The Northern Daily Times.
Liverpool, Merseyside, England, 1856-01-29 00:00:00

NORTHERN TIMES.--LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY, JANUARY 29, 1850.

POLITICAL ENTERTAINMENT

IN MANCHESTER.

SOIREE TO MESSRS. BRIGHT AND GIBSON

LAST

NIGHT.

(FROM OUR OWN REPORTER.)

A soiree was held in Manchester last night, in honour
of the members for that city, the Right Hon. T. Milner
Gibson. and Mr. John Bright. The entertainment took
place in the Corn Exchange, and as usual with those
annual demonstrations, was very numerously attended.
Upwards of 1000 tickets were stated to have been issued,
and the large room of the Corn Exchange was, accord-
ingly, completely filled. Among those on the platform,
were Messrs. George: Wilson, James Heywood, M.P.,
William Brown, M.P., Joseph Crook, M.P., Major-
General Thompson, M.P., and a very large number of
other gentlemen.

Precisely at six o'clock Mr. Wilson came upon the plat-
form, accompanied by the Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson
and Mr. John Bright. The appearance of these gentle-
men was the signal for a burst of the most enthusiastic
applause, which was again and again renewed with such
fervour, that it was several minutes before silence was
sufficiently restored to allow the business of the night to
proceed.

The chair was taken, amid loud applause, by George
Wilson, Esq. _

The Chairman said they were assembled that night to do
honour to the eminent services of the gentleman who was
right honourable by the favour of the Queen, and the
gentleman who was right honourable by favour of the
people, the members for Manchester. (Cheers.) He denied
that this was any merely formal annual assemblage, and
contrasted it strongly and humourouslv with the occasions
when,in the good old times, before 'the Reform Bill the
ministerial member came to meet his constituents. Then a
general declaration of opposition to reform, Catholic and
Jewish Emancipation and every progressive measure,
and a stout adherence to all antiquated class privileges,
constituted the member's whole extent of political pro-
fession. Times were changed since that period, yet they
had seen men elected by the popular voice as the people's
choice, with popular acclaim, who very easily yielded,
were advised away, or won away, from the intrepid party
among which he made his first appearance in parliament,
and after a gradual decline, died as complete political
hacks as ever were seen in the House of Commons. They
had not met there that night to do honour to men of th..t
stamp. (Hear, hear.) Not alone as members for Manchester,
although Manchester might well teel proud of them, did
they honour these men but because they were the leaders
of a party in the House of Commons which was thoroughly
upright and independent. (Cheers.) People were becoming
heart-sick of party names. The war had made the country
weary of the ministerial party. The Conservative party
could not, even with Mr. Disraeli, and Lord Derby, and
Mr. Walpole at their head, possibly sustain office. It was
not from the party which followed Lord J. Russell that a
permanent government could be expected, nor even from
the ability of that party of which Sir J. Graham, Mr.
Gladstone, Mr. S. Herbert, and Mr. Cardwell were mem-
bei s. He then turned to their own party—(cheers)—and
he asked any man, even those who had complained of some
or their past votes, to what otber party could they give their
support ? (Hear, hear.) He expressed his approval of the
course those members had pursued, and he believed that
their future course should be to follow the same strict line
of duty. What great measure which they had supported
would not those around him approve of? (Hear, hear.)
He reviewed the leading measures for which
the country was chiefly indebted to the mem-
bers for Manchester, and called upon the meeting to agree
with him in the approval of them. Every public
speaker or journalist, who contended that the war did not
injure the country, founded that declaration upon the exist-
ence of those great political measures of commercial freedom,
for which the country was indebted to Colonel Thompson
and the Manchester school- (Cheers.) He did not admit
the assertion which had been often made, that the course
these gentlemen pursued had caused the loss of their popu-
larity, and he pointed to the present meeting as a triumph-
' ant denial of the assertion. The decision of that constitu-
ency for the next election was made. (Hear, and cheers.)
They would extend to themselves as they had done, their
unswerving confidence and support, and whatever virulence
or misrepresentation they might he exposed to abroad, they
should have the consolation of knowing that here their
policy was understood, and their services appreciated.
(Cheers.) The Chairman concluded by reading several
letters of apalozy and sympathy, from Mr. Alexander
Henry, and several other gentlemen.
The Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson then came forward,
and was received with vociferous applause. After a few
prefatory observations, he declared himself now as he had
ever been—a supporter of religious emancipation,
and of political and commercial freedom. He
declared that Parliament had taken retrograde
measures of commercial policy last session by suspending
the decline of the duty on tea, by raising the duties on
sugar and coffee, and other measures. A state of war seemed
to have had the effect of rendering the legislature incapable
of engaging itself in the serious consideration of measures
for the benefit of the people, measures of civil progress and
domestic improvement. (Hear, hear.) He referred to the
repeal of the newspaper stamp duty, which he declared was
imperfect until they had also achieved the repeal of the duty
on paper. The measure had, however, done considerable
benefit to the country, even already. They had cheap and
good papers extensively circulated, and he did not see that
inundation of bad and mischievous publications with
which it was predicted that the country would he
inundated. The London journals always recorded the death
of a cheap paper, but they did not record how many new
ones had sprung into existence, and were flourishing, and
they did not tell of the bankrupt state of some of the
London journals. They could not expect the same circula-
tion here as in America, because the population had been
neglected as regarded the means of acquiring knowledge.
(Hear, hear.) He declared that war, or no war, he should
endeavour to press upon the legislature the necessity
of abolishing the duty upon paper. (Cheers.) The
speaker then referred to the war. He said
that from all he had heard there appeared a very good
chance of peace at an early date. (Great cheering.) He
had never been able to wander into the regions of imagina-
tion so far as to believe all they were told of the future
designs of Russia, and the danger of Europe being over-
whelmed with a flood of northern invaders. He had never
taken what he might call the hobgoblin view of the ques-
tion. (Laughter.) To tell him, especially after what they
had seen, that Russia was going to swallow up Germany,
with sixty millions of people, then France, then Spain,
Sweden, and at last poor little England, was something he
could not bring himself to believe. Neither did he believe
that Russia could turn England out of the Indian
empire. This had been called a war of freedom, but he
denied that it was a war which could !promote the freedom
of any European nation whatever. He had been lately
travelling in France, Germany, and the north of Europe,
and he never found any ;individual whatever who supposed
that his liberty was, in the smallest degree, promoted, or
could be promoted by the result of this war. He denied
that there was in Germany the smallest feeling of gratitude
to England for the share she was taking in the
war, or that England was at all regarded
as the defender of German.liberty. He was in favour, last
year, of making peace upon the four points, and he thought
peace might have been made honoi irably long ago. Aus-
tria, in May last, proposed a solution of the four points,
to be submitted to Russia. but the English government
tiElrathe French at the. Great
would not allow it. Now, they were going to do just that
very thing. He believed that the
tustpotrh
ooapartiesipbtn Europe,
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tsel whohautatri
satisfied
whichfir
solution
teorhdwro
ewekwadeass looked
sot
thlnouuonpt
ttti
oohho
wnanee
submitted—andtAwwh itsuhhe
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Austria
a hts the
supporters,
proposed
believed
securityone
lft i
eo f view in. which it was regarded by
n
words used by the
Exllibition, when he said :—" The most brilliant military
success is but transient, what we wish is opinion." He
looked upon these words as an invitation to Europe to
mediate. Re argued that, even among the government,
there was a desire, long since, for peace, which he exem-
plified by their offering the first great office at their disposal
to an eminent member of the peace party, Mr. Sydney
Herbert., who had just before declared that he
believed the objects of the war attained. They
next offrred that office, not to a furious
war advocate but to Lord Stanley, a nobleman belonging to
the party of Lord Derby, but who had distinguished himself
in the House of Commons by able speeches, strongly of a
peaceful character, and who had been remarkable from the
commencement for the statesmanlike moderation with
which he had treated the Russian question. He declared
that the nations of Europe were all in favour of peace, and
hoped they would accept the invitation of the Emperor of
the French, and step forward with one accord, and put the
utmost pressure upon the belligerents to desist from the war
—a war which if it was necessary ever, which he did not
believe—was proved to be unnecessary, for all had agreed
upon the leading principle of the four points. (Cheers.)
He alluded to the fact, that some parties seemed to be pre-
paring a second war for them, on the Asiatic question, and
quotedmost humorous extract from a letter of the Rev.
a
Sydney Smith to the Countess Grey, amusingly deprecating
any more wars on behalf of the general freedom of Furope.
He replied to those who urged that the war should be con-
tinued because the fleets and armies had not achieved suffi-
cient. The fleets had not done what was expected,
because there was so much bluster and ,
Emperor
it
enhdeomu
that
tgfaooohyft
ex-
pectation of utter impossibilities. Sir Charles
Napier had been made a victim, and dismissed for not
doing impossibilities, and risking , the British fleet, by
attempting what his successor had failed to do : and now
Admiral Dundas was also recalled. He quoted a passage
from the Times to chew the trifling results of the efforts of
the fleet during the last season. That gun boats would
have much more success, as regarded the taking of walls
and batteries, he said was denied by all experience. One
of the exploits, of rather a baccanneering character, he
declared was the burning last year, in the Gulf of Bothnia,
of property which did not belong to Russia, but was
actually the property of Englishmen, and for some part the
property, or in a few days would have been
the property of

the British government. (Laughter.) He stated as a fact
that a large quantity of tar destroyed by Admiral Plum-
ridge, last year in the Gulf of Bothnia, was British proper
and that a great part of it was about to

eupp-liEd

according to tender to the British government, for the
61 the British Dockyard, (Laughter.) This was what
was called a brilliant feat of arms. (Laughter.) lie
regretted that a British fleet should have pursued buccan-
eering practices towards private property, which he declared
bad caused the English name, where it bad been once beloved
to be now execrated. He had been told by Swedes that a
stain had been brought upon the British arms by their de-
struction of the property of the poor and defenceless, and
making war upon non-combatant citizens. He wished that
a treaty were made embodying the principle proposed by the
United States' Government, which would allow peaceful
commerce to be pursued. But he regretted that a disposi-
tion was now shown even to quarrel with the United States.
He deeply deprecated the disgraceful practice of sendingagents into the various nations of the world, in violation of
their municipal laws, for seducing their subjects to enlist in
our army to fight battles in which their own country had
no interest. He hoped parliament would visit this course
with their severest reprehension. The right policy winch
the government of England ought to have pursued with a
view to the permanent interest of England, was lo
observe the s•rictest rules with reference to the
United States, and to do nothing to infringe their neutral-
ity, and do every thing to cement those States to England
by ties of mutual affection and common interest. (Cheers.)
Having referred to the imprisonment of an English
consul at Cologne for a violation of the
laws of Prussia in enlisting men there, the
speaker in an eloquent peroration, expressed a hope for
peace, as the chief safeguard against Russian schemes, the
only mode by which the Turkish question could ever be
settled, and the means of promoting the real greatness of
England, and the social and moral welfare of the English
people. The speaker resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic
cheering.

Mr. Bright then presented himself, and was greeted with
the most enerzetic bursts of applause, which were again and
again renewed f r several minutes. When silence had,been
at length, and with some difficulty, restored, the honourable
gentleman proceeded to address the meeting. After some
introductory observations, he said—l shall not, upon this
occasion, ask you to travel back with me through the cir-
cumstances out of which this unhappy war has arisen, nor
sha'l I invite you to listen to a narrative of the disasters by
which it has been accompanied—nor shall I go into any
of the horrible details with which, unfortunately, we have
all been made too familiar. But I shall step at once to
that which really is the matter which engages everybody's
thoughts, the terms and the prospects of 'Pace. (Hear,
hear.) Now. we probably are more free to discuss these
matters than many of the people in th(

country,

. ,
for the war men—and, by and. bye, it will he difficult
to find any traces of them—(cheers and laughter)—the war-
men appeared to me to be exceedingly puzzled, and having
blundered from the beginning, I do not suppose they ever
will get entirely out of the mist. The objects of the war
are always to be kept in view when you discuss the question
of the terms which are proposed to put an end to the war.
I agree entirely with my friend Mr. Gibson in saying that
we must shut out from our view altogether the extraneous
and monstrous propositions which have been so common,
and confine myself strictly to the declaration of the Crown
and of her Majesty's Ministers, and to the despatches which
have been laid upon the table of the Howes of Parliament.
Now the real object, as you will gather from these sources
of the war, was that this country should enter into an
alliance with France, and more recently with Sardinia, and
should endeavour to secure Turkey from a suspected design
upon the part of Russia to make a spoil of Turkey. Ido
not believe it was intended that the Ottoman should rule
for ever, but rather that if the Turk became a spoil he
should not become only a Rusian spoil, but that he
should become a general spoil in the interests of
the balance of power. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I
do not now imagine that there is anybody here or
employed out of doors, who will read what I am saying,
who suppose that the freedom of any single human being,
or of any country, has anything whatever to do with this
war. (Hear, hear.) Yet you will find that the newspapers
which have most pertinaciously supported this war, have
insisted upon it, that some how or other—they never told
us bow—freedom would come out of the confusion of this
war. I believe that Poland will still form a portion of
Russia, and Austria, and Prussia. I believe, for all this
war has done. that Hungary will still remain annexed to,
and dependent upon, the crown of Austria. I believe that,
for all this war has done, Italy still may sigh for that
liberty, which appears for ever to elude her grasp. And I
think nobody will now say that the war was for the pur-
pose of crippling Russia. The time has gone by when
national extermination, on a grand scale, could be carried
out; and I think whatever the terms are, which were
offered in April, or which are offered now, or are likely to
be offered at any time, to the English Government, if they
be concluded, Russia will remai 1, at the con-
clusion of the peace, one of the great
powers of Europe, and its influence on Europe and
in all the negociations and transactions of the European
states will be pretty much at a par with that which she has
exercised heretofore. (Hear, hear.) Well, as to the
Ottoman rule, I confess that I don't like to talk about the
condition of the Sultan. I have no wish that the Sultan
should continue to rule in Constantinople, or that the
Mahommedan power should be supreme. But lam sorry
that under pretences, and with avowed objects of an oppo-
site character, the result of the interference of this country
in Turkish affairs has been greatly to accelerate the ruin
which must, before long, come upon the Turkish empire.
That empire is just in the condition of a horse of which I
once heard, when travelling in Scotland with my old friend
General Thompson, who has come here to-night to attend
this meeting. (Cheers.) It was a story of his of a ser-
vant who came to tell hia master that his horse was very
sick, The master asked if the horse was lingering ? " Sir,"
was the reply, "it is lingeiing fast." (Cheers and laughter)
I think that is just the condition of Turkey—it is lingering
fast. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, lam not going to
depreciate the terms of the peace which have been offered by
Austria as between France, England, and Russia. I think
the terms in themselves admirable, and chiefly because I have
reason to believe that they will lead to pacification. (Hear,
hear.) I do not think that they are admirable at all with
regard to the thousand objects which the war party of our
country have put forward. But so far as they will lead to
peace, I like them, and I believe they are just as good for
the avowed objects of the war as any terms which could by
possibility be had by any number of combinations between
France, England, and Russia. (Hear, hear.) The first of
them was the Christian protectorate. Ido not reckon much
of that. It certainly was not worth going to war for,
because the Russian government was willing to have granted
before the war, everything which was asked with regard to
that point which they grant now. It was said that Russia
should not have an exclusive protectorate, hut that somehow
or other she should take the other powers into a general
partnership—l suppose with a limited liability act in opera-
tion. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The next is the question
of the Principalities. It is a curious thing that sixty years
ago the Empress Catherine, of Russia, who has been
quoted as one of those Russian monarchs who proposed
a policy of universal aggrandizement, she herself propo-
' sed that Moldavia and Wallachia, and Bessarabia, since
become provinces of Russia, should be formed into inde-
pendent states. That was, if I mistake not, disapproved of
by the English government of the time. Now the same
Moldavia and Wallachia, without Bessarabia, are to un-
dergo some such transformation. Then, the next question,
is the question of the Danube. There are people who
appear to think that ships are not allowed by Russia to go
up the Danube, and some who have a dark suspicion that
if shins do go up there, they arc never allowed to get back.
(Laughter.) They seem to be quite unaware that, notwith-
standing all that the wise men of the newspapers [tell us,
there is not a river in Europe whose traffic and commerce
have increased in so great a ratio during the last ten years
as the traffic of the river Danube. (Hear, hear.) But iu
April last Russia offered—nay, agreed, that instead of
having the sole control over the months of the Danube,
there should be a joint commission, and I recollect that
Lord John Russell wanted especially to contend that an
Englishman should be upon it, sad that that joint commis-
sion should have conceded to them all the dutiee, which, by
the treaty of Vienna, were originally conceded to Russia.
Mr. Bright then considered all the other points
which were now said to be gained, and which
he contended were just equally as easy of
attainment in April last, and among these was the only,
thing which he considered worth a straw—and even that
certainly was not worth nations going to war for, —that the
different nations should unite in a treaty, by which they
undertook to respect the territories of Turkey, and that
none of these powers should. in any way whatever, assail
the Turkish empire. Mr. Bright then proceeded to con-
sider the amount of losses by the war, and the amount of
good which had been attained. He took the loss of men
to England at 50,000 ; to France, 100,000 ; Turkey 100,000:
and Russia, 250,000. It might be said that they should not
consider the losses of Russia as any matter of regret—and
when they abolished the decalogue and the sermon on the
mount, and all such antiquated prejudices, then he would
say, let them not sympathise with an enemy. The Rus-
sians died in a cause which appeared to them glorious—
to repel the invaders of the west. Lord Palmerston con-
gratulated the people of England on the fact, that if the
English army had suffered, the Russian army suffered
still more. But he (Mr. Bright) was of opinion
that 250,000 Russians reckoned for something on the
tablets of the receding angel, and therefore he, as a pro-
fessing Christian man, in a consideration of the cost of the
war, could not reject the Russians any more than the
Turks, the French, or even the English, from his sympa-
thies. (Cheers.) He then considered the money lost, not
alone in direct outlay, but also in the depression of trade,
and increased taxation. Then he spoke of the moral evils
which the war had entailed, and upon this subject he
said—You have, for example, in your theatres, seen men i i
getting up and cheering when it was announced that the
Emperor of Russia had follow( d the fate appointed for all
living. You have seen that publication which ministers
to the fun and the laughter-loving propensities of the
people, making admirable jokes, because the pale mos- '
senger struck not at a cottage but at a palace, and sum-
moned to his everlasting account the greatest monarch
upon the face of the earth. (Cheers.) Was not that a
theme which should have made men hold their peace,

because that which struck him down will strike- ua
down, and no man knows how seen. (Cheers.) Then
look at the influence of this war upon your pulpits—(hear,
hear)—upon your bishops, the supreme guardians of the
religion revealed in those chapters which record the ser-
mon on the mount—ministers of the iEstablished Church,
dissenting ministers in:great numbers. I say all this cannot
take place without great moral less to the country. (Hear,
hear.) I shall not dwell upon ;that point any longer, for
sholdi be sorry to hurt the feelings of any man who, how-
ever wrong they may have acted in my e--' ' •
acted I dare say, under the belief that, t hey wet,
service to their country. (Hear, hear.) 'When the pas-
sion is over, perhaps they will review what. they have said
and taught, and written. and may come to a mind more
consistent to the office which they undertake, and to the
solemn and sacred dale, which they profess to perform.
(Cheers.) Then come to another sphere, the sphere of
poetry—the poet, laureate for example. (Hear, hear, and
cries of " Maud.') That gentleman whom I have
never seen er met, I believe, but once acci-
dentally—is a gentleman of great refinement or
manner and of mind, who has written poetry which will
live as lone as our language. (Hear, hear.) And yet such
is the pestilential influence of these scenes of carnage upon
a mind so accomplished and so elevated as his, that he hai
put forth a poem embodying sentiments which his friends
regret that he should ever have spoken. I had an oppor-
tunity lately of reading a poem from another country,
written by an American,' Longfellow—(cheers)—a poem
which speaks of the legends of the Indian tribes. Whist
I turn from the poem of our poet-laureate. in which I find
him descending. to slang of almost the coarsest character,
I turn with delight to the exquisite poem which has come
to us from the other:side of the Atlantic. (Cheers.) Now,
take the tone of the ne'vspaper press. Those gentlemen
who came out many o' twin every morning, a great num-
ber of them every week, do not scruple in the most violent
manner to misrepresent the opinions, to attack the senti-
ments, and to vilify the motives of any 'ody who hap-
pens, as I have done, to oppose the war. 'These gentlemen
with a face of inconceivable effrontery, turn round if any-
body says a single word against them. (Hear, hear.) I
suppose, at. any rate, I may speak once in two months,
and say a little in my own defence, against those who
attack me every morning. (Cheers) They have told
you. and I suppose they have convinced the Lord Advo-
cate of Scotland, there are other means of convincing
Lord Advocates, I know—(hear, hear, and laugh'er)—
that the Russian Power was colossal, rine that not only
Turkey was threatened—poor emaciated decrepid Turkey
—but that robust France, and robust England were also
threatened. There was no: a soul of' them who could
write a sentence of English. I tell you, who believed it.
But now they tell you, after two short campaigns, that
this vast power which was to overrun Europe, was so
utterly prostrated that it must came linen its knees and
sue for peace. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) How to recon-
cile those differences, I (la not know; especially when it
happens that Russia has taken, during the war, at least
twice as many prisoners of the Allies, as the Allies
have taken of Russia, and, notwithstanding, the
Allies possess certain parts of Russia to the
south, Russia possesses ten times more square
miles belonging to the Allies, than the Allies do belonging
to Russia. They have Kars. and in point of fact almost
uncontested, the southern side of the Black Sea is theirs.
I do not rejoice at this, but if I were editor of a news-
paper, or writer for one, and if I could not clearly set
before the public the facts for and aeainst, so that they
should kuow precisely what was going on—if I could not
afford to do this. I would choose someot her way ofearn;ng
my bread. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I undertake to
say that since the day when Ahab, at the bidding of 400
prophets, whose tongues Satan had filled with lies, went
up to Rarnoth Gilead to battle, there has been no greater
imposition practised on any people, than has been prac-
tised by those writers of the public press upon us. (Great
cheering.) Mr. Bright then referred to the fact, that
Lord John Russell, in the House of Commons, defended
the system of interfering in the affairs of other countries.
by referring to the balance of power, and declar-
ing that it had been the policy of this country
since the days of William the Third, and entered
into a very lengthened analysis of the wars in which this
country was engaged, since that period, to show that that
policy had only resulted in national detriment and injury.
He contended, that pursuing that plan of national inter-
ference, and carrying on costly wars was absolutely
death to the hopes of that class, for whom ragged schools
and reformatories were necessary. He pointed as a con-
trast to the policy pursued by America, which he declared
was a country, which if no accident happened to her, and
no unforseen folly took possession of her people's minds,
would be that country to which the people of England
would hereafter, if they did not learn wisdom soon, look
as the nation which, by a:wise policy had avoided the
rocks and shoals upon which they were threatened to be
stranded. He alluded to the statement in the Times of a
projected coalition between Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Gladstone,
and himself,observing that it was scarcely necessary for him
to contradict it. But he took that opportunity of saying
that he was satisfied the man who wrote that stater lent,
whether he was a r rivy councillor or not, he did not
know, had not the least shadow of a shade of foundation
for it when he wrote it ; and more, he believed that the
writer knew that every single syllable which he wrote in
regard to that matter was an absolute and unmitigated
falsehood. (Cheers.) Lord Palmerston had been trying
to get up a coalition with Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Glad-
stun, not, by going tv those !srot.lcumor-pertiottatty, ULIL
through their intimate friends. He (Mr. Bright), hoped
he should have credit for this, that so far as his political
conduct had gone, it had been free from all taint of far.
Lion or intrigue. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Mr. Bright
then, in an eloquent peroration, vindicated the purity and
integrity of his political career, and the disinterestedness
of his objects, and resumed his seat amid renewed and
long sustained applause. Our space has only allowed us
to give the barest outline of an address which occupied
close on two hours in delivery.
General Thompson was next called for, and rose amid
cordial applause. The gallant general hed only com-
menced to speak when our reporter was compelled to
leave for the train.

d in this reqpPct,
)ing a

TRADE REPORT.-MONDA

COTTON : There has been a steady market for Cotton to-
day, the demand has been active, the supply ample, and
prices are firm. The salrq, including 250 Pernambuco,
ti4i to 7Z-d ; 140 Bahia, SZ-1 to 6A.1 ; 20 Maranham, 61c1 ;
400 Egyptian. 52.1 to 71d : 2,500 Surat, nd to 414 ; ere
reported 12,000 bales, of which 5,000 are on speculation and
for export.

COTTON STATEMENT,

--rn rnost SEP r. 1, 1855, TO JAN% G, 1850,
--------- -, •

P orts to
Total Ex
Receipts. Exports to Stock and on
Foreign • Shipboard.

Great
Britain

G 19,7. 0
329,40,1

2 507

CONCENTRATED LEMON JUICE : Small stock
13-16 d per degree.
ROMAN VITRIOL, best make, 36s 6J, deliverable here, or
in Manchester.
MADDERS

,ellers at

Good E.S.F's French, retailing at 44s