The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-03-20 00:00:00

THURSDAY, MARCH 20, 1856

THERE are so many systems of Government at
work in Europe at the present day, that the most
captious may please himself. We have the Con.
stitutional and Despotic—the Feudal and the
Allodial—the mixed Monarchial, and absolute
power vested in Sovereigns—the Republican and
the Spiritual. The people whom SoLoN compared
to the sea could scarcely have desired a greater
variety and a widerfield wherein to gratify their love
of change. It does appear strange, however, that
where there exists such an extraordinary diversity
in complexion and essential qualities, that a given
result can be arrived at, or any one governing
principle observed by all. Yet it is done. Take
Poland for example. Here we have a nation
whose chivalrous deeds in ancient and modern
times, are associated with those of the noblest
of men, and the greatest Empires, abandoned by
her former Constitutional Allies and admirers,
trampled in the dust by a despot, a foe to
mankind, unpitied by the Monarchies she always
adored, deserted by the absolute Princes, whose
ancestors owed their all to her devotion, un-
heeded by the Republican, and uncared for, left
to die that cruel death which every high-minded
and brave people must die, without so much
as a prayer for pardon from the " Eternal City,'

e are taught to believe that politics are
thrown aside for Christian charity, and the purer

where w

teaching of the Apostles.
How has all this been rewarded ? By a more
terrible and costly war, both in life and treasure,
than any of remote or recent days. We suf-
ered the national barrier—the legions of gal-
well-tried warriors Liature had

up to r

st the encroachments of the

Northern barbarians, and to protect the homes of
the Gospel from the inroads of the Pagan Muscov-
We have paid

ite to be

swept away

an appalling penalty

treason

towards religion, and betrayal of Europe's
peace and happiness. And now, when a few of
Poland's outcast children apply to the rulers of
the nations whom their country has most served,
and who most need her independence and help, we
are told that there is no hope of their deliverance,
as their kinsmen are in bondage, are no longer
Poles, and must bear a judgment as bitter and
unrelenting as that pronounced by the Deity
against the children of Israel. Fortunately, the
anathemas directed against betrayed and enslaved
Poland can be traced to human weakness and
wickedness—to men who would rather nations
would not " covet earnestly the best gifts," or

claim their lawful and ancient inheritance. This
prayer the worst enemies of Poland cannot refuse,
except they throw away eternal justice,
and rely for the safety of the human institution on
the sophistry suited to the day passing over their
heads. Her enemies say Poland cannot be restored
to independence—that her people are not wha
they were only twenty-five years ago—that they
are so brutalized by the lash, the sword, the dun-
geon—have been banished to Siberia, shot,
murdered, and so changed their nature that they
kiss the knout, lick the feet of the oppressor—in
a word, that the Poland of 1830 is dead, and only
to be found among her few exiled sons, and in the
grave.

All this is a dastardly slander—a heinous lie.
The Polish spirit of 1830—the warlike soul of
Warsaw, met our Allies and our countrymen at
Alma, and on every battle field of the Crimea. Our
friends—our natural allies—were our most formid-
able enemies in every contest. They could not
escape, and if they could have deserted they were

far from certain that we would have received
them as Pules, and with all the honour due
to their country. They had had ton many
lamentable proofs that France and England cared
nothing for their nationality, and they thought they
were as well off as slaves in one camp, as they would
be as mere fugitives in another. But of what is the
Rower of the Russian army composed of, but the
youth of Poland ? What feeds Russia's troops, but
the produce of millions of plundered Poles ? Talk
of the torture employed in India to extort taxes
from the wretched natives ! What is it when com -
pared with what the poor Poles are exposed to, at
the hands of Cossack tax extortioners ? We almost
regret that we have pursued Poland's defence so
far. The present position of Europe is such, that
some great calamity must overtake us, before all
that is so diametrically opposed to our professions,
and directly at variance with all we hold to be
sacred, can be atoned for, and remedied for the
future. We may console ourselves with the
pleasing idea that this is not the moment to do an
act of justice—that these are not the times to
attempt to provoke this Power—to lose the
friendship of that State—or to do anything which
can bring down upon us the swords of surrounding
despots, and involve ourselves in a general war.
But how are we to escape from doing what is right
and just? Are we to become veritable
heretics, and incorrigible unbelievers ? Have
France and England no resposibili ties,
nothing to lose, and no duties to perform towards
the fallen members of the great family of nations
to which they belong ? Add we are always to be
preaching Truth and slipping back from the per-
formance of just deeds?
We are among those who believe and feel that it

THE

is impossible for men to escape the performance of
the duties engrafted on the mind of the English or
any other people. And we are among those who
are also convinced that England has the power of
performing her great mission, and extending the
blessings of civilisation to every European State.
And that if that power were put forth as would
become the age in which we live, whether for the
deliverance of Poland from her accursed oppres-
sors, or any other country, that it might soon
be said of our happy and free isle :

" The rude sea grew civil at her song."
Little minds and faint hearts may see safety
in the abandonment of great principles and
the neglect of Divine injuctions ; but we must
freely confess, that our politics have not made
us heathens. We cannot forget that there
are two commandments which forbid steal-
ing and murder; and if we, as a nation, under.
took to enforce their observance on Russia, and
every other invader of peaceable and unoffending
countries, we should expect the same success
which happily attends every Englishman in after
life, who looks diligently to the training of his
children for the benefit of society at large. And
we trust that, when Lord PALMERSTON does bring
the Polish petition, presented to him on Friday,
nnder the notice of his Cabinet, the noble Viscount
will place the whole question of Poland's restora-
tion before his colleague, in a tone which will con-
vince them that he sees no danger where a country
is called on to discharge a Christian duty towards
millions of our fellow-creatures who, their enemies
tell us, are being enslaved, robbed, and murdered
by the Nero's of the age, in which he has lived to
wield the power equal to the work of their deliver-
ance. There is not much hope for the oppressed
in a council where Russia, Austria, and
Prussia have a voice. But let not our
Envoys belie the true spirit of their country,
or ourPaEmtEß forsake his European policy, and
our Constitutional party, in obedience to the pagan
politics of the London Times, by saying to the
subjects of the Polish King, CZARTORYSKI, " The
" regeneration, or reconstitution, of Poland is not to
" be made one of the conditions of peace," as
there is higher authority for saying justice shall be
done, and mercy shown to all men.

PEACE is restored—so far as the Paris Bourse
and London Stock Exchange are concerned. It
would be difficult to conceive how much more of
peace a bevy of Bulls could desire. There is no
want of luxuriant herbage in the Consols marshes
and discount swamps. There is just that sort of
business going on daily, which renders the life of
a man, with a few idle thousands in hand, exceed-
ingly felicitious. So far then the Conference has
been eminently successful. Very few persons
ever expected that it would have dcne as much,
and the world will, indeed, be amazed if it
should do anything more. But let us be sure of
this success—this overweening confidence and
prosperous Bull market. An accident—some trifle
never thought of—may occur, if only to discomfort
the " lame ducks" of Capel Court, and test the
agility of the " stags" of other alleys. There are a
multitude of things in nature perplexing enough,
but the milk in the cocoa-nut is nothing to the
least of the phenomena which have been dis-
covered before now in the regions of diplomacy.
Most people think " a cat may look at
" a king," but it is not so in diplomacy ; and it
looks very much as if a British Minister dare not
look at a Cossack, in a Conference, in these day s.
A squint in such an emergency would be of in-
calculable value, as the fire of wrath which was
meant for a pugnacious Russian, might fall upon
the placid face of an Oriental Plenipotentiary, or
on the more irascible visage of a French Minister.

The optical movements of the members of a
Peace Congress are of no slight importance—that
is, if we are to believe that busy-body, Dame
Rumour, and can attach any weight to the singular
effect they produce among Bulls and Bears. But
without waiting to inquire into the particular
desires and expectations of these two numerous
families, who chiefly carry the whole stake they
have in the country in their waistcoat pocket, we
believe that, come what may,—be it peace or war
—it must bring on a crisis. If we have peace,
prices must fall. If we have war, prices cannot
rise to meet increased taxation, without leading to
a further demand for money, another advance
in the rates of discount, and a greatly
enlarged suspension of wealth•producing
industry. In either case, then, those who look at
our present position superficially, will be found not
only to have deluded themselves but a multitude
of their believers. Those who rush into Consols
too hastily will find out their mistake. Those who
embark too heavily in trade will find that they
have been deceived ; and if it was not that it would
cripple the war powers of the State, and prostrate
the nation at the feet of their enemies, we would join
the popular and vulgar song of the London Press,
and counsel " Caution." Let our vendors keep clear
of that bugbear " overtrading," that monster fallacy
" over-production," that indefinable nonsense
" over-speculation," and that dastardly imputation
" reckless buoyancy." We would do all this it
we were certain that it would meet the difficulties
and dangers of our condition. But the professional
phraseology of the day means nothing. It answers
a system—a paltry class, but it would be fatal to
the nation, to their trade, commerce, industry, and

internal peace.
Men who are paid to say something every day in
the week, must tell their stories ; and it is no small
help to them to have their work reduced to mecha-
nical limits, and fixed quantities, which can be
given in a few words. We should not, perhaps,
let everybody into the secret ; but the country
must be protected, and the truth told, at any
sacrifice. If we are to have peace restored, it is
time that we prepared ourselves for so vast a
change. If we are to have war, a second ought not
to be lost in providing for the national wants, and
making way for some other, and better, system of
meeting them, than that which has invariably
broken down when most required to carry the
government and people over any great emergency.
England knows not, and we care not, how the
Conference may end. The difficulties before us are
of alarming magnitude. We have no minds at the
helm equal to carrying this Empire through a
hurried transition, to direct its future progress.
The high moral, and stern commercial tone of the
community have brought politicians and politics—
the creations of excitement and infatuation—to a
frightful discount. The credit of the statesman
has fallen with, and below, that of our
merchants and manufacturers. Discounts rule
England, and not the cool judgment, the lofty
patriotism, and unimpeachable integrity of
ministerial leaders and cabinets, The Tories go
up with cotton, and come down Nixthellecciolumer. The
Whigs rise with consols, fall with Exchequer
and generally get crushed in the money-market.
All the other political fraternities of our times
share pretty much the same fate.
All this rising, falling and crushing—being
down to-day, at a premium to-morrow_
bankrupt, and never heard of after the third
There is no
noon, is 'cry said/ explained,

sound governing principles.
Ministries and parties have as many great and
little crotchets, and conflicting convictions, as the
sun has rays. Principle is wholly thrown aside,
or hideously disguised, to secure office and
emolument. To be strong and triumphant in
peace or war, with these palpable facts staring us
in the face, appears to be impossible. If it suits a
momentary object we shall have peace, but the
world's tranquility must provide for itself. We
shall have nothing to render it more tolerable
than bloodshed and taxation. The present Govern-
ment stand pledged, through Sir CORNEWALL
LEWIS, to uphold their economic theories, which
have proved so baneful in practice, by leaving the
dead weight of all fiscal burdens to be paid in a
foreign commodity, which has been suffered to
attain unnatural and alarming power over the
price and value of every article our native
industry produces. Taxes will be taken as usual
from the commercial capital of the country, while
usury will retain its present sway. In a season
of war, a strict adherence to these frightful social
scourges, would be entirely out of the question,
and yet, what guarantee have we that an attempt
to continue them will not be made by the Whigs,
Tories, and Conservatives ?

We need hardly limit ourselves, however, to this
particular catalogue of anomalies. There are
many other reforms required in the principles,
upon which the Empire, taken has a whole, has
been governed. " Make no concessions, except to
" necessity," is one of the ruling axioms of the pre-
sent party school. Lard JOHN used to ask Lord
PALMERSTON if he saw the wolf at the door, and
always waited for an affirmation before he ventured
to move, and Lord PALMERSTON is now particularly
anxious to know which way the bear jumps, before
he ventures to think of whether England is to sink
or swim, with her internal maladies growing upon
her with unprecedent virulence. Lord PALMERSTON
may be thinking of the bear 1 the bear! ! but we
would beg to remind the Noble Lord that the wolf
must be fed, and tint this same animal has given
us'a vast amount of trouble, and will again, in peace
as well as in war times. We ,cannot pretend to
know what the Conference means, or what it is
about, still, of this the public may rest assured,
that the reaction a return to peace will lead to,
will be of the most troublesome character in a
commercial sense, if nothing more. The principles
upon which we are relying are most fallacious, and
while we are tossing about in shallows, those who
desire their own and their country's safety must
look more below, than on the surface, of the
troubled waters.