The Express.
London, England, 1861-07-18 00:00:00

(Stamped, ld. Additional.) [TWOPENCE

and the hand of the executive to give it practical shape and
efficiency.
One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to
avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them ;
in a word, the people will save their government, if the
government itself will do its part only indifferently well.
It might seem at first thought so be of little difference
whether the present movement at the South be called se-
cessioa or rebellion. The mover., however, well understand
the difference. At the beginstag they knew that they
could never raise their treason to any respectable maimitade
by any same which implies violation of law ; they knew
their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of
devotion to law and order, and as much pride in its rever-
ence and history of their common country, as any other
civilised rind patriotic people.
They knew they weld make no advaneemeat directly in
the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accord-
ingly they commenced by an insidious debauching of the
public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism, which,
ti conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps through
all the incidents of the complete destruction of the Union.
The sophism itself is that any state of the Union may, con-
sistently with the nation's Constitution, and therefore law-
fully and peacefully, withdraw from ;he Union, without
the consent of the Union, or of any other state.
The little disguise, that the supposed right is to be exer-
cised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of
its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. With rebellion
thus sugar ooated they have been drugging the public mind
of their section for more than thirty yams, until at length
they have brought many good men to a willingness to take
up arms against the government the day atter anion as-
semblage of men have enacted the farcical pretence of taking
their state out of the Union, who could have been brought
to no each thing the day before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of its cur-
rency from the assumption that there is some omnipotent
and sacred so remacy pertaining to a state, to each state of
our Federal union. Our states have neither more nor less
power than that reserved to them in the union by the con-
stitution, no one of them ever having been • state out of
I the union. The original ones pined into the union even
' before they cast off their British colonial dependence, and
the new ones came into the union directly from a condition
of dependence, excepting Texas, and even Texas, in its
temporary independence, was never designated as • state.
' The new ones only took the designation of states on
' coming into the Union, while that name was fint adopted
for the old ones in and by the declaration of independence.
Therein the united colonies were declared to belnc and
independent
states. But even then the object y was
41
1 not to declare their independence of one IMO of the
union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge
and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterwards
abundantly show.
The express plighting of faith by each and all of the ori-
rina fifteen states in the articles of confederation two years
titer , that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive,
having never been dates, either in substance or in name,
outside of the Union. Whence this magical omnipotence of
state rights, asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy
the Union itself? Much is said about the sovereignty of the
states, but the word even is not in the national constitution,
nor, as is believed, in any of the date constitutions.
What is a sovereignty, in the political sense of the term ?
Would it be far wrong to define it a political community
without • political superior? Tested by this, no one of our
states, except Texas, was a sovereignty, and even Texas
gave up the character on coming into the union, by which
act she acknowledged the constitution of the United
states, and the laws and treaties of the United States made
lin pursuance thereof. The states have their status in the
I ammo, and they have no other legal status. If they break
from this, they can only do so against law and by revolu-
tion.

U • The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their
independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase
the Union gave each of them whatever of independence and
liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the states,
and in fact it created them as states. Originally some de-
pendent colonies made the Union, and in turn the Union
threw off their old dependence for them, and made them
Metes, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a state
constitution independent of the Union.
Of course it is not forgotten that all the new states formed
their constitutions before they entered the union, neverthe-
less dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the
union. Unquestionably the states have the powers and
rights reserved to them in and by the national consti-
tution, but among these surely are not included all con-
ceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at
most, such only as were known in the world at one time
as governmental powers and certainly a power to destroy
the government itself, had never bean known as a
pvernmental, or a mere administrative power. This rela-
tive matter of national
_power and state rights as a principle,
is no other than the principle of generality and locality.
Whatever concerns the whole should be confined to the
general government, while whatever concerns only the
sista should be left exclusively to the state. This all
there is of original princaraumiabout it. Whether the na-
tinsel constitution, in boundaries between the two,
has applied the principle with exact accuracy is not to be
questioned. We are all bound by that defining, without
question. What is now combated is the position that seces-
sion is consistent with the constitution, is lawful end
platelet
It is sot contended that there is any exprem law for it,
and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to
unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with
mosey the countries out of which several of these states
were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without
leave and without refunding ? The nation paid very large
some in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions,
to relieve Made of the aboriginal tribes. L it just that
she shall now be off without consent, or without any
return ? The nation is now in debt for money applied to
the Wait of these so-called seceding states in common
with the rut.

Ts it just either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the
remaining states pay the whole? A part of the present
national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas.
Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this
herself ? Again, if one state may secede, so may another ;
and when all shall have swede& none is left to pay the
debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did we notify
them of this no view of ours when we borrowed their
money? If we now recognise this doctrine by allowing
the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we
can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon
which they will promise to remain. The seceders insist
that our constitution admits of secession. . . .

They have manmed to make • national constitution of
their own, in which, of necessity, they have either dis-
carded ce retained the right of secession, as they insist it
euiste in ours.

If they have discarded it, they thereby admit that on
dple i
ned it, tyouttonot to exist
wn trut
construction
on uorsu
-f
thatheyha showsye thatr
to be consistent they must secede from one another when-
ever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their
debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The
principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no
government can possibly endure.
If all the states save one should assert the power to
drive that one out of the union, it iv presumed the whole
class of seceder politicians would at once deny the power,
and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon state
rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead
of being called driving the one out, should be called the
seceding of the others from that one, it would be exactly
what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make
the point that the one, because it is a minority, may right-
fully do what the others, because they are a majority, may
not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and pro-
found in the rights of minorities. They are sot partial to
that power which made the constitution, and speaks from
the preamble, calling itself, " We, the people."
It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a ma-
jority of the legally qualified voters of any state—except,
perhaps, South Carolina—in favour of disunion. There is
much reason to believe that the union men are the majority
in many, if not in every one of the so-called seceded states.
The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of
them.

It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennes-
see, for the result of en election held in military camps,
where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted
upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular
sentiment. At such an election all that large class who are
at once for the union and against coercion would be coerced
to vote against the union.
It may beaffirmed without extravagance that the free
iruititeticas we enjoy have developed the powers and im-
proved the condition of our whole people beyond any ex-
ample in the world. Of this we now have • striking and
impressive Wustration. So large an army as the Govern-
ment has now on foot was never before known, without •
soldier in it but who had taken his place there of his own
free choice.
But more than this there are many single regiments
whose member', one and another, possess full practical
knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions and
whatever else, whether useful or elegant, ts known in the
whole world,snd there is scarcelyone from which there could
not be selected a President, a cabinet, • congress, and per-
haps • court, abundantly competent to administer the
government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the
army of our late friends, now adversaries, in this contest.
But it is so much better the reason why the government
which has conferred such benefits on both them and us
should not be broken up. Whoever in any section pro-
poses to abandon such a government, would do well to con-
eider in deference to what principle it is that be does it,
what better he is likely to get in its stead, whether the sub-
Astute will give, as he intended to give, so much of good
to the people. There are some foreshadowinge on this
subject.
Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of inde-
pendence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jef-
ferson, they omit the words, " all men are created equal."
Why! They have adopted a temporary national constitu-
tion, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one
signed by Washington, they omit, " We, the people," and

substitute, " We, the deputies of the sovereign and lade•
pen4ontlitatea."

Why? why this deliberate pressing out of view the
rights of men, and the authority of the people? This is
essentially a people's contest. On the side of the union it
is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and
substance of government whose leading object is to elevate
the coalition of men ; to lift artificial weights from all
shoulders ; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all—
to actor I ail an unfettered start and a fair chance in the
race of life, yielding to partial and temporary departures
from necessity.
This is the leading object of the government for whose ex-
istence we contend. lam most bappy to believe that the
plain people understand and appreciate this. It la worthy'
of note that while in this, the goveniment's boar of trial,
large numbers of those in the army sod navy who have
been favoured with the offices, have resigned and
proved false to the hand which pampered them, not
see common soldier or common sailor is known to have do-
nated his deg. Great honour to those Mikan who remained
true, despite the example of their treacherous associates,
but the greatest honour and the meet important feet of all,
is the unaninams firmness of the common soldiers wad com-
mon sailors. To the last man, so far AB L.IIOIVII, they have
successfully emitted the traitorous efforts of those whom
commands bat an hour before, OF obeyed as absolute law.
This is the patriotic instinct ofplain people. They under-
stand without an argument that t e destroying tke govern-
ment, which was made by Washington, means no good to
them. Oar popular government has often been called an expe-
riment. Two ppooitnts in it our people have settled; the
successful establishing and the successful administering of
it. One still remains--its succemful maintenance against a
foraudable internal attempt to overthrew it.
It is now for them to demonstrate to the wield that
these who can fairly carry an election can also suppress.
a rebellion ; that ballots are the riglitful and peaceful.
successors of tenets, and that when ballots have fairly and
constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal
back to bullets ; that there can be no successful appeal
except to ballots themselves. At succeeding elections such
will be • great lesson of peace, teaching men that what
they cannot take by an election neither can they take it by
a war; teaching the folly of being the beginners of •

Led there should be some uneasiness in the minds of
candid men as to what is to be the course of the govern-
meet towards the Southern states, after the rebellion shall
have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to say
it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the
constitution and the laws, and that he probably will have
no different understanding of the powers end duties of the
Federal government, relatively to the rights of the states
and the people under the constitution, than that expressed
in the inaugural address.
He deeirse to preserve the government, that it may be
administered for all as it was administered by the men who
made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to claim
this of their government, and the government his no right
to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in
giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subju-
gation in any just sense of these terms.
The constitution provided, sad all the States haveaccepted
the provision, " That the United States shall guarantee to
every State in this Union a republican form of government,"
but if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, having
does so, it may also discard the republican form of govern-
ment ; so that to prevent its going out is en indispensable
means to the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned,
and w►ea as end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable
means to it are also lawful and obligatory.
It was with the deepest regret that the executive found
the duty of employing the war power in defence of the
government. Forced upon him, he could but perform this
duty or surrender the existence of the government. No
compromise by public servants could, in this cue, be a
cure ; not that compromises are not often proper, but
that no popular government can long survive a marked
precedent that those who carry an election can only
save the government from immediate destruction by giving
up the main point upon which the people gave the
election. The people themselves, and not their servants,
can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions.
As a private citizen, the executive could not have con-
sented that these institutions shall perish, much less could
be, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as them free
people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral
right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own
life in what might follow.
In bill view of his great responsibility he has so far done
what he has deemed his duty. Yon will now, according to
your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes
that your views and your actions may so accord with his
as to mem all faithful damns who have been disturbed in
their rights, of a certain and speedy restoration to them,
under the constitution and the laws, and having thus chosen
our cause without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew
our trust in God and go forward without fear and with
manly hearts.
July 4, 1861. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The New York Herald of the 6th observes that
the above message and the news brought by this
mail will create much sensation in Europe.
The monotony (it says) which for some weeks
pest has characterised the condition of the vast
Union army concentrated on the Potomac—broken
as it has been only by an occasional skirmish—is now
changed to an active advance movement upon the rebel
lines in all directions, which must compel the enemy either
to make • disastrous retreat, or risk • general engagement,
the result of which can hardly be doubted. The general
advance in the direction of Richmond has commenced
along the entire line and the northern side, while
General Butler's forces in the vicinity of Fortress
Monroe were gradually closing up in the other direction. It
is not thought that General Johnston will venture the
chamois of a collision with General Patterson's superior force,
partially surrounded as he is by the army of Gen. McClellan,
but will fall back to Winchester end Manama Junction, en
route for Richmond, and hence no battle may take place in
that direction. It may be, also, that the Union troops adran-
deg from Alexandria and Arlington Heights towards
Fairfax and Manama may find the rebels re-
treating before them, so that until the army of the govern-
ment reaches the vicinity of Richmond—the rebel capital—
the fighting may possibly be confined to outpost skirmishes
and the dislodgment of masked batteries. However, now
that the advance of this immense army has fairly com-
memad, no lengthened period can elapse before • general,
and it is to be hoped decisive, engegement occurs.
The government has now in the field • force of
300,000 men, of whom 210,000 are sworn to serve for
three years. The President, in his Message, asks the sanc-
tion of Congress to raise it to 400,000, and as there is very
little doubt that out of the 190,000 required to till the re-
quisite complement fully 60,000 of the men who engaged for
three months' service will volunteer into other regiments, it
is qintigrobable that the required number of 400,000 will
beprovided within • few weeks.
he report of the Secretary of the Treasury
anticipates that it will be necessary to provide for
raising 320,000,000 dole., and suggests that
80,000,000 dole. of this sum should be raised by
direct taxation, and the remaining 240,C00,000
dole. by loans.
The Nem York Times says :
The expected movement of General Patterson's column of
the grand army across the Potomac took place on Tuesday
morning, and was followed by a battle with General John-
ston's rebel forces, ten thousand strong, near Martinsburgh,
which resulted in the defeat of the rebels and their precipi-
tate retreat with considerable loss, while our loss was but
three killed and wounded, according to a brief official dispatch
from Gen. Patterson to the War Department, announcing
his victory. Scouting parties were sent over on Monday
night, and brisk firing was heard all night between the
scouts and the rebel pickets. The advance of the main
body took place before daylight, the post of honour being as-
signed to Capt. M`Mullin's Independent Rangers, and the
Ist Wisconsin and 11th Pennsylvania Regiments. The
advancing column was met by the enemy in force at Por-
terfield's Farm, on the turnpike•road near Haiaesville,
where the conflict was fierce for a time ; but the
rebels were finally compelled to give way, and then retreat
soon became precipitate. They left behind them numbers
of their dead and wounded, and a great many articles of
value, and General Patterson subsequently occupied their
camp. So confident were the enemy of an easy victory over
the National troops, that they had levelled the fences on
both sides of the turnpike, to order that they might the
more readily cut off their Nicest towards the Potomac.

A Floarnio BISHOP.—In a letter from Phila-
delphia, of the 2nd, we read :—" A novel announcement,
recalling somehow the Middle Ages, has just been made in
the newspapers—no We than the appointment to a briga-
dietrueralship of the Confederate army of the Right Rev.
Leonidas Polk, Bishop of Louisiana. Bishop Polk has long
been known as holding extreme pro-slavery sentiments, and
being the owner himself of, I believe, SOO slaves, one is the
less surprised at his opinions. He had a military education,
which la part accounts for the strange step. Ilia command,
it is said, is to be on the Lower Masissippi."
THI NZW Foitmox Orrlcm—Now that Par-
liament has decided in favour of the Italian style of architecture
In preference to Outhic, we may won expect to ere handsome
new buildings replacing the old and uncomfortable edifice In
which, shabby as It was, the foreign affairs of this great country
have to long been carried on. It matters not much, it may be
thought, a hat the style of architecture may be, so long as It per-
mit, the public business to be conveniently transacted in It—
that, after all, being the first desideratum. The taste of the
architect In the present instance might have sufficiently insured
us against any absolute offence against the rules of art, which are
every day becoming more generally appreciated in connexion
with all kinds of productions. We may Instance, In proof of this,
from among various other manufacturers. the new and elegant
designs which Mr. Benson, the well-known watchmaker of Lud.
site hill, has Introduced to watch ornamentation. lie whets'
sees what we are all gradually learning to perceive, that a good
thing hi all the letter for haying a tasteful appoarance, and gives
his excellent watches suitable and elegant cases.—(Advertise•
ment.l