The Express.
London, England, 1857-07-17 00:00:00

(Stamped ld. Additional.) [TWOPENCE.

Versa bed been 'nand is, I meet confetti, rather tee sadden ,
a leap for me. (Hear, bear.) Taking his preemies', I should '
have thought our best pole/ would have been to conciliate
l'emia. It may Lc said that they had violated a treaty, but
then the conventiern with regard to Herat were of a vague
and undefined character, and there were many lee-Tholes of
which advantage might be taken. One thing ie tolerably
door, that if the governor of Ilerat suede incursions into
the Persia territory, the Shah could not have
' been prevented taking Atria in retaliation. The
Pena government was ready to acknowledge the inde-
pendence of Herat; and if it had not been fur the trumpery
quarrel got up at oar missies, the probability ie that by the
usual diplomatic means we should have 00018 to an under-
shading, and that the subsequent war might have been pre-
vented. (Hem, bear.) The war may coat a million—per-
haps two—it may have been imprudent to take the troops
;away from India-1 shall not pretend to say so, but at the
same time these wars disturbed men's 'elude, and gave rise
to those vast speculations which are natural to the Eastern
imaginatiou. It seem, to me that when you obtained peace
with Kama that was the time to commence a general policy
eat peace. (Hear, hear.) We should then have been as
friendly with Rama as with any other power in Europe,
end have endeavoured as much as poweible to tranquil-
lise the world, which had been disturbed by our contort.
Having eo concluded that war, I cannot but think that it is
oar Intelsat, and the interest of the world, that the pears
which has been established should be maintained. Our inte-
rests extend all over the civilised world—there is no kart of
any sea—ln the cast, in the west, in the north, or in the
south—tea which we have not some interest more or lees eon-
aderable, end where we have not sometimec unfortunately
chosen an agent, in whom hounds large powers are neces-
sarily entrusted. It is impossible to avoid trifling quarrels
Priapic at times at some ono or other of there places, and the
cady weer to keep peace Is to endeavour to entueth down
these differences as they arise, and to instruct the agent. to
bring them, if possible, to a rational and speedy conclusion,
and that while they did not sacrifice any of our engagemente
or our great interests, to recollect that it is neither our aim
nor wish to inflame those differences and thole quarrels, but
rather to avoid and put an end to them. (Hear, hear.)
Then sentiments which I have ventured to express are,
I trust, not adverse to those which both the
bou.e and the government entertain. (Hear, hear.) I re-
gret that the war with Persia and them humilities In China
should have made it mummery now to vote this sum of
money—which, however, I sin pereiladed every hon. member
present will be ready to vote—but in the hope that it will be
the desire and the object of the government to do all in their
power, without writhing the honour and the interests of
the country, le primerve that pea*. which we have obtained
et ere much omit. (Cheere.)
Captain SCOTT would certainly support the government,
considering as he did that in a eerie like the present they
should all put their elionlders to the wheel to strengthen
them instead of weakening their influence and power by
apparent diamiaions. Speaking as one who bad resided
many years in India (from 1827 to 1842)—who bad been in-
terpreter in all the dialects—who had mixed much with the
I natives and had them under his anbjeetien, he believed we
hod brought these trouble. upon ourselves, principally by
enter large annexations of territory, whist, bad eimeerially cur-
tailed the eepoy's privilege of furlough, and compelled hint
when Le obtained it, to travel perhaps 5(0 or f))0 miles to hiti
hem,

..... .
After a few words fmtn Mr. K►.a, the purport of which
could not be collected in the gallery,
Mr. WALPOLE said that no sufficient excuse had been
met up for the government. lie would, however, in the pre-
meat critical eircumetancee, avoid giving any opinion which
might tend to embarrass the government, end would, there-
fon•, vote Cro going into committee.
Colonel SYKES oppored the motion of Mr. Roebuck.

Ur. V. SMITH defended the conduct of the government,
sod mid the conetitutional part of the question resolved ileelf
....aderation whether "

into the remunerate,. it iwu o; wax not n to
sell parliament together between the lith of December, I
and the 3rd of February, 111.57. Any advantage from Kevin;
done go would have boon more than counterbebuiced by the

inconvenience to which it would Lave given rise. The 'right
hon. gentleman defended the war with Persia on the ground
of the long-continued provocation which that country hod
°itemd to this country, up to its crowning offence of the
seizure of Ilerat.

Mr. GLADSTONE (who on rising wax cheered from both
aides of the Louise) ottoened that the question raised by Mr.
Roebuck's motion was one of eatraoromery gravity and in-
tereet. He took en unfavourable view of the policy of the
Persian war, and was sceptical ea to the world-wide imper-
tanee ascribed to the city of Ilerat. The power of England
had nothing to fear so long ea it wee exercited with justice,
though our own folly might create difficulties and dangers.
The policy of the Persian war, however, was not embraced in
the terms of the motion; but, as peace had been made on
terms lees unfavourable to Persia then Persia herself had
offered, we had gone to war for an object which, se Rennes we
eoennien.ced hostilitiee.we found it inexpedient to pureueorun-
attainable, the original sine gem non being the dismissal of
the Sedr Arcot. An to the eonetitutional question, the au-
thority of parliament would be greatly curtailed if whatever
could he dune by a minister by means of an Indian army and
an Indian exerutive might be begun, continued, and ended
without its ascent ; but he denied tb it the Persian war ought
to be exempt from the control of parliament. Adverting,
however, to the feet that the eireurnelancos referred to in the
nit resolution occurred prior to the dieulution, he wee wil-
ling to waive pressing hoots that reeolnt ion provided he
had security that the liberate and privileges of that boons
were guaranteed against the formidable dangers involved in
the precedent.
Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I cannot concur either with
the comaitutional doctrine or with the constitutional conduct
oldie bon. and learned gentlemen who has moved these re-
solutions. If I underetand the conatituttonal doctrine which
the hon. owl learned gentleman endeavoured to lay down, it
is this that the crown hoe no right either to make war or to
make peace without previous communication with and the
concurrence of parliament. Now, I deny that doctrine to be
any part of the constitution of this country. I contend, on
the contrary, that the constitution of the country vests in the
crown the prerogative and the discretion of war and of
peace ; but with this reserve, that when the advisers of the
crown have deemed it their duty to counsel their sovereign
either to engage in war or to pot an end to war by a treaty
of peace, that it is the duty of these advisers to lay before ,
parliament, if sitting, the grounds upon which either the
one course or the other has bees, adopted ; and if parliament
be not sitting when the interests of the country are deemed
to be such as to require a recourse to war, I frankly admit
that it is their duty to take the earliest opportunity of calling
parliament together for the purism.° of laying before them
the ground,. on which that course hoe been taken. I should
be the laid man in the world to deny that general propueition.
I maintain, however, that in the course to which
the motion alludes, there were circumstance*, which rendered
it a temporary exception to that rule. I must observe how-
ever, that there is a wide distinction between the conduct of
the hon. and learned gentleman rind the doctrine of the right
bon. geatleman the member for Oxford. The hon. and
learned gentleman declares that in any case in which a war
had been undertaken, when no pert of the expense was to be
paid nut of the revenure of the country, that then it was a
ease is which parliament had no ground to interfere, saberwie
the right hon. gentleman contends that even in the ease of
ladle war, carried on within the limits of India, and with
regard to which no charge whatever would be thrown on
this country—that, even in that cage, the principle would
apply. I leave the bon. and learned gentleman, and the
piglet bon. gentleman to settle which of the two principles
they should adopt. Now, with regard to the ease itself ; I
am quite ready to admit that it does involve a question which
parliament is entitled to have well explained to them,
and which if not leer capable of explanation and if it were
drawn into a precedent, might bo attended with injurious
and improper consequences. But the right hon. gentleman
is quite mistaken (and I think he could net have been pre-
sent during the earlier course of the evening) in guying that
no explanation has been given by any member of the govern-
ment of any peculiar eircumetances which took this tare out
of the general rule. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and
the President of the Board of Control stated at length and
in greet detail why it was not a case in which it was nem...t-
eary that parliament should be consulted. It has been con-
tended by some that parliament should have been called
together when the foreo was sent off to Bombay. I think my
right hon. friend's answer is perfectly conclusive.
It would have been the height of absurdity to
hare proclaimed to the world that we were making
preparations for waging war in a certain event which might
or might not happen. Then it was said that parliament
might to have been called together in September when the
Governor-General gave orders for the expedition. I eav it
was premature even then to call parliament together, le-
raw* it was impossible to say that eircumetnnees might not
have occurred in India winch might have prevented the
Governor-General from prosecuting the war. The earliest
moment when parliament could have been consulted with
propriety on the subject was when we had knowledge of the
declaration of war. WOll, at that time parliament was
al.ed together for the 3rd of February. The Christmas
holidays were now, and the earliest period at which parlia-
ment could have been called together was the first or second
week in January; and therefore the only hole*, if there
were any lathes at all, was in not calling parliament to-
gether between the middle of January end the 3rd of
February. (Hear, bear.) If tLo war had been one with as
European power involving great sad serious consequence.,
and Likely to require the immediate co-operation of paean-
meet, he admitted that even that short period ought to have
been avoided—(boar, hear)—but considering the remoteness
.1 the ease of action, considering that no immediate requisi-
tion was called for from parliament, bethought it would have
been attaching more importance to the mutter than it de-
reeved if they had issued a proclamation to call parliament
together • fortnight sooner on the announcement that
war had been commenced in l'ersis. We did, in the
beginning of the session, in the speech from the throne, com-
municate the fact of this dispute with Persia, and the mili-
tary operations which had taken place. Where was the hen.
and learned gentleman then? Where was his constitutional
jealousy e Where was my tight hon. friend the member fur
Oxford? Where was my right hon. friend the member for
i Cambridge P Where were all these constitutional champion.?

I (Metro.) Silent es the grave. Where was the vote of
cacique? Where was the reprobation which the hon. and
leaned gentleman now wishes to draw down upon
us? Why, there are things which sre said, like
the oat, to be long in attaining maturity ; but when they do
attain it their strength and power are great in proportion to
the time they have been acquiring them. And so with the
indignation of my hon. and learned friend. He did not get
up on the first or second day of the session and say, " Yon
have just pit us into a war with Persia end have not called
pal hemenl together. I willprop see vote of censureupon you."
He has brooded over his indignation from February till July,
and now comes forward with a vote, not of censure, but of
reprobation, with a strength of language proportioned to the
thee it has bean euspandded and the heat of the weather.
(Cheers and laughter.) As to his constitutional principles,
I do not think the country will applaud them, and the time
that has intervened and the moment he hue chosen prove
ho is not a very ardent ore very ready champion of our eon-
etitutional priviligee. What is the moment he has chosen?
Ho has waited until the feelings and marietiee of the country
are roused and agonised by the accounts we have received
from India; ho has waited until the moment when the go-
vernminat an: engaged with ell their wind and all their
thoughts in providing for the difficulties of the hour. But, sir,
hes he even given the bailee the notice which is emusl and
customary when a member is about to propose anything
' which he thinks of great importance ? No, air. The hon.
end horned gentleman suddenly bethought himself yesterday
evening, about six o'clock, that he would call attention to
the evil doings of the government last year, and at ode o'clock
he gave notice of what he would do this evening. That, sir,
Is a departure from the ordinary practice of parliament. Ile
proposed to call the attention of the hone* to a subject of
greet importance, with regard to which papers of acne mag-
nitude had been laid on the table; and I think it was only
due to members—l do not talk of the government, for we
are always ready (laughter)—l say he has failed
in the respect due to members' in not giving
them time to reperuse these ;ape., and he ebould especially
have given time to the new inembera—(aughter)—to acquire
information. The tiohle lord proceeded to obeerve, with re-
spect to 'lend, that if there were no Russia on one side and
no British India on the other, it would be a matter of indif-
ferewao in whose possession it was. But, Herat being the
her of Afghanistan and India, and Persia, a weak power,
le ing next door neighbour of Russia, the porseeeion of Herat
by the former would facilitate its acquieition by the latter,
and, even without the invasion of India, this would shako
the confidence in our power in India and the fidelity of our
alli e,
. .

Mr. DISRAELI would freeness on the house for a short
tire while be explained the course which, on the present oe-
rieion, ho felt it hie duty to adopt. (Hear, hear.) He would
not attempt to enter on the vexed question of Pereian poli-
tic., in which he believed, however, hie impreiterans were
moor accurate than these prevailing on the Treasury bench.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer told them Persia wee the
yawed of Ruse* bat the President of the Board of Control
told them it was with great difficulty he could prevent
Persie from falling into the acme of England, her natural
ally. (Hear, hear.) When dogtmn no discordant and °pl-
ateas so contrary were held on a vital question by the im-
portant menden; of the cabinet, he must be excused if he had
Set much confidence in their views on Persian polities. It
eras not his intention either to enter into what he most
call the awful question of the present elate of Indie,on which
however, be had the opinion of two members of the cabinet.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer bad told them that India
was now suffering from • momentary and unexpected impulse
wising front euperstitious causes; an if an outbreak extending
from the l'unjaub to Calcutta could be called the effect of a
sadden impulse, and he could hardly believe that it
led arisen from • slight cause. In his opinion
the nose must be looked for much deeper than appeared
to be the opinion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Ile believed it had been occasioned by a long cowrie of We-
governnimit—(hear),—and if it wee the opinion of hor Ma-
jeley's ministers that the present condition of India was
occasioned only by the temperary and unexpected canes
which bad been urged by the Chancellor of the Exchequer
he should have much less confidence than he could willingly
in the remedial memoirs which the government
Ce p'rsoperied, and in the further ones which he trusted they
were prepared to propose with respect to India, than under
the circumstance.. he could poseibly pretend Le peewee&
(Hear, beer.) Dismissing, then, l'enrian politico—dismiss-
ing that grave question which must soon engage theme-
aid...ration of parhament—he would for a moment advert to
the real question which the house was called upon to decide.
The hen. and learned member for Sheffield had proposed
some resolutions by way of amendment to the motion foe
going into committee of supply. Those resolutions might
be crouched in strong language—that was n question of
degreeof little moment; but would any gentlemen pretend
for ono moment to say that they did nut express a con-
stitutional principle, and that it was not expressed
in nervous, proper, end parliernentary language ? (Hear.)
Whether the reeelution applied to the circumstances of the
case—whether the inferences drawn by the hen. and learned
gentleman were strabeiently sustained by the premises—were
fitting questions for discussion. But for these resolutions
• w the of parliament--expressing a coruiti-
• bird even Dv the