The Express.
London, England, 1850-07-01 00:00:00

Elie expreofs.

the anaceousiable seesnelties of a military and sa
anti-national enrolment. Nice and termer are the
wily principles which these gone nmente arketewledr
—the maintenance of their ow* poweriml4lollne,ss
territories—the °sly aim they protesi. lb diquaint
them that in ~►o one would a wintry like
!Seemed, which Providence bar plead peeptinet4
se the guardian and promoter of the liberty,
independence, and civilisation of Europe, per-
form the duties of that guardianship, were
sot only a criminal and pusillanimous derelictioe
of duty, but the surest mode of surrenderinc oar
ewe chances of pesos, and happiness, and mospenty,ee
well as these of Europe. We ore bound to Europe,
we make part of it. The onnexions and the sym-
pathies between us and it daily sequin more
emisistency and force; and that wire welch now
communicates the wants and the thoughts of men to
one another over immeasureable distances is not
more subtle and all pervading, than the unseen
links by which tither sympathies and wants, moral
and politiml, are pissed from mind to mind. If
Europe does not follow us to the light of liberty, we
shall follow it into the night of deepoti-m. Tne
theories of self-isolation, fora time admits d by some of
our philosophers, may be recommended for their
apparent cheapness. bat these principles are not the
only kind of cheap bargains that are found to be the
&wrest and least durable in the end.
We have wandered somewhat from the debate in
an sonisty to set ourselves right on a most important
*at But we should be wanting rot to mention
the great importance and the great ability displayed
in the last day's discussion. Mr. CoCKBURN'S was a
most masterly expos,; it showed that there are still
lawyers that can be statesmen. The speeches of the
four leaders were equally remarkable, save that Mr.
DISRALLI, 'peaking so late, could not be wort hily
reported.
Sir Ronnie PEEL's speech was no of the mor re-
markable he ever uttered on foreign policy. It was ex-
tremely temporate, and in nothing illiberal, perhaps,
save in its tint' vote. With most of its criticisms on
parts of Lord PALMERSTON'S policy we fully agree;
but we thought those parts trivial or irrelevant, when
taken in comparison with the =rive, the conduct,
and the aim of the entire foreign policy of the ad-
ministration. (in the whole it adds to oar deep re-
gret at the aciident which has befallen a man so
gifted, and see capable of still rendering eminent ser-
vice to his country.
But the most important part of the debate appears
to WI to have been Lord Jowl At:agent's plain state-
ment of his policy with respect to /Luria. The Bri-
t:sh Beet, he said, was sect to the Dardacilles to
support the SULTAN, in ease Russia should have per-
sisted in her outrageous demands. Had Russia per-
sisted, said the prime minister, we were prepared to
stand the risk.

OUTGOING IL&ILL
The West hats Mills. imdadias Bermuda, lieeemmh,
Puns, Windom% New Orlesas, and bleaise,aad eaelediep
them ter Madeira, Bt. Jeaa-de-Nieerartua, New Oniaada,
C. sad Peru, will be made up to 1110170 W mossier.
111* far Modem, tbe Smile, sad Same, Apra, will
he made up ea tle 'makes el Jell d.
TM) malls lor British North America awl dm: Mated
.Notes will be mode yea the nosier: of July 6.
The melts fee Lisboa. Spas, sad tisbneltar will be made
iv ea Jay 7.
The math ail IlarertUes, at the Ilediterranean, Bpppt,
Ctl lon, ladle, Hour ea', he., will be made up on the
Omuta, el Jai, S.
The made Gibraltar, Malta, Omer, the lonian Islands,
Rapt, Ceylon. India, awl China. Me Southampton, will
bmade ue ea the atomise el July 20.

MOH WAWA AT LOllllOlll MADAM
T" D..-W .h. la Altsviagia. ra
To-Ases..-lionliNii.

LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 1.

Ova advantage, at least, may result from the late
debate, that people in general will direct more atten-
tion and interest towards our foreign Militias, and
that politicians in particular, seeing that the fate of
parties may be mole to hinge upon them, will find it
advisable to muter that pert of state affairs, 'effect
upon and digest the knowledge concreted with it, and
thu. VINO to the subject, not as most of them did last
week, crammed for the nonce, and uttering the most
inconsiwent crudities, but with something like con-
science and conviction, and with the information re-
quisite to form • judgment, not merely gathered up
hastily, like pebbles from a high road, to pelt an ob-
noxious minister.
Foreign politics have not for a long time had their
due importance in parliament. Notning so plainly
manifests this as the number of voters, who were
actuated by views exclusively of domestic policy,
and by the results likely to teems to it, and
not to the general cause of liberty by the de-
cision about to be taken. Such results are no
doubt well worthy of consideration, but for our part
during the pregress of this interesting debate, we
could not bat thtnk far Isle of domestic progress than
of the tate of coutitutional government and popu-
lar progress in Europe, so much of which hung upon
the violent and condemnatory overthrow of • whig
foreign policy, to be followed by the installation of
a policy antago.iistie th it.
In the general indifference which exists u to our I
foreign relations, it is a very prevalent opinion that''
that police is best which causes least expense and
least troupe ; aud, caner quently, that a policy should
be formed, rather conforming to the prevailing tone
and principle of European govei laments than antago.
nistic to them. In order to render this system
perfect, we ought to have a double relay of foreign 'I
ministers, one to set up when literalism was in
the zenith and constitutional government in pro-
gress, with souther ready to supersede him whenever
despotic monarchy and the law martial should have
triumphed. There would be in this see-saw of par-
ties and altercation of power a kind of guarantee that
we should, whatever happened, be en good terms
with the powers uppermost ; and that influence which
we bad neither the hooest7 nor the courage t a de-
mand and maintain as a right due to cur greatness
and our justic, we at least might procure by a sate
and cringing subserviency te, whatever ides, courtly
or popular, happened to predominate.
Now, for our part, we do not aKroee of Lord
ABERDEEN'S policy of " and conforming, and
having no oprciva of OLO'A own. Arid we believe
that it leads to war just as directly as the contrary
extreme, which beads to nothing. We have • strong
example in the Spanish marriage qii,eoarVro, adduced
by Lord ions Rcsszu.. Had ABEIDEEN
dezlatel, boldly and frankly, from the first, that
Eoglud would not admit the marriage of the Queen
of SPAIN with an Os&z,os, neither the event, nor
the quarrel arising out of it, would have taksu place.
But he faltered, and shiily-shallied, and feared to
offend. And it is this which led to the brink of a
serious quarrel with France. Foreign monarchs, of
come prefer a-. E-gludi minisrer who will hum-
ble
to them ; but it does not follow that either peace
or %natty ere secured by such means.
Vs England require., is, not a minister to bully,
nor a mitt:btu to sneak, but a minister that will repre-
sent the sentiments of the country, ferule avow
them, and act upon them, so far as justice, fairness,
and wisdom perna.t. There can be no sounder prin.
plethan that of con-intervention—not interfering rn
other people's affairs. If every European nation
would admit of, and act upon, this principle,
we should have an end of differences and war.
Bat, ursfortuuately, other countries will interfere,
and unfortunarely the entire net work of law and trea-
ties, as Europe is full, not only of excuses, but irjune-
tions to interfere. We have guaranteed Belgium, and
we have teed PortugsL The fiercest opponents
• Lord gan.aufsaszott aver that we have guaranteed
Schleswig to Denmark, and summon the foreign
secretary to go to war and send ships to enforc= the
guarantee. To establish non-intervention fairly and
folly, we should re-model the written international
law of Europe.
We know of no better mode of explaining and illus-
trating the doctrine of non-intervention than by
considering the policy of Earl Gaze's administration.
That statesman laid down more formally and solemnly
than any man the principle of non-interven-
tioo—it is, in fact, his declaration that
is universally invoked. His resolve was not to in-
tervene himself. Perhaps his resolve was equally not
to intervene (teen to prevent other interveners. But
did he declare this to Europe? Far from it It is
well known that nothing prevented Prussia, backed
by the two eastern powers, from int nog in
favour of the King of HOLLAND, but the attitude
assumed by Lord GEES'S administration in support
of France. That attitude went to say to the great
powers neither more nor less, than that if they inter
used to crush Belgium and put down France, Eng-
land might intervene to resist that attempt. It was
this attitude of England and Lord GREY that pre-
vented a Europeanwar... _ _ _

These words are very simple, but, at the lame
time, unmistakeable. They will go through Europe,
east and west. And they will go, moreover, with a
rote of the House of Commons, passed immediately
afterwards, approving and backing them. Count
SesseLeoDE may write es many notes, with as great
an amouut of insolence, as he pleases. Here is his
answer—and nee. r answer came more opportune.
Our readers will have perceived in our foreign in-
telligence the account of an insurrection against the
Turks in Bulgaria. All letters from the Danube for
the hat twelvemonth have repeated that an insurree-
tion was in preparation, that it was the next
move of Ituesia against Turkey, and that it
would infrllibly break forth the instant
that the Cabinet of fie. Pete rsburgh found
a moment favourable. That moment It did find, or
thought it Lund, in the successful explosion of the
conspiracy in Albers, in Paris, and in L'indon—a
conspiracy that was to oust Lord PALNEtterox, and to
neutralise his power. We look upon this insurrection
in Bulgaria to he am much a par. of the plot, as the
false report conveyed by the Times of Baron Gaos
having told Mr. Wvsa of the coming conven'ioo,
and of Mr. WYSE having slighted his communication.
All parte of this plot hung well together, and certainly
it was most ingeniously contrived to hurt and
hams-
liate this caurory. Tile humiliation was indeed de- ,
trounced in the debate, as having &reed the Eogliii
government to accept the French Conditions, which it
had an recently rparned. If humil:ation there was.
however, who is to blame for it but the House of
Lords, which sought to place Mi.. country at the foot
of the foregoer, and which fortunately only partially
succeeded?

But whilst thus affirming the existence and ad-
miring the ingenuity of the plot, we must protest
against its being ever supplied that such men as Sir
ROBERT PEEL or Mr. COBDEN were privy to it. No
on. breathes such insinuation save themselves in re-
pelling it. It was almost altogether a f 'reign plot,
eagerly concocted and abetted by foreign po•entates
and courts, state-men and stateswomen. But the men

of station and eminence in this country were more its
dupes than its sccomplices, and a great number its
unconscious accomplices; its true agents in this
country being so subaltern, that we doubt if it will
ever cansist with the dignity of history to name
them.

WANT of opus has prevented us hitherto from no-
ticing the somewhat irregular, though not uninstrue-
tivediscuseion, which took place some nights azo in
the House of Peers, on the scheme for abolishing the
local goveromeut of Ireland. The bill for that pur-
pose is still in the other house of parlia-
ment, and has not as yet got even into com-
mittee there. Nevertheless, their lordships have,'
in the exercise of their inscrutable wisdom,
seen fit to anticipate the contingency of its eventu-
ally reaching their chamber; and in the plenitude of
their privileges have been busily engaged in debating
details about none of which they p. oleos to be, or in
point of fact can possibly be, certain.
We can hardly say, however, that we regret in the
present case this erratic method of proceeding.
Whatever its general inconveniences may be, the
result in the ectual cue before us will un-
doubtedly be to save the public time, by
showing ministers the hopelessness of pressing the
measure further this session. We have arrived at
the Ist of July. A vast quantity of urgent busi-
ness still remains undasposed of. The many
wbo vote after midnight oa questions they have
sot beard debated, and the few who are wont
to debate questions for the most part without an
audience, are alike weary and impatient of their
flee mouths' attendance on the legislature. The day
of sessional judgment approaches, and a numerous
troop of unrealised projects of law await their inevit•
able doom.

Was, howe4r, this policy of Lord ORLY a strict
and rigid following out of the principle of non-in-
tervention? Mr. COBDEN lays it down sa a rule, that
we must not intervene in any case ; and in order to
prevent other powers from intervening to crash a
liberal party, for example, or a constkutiou, we
have no other means at our disposal than to declare
that we will not intervene. By thus setting other
powers a good example, he says, we will more effectually
prevent their intervening than by any other
mode. Now, with unfeigned respect for Mr.
COBDEN'S general principles and opinions, we can-
not admit the sense or wisdom of such a polidial
view. We would go his length so far, perhaps, se
to say, that we should rarely, if ever, interfere. But we
should strongly recommend a minister not to make
too open and positive a declaration of such intention.
Nothing preserves Turkey from Russia, or Belgium
from France, or Portugal from Spain, or indeed the
entire south and west of Europe from the
powers of the north and east, but the belief
that in certain cases of wrong, of aggres-
sion, of ambition, or tyrannical encroachment,
the spirit and the power of England would be moved
to interfere. Now, what we Day is, don't remove that
salutary fear, which is one of the great safeguards of
the freedom and independence of the nations of
Europe. We should be delighted to see Mr. Con-
ned and Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH ministers..
And we have no doubt the good they would
work would be very great. But we should
strongly recommend them not to rise up on
the first day of their hold of office, and
declare that in no cue would they interfere or
intercede in the afire of Europe, and in no ease
would they entertain the idea or the possibility of
war. We should tally approve of such intender;
but the wisdom of declaring them we doubt. Fr
we feel convinced that such a declaration from
any English ministry would have the effect of letting
loose the passions of conquest and ambition, whisk
prevail in the breast of the most barbarous part of
Europe, and with them would go forth unchecked the
incalculable evils of rapine and of war.
We are, indeed, confident that the time will come,
and that at no remote period, when the nations of
Europe will have made such progress in the meioses
sad habits of self-government and the arts of poem
that no man will be in fear from the ambi-
tion of Kings or the restlessness of peoples:
and when a thought, much less a polio,
of intervention, will be as idle and lee-
pertinent as it would be hazardous. But that
time has not yet come. fart of Europe is still
gowned by the capricious will of autocrats, or by

In such a state of affairs and feelings it is not to be
expected that the government should wientonty waste
any portion of the short stock of time and attention
that is left them, in further controversy regarding the
viceroyalty of Ireland. It is plain that many tedious
nights mast be devoted thereto, if the bill should be
caged through committee. The widest difference, of
sentiment are known to prevail es to the most essential
features of the plan. On a matter involving questions
so comprehensive and important to the sister country,
it is but natural to expect that its representatives
will feel called on to insist upon minute and searching
investigation. And when beyond all this is discerned
the probability of a brisk and resolute opposition in
the House of Lords, the courage of the most obstinate
doctrinaire may well be damped, and his zeal for
centralisation forgiven if it seems to cool.
On the motion of the Marquis of LONDONDERRY
the peers on Thursday last occupied themelves with
discussing the aims and tendencies of this most un-
lucky and ill-conceived measure. Of the speech of
the mover, as of those uttered by some of his sup-
porters, it is not oar purpose to say much. But the
*llion!' of the Duke of WELLINGTON and of Eat
FITZWILLIAM deserve greater c maideration. As in-
dicating the sentiments of two important sections,
they are of equal interest and importance. The vete-
ran head of the tory, or physical force, meet of the
aristocracy, naturally enough laid most stress on the
obvious effects the bill would have upon the strength
and stability of the executive in Ireland.
The duke well knows how little disposi-
tion there is among his section of the dominant
class on either side of the Channel to forego the sys-
tem they have hitherto steadily pursued. He knows
well and calculates shrewdly upon the Inevitable
dangers such a determination entails; and in this
spirit he asks bluntly—wto is the commander of the
garrison to confer with, and from whom is he to re-
ceive orders in caw of exigency, as the highest civil
authority in the realm P This is a grave question; too
grave to be mingled, as it unfortunately was, with the
ribaldry andfanfarosnek in which his Once thought
proper to indulge about lord mayors of Dublin and
other civic functionaries. We have not that blind
respect for the military chief of the haute noblesse,

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 1, 1850.

which world iedmo us, even when eta mend
4erite Olen.Meese} 4ve dimes boo
vitt he easy tbir flff to 'grope on equate
disks. NEt as iMsflew eon Wise of the
st he has nagers4 thd haul of his
lleth, by pehteeting peremptorily &ad pr raptly
spinet Oki{ emblems scheme, to Wad as to the
feelings whien in the main abaracteries his counsels
regar&mg that misgoverned lend. On the ether hand,
Ars the merest hypocrisy to pretend that provision
eeght not to be made for the wearily of a
physical force regime in Ireland, so long as the
legislature does practically ambing to substi-
tute for it one of a different kind. Why are
30,000 men kept constantly in arms in that kingdom,
it there be no need of them ? And if they be neces-
sary for the maintenance of authority and law, how
incoherent and absurd is the ppitct of leaving such
an army of occupation to be directed and commanded
through the general post-office, from the capital of
another country.
Lord Frrzwlti.reit, the best and ablest represen-
tative of the liberal aristocracy, connected by
property with Ireland, came to the same moult by a
different path. He had no objection to the change of
title if that were deemed desirable ; and he appears
to have expressed the opinion so forcibly urged by
those who resisted the second reading in the Gm-
Meta, that the pre/eves in parliament of the head of
the Irish administration would be a very great im-
provement. Bat Lord FITZWILLTAX did not fail to
add that the beak of the department ought to be
Dublin, not Downie g-street. It is foe this funda-
mental principle we have from the outset contended,
and until this be conceded we are confident that
neither in the present nor any future session, Pill
the bill be suffered to pass.

FRANCE.

PARIS, BATIIRDAT.

Nothing is talked about but the severe check which
the ministers received yesterday by the defeat of
their intention to brirg forward the law of mayors
before the recess. The influence of the government
over the municipalities is strenuously restated by the
legitimists, who uphold the franchises of the com-
munes, not from any love to freedom, but because
they feel that here hes the stronghold of their own
power. It was in accordance with this9pinion that
the legitimist reporter of the committee, M. Laboulie,
drew up a report so unfavourable to the govern-
ment's bill. The union which prevails on this
subject throughout all shades of the legitimist party
was evinced yesterday with remarkable clearnees
and it became evident that by a coalition with the
Left they could at say moment defeat the government.
This has been often apprehended but seldom shown
in 9J striking a manner. Hence the conserva-
tives, as they are called, or the party of Thiere, ac-
knowledge the necessity of modifying the ministry in
a way which may prevent such a coalition, by giving
a seat in the cabinet to some marked legi-
timist like de Vatimesnil. The rest of the
debate was chiefly occupied with discussing the
motion of M. de St. Priest for the more rigorous re-
pression of usury. There is a law in force on this
matter which is continually evaded, principally on
account of the rigorous penalties enacted : but it does
not provide severer punishment for repetitions of the
crime. The motion of M. de St. Priest goes to fill
this breach. But it is thought on all hands that it
will only aggravate the evil instead of abating it, so
that although no vote was come to yesterday, it is
certain of being thrown out.
M. Prosper de ChaseeloupLaubat had his report on
the press law in his hand, and was about to mount the
tribune to present it, when the blow dealt to the go-
vernment on the law of mayors, produced such an
agitation in the Chamber, that he thought the moment
inopportune fur presenting a new law to which the
legitimists are equally opposed, and retired. leaving
Venter Hugo and a host et other orators who came up
to get themselves inscribed to speak against the law,
baulked of their intention. At a meeting of the legi-
timists in their club of the Hue de ltivoli, it has been
determined to oppose a strenuous resistance to the,
press law.
The four bishops chosen to sit in the Superior
Council of Public Instruction, in virtue of the law on
moondary te:ching, are the Abbe Parisi., B shop of
Laegres ; the Abbe Morlot, Archb sop °ATOM'S; the
Abbe Dupsnloup, Bishop of Orleans; nod the Abu.
Clausen, Archbishop of Rheims.
Yesterday, a valuable report by:M. Leverrier, on
admitting the public to correspond by miens of the
electric telegraph, was distributed to the Assembly.
The committee recommends the adoption of
the bill. They propose the following tariff :
For a d spa•ch of one to twenty words a fixed charge
of 311, and, in addition, 12c. for every myriamiitre
(rather more than mix miles English); above twenty
words, the charge to increase one-fourth for every ten
words. The charge is to be augmented one-half for
. .