The Express.
London, England, 1868-03-25 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAR. 25.

THE TIME.4T 010 A DISSOLUTION.

Ir• it were any business of ours to preach pru-
denoe to the supporters of the Government, we
should be inclined to warn them against the de-
spairing tactics they are at present pursuing. They
seem to place all their hopes of safety in convincing
the Liberal party that it had much better leave
them alone. It is not an uncommon policy in
contests of all degrees of importance, from street
lights upwards. The combatant who feels that he
will got the worst of it if the peace is once broken
has always a scope of remove to prove that it
should be strictly kept. Unfortunately for the
'woes' of this method of reasoning, its real signi-
ficance is now perfectly well known. A general
who expects defeat will naturally do all he can to
avoid a battle. But he wilt never, if his
knows his business, let his real purpose escape
him. His secret terrors will be locked up in hie
own breast, and he will await the attack of the
enemy with the air of a man thirsting for the ex-
citement of the strife. To do Mr. Dm-
new justice, he is far too good a tacti-
cian to betray any signs of apprehension.
But he has apparently not desired—at all
eventa he has not been able—to impart to
his adwocates in the press a similar show of
confidince. Instead of accepting opposition as the
natural element is which a Government must ex-
pect to live, they spend their strength in
proving that the Liberal party is bound by
every consideration of justice, wisdom, and
patriotism not to disturb their tenure of
office. It has often been urged, in depreca-
tion of a mere part): struggle, that there is no
substantial difference between a Ministry and an
Opposition. These Conservative pleaders take a
bolder tone, and argue that the very greatness of
the difference ought to prevent the Liberals from
wishing to have the reins in their own hands.
Your Irish policy, they say, is revolutionary.
Surely that is the best justification of
our unwillingness to entrust the Conservatives
with the conduct of Irish questions. Only this
morning a Ministerial contemporary has stated the
effect of Mr. GLADSTONeIi resolution in these
terms : " Taken literally, they mean that the policy
" of three centuries is to be reversed—that the
"entire foundations of English rule in Ireland
"are to be relaid." We accept the descrip-
tion. Both in the letter and in the spirit
the resolutions do mean this and nothing less.
They mean that the ascendancy of an alien church
is to be overthrown, and that the whole attitude of
England towards Ireland is to be changed at once
and for ever. Is not this good reason for getting rid
of an administration which recognises no such neces-
sity 1 We do not expect Conservatives to think us
right in being Liberals ; but we advise them for
their own sakes to lay aside the childish petulance
which Wile out because, being Liberals, we wish
an opportunity of carrying Liberal ideas into
action.

The first argument which is employed to dis-
suade " moderate Liberals " from voting for Mr.
GL DOOMS'S resolutions haat been used against every
necessary enterpriie since the building of the ark.
Why, it is asked, should the Irish Church be disesta-
blished now 1 A year or two hence—when we have
had our fair innings, and cannot possibly keep in office
any longer--there may be something to be said for
such a step. But why do it at this moment ? In
answering this question we will use no terms which
can be unintelligible to those who put it. We will
not 00 =ell as mention justice ; we will appeal to
nothing but expediency, We are anxious then
that the Protestant Church in Ireland shall be di*.