The Express.
London, England, 1861-05-10 00:00:00

IP

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 10, 161.

it is because the opposition to the Budget has
more than once shown a tendency to take this
undignified form that we have noticed the
curious episode in this week's debate, which
brought out Lord RuISEHT CECIL as an autho-
rity on parliamentary procedure, and Mr.
Dtanatiu as his admiring critic and eager friend.
That unfortunate episode is over ; the leader of
the Opposition has put himself and his party right
with the house, and no more need be said about
it. If there is to be another fight, let it by all
means be fought with undiminished spirit, but at
the same time in mutual good temper and with
honourable weapons. The vindictive temper and
malignant vocabulary of Lord RODUCE CECIL are
quite unnecessary in parliamentary warfare. De-
feat, though no doubt vexatious and sometimes
humiliating, is not dishonourable. But imbecile
and malignant efforts at revenge are sure to rouse
the scorn and excite the just contempt of all
generous and manly minds.

he hastening southwards with such fervent
speed, the citizen soldiers of the Northern States
of America hare more reasons in their minds than
may have yet occurred to distant observers. They
go in obedience to the requisition of the PEZ/41-
DINT ; and they go to defend Washington. This
is true ; and it would suffice if there were no
further reasons. But we are beginning to obtain
glimpses of a war policy which has commended
itself to the citizens, and in which they will
probably be so generally agreed as to carry it out,
under the leading of the Federal officers, and the
countenance of the Federal authorities.

They hasten to the frontier to save their free
soil from the tread of an invader. The student
of human nature may find matter for thought in
the fact that the Northern men are already assert-
ing that it is not a civil war that they have been
plunging into. The hatred between the two sec-
tions is so fierce, and has long been so keen, that
they do not know the feeling of fellow-citizenship.
They have lived, as citizens of Sovereign States,
under Governments and institutions so different,
that there is nothing in their case resembling that
of a people dwelling under one sole Government,
who part off into warfare. Every American lives
under two Governments, and the nearest and
most interesting is the State Government, in
which the respective States differ more widely
than many nations on the European continent.
The point which will interest the observer is the
love and pride of country which stimulates the
Northern citizen to deny that the conflict is really
civil war. To him the beloved Union is not dis-
solved, beanie the real Republican States were
never before so closely united. The Republic is not
disgraced, for it is as strong in the love and pride
of the people as it ever was ; and it must be a great
and noble polity which can command such de-
votion as the world witnesses now. Such being
the feeling of the Northern host, on its march
southwards, the enemy is regarded as foreign ; and
the invasion of the soil of the Free States is to be
repelled as that of • European foe would be.
"To the frontier," then, is the cry. There is
business to be done there, besides guarding Wash-
ington from assault. The railroads have to be
protected, and the telegraphic wires restored. The
communications from the frontier, and all parts of
it, must be kept open. There meat be a free pas-
sage secured from the food States to the frontier ;
and the Ohio must be kept in Northern hands.
The scarcity of food in Washington cannot last
long if communication with Ohio is open. Pork
from Ohio and grain from Indiana and Illinois can
be had in unlimited quantities. It is here
that the importance of the public opinion
of Western Virginia appears. It is plainly
seen in Richmond, and all through the
Eastern districts, that the Western farmers
will never join the Secessionists. They have
been desiring the abolition of slavery for a quarter
of a century, so that there can be no doubt which
way they will go now. This being tho case, and
Pennsylvania being on the other side of a new line
of Maryland soil, there can be little difficulty in
feeding the army when ince its needs are appa-
rent ; and, if fed, there can be no force in Vir-
ginia, or Maryland, or both, which can withstand
the attack of the North.

Here we arrive at the deepest thought of all
which have prompted the speedy march. The
aim is to preclude • worse than a civil—a servile
war, by appearing in the Slave States as pro-
tectors of the planters, while liberators of their
slaves. Whatever may be the decision as to
action on the latter point, there is the strongest
interest about the other. Here the citinan
army may feel that it is • civil war
after all. There is scarcely a family
on • plantation which is not related
more or less closely to some Northern clan. Many
a young man of that host is marching towards a
sister's home ; and many a grey-haired citizen, in
garrison at home, is thinking day and night of
daughter or niece trembling at the idea of either
hearing or not hearing the tramp of regiments
from her old home. To appear among the plan-
tations, to guard the proprietors, and to support
the Union party which is known to be strong in
every State, is probably the great hope of every
man that has entered Washington. Few, or none,
perhaps, have any doubt of the emancipation of
the slaves following of course. It seems as if no
other issue could be possible. The leading Sams-
sionista are not alaveholders, as we have repeatedly
shown ; and there is not a more important fact in
the whole case. The alaveholders can never now
hope to go on as before, if they wished it. The
negroes will be abundantly excited : and they can
never settle again as slaves. Nor will the Northern
men submit for a moment to the suggestion that they
shall go on to suffer in their liberties as they have
suffered hitherto, for the sake of sustaining
slavery. They have suffered too much already,
in reputation, in political and social morality, and
in their patriotic feelings, for this abominable in-
stitution ; and they will take this best possible
opportunity of freeing the slaves, to prevent their
freeing themselves in their own perilous way.
Such seems to be the prospect ; although it must
be less certain than the aim of protecting the white
proprietors, and planting • flag for the Union
party to rally to, within each Slave State that
can be reached. Virginia will probably put down
her own Secession party very soon after seeing
what the Northern army is like ; and Virginia
once rendered harmless or helpful, the Free States
may pretty well do what they please.
This view will not appear over-confident to any-
body who has means of estimating the compara-
tive forces of the two parties. There may be
more misfortunes to be undergone by the Free
! section at first, from their unreadiness, and the
unscrupulous readiness of their enemy ; but, what-
ever difference of opinion there might have been
in London ten days ago about the respective
chances of the belligerents, the news of the arm-
ing and marching of the Northern forces must
have shown where the real strength lies.
This leads us to one more consideration of great
weight. It remains to be seen what effect will be
produced upon the Seoemionists by their discovery
that the North can and will fight. Hitherto they

' have simply and sincerely believed that in warfare
the game would be their own. They have through-
out assumed, without misgiving, that the Northern
men have not pluck, or endurance, ox martial
spirit, or any soul of antagonism in them. If this
appears too absurd for belief, let it be remembered
that the Secessionists are not without warrant
for a part of their assumption, and that their
own position accounts for the rest. We must
remember the political submissiveness of the Free
States for a long course of years—a submissive-
ness which the South has only erred in ascribing
to the wrong sort of cowardice. We must re-
member, too, that the Southern people have all
their lives seen work done only by slaves, so that
they naturally conceive that all who work are
slavish. Any miserable fellow who earns his
bread by toil in their region is lower in their eyes
than the negroes, and he is usually as degraded in
fact as he appears to them. Their notion is that
the North is peopled with degraded white workers
like these ; and they have never formed the con-
ception of bands of citizens like the fishermen of
Marblehead, and the quarrymen of Quincy, and
the farmers of New York—men of valour and
patriotism, who leave their boats on the shore,
and the pick in the rock, and the plough in the
field, to save the Republic from receiving any
harm. A little time will show what the Seces-
sionists think of the unexpected enemy they
have chosen to bring down upon them-
selves. The Northern men ought, at the
same time, to feel that this war is their
retribution for political unfaithfulness. They have
chosen to be ill-represented in the government ;
to be repressed by their own leaders ; to submit
to the disgrace of political subserviency ; and to
postpone their popular government to the aria•
tocratic assumptions of a section of the Union
which has never been really republican. They are
now undergoing the retribution of their sin. We
cannot join in any exclamations about the unex-
pected and astonishing character of the convulaion;
for, as Lord Psurrairrosr says, any one with com-
mon foresight must have expected it. Nor can
we join in any cry about the horribleness and in-
credible dreadfulness of the issue of this long con-
troversy. We sympathise rather with the solemn
joy of the Free States, who feel, even at this hour
of crisis, that there is something more precious to
a self-ruling people than " blood and treasure."
We congratulate them on having at last thrown off
their burden of iniquity, and found themselves free
to eased their old liberties, and recover the esteem
of the best part of the world. They will show us
now, at last, what popular self-government is. The
crisis brings out its virtue in fostering love of
country, and a capacity for self-sacrifice and union
of heart and hand on great occasions. These men
have a country and a polity which they can fight
and die for. The time past, in which a miserable
vice in their polity demoralised and disheartened
them, will be a lesson for the future ; and this
season of retribution and emancipation once over,
they may start afresh, and show the world what
popular government may be and do, when freed
from the curse of complicity with the grossest
tyranny which man can exercise over mres.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

HOUSE OF COIOIONII-IEAT E.
_ THE PAPER DUTY.

Considered in Committee:—(ls the Committee.)—Motion
made and gnostic° proposed, "That the Duties of Cus-
toms chargeable on the articles undermentioned imported
into Great Britaiu and Ireland shall cease and determine
on and after the I.t of October, 1861, viz. :—Paper, as
denominated in the Tariff, Billboard, Pasteboard,
Books, as denominated in the Tariff, Prints and Draw-
ings as denominated in the Tariff ::e—Whereupon motion
made sad gaieties put, "That the Chairman do report
rjr", and ask leave to sit spin :"—(Mr. Maguire :)
Committee divided ; Ayes, 64 ; Nees, 10U.

. .
AaNIL J. H. nonswesy. 1. P. Philippe J. IL
Barn* N. J. Hopwood, J. T. Puller, C. W.
barrow, W. H. Mahan, Lard Quinn. P.
Belignitt. G. B. Nemberetae. P. & Ildley. Sir M. W.
Beettedr., G. W. Jerrie Capt. AGSM J. J.
(*.le, J. L. leliewleis. & T. Rowley, IL T.
Cason., T. N. Peleyn. C. J.
Du Cabe C. KuideVu.
P.
Bernier, 11. IL
Duncuemir. L Mt J. Smith. Auguste.
Dune, Mr & Smith, Abel
Duane, M. Oen. Spooner, IL
Ydwerde. Major Vs:: hu'Pe. J. B.
Namseatia. J. X J. W. Talbot, C. IL
INta•Gerekl, W. /. Mass; To tor, CaL
Parsler, Mr O. MIIIIII" Lott J. Tamer, J. A.
Gard. LS. Nees, lad Whitmore. IL
J.
Clo:uceri. 0. Noel, G. J.
Norte. Oat TZLLIIIIIL
Maguire. J. P.
Oar% J. X. Poskw. Major Brady, J.

*oil. _ .
Agnew, Sk A. theta& N. Z. Monson, W. J.
DorreHJ. /Inlay, A. L Norris, J. T.
Baines, K. Pollamba, P. Z. Ogilvy. Mil.
Baring, T. G. Forster, W. IL Pigmies, B.
Barnes, T. (lathery, Sir W. P. Pabiseentok Visa
Baiter, W. L Garin, Major Pease, H.
Beaumont, S. A. Gibson% T. M. Feed, F.
Bellow. IL M. Gladstone, W. Peal, Slr S. H.
Liam I. 6oldsmld, Sir F. H. Phillips, G. L.
Blenrowe, .1. G. Gordon. C. W. Pigott, Serif..
Boueerie. P. P. Gower, F. L Pilkington. J.
Bruce, 11 A. Greene, J. Proby, Lord
Burhanon, W. Gregsoo, S. litoterhibi, B. L. de
Boller. Sir A. W. Grey. sir G. itothechild. B. H. de
Rory, Viscount Onmeenor. Hart lthopell. W.
800, 1. Hadfield, G. flalomons, All.
Buxton. C. !holey, Lord Seymour, Sir M.
Cain!. J. Hervey, Lord A. Smith, J. B.
Cardwell, Z. Hudglansou, G. Masailand, H.
Castierrear, fleet. Howard, C.,W. Stansf(l.l, .1.
Childers, H. C. Hutt, W. Sykes. Col.
Cline, G. Kershaw, J. Tolleroache F. I.
Coning/tun, W. Kinglake, A. W. Villiers, C. P.
Cranford, L H. Hingsoote, Col. Waldron, L
=.. 1 Imola& J. H.
Law*" Wenows, J. N.
Wmflad, J. P.
Davey, Z. Lawson, W. IL
W. Whitbread, S.
Din,7ll, L L. Lee, W. White, J.
I:MelmZer;:jx.. 0r
C. C. Lewis. Air G. C. Williams. W.
S.I Lowe. B. Wood, Sir C.
11'M abon, P.
Dunbar, Slr W. Martin, J. TILLIMS,
Dunlop A. M. Miller. W. Brand. H. B.
Eno t., is, J. Mitchell, T. A. thistobLull-1114•••
J.
C.
Moncruiff, J. seu, E. H.

ITALY.

(non on on

TURIN, MAy 6.

I scarcely need tell you that, with the exception of
an engineer or contractor looking out for a job con-
nected with the railway and harbour schemes of
this ambitious and inventive land, and a few
commercial travellers from Manchester or Bir-
mingham on their way to inquire into the market-
ing capacities of Central and Southern Italy, we
have no English visitors here just now. You know
better than I do how zealously, in the month of
May, our countrymen keep it up at home. In the
London season, under the stimulating influence of
parliamentary and fashionable leaders, combating
in debate, crowding into the Royal Academy, into
concert-rooms and drawing-rooms, with the Opera,
and what not, a certain pitch of social excite-
ment is attained by either sex, which marks the
flush and flow of British life towards its mighty
head. But, I have, to observe that the aspect of
Turin at this moment, and in this extraordinary
year, is very different from that which may have ap-
peared to our autumnal tourists,who come this way
after the season, when the city life of each conti-
nental city, as well as of our insular population, is
at its natural ebb. It is not that the streets of this
brave town present any signs of luxurious gaiety
and elegant distraction, for it yields the palm to
Milan, Florence, and Naples in the display of ar-
tistic graces, and in the pleasures or splendours of
existence. But you cannot fail to be struck with
the business-like air of Turin just now, as becomes
the provisional capital of thegreat Italian kingdom.
Four or five hundred best and chosen men, from
every province of the Peninsula, except those re-
maining still under a foreign yoke, have been sent
to this corner of their common country, to provide
for its interests by thoughtful discussion of govern-
ment and laws. They are, of course, attended by
friends and supporters, by the multitude of depu-
tations, of petitioners, place-seekers, agitators, news-
paper people, and busybodies who must hang upon
the skirts of a legisktive body ; and this influx
of political visitors, in a city of less than
200,000 souls, is almost as conspicuous as it would
be in our own metropolis, if Westminster, to the
south of Charing-cross and Pall-mall, without
London to back it, formed the city of parliament by
itself. I cannot better describe to you the visible
effect of a sudden enlargement of the institutions
of freedom and self-government here, which after
having been wisely and manfully exercised by Pied-
mont for thirteen years, are extended in 1801 to a
new realm of twenty-two millions of people.
The old Chamber of Deputies, to which we so
often turned a listening ear and a yearning heart, in
that sullen decade of reactionary despotism which
ensued after 1849, remains in the Cangnano Palace
unchanged, with the simple hangings and furniture
of crimson velvet, and the seats of that compara-
tively small assembly, just as when 1 looked in
there once before, in 1857, when the voice of Pied-
mont was like one crying in the wilderness, and
none but you in England cared to hear. May the
reverential gratitude of Italy preserve this
chamber, preserve this noble city for ever, as
a monument of the purest and staunchest
devotedness of those who, having got their own
bands untied, laboured at all costs and risks
to deliver their brethren from bondage. But we are
in haste to enter the hall of the Italian parliament, I
mean this Lower House ; for the Senate holds its
sittings elsewhere. It is • semi-circular structure
joined on to the back of the Palazzo Carignan° ae
you have doubtless heard. I cannot see anything
to admire in its form or decorations; and the enor-
mous height of the roof is worse for hearing than
that of our own House of Lords. But it is merely
a temporary structure ; and who knows but the
parliament may hold its next session in one of the
matchless palaces of Rome I I will, therefore, say
nothing about the edifice. In five or six concentric
curved rows of benches, one row rising above
another, the deputies are placed, with the back of
the next lower seats as a narrow desk before them.
The queetors and secretaries of the chamber are
ranged opposite along the straight wall, which,
adorned with a clock and a bad portrait of the king,
king, forms the chord of an arc. The President's
chair and table, with the vice-presidents,
confront the assembly; and there, upon the very
floor of the house, almost in a pit half surrounded
by the ascending benches of the members, we see a
long table, with eight or ten chairs, for the mi-
nisters of the day. In the middle chair I think
you would like to see a stout, hearty-looking gen-
tleman, just on the elderly side of fifty, whose
broad cheeks and gleaming spectacles, with his hair
made grey and thin by so much anxious toil behind
that ample forehead, give him quite a fatherly
expression of face. I once heard • flippant young
lady say that he looked like dear Mr. Pickwick ;
he might certainly be the chief figure in an English
Christmas scene. Whilst the debate goes on, if a
tedious or impertinent orator be on his legs, you
may see this ardent elderly gentleman playing
rather impatiently with something in hie
right hand, or even getting up to walk or
stand about on the floor. But if there is
any speaking well to the purpose, whether
on the ministerial or opposition aide, he
smiles and nods at every point in the argumeut,
turning quickly to one friend or another, as if to
invite their attention to what is being said. When
ho rises to address the house he speaks in a clear
and rather sharp voice, and in a most informal and
conversational manner, looking straight at the per-
son to whom he replies. The vivacity and earnest-
ness of his nature are betrayed by a vehement
motion of the hands and arms, as well as by the
Itemise of his quick utterance, and by the unstudied
force of language lie employs ; the accents of
friendly appeal, and almost of entreaty, are mixed
with those of frank joviality and prompt, sincere
explanation ; the whole man is addressing himself
to convince you, and to secure your confidence in
him. All Italy and the two great nations of
Western Europe have assented to his proposals,
just.
I are in the main so undeniably wise and
I should like to see the services of any English
statesman in our days acknowledged by such
tokens of universal respect and affection as
Count Cavour experiences in the streets of this
city, when he walks rapidly home from the
Chamber, gazed upon and saluted by all classes of
the people, as if he bore a sovereign title. I have
mentiooed the old Piedmontese and the new
Italian Parliament ; both of the ono and the
other this great man has been the guide, the
strength, and the soul.