The Express.
London, England, 1850-03-30 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 30, 1850.

Pier Account.

PARIS, MAitc. D. 1 For
Monty. i iproing

Lowi.t.l (loping

—,
Sipe? Cents. ....... ....1 SS SO Se";
3 per Centa— ~
S do. New Loon I „ . .4
44 par emu... --
1* « .. ”
4 per Ceuta
9.zub.utdo on Lund ...: :0 i.e..,
Belch.; 3, 1810
Do. 3, 11143
D. 4
Do. ~
44
Do. 3
Piedmont 5 per Cents II: „

0 3540
So ull :o tlt) 15 90 20

52i; 00 4ays, .3 to.
3;arm-. „ Money
Roman L.tAr, 1.149 774 „
Ditto, 185 u 76
Trwury to 3
hank shafts 22000 „

BVILIM—it. Germain, 350 ; liermaillea (right bank), NO; Do (left
bank), 155; Pans and Orleam), 771 25; rams and Boum 527 Su;
Roues and llama, 234); Avignon and Manedleg, 194; Su:ethane and
Bale, 113 75; Orlean. and Vurrzon, Slg Su; (kiran. and Bordeaux,
393 75; North, 420 75; Parto and trrauhnurg, 5441; Tours and
7 amp. 241 25; Yontereau and Tram, 103 73; Durdeaux and
Tate, SOl.

GERMANY.

SCHLESWIO-110LSTEIN.

BERLIN. Hance 27.
The Constitutional of this eveniog state s that an ulti-
matum has been presented to the Danish plenipten-
tiaries by the Prussian government. I have the best
authority for stating that this is not exactly true.
What has taken place is merely the transmission of
the l'ruaaiaa reply to the Danish objections to the
counter-projects of Prussia, as stated by Uskorn. In
this reply Prussia proposes a middle course with
respect to the Schleswig army, one of the principal
points in the Danish obit ctions, but declines the
Danish propo.sals on the other points. These proposals
and objections are in the shape of a long and weari-
some counter-declaration to the m. morial drawn up
by Uscdorn. It contains an incredible mass of argu-
ment and wordeplitting.

PRUSSIA.

BERLIN. Menu 27.

The German question is possibly about to enter a
new phase. Austria is said to have made fresh pro-
posals to Prussia with respect to the Munchen plan,
and at the same time conceding its ackuowkdgment
of the &fart parliament. Should this prove true, I
believe Germany will to divided into a kind of
trinity, Prussia and its present confederation, with
the exception of Saxony, the four kingdoms under
the auvices of Austria, and Austria itself, bring the
three component parts.
Msunteuffel :and Brandenburg have returned from
Erfurt.

The evening papers of the liberal party speak in
the highest possible terms of the Radowitz address at
Erfurt.

13101.1 N, MARCH 26.—1 am glad I have made
further inquiries on the subject or my report of yes-
terday. That such a note has b?en presented to this
court by Russia is certain; the date alone is incorrect,
which, instead of three days ago, as I stated yester-
day, shoed be the first week of this present month.
With the exception of the date, all the essential
points, such as the threatening tone ot the note, and
the violent accusations against Prussia, are fully
authenticated. The Emperor has declAred to the
Prussian minister at his court in the most emphatic
terms that his sentiments towards the King are un-
changed; but that the obligations which he has
entered into with Denmark he is determined to fulfil,
as he is also resolved to act hostilely with respect to
Prussian politics.
AUSTRIA.
VIENNA, W —ARCM 25.
Count Sturmer is, according to very general report,
to be recalled from Constantinople, where he will be
succeeded by Prokeech Osten, ambassador in Berlin.
This is a revival of an old report of the same kind, but
it may this time prove true, for the conduct of Sturmer
has met with anything but the approval of the Aus-
trian government. It is said that he has received in-
structions to leave Constantinople by the end of
March.

The court-martial at Arad, after passing an incre-
dible number of the most sanguinary sentences, has
at last been dissolved.
VIENNA, MARC!! 23.—The new communal law was
published on the 23rd, the city with its suburbs will
form a distinct community, and is divided into eight
circles for the administration of justice. The com-
munity will be represcutiti by a communal council,
composed of 120 members, public functionaries,
clirgy of all denominations, officers of the standing
militia, are entitled to vote, independently of this an
income-tax of 10.20 florins gives the riAlit to vote.
All persons who are not of unbla mish, d character are
excluded, the elections are to take place by three
bodies of electors, classified according to the rate of
income-tax, each of which are to return 40 mem-

ben. The election of the burgomaster of Vienna
must be confirmed by the Emperor.

1111,1+IIRT, Mau= 26.
The proceedings in the Tam/taus to-day com-
menced with the reading of a protest sparest the in-
corporation into the German Confederation of Posen,
signed by Dzialiriski, a Pole, and a member of the
house. The protest concluded by stating, that se this
step was oontrary to the spirit of all the treaties on
the subjeot, the author held it to be his duty to re-
sign his seat. His resignation was at once accepted.
The home then proceeded to nominate the mem-
bers who are to serve on the two committees for the
revision of the constitution, end of the laws for the
institution of the federal courts of law, as proposed by
the Verwalluny;-Rath.
Radowits then ascended the tribune to make the
promised communication from the Verwaltunga-Roth.
His speech was long, bat met with an excellent re-
ception. He said :
I have asked permiaeion to adder's the house that I may
offer a few g 1 remark, previous to the commencement
of the actual constitutional lob sure. We hove met here
under the most difficult circumstances. The great assembly
which nearly two years ago entered Frankfort, was sur-
rounded by all the brilliancy which accompanies world.
shaking undertaking.; this brilliancy we do not possess.
We cannot build upon an ideal plan, and then wait to see
what inhabitants the building may find; we desire to esta-
blish a smaller home for the confederate', who are already
united in a firm, and, I trust, lasting union. We do not
shut the door In the face of any of our German brothers, bat
we desire from no one that he should come to any other
decision than that which he may deem most serviceable to
himself. After a few general remarks the speaker pro.
cesdcd—Permit me, therefore, gentlemen, to lay before
you a review of the remodel:lgs of the confederate govern-
ments; it it necessary for the proper understrnding of their
pretest position. The internal and *sternal demands which
led the Prussian government to take the initiative in the
German question have already finished in intentional
or unintentional forgetfulness on the part of many, both in
and out of Prussia. I will net suppose that your memory
requires to he refreshed on that point, and I cannot itn.gine
that any member of this Assembly thi,.k. of a seltareated
deepeatisen, or is actuated by the sordid motives of gain.
The Prussian government acted, as is weloonown, in the ae-
Ituowledgettent of two hiatorical facts the demi,* of the Ger.
man nation to establish a political union of its member., and
the desire of the Austrian monarchy to centralise its compo-
nent pars. Tne first of these facts led to the Frankfort As-
seraloy, of ich failed to succeed from causes which are weU-
known. The other deluges to create an intimately united
monarchy from indepeadently constituted cotnitri.s; this it
was that called into neing the Austrian constitution of the
4 h of March. Both demands were incompatible with the
turner confederation • hut both, if properly underwood,
might have joined hands for a future solution. Tne Prussian
government based its prop.oals in the hallowing p dots : The
p ipular objects of the confederation of 1815 will be retanoel,
ei.d extended to all Auoria; they are internal and external
protection, and the independence and inviolability of its
members. But within this confederation all the purely
German states unite in a federal state. This is
the one member of the more extended confedera-
tion, the Austrian monarchy is the other. Hence it
res dts that the federal constitution ought to contain
notnirg which would render impossHe the formation
et the mere intimate confederation, or the unity of the
Austrian monarchy. The revision of the federal act of 1115
is therefore necessary. It results further, that the constitu-
tion of the federal states ought to contain nothing which
could have rendered impossible the formotien of a till
more extended confederation. This was the plan of the
Pra•sian government in the month of May, 1849 ; upon this
ware based its proceedings in Vienna 'indite communications
to the other German marts. More than one reason pre-
vented the complete execution of this idea. The proposals
were refused in Vienna as well as Rome. It as to be feared
that many of our contemporaries are still unable to derail
from the deplorable deduction that what Prussia seeks in
the new formatiou of Germany can only he its own mean-
tog.; that what is advantageous to Prussia oust be diad-
vantageoue to Austria, and a therefore to be opposed. How-
ev.r extensively this idea may have spread, it is nevertheless
erroneous. We know too well that many hoeoueab:e ant
worthy men in Prussia see only injury to their country in
the G rman policy of its government. This is only the in-
vested deceptive conclusion that what Prussia gives to (he
many is a loss to itself. Woe to Germany; wee to the tutor:
of us all if this is so! But it is not. Prussia will lose t of its
glorious history, or its position in Europe if 0, ern-my is
strengthened by renewed bonds of oilcan. The position as
▪ by the imperia cabinet at Vienna occasioned a double
has ranee. The larger confederation could not be arranged,
and social governments were strengthened in their indispo-
sition to inter the more intricate union. Herr von Redowits
then renegued to reviser the results which had arisen to
Germany from the variety of its political bodies,
which he described as most advantageous, and which, if de-
stroyed, would destroy the history of Germany. Side by aide,
how. Ter, with this feature in Germany, he placed the titers-
si,y for union. This necessity, be said, has been misunder-
stood and even denied ; but once aroused, the desire fur
union can never be gulled ; it may slumber for a time,
pirticulsrly when it has just exhibited itself in a violent
man er, bat it is sure to re awaken. The national move-
ment may become-retrograde; bar, if I may be permitted to
use a mathematical comparisemll would say that the retro-
grade movement is only seeming ; it telongs to an end ess
circle; it must return to its orthodox path ; having passed
the aphelion it must return to the parhelion as surely,as there
ate higher laws in the existence of nations. The great took
was and is to find a political Lam in which the acknowledged
muluplicis o: states and the necessary unity could work to.
Rather ; in which the single states would not be called upon
to mske gemlike' not required by the whole. The Prussian
g era may say of melt that it has honestly endeavoured
to affect this. We certainly have recently heard words con
Mining the most hateful attacks on the purpo-es of the
Prusai-n government as pia forward in the draft of the 26. h
May, words which, considering whence they proceed, are as
unintellig i hie as unjustifiable. Impartial history wilt judge
whether Prussia has entertained any other feeling
than fervent affection for its grist and beloved Vetter-
land; whether it has had any other object tbai
to make the last attempt to protect the indivi.
duel etatss from those dangers which would imperil
them in the next of the historical crises which in course of
time are sure to reappear. Tne majority of the German
states showed at once that they understood the warning they
had received; they were prepared to make the necessary
*orifices for the union of Germany, in order to stand here
firmly and emit len'ly on the newly-gained basis. Not so
e:id those courts which have acquired the title of king since
the tall of the German empire. They did not concede the
necessity of ssersticime their own policy abroad to a purely
German policy. The governments of Bavaria and Watem-
berg refused their adhesion to the federal state. The go-
vernments of Hanover and Somoy seceded from any further
co-operation for its realintion. We cannot acknowledge
this step on the put of the two latter to be jusolieble,
have entered a complaint against them in the form provided
by the federal statutes. This proceeding of these govern-
ments has prevented Ihe a.'option of the natural path fur the
regulation of the German constitutional question. We could
not first establish the larger confederation, and then within
it the more intricate one. In the formation of the latter it
became necessary to remove the idea of the union of all
purely German states, and to limit ourselves to the union
only of a portion of the existing federal state.
I know that Prussia has been reproached with not
having seized upon the favourable opportunities which
occurred during the put year. Opposition was quelled,
and it was only twiner, so it appeared to many,
at least—to extend the hand and at once grasp the
German constitution. Gentlemen, I repeat what has been
said elsewhere : Prussia could not, and would nut, extend
that hand. We did not wish to endanger, or even render
more difficult, by pressing demands, the long, heroic, and
deadly struggle which Austria was making for its political
xistence. We had not taken advantage of the weakne,s of
the German governments, which could not bare mated
without the insistence of Prussia, to obtain maces:dons from
them. Piaui* values very highly the union of our great
Vaterluid—lhe fulfilment of the earnest wishes of all German
heaths—hot it gives a still higher claim to honour and jus-
tics. It may be called romantic, but I call it conscientious-
ness and honesty, and they will last the longest. Prusaia
has withstood the most difficult of all temptations, the ex-
portation of seeing its own idea called into existence in all
its beauty and brittioney ; but it has withstood also all inti-
midation, direct or indirect. Our political opponents tell
us that our po:icy in the German question will re open the
door to revolution. We are convinced, on the most careful
examination, that the reverse is the case; that the acts sad
omissions of our political opponents are keeping the door of
revolution open. In order to decide which of these two
opinions is right, let la see what that party says which, no
one will deny, has shown that it knows how to honour the
signs of the times, and has but to employ them to its advan-
tage. 1 mean the democratic party, the party which most
certainly cannot be suspected of having a particular prefer-
ence for any one of the governments of Germany. What is
the result of the events which have occurred during the
last nine months from the Rider to the Bodensee. What is
proved by the appearance of the democratic party in all the
German diets and estates, or from the tactics which it pursues ?
Everywhere, without exception, democracy opposes with
all its strength and means the course of the united govern-
ment. It desires, therefore, to separate the governments
from the convention ; it ep.med the mumbling of the par-
liament, and refused to take part in the elections. Yes,
we have the abominable and disgusting combina-
tion before us that the coryphees of the revolution
are making common cause with those who, from
political or particular blindness, are opposing us in
the fulfilment of our dint lilt duty. If we desire only the
acknowledgment of a simple and clearly undeniable fact, the
united governments may obtain the firm conviction that it
is not their path which records with the plans of the revolu-
tionary party in Germany, but rather that of their oppo-
nents; that they are not preparing dangers, but rather those
' who are desirous of preventing them from pursuing the
courso they have marked out. In this position, gentlemen,
. the united governments stand oefore you. Only when the
. bandage shall have fallen from the eyes of all will it be
acknowledged that that which failes the German nation to a
' true communion, must e tea strengthen the Austrian empire
in its great Europe* a position, fulfil the historical mission of
' Prussia, and secure to tie individual states that security
seitnout which they most tall a sserdiee to the IV st political
temp, mt. But many mists will have to pars away botore the
day can become Rum :Kittle clear for this. God grant that
it mss not come too We. For the moment, gentlemen, we
, must limit ours 'lees openly, honestly, to what is really pm-
intik. We shall not ye- are arise a great united Germany,
but we can establish a larger Germany, a more extended

political 'mien of the German rams than our history can at
present show. We do not intend, indeed we canno., I re-
peat, tree any German government to join us against its
will, but we will not and cannot consent that any one should
be prevented from &dog so. This shows the necessity of
establishing the relations to the existing confederation of
1816. The united governments, however, must not take a
niggle retrograde step ; their path is pointed out to them by
justice and common sense; but they will not permit them
selves to be led into any acts to which these polar stars do
not point. This they can, after the most conscientious
minadon, assert of the step which has exiled us together.
The constitution which they (the marked goveraniente) lay
before you--celled together for the express purpose—can be
(ally justified by the Weser federal laws. It his been so
acutely explained, that it hardly nerds to be shown, unless
it is to those who studiously shut their eye., that the federal
act justifies the formation of any any union which is not op-
pond to the safety of the confederation itself. The mere in-
timate confederation does not endanger that security, either
internally sr externally, but, on the contrary, strengthens it.
On the other hand, the same justification is afforded
by the second principal source of the federal law,—
the Virile' final convention. That convention expressly
declares that even the Medication of the sovereign rights in any
one of the ter:Bones belonging to the confederation may
take place without the consent of the whole, if in favour of
one of the confederates. It cannot be doubted either that
one German state may unite with itself twenty-six others, by
inheritance or legal cession, without the consent of the rest
That member of the confederation would hove occupied its
place within it without endangering its existence. Can it,
then, I ask, he said, with even a semblance of justice, that
that which is permitted for the perfect (salon of twenty-seven
states is inadmissible, in the shape of a voluntary
federation of the came. The federal states would
not be relieved from any of the duties which they
have to fulfil towards the whole, and nothing would
have required alteration hut the proportion of votes. If that
was the case in the unaltered federal constitution every ob-
jection must be still more perfectly removed from that ,• gleam
alteration. are found to be necessary in the eld Feder,' laws.
I need not proceed to prove this in detail ; no one has as yet
ventured to deny the history of the last two years, or the
legal acts of the federal assembly, the last of which was, as
is well known, its own dissolution. Nur can it be doubted
either that the 'monis lion of tho confederation
of 1815, if it is to include all its former mem.
tiers, and the Austrian provinces, according to tee
constitution cf the 4th of March, cm only represent
a union epf states; a permanent alliance, therefore, of
independent state; without actual government or common
legislation, this cannot be doubted, I say, if things are call.,d
by their right names, The assertiou that is opposed to this
view renders it difficult to believe that the required intelli-
gence and the desirable honesty are united in thews who
seek. it. We for a long time wished M learn the views of
the courts which have refused to join us with regard to the
reorganisation of the federal constitution. Our wish re•
stained Meg unfulfilled. A project his now been
proposed, as you know, by the Bavarian. Widest-
berg, and Saxon governments. I will not anticipate
your judgment, but I mast beg to remark that it
is the expression of the idea for the rew formation
of Germany which is off -red me. The united governments
will seriously and honestly examine these proposals, and
will lay their remarks upon them before the respective
parties. At this moment negotivions cut, of coune, not be
thought of. But they must not impede our path ; we have
a serious duty to fulfil, and an indispensable problem to
Shoubi, meanwhile, the endeavours of all govern-
ments succeed in re.estatt:ishing the constitution of the po-
pular union in a new form, the federal rate will take care
to occupy in it its proper position. The task which here
lies before us is not less difficult, therefore, but rather more
urgent ; it offers more truuhle and less splendour ; it re-
quires more self-denial and off mils less satislvtion ; it pro•
tides more for the future than the present. But history,
gentlemen, offers not es crown to these whose tasks are
easy and light. but to those from whom are required
exertion and boar self-denial. Ibis exertion and self-denial
will be rewarded, if the united govcrnmenn, opposed by
many temptations and intimidations, faithfully abide by the
sacred duty which they have undeetaken, and if their term
'tentative', whom they have sent here, unite in the right
path with full and honest confidence. Both are necessary
conditions, but the only oats. Gentlemen, the old chreme
dors called the ancient town in which we ere met cicalas
paces. May it prove to us an abode of pt ace."

This address was frequently interruptcdby long and
loud bat sta of applause. It amply repays the barren-
ne-s and dulness of the opening address, between
which and the pres.nt a more striking contrast could
hardly be found. This last address has made a most
excellent impression ; it has revived the confidence of
all the friends of Germany in the intentions of the
Prussian government.
Immediately on the conclusion of the address, the
house adjourned until Wednesday, the 3rd of April.