinction, would lurk at the hot aklet
answer. But, r m
for all these longings of the b-t 1;
&fusee, is monarchy possible in America.' it
is not the longings of let Arm. that
will ever found a government On thi; aide
of the Atlantic or on that. It is with the Mud!:
voice, and by the popular feeling, that such co P"'
alone accomplished. And in our days, v. ith our Gist-
Ration, these cannot be long compreseed. 'lllev tusf
come back to monarchy some day, in France at. lessE,
but it will not be by compulsion. And to majaray
of intellectual dandies, however esteemed and

_
_ , by so notate what amount of
will fore* a east thinking
er'.! 3 be that of France iato tho oid ehanoel ot
their 'rill, their interests, and their

ro• 0,,e , Twos has come ovar oa
, of =list preteeders to soother.
$.:••••1,0`'• 11, y gof the kind. The em-
a, tt coarse as that of St. Germaine and
1004 ur.deraiken by aides•de comp and
c}" L . Got statesmen.M Tinfoil is above
:i
• •;- ; and if he comes for mere
- ha mignon s not to Claresnoat or
• .
but to the great world of
sad politirims, Mach weight is de-
.' to English couosel and Engliah
4, are Ind to weigh upon the mind of
cf t, 74, who. althosigh be abandons him.
1. ocan po.icy of the majority of the
• trews to entertain doubts of the
•;. po:icr. It world, therefeer, be I.
r•• Pr the dominant majority in
. •efmnd ehoul.l countesance their de-
deirremctioa. We trust, however,
• `r: ~t. gat, sman will do any such thing,
roof-owl will be given to envois-
c flo.rvatives in a dangerous, a
talifillCl:o4b:C design. There are,
e in F.-gland. There is no
;who divine to me the lower class
~. 7 .te w.f., no more than the upper
• • .paste tta lower. But, in the war of
,•
n, led•er• a intolsratee, and the meet
~-,. • . that of attempting by violent. a
,rveral conviction of a station. That
„,..- st :n; in religin ; and every
wC4 tha: force applied to such con-
... :aIJ of the intended effect, but pro-
' • .;or The same truth has to be seta-
•. • ant the French, not excepting
!et to leafs it.
~r. fore, brings asignmeots for the
• r Action, we hope thryy be met
• • L • decided of the sof nay
and arguments, however,
of ind.videals. As a government,
can have nothing to do with
• ee rat the:r French neighbours.
• • , Grneral CATAIGNAC or Xing
w and each, whilst fretting their
stage, receive doe atten-
,sy from us—not only attention, in-
,;,e, :o be awarded not according to
merits, oat provirtioned to their
their wisdom, their liberality, their
Len3nr, and manly character and

c JP"

ar:t

- I

•arts 11.11 has passed through cora-
l** of Caurnons and stands for final

: .e t!ltril reeding, with all its original
told. V slims attempts by variou
ids to :iek it into something of a useful
!r.• Bat with one or two uniaa-
them 'flirts have proved whoLy
•An overwhelming majority refused
to rote in any other way than

*

1;:lier-t-d to tie in accordance

ar demand for cheap law at say risk.
A* the Arrolxxx-Gesthaa., had
.:z. alited themselves by their opposition
!el" whatsoever, or any extension of local
3 ~,i.ng to the predominant feeling, have
r the contrary direction, with a weal
w. h:.re awakened the suspicion of less
• . ties al to th' reliability of their
, rtfl-ing to the last hour „to let the
I 0.. wit hal offered to lead the Israel-

is Levelly c3neeivable that they
r.. Uit figitires from t: • bondage of
are tam eredelous ; and while they
• ..r. tLt II me of Lords an nufathom-
.% and objections, they blindly trust
;to p.:otag• of one whose individual
at Taxi ince with their as-
res.

tOoC3:te

, ©tit unscrupulous avowal of
p.,y •.- at shortsighted game was
•. . for Ripon. Unwilling to
• • .7. toe shrewdness, and dettr-
• - :?:rtow.ty of getting a cheer,
.• . y declared his perzeption,
• •r. :ay clause, providing either
.7.07. or appeal, they were hazard-

:re tlie Of the 'wliole measure. Bat
it d.!-d. w..: a suh:ime air of resignation to the
• a: majority, " I obeli certainly
T.l*( :,r p.,:gi propoied;'tis exceedingly probable
...• y •..2) to tae bottom, or that atter a brief
• y hare to put back into part to refit ; but
tea gone forth • the dangerous experiment
• .r.ed: and instead of endeavouring to dimi-
t. r.sas and perils thereof, the duty of states-
: • urge the experiment on." High minded,
and sapient mussel! Yet it was cheered by
1... a zio heard it, and followed by many who must
irui.k in their hearts from its tone, but who
L3t make up their minds to resist its auicidal
aced not for the hundredth time repeat what,
outset of the controversy, we have urged,
to reader the transition safe and lasting,
= a ',vela of costly and tedious eta-
OM that shoal be practically ex-
and inexpensive, too much care cannot be
▪ • 44sta against the breaking down of the new
ta,der an untried and unactostomed
• Its people have been told that summary
• of their claims and differences was attain-
▪ •.• e. r.f local courts. They have, therefore,
:.- monopoly of Westminster all should
:t • and that such a distribution and devo-
:•. -I authority should be made as would
P...r •*- rise. Irian within their reach. But the pea
i' :art • , i:.tertst in the erection of a crazy sad
•-•*••?* •-•'-m, by which contrary and taeoseietaal
..u..er points must of neeemity min%
•th• its operation of whisk all the popular
:.'•r r4tits and remedies must inevitably
• .:ter.y co:Awned. Dear law is a great evil,
1.! .r.Vrri:L.ivr a a eti I greater. The people have
act arced :tat the one should be aserifloed for the
elt,7 tare no lire of either. And paths-
z.,tt • ...r.rta:t-y, abilcate its most sacred duty, if,
a1../.1. 4 t:e of J.r Janis Gaexterfe advice,
pry take the nation at its word, and fling
'.r.L.G reed whoa they auk for a sound staff.
...ter a concurrent juriathetion reserved
to Mt r.ipt tqufte, or a ready and efficient mode
Ti.... to expect that any uniformity or
a; ;4* t. otitormity of decisions oast prevail. No
rest • ... men know that Lis rights are. No judge
AAP, le I restrained by the sense that now
h.a. t' stet in avordanct with known princsi-
pas or d is-ta..4-...ed rules, for known principles and
W.g0..c.t1 ru.ki w...° no boo' ger exist in such matters.
eviwy court judges will be suffered
-;4 - a't 44.r.4 to their arbitrary, capricious.
:rear atn pleasure. Is this what the
....'!'"15'•! N., • r.t, thing. Is this what the
ide,Yrs• .".
'1.4'1
I 't
Nothing of the kind. They
" ebtep and summary justice as can
. • .-crt tattetrtain conflicting, and varia-
te
• • e., ner merit the name of law or justice,
r.o. it •
„ well infallibly provoke a strong
rest .on against local and economical tribu-
I. kAtr.t we fear and deprecate such a re-
L., • ".,"i-lh•we the random legislation which is
tare tir't.'•:u'4g. We believe it to be most nefortn-
.. t sod most eminently calculated
tLt popular confideuoe in parliament.

Err
t...ereLle rottion has been canoed in the City . •
-hdal•g I,4Ae of indictment at the Old Bailey
L' "AP, of the principal Waren of the docks,
ot4 the revenue ; on which bills the parties
to hel4 to bail. It is understood that the pre-
l• at the instance of the Customs authoriuta ;
• •'.,ettora of the docks express unabated con-
. • • . 'l4e heiv.itir and integrity of their employee
" Li there is at present • general
'• %at the prosecutions have been rashly

•'orENGLASI) LIFE AND FIRE
IrerfTu-
1. •••r ee tre enamel meettag of this compute was
i. 'Li fh.,ptiet,,A2e of the directors of the Eut India
). a tLe wiser. The rerat was favourable, end
heal setunsti•Ja in which this institution was
' te. el•rgy of the estab:ished church, mire partied-
) 'Le Lumber of new pieties bevies exceeded these pee vein. year since the lonsetiea of the iaati-
-litoe hre department the louse did sot exceed
1.1 IL. r.o.ipte. Th. report was adopted natal
•). dividend of G per apt. (latereet sad boons)
t'i Le peril after the 30th instant. A ere or h• peii.l to the chairman sad directors, wad to Mr.
1464te,,usmeneser, *Ma the misting geParatal•