The Express.
London, England, 1850-01-10 00:00:00

Elie erpreoo.

OUTGOING MAILS.
TM mans toe British North Americo sad the tailed
Stabs will be made up to-morrow evade& Jan. 11.
TM War India saeladlait Bermuda, Havanna.
Nom, Headers', Now Orleans, and Mimic°, ad Including
tine for Madeira, Sr. .1 san•do-Nisarsaus, New Granada,
ChM, and Pan,will be made rip on Jul. 17.
TM mils kr Lisboa, Spa* sod Gibraltar will be made
up en am. 17.
TM mails frxr, Gibraltar, Melts, Gruel, the lonian blanch,
Rapt, Coils., ladle, sod Chins, see Muthamptim, will
be made sp on the evesisg of Jan. 19.
Tire mails rid Illanrilles, to tbe Mediums's., Mgr rt,
Ceylon, Piths, Hositiong, ac, will be made up IS UM
"miss of Jan. 24.
TM mails for Maoris, the Brasile, and Buenos Ayresorill
b• weds rip on the (remiss of Feb. 4.

SION WATICII AT I.OIIDOII 1111111011.
Tau °At—Manioc Lawson, 111. lea
Gle. /111matiA Ib.

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 10.

Tan practical good sense of Americans has civet-
come the delay caused by the even balance of parties
in Congress. The sixty-fourth ballot gave a suffi-
cient majority to a d-mocratie candidate; the hoses
was constituted ; and the Psasioerr's message fol-
lowed in due season.
Au a Uwe and business-like document, the drat
massy of President TAYLOR is, in respect of come
peskier°, the best we have had for some years. Its
mss Bred and unaffectedly dignified tone is worthy sl
a seecesser Of WASIIINGTON.
Looking beyond the manner to the matter, our at-
tendon is naturally directed in the first place to such
topics as bear upon the relations of Great Britain to
the United States. Of there the most prominent are :
The general temper in which our country is iyoken
of ; the navigation law ; the tariff; and the affairs of
Nicaragua.
fectly satisfac-
Oa de flat head the mes•age is per
tory. " Our relations with Great Britain are of the
most friendly character," are the words with which
the first notice of this cote try iiintroduced,asetevery
subsequent reference and allusion is in pafect har-
mony with this wt team° declaration.
President TASLoa's statements respecting the navi-
gation law are all that could be desired. On the
tariff, they are not 53 astisfactory. lie recommends
"a revision of the existing tariff, and its adjustment
on a basis that may augm"nt the revenue." This is
fair enough, but the wisdom of what follows is more
than qutstionable
I do not doubt the rigt t or duty of Congress to encourage
domestic indastry, 'Ouch is the great source of oatmeal as
well as individual wealth and prosperity. I look to the
wisdom and patriotism of compete for the adoption of a
system which may place home lab .sr, at last, on a sure and
permaneat footing, and, by due encouragement of minute,-
tugs, give a new and 'screwed stimulus to agriculture, and
promote the development of our vast resources and the ex-
trados of oar comuerce. Beaeving that to the attainment
adieu eads (as well vs rho meow, augmentation of the
nvenne and the privention of fronds), a system of specific
duties is best adapted, I strmgly ree-mtnend to congress
the adoprio, of that system, biting the duties at rates high
enough to afford taking and substantial emoaregement
to our own industry, and at the same time es adjusted as to
insure
Bat though thePRESIDINT hes thin frankly declared
himself inimical to free-trade, we me no reason to
apprehend that there is any dangcr of that policy
being subverted in the United States. The Pr.e-o-
Darrr's party, the whig parry, are the protectiocirs
in the Union, and the election of Speaker has
shown that party tc be in a minority in the House of
Representatives. Tare majority by which the Speaker
was elected is indeed a narrow ale, but that is owing
to the neutralising 01 vo:es oy the influence of the
slavery que,tion. Toe clear and explicit manner in
which the PRESIDENT has defined the respective
&ids of action of the t zecutive and tie legislature
shows how far be is from dreaming of encroaching
upon the sphere of the latter; and there is little reason
to fear that the legislature will alter the present tariff
in the direction of protective duties.
On the question of Ncara,raa and the projected
canal President TAYLOR speaks sensibly and fairly.
To the miseiable squabbles of Messrs. Costner.°
and SQVIERS, the message, which bears date the 4th
of December, could ecareely be expected to allude.
Tae understanding at Washington was, however,
that neither Sir llzsite BULmtle :tor the American go-
vernment were lik-ly to be impracticable on that score.
The principles laid down by President TAYLOR, which
he expressly extends to embrace any railways or
canals by other routes across the isthmus, being
deft ithely adopted by both governments, any minor
discrepanc:es of opinion could easily be adjusted.
Nor can there be any difficulty in settling the contend-
ing claims of Mrsquitia and Nicaragua in harmony
with them principles. As to the occupation of the
island of Ti. re, the sooner the English government
disclaims that freak of Mr. CHATFIELD, the more
credit it will gain. What would have been said
in this country had France at any time
attempted to occupy the Isle of Wight, or the
Isle of Sheppey on the plea that Lord ELDON, of
doubting and dilatory memory, bad lost en too long in
deciding a Chancery suit in which the interests of
some French merchants were involved? Some of
our contemporaries attempt to justi'y the seizure of
Tigre, in time of peace, on the ground that nations
are justified, in certain eases, in making reprisals
without declaring war. This is the first time we ever
heard ea armed invasion of territory placed in the
category of reprisals.
The above are the topics in the PRESIDENT'S mes-
sage which most directly and immediately concern
ourselves. What relates to the internal affairs of the
Union may be reserved for future comment. We cannot,
however, refrain from pointing out a somewhat dex-
terous line of policy, rather hinted at than expressly re-
commended, by which the PRESIDENT stems disposed
to get over the difficulties interposed by the disputes
between the slaveowners and the free-soilere in the
way of organising state governments in the territory
recently acquired from Mexico. He more than hints
at the practicability of leaving the settlers in those
regions to organise themselves as independent repub-
lics, and then apply, as Texas did, to be admittel into
the Union.
We cannot, however, conclude without expressing
our unqualified admiration of the principles laid down
by President TAYLOR as the basis of his foreign policy.
" Having avowed," he says, " the opinion, on taking
the es& of office, that in disputes between conflicting
hrgovernments it is our interest not less than
our duty to remain strictly neutral, I shall not aban-
don it." And again : " I have scrupulously '
avoided any interference in the wars and con-
tentious which have recently distracted Eu-
rope." Bat in assuming this wise attitude of non-
intervention, the PRESIDENT pude against derogating
so far from the national dignity, as to deciine to
recognise new states or governments, which may sue-
aisstully vindicate their independence. When ex-
plaining how the appointment of an agent in Europe
with power to declare to Hungary the wampum of
the American government promptly to recognise her in-
dependence, in the event of her ability to maintain it,
wee not followed up, he gives frank utterance to Ame-
rican sympathy with the Hungarians. " I thought
it my duty, in accordance with the general sentiment
of the American people, who deeply sympathise with
the Magyar pmriots, to stand prepared, upon the
contingency of the estabhshment by Hungary of
a permanent government, to be the first to welcome '
independent Hungary into the family of Cations."
And : " The United States did not at any time inter-
fere in the contest, but the feelings of the nation were
stoney enlisted in the cause, sad by the sufferings
of a breve people, who had made a gallant though
unsuccessful effort to be free."

Ton Times broaches a very singular series of argu-
inn* apropos of the game laws.
Argument,Number One,ia tbatthe repeal of the corn
laws has released the landlord from the most onerous
of his duties. The first use of the land is, certainly,
that it should grow food for the population, ard,
@madly, that in growing food it should employ
and nourish a peasantry. England certainly can-
- sot import all her food ; and, as certainly, Eng-
land cannot dispense with that first element of vitality
sad strength, a peasant population. The repeal
of the corn laws was never intended to produce,
and ought not to produce, any such results. And
if in spite or folly the present generation of owners of
Sad were to put forward such miser ions, or act upon
them, we need not point out the inevitable result.
But it a eine, according to the Times, that free
trade not only affords the landlords a good excuse for
Sacrificing any quantity of land to game, but deprives
the tenant farmer of an cause of complaint an
the MGM ens. The "Jiy_ illioa," it mil may

pa their corn from the Michigan, and therefore oars-
asteliect to game eating unit home crop. We leave
the tenant-farmer, who is one of the " Milika," to
answer this argument for himself. We understood
that farmers and landlords wore driven hence-
forth to a much greater employ ef care, skill,
ecoscmy of land and means. The feeding of the
poor in or out of the workhouse, falls largely to
their share; and if the nuisance of game is to be
augmented at the same time with the necessity
of foreign imports, then indeed the agricultural class
may go to toe wall. They will be provided with
amusement largely. But the making both ends meet,
making a fair profit ore fair rent from their holdings,
and keeping the poor off the parish, are more impor-
tant than amusement.
In addition to the repeal of the corn laws,
which is adduced as the practical reason why land-
lords may preserve large stocks of game, the Times
adduces also a philosophical reason, one for which it
has evidently dived into the depths of human
or at least of English nature. This reams is, that the
love of sport is one of the primal sentiments of the
mind; that it is ingrained in the meant and the
lord; that it is of most ungovernable nature, and
utterly ineradicable by law, edict, or proscriptior.
Now the Tittles is afraid that this ungovernable
appetite, like any other appetite, would survive
even the deprival of that on which it fed.
Team, if you take away from man all food,
his appetite will survive and be troublesome,
nay be fatal. And in like manner, if you kill all the
hares, partridges, and ferns natures in existence, the
love of sport will still survive in the breasts of high
and low to—do what ? The Ansea does not tell us,
bat it is evident to do something dreadful, make a
Chartist inieute perhaps, or set tire to Westminster
Abbey.
We cannot acknowledge the bleb of this very
profound philosophy. We cannot look upon " the
love of sport" as one of the prime elements of our
Ware, or even as an indelible propensity. It is very
natural to men in the first state, not of society, but of
barbarism. But it is quite artificial with us; and if
there was no game, we are decidedly of opinion that
there would be neither battues nor poaching. With-
out partridges or pheasants, we do not think that the
squire would button his gaiters and take up his gun
in obedience to any ingrained impulse, or that
"Hodge" would spend his day in making snares, and
his night in setting and working them, in obedience
to any natural proper sity, if there were no birds to be
caught and to be sold.
The arguments of the Times, therefore, in favour
of the game laws, whether drawn from po-
litical economy or metaphysics, we cannot but
think of the most tenuous and flimsy nature.
We are, for our own part, very far from
wishing to extirpate all game, to dory them the
free lordship of the moors, or even their fair share
of the growth of forest and of hedge. Let them
be wild in such numbers as wild animals naturally
are, especially in cultivated districts, mid there will be
no need of a code and a gaol and a penal colony for
their protection. A pheasant is a good thing, plea-
sant to knock Gown, and agreeable to cat But
if this pleasure is to be purchased at the
expense of the farmer's crop, and the peasant's mora-
lity—if a hundred birds are to cast one murdered
gamekeeper, fifty committals to gaol, and a dozen
convicts sent to transportation, then the pleasure of
killing and eating pheasants costs too dear.
In our days, we may depend upon it, no privilege
or pleasure can be for cry very lcng time perpetuated
or indulged in, that is necessarily seasoned, and that
largely, by crime.

Tnt game of contrarieties, which the powers of
Europe are playing on the east coast of Smith America
is very remarkable. To worry, to bully, and make
enemies of the Brazilians bas been the policy of Eng-
land. To worry, to bully, and make enernies of the
great pastoral race which cover the Pampas, has
been the policy of France especially, and somewhat of
England. It is now pretty clear that our efforts have
produced the very contrary results of what was in-
te..ded and desired. Slavery has spread its roots in
Brazil, owirg to our antagcnism,whereas the shortest
way to put an end to slavery would have been
to let it swamp itself. In the vast regians behind
Buenos Ayres lives and spreads a pastoral race, bar-
barous, carnivorous, and fierce. That such a race
should be Battened by peace, attracted and I=W:-
tomed to cultivation and to gain, was highly desir-
able. Instead of this we have stemmed towards it a
kind of permanent hostility, and thus kept it in
rhotights, and habits, and preparations for war. The
Gauchos have been made a race of soldiers, with ekill
improved, and pride swelled beyond measure, by suc-
cessfully and continually coping with the bravest of
European soldiers. France and England have made
these Gauchos a military people, and the probability
is now that they will conquer Paraguay and Brazil,
' and establish an empire which no European power
could even in conquering sub;ect.
M. Timm is the politician most guilty of this
atrocious blunder. It was he who inoculated the
French with their obstinate ambition in this quarter
—he who forced M. Geizor and Louis Pniurez to
give in to it ; and it was th to Frenchmen and
General O'BRIEN who once p,ranadid p ,or Lard
ABERDEEN to sanction war, in the belief that
Buenos Ayres could be conquered in a trice.
M. Tnizas is still astride his Itasinaste, and
if he succeeds in impelling his country to
war, be can but aggravate all the difficulties and in-
conveniences which the antagonism has already created.
We say this without the least feeling of international
rivalry, for we are sure that the bitterest enemy
of France could not wish her worse than to have her
disembark armies at the mouth of the Rio de la
Plata. _ _ _

-
The reasons gravely developed by M. THIERs be-
fore the National Assembly, for engaging in this war,
are certainly the most wondrous and antediluvian spe-
cimen of political argument that have been seen
in our age. If the reader will look over
the tables of navigation which the French so
ingeniously prepare each year, they will find that in
the trade between France and every country that has
ships, French tonnage has enormously decreased, and
Amiga tonnage in French porta enormously increased.
lathe trade with England English tonnage in French
ports had increased a third in the four years ending
ea 1844 ; French tonnage from England had decreased
we half. Nor is this confined to English or Ameri-
sea tonnage, but extends to that of /Weida, Sweden,
Norway, Germany, Halsted, Austria, Naples, and even
Turkey. Such facts, one should think, would rouse
French statesmen to inquire into the state and
condition of their commercial marine. The
example, the discussion, and the decisions which
have taken place in England on this sub-
tat might "MO as a guide. But M. THIERs
as studied in quite another school of philosophy.
Free trade, be thinks, would not mend the matter.
He proposes war as a recipe. South America is not
:tr.:good customer for France, but for the present
use of French shipping. M. Tnizas, afraid to
less a thing so precious, is resolved to keep it by force
a aims, and by directing those arms against the moot
pewintal and mealy race in South America.
It is not, however, merely to support the interests
of French shipping that M. Tnizas would go to war
on the other aide of the Atlantic—it is to protect the
empire of Brazil. That empire, M. Tunes declares.
cannot protect itself against Rotas, and must inevit-
ably fall into his power, unless France support it.
The support of an extensive empire which cannot
fend itself is, however, amongst the most oneron
and serious of foreign undertakings. We know
what this is in Turkey; indeed we know it so well,
that what power in Europe thought of aiding
Mexico? And we may safely conclude, that what-
ever great empire exists in America by the aid of
the support it can get from Europe, is a lost em-
pire. What M. Tutees aims at is nothing lees than
the protectorate of one-third of South America, acd
the scarcest of another third. The bare idea, in the
fret
ripaisay state of the French empire, would be
What must it be at present P An expedi-
tion to reconquer San Domingo would be consummate
sense and prudence compered with it.
'lke Snit Eampean interference in these struggles
on the Plata was to protect Montevideo from Brazil.
The treaty which we made for that purpose has by
digress been wrested into en engagement to protect
Montevideo and Brazil from Buenos Ayres : so that the
current of affairs and the acquisition of strength have
gone precisely in an opposite direction to what our
wisdom pointed out. Montevideo represents, in M.
TitteitS's view, the curse of civilisation, Buenos
Ayres that of b..rberism. But this city of Buenos
Ayres itself ucti, r Itivadavis, also represented civi-
lisation, and it was overwhelmed by the pastoral race
'sad atzsegth of the gauchos. M. Tams sees @MU-