The Express.
London, England, 1868-10-23 00:00:00

OUR PARIS LETTER.

IMPORTANT LETTER FROM GENERAL
PRIM.
osomt esni mit ocswerowDsm)
PARIS, Taussaiv Evzlmo.

The Liberlf now publishes General Prim's letter
to M. Emile de Girardin. It is in the following
terms--date not given :
My dear good friend,—Yon address to ins in your journal
the Libertl a letter oommenting upon that which I wrote
to MM. Mari de Pane and Edmond Tarbe, directors of
the Gaa/oia. Although you have omitted to send me per-
sonally the original manuscript, I attach too much impor-
tance to the questions of which you treat not to answer it.
You my that to overturn an existing government is allay,
and that the rapidity of our emancipation is not
an exception of which we are entitled to boast.
In support of this opinion you cite the example of your
revolutions of 1830 and INS. I bare claimed no sort of
superiority for our revolution. I confined myself simply
to the mention of the fact that it was aceemplishoil
quickly and without much bloodshotk and those aro
circumstances to the credit of the Spanish people, which
is as generous as misunderstood. You ask me afterwards

whether I think liberty gained anything in France by the
Overthrow of Charles X. and Louis Philippe. Thorn are
questions not for me to answer—present circumstances
and my position make it a duty for mo to be
silent in regard to them. I agree with you
►s to the necessity of quickly repl•rcing the
government which has been overthrown ; but I cannot
understand why you should mato this principle a pretext
for accusing us of want of foresight, and alleging that we
did not know on the eve of the revolution what we meant
to do on the morrow. Wu well knew what we were de-
striving, namely, an arbitrary power, which constantly
violated the fundamental laws; wn knew !quell', well
what we intended to put in its place, namely, a liberal
power, monarchical and constitutional, subordinating the
decision, however, to the national sovereignty. But you
confound what is immutable with that which is
accidental, and you blame me unjustly when you
say tl at while my own mind was quite made
up to co-op, rate in the establishment of a
eonatitut:onal moua•chy, I had not beforehand a candi-
date for the throne all ready. I have contributed with all
my strength to the overthrow of a dynady which I knew
to be incompatible with the liberty of my country, but I
never thought of imposing upon my fellow citizens a
monarch of my choice. I am, and shall ever be, the de-
fender of a principle. lam not the representative of this
or that prince. 1 will not discuss your proposition for an
appeal to Chambers elected by the fallen power to choose
a revolutionary government ; it appears to me paradoxical,
and not us keeping with your clear and practical mind.
Where do you see the incompatibility which you
say exits between the cries—" Down with the Bour-
bons!" and " Hurrah for the constitutional monarchy:":
I, on the contrary, think them synonymous. You pretend
that the Spanish people will find neither in Portugal,
Italy, France, nor England a prince who would consent
to occupy the throne of Spain. You may be right; but
who tells you, however, that the accuracy of your infor-
mation to-day may not be contrad:cto 1 by tho events of
to-morrow ? History is full of surprises of this sort. For
my ewe part I am confident that Spain will find a prince
worthy of her. Yuu take notice of the expression " con-
stituted" in my letter to the Gaul,,it. You have
either misruidcrstood me or I must have expressed
myself badly. What I meant to my was that
we had got over the period of an armed
struggle, and that we possessed a regular, though
provisional government, and not that we had arrived at
our definitive constitution. Let me now Coale to the
capital point of your letter. After having reproached me
for having manifested my sympathies for a constitutional
monarchy, you make it a crime in me that 1 did not im-
pose the repel!' le upon Spain, even without oonvoking a con-
stituent assembly, which you characterise as •' useless,"
and the convocation of which you would regard as a " sign
of impotence." The contradiction is a strange one on the
part of such a logical man as you, and the theory, more-
over, is not in accordance with the principles of a writer
who has so often and so eloquently proclaimed tho rights
of universal suffrage. But I will not take any unfair
adeantege of your slip, and will confine myself to turning
against you %Me of your own axioms. To found a
monarchy, say you, you must first get a king or a queen.
I say that to found a republic you must have republicans.
If in Spain the republican party is represented by a frac-
tion of the people, this fraction, though very respectable,
is not in my opinion numerous enough to assume the
direction of affairs ; in a word, to govern. In our pre-
sent situation there is nothing to hinder the republican
party from freely propagating their ideas, and if they can
convince the nation of the excellence of their doctrines,
their desires will be satisfied. Meanwhile the republicans,
like myself, have but to bow to the national will, and l ties
with satisfaction that we are all at ono ou this head, since
the most eminent members of the democratic party second
our efforts with an abnegation which does them honour—
efforts which have no other object than to establish the
liberty of our country upon solid bases. You see by the
length of my answer all the attention I have given to your
suggestions. You will the more appreciate this proof of
the esteem in which I hold your talent when you think
bow absorbed I am at this moment by the many exigencies
of my position. However Ido not mean to engage in
polemics, which would be unsuitable to my character as a
soldier and my official functions. This letter is, therefore,
an exception, prompted by my desire to show you that I
am faithful to old friendship, and that I entertain for you
those sentiments of high consideration of which you are
worthy.—Believe my dear friend, in all my affection.

J. Pane.

To this letter, which, under tho extraordinary
circumstances in which Spain is placed, must take
rank as a State paper, the jouruslist thus replies
in the Liberec' :

My illustrious friend General Prim is right. When
• man occupies the high position to which he has beau
raised by the revolution of Sept. 18, 18&l, and has
areumed such a heavy responsibility as that which he did
not shrink from doing at the risk of his life. ho has other
things to think of than polemics; and, therefore, it never
would have occurred to me to write to him the letter
which appeared in the Libtrle of Oct. 14, but for the
letter which he wrote to the Oaduis, and which
was inserted in the leading column of that
journal the day before. In order that the obser-
vations rendered neeeesary by several points of his
very remarkable letter may not have the character of
reply, and may not attenuate the effect, which will be con-
siderable, I postpone the publication of these observations
until to-morrow.

Certainly if Prim does not like polemics ho has
come to the wrong shop. He has addressed him-
self to a man who will never let him have tho last
word.

The Emperor and Empress, it is supposed, will
remain at St. Cloud for about three weeks. The court
will then proceed to Compiegne to stay till near
Christrou.

Prince Napoleon has returned to Paris from
Italy, and is now at Newton.

Thorn are now in the avenue of the Champs
Elyikes several chestnut trees in bloom for the mooed
time this year, and other trees have shown a disposition
to come out again.

The Journal dm Commerce of Reunion eaya
"The news from Madagascar continues to present must-
datable interest. A religious crisis seems likely to moor,
as the protestant missionaries are making great program,
a strong satire party at present representing that profs.
skin of faith, even among the heads of the government.
me people are in expectation of a ineassam, whisk,
.fterneligg :to thorn, is imminent, namely, a eaosession
es sweet* t►e abswassationsi and."

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