The Express.
London, England, 1857-08-01 00:00:00

society transferred to another country, anti ruled by
the same Government as Great Britain, with the
lame intervention of a local government. Thu,
when the collision gradually reached the crisis of a
war, all intelligent Englishmen understood and felt
the cue as well as, and not a few of them bettor
then Government itself. Our hthens el all mob
meisallinp were prenrelively user of the doefor
et big es earl► owl d Hts pair born et
vela lees. Theo might be, sad there week Misr-
emesa of opinion as te what ought to be dose, and
what might be Impeded. but every educated person
Law very well what the excitement was about, so
id the nation's mind and heart entered into the
beims, and became in the fullest sense a party to
It. We should be very thankful to be able to may
as much at the present hour, under the partial
revolt of our great Eastern dependency. Bat
we doubt—to speak the plain truth—whether
more than a small minority of our people know
how many Praideneies we have in India, or new
stand the theory and hot of the double Government.
or know why the inhabitants of India are not onr
fellow-subjects in the same sense as the residents of
Australia or Canada. The knowledge absolutely
necessary for enabling society in general to think
and feel as earnestly and strongly m the small
Anglo-Indian section among us, is not to be had in •
day ; and yet not a day must be lost in instituting
action in which every citizen must be involved, and
ought to be implicated intelligently and willingly.
Measures mast be adopted, responsibilities incurred,
ventures made, a stake played for—in sheet, a
solemn crisis met, in which every citizen ought to
participate, bat which not one in a hundred Is la
any degree qualified even to have an opinion upon.
The time is not distant when we may all take
counsel how the prevalent ignorance may best be
cured. But the most pressing consideration *what
is beet to be done under the actual condition.

The most effectual way in the world with us—the
people of England—is an appeal to the morale of the
human being, from the heart and the lips of some
leader who is beyond all suspicion of that sentimenta-
lity which Joan Butt is apt to distrust. When Pam.
proposed, amidst a wilderness of enemies, to take our
finances in hand, and put an end to the annual deficit
by the re-imposition of en income tax, he brought
almost the whole nation round to him by his apt
and sincere reference to the "alacrity of spirit"
which is the first born and the noble offspring of
adversity. lie gained much by his animating re-
ferences to the courage and patriotism of the preced-
ing generation at the time of the Nor, mutiny,
the black aspect of the war, and precariousness
of even our national existence ; but the true word of
power was the mention of the " alacrity of spirit
invoked by the pressure of difficulty. Strongly
resembling this was the resolution of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, moved es an amendment on Mr. Bananas,
on Monday night. The proposal to assure the
Quer...4 of our sympathy and support to her Govern-
ment under the present crisis in India is wady
what every English heart is sure to respond to. It
is enough for our people to be assured that the
Sovereign is anxious, and the Administration
burthened with a great solicitude, to stir us all up to
do what we can. Sympathy will generate inquiry—
and inquiry will in time bring knowledge. Mean-
while, we have a most substantial material prosperity
to proceed upon, in our efforts to rectify our affairs in
Asia. We shall be willing to pay what is needful ;
and we trust we may be wise in some points which
are of more importance than voting money, and
paying our taxes cheerfully.
Every one of us may do something in discounte-
sawing party strife. We have no time for a war
ef words, and no strength to waste in recrimina.
tilos. AU grounds of blame or praise may be gone
over by and by, and certainly will be when the hour
has come for deciding on the future government of
India in general and Bengal in pert/Arlan At pre-
sent, if party men will growl and challenge, let
nobody heed them. The mischief done by the pose
men daring the late war would have been weft
worth noticing but for its effect abroad, and espe-
cially on our antagonist and neutral parties with
hostile feelings. Than is not the same danger in
the present case. Censors and satirists in Parlia-
ment or elsewhere can hardly produce any prae-
deal effect beyond oar own bounds. It may be
true, or it may net, that Russia watches our Indies
troubles with hope and exultation ; that our Mimi.
des are a ne w stimulus to American ambition; anithat
the European powers tell one another that oarpreedge
is lowered by the events of the late war, and the
threatening condition of our Eastern. territories. It
is of little consequence whether our neighbours hold
this view or another of our methods and our re-
morose, in comparison with the consideration whether
we are adequate to the trial of the hour, and likely
to make it ileac in good. If there are many among
• who really take to heart, in the first place, our
reputation for military skill and power in the vs
ef states which are still under the military Ow et
eivilisation, that sensitiveness may week to the
one sod as a nobler quality, in inducing nark ktli•
viimal to devote himself in any national esnergeneys
Mt k would be a better thing to convince oureshas
of re extent in which the national conscience,
raiser than ambition—the national character, rather I
than reputation—is involved in retaining oar
Indian dominion, and improving to the high-
at point the quality of our rule. Wo need
no
stimulus from the comments of the world.
Owe fully aware that upon us depends the
place and progress of the main part of Asia, the
advance of civilisation in a whole continent, and the
welfare of a hundred millions of people, whom we
to anonood from barbaric tyranny in all its varieties,
nod engaged to sustain under higher conditions of
aristence, we shall have little solicitude left for
what the gazing world may say of us, and may com-
mit ourselves to the heroic enjoyment of doing what-
ever can be done, and enduring what cannot be
(moped.
It is a great hoar for all hearty Englishmen. We
cannot all it a crisis, or an emergency, beams we
do not believe that our Indian dominion is in dotter,
or that we are unfurnished with the riesensle
demanded by events. But an occasion whisk le
neither a crisis nor an emergency may be a very
anxious and a very solemn one ; and it is thus that
we regard the present shock to our empire in Ben-
gal. It is no small matter that we are all remem-
bering at the same moment that the reign of a King,
whom some of us have seen with our own eyes, will
ever stand in history as that in which we lost can
American colonies. It is no small matter that the
reign of VICTORIA will stand in history as that se
which our supremacy in India received its tint
great shock; and it must quicken the throb of every
sound heart among us to speculate on what
the isms will be—what the event which will finally
mark the present reign. As we have said, wo have
no apprehension of the low of our great Dependency,
or of any part of it. It such a thing were possible,
it ought to be a subject of mourning to the entire
human race. Short of that speculation, however,
the problem is sufficiently grave. We must have
much to suffer yet, in lass of life probably, and cer-
tainly in low of repose, confidence, and complacency.
We may calmly trust that we can bear the suffering,
and we know that it will pass away. The more