The Express.
London, England, 1861-11-23 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 23, 1861.

head) srAzz.sr,m.p., ON OUR YultEloN AND

built.; ire POLICY.

LYNN, FRIDAY.

Thin day Lord Stanley delivered au Mikan in
Moe Uwe Han el this town to his coo■tituenta, upon topics
d kw.ad deariesse ititerest. The ball was crowded
is *say pork ea the sods ionl received a as mteuthwOestie
Inespliaa. 'The Asir was occupied by the Ms or, Mr. 1..
w. 11/Mil, she bristly totrudiscod lus lonisbip to the

Lord leremeir said— I 'hash you gentlemen for the
leastisem if this remptioa. hut it is melees more than I
was pupated to expect from the many previous
peak I have had of your /theism It ie
sow wady soma yens Wm, sending before
yet la thin nom, shinty alter the momessesinest of the
Cr:meas war, I Mid yes that it ma lay nitestaue, unless
prevented by sew malseesses meet, to take au opportunity
ism is the same of sash partinmentery session of giving
ye". ea reset of the seems el peesediap ie parliumeste
awl Se and, 11 cieeenristanees should render it mom.
eery, le justify the pet which I bad penueelly taken. net
pions I have regularly fulfilled up to the protest time with
the otagle exespiese of het par, sad I will tell you frankly
slit was the mem of that Mimeo. Whet I was here
ha the osier of IMO the Wenn hill was being talked to
&Nth is the Homo of Omeasons. It was beieg defeated by
&h am evidently pretreated with that intention Now, I
did sel ilManther approve of that bill. Them were many
pets el it whisk l maid sot have outputted without media-
eaties, bet if I did sot like the ball I liked as little the lame
sat is which it was &pool of, vied that being the subject
epos whirh, it 1 addrened yes at all, I must asosem
rile have maks% I thought it better to my nothing
stir thee tepees *Woes which would probably have
pleased an. party, and, the late of the rower' being pew-
May dueled, could hare theserul so good purpose.
lam, beer.) It is so secret to any oes that during the loot
ter or three years politimaas sod the public gemedly have
has much Some occupied with the &dein of foreign cams.
Maras than with &lieu own. Foe one speech we Lave lately
beard osi quotems of domestic policy, we have heard half
a.:• mein the awe oilier nentries. That ia out the ordi-
miry state of thiep, mei the explaisniee of it ie that sorest
Europese distil:Mace tea loam matinee without laming
every greet Europese state, soil sever suer the days of the
Fro French Rupee has there been • time of such univalve'
des foist is Europe, or when apprehennons of gineral die-
ts/4race were mere rife than during the last two or three
yens. (Hew, bear.) There is hardly an important state in
Rothe whisk hes sot bees looking forward either with hope
or with hes tea lature somewhat Jiff from its present.
The vast development of the military and materiel
power of nesse ; the rise of Spain from what
seemed • email= at hipster decadsmon into a
indesime power; the pent isereare of serf einancipitioa in
Rani, hygiene the fate of fear or five times as many
human beep as are disectly istemeted in that other ques.
tim of segro emseciptise; the straggle for independeace
sad esiegeversisent im Rosary); the Italian revelations,
whisk, so far from being oomph' .d, seems to me to he
bar* seen He. lope ; all them anevents which, it
Soy essuPed singly, would have filled a cos-
sidisehle epee in Watery ; bat they, perhaps, lees
semserhat of their real importance in our util-
isation Posen we have there all at one moment
beim ear eyes. With sums of them events England as •
miles bee so direct camera. It does sot concern us—ls-
deed, it dues not ereatly affect mankind at large—if Spode re.
Pine Meter' of holm bee hold on Cithe, attends her power
time the adjoining islands, sad regains hes lust Maumee in
Masts& We may be glad for the sake of humanity that
hie peat mamas of serf emancipate:a in Hasilia should
werised ; hat whether it succeeds or fails, there is
hat one—and perhaps, in the metal state of
thine", it is the wevitable—result, that the m-
ail tem:dation well for • coosiderable tines re-
duce the aggresoive power of Russia almost to sp-
iking. (Closet) la the quarrel between Austria sad
hoe subjects ca are sot called upon cluecely to interfere,
mid though our tympathise may be very unequally divided
as between the tau parties, still it is impossible fur anytime
who watches that question with interest, and at the sante
tune with unpiniality, to feel abeulutely unmixed sympathy
far either party. (Heer.) Nothing could be more suicidal
than the folly of the Austrian authorities, and nothing could
be neon amoral than the duty at their pan condom Me hi-
spanic( their present or its tegument Ou the other hand,
we la this country have had some en prisms of the Omani-
hationelansagemost which the poplin leaders in Hearer),
rem nee alleaspcsng to establish. That arrangement, at I
midenleind it, to to retain tin anion of two couutnes wider
• single news, with repartee and independent 'moistures.
That sapereseest was triad is Ireland with the constitution
of I It our nude to work, after a fashies, for le or 20
yeses, bet it was wily made to work boomes. although is
the old Irish parlionent the spirit ef fastios was
Nees& yet the spirit of corruption was still
steseger„ mad the men who watched the verities of
that Wilma aniseed themselves that it meld
not permanently endure, sad in the nod, after as uprise*
of tem Yr sweaty yens, the Imitiove use. of the two
esualeits was steepled ass polatical amenity. (Hear, hear.)
I believe that atria would hold good in the ease of
/haply. No man tan foresee the result of the Ceitiet
Mow pebdiot, tut one or two reselts we may look forward to
so tunable. Amusing that the Husprias leaders obtain
ler the treats% that which they desire, either the experi-
ment of legislative separates sad of anemechical mum will
fad, red altirnately some newsure like the mice of
belaad and Eaglaad will be adopted, ur else, if
that be impossible sod Huspry is resolved
to maintain a separate legislature sad separate is-
atitutheis, the result will be the total and permanent di/-
empties of the Austrian empire. (Hoar, bear.) That is
the state of the mos. For my owe part, not at all sae
sluing Austrian inslitatione or government, I should regret
that dienaption au peers' pounds. I should regret it, be-
anie I believe that whatever leads to break up great
aspires horse sell sad feeble states renvoyesi an obotael•
eat of the way el my ruler at a future time, who
may be dispelled to play the put of • con-
queror, sad I am afraid the experience we
have hul during the last few yews has shown %le that the
days oaf mains), aieplesios and canqueet are uot to eatirely
Buse by as it was tee fashion some time ago to suppose It
sot a anther in which we ens is any way interfere, lint it
t. lie to (Ivey that, whatever may be miefortunes
that have befallen the Austrian permosannt, these mishit.
tonne have is • great manure bass broregit cis by their
ewe anduct, and all we ma de le le wallei though, per-
hap with Trost, • ceLonity it i Is so Disu's power to
avert. eat at the mama% it Is is Italy that tin chief
interest al Europa. politica sails When I last stood
before yea n this room lb. Italia war Ind very lately
lapin I wee thee hewed M adders you with that reserve
Much Mimed to • sinister of fin sow., but although
restricted by that emerve, I did est 'mint* to tell yes
fraekly whet 1 thought of the justice of that war. It wen
Mrs
generally eiered is this mostly se • wastes dis-
tortions ef the pease ef Ramp'. Since that time opisrm
has is mime *stein obsupd, and it is leaked tape se • est
of liberty. I cosiest Ism disposed to held le the earlier
view. have so great faith. as • general sale, in the die
baseented sympathy of sormenessies seem menially
of elemetismizronsente in the weep and etpromices
of thou re, and I have quite se little faith is list
freedom is conferred ea • gill by maperete or Line
fbisme.) When Ant the Einparor of the heath entered
be a may reasenshie doubt whether he had
soy lard sod detain ;obey. His parsosea statives for
Ming into teat ear were obvious. Ho wished to read the
swarmy ef hr node's earlier eimpaipos —to "mime the
halkehee of Austria in haiy by that of Prime, to occupy
the mind at the ninth peep* sod to gratify them with a
3gegain which they wally delight, tamely, that
s
their uses military emeadasey. These wen his
einem famine, end them shins be nedoutenily plead.
H. somired the orstrideme of se army which never regarded
with piton casiblenee a thief who did ant commend is
utensil war. Ile has exhibited the spectacle to those who
ere siesimes r military eery.' a onniman.ler-iatblef at the
sew 50, trim hed never perviously heard • shot fired in saw,
Wiles the cesserad .1 ea aria wiboing two peas
wisteria' upsetputrala 'Hear. ism.)
Ile has -humbled two pen power—ltiona and
Amino. and boo metered beck to France • pie-
ties of that tallboy which, luting been stated by
the aggisiwitestA d lets, was afterwards tam
sway esesequeses ef the vi of Waterier. It in in-
to as west hese' will gain from her Italian este-
pup, hot Italy is pined la • poutioe which eimpols her to
pee esueldiseallie delaresse se the Views sad wishes of IMOD.
Ihe is pledged to hostility again Austria. She prol
meantceps with Austria ainglediffindsd, liegined, although
she rag hod her advise mad aterea idlawsee. will nut do
seem mad therefere it is Trial* wen which the Italian
prversmient BUM ril fee tappet in prustestith
say farther plass they may lime to any eels
Vms what term
thatsupport will be gives, sr
whetter is Mil be given at all. o • man io locked la
the Wird el owe was. Yenonally, 1 sympathies in the
Isehme whisk is undoubtedly that of the majority of the
titho'agmhe namely, their desire for unity under • strong
; let loads/ tie k me • maller of name sad
sat offaitl I think it is impoishie sal to see that the
posted Mombasa exist Le the way of that amity being
es the fret piece sompletne ems.-
m▪
ay husk= • meows, el ti. -our with Austria. With-
eel Vasil& Imly is set ettesehate, and Austria will sot
esde the Vonellias territory eseept by fame. We may
liens bet rattier het I am aid siren of any record is hie
Wry of • miles levies voluntanly coded • large parties of ;
its &minim without a struggle. Austria will eat ode
Vesetis, sad lie party oif war- the party of seine—Mao are
at this mement Imam the Leg of Italy their items.
and seppeoilkts Mil wiry saturally glve hie so rest sail they
obtain Theo are, thitli la." eklmild. ether Ihrespan war. Thee neer the Roans pee-
hila is es Mose complete without Rate thee
eillisise Tessels, sad 'Mesh it le Possible that
a Heiffo of minim my have lakes ph.% psi i

so far as we know we have Naomi to suppose that the majo-
rity of the Italian dery ere favourable to the renting° of
the temporal power a the Pope, and I seed me tell you
that clerical Milliner' is Italy is • very different thing from
what it is in Euglaad. (Hear hear.) In the North of
Italy than moment jealoories which have existed from
time imentuonal betimes elate eel state and tows end
• tows still exist; and is Naples, although there may be
but few persons who regret their late ruler and wish
eli lairs ham restored, there are great number
who look with regret upon the leas of local in-
&patience and aellgovernuient occasiotted by the mama.
Lion with Sodom. Thou agate war sad revolution ham
disturbed the timace., and over the greeter part of Italy
the Lars have oefeitairily bent more heavy than they wen
under former rulers. No Italian statesman fills the place
a loch was occupied by Count Cavour in the public mean.
ties ; both the Ken and bas ministers are well aware that
that party which most strenuously encourages him
to promised* the war—that party which was for
miler the influence of Massioi, though it
may have for the present waived all republicaa
Mom sad is Weems is the advice it gives—ls set the safest
ally at his throes. (Hear, hear, sad chine.) last of all
the ' of France for a loin time pest has bees hand* to
the of a powerful Italian kingdom that would
Meth) • sew rival to her in Europe, and lessen that prep".
islessee she now exercises over Italian elf aus.
No due the Emperor of the French is not a wan to
be bound by the traditions of the past. Nu era
is more competent to strike out a line for hes-
*elf, but be has throws out au opinion that he
seems to think the traditional policy of Priam
is his also. He hag put forward • plan of toderatima
which. seder • specimen and plansible saws, simply per-
petuates the subjugates of Italy. He has refused to with-
draw his troop. from item= and while they roma= there
the pecititation of the Behan States never can be atom-
phated. Moreover, no lung am Italy bas something which
she wan= to get and Amara somethiug she smote to
keep, so twig will both one and toe other of
than cooteeding powers be more depeudeut ea
has infiueuos awl more subservient to Ids policy than they
would be if these quarrels ware brought to an end, and both
were confined within their respective natural lamed.. (to
the whole, therefore, so far from the !Wiwi ditticulty
being settled, it seems to me its solution is hardly begun.
Sothis( sea he decided moil the fate of Rome and Veoetis
are decided, and we seem to be as far as ever from a deg:i-
sms. It is set likely in the present stet* of the fioaeoes
of Fresco that the Emperor will engage in another
war If be does sot interfere, mid Italy. single-handed,
were to attack Austria, we should hardly expect such •
coven to end favourably to her. I ego not underrate the
power of popular and natiosel enthusiasm and unity,
although we ready underrate them in this country. As
to the part of England in the matter, there is only one thing
to hoar in mind. Undoubtedly • majority of the Esgthe
people are is favour of Italian union. The exceptions are
the Roman eatholies, who been very natural and
iutelligible feelings no behalf of the temporal power
of the Pope. bonus permas think—and it is a supposition
not devoid of plausibility—that in the actual state of Nea-
politan civilimation Naples is more likely to be • hindrance
than a help to Northern Italy in the cause of political pro-
gress, sod there are some persons who are hostile to the
Italian cause, lot so much inns any settled coevictiou on
the subject as ham a u.orbal dislike to popular movements.
But the great niajurity of the English people, so far as they
take an interest is the matter, are undoubtedly in favour of
Italian unity. The real question is, to what extent we
ought to compromise ourselves in the matter. We are not
in this quartet is • similar position to that which is occu-
pied by France. A intim which, from whatever motive,
hui expended 50,000 soldiers and many millions of treasure
on behalf of another, Laterally claims some right to decide
what the melte of the victory dad be. So, again,
• anion ready to make war on behalf of an-
other, ma caroms and odor= its own views with'
• oomiderahle probability that those views will be attended
to But we have not interposed by arms. We do not intend
to interpose, and we are right, and in that case we ought to
beer ia mind more than we do, that we cannot expect the
advantages of Marione*" and non-interference. We cannot
expect at the sante time to secure the easy position of •
amaze!, and the commanding position of ooe prepared to
take • principal part in a war. (Hear„ bear.) And where
' we are not sure that any advice we might offer would be
takes, 1 think some coosiderabis degree of reserve and re-
Wean is sot ally fur us the must demand course, but also
that most likely to secure attention to toe views we express.
There is soother part of the world to which my bat remark
equally applies—the United States. I own that I do not
weeder at the annoyance which the Americans fall
sad express at the summary way iii which we tan. 1
dertake to settle their affairs for them. I have had some '
lessons as to the caution which should be exer-
raised in forming a judgment upon the affairs of
other couotries. I travelled is America in the summer
of lski, at the time those foolish and futile dieturbanom
took pima es Ireland, mel I wee • good deal astonished, sad
not • little amused, to And that well interim= pennies is
the United States attached merlons importance to those
morenieuts, and thought them the begitudug of • great
revolution for the independence of Ireland. They further
thought that the goverunieut were doing a foolish thing is
Dot recognising the iixlependence of Ireland at cam
I leughter.) I know • het I thought of these notions, and
1 think there are intelligent people in America who think
the same of the criticisms which reach them from the other
side of the Atlantic. At any rate I do not think it maws-
aide I. Liam, Om Foinal govern sat for destining to give
up half their territory without sinking • blow in its da
fence. They have met with en armed insurrection,
suit they have opposed it by au armed resistance.
(Hear, hear.) How long it was wise to persist
in that resistance was • question of policy,
and • very difficult nee, but it is absurd to
blame men for doing that which every government has
done and always will do. (Hear, bear.) The remind that
struggle is beyond all human calculation ; but I mu disposed
ea the whole to think that the opinion which gateway pre-
vails in this country is true, and that wan or later •
Senthere eoefederacy will be established. (Hoar, hear.) I
de sot come to that conclusion go much bemuse I doubt the
power of the North to subjugate the eau* though the
Southern States are unfavourable far au aggressive, mad
favourable for a defensive war • but the real difficulty
seems to be this. Sapposing the federal government to
succeed in its object mid to reconquer the Southern States,
what will they do with them when they have got them' It
their rights are nut to be restored after the comment, •
powerfid military government must he established, sad
Mom principles of independence and self-government which
Irea the very basis of American institutions must, for
a time at best, be in abeyance. At present
,1 the position of the Northern States ie very
like the ease of a husband instituting legal rim-
eeedinp In order to bring back his wife to live with him.
Homey =min his object, but the question is whether when
be haa =lamed it he has dune much to 000 tribute to his
own domestic happeism. At premed, so far as we num sue,
the only pen= rainy in earnest in this war is theabolitionita,
whose views are sot cartaisly estertained by the cabinet of
Washington.. The very 'minded that =fleet showed that
the alwilitioesom are repudiated sod disavowal. (Hear.)
For the rest the differences between the Northern and
Soothers Sham are out sew. Burke formai, them; Wash-
*toe feared them, and from that time men have sever
hem inning to predict that the difference between
the habits and ideas of which slavery is ratter •
symbol than a muse, sad which is doe in part to early taw
ithms, sad is part to the difference in dale* would
mere or later lead to the disruption which has asteull
emend. It seems ,tic ale idle to talk, se some
de. of the WOMB of the Southern States le people
le as otter breakdown of the America, power. Great that
the Beelines States accomplish all they) want, still the
Mirth will Weis eightem millions of the moot intelligent
And hehallectnal population la the world, a territory as large
se ail isrope, excluding Russia, and unlimited' political re-
soluta". They would also possess • political union which
they have out had for thirty years ; and unless this war
were peeemeted for • series of years, whatever burdens it
might impel they would still °Patinae more lightly taxed
than say powerful nation upon the earth. We have heard
i specalWass as to the possibility of further disruption and
W establishment of separate and iudepeodeet communi-
ties. Them speculations may not be unfounded, but for all
1 practical mapper they ere premature. We are bound to
use great caution in }edging the affairs of any foreign
country, and especially of America. There are two causes
which Inevitably tend to bias our jadinant is regard to the
American.. There are =say clam« la this country who by
' their habit., education, social end political positton, were
eaturally dispraed to judge unfavourably suything relating
, to republkau power ; and there are also.many who
' have watched with a feeling of meadoess and anxiety the
growth of a lower whose incriasiog wealth and menthol
, population barn beer more rapid then that of any European
state, who were is point of population alum= the equal of
the United Kingdom, and who have shown some disposition
to use their power le an anogant and hostile Clint. What-
' ever judgment we do form upon these American matters,
I think we are bound to use special rare in forming it, that
we do sot allow ourselves to be biased either by
eta. feeling or eatiosal jealousy. That is so obvious
the' I do not suppose there will be any departure from it.
Whatever admhostration may be in power, it will be the
duty of the govern:seat to preserve a strict neutrality ie
wont and deal—me to show irritation at casual anommoss,
such as in the course of such • struggle as this we must in-
evitably expect—to defend any of our rights, if invaded,
temperately and firmly giving time for say angry peados to
i evaporate, sad above all to take no advantage, or to seem to
, take say admalege, of the tensparery weaklier of the Arm.
i rhea power to attempt to effect any object
test power may comelier as an encroachment ne
Ile rights. cheers.) There is only one other point
, el &reap policy I will teach upon, which relates to the
expedite= now prepariag ter Mexico to evince menet that
Rieke the claims of British sad ether subjects. I admit that
the 000 duct of Mexico has bees such as fully to justify our
armed interference, and on the sec= of humanity, whatever
' the effect of the =polities, it (=loot possibly make the
condition at Mexico worm them it Gods it; but the real
question is whether there le say British object Livened
adequate to the megaitede of such an expedition. If the
oely object is to coiled bed debts, as sometimes happens in
Private iffe, Ike exeseses of litigation may swallow up all
me melte Still farther I am afraid we mav Bed la
1 the sad that the @sly remit of our efforts has been to tax
our own trade for the beset% of creditors, meet of wham
are forgivers. (" Hear, hem," and cheers.) So mech,
southern. for foreign affairs. As to the future of &mop
tie legislation. we have all ri/ es heard a goal deal in the
1 het few months of whet is exiled emerreetirre resetieis '
I The phew* is seneely eseerste. Iteansca is this ewe my

there is set, sad I believe there never will be. It is our
nature to seeks changes rarely, and rhea we have made
them all parties he abide by them. There has been
no Plume during the loot Ai years which. as fair es
i know, imp eiosaiderable pity is this Pantry would now
propose to replace. Therdore I my, in the strict sense of
the word, reaction there is none. (Hear, bear.) But of
the conservative feeling of conteutment with that
we hors,- and of caution it any cheeps to he'
proposed, there is undoubtedly more than at any
time within my recollection. I don't believe that has soy*
thing to do with the accidents of political conthiptiou or
tbe working of parliamentary _ parties. I think it would be
precisely the same if every politician of eminence now living
hi England were swept off the face of the earth and a
House of Commons were returned composed of entirely
new members, and I think the causes of that state of feel-
ing aro not difficult to ascertain. We have only to look
around us. The establish meet of the French empire follow-
Mg on the popular revolution of 184$, the spectacle of
France enjoying much glory but loaded with debt, the des-
uptioo in the United States, the altogether unsatisfactory
working of ultra-popular institutions in some of oar colo-
aim, the fact that we et this moment are the only first-rate
power in Europe, or indeed in the world, that is not gulog
through a orris, and adding to that the dis-
union we see in manufacturing towns between
the middle and working classes consequent upon the
arrangements of trades unions, we shall find that all them
circionstauces taken together are sufficient to explain why
there should be at the present day • preponderance of
moderate opinions. The conclusion I draw from all this hi
that organic changes are out of season, and that every fact
proves that the present time is a time of quiet geofflay or
specially favourable for can7ieg out adminatestive re-
forms. Wear.) I don't believe that you will have a
reform introduced again by the government for two or
three peen. The trial was made in 1860. Parliament re-
ceived the bill then with disguised hostility, and the public
with general indifference. The question of reform cannot
die--it cannot be permanently at rest—but I don't
think it will be heard of spin in any sermon
manner for two or three sessions. Motions may
be made by private members, but the only object will be to
test the strength of prase, and as I believe the subject can
only be dealt with by the government, I shall not support
say motion that may be so made by private members.
(" liter," and cheers.) But there are great admiuistrative
reforms which may be undertaken—the consolidation of the
statutes, the reform of the patent law, the bill introduced
by tar Hugh Cairns is 181t1 for facilitating the transfer of
bend, tie maxestructioe of the Board of Adusirulty,
with wam
There is •
ibedplan p
theroposehodourby two of the t ministry
hn of sitting am • presencommiseither
some five years ago—the late Lord Herbert and the Duke of
&menet —a plan for the modification (uecrease I am afraid
we cannot hope of the total abolition) of what I mut call
that detutable system of promotion by purchase in the
army. Welehall, again, have discussions upon that alum-
dorsal cods which has lately excited so much atteutiou. Of
that code I shall only my that it seems to me to be founded
on a sped and rrirgghht principle, although there are sowed*.
tails whisk, I melees, 1 do not clearly understand, and there
are others which, if Ido understand them clearly, will, I
think, require some reconsideration before they can
be practically worked. Then there is the never-ending
church-ate controversy to deal with, and the annual
financial discussion on the budget. 1 pass over the other
topics to which I have alluded, but on these two I shook,
like to say • word. Now, there has been of late a peat
rallying among the clergy and their friends, and • cry that
" the church re in danger." Oat ought to ask first, "In
danger of what!" If it is meant that the charch Is in
danger of losing that mural influence which it possesses—its
ioduence over men's op rim and thoughts, thou Imy that
may or may not be the case ;1 du not myself see any change
in that direction • but whether it be so or not, that is not
• matter upon which acts of parliament or political agita-
tion can have any iufluence. (Hear, hear.) But if it is
meant that the establishment in In danger of losing ita p.m.
leg's sad its state endowments, then I must say that, -look-
tag as fu forward ea practical men are justified
is doing—looking at it as to the present generation—l do
net see city reasonable cause for that apprehension. In all
countries ecclesiastical institutions have shown a remarkable

vitality. In France, where certainly a strong religions faith
is not the predominant characteristic of the people, the
clergy have retained • very coesiderable share of emolument
and of power notwithstanding two revolutions, one of which
disorganised society to the very foundations ; and it is
worthy of notice that in the latter of those two revolutions
—in that of 1848—the clergy were never very seriously
threatened. In this country the clergy of the estab-
lishmeut have a peat combination of circumetenoes
in their favour. Independent of that support
which they receive from purely religious motives,
of which I say nothing here, there is • great deal of indi-
rect support which they obtain upon social or political
grounds. There a hardly any important landed family in
this country which has not the sight of appointing to one or
more livings, and there is in this way a direct pecuniary
interest in the maintenance of the establishment diffused
among a very large number of persons, and, generally speak-
ing in the hands of those who have the largest amount of
social and political influeoce. Then, again, the wealthier
alums in this country ere well aware that the pulpit Is still
• power, although to some extend it may share its authority
with the press, sad possibly it enters into their
calculations that • clergy chosen and paid on the
voluntary principle—that is, by the noes of the con-
gregations—might sot always take the memo view of social
sad political arrangements which is taken by the existing
(derv. In the last century the wealthier classes were very
indlifereot to clerical mattes,. The peat movement of the
French Revolution startled them is their security, and
alarmed them—l will Dot say, looking at it 'affably, for
their privileges and position—Me alarmed them for the
stability of society as actually mostituted, and ever mime
that time, and for the last seventy years, there has bees •
growing disposition on the part of those classes to league
themselves—apart from higher aod disinterested motives, and
from oonniderations of political security—with the clerical
ca. That coosidenition has not been without its La-
in the church a:Mention movements of the pelmet
day. Then again, to this you must add the personal in-
llseoce of some 15,000 clergy, many of them lbighly edu-
cated men, and the great majority of them well conducted
and respected in their own localities. You most consider
also the real and undoubted value of the pelvice which they
have rendered to primary education. The immense power
which in some matters is exercised by habit and peescriptios,
and the feet that although the Donoinuformist bodice jointly
maj equal in numbers the members of the establish-
ment, still there are a very large number of the
members of those bodies who, though they may sometimes
regard ths privileges of the establishment with some feeling
of jealousy, yet du not on the whole wish to see it over-
thrown. (Hear, hear.) Taking all these circumstances
into consideration, and I am endeavouring to look at them
simply from their political upset, not expressing any per-
sonal feeling in the matter, it seems to me, looking forward
as far as welays reasonably a right to do, the church este-
bliahment is as secure as any Metitatico can expect to be.
(Hear, bear.) I do sot say that in Ireland or Scotland
the Mete of thisgs may be exactly the same. In
Scotland the religion of their established church is
that of the minority of the population, while in
Ireland, it is that of a very inconsiderable minority, mad I
will own to you frankly that I never look for ward without
somainem and apprehension to the discussions which may
arise, and which some day or other will arise, on ecclesias-
tical affairs in those countries. (Hear, hear.) But with
to England I believe that the balance of power
rerrellt sow exists between the establishment and the sou.
aosformin bodies, and which I will say in thsg, is not
cm the whole unfavourable to individual free of opinion
aid of speech, seems to be likely to sedum foe • consider-
able time, and if only those two hostile parties within the
establishment itself, and which, if one may judge by the
manner in which they write ad speak of one another have so
great mutual love to open— (laughter)—an be kept from open
war, I do not see that there is any external power that is
ever likely to deprive the establishment of England of its
rights. (Hear, hear.) As to the particular question which
is rather the occasion than the muse of these diacussioes—l
mesa the question of church rates—l have sees and heard
nothing to alter the opinion which for some yean I have
formed as to Its only possible solutiors. I was at list Not in-
disposed to a compromise, audio English polities mast trans-
actions do end by a compromise of some kind. Bat I have
watched every plan that has been brought before theßcemo of
Commons, and I have emu no plan that seemed to inn to
b.... reams:table chance of snows& At present there Is,
I will not say greater bitterness of feeling, but certainly
greater eoethativenms on both sides ; both aides appear to
want that which only one side can have—a decisive victory;
and this beteg the case I don't think that any settlement is
likely, especially as there is no very strong desire on either
side for peace Is this matter. It appears to me that there
are some-mad I ear not speaking of politicians, bat of eccle-
siastical leaden on both dike fur I web to he impartial—
who are not sorry to have a question' of this kind open, as
it keeps alive attention, and gives a little stimulas to party
zeal. (Hear, hear, arid laughter.) I do not think, there-
fore, that you will very soon see a settlement of this ques-
tion. But until such • settlement is arrived at, on the
groueds. as I think, of justice sad of policy, aid in the
interests of the church, as well as for the sake of social
peace, I shall continue to vote spinet the rata. (Cheers.)
And now, gentlemen, one last word upon the question of
financial policy. The financial policy of the preset
government up to thin time has consisted chiefly
of three parts. There is the French treaty, the
clearance of the customs tariff from • multipli-
cities of petty duties, and there is the repeal of
the paper duties, which was finally carried in the present
session. As to the French treaty I entirely approve of whet
our government has done in that matter. I never joined is
any of the criticisms upon that treaty, or in the opposition
which it met with. As to the clearattee of the tariff from
the numerous and vexatious duties I have alluded to, I net
only approved of A when it was brought forward, but I well
recollect speaking some years ago in this ball, sad thin
venturing to predict that that was OM of the hanoial reforms
which ware meat expedient and most likely to be adopted.
With regard to the third question I irtstt to give a word of
explanation. [The 'olds lord explained that he had sep.
ported the abolition of the paper duty in prefereues to Ike
reduction of the income tax ; but that when the proposal
was to mime the tea duties, be gave a preference to the
latter.) With regard to the future position of Eighth
gases, I think we have a better prospect before m this
we have bad for yams, after the temporary &tam of the
coming wilder shall have passed. It will, however, be i
Bible. I think, to remit taxation next year. When the Mare
arrives for rentheioa, without will; Ink* spas myself
the factions of Chancellor of the mr, and point
dm{ tame Si will be hie duty to MI" may be permiMag

, to say that there are three or four which hays a higher ,
I claim than any others—the tea duties, the sugar duty, the
duty on insurance —and I believe you will all agree with me
when I say I think the Income tax ought nut to be coo-
passed all its ptaseat rate. (Cheer,.) 1 have never
ant hopes of Ma entire abolition. his I cianl:
I am anxious to see it reduced, because
it is sot in the power of man to make it a
perfectly equitable tax. In conclusion hit me thank
ou for the patience with which you have listened to
my address. fee the unvarying kindness I have received at"
your heeds, and kr the imatidence extended to me when
that couildeoce Wes swell valuable. So long as you favour
me with the continuance of that confideoce and support I
shall never seek the suffrages of aty other constituency.
(Loud cheers.)
Votes of thanks ware subsequently passed to the Mayor
and to Lord Stanley, and the proceedings were brought to a
doss.