The Express.
London, England, 1861-01-03 00:00:00

induce him to do that which be would have *me without
ay. (Crime of "No, no • you're wrong in your reckon-
leg.") But be had a still stronger objection to am treaty.
It was a humiliating triumph of the peareatra`.7-Prie•
party, and he would rata how it was achieved. There. liii•
raiddle-clara party—happil &very mall portico of the hitii.
lit andmoralaideolind ("oh, oh,"sod hires,—
' Eaglish middle thaii—sio omen that be hoped it had So
dinciplee in Shroud—whose pined* of action is, trade at
any price—(" Oh, eh "); and there me enthroned in high
places a more andwerrehe party, whom principle had been
place and parader at any price. (Laughter.) Now, these
two parties had again in common except an inability to
see or hear anything GA did not tell in favour of their own
views. He hared that they despised each other most
cordially, but they audited oath other mod effectually. He
would not piece them es the erne mousy level ; for Mr.
Cobden, Mr. Oladraam and Mr. Bright had this very
high title ho ear rimeetvre might deem them
=mond in apiaries Meal in tSetr coeclusione,
bat we felt them to be strong bemuse they
were known to be einem, and at times eves fanatical
in their belief. Me would net degrade than bye comps-
thee with mere puree- worshipping per'
poetess=
aeither the lire of patriotism we the pride of statesmanship
)—ruen who made nierchteadire of the coustitution and
miry of Enghnd by sudden oonerendons, not veiled even
in the decent *pommy of converted einem, but either
exhibiting the profligate audacityfemme mot, calculating,
skilful gamester, whose characters so well imown that he
surprises nobody. whilst he ricks at nothings (Oh, oh,
asked uprose.) Next in importaoce te the hooey was the
Isudget. Now the faults of the budget were en
all sides i= arreeriedged. It was the
first principle • • bodge income that the e shonbl
halance the e ; but the budget of Let year did
it no such thin . li listened to find an ramie of
71,000,000/. to an expenditure of 71,11 111 .• but
they managed to Orb by borrowing 4,1100 1i i . from the
income of 1861, • deficiency to that extent. Be-
aides that they ti an insufficient estimate for the Chinese
war, and nothing ai all far our new fertilisations. With
this unusual deli= they proposed to repeal the paper
duty, and make tip that deficiency by adding to the income
tax. To that proposal he objected on two grounds. First,
that the revenue could not 'pre the paper duty ; and next.
that it was a lees objectionable tax than the income
tax. And be should be surprised if his =natl.
Omuta did not agree with him in that conclu-
sion. (No, no.) On the first point there could be no
difference of opinion. Taxes ought to be repealed when
there was • surplus, but that there was none was proved by
the fact that the government had to impose new taxes, and
also to raise a loan. It was obvious then that the revenue
could not bear the repeal of the paper duty. Then with
respect to the second point. It was said that the paper
duty wan • more objectionable tax than the income tax.
To that he entirely objected, ad on • gronod also that
te inrested his constituent.. Putting aside the moral and
constitutional growth', be would assert that merely upon a
fiscal comparison of their merits the income tax was much
more odious, oppressive, and objectionable than the paper
duty. (Hear, hear.) It was said that the income tax
wee • direct tax, and that as all direct taxes fell
on the rich, the income tax . ought to be a
tax. Now, there Dever was l'ii greater financial I=7.
The returns which had been published showed that the tax
fell with a cruel rid crushing weight upon the poor man
whose income was 150/., whilst the person who paid on an
income of 30,0001. a year hardly felt the pressure at all.
The tax was to be judged of not by the amount paid but by
the severity of its effect on the payers, sod this specially
affected the poorer classes. [A-Voice.—What have you
done to relieve them 'l] Voted =Moist the income tax last
session, and had always done so. (Hear, hear.) If any of
those income-tax philanthropists whom bowels were always
yearning for the poor said that the repeal of the paper tax
—which in reality would principally benefit the paper-
makers, the booksellers, and the newspaper proprietor—was
a boon to the poor and struggling class, he would tell them
they were experimenting on the credulity of their auditors
to an extent which their intelligence wooMdetectanddefeot.
But before leaving that point he wished to make one more
remark. There were some persona who thought they were
doing the public good service by setting class against clam,
and exciting the poor against the rich, stating that the
upper. classes are the natural enemies of the poor, and
meaning by the upper classes the landed gentry. But the
returns showed that there were 150 individuals of the corn-
mewll clam who by their own endeavours had raised in-
wines averaging close upon 100,0001. Now there were not
50 noblemen who had that or half that income. Would
any one tell him that these oommerelal =gears were
not a portion of the upper closes! There was an 'Arco
eery of millowires se well as an tniabxmo7 of
lan&wners. Therms= equally eligible to be treed to die-
taries, and it sWealpt As ether day that the
raised to the peerage the son of • poor shephs& s‘rar,
hear.) [The right hon. gentlemen then proceeded, at con-
siderable length, to answer the charges of inconsistency
which had been brought against him by Mr. Bernard, in
having expressed opinions since his election for Stroud in
direct opposition to those which he enunciated when be re-
presented Cockermouth ; and in his own justification cited
several passages from his former speeches, pointing out cer-
tain portions which had been imperfectly quoted, and
mentioning one instance in which a purge con-
tained in a private letter had been represented as part
of a speech delivered by him in the House of Commas.]
These who have read and attended to his speeches would
tell them that he never bad belonged to that political school
to which they were attached. (A voice : " What school's
that TO They would tell them that in 1835 he braved un-
popularity in refusing to give any pledge through which be
could not see his way about the extension of the suffrage,
and he said that he would not be • party to any clap-trap
plan order it would have the effect intended. (laughter.)
When he first entered parliament the radical party had
leaders of whom any party might be proud. They were
men of high character, great eminence, and vast political
knowledge, with mot of whom he was verb
well acquainted. They had their councils and their
organisation, but he never was directly or indirectly
emaciated with them, cad for this reason, that there were
from the first differences of
i principlebetween them and him.
They were for organic change as an instrument of improved
administrative government, whereas from the first day be
entered parliament he avowed his principle to be improved
administrative government in every department as the best
means of effecting organic change; whether in the army, the
navy, the church, or the law, colonial or foreign administra-
tion at home or abroad, he had voted in favour of those im-
provement' whatever might be the ministry. There wan
not • single question in which he had been in advance of
the liberal gemenment themselves when they were out of
office. He had always protested against that blind and
suicidal pal* of the whigs by which they refused conces-
sion after ethersioo until they had disgusted and broken
7..."."..e1s part,. They. aimed at resuscitating and re-oon-
thenuedves in office by promising • reform bill.
illeThi moped to the question of the national defences.
Lad year it was charged against him that he had submitted
a proposal to the government which shocked the friends of
ersomy as well an the sincere advocates of pesos. When
he said that the Emperor might mean invasion, it was said
It was • provocation to war. When he stated that the ex-
peediture for the defence of the country would be eight
millions, it was said that he was extravagant. When he
went further, and said the sum should be raised by loan,
some persons thought he was labouring under insanity. It
was upon that occasion that Lord Palmerstoe sneered at
what be called " the rile fever." During the recess, the
rifle fever began to spread. The Prime Minister caught it,
and became a rifleman and the vice-president
of • ride association. Next session the Queen con-
gratulated parliament on the progress of the
rifle fever, and • few months afterwards she reviewed
sonic 22,000 rifle patients. (Hear.) But to crown all, in
July, 18511, his proposition having been defeated, Lord Pal-
merston, in July, 1860, came forward, reprodeced his (Mr.
Horseman's) arguments and hie proposal, pointed to the
Emperor of the French much more strongly than he (Mr.
Herman) had done, took the sum of ten millions, and even
the most novel and boldest part of his scheme—namely,
that the turn should be raised by way of loan. (Chasm.)
Of course a large majority having followed Lord Palmerston
into the lobby when he opposed his (Mr. !foreman's) plan, a
still larger majority followed him when he accepted it.
With respect to foreign affairs, they knew how often he had
ventured to warn them as to the dangers into which
they might turn from their special alliance with France,
and Let session when the eyes of the eceernmentlawerl
'try shoned Wuld wi thelitraratvferoPinligeotfeFrance,
xclueive and special alli-
ance, and cultivate a better understanding for their common
security with all the other cebinete of Europe. He was
blamed for the boldness of his counsel on that occasion, but
• very little time afterwards Lord J. Russell said the go-
vernment had adopted those views, and amidst the plaudit.
of the House of Commons added that England wan seeking
other Orson, and was ore more, prepared, if the noose.
city should erase, to lead Europa against any further air-
puska. (Cheers.) The right hos. gentleman next referred
to the eft peat questions which were brought under the
coneiderstor of parliament last seedoo, and proceeded to
ask if it was possible to point out one on which he had any
came to regret the course he had adopted. (A Voice :
" Yee, you have. Upon every one," and laughter.)
There wag not one of those questions on which at the
commencement of the discussion he was not at issue, and
at painful issue, with the government and the liberal
party ; but there was not one of these questions on which
the government and the liberal party, before the close of
the discuadon, did not come round to his views. (Laughter.)
There was no vote, or sentiment, or speech of
which be had the smallest cause to feel regret.
He was sensible of the geoeral kindness and courtesy he ex-
perienced from his constituents, although he knew that some
of them differed from him, and he was afraid would always
do so; yet they were frank and manly opponent.. He did
not ask any one for their clemency, mercy, or even for their
forbearance. He stood there for justice ; and not to him
ghee, but justice to themselves. They had sent him to per-
liament to represent their principles. (Derisive cheering
• and greet laughter.) He would ask them to which of the