The Express.
London, England, 1861-12-19 00:00:00

" Midhlust, Dec. 16.

"My dear Sir,—l regret that I cannot accept your invi-
tation to be present at the meeting to be held next Monday
condemnatory of a war with America. When asked to
address public meetings, ley plight, just now, is that
of a man who, having sprained his circle, is invited to enter
the lists far a foot-ram. Though the state of my health
in other respects is good esongh, I son prevented by a
local affection, for the present, from public speaking.
" But I am glad to hear that thoworking men of Brighton
impregnating a meeting on the American question. The
object of all rational men and tree patriots at this moment
should be to enforce upon the government that principle
of medistim or arbitration which wee proposed by the
British plenipotentiary and simetkeed by the Congress
of the Chat Powers at Paris in Ices, Theperigoeols of the
conferences then held, which ware laid baleen parliament
at the time, bat to which few pen bans now monk '
disclose to us the excellent metives alkyd by Lord Oa-
readon for proposing this ' happy biomass: whisk he &r-
-eigned as *a barrier against seedists "Melt irerial. 'My
break forth bemuse it is not always possible to eater into
explanation and to come to an narlerstandlag:
"The question thug enforeed is the name of the Dritids
government wee solemnly debated, every plenipotentiary
taking a part, and was adjourned for two days to enable
Count Orloff to obtain the ' definitive adherence' of the
Russian government, when the following declaration wag
unanimously agreed to :
"'Toe plenipotentiaries do not hesitate to express, in
the same of their governments, the wish that States,
between which any serious misunderstaodig may arise,
should, before appealing to arms, have recourse, n far se
circumstances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly

power.'
•' Now, is it possible that any case will ever arise to
which this principle of mediation can be more applicable
than the present! In perfect ignorance of what the
answer of the American government may be, I will ammo
the worst—that they refuse to surrender the captured
envoys, and offer to justify their coarse by appeals to in-
ternatiosal law. What can be more within the scope of the
Paris resolution *than that where two interested Forties
differ on a subtle point of international law it should be re-
ferred to the decision of a disinterested third power.
"Looking at it even with a view to a practical re.
dress of our present grievance, what other course offers
so good a hope of success? The object desired is to
Oros at liberty the gentlemen who were taken from •
British vessel. I happen to know Messrs. Slidell and Mason
personally, and to the latter I am indebted for many
courtesies at Washington ; and although, as they must
know, I can have no sympathy for their cause, few persons
would more rejoice than myself to an them released from
a• irksome confinement. But assuming that to effect this
°Wet we declare war against the Federal Mites, and that

these gentlemen are in cotuaquenee treaderred from Boston
harbour to the Ulterior, dose any an acquainted with
America believe that it would be pcesible for England to ra-
kes' them' We could destroy each other's commerce and
speed onaathres treasure—we might pour out blood like
water, sad rain for a generation two great civiliaations ;
bat the object aimed at could not be accomplished.
" On the contrary, if we submit the question to the adju-
dication of a third power, the first step will be to place the
two envoys at the diepceal of the recognised tribunal,
Should it be decided that they were illegally captured, they
be released; if their seizure be pronounced justifiable
by international law, they will be liable to detention as pet-
eoners of war only, and not as rebels, for the government of
Washington can have no right of appeal to the law of nations
la justification of their act, except by acknowledging then&
**recta of the South.
"But it has been said that the Washington government
wish to insult us, with a view to provoke a war. There
may be traitors or madmen in the North who would like
to see their government involved in the embarrassment of
a war with England ; but that a government and people,
who require at this moment half a million of men in arms
to meet a civil war and guard their capital, should look with
anything but dismay at the prospect of a war with the most
powerful maritime State in the world is too monstrous a
supposition to be seriously believed by those who pretend
to entertain it.

"At all events. the true test of the disposition of the
American people will be the repressed willingness on
our part to resort, if necessary, to the mediation of a
third party. Should such a conciliatory step meet with
DO better response then a desire to insult and wrong us,
we should be united as one man to repel the outrage ; and,
unless the solemn declaration of Paris is to be impotent for
all practical good, and a mere dead letter, all the powers of
Europe would in such a came be ranged on our side and
ready to brand with outlawry a nation guilty of so bar.
barons and wanton an aggression.
"Entertaining these views, I recommend the working
men of Brighton, and all who take part in similar demon-
strations, to raise their voices in favour of arbitration. The
cry for peace alone is hardly enough at the present moment.
What we require is peace on the principles of impartial
justice ; and the truest way of insuring this in case of ds•
puts, whether in the affairs of nations or of individuals, is
by calling in the services of a disinterested arbitrator.—l am

very truly yours,
" Henry Ogg Esq."

" R. COBDI2I.

LORD RAVSNSWORTH ON THS QUARREL
WITH AMERICA.

The Right Hon. Lord Ravensworth has addressed
the following note to George Crawsbny, Eq., chairman of
the Newcastle Foreign Affairs Association, in reference to
the resolutions of that body upon the affair of the Trent,
which we published on the 11th inst.:

" Itavensworth Castle, Dec. 16, 1861.
" Efir,—l have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 14th inst., directing my attention to a series el resolutions
adopted at • recent meeting under your presidency, by a bod
sailing itself the Newcastle Foreign Affairs Association. I
presume you have written to me with the view of eliciting an
answer. That answer will be very decided sod very brief.
You first resolution, which states that the arrest of the
Confederate Commissioners on board a 'British ship by the
commander of • United States man of war, was in accord-
' vice with belligerent rights at sea, heretofore exercised by
England,' is an assertion of which the proof is wanting.
On the contrary, every cans which has been adduced in
support of this assertion seems to have broken down, and
the opinion of the law officers of the crown is quite deci-
sive of the illegality of this seizure. It u declared to be a
breach of international law, a violation of the rights ef
neutral states, and an Iseult to the British flag.
" Such being the mos it appears to me that the eoune
I taken by her Majesty's government, in demanding, firmly
. but courteously. instant reparation from the American
government, was the only course which they could have
taken consistent with the dignity of her Majesty's crown,
the true interests of the country, and the protection of the
rights of all neutral states. If this reparation be refused,
the sad alternative of war, the airirria reyio &gun, aloes
, presents itself.
' In preparing for this alternative, I consider the action
of the government to have been prompt, vigorous, and
• resolute ; worthy of the Sovereign whom they serve,
sod of the elation which they govern. I deeply deplore the
eacessity of so momentous an Sane being raised. I doubly
deplore it at a moment when our gracious and beloved
Sovereign has suffered the greatest affliction which can
betel domestic life. That the national calamity of war
should be superadded to a widow's mourning is iodeed •
trial which cannot fail to call forth the sympathy—not of
England alone—Ltd of the whole civilised world. It may
even, coder God's impulse, touch the hearts of the mob-
ridden government of North America.
" But, whatever be the result, I will conclude by re-
minding you of a pithy saying, ascribed to Mr. Fox. • That
the nation which prefers its purse to its honour is In the
sure road of losing both.'—l am, sir, your obedient fervent*
" G. Crawshay, Eaq." " R,tvutewoaru.

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